The Sun. — London, England, 1858-06-01 00:00:00

or indemnity was not to be settled off hand; but her Ma. jesty's Government believed that the compensation they Wdemanded for the British engineers was a just claim, and that they would succeed in getting it. (Cheers.) Mr. ROEBUCK said his question was involved in the first question, which the right hon. gentleman did not answer. He therefore had bad notice of it. (Hear.) VACCINATION. Mr. MONSELL asked the Vice President of the Privy Council Committee, whether his attention had been called to the fact, that out of 1,636 deaths reported to have taken place from all causes in the quarter endirg the 31st March, 1858, at Burton-on-Trent, Sheffield, and Merthyr Tydfil, 419 were reported to have been caused by small-pox ; and whether he proposed to intro duce any amendment of the Vaccination Act? Mr. LIDDELL said his attention had been called to the report, and he regretted to find that in many other places the deaths from small-pox were so great as to amount to nearly one-third of the deaths during the quarter. The spread of smallpox was as much to be at tributed to bad vaccination as to neglect of it. At present he was not prepared to introduce a measure for the amendment of the present law, but he thought a remedy would be provided by the second clause of the Pubhc Health Act, that was set down far second reading this eight. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE—MR. WASHINGTON WILKES. Mr. M. GIBSON presented a petition from Mr. Washington Wilke, who was committed on Friday last to the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms for a libel on Mr. Clive, M.P., published in the Carlisle Examiner. The petitioner stated that the author of the information in the article had misunderstood the information con veyed to him, and that he (Mr. Wilkes) un reservedly retracted the imputation conveyed in the State minutes on Mr. Clive relative to his dealing in the Caledonian Railway, whilst the case was pending. He did not retract on Friday, because be then thought the retractation was to have reference to the whole of the article, and not that part only, imput ing corrupt motives to Mr. Clive. He (Mr. Gibson) moved that the petition should be printed and pub lished with the votes, with a view to Mr. Wilkes's dis charge. The motion for printing and circulation was then agreed to. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved that on and after the 10th of Jane the Government orders of the day should have precedence of notices of motion, which, after a desultory discussion, was agreed to. right hon. gentleman's purpose. Bat will not the right I they were actuated on the opposition benches—(cheers)—a hon. gentleman explain what were the grounds on which i Government which publishes libels on former advisers of he made that most injudi c i o u s an d imp r oper i the Crown, and attacks on former Mi n i s t ers —(h ear ) — a Go (Hear, hear.) It was a s t a t emen t ea t en ' te , to affect e stat 1 vernment which sends forth to the wo r ld an d pu b l i s h es to m e n t the e ? ' public credit, a state me nt ca l cu l a t e d to throw distrust into j the who e of India principles whi c h, if carr i e d i nto execu all our commer c i a l t ransac ti ons , be c ause when men are tion , would lead to the dismembe rmen t o f oar I ndian em told that they were totally ignorant that we were within pire—a Government which, from whatever motives it may a few hours of war with France, how can we expect confi- have been actuated ; publishes to the w or ld th e most offen dence to exist with regard to the commercial relations of sive and insulting remarks on a Mini s t er o f th e C rown i n rto _ the one of our foreign dependen c i es . (Ch eers. ) the country ? Is it not an indiscretion on the . pa _ f ministers of the Crown thus to throw distrust into all the The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The statement commercial transactions of the country ?If the had been well founded and in accordance with the then facts ßa i t t unfortunate circumstance which has recently occurred in was an improper statement to melee there and if it was not so, if the right loon• gentiomlanenhvayd.hniom• state t m h a a r t k c s o o u f nt t r h y e n w o h h i l c e h l f o o r r d m . ed A th g e en s t u le b m je a c e t of of part of hthaveiroeg reasons wherewith to j . ustity his opinion, done or written something which offended a powerful body, th a state o f fo mind z w o h v i e c r h n l m e ae' government m a which be belongs, to as was called to account by a member of that body ; he met popularityinorder to gain a -little whichwith matter the sert that they had accommodated a with his opponent without any hesitation, and in the first en lculated to produce a war late government was ea he used, and "hours" counter conducted himself with fair repute and success. Franca And " war" was the term . 'mere interruption of our friendly (Cheers.) But no sooner did that occur in this house, which the period, it was not a . butactually war with our ally. (Hear.) Bat if relations, was last Friday, than another gentleman, one whose fierce reference and indiscreet with this statement was injurious i mien and considerabl e re p u t a ti on it i s suppose d w ill p u t to the affairs of this country, how much more was it nju rious with regard to taken upon himself to demand satin that power feel that it has been accused of a covert inten- faction, accompanied by a considerable body of other gen tion to attack this country within an hour, without our tlemen, who seem by their presence to signify that if the being prepared for it ? Is not that imputing to France second assault is not more successful than the first he will something approaching to disloyalty and treachery ? I have others to succeed hi m , (Ch eers .) I h o p e th a t m y call upon the right hon. gentleman t o exp l a i n or re t ract the assertion he then made. (Hear.) I again affirm, speak- words will not apply to anybody in this horse ; but I meant ing from my knowledge as the then First Lord of the Tree- to state that I cannot at all believe that ray fate in this sury, that there was nothing whateve r betw een the twogo- seemed encounter will be so unfortunate as that of the tin vernments to indicate, in our opinion, any probability of happy gentleman to whom I have referred. (Hear.) But I there being any serious dispute, much less the state of things which the right hon. gentleman has so strongly described. cannot help saying, considering that the noble lord has There may have been differencesbetween the governm en t s , come from the c oun t r y t o make his assault, after th epresentgovernmentcameinto office, there may have greatly over-stated the case, which was morn temperately been charges or complaints of intentions evaded and pro- urged on Friday night. Let me remove the gnat misconcep mises broken. That I know nothinc , about. It is possible tion on which his argument w as f oun d e d. First of all, no that that immi nence o f war which the right hon. gentle man has attempted to charge upon our administration, may inadvertently, doubt he ascribed to me words which I not have taken place after the present Government came into only never used but had no intention of using, I never said office. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman went on, in that when we came into office this country was on the verge of war. boasting speech, to allude to the affair of the Cagliari, and What I did say was this—that the war might have been an he claimed credit for the present Government for having affair not of weeks or days, but of hours. Rear, hear, rescued our countrymen from the dungeon in which they from the Opposition.) But the statement that by ' that I were immurred, and for having brought them to this coon- from to convey the impression that the late Government try. (Loud cheers from the Ministerial side.) But these had left affairs in such a state that war was inevitable is an men had been set free, and handed over to the charge of entirely fallacious one. (Oh, oh.) I will admit ill that the the consuls at Naples, before the present Government came n into office. (H ear .) Th ey h a d b ot h b een rescue d f rom t h e noble lord now says. I w ill a d m it th a t w h en ki n Govern dungeon, and placed i n a compara ti ve l y h ea lth y p l ace o f merit retired there wa s no p rospec t o f a war w ith F rance. imprisonm en t b e f ore th e present Government came i nto (Cheers from the Oppositi on .) B u t th a t i s exac tly th e ad on office. (No, no.) B u t as t o t h e t r i a l t o w hi c h th ey h ave b een mission e, which the accur a cy o f m y o b ser v a tion r e s t s . brought, I exp ec t e d an answer t o th e ques ti on that we.s put Of course, when there was a G overnmen t w i le b a d avo id e d about half an hou r ago —l expec t e d th e r i g ht h on. gen tl e - answering a despatch w hi c h it was suppose d conveye d an Go man to say that they h a d b een un j us tl y t r i e d— th a t th e l aw insult to the peopl e o f thi s coun t ry, w h en t h ere was a s vernment who not only d ec li ne d answer i ng thi s supposed officers hal advised that co m p ensa ti on was , c l ue —th a t th e Government had demanded that compensation, and had iusuling, despatch, but also ag ree d t o introduce a bill into this house to change the l a w s o f E ug l ane l, o f course it was triumphantly obtained it. That yet remains to be stated, (Hear.) That was one of the b oas t s w hi c h th e r i g ht h on , easy for a Government of th a t ki n d t o ma i n t a i n a goo d un - gentleman made. Then he wen t on t o sa y—f ur th e greater derstanding with a Power w h ose p ur p oses th en (th a t P ower part of his speech seemed to be an a tt ac k u p on th e l a t e G o - being entirely misled) th e G overnmen t was prepare d t o vernment that there was an i n t r i gue carr i e d on —l p re - fulfil. (Hear.) But th e momen t th e c h ange o f G overnmen t same by us—to bring abo u t a b ou t a war b e t ween S ar di n i a took place, the moment th ere was an a d m i n i s t ra ti on b oun d, and Naples. I utterly deny th a t th ere i s an y t ru th i n th a t in deference to a re so l u ti on o f thi s h ouse , to answer, end assertion; and I have no doubt that the right hon. gentle- in a becoming ma nner , th a t suppose d insulting despatch— man will have the goodness to state the gr o unds on which the moment there was a G overnmen t w h ose fi rs t d u ty it it was made. He alw a y s sa ys th a t th e y h ave p er f orme d was to declare to the G overnmen t o f F rance th a t th ey were wonders in the way of finance. He says th a t the re was an not prepared at their i ns t ance t o recommen d an y c h ange immense deficit—millions of deficit—(cheers from the Go in the laws of England, th e h ouse w ill see th a t a t suc h a moment the issue 'of peace or war was most imminent vernment side)— and that this immense deficit had been got (hear, hear)—that it did depend upon weeks or less--(hear rid of simply by a small tax upon ardent spirits and a penny hear)—and that It was not so much a question between duty upon bankers cheques. (Hear.) Why, sir, if an im- the Governments of the two countries as between the ex mouse deficiency is to be got rid of by such easy methods cited feelings of the two nations. (Hear, hear ) And those the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer would be much who have attended to the circumstances know that the ex easier than it is. (A. laugh.) But I regret to say that pressions I used in Buckinghamshire were not inadvertent Sire Government have only proposed that which they were or inaccurate, or exaggera Led expressions, but that they were afraid to meet. (Hear.) Tney have thrown upon other years perfectly warranted, historically accurate expressions, such that deficiency which they shrink to meet this year. (Hear, as could be used at that time, not only without giving hear.) So far from that being a subject of boast, if it is offence to France, but, on the contrary, only referring to cir their lot to bring forward a budget next year, as they seem cumsts.nces which then existed. And, how_did the Govern to suppose it will be, I think their vaunting will be its own mentact in that position? C.dled upon to pursue a policy punishment, and that they will then have a larger defici- at a moment when the noble lord tells us there was sco w which to contend with. (Hear, hear.) The next point on rity for a good understanding between the countries, dew colleagues, the right hon. gentleman belauded himself and his did government act? Her Majesty's Ministers trusted to colleagues, and cast opprobrium upon us was the question the great sagacity and natural good disposition of that of India. The right hon. gentleman said that our policy eminent person who rules France. They believed that, if was one of unmitigated vengeance and massacre. On this all the circumstances ware lfrought before his unerring I may appeal to the words I uttered many months ago, as judginent—(hear, hear)—that if the question was extri intimating the policy which we had recommended to Lord cried from the influence of those parinites of both conn- Canning, and which I have no doubt he was about to follow. tries who had induced him to believe that the people of I stated at a public meeting—not like that which the right this country would submit to a change in their laws- hon. gentleman addressed on Wednesday—that the policy knowing the complete knowledge which the Emperor of of Lord Canning would be to punish the guilty, to spare the France had of England, knowing his great sagacity sad is and to reward the deserving. (Hear, hear.) That his natural good disposition, they were confidant that, is the policy by which we stand—not the policy of massacre if he was called uponaition, to the consideration of the and confiscation. (Hear.) Therefore it is a libel upon us question, he would decide as was best for the happi to accuse either us or him of having fallen back upon a ness of both countries ; and their confidence in that principle of unmitigated vengeance and general massacre. eminent parson was not placed in vain. (Hear, hear.) (Hear, hear.) But the right hon gentleman said they were From that moment week after week, and month going to rebuild and reconstruct the government of India after' mouth, our relations assumed a more cordial upon a secure and sure foundation ; and the method by character—(cheers)—and, under these circumstances, was which they aim at that is by sending forth to all the world I not justified in saying that we maintained peace, and and publishing to all the netiene of India, a proclamation that inestimable alliance on which the civilisation of the purpose of which tended to the dismemberment of our Europe so much depends ? (Hear, hear.) Therefore the empire, and the object of which was to weaken and under- observations of the noble lord to prove that the late mine the power of the Governor-General of India. (Hear.) government of the Queen did not leave this country on And that is their reconstruction of our Indian empire. the eve of war were founded on a fallacy. I admit the Bat the right hon. gentleman was somewhat severe upon whole case of the noble lord in the very words of the his colleagues, lie said, speaking of the manner in which noble lord, that " there was nothing when he went out of the latedebate h thadmen been oni conducted, those that the only speeches office which threatened war b e t ween th e t wo countries; " he grn were of memb not but then the condition on which peace depended was in connected with the Government. Anybody who heard financed by the change from a shameful and truckling that speech, and knew nothing more of the matter, would policy which had been pursued by the late Government-- suppose that the Government had not said a word, and a policy which was not only not for the honour of this that the whole defence of the Government was left to inde- country, but,- as I believe, opposed to the interest and ad pendent members. (Hear, hear.) Did the right hon. gentle- vantage of Fresco, our faithful ally. I believe no one is man forget that there were four speeches—five, indeed— more convinced of that now than the Emperor himself, made from the Treasury benches, all remarkable speeches ? and that is proved by the way in which the news of the (Hear, hear.) Did ha forget the speech of the Solicitor- trial of Bernard was received in that country. His General—a speech which I shall not easily forget? (Hear, Ma hear.) That was a speech of great ability—of great promise —and one that, even though made against us, I was glad to hear from any member of this house—especially from one who is a distinguished member of his profession. (Hear.) If was a speech, no doubt-, somewhat forensic in its character—that is to say it was the speech of an advocate speaking from a brief, and liable to be met by an Par hon, an I learned member on the other side. (Hear, hear, and "No, no.") But it was an admirable speech, and not one to be passed over asit was by the right hon. gentle:pee. There was the speech of the Attorney-General for Ireland testy felt that the law of England had been fairly appealed to and administered in his own case, and the Government felt convinced that the administration of the law, though ono result could be more mortifying or disappointing, could never la,co•Le a source of misunderstanding and coldness betwein the two countries. I was justified, therefore, in stating that I had, in unison with the declaration of Par lianlint, vindicated and maintained the honour of Eng land, without forfeiting that alliance which, I am proud to say, exists wi th the mose cordial feeling on both sides, but which, according to the noble lord, could only be pre -a speech marked by the national e lo quence an d th e man l y served by pursuing a p o li c y w hi c h thi s country repu di ated. (Hear, hear.) Havin g m a d e th a t s t a t emen t w hi ch the no b le power with avli.da be always addressed the house—not s ) lord- I will not say perverted, because I believe he misun ornamental as the speech of the Solicitor-General—(:s laugh) deratood it—but that I wish° ito convey to the country —but still a speech which, being made in defence of the that France would make a sudden attack upon us—l need Government, was entitled to some notice from the right hardly say that no such thing was expressed or intended hon. gentleman, (Hear, and laughter.) Then there was by me. I intended to say that which wawa matter of fact the speech of the Under-Secretary of State (Mr. Hardy) that within 24 hours, in consequence of the truckling, also a very able speech—and also the speech of Lord Stanley, servile, and diserwieful policy adopted, but which as.nrued now appointed to the Presidency of the Board of Control a temporarily fretterine position towards the French peo a speech of calm and sound argument . which ought not to pie aria Emperor, there was danger that war might th e S ir been passed over as it was. (Heir.) It is true that taken place between the two countries. (Hear.) But the Sir J. Pekineton, Mr. Henley, Mr. Wa;pole, and others of wisdom and dignity of this country on the one hand, and his colleagues, held their tongues—l think very prudently the wisdom and magnanimity of the Freneh Emperor, pro - they probably felt that " the least said the soonest vented that great evil, and the alliance between the two menled," red accordingly left their policy to be defended countries is now as firm and as c irdial as ever. (Hear.) by ble thfurose it .wh I o ßut certainly those members of the Govern- lishmen, and those Englishmen nay constit uen t s, or t h at I merit who did speak h a v e a right to pretest against the should be ashamed or afraid of making Buell a declaration ? slight that was put upon them by the right hon. gentleman. The noble lord says the declaration was injudicious and Then ho takes a view of th e re l a ti ve pos ition of the two improper ; but these are words to which I might apply a parties in the house, and makes what ha conceives an al- different meaning. It would be easy for me to retaliate by most overpowering discovery. Ho says that there is at dying that it was injudicious and improper is the noble present in this country what has not existed since the lord to bring •he matter again before the House of Com. time of Charles If.—namely a cabal. (Cheers from the Lone. (Hear.) The noble lord then says that; my state- Ministerial benches.) He says that upon this side of the melt was likely to affect the public credit of this country, house there exists a most extraoi din iry, a most unjuetifi- Publie credit is indeed a more delicate thing then I ilea able, and a most unheard of into :thin to dispossess the Go- due it to be if that statement of mine, as I have vindicated verninent of office. (Laughter.) The word `` cabal," if it to-niche, could have the slightest effect upon it. What I understand it right, means only a party consisting of a affects the public credit of the coon try is a secret and ser small number. I take it that the distinction between a vile policy pursued to te r plase so.ee foreign power in total cabal and a party is that between few and many. Well, if ieuorance of the characr of this nation, and which, there those who sit on this side of the house are deserving to be rot . ended • disappointingthatand b fff the the inpower, a ing called a " cabal " because they are few, I do Lot are wishes which it allowed it to cherish. (Cheers.) That is the ground for the alarm which the right hon. gent e a policy which, 0 notd eny , may I d be injurious to the man expresses at their designs ; for those designs, how public credit of the country. (Hear ) The noble lord has over, unheard of and alarming, and mischievous, are still a hankering after the case of the Cagliari, in respect of designs which a few will find it difficult to carry into which he was so reserved ant silent when he sat on this side execution. Bat when he compl tins that El) long as his of the house (Hear.) The noble lord did. not seem quite Government has been established it has been the object of with' satisfied our having free t two of our countrymen incessant intrigues and attacks I should like to know who whom he for long months permitted to ram tin unnoticed. leads those attacks. (Hear.) 'He cannot charge us who (Ministerial cheers.) At last, ashamed of the conduct of sit on thee:, benches with doing so. On the other hand we hieaself anti his colleagues, he makes an ineelverteut state have acted with the most kind forbearance towards him. went to-night by which he wishes to convey to the house (Cheer s and laughter.) And it has come to my ears that and to the country that our two countrymen were net n o bl e wore .of those who wish us well have thought that we b of The noble y the exert ens the present government. were neglecting and shrinking from our duty— that we lord is wrong in the st a t emen t h e ma d e to th e h ouse . B ot h were allowing the Government to go on from bl un d er to blunder, proving every day its incapacity to gov ern men were prisoners when we acceded to office—(hear, h ear ) , and --and the firs', thing we did on coming into office w as t o its unworthiness of the confidence of the house and the communicate with Mr. Lyons, to apply to the government country. (Hear.) We did not pursue that factious course ef• Naples, and to interfere on behalf of our countrymen. which the right hon. gentleman has attributed to us; but a The noble lord s iys that one of them (Mr. Watt) had been case arose which appeared to us to involve the utmost freed, and was under the care of the English consul. How danger to our empire in India, and in which, as stated by was he freed ? Why was ho freed ? Winit were the condi an hon. member, the course pursued by the Government tr eat of his freedom ? That unfortunate man, under the might have subjected them to impeachment, as tending to treatment ho received, and in consequence of the neglect disturb our possessions in India, and to throw dismay and of the noble lord and his g ov ernmentcheers) —was discouragement amongst amongst our troops. That occasion having fectechin his reason, and on the application being made by arisen, I should have been ashamed of myself if I had not the English consul, who behaved throughout those pro stepped forward to endeavour to procure the opinion of ceedinge with great spirit and humanity, he was permitted the house on conduct so extraordinary, and so unworthy to leave his dungeon arrl to enter an hospital or lazaretto, of a Government. (Hear.) But if it were such a factious proceeding that w ithi n th ree mon th s o f th e f orma ti on o f but the condition was that th e i ns t ant hi s health revived he was to return to his imprisonment and to take his trial. the Government a vote of censure should be moved upon (Hear, hear.) As I had the satisfaction of announcing to them, let the right hon. gentleman recollect what has oc- night, in answer to the question of an hon. and learned curred in former sessions, and he will find that he has him- gentleman, these two English subjects have left their pri self been guilty of the same factious proceeding ; but those son, free and without conditions, (Cheers.) Yet the noble votes of censure were negatived from time to time by lord attempted to state that on e h a d b een f reed b y the in small nu m b ers, which the right lion. gentleman would fluence of t. ear, hear.) ill make perhap s ca ll a cabal. (Hear.) Then, we are told, this no remar his own governmenk on the statement (H of the noble to I w rd that cabal is exceedingly well formed. Th a t i s th e c h arge dared there was an attempt anmegetsoine persons to excite aeainst us ; it certainly cannot be a charge against the war between Naples and Sardinia. The noble lord has re present Government, and I acquit them entirely of that. ferrad to the obseevations which I made on that matter, (Hear, hear.) Bate the right hon. gentleman charges but the noble lord was unauthorised in many particulars. us with obtaining a knowledge of foreign affairs by un- - constitutional means. I hope, he will be good enough to The statement that there had been attempts to embroil the two countries—that Italy might take advantage of these specify what he means by that (Hear, hear.) No doubt we do unfortunate attempts to excite war between the two coun know a good deal about foreign affairs ; and t. -h t the consequences of that if itoccurred, it a it would be very repraseusible if we did not, having been would be to set Europe in flames —that theconsequerices in offico fur a considerable time. And I hope k • . in ‘• • we now a would be fatal to that constitutional cause Seriatim little about domestic affairs tar). (Hear, hear ) But I • feltmuch interest , firm • should like to know who those f • in which we so foreigners are who are cabal- - ling aide us about dep os i ng the right hon. gentleman from tion ; and _ that those who joined i n those endeavours his seat. If it were true th a t we b ad brought the country believed they would .o prove inconvenient and emb ir to the verge of war it is not very likely that the reres , rassing to the ens g ti Government, was founded on no tatives of foreign governments would be desirous to restore slight Then the' ti- ev id enc e. (fear.) noble lord, in his (Its us to office—they would bo more likely to wish for the con- curer va speech, goes to the question of finance, and he tinuance of the more peaceable government which the right seems sore that the measures of her Majesty's Govern hon. gentleman repres mete. (Hear, hear.) I entirely repo- meritd f b the house, d have been approve 0 y e ouse, an passed with diate the charge which the right hon. gentlemen maSee ?I l . t difficulty. (Rear.) The noble lord seems disposed against ns of obtaining information by unconstitutional ' opposition to the measure of the Government eP ace,in had been prepare I, but happily not means and by foreign !ntrigues. But the right hon. gentle- the budget which .d by the late G.everninent--(heer, and man attacks the press. I leave the press to defend itself; brought forms' which a root principle - t h ave been that beerllS. I) • able c , so. (Rear, h-ar.) But when he says laughter) —°f g , r. it is quite to d Contributors to the that some candidates for office are hon. press, an increase of the income-tax. ( Hear, and oli.) 'That was I should like to know whether there acknowle dg e d by t h e l ate Chancellor of the Exchequer, are any gentlemen on that side of the house wh ) have not contributed to "th e an .l for th a t p o li cy the 11cl - els:lord himself as the h ee d o f th e press" for the purpose of bringing themselves into offic e . Treasury, n i i g ht b e th oug h t responsible. Then the noble (Cheers.) Those are the grounds oa which I object to the ford tires to I t ali e, an d repeats the c h arge which was not speech of th sight hon. gentleman. deny altogether, as much intiatettem by the nobl e l or d th e mem b er f or t h e e _ I n that there was any City; that the policy of the late Government, as a policy fel. R 3 my knowledge goes, the assertion at the time we with regard to Italia, was a policy of extermination or chance of war between England and France • t . Ts were something of that character, lam sorry that a speech left office. (Hear, hear.) I say that our rele io . as made at a dinner in the country should be made the subject most friendly, intimate, and confidential; and therefore, of so much analysii in the House of Com mone. (Haar.) fir as we are concerned, that assertion is entirely without But if any gentleman reads my speech in a fair and dis foundation. I say that when it is asserted that we arc a catal, I care not for that assertion; it implies only teat wo passionate manner,. he will find that it is not possible by any logical construction t o make the observations I there are few in number; and the result will show which of the two fides has th e g rea t es t num b er o f a dh eren t s i n th e house. uttered apply to any pre v i ous policy. (Hear, and oh.)My observations were made with regard to confiscation But I deny further, if wo are a cabal, and areaiiniug at up and the consequences of confiecttibta (Hear,) The con' setting the present Government, that this is a novel pro- and of confiscation are vengeance, anal of vengeanee cee,:ing. (Hear, hear.) To say that such a proceeding had massacre ; and I say that confiscationewengeance and mas never been known from the time of Charles 11. is an asser sacre a:e the aggregates in the climax }nick makes me tion Which I di I lot expect to user from so competent an Prefer the superior policy of mercy. Thst is the statement stitherity Re the right hon. gentleman. (Hear, hear.) P .i. made to my constituents, and I said—l leave you to Butt will state what I think is a novelty—not that there between the policy which ' we recommend —a policy sionld he a caballing opposition, but that there should be a choose fee • of mercy, of ,„ religious toleration, and of respect for pro . tiousgovernment— (hear)—thatthereshould be a govern mell ty, and the consequences of the t carrying into °Moe all the factious feelings by which Per • , Canning ; which policy being one of confiscation, must lead to consequences di rec tly th e opposite. (Hear, hear.) To that statement I now adhere. The noble lord having touched upon the question of Fr trice in a series of observations which I have shown are founded on a mis conception ; having touched on the case of the Cagliari, with a statement which is entirely unfounded ; having touched upon a question o n w hi c h I h ave shown that the inference he draws is entirely unauthorised, I now come to what I believe is the real and main cause of this ad journed debate on the Buckinghemshire dinner. (Laugh ter.) The noble lord said I have called the opposition a cabal, which, irrespective of other objections, he says is an inappropriate term, because the only difference between a cabal and a party is, that the former applies to a smaller number of persons. I should not care to quarrel with the definition of the noble lord, but at the same time I am not willing to give my assent to his definition of the word cabal. I always understood it to mean a secret society of conspirators—(ministerial cheers, and cries of "Oh, eh," from the opposition)—that it meant a secret and unknown society. Therefore, when I speak of a cabal, I need not assure the house that I am not talking of any opposition or party in the House of Commons, whose whole conduct is public, whose members, whatever may be their opinions, must be considerable, and whose behavi our w ithi n th ese walls must be attended by accidents and circumstances which are totally discordant with the popular idea of a cabal. (Hear, hear.) I am quite certain that I never talked of a cabal in the House of Commons, or used any word by which any member of the House of Commons might con sider he was a member of that cabal. There may be mem bers of that cabal in the House of Commons. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) I am sure there are members of that cabal who are not members of the House of Commons, and I protest against the noble lord's taking up these observa tions and insinuating to the House of Commons that I in tended to describe what must still be a very inconsider able number of its members. But I want to know from the noble lord what is the meaning of these repeated dis cussions of my speech—whether this is to be an adjourned debate, and what is to bo the result of it; for I take it for granted there is not to be a division. (Cheers.) Divisions are no longer fashionable. (Repeated cheers.) So far as I could collect the meaning of the noble lord (Russell) on Friday last, the object of his demonstration was to put the liberal party of the country in an intelligible position as opposed to her Majesty's government. That was a legiti mate and constitutional course on the part of the noble lord. (Hear, hear.) If the noble lord the member for the City is a Liberal—(laughter)---if he sympathises with the Liberal party, I think the noble lord was justified in showing to the country that there is a great Liberal party with which he is connected, and in contrasting their opinions with those held by the occupants of the Treasury bench. (Hear, hear.) But I do not see how anything of this can apply to the noble lord who has addressed us to-night, because I cannot per ceive that in sentiment, or feeling, or interest there is any thing in common between that noble lord and the great 'Liberai party. (Hear, hear.) I must take the discussion on Friday night and the present discussion together, for it is only from the combined observations made on both occa sions that I can understand the scope of these movements. I understand that questions are soon to arise which are cal culated to test the character of the liberal opinions held by the noble lord. The great Liberal party in this house are in favour of vote by ballot. Are the noble lords the mem ber for the City of London and the member for Tiverton in favour of that measure? (Hear. hear.) The great Libe ral party aro in favour of the total abolition of church rates. (Hear, hear.) Are her Majesty's late Government in favour of that measure? (Hear, hear.) The great Liberal party are in favour of the measure of the hon. member for Surrey (Mr. L. King). Are her Majesty's late Government in favour of the new Franchise Bill of that hon. member? (Hear, hear.) All I know is that they op posed it on principle, and offered grave argument s t o in fluence the opini on o f the house in opposition to it. The great Liberal party profess to be in favour of economy. Were the late Government iu favour of economy ? (Hear, hear.) It is my painful duty to know what has been done in that respect by the late Government, and I must say that amore extravagant, reckless, and profus e G overnment I never knew. (Lo u cheers.) The great Liberal petty are in favour of the publicity of documents. Are the late Go vernment in favour of the publicity of documents of im portance? There never was a Government in this country that exercised so much reserve in affairs of State as her Majesty's late Government. The only charge against her Majesty's present Government is that they produced a pub lic document—the only charge again -t us is that we pro duced this despatch ; but no ono could ever say of us that we intercepted a letter. (Loud cheers.) There is ano her subject on which the great liberal party haveshown great interest—that is, the conduct of the executive Govern ment. They demand that the conduct of the executive Government should be temperate and moderate. But what has been the conduct of the late executive ? It is the first Government that ever carried on a war without the sanc tion of Parliament, (Hear.) And if I look to the other great branch of the executive—the exercise of patronage— is it not notorious that their exercise of patronage has out raged all the sense and spirit of the country. (Cheers.) What, then, is the lee of these manoeuvres—l will not Fay of a cabal, for I will not suppose that any members of it sit in this house—(laughter) - bat what I want to know is, what is the meaning of all these operations • because, as far as I can form an opioio n , there is n ot th e slightest bond of connect:o a or sympathy between the noble lord the member for Tiverton and his friends of the great Libetal party? (Hear.) Upon every subject there is a total want of sym pathy, ancl a total diesimilarity between them as far as I can judge. As far as lam concerned,: lam quite regard less whether, every time we are about to go int o co m mitt ee of supply, clinet ministers or those who expect to be ca binet ministers rise to demand an explanation of the ob servations I may make to my honest constituents. The proper place I sapposa for speaking on matters of state, and announcing declarations of peace and war, is a carousel in a club-room, to veich youinvita great officers, in which Prime Ministers take a part, and announce amongst what has been called "an inebriated assembly " though I do not call it such that a great military expedition is to be undertaken. (Cheers.) Although Ido not shrink from cri ticism ofeny speeches, and am prepared to meet any of those who think fit to attack them, what, I ask, must the country think. Nihon it sees the time so precious— ,(hear, hear)—when the public business is so backward, when affairs in this house are ao urgent—what, I say, must it think et . the cmduct of the noble lord and his co managers in these operations, in night after night pre , venting the progress of public business, and giving vent to hear discce.tan led feelings at the position they n )w oc cupy? (Hear.) I would put it to the noble lord to contrast his position at this moment with that which he occupied three months ago, immediately after that great and unex pected blow which deprived his Sovereign and his country of the services of such a Minister. (Laughter.) The noble lord entered the house proud, and justly proud, of being the chief of a great and overwhelming. opposition. How ever aelusive might have been the expect stion, the general idea was that tine noble lord had such great power that, though content to sit for a time in the cold sha ies of oppo sition, he could in an instant resume power and place, and was really the arbiter of the destinies of the country. (Hear, hear.) What has made the difference in the noble lord's pres,ert, position and that which he occupied three months ago ? I put in no claim for the conduct of the pre sent Government in that respect. I can only say, as I said in the speech which has been made the subject of so much criticism, that we sedulously, diligently, and devotedly at tempted to do our duty. (Hoar,) But I cannot suppose that anything we have done has Prof uced this great change in the position of an avowed position. It is the sense of the country which lies proclaimed that the conduct of the noble s,;ect. That is why I called ther e a " ca b a l . " What i s ca l led lord was not prompted by feelin gs w hi c h cou ld w i n it s re a cabal, whether they bein thishouse or in the other house of Parliament, whether it meetin a private house or in one devoted h e is a body of mon w h o com bine ttogether—notirw isi to o n nd e of a e l f f a a to i rs lo advocatecisutetnec, a not to recommend by e great measures, ca l cu l a t e d to win the approval of a sympathi s i ng commun i ty, but who band together, and club all their resources, th e ir station, nasences—for what? to upset (cheer 3, and " o h, oh") step, did not venture even to de clare their policy, and who th e . e b y announced that their only great policy was place. (Qh eers and " Oh. " ) It is and thetheir a. Governmen t h a o b ,l l iin abilities t 1 k a n i of varyin g t t h h a e t ( ueene_ rhse great body of th e p, o pl e o f ion a t th ese manoeuvre .+ and m thish a i e country s hin c induct ,to e s which oaond k othn made for e t her Majesty's Government the and honourable minds. ( Loud cheering ) If I w onte d to con fi rm the sympathy of all generous government in power—lf a warred to give them a firmer tenure of effice, I would beg of no bl e l or d s t o con t inue these attacks. (Hear, hear.) I s h ou ld b e d e li g ht e d if , night after night, they called on me i n t hi s manner t o de fend the stat e ment I made to n < y coestituents, not one wont of which do I recall, and which I made with the due thought that such a staterne a t requ i re d . (Fleur.) I should wish them to pursue thi s course, f or I a m quite certain that; whatever differences of opinion there may be in this house and in Engl mud between the great conserva tive and the great liberal parties, there is ono bond of union between us, and that we are bothresolved in this, that not only here but throughout the country we will not any longer bo the tools or the victims of an obsolete oligarchy. (Loud cheers.) Sir G. GREY said that the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had complained that the pro ceeding taken by the noble l or d th e mem b er f or Tiverton men opposite should feel some dissatisfaction with that speech of my right hon. friend, for I believe it has ap pealed to the public sympathy, and has excited the public feeling more than any speech which has been delivered for a considerable period of time. The noble lord the member for Tiverton, and the right hon. baronet the mem ber for Morpeth, have both alluded to it—and justly alluded to it—as a most remarkable speech ; and I have no doubt that they deeply regret the effect it has pro duced on the public mind. Bat while I wish to protest against the waste of the public time, I am also anxious to take this opportunity of protesting against what I must consider the most unfair misrepresentation which has been made of the language used by my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer on last Friday night in reply to the noble lord the member for London, as compared with the language which he has employed this evening in answer to the noble lord the member for Tiverton. I deny that my right hon. friend is open to the imputation which has been thrown out against him with great severity and great injustice, of having held one language on Friday last and another this evening, and of having on these two oc casions offered different explanations of that passage in his address to his constituents which seems to have given so much offence to hon. gentlemen opposite. I contend that there is no difference either in the opinions or in the language of my right hon. friend. My right hon. friend has said this evening that he adheres to the statement which he made at Slough, that when the present Govern ment acceded to office the continuance of peaceful rela tions betwi en France and England was a question not of weeks or of days, but of hours. Now, I have no hesita tion in stating, from the knowledge which, as a minister of the Crown, I have obtained of those relations—l have no hesitation in broadly stating my belief that those words of my right hon. friend were substantially correct. (Hear.) It will not do for hon. gentlemen opposite, disappointed in a party attack, to endeavour, in the bitterness of that disappointment, to snatch a party advantage from the speech of my right hon. friend. It will not do for them to la y hold of a phrase and quibble upon a word. We all know that it is a very common form of expression to say that a thing is not a question of days but of hours ' • and what is, in this insta nce , th e f a i r an d can did i n t er pretation of that phsase ? Why, it is that we succeeded to the ad ministration of public affairs under circumstances which made war with France imminent. (Hear.) We do not shrink from that statement. On the contrary, we chal lenge the noble lord opposite to deny it if he can. (Heat', hear.) I appeal with confidence upon that point to the language used by the noble lord himself. The noble lord, in moving the Conspiracy Bill, told us in plain language that the Government offered that measure as an atonement to France for what had taken place in Eng land, and that if it were pot passed the alliance between the two countries would be endangered. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord complained to-night of the reference made on Friday last by my tight hon. friend to the answer he gave himself to a question addressed to him by the hon. member for Devizes (llr. D. Griffith). But the tone of that answer was that members of that house should be cau tions as to the language which they held, and that the re lations between France and this country were in so critical a position that an unguarded word might endanger the alliance. (Hoar.) And again, the noble lord, in his ad dress to the house on the morning when ho met with that defeat which led to his resignation of office, distinctly em ployed similar language, and stated in reply to my right hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford—l do not pretend to quote his exact words, but I believe I am fairly stating the purport of his observations—the noble lord stated that so critical was the condition of our relations with France, that unless the bill was passed there would be great danger of an interruption of our friendly relations with that country. (Hear.) I find, too, that the noble lord the late Foreign Secretary, in another place—in language more guarded, I admit, but the same in substance —expressed his conviction of the critical character of our relations with our great neighbour and ally. I might also appeal to the language used in the despatch sent to this country from Paris by our ambassador, Lord Cowley, irn me,iiately after the division which overturned the Govern ment of the noble lord. In that despatch Lord Cowley re ferred to the irritated state of public feeling in France, to the necessity of extreme caution in the management of the relations between the two countries, and to the imminent danger of an interruption of their friendly relations. (Iles r.) I allude to this state of feeling without imputing the slight est blame to the Governments either of England or Franco. The state of feeling iu both nations was at the moment of the most dangerous character. Great irritation prevailed— and I state the fact the more unhesitatingly becausel believe that irritation wasat variance with the feeling of amity that naturally exists between these two great and free nations. The French are not aware of the state of our laws. They found that a plot had been concocted in England, and their indignation was naturally directed against this coun try ; but then a similar feeling was excited in England when the noble lord came down to this house with the Con spiracy Bill, and when people here found the Government bringing in at the dictation of a foreign power, a measure to alter our criminal law. Irritation thus prevailed on both sides, and it was when that irritation was at its height that the change of government took place, and that the present Ministry acceded to office; What was the line of policy which we then felt ourselves compelled to adopt ? Why, we found that we could not outrage the public feel ing of this country by persevering with that measure. We were obliged to reverse the course which the late Govern ment had taken. We were aware that public feeling would not tolerate legislation which, right or wrong, appeared to them to proceed from foreign oictation. It then became necessary that wo should intimate to France the policy we were compelled to adopt ; and that is the period to which my right hon. friend referred. There can be no doubt but that the relations of the two counts ice were at that moment of a most critical nature, and that the continuance of peaceful relations between them was strictly, as my right h us. friend stated, a question not of days but of hours. In confirmation of that view, and in direct contradiction of what fell from hen gentlemen opposite, I am enabled, and I have obtained the necessary permission, to state that on more th one occasion the late French ambassador to the British Court, Count Persigny, did remonstrate on the policy of this country, and did state in plain terms that if that policy were not changed it would be impossible that the friendly relations between the two countries could be maintained. (Hear) Under these circumstances, is my right ben. friend to be assailed for having taken credit to her Majesty's Government—(hear, hear)—for having put an end to these difficulties, which I have not overstated by one single iota? (Hear, hoar.) But most cordially do I agree with the statement made by my right hon. friend that evening that this dangerous state of things could only be put an end to by the greatest caution, the greatest for bearance, and the greatest temper on both sides; an 1 we ought to recognise in the distinctest manner that judg ment, that sagacity, and that forbearance which were so eminently displayed upon that occasion by our loyal and true ally the Emperor of the French; and through which that state of irritation I have described has been most happily removed. I believe that, now that a better state of feeling exists, the people on bath sides of the Channel are fully aware of the important truth that the prosperity not only of the two nations, but the prosperity of the whole civilised world, depends in a great degree on the mainte nance of their friendly relations. (Cheers) But I must say I think we have great reason to complain of the exagge rated language used by the noble lord himself to-night. The noble lord has been free to-night in hurling imputa tions against us. Now, I bag to tell the noble lord that he was wholly inaccurate, as far as I remember, in his quota tion from a speech of Lord Derby's. He said that when Lord Derby acceded to office, ho did justice to the satis factory condition in which he found this country was placed ; and t,e3 noble lord evidently intended to draw a broad contrast between the language of Lord Derby and that of ley right hoe. friend the Chancellor of the Exche quer. Now, Lord Derby did speak, no doubt, as he always speaks, in the spirit of a high-winded gentleman. (Hear.) He acceded to otllco under peculiar circumstances, and he gave credit to his predecessors wherever he thought they deserved credit. But what was the passage to which the noble lord hes referred ? It eets a passage that did justice to the condition in which he found our army. (Elear.) L )rd Derby said that, considering the state of our foreign rela tions, he felt some anxiety with regard to the condition of the army, and that he was happy to acknowledge that he found it better thee he had expected, o r , t o use his own words, that ho found it " numerically respectable." That is the phrase which the noble lord the member for Tiverton has twisted into an acknowledgment of the prosperous state of England under his Government. But it appea rs that, as regards the immediate point now at issue, Lord Derby paid no compliment to his predecessors on the state of our foreign relations. (Hear.) But Ido not wish to continue to trespass on the indulgence of the house. I be lieve that this attack, founded on an accidental phrase in au after-dinner speech, is too paltry a mode of carrying on a political warfare to justify any further waste of the public time. There is only one other point to which I will refer. I will ask the house whether they think that the noble lord is the man of all others who has a right to make this complaint of harsh language on the part of his political opponents I beg to tell the noble lord that I have not forgotten, and I doubt whether any of those with whom I have the honour to act have forgotten, the language in which he thought fit to indulge cue year ago in an address to the electors of Tiverton. (lear.) That was not an after-dinner speech; it was not an oration delivered in a moment of excitement— (hear, hear)—it- was a letter deli berately written in the retirement of his library ; and in that letter the noble lord thought it becoming in him to state that those who out-voted him on the China, question were willing to make the degradation and humiliation of their country a stepping -stone to office. (Loud cries of " Hear.") The noble lord said this evening that some portion of the langu a g e o f my r i g h t hon, friend was a libel on his political opponents. Now, I am not one of those who like to use hard words in this house, and I think th e noble lord will admit that I am not i n the habit of doing so; but I tell the noble lord that I thought at the time, and that I think still, this phrase was tin most libellous and the most calumnious that was ever used by a public man. (Hear, hear.) But when Parliament assembled we did not into rupt the course of public business by complain ing of that charge made by the noble lord. It is true that my noble friend at present at th e h ea d of the Foreiem office wrote a very iiidignant rebuke o f th at i nsult, but on atb t e ha l t as t t h m e noble en w br had d a a any f te r the meeting of Parliam en t we did not think it deserving lo o of our notice. It appears mes having used that language right to m sed ons u coe dewn to thi s h ouse and to complain of th e expressi by ray right hon. friend. I defy the noble lord, if he searches the speeches of my right lion, friend from one end to the other; to find in it anything half so offensive and so unjustifiable as that charge. (Hear.) I will not further occupy the time of the house. I hope this subject will now be allowed to drop. I trust that after the time that has been already wasted in this party struggle-- this mere scramble for place, we shall be allowed to proceed with the public business. I think we have this day re ceived intelligence which ought to read us a lesson on the duty of addressing ourselves to the consideration of public affairs, instead of prolonging the contests of party. We have this day received news from India which may well snake us anxione—l do not say which ought to make us despond—God forbid ! but which no reflecting man can read without feeling that the time has come when the Go vernment of this country ought to direct its undivided at tention to the state of public affairs. (Hear, hear) Let me say further, that I believe there is not a heart in England that does not ache at the present tidings from India. We have just lost one of the noblest spirits—one of the bravest men that ever did honour to any country. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") I think thatfthe feelings which such an event roust awaken ought to create in us all a disinclination to waste our time in mere party conflicts. If we are not country duties o fb oura carried office, a n s b we worthy to c arry on t h e government of the country te l l us so at on ce and tell us so distinctly. (Cheers.) We can then und ers t and your course. But let the business of the these factious s t rug gles • or if you are not prepared to allow us to pe r f orms the functions of a government, bring our to the test of a deli ' „ right to th e pos i t i on which we occupye , ninterrupteddischnre theby bsrete d ec i s i on o f t h e Commons o f E ng l an d. (Ch eers .) Lord J. RUSSELL cou ld no t ag ree in the opinion th a t e so smhaelbloisilyo let o t us those explanations were a waste of time, and the speech of had been an unfair and improper one. But ha (Sir G. Groy) contended that this was a course which the noble lord, as head of the late Government, felt to be one which it was his duty to take. The charges brought by that right hon. gentleman were most rufouaded, •an'l such as ought to have been made. The right hon. gentleman had asked how often were these explanations to be asked ? lie (S:r G. Grey) would ask how often was that right hon. gentleman to give different and co a tradictory explanation s mple constituents proceeded to ? road( of a speech ho ought never t o h ave ma de to his honest and wimple The right hon. gen tleman from the speech a t Aylesbury, on th e i mm i nenc y o f wa r with France. O n a previous occasi on , w h en exp l ana ti o ns were asked by th e ea the r passage hear) noble lord the member for the city of London, the right bon. gentleman bad justified what he had stated on the ground of th e answer given by tte noble lord at the head of the Govern men t forty-eight hGurs before he left office, and on the circumstance of the French Minister having left the country. Now, however, the right hon. gentleman had said that when the late Government had left office there w s no risk whatever of war. (Sear, hear.) He trusted th it this explanation would go down to the constituents of the right honourable gentleman at Aylesbury. With re spect to India, ho regretted to hear the right hon. gentle man repeat his charges against Lerd Canning and the late Government, that it was one of confiscation and massacre, and this was the more remarkable as the right hon. gentle man hal stated on a former occasion that the Government had sent a telegram to Lord Canning assuring him that the noble lord enjoyed the full confidence of her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) Ile cordially trusted that the noble lord the Governor-General would rise superior to p,reonnl consider a ti ons, and not be influenced in his future conduct by the personal insults which had been heaped upon him by her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hoar.) fie trusted that wh a t h a d t a k en pl ace wou ld afford a use ful lesson to the right hon, gentleman, and induce him to have a: greater regard to the dignity of the office which he had the honour of holding. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. YAKING TON said—l think the house will be of opinion that the right hon. gentleman who has just spoken has endeavoured to make up by vehemence of manner fur that lack of argument which has distinguished his address. (Hear, hoar.) But Ido not rise so much to offer a reply to the right hon. gentleman, as to enter my protest against what appears to me to be a most unpardonable waste of the pubic time. (Hear, hear.) After having already lost a whole week in that faction fight which terminated in a manner that afforded another remarkable instance of the rapidity of the descant from the sublime to • the ridiculous, honourable gentlemen opposite are now en- deavouring to extract some p• , rty advantage from attack Ong the speech which was delivered on a recent occasion by my right honourable friend the Chancellor of the _ _ ,he right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer Exvhoquer. Now, lam not surprised that bon, gentle- was onelwhichimperatively called for explanation before the house proceeded to vote those estimates for the current year, which were usually regarded as votes of confidence in the Ministry of the day. The statements made in that speech very natusally provoked discussion, for if founded on misstatements, which he considered they were, they ought to be fairly explained. The explanation which had now been given was, that the risk of war w as no t i ncurred during the ti me th e late Government was in power, but after the time when the present Government acceded to office. This most materially affected the nature of the statement made in the speech at Aylesbury. (Hear, hear.) Ho believed that the Emperor of the French, when the state of the la w was fairly explained to him respect ing the punishment of assassination, with his usual good sense expressed himself satisfied with the assurance that the Government would endeavour to give effect to the existing law. (Hear, hoar.) Where, he would ask, was this cabal? The right hon. gentleman had said that it was not in that house ; where then was it ? Upon this subject ho should like to have had some information, but none he had given to the house. With respect to the vote of want of confidence, which the right hon. gentleman the First Lord of the Admiralty had suggested should be brought forward, he believed that it was the opinion of the noble lord the member of Tiverton that it would not be to the interest of the Liberal party that the attempt should be made at once to remove the present Government from office. He did not think that the late proceedings on the proclamation of Lord Ellenborough was a good party move, but the steps which were taken with reference to it, were imperatively called for, as he considered an "abo minably bad despatch." (Hear.) He should not be sur prised if Government should now say that it was too late to go on with the India Bill this session. If that was the intention of the Government he hoped the Government would say at once. He must say that this did not give him bench confidence in the Conservative character of the Government. He was not very impatient about reform— (hear, hear)—because he felt that we were sure of obtain ing sooner or later whatever reforms the people were de termined to have—(hear, hear)—but when ho found this CoLservative Government going by fits and st ar t s h e was as much puzzled an d alarmed as if he should see the Speaker in his great State coach when on the way to attend her Majesty at Buckingham Palace, suddenly start off in the contrary direction. (A laugh.) Such was his impres sion as to this Conservative Government. (Hear.) The original proposal of Government as to o the fi vo members for towns in the Indian council was hardly even a Radical measure, it approached communism —(hear, hear)— and when he saw the Chancellor of the Exchequer departing so much from all precedent and from the dignity of his office, as he had done in his late speech, he was alarmed not lest Government should be too Conservative, but lest, by their recklessness, they should imperil the security of the State (hoar, hear.) Mr. WHITESIDE.—The speeches we have heard from the noble lord the member for Tiverton and the noble lord the member for London remind one forcibly of the relation between Castor and Pollux. The one rose when the other set. (A laugh.) The conjunction would appear to be an ominous one. It was thought last week that the noble lord the member for Tiverton had gone into the country to repose upon his Parliamentary laurels; but it seems that he temporarily disappeared from among us only that he might favour us with the results of his illustrious re tirement. The, noble lord the member for London is afflicted with apprehension as to the policy of the present Ministry. He thinks it moves sometimes too fast, at other times too slow, and if it would only maintain the happy medium of " old constitutional Whiggery" no doubt it would receive the noble lord's approving smile. (A. laugh.) The noble lord cannot be accused of having gone too fast, because he did not go at all (laughter) ; and on several questions of great public interest his puny efforts at legislati o n h ave , t o use hi s own expression, left a legacy of mischief behind them which .it would be a difficult task for a body of sensible men to rectify. (Hear, hear.) My right hon. friend the First Lord of the Admi. ralty has truly said that if you think the great interests of the country are in jeopardy under an incompetent Go vernment, you can bring forward a motion to displace them, and restore the noble lord the member for Tiverton to that position in which he so lately secured the good opinion of this house, and, what is better, the universal approbation of the country. (A. laugh.) The noble lord thelneueber for London now says, it is shocking th a t suc h a despatch as that•of Lo r d Ellenborough should have been made public, but that the error had been atoned for by the resignation of that noble earl, and that there the matter might have been allowed to drop. If that is the noble lord's opinion certainly he did not carry it out in the late debate. Lord J. RUSSELL.—I did not say that that was my opinion, but that it was the opinion of some. Hr. WHITESIDE.—I had thought that I might class the noble lord himself in his dignified category of "some " —(a laugh)—but certainly after Lord Ellenborough's resig nation the adverse motion was persevered with, and its advocates would have pressed it to a conclusion if they hod net trembled in their skins at its impending result. (Laughter.) From that result her Majesty's Government had not shrunk, and the withdrawal of the resolution cer tainly did not take place at their instance. I think my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer was per fectly justified in the expression which he used relative to the support rendered to the Government on that occasion by gentlemen who do not agree with its general principles, and I cannot regard the remarks of the noble lord the mem ber for Tiverton on this point as characterised by the best taste. Every man who can appreciate sound argument and high eloquence must appreciate the powerful address of the right hon. member for Carlisle, the hon, and learned member for Sheffield, and the hon. member for Birming ham. But I ask the noble lord, laying aside forms and phrases, and looking for a moment at matters of substance, to listen to a passage from the letter of the Calcutta cor respondent of the Times, from which he will be able to judge whether, after all, the views contained in Lord .Ellenborough's despatch were very far wrong : " I presume the Oude proclamation reached you some time since. Lest it should not, I enclose it here. The pro clamation has not been withdrawn or softened, but Hr. Montgomery (our Commissioner in Oude) has received carte blanece to deal with each case as he chooses." What does Mr. Montgomery do ? He sets aside your con fiscatory proclamation, and his course is to compound with the native aristecrecy. That is exactly the coutrary of our proclamation. (" No y , no," and " Yes.") I say " Yes," because your argument was this :—" We don't mean to deal with the village proprietors, but with the great nobles and ,the aristocracy." And how does this man of sense, who is, I believe, a countryman of mine, proceed? (A. laugh.) He compounds with the aristocracy, and here is the result : " His course is to compound with the aristocracy, and the landholders, finding that the chi e f g i ves them their property, are com i ng to bins fast." So that if he had acted on your proclamation, we can easily conjecture the result. He followed the policy suggested by Lord Ellenborough, and I am sure there is too much justice in this house to condemn a statesman for words, if in substance he was right. The letter from which I have quoted proceeds : There is, however, little hope of the pacification of Oude for some months. We hold on y the city, and that we are compelled to fortify again. I would only mention that the North-West officials, so long devoted to the village system, aro everywhere recanting their opinions. They admit that the native aristocracy is essential to our own securiW-that the zernincraree system has preserved Bengal, and that without permitting landholders to grow permanent peace is almost impossible. (Cheers.) That was the argument of Lord Ellenborough's de spatch, and now it has received its confirmation. With regard to the case of the Cagliari, I have read the correspondence of December last, which the right hon, member for Oxford Uni versity rightly said gave Sardinia a fair claim to call upon England to befriend her. If hon. gentleman will have the curiosity to look into the legal opinions and the facts stated in the pap ers on the table, they will see that the despatch in question is unlike all the correspondence net precedes it, and that it must have been written by some other person than the individual from whom all the previous conimunicatio is pro ceeded. I allude to the despatch which asks whether Sar dinia will adopt a different course from that which she had hitherto pursued ; and the remarks I have made is a fair cri ticism arising upon the document itself, The noble lord the member f r ton asks how my right hon. friend came to make such a speech aft. r dinner. Did the noble lord himself never make an after-dinner speech ? (A laugh.) It cannot be forgotten that, on the fith November last, he made a speech at the Mansioa-house, in which he challenged France and the whole of Europe to mortal combat—(laughter) declaring that if any foreign nation thought we were not ready for battle because our troops had been sent to incite, he begged to assure them they were in error, fir he was quite prepared to engage in conflict with them. Aml so the noble lord was. (A laugh.) If ever a Minister escaped f om half-a-dozen votes of censure'which ought to have been pronounced upon him, it was the noble lord. The noble lord says he is familiar with foreign affairs. Of course we can only be guided by the official documents laid before us. But how the Minister who en dorsed the conduct of Lord Clarendon in signing at the Pat is Conferences the protocol directed against the freedom of the Belgian press should have escaped the indignant censure of a British Barliament has always filled me with amazement. (Hear, hear ) The noble lord said that the circumstances in which Lord Canning was placed ought to have been taken into account, inasmuch as ho had only 400 men to hold the country between Calcutta and Dinapore. No doubt this ought to be taken into accouat ; but who left Lord Canning iu that defenceless state ? Why, the Government of the noble lord, which directed our troops to carry on a war with Persia, the object of which nobody ever understood—not even the noble lord Mins° f (A laugh) The effect of the China war, of which the noble lord boasts so much, was to leave Calcutta without the protection of a siuglo ship. When Mr. Layard asked for an explanation of the grounds on which the Persian war was undertaken; the noble lord told us something about an epistle from the Shah which was not exactly couched in the style of the " Polite Letter Writer," and he managed, with his usual adroitness, to turn the lau g h upon hi s i nter - rogator, but he ne ver condescended to give the house any in telligible explanation of the origin of that war, (Hear, hear,) The consequence was. that that war, like every other war enteredluto without justice, entailed not only the loss of blood and tie isure upon this country, but pro luccd serious troubles and dangers in otherparts of our einpire The noble lord boasts in a triumphant manner of the condLion in which he left the affairs of the country when lie quitted office ; but when he spoke in so triumphant a tone he seemed to forget he was driven front office —that he had incurred the censure and disapproval of this house because lie had not replied to a de spatch which implied that assassination w.s favoured in this country, but, on the contrary, accepted the insult. (Hear,) I was myself a party to the transaction which then took place. I heard the defence of the noble lord, and I am bound to say that, after the vote of censure which this house passed, it does not become the noble lord to boast of the skill and suc cess with weichhe conducted the affairs of the nation with regard to France. Such a boast is a reflection on the wisdom attic, House of Commons. (Hear.) I must say Ido not think the noble lord hal much improved the positLn taken up on Friday night by the noble lord the member for the City of London, and I think that if the noble lord and his friends opposite can do no better than they have done in makiag this attack, their wiser course would be to give us some of those great ng and brilliant measuresveare s which they are alw a y s promising to bri in, but which i;o Echlora permitted to see, and leave the house to judge of the value of their measures when they are brought forward, (Cheers.) Mr. J. A. KINGLAKE said it was en the 15th Feb., a fort night before the last Government 1 ft office, that Watt was released f ow prison, and before that Government left office Lord Clarendon had written a letter pressing for. Watt's libe ration on the ground that his return to Eneland would favou r his mental health. W hen Watt was sent home it was after the lre eat Government came into power, but in terms that followed the despatch of Lord Clarendon, showing that it was owir•g to that despatch, He was astonished that Government claimed the merit of the liberation of those men which had rather been in spit e of Government. , Mr. FITZGERALD could well understand that the lion. gentleman who had taken great interest in the question should deny merit to the Government and take credit to himself. (Heae, hear.) But a slight consideration would show that it was owing to the exertions of the present Government that the men were released. Mr. LINDSAY found a report in the papers that certain American ships had been fired on by British cruisers, and that the British officer had boarded twelve American and one Spanish vessel in a•_Cubau port, and demanded an examina tion of their papers, The port was not a small creek, but a EDUCATION. In answer to a question from Mr. M. GIBsoN, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the house would have due notice before any vote was taken for education. SUPPLY. Mr. FITZROY brought up the re port of the Com mittee of Supply, on which a discussion ensued on various subjects. THE SERPENTINE. Sir J. SHELLEY complained that no vote had been taken for improving the Serpentine, after the plan of the Ornamental Water in St. James's-park. THE LADIES' GALLERY. Major EDWARDS called attention to the present in• convenient state of the ladies' gallery. By an outlay of 2001. the gallery might be made to hold 42 ladies instead of 21 as at present. Mr. B. HOPE thought the house should first do some thing to improve the interior of the house. He had heard it compared to a Swiss cottage. It certainly did not afford that convenianca and comfart it ought after so much money had been expended on it. Mr. BENTINCK hoped the house would not sanc tion the outlay of money for such purposes until our defences had been put in a proper and efficient state. The subject then dropped. The report was ultimately agreed to. MR. DISRAELI'S SPEECH AT SLOUGH'. On the motion that the Speaker leave the chair to go into Committee of Supply, Viscount PALMERSTON said— Sir, the right hon. gentleman on Friday last, when I was perhaps somewhat negligent in not being present in the house, made an ap peal to me upon a matter of very great national importance; and I therefore feel it my duty to take the earliest oppor tunity of answering the appeal so made. The right hon. gentleman on Wednesday last, I think it was, before a large assembly of his constituents at Slough, made a speech which, he will forgive me for saying, has, I believe, ex cited much astonishment. (Cheers.) It was natural that the right hon. gentleman should feel elated at the position in which he then stood. For the first time he found him self in a large assembly in which not merely the majority supported him, but in which he was unanimously sup ported by those who were present —a position of somewhat novel character to the right hon. gentleman. (Cries of "Oh," and counter cheers.) It was not surprising that he should be elated by the spontaneous cheers of 500 or 60) honest but deluded farmers—he, who had been accustomed only to the cheers of a small band of well-drilled sup porters—(" oh, oh," and cheers) —following the lead of a fugleman like well-drilled soldiers. (Renewed cheers.) It was only natural that he should b 3 elated by the heart felt and hearty acclamations of these honest but misguided farmers—(" ob," and laughter)---who saw in him the un flinching champion of protection, and the uncompromising antagonist of free trade. (Laughter.) It was not surprising that he should be elated by the reception he met with ; and therefore if he had made a speech suitable to his position as a mini-ter of the orown going to meet his constituents, nobody could have found fault with him for having availed himself of that occasion. But I must say that the speech which he did make was of such a character, that if it had been made by a person in hum bler condition, ignorant of national affairs, unaccustomed to the arts of government, and knowing nothing of the re sponsibilities of government, he would have been treated with forbearance, and perhaps with compassion. But the right hon, gentleman went there with a speech delibe rately studied and prepared, and announced himself as the representative of her Majesty's Government. What there fore fell from his lips was of the greatest importance, not merely on account of the matter it contained, but on ac count of the person by whom the speech was pronounced. Now, sir, the right hon. gentleman began by stating that Lord Derby, when he came into office, succeeded to a heritage of innumerable tr ou bl es . (L ou d Mi n i s t er i a l cheers. I remember to have heard with my own ears, from the lips of Lord Derby himself, that when he came into office he found the country in every respect in a sa tisfactory condition, and that his only hope was that when he left office, be that time nearer or more se mote, he might leave the country in as good a condition as that in which he found it. (Loud cheers.) Now Lord Derby is not a man to make a speech without knowing well what he is going to say. He is a man who from the powers of his mind could have made a speech as well on the spur of the moment as if he had had a fortnight's pre paration. Yet he required two days to prepare his speech —not to prepare periods of that eloquence which was to delight an audience representing almost every class,; but he required those two days to inform himself on all matters connected with the Government, and to enable him is speak with knowledge and authority upon the state of the country, as it was when he came into office. (Hear.) And therefore I say, air, that the assertion of Lord Derby that the country was in a satisfactory state, is a refutation of the right honourable gentleman's statement that he sue , ceeded to a heritage of innumerable difficulties. (Cheers.) Bat then the right honourable gentleman went on enume rating what these difficulties were ; and he placed in the first rank to that which I am now going to direct what I have to say in answer to the right hon. gentleman. The right hon. gentleman stated that when they came int office they found the country on the very verge of war; that the question of peace or war hung not upon days, but upon hours. (Hear, hear.) Now, air, all I can say is, that, so far as lam informed—so far as anything I know goes, with regard to our relations with France at that period— that statement is utterly and entirely groundless. (Loud cheers.) It is not only groundless, but it is the very oppo site of truth— (renewed cheers)—and I cannot but express nay suprrise that the right hon, gentleman should have male such an assertion:as that, more especially in the place and at the time he did. (Cheers.) Why, sir, did not the right hon. gentleman know the gravity of the statement he was making? (Cheers) Assuming it to be true, was it a statement to be made in a booth at Slough to a parcel of carousing electors ? (Cheers and laughter.) If that state pent had been true, and if the right hon. gentleman thought it for the public interest that it should be made— if the right hon. gentleman thought the country was apathetic with regard to the national defences, as stated jest now by the hon. gentleman the member for Norfolk (Hr. Bentinck)—if the right hon. gentleman thought it right to caution the country against the chAncs of danger which from time hung over our heads, in order that it might provide a remedy—it should have been in this house, on the estimates, by the right hon. gentleman speaking with the responsibility of a Minister from the Treasury bench, that a statement of that description should have beers made. (Loud cheers.) I deny that statement utterly and entirely. (Cheers.) On Friday last, when Lord John Russell alluded to the subject, the right hon. gentlemar, with an sir of triumph, got up and cited something that I said in answer to a question as a proof of that statement • and he referred to other circumstances connected with the French ambassador. I say that the words of mine which he quoted utterly repudiate and demolish the assertion which he made. He quoted the answer Which I made to an honourable member who asked a question which I thought calculated to give offence to the Emperor of France. I said that before I answered the question, I should wi s h t o as k_ the house whether it was their wish and intention that the intimate and confidential relations which then existed between England anti France should be maintained, or whether it was their wish and intention to infuse a spirit of irritation, bitterness, and animosity into those relations. (Hear, hear.) I said no thing about war. What I said was that we were upon a footing of most intimate relations with France, but that I thought a rep e titi on o f ques ti ons suc h as that' which had been proposed, which were personally aimed, and in a very offensive manner, against the sovereign of France, were 1 calculated to impair those friendly relasions. (Hear, hear.) 1 y assertion then was that our re l a ti ons w ith F rance were intimate and confidential. When was it that that asser- I Z', l • o l sas male ? Th e r i g ht h on . gen tl eman says t h at - it was 148 ' hours b e f ore th e l ate government wont out of office. I say that 4 8 hours before the late government fell tirtrhee says swith France were i n ti ma t e and cpufidential that abaie the F renc h am b assa d or su dd en l y qu i tted Engla n d ; sadors do not sudde n l y -" It is well known that' ambas are accredited wi t hout leave those countriesto which they turbed state of the it • ply' relations between those countries." gentleman know that the French ambassador (than whm,oommthere is not a more honest and patriotic man, and one but thoroughly imbued with the love of his own country, seine time deeply imbued with the desire to r aelndaedrvattnalteea:eillance between England and France of mutual tries), that Count Persigny, the n u ,d„,C or to l both coun went over for a fortnight to France on his or:l'ff dealing , was in France when the change of government took pBiy"ced, (Hear, hear.) Instead of going away coincident with the change of gostinment, he returned at that time. (Bear hear.) Instead of the departure of the French arnbas: sador from England happening to coincide with the change of government, I believe that two days after wards he returned to England- Therefore, so far as any inference is to be drawn from that, it _is valueless for the k THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY _EV ENING, . JUNE 1, 1858, harbour much frequented by American vessels. There Wer e several other cases whi c h h e h e ld t o b e not alarm i ng for he had no apprehension of a war with America, we were too deeply engaged in commerce for that, but calculated to create an angry feeli ng, Wh a t h e was afraid of was, that with tbs state of angry f ee li ng a co lli s i on might arise which would he much regretted both by Am er i ca an d by ' England. - -A t i ; sion had been made to th ese occurrences in Congress . n would ask the Secretary for the Colonies, who might 10 ° an opportunity o f answer i ng in the course of the night of of to morrow (this) night. It might be that some of tbege vessels were engaged in the slave trade. If that we: 6 n they were justified i n as ki ng f or their papers, but that vie. not justify firing into, boarding, and searching any WO di=cri:oinate'y. H e was i n f ormed ' that they were ships ° gaged in the sugar t ra d e, an d not at all like slave ships in el . struction. The American Government proclaimed a gaciast:: slave trade befor e we did , an d b y the first act of the Anieri a Government the slave trade was declared to be piraeY, 3n „. they had co-ope rate d w ith us and with France in sen di% cruisers to suppress it. Ha would ask whether it Nne case that merchant vesse l s h a d b een so fired on, board and searched ; a n d if so, un d er w h at authority and briehe 0 instructions ? Mr. WALPOLE said these were matters on which Govern s ment were as y e t uninformed, and of which they now 1 10 , h , for the first tine. He was therefore unable to answer question at present. Mr. D. GRIFFITH referred to the th apologetic despatch of Count Walewski, w hi c h , he said, gave a new turn to feeling of the ho use. Mr. INGHAiI contended that the l a t e G overnmen t did in their power to obtain the liberation of the engineers. The house then went into COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY. - The vote of 36,629/, for the Mint, including coinage, agreed to; as was the vote of 22,0101. for salaries of inSP'" for of factories and mines. lAA On the vote of 6,2511, f or sa l ar i es of the Queen's an d Treasurers' officers in Scotland, Mr. WILLIAMS asked for explanations as to several :oo3l3 l Mr„WISE objected to some of the items. He must ob l l o to the house publi c ly pa t ronising h orse racing. He there should move that the vote be reduced by the amount inse rt for the purpose of supplying Queen's plates in Scotland. Sir G. LEWIS had certainly no desire to make grants 1 racing purposes in themselves ; but it was undeniable that horse racing had d one very much to encourage the breed : h horses in these co un ti es, an d that was the ground upon W hich the money was, voted by Parliament. The committee then divided upon the question that t h o e f vote be diminish e d b y a sum of 981. 165. 6d. on accoun t the Queen's plate for Edinburgh, when there appeared For the amendment - 44 Against it Majority —26 The vote was then agreed to. The next vote was for a sum of 6,4211. to defray salaries , &c , connected with th e d epar t ment of the Lord-Lieutenant ° Ireland. Mr. WISE objected to the allowance for four aides'd_f camp ; he propos e d, th ere f ore, that the vote should be P duced by the sum of 6471. The committee divided— For the amendment.,, 42 Against it Majority in fa vour o f t h e vote —46 The next vote was f or a sum of 15,804/. t) defray a llar ef connected with the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland. # 0 Mr. BAXTER objected to the vote as very excessive could not conceive that there were duties connected with '..:t office requiring so large an ou tl ay. He would move th e sal; of the Chief, , S ecre t ary b e reduced from 4,4257. allar 3,425/. Mr. WISE might be permitted to recall the fact that a : b e ; lect committee had already reported that the salary o f ar Chief Secretary f or I re l an d ought not to exceed 3000/. a'y r g. The CHANCELLOR o f the EXCHEQUER said the Goire , ea ment had taken into consideration the report which had made by the committee but he thought that there B ete ill many recommendations in that report w hi c h . were Wo o . arrived at. Ho admitted at the same time that hon. "e n d. men opposite h a d good giound for the arguments theito duced in relation to this su bj ect. With regard to the du e of the staff of th e S ecretary for Ireland being h a s inecure, to beggod to assure the h ouse that so far from that beingua case, the duties we re so mu l t i farious that he had seri° o considered whether it was no t hi s duty to reco mmend t . te e augmentation of the -tall. (Hear.) He hoped th e co mreP , l o t would not sanctio n the opposition of the hon. gentleman, the vote had been thoroughly considered. Mr. BUTLER thought they got on very well witlr et o t Chief Secretary for Scotland, and that they might do Wit h° such au officer for Ireland. The committee divided, and the numbers wore— For the amendment Against it l5l Majority against the amendment —9 6 The amendment was therefore lost. tioit rihie i Mr. WILLIAMS, on th e resumption of the consi d e rs of the vote, mo ve d th a t t h e amount allowed to the ‘,-tef Secretary for coals sh ou ld b e re d uced by 425/. The ",,h1 Secretary for Ireland h a d a h an d some salary, and he tlior he should buy his own coals (Laughter.) The committee divided, and the numbers were For the amendment Against it 148 Majority against the amendment —SO The amendment was lost and the item was agreed to: „.. Several other votes, for the paym en t o f i nspec t ors of tic asylum s an d other Government officers in Ireland, . 11 agreed to. A sum of 22,615/. was voted for public works in Ireland' A vote of 30,768/. for the Board of Health was epee ( ' S2veral other votes were agreed to. P ri2. A sum of 38,838/. for the General Registry Office was posed and agreed to. A sum of 3,3081 . , f or th e General Register Office in Dublin was agreed to, 0 . 3 0 A vote of 0,8121. was proposed for the office of C o sioncrs of Lunacy for Scotland, and agreed to. A sum of 401,3881. was proposed for printing reports' 0. Sir G. C. LEWIS called attention to the cut:among peuses of printin g repor t s o f commissions. One oonlre. sion was app o i n t e d t o i nquire into end3wed sehoo'S i 4 land, and the report of the commission consumed than 32 tons of paper, and the printing was upward S t o 5,0001. The re oug ht to be some supervision to prevent e ach wasteful expenditure. tet ° Mr. HAMILTON sa id that Government had taken s to remedy the e v il, Th ere could bo no doubt that much this printing was merely waste paper. After a fesv words from General CODRINGTON, for The vote was then agree d to, as was that of 123 , 00 a post ge. The CHAIRMAN then reported progress, and obild °l leave to sit again. The CHANCELLOR o f th e EX CHEQUER said.tha.4. 0 Is , matter of convenience he proposei to take the comulittton, supply on Thur s d ay, and go on with the bill of his rig ht friend the Attorney-General on Friday. SALE AND TRANSFER OF LAND (IRELAND) BILL/ SALARIES, cte. e ci In committee of th e w h ole house a resolution was cr e to, and a bill ordered to be brought in founded thereon* c ol The Markets and Fairs (Ireland) Bill was read 3 Be time. The Public Health Bill was also rzad a second The Prescription (I re l an d) Bill passed through commaesea The Ecclesiastical C orporat i ons Leasing Bill also „ through committee. The Trustee's' Relief Bill was referred to a select CO °l tee. ' The CHANCE LLO R o f the EXCHEQUER then I 0 d 0 up some T reasury minutes, which were ordered to be the table; and th e house adjourned at half-past 12 e'c'° Country Ilarket3. COLCHESTER—MAY 21 There was a limited a ttend ance t o -d ay, and on l y 0 fed .j. mod: T ate b us i ness f or the pass i ng consumption resuL7ra Wheat in good supply, at former prices.• In spring P v no material alteration in value. to o ' Prices to-daywere as follow :—Wheat, white, 46 3 r red, 42s to 465; barl —s to --8 ; s 26s to bens Mazagan, 38s to 40a ;middle and small, 42s to 445; r white, 42s to 44s ; grey, 44s to 463. • Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn, &a in the port of London, from the following p May 24 to May 29, both inclusive. r;:„ • R te . X 4 Colchester 731 19871 Elarwich LI24 405 Leigh ktaklon 1121 71 5 f 60 34 0 ,31, NORWICH—MAY 29. tho The corn trade of thi s di s t r i c t has been quiet dal . '" tho past week. There was more firmness apparent to-dal, o sales made being effected on rather easier terms Osl o , this day se' nn i g ht . Li ttle doing in barley, oats, b'),ler, and peas. Flour, 28s to 28s Gd per sack from the nu'o, White wheat, 46 s t o 48 s; red, 40s to 455.; barl e y. 32s "ore It is stated that the wheats in Norfolk never looked 1D . „ 4 flourishing, and with a continuance of moderately weather a good yieid may be anticipated. KIRKCALDY—MAY 29. d' Hero, to-day, we had mod era t e su ppli es o f all - ki .00 of grain. Sales slow. Wheat much about last vi h . e ol prices. Barley and oa t s a t a re d uct i on of is per 4r ' the current rates of last week. 01 l Wheat. I Barley. Oats. I r ag " 1 i First fi - ; . 01 I Second Third 36 s Od 28s 01 i 23s 03 i -_......te BIRTHS. CARRAWA.Y—On the 31st May, at 11, Warwick-ro ad Mrs. Frederick Garraway, of a daughter. 145 0, GILIBERT—On the 30th May, at 20, Grosvenor -P- Madame de Gilibert, of a daughter. °III LESLIE—On the 30th May, a t 59 , C on d u it- s treet, over-square, W., Mrs. Henry Leslie, of a son. w ick, TORE the 30th May, at the Manor House, a z° the wife of Harrington Tuke, M.D., of a son. MARRIAGES. 14 14 ;; GAYTON — HAS;RINS—On the 29th May, at St. AL a r y ,T. dalen, P ec kh am, C apta i n Charles Gayton, vil •"" 114 6 "' Eizabeth, youngest daughter of the late FL " • • kiln, Esq., of Lombard-street. TIPPLER--HARRIS—On the 29th May, at Lainb ebilD alTs' William Tippl er , o f G rea t T ower - street , to galls Harris. DEATHS. f, WO' BoTLE—On the 3')th May, a t Ityders Wells, nea r Michael Walford Boyle, Esq., aged 69. Bnuc—On the 29. h May, a t 'e,2, Moray place, E diP iir William, youngest son of the late Alexander Big., of Kennet. HALcon—On the 26th May, at Blois, Major Chiv ies cott, aged 58. Of' sr JEuLA— On the 31st M a y, a t Reigate, Surrey , leer H. B. Jeula, late minister of Maize-hill Chap el, with,aged 70. -ichtlr3 _ . RUSSELL —On the 31st May, at Clapham-rise, -6i- Russell, Esq., aged 29. fe etr SUTTIE—On the 30th May, at her house, 37, South:s'vrifil Grosvenor-square, the Lady Harri e t Grant Suttie' of Sir George Grant Suttie, Bart. LONDON : Printed and Puhliehed by MUR -700/ 141°° DO - of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun o tf Strand, in the Precinct of the savoy, in the °l '- of Middlesex, Tuesday,. Juno 1;1868. so lir. Tohnl tul Fossils, onchology, each . qtr. Tenn ET cuell.4e, tondo ' to adv NA/ . p Ak ured OUC btl zg 4ec rit4 t A W Stott • out ce N 1 ea tive held S OO ' 4 SDAI th.,4 Precise 4 11 ...0ra r n „ n e tters an a be t ;4'l_4 birectoi %mul l 1, ofd Acoin r deo k , y Telt I tli a 'Mal D all ;I, It AVEL Pu r " h a Po!lei are mu un Total Claims Ann ua • d t ' a DuAnce s in k I and ar, AD t o _ P 7 at 111 'PanY, 7.1 —st.nk nal IN T °RI Estal PlibuDEl ri._.B4le4tor, I ,7 o itld of o i as trot 4tri d 44 among us_4l,ll,roldt PI iirt4ZOlts of E 4 Pe7110171411180r r cet, 4 It ol SOCLEI i talt l " 7 .-1 pollek en and a CZITI owrIZT I.l l ; o 2lpren i b i r i sfi,,."atn be- Tu E P4lll,owered I VIVO] , EDM tn. K enw ~,'v 'arnuel Kit hlin Elliot eats. l'rortsior N 114811 . tyre ti l neXt 81.41 1860. Etk er 3 ; •tlt 'au 1841 04 1 R45 184 a - 45 1 6 The national Lifi T he Societ n KWo-third Years. Its subscri Its Invest toone howl] 11,a annua The numl About on( Since its ( % three bun F or Prosp 04n, 142, s 142, Stray 14W AN] p atent orte ?harm:: TRr E , sE 8, 4 1 ' 1 of to in tin 4l Deau, L. TRIE c o „ a Lk to o l equelio at n „ ° ng rag b o ; , igth a „ 11 1 th e Itl t ,ever t 1 fr, etuaii v f o tr i i ; Q o „ ii Q, Pail ri i r th d °I the 13 thetoro' grew C ut • It a ;111%14 and 1 Q o ,viru s th e T'-fain ti s the • o 0 , .It, t `Aqi 11.; g0 for, 4 •stre n , ward s, st Ir t,3ta .130411,)11;', 1) 1 e iciti3fu r r t r earitu it be nefits agermato 4 the n o n q lroz o 4 J. Mt(