The Sun. — London, England, 1860-07-20 00:00:00

101•111w1 'ono" t, the tided. ay al. mead ing as I, and of St. train, is own. )ening prove. ice he arvice, camp. can to 's ser• at the Lpset if d, and 3les be these yore 0 never a the Lion norav ollegef artAr 6dford, :11 was vaster. lye en er last death h with zabeth isit to Lrgate, Robin well at ,t aware beeatne er that Misty B called She id seen ist, but not till ?,-eneral (orath• I Miss hat he lat Mr• rer. Lt Miss 3onwell houo , y were , with, a alone In that k in the veiling' f Juno , te, and arancey nember lone. ciiistin - not ? )u were umbe r , would, narrieti I at the ) evert; d Ater on. rail" it. perhaP e core tin IVl r ' id hay 311. to be lon an a woroe tated to hat gr* BArtt d, in with 9151 ad other 3 R oy a l ibled at Ldbroke, rse of the re a of the eciatioo• ais $ ll 9 - Petal in is about ~. PROPOSED CONCENTRATION OF THE LAW COURTS. The Report of the Royal Commission on the se lection of new sites for the courts of law has jast been issued. The Attorney-General's scheme for appropriating the entire space between Carey-street and the Strand is carefully considered by the com missioners, who are unanimously in favour of adopt ing that scheme. They propose that the different offices, 14 in number, shall all be brought together ; that the law courts, instead of sitting at Westmin ster, Guildhall, Basinghall-street, and Doctors'- commons, shall be domiciled together. The site is midway between the Temple, Lincoln's-inn, and Sergeant's-inn, where most f the solicitors and counsel dwell. Lincoln's-inn-fields and Chancery lane are complete dens for lawyers, and they would thus be able to transact their business in very nearly half the time that they are compelled to devote to it now. One large firm employing some 70 clerks estimate that if the alterations are carried into effect they shall be enabled to do increased business with half that number, as owing to the courts and registry being so disposed, when once a clerk goes out to attend them they never know when to expect him back. It is proposed, should the plan be adopted by the House of Commons, that the first building to be erected shall be one for the registry of the Court of Probate and for the Di vorce Court, as • these departments stand in need of pfoper accommodation more than any other. This the commissioners estimate can be accomplished in two years from this time, providing that a bill be passed this session ; otherwise it will be more than three years before the first buildings can be erected, because the Office of Works will have to give the usual notice for the acquirement of the necessary property. Whether the Office of Works is favourable to the scheme or not has not transpired, but one thing is quite clear, that they do not expect it will be put in operation for some years to come, because the office is laying out some £30,000 in acquiring and repairing some very old and dilapidated property in Doctor's commons for the use of the Probate Court ; and., further, it has given notice to purchase the freehold of a property let on . lease; of which - some 18 years are unexpired. The cost of acquiring the site, the purchase of existing houses, and the erection of other houses will, it is estimated, take an enor mous sum. This, however, does not deter the com missioners in their report from advocating the plan, on the ground that the unclaimed suitors' fund, with the exception of some £16,000 to be provided for out of the consolidated fund, will be quite sufficient to cover every expense. All that the House of Commons will have to do will be to pass a short bill authorizing the expenditure of the money, and guaranteeing that in case any of it shall hereafter be claimed the Treasury shall be empowered to make it good. Simple, however, as it appears, there is little or no chance of this measure being passed this session. There is a larger amount of op position to the scheme than the commissioners antici pated. The owners of property in the neighbourhood -of the courts and registries which are proposed to' be removed are doing everything they can to pre judice the public mind against the proposition. On many of them it would entail absolute ruin, and ,therefore it is not to be wondered at that they are up and active in their opposition. They may ntt ,eventually prevent Sir R. Bethell's project from being carried into effect, but they may, and pro bably will, delay it considerably. In the interim, while the present uncertainty exists, the profession is put to much inconvenience ; they know not what to do, or where to pitch their tent. But indepen dent of this, the cost entailed upon the country by providing temporary accommodation is something tremendous. The Probate-office will cost at the least £30,000, but probably very much more, and all for two or three years' accommodation. Lord Palmerston has expressed his determination, if possible, to pass the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Bill this session, if he asks Parliament to sit until the end of August. Now, if this takes place, fresh offices will be required for the new Bankruptcy Court, or else alterations will have to be made. which will entail a very large outlay, all to be thrown away when the new courts are erected. The scheme of the commissioners has met, we believe, with the support of the Lord Chancellor and all the judges, and the only members of the bar who are opposed to it are those who are either members of Parliament, or those largely engaged in Parliamentary practice. While the courts are held at Westminster they can go from the committee-room to the courts, but if they are removed for six months in the year they must confine themselves to one line of practice or the other. THIS DAY'S MARKETS. CORN EXCHANGE. The arrivals of English wheat fresh up to-day, coastwise and by land-carriage, were limited, and the show of sam ples was, consequently, small. Both red and white quali ties were in steady, but by no means active demand, at ls. per quarter above last week's currency. Foreign wheat—the fresh imports of which are 11,030 quarters—has moved off steadily, at extreme rates. There was a moderate inquiry for floating cargoes, at full prices. Barley was in short supply and fair request, at full quota tions. Although the show of malt was very moderate, the de mand for that article ruled inactive, on former terms. We have to report a fair sale for eats—the imports of which continue liberal—at the late improvement in value. Both beans and peas were firm in price, and there was a fair inquiry for flour, some kinds of which were the turn dearer. ARRIVALS THIS WEER. Wheat Barley. Malt. Oats. Flour. English ........ 1,020 I 540 I 1,610 Irish.. ..... 20 3 Foreign. 11,030 1,700 23,950 I 1,390 sacks. 9,660 brls. NEWGATE AND LEADENHALL. The supplies of both town and country killed meat are on the increase, and the trade generally is heavy, on lower terms. Per Blbs by the carcase. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. Inferior beef .. .. 3 2 3 10 Middling mutton 4 2 4 8 Middling d 0.... 40 4 2 Prime do .. Prime large ` : do.. 4 0 4 .6 Veal Do. small d 0.... 4 8 4 10 Small pork 4 10 5 2 Large pork 4O 4 8 Lamb.......... 505 10 Inferior mutton 3 8 4 0 BOROUGH HOP. Our market generally isvery firm, and prices continue to advance, owing to the unfavourable accounts from the plan tations. The duty is called £130,000. Mid and East Kent pockets 90s to 147 s per cwt. Weald of Kent .... Sussex COLONIAL. TEA. —The market is very quiet, and prices have exhi bited no deduction, the dealers delaying operations until after the receipt of advices by the overland mail. SUGAR.—Less animation has been apparent; the finer descriptions, however, were moderately dealt in, at about former rates, In the refined market prices have remained steady. COFFEE.—Some large quantities have been offered at public sale, and in some instances a slight decline was appa rent in prices. Mon. —The market is very quiet, but prices have shown increased firmness. FRUIT.—The demand for low qualities of currants has been active, and a fair business has been done at full prices. SALTPETRE.—A moderate amount of business has been done at about previous rates. TALLOW.—The market is steady, and full prices are ob tained for both present and forward delivery. P.Y.C. on the spot is quoted 535, and last three months 52s 9d per cwt. L 0 UNTRY MARX E2S. BIRMINGHAM—JuLy 19. A limited supply of English wheat to-day, which realised an advance of is per qr o a late prices ; foreign unaltered in value. Barley 6d cheaper. Oats sold slowly, at former rates. Beans dull. Peas rather cheaper. MANCHESTER —JULY 19. English wheat was scarce, and rather • dearer • foreign sold to a fair extent, at full y p revious rates. Flour quite neglected, and quotations nominally unchanrd. Oats and beans as before. Oatmeal was in more request. Indian corn Was pressed for sale, at a reduction of 6d. PLYMOUTH —JULY 17. More inquiry for wheat. A slow b usiness, with a small attendan ce at market. The quotations are —English white Nj o hrt, 61 8 t o 628; red, 588 to 59s per qr ; French do., 56s iloulsi_gthiding barley, 308 to 34s ; oa ts, 24s to 26 5; and , fine, 42 8 t o 43 8 Od ; seconds, 40s to 41s. --- MELTON MOWBRAY—JULY 17. There was a middling show of wheat to-day, with a better 44 feeling, at the a nnexe d prices :—White wheat, new, 5 Od to 58s Od; red, 50 s Od to 54s per 36 stone; barley in small supply - , at 38s t o 43 s for malting, and 32s to 36 s p e r qr. - for grinding ; oats, 30 s to 36s Od per 24 stone ; beans , 48s to 54e for old ; new, 49e per 38 at. EDIINBURGII GRAIN —JULY 18. Wheat on the top Os 6d up.. .. ..... average Os 9d up. Barley on the top is Od d0wn...... -average is 3d down. Oats on tho top Os .3d up Beans on the top is 6d down average Os 7d up. Averages per Imperial quarter. Wheat.... Barley Oats Beans Total . . Supply and Sales. Wheat ..1015 qrs Sold 843 qrs Barley... 4l. qrs Sold 19 qrs Oats .1071 qrs Sold 548 qrs Beans 26 qrs Sold 7 qrs DERBY SMITIIFIELD-JuLY 17. There was a short supply of fat beasts to-day, consider ing the scarcity of fat stock; the best quality were rather in request, and sold well. The supply of sheep large, and an advance in price was obtained. Fat and store calves equal to the demand, Pigs were about the average. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TAT TERSALL'S-(T HURSDAY.) A few members dropped in in the course of the after noon, but there was no betting. We are requested to state that the subscription room will be opened on Saturday next. STAMFORD RACES.--THURSDAY. The Stamford St. Lager, asweepstakes o 25 sovs each, 10 ft, for 3-yr olds ; colts, Bst 71b ; fillies, Bst 41b. About one mile and a quarter. (4 subs). Lord Stamford's Emily, Bst 71b ...... (A French) w.o. Count Batthyany received back his stake for Suburban. A Sweepstake of 50 sovs each, h ft, for 2-yr olds ; colts, Bst 71b; fillies, Bst 41b. Certain winners extra. T.Y.C. Lord Exeter's Knight of the Thistle, Bst 71b (G. Fordham) 1 Lord Stamford's Canto, Bst 71b (A. French) 2 Count Batthyany's Prince Plausible, Bst 71b.... (Wells) 3 Betting : 5 to 2 on the Knight of the Thistle, 4 to 1 apt Canto. Won by a length ; a bad third. The Burghley Handicap of 25 soya each ; 10 ft, and only sif declared, with 100 added. Certain winners extra. The second to save his stake. Two miles, one quarter, and 146 yds. (59 subs ,43 of whom declared.) Mr. Gibb's Wallace, 3 yrs, 7st llb (Perry) 1 Lord Ailesbury's Plumper, 3 yrs, 6st 91b.. (A. Edwards) 2 Lord Stamford's Newcastle, 4 yrs, Bst IMb.. (Fordham) 3 Yorkshire Grey, May Morning, Independence, and Urania also ran. Betting-3 to 1 agst Wallace, 4to 1 agst May Morning, 5 to 1 each agst Newcastle and Plumper, 7 to 1 each agst Independence and Yorkshire Grey. Won by a length; a bad third. Urania beaten off—did not pass the post. The Rutland Stakes of 5 soya each, h ft, with 50 added, for 2-yr-olds ; colts, Bst 71b ; fillies, Bst 41b. The winner to be sold for 50 soya, &c. Half a mile. Mr. Hamilton's Iraene, Bst 41b (J. Goater) 1 Mr. Payne's Gipsey, Bst 41b (Custance) 2 Mr. Stanley's Ada de Clare Bst 41b......... (Cresswell) 3 The Fawn and Jeannette•also ran. Betting—Even on Jeannette, 3 to 1 agst Ada de Clare/ 4to 1 agst Gipsey, sto 1 agst The Fawn. Won by a neck ; a length between the second and third. The winner was net sold. The Welland Stakes of 10 sous each, 5 ft, with 25 added; for 2-yr-olds, 6st 71b ; thiea, Bst 71b. Certain penalties and allowances. Half a mile. (9 subs.) Lord•Strathmore's The Sage, 2 yrs, Est 21b, (J. Daley) 1 Lord stamtbna'S Sacerdiis, ',pa, sirit 101 b (Mn per) 2 Captain Brabai - On.'s Touch-me-not, 2 yrs, 6st 101 b (inc - 31 b extra (J. Snowden) 3 Confidence and Harlequin also ran. Betting-2 to 1 agst Sacerdos, sto 2 eget Touch-me -not, 3to 1 agst Confidence, 5 to 1 agst The Sage. Won by three-quarters of a length, a head separating the second from the third, half a length between the third and fourth ; Confidence fifth, well up. • The Welter Cup (Handicap), value 100 sovs, the rest in specie of 1 soya each ; 10 ft, and only sif declared. One mile. (19 subs, 9of whom declared.) Lord Coventry's Narcissus, 3 yrs, 9st bib (Mr. W.Bevill) 1 Mr. Copperthwaite's Twilight, 4 yrs, list 121 b (Mr. Thomas) 2 Lord Strathmore's Marseillaise, 4 yrs, lOst 2 lb (Capt. Little) 3 The following also ran :—Prince of Orange, Indepen dence, and Rising Sun. Betting-6 to 4 agst Twilight, sto 1 each agst Narcissus and Independence, 7 to 1 agst Prince of Orange, 100 to 15 agst Marseillaise, and 10 to 1 agst Rising Sun. Won by three-quarters of a length, three lengths between the second and third, a bad fourth. The Borough Members' Plate (Handicap) of 50 spvs. Three quarters of a mile. Mr. Bevill's Audrey, 4 yrs, Bst llb (A. Edwards) 1 Mr. Batson's Zaretan, 4 yrs, 7st 6113 (Castance) 2 Mr. Reynard's Drogheda, 4 yrs, 9st 71b .. (G Fordhant) 3 Mr. Payne's Queen's Queen of the May, 3 yrs, 6st 101 b (J. Daley) 4 Mr. Mundy's Maid of Tees Valley, 2 yrs, sst 71b (J. Hayhoe) 5 Betting-6 to 4 agst Drogheda, sto 2 agst Audrey, 4to 1 agst Queen of the May. Won by a length and a half; half a length between the second and third. Match for 50 sovs ; 10st. Once round. Mr. W. Knight's Little Emma, 4 yrs ...... (Owner) 1 Mr. Whincup's Tittle Tattle, 5 yrs (Mr. Edwards) 2 Betting-5 to 4on Little Emma. Won by six lengths. The races this day (Friday) will commence at 2.15. BETTING ON• THE COURSE. . GOODWOOD STAKES. 6to 1 agst Tocher (taken) 6to 1 agst Satellite (taken) Bto 1 agst Gridiron (offered) 9to 1 aget Avalanche (taken) • 14 to 1 agst Rattlebone (taken) GOODWOOD CUP. 4to 1 agst Butterfly (taken) sto 1 agst Dangu (taken) 6to 1 agst Starke (taken) 10 to 1 agst Satellite (taken) ST. LEGER. 4to 1 agst Thormanby (taken) 7to 1 agst Umpire (taken) HEREFORD RACES.-THURSDAY. The Maiden Plate of 3 soya each, with 20 added, for all ages ; half-breds allowed 61b. One mile and a quarter. Mr. T. Parr's Farmer from Kerry, 3 yrs, 7st 71b (Clements) 1 Mr. Whitehouse's Quiver, 3 yrs, 7st 41b (Ducker) 2 Mr. Weyman's The Miller (h.b.), 6 yrs, Bst 51b (Hardy) 3 Mr. T..Stevens's Bonny Lass, 3 yrs, 7st 41b (Hutchins) 4 Mr. A. Hopkins's Lord Adare, 3 yrs, 7st 71b (Jenkins) 5 Betting-3 to 1 or. Farmer from Kerry. Won easily by a length, bad third. Lord Adare beaten of. The Two-Year-Old Stakes of 5 soya each, with 30 added; colts, Bst 71b ; fillies, Bst 41b ; winners extra ; allowances, &c. ; the winner to be sold for 100 soya. T.Y.C. Mr. T. Stevens's Joy, Bst (C. Stevens) Mr. Newland's Arche Bst 61b (including 31b extra) _press, ;sit, t..— (Pritchard) t Mr. Willoughby's Corfu, Bst 101 b (in. 31b ex.) (Ducker) t Mr. Robinson's Gloom colt, Bst 71b (Roberts) 4 Betting-5 to 4on Archeress, 7to 4 agst Corfu. Won by a short head; a dead heat for second place; bad fourth. The winner was not claimed. The Herefordshire Stakes of 60 soya, added to a handicap of 5 soya each, 2 ft to the fund; winners extra; the second horn to save his stake, and the winner to pay 10 says towards expenses. One mile and a half. Mr. G. Pallett's Aneurin, 4 yrs, Bst lib (Covey) 1 Mr. Copeland's Rameses, 3 yrs, 7st 71b (Sadler) 2 Mr. T. Parr's Nerio, 3 yrs, 7st 21b The following ale . ° ran Eleanor, Barege, Gr lade, Catherine, and Jeddah. Betting-5 to 4 agst Rameses, 7to 4 agst Aneurin, sto agst arillade, 7 to 1 agst Miss Eleanor, 10 to 1 agst any other. Won by three lengths ; u length between the second and third ; Catherine was fourth. The Town Plate of 3 sovs each, with 25 added. The winner to be sold for 40 soya. Half a mile. _ _ Mr. Sadler's Babbler, 4 yrs, Bst 71b (Sadler) I. Mr. Stewart's Salisbury, 3 yrs, 6st 121 b Betting-6 to 4on Salisbury. Won by a length. The Aristocratic Plate Handicap of 5 sous each, with 30 added ; gentlemen riders ; professionals 101 b extra. One mile. Mr. Thomas's Athos, 3 yrs. 9st 121 b (Mr. Williams) 1 Mr. Holman's Bantum, 4 yrs, 9st 121 b.... (Mr. Lindow) 2 Mr. Barratt's Brunette, aged, 12st 31b (inc. 101 b extra) (Pritchard) 3 Mr. T. Parr's Farmer from Kerry, 3 yrs, 9st 101 b (car ried 9st 121 b) (Owner) 4 The Express Handicap of 5 sovs each, with 25 added, for all ages. (Three-quarters of a mile. Mr. Lincoln's Sawyer, 2 yrs, sst 21b (Taylor) 1 Mr. Thomas's Athos, 3 yrs, 7st 71b (Sadler) 2 Mr. Willoughby's Corfu, 2 yrs, sst (Page )) 3 Mr. Stevens's Chanoine, 4 yrs, 7st 101 b (Stevens 4 GLORIOUS GOODWOOD.—YOUATT WM. GRAY'S advice for the Goodwood Meeting will be issued to •morrow. He advised Starke for the Goodwood Stakes, and Promised Land for the Cup last year. From the result of several trials just to hand he is again equally confident of success. Remember his late victories with Moorcock for the Liver pool Cup, and First Lord for the Northumberland Plate. Terms—the full week at Goodwood, ss. ; the Cup and Stakes, 2s. 6d., and per tentage. Address 15, Charing cross, London. A horse at 20 to 1 will be Ist, 2d, or 3d, and a rank outsider at 50 to 1 will either win or be placed for the Stakes. Syringe was selected to win the Notting ham Handicap. A QUATICS. ROTTERDAM M REGATTA, Y ON THE RIVER AAS, JUL 18. Seven sons of the Thames left London on the 15th inst., taking with them two beautiful boats, built by Mr. Wyld, of Lambeth, to, contend for the prizes given by the Prince Frederick Henry, open to all nations. The first race, at one o'clock, was for 4-oared gigs, and the prize 400 guilders. Five boats entered for contest, viz., two belonging to Rotterdam, one to Sandom, one to Am sterdam, and the London boat Albion. The distance was about five miles, and the start was from opposite the Royal Club house, round a buoy a mile and a half below, back, round another at the upper end of the town, returning to the starting point. The following are the names of the crew of the London boat :- 1. S. Peters, Wandsworth. f 3. T. Royal, Westminster. 2. W. Martin, Westminster. 1 4. R. Bain, Lambeth. Coxswain, J. Driver, Wandsworth. Immediately after the start the Albion took the lead, and kept it the whole distance, coming in about 100 yards ahead ; Rotterdam crew second. The next race was in six-oared gigs ; prize, 300 guilders, for which four boats entered, viz., the Britannia, two boats belonging to Rotterdam, and one from Amsterdam. The last-named boat, however, did not some out in time, and the race was started without them. The Britannia was manned by 1. S. Peters, Wandsworth. 4. W. Martin, Westminster. 2. Crout, Woolwich. 5. H. Corbey, Gravesend. 3. T. Royal, Westminster. 6. R. Bain, Lambeth. Coxswain, J. Driver. The Britannia at once took the lead, and by her long stroke maintained it throughout, winning by 50 yards. The betting before the race had been 2 to 1 on the Amsterdam crew against the London boat, and consequently great disappointment was felt at their not contending. It was therefore decided by o P Prints guilders e Fre il d d e e r r i s ck sh a o n u d ld th b e e committee eentended t h a t another prize f . order to give the Amsterdam crew (who for, had i , li rav i d themselves with a new boat from Lnecieei3pportuuity of trying their strength against the The Englishmen willingly con ritanma. tiler race, and although they had rowed ud afternoonau i they eua cametheir h t e o sta t . post li e i p s p e a l y d three boats took their station, namely, etwreowlodnigotahraces that rentiy as f h re a s v h e at the start, and it was a good All got off well together d Rotterdam crew, and the Amsterdam crew. Rotterdam to the turn, se a te f r te d r am wh zhtonintthdßeedorrntili)-amnne aivaoite a a s a e et v r a race between London an them, and although they attained boat o a v t e., took ry p 1 a t u h eek e ryv lead, e mt a n d a tie , ynthere could Rot after afterno t o - t every iaicy ti won all three c ic re h w th r e owi L n ° „(r lici° in ji come up with their opponents, whon races. The prizes amounting to 8 s a t , e rstood crew, greatly to the disappointment of the r i no chance, and were soon left so far behind ...,. nee. The not think it worth while even to TOW the di ta I . their they met • . they Nvis) to express London men put up at Mr. Robins's York - 1 - 1 ' otel, where with every attention, end b by the ttiAaetilmdthey did gratitud e for the great kindness shoWn t 9 t em gentlemen of the yacht club and others. SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 20, 1866.- IMPERIAL PARMA EN T. HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. _ PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Macclesfield Gas and the Horsham and Guildford Direct Railway Bills were read a third time and passed. LABOURERS' COTTAGES (SCOTLAND) BILL. On the motion that the house go into committee on this bill, The Earl of AIRLIE took the opportunity of explaining certain misunderstandings, and directed the atten.tion of their lordships to the state of agricultural labour in Scot land, and said when the bill was in committee he should move an amendment to the effect that the cost of improve ments for cottages should not be made a permanent charge on the estate. After a short discussion in which the Marquis of Bath, Lord Redesdale, and the Earl of Galloway took part, The house went into committee, and the amendment alluded to having been made, the bill was reported. CRIMINAL LUNATICS ASYLUM BILL (AMENDMENT). This bill was read a third time and passed. LANDS CLAUSES CONSOLIDATION ACI (AMENDMENT) BILL. Earl DE GREY moved the second reading of this bill, and said one of the clauses empowered the Secretary at War to take land for the defence of the realm. The bill did not increase the power given to the Secretary at War under the Defence Act, but it enabled him to avail himself of the machinery of the present measure. The Duke of SOMERSET said the bill did not give any new power to the War department ; it only gave improved machinery. With respect to the Admiralty the alterations he wished could be better discussed in committee. Lord CHELMSFORD thought the bill conferred some new powers on the Lords of Admiralty, and therefore it ought to be most carefully considered. After a few words from Earl Ds GREY, the bill was read a second time. COLEWORT BARRACKS (PORTSMOUTH) BILL. This bill passed through committee. ANNUITY TAX ABOLITION BILL. The house went into committee on this bill, which was reported without amendment. • LEITH HARBOUR BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed: REGISTRATION OF BIRTHS (SCOTLAND) BILL. This bill was read a second time. COURT OF QUEEN'S .BENCH ACT (AMEND MENT) BILL. This bill was also read a second time. CENSUS (ENGLAND) BILL. Earl GRANVILLE said, in moving the second reading of this bill, he need not make any observations, as its ob jects were so well known. The bill was read a second time. CENSUS (IRELAND) BILL. This bill was also read a third time. THE BUSINESS OF PARLIAMENT. The Earl of DERBY rose, pursuant to notice, to call the attention of the house to the mode of conducting the busi ness of the house. He said,—We have now arrived at the third week of July, a period when it is generally hoped that the session is drawing to a close. On former occasions the review of the session has often been made the subject of an exciting political controversy, and I am far from saying that the present session is so far an exception to the general rule as not to afford ample material for debate. (Hear, hear.) But on the present occasion it is my desire not to seek, but sedulously to avoid, such a discussion. I wish solely to draw your lordships' attention to a state of things which necessarily leads to dry detail, but which is yet a matter of great importance not only to the country, as affecting the character of the legislation of both houses, but also to the interests of any and every Government which happens to be charged with the responsibility of office. I trust, therefore, we may approach the considera tion of the question without the slightest reference to party feeling, and merely as a subject in which we all have a great and common interest. We have now been sitting for the space of 26 weeks, and at the expiration of that time I find that 34 Acts of Parliament have received the Royal assent, and that there are 13 other bills which, as they have passed both houses, and only await the Royal assent, may be supposed to be already added to the legislation of the session. On examination, however, the great proportion of these bills prove to be measures of the most absolute and complete routine. There is hardly a single measure among them that can claim the dignity of being of second,- rate importance. This is not a circumstance which is new or peculiar to the present session, for I find that during this session nearly as many bills will have been passed up to the expiration of July as in any of the last ten or twelve years. The number is somewhat smaller, but the difference is not material. What I wish to bring before your lordships is that almost by the necessity of the case the same thing must be found in nearly every session of Parliament. I wish to direct your attention to the man ner in which parliamentary business is conducted in the two houses, for the purpose of ascertaining whether the mode of proceeding may not be altered so as to avoid thedifficulty I have pointed out. I begin by acknowledging that the great proportion of bills, 9 out of 10, or even 19 out of every 20, require to be originated in the other House of Parlia ment. This does not arise merely because there are a nuns. • ber of bills which, owing to the privileges of the House of Commons, we are precluded from originating in this house. I will frankly confess that, as a general rule, the House of Commons is better adapted for originating and discussing measures in the first instance, and that your lordships are better employed in revising and correcting the rough work, if I may say so, of the other House of Parliament. I do net mean to cast any discredit on your lordships' house when I say that the proceedings here do not bear any com parison with those of the other house in regard to the minute examination of measures, especially if they are of any length. There is, comparatively speaking, so small a number of your lordships who are disposed very carefully to consider the pro isions of measures which may be introduced, or who are in terested in calling attention to matters in detail, and there is so great a readiness to allow measures to be sent from this for consideration by the other house, that I suspect, unless a bill happens to excite general attention, there is a risk of its being sent down without receiving that attention and consideration which would probably have been bestowed on it had it been sent up to your lordships to be passed into a law. But assuming that in the great proportion of cases bills should be introduced first in the other House of Parliament, we are led to consider what is the course of proceeding which is taken in regard to bills in that house, and what is the prospect that those which originate there will come before your lordships in a reasonable time in order to give you the opportunity of deliberately con sidering them. There is ene point of difference between the proceedings of the House of Commons and those of your lordships' house. I need not say that by the courtesy of this house any noble lord has the privilege of placing a bill on the table and obtaining for it a first reading, without the necessity of raising any lengthy discussion. In the House of Commons members have no such power. It is necessary for them first to give notice on the preceding day that leave will be asked to introduce a bill, and upon that leave being asked considerable discussion may arise. Bills have there fore one more stage to go through in the House of Com mons than in your lordships' house, and in cases where it is necessary to originate the bill by the re solution of a committee of the whole house there is added another stage, making two more stages upon the introduc tion of certain measures than are necessary in your lord ships' house. But, then, what are the facilities which the House of Commons affords, especially to. the Government, for the introduction of bills and the progress of public busi ness ? By the rules of the House of Commons two days are set apart for motions by individual members, and a third day, Wednesday, is set aside for bills without any prefer ence in favour of Government measures over those of pri vate members, the bills being taken in the order in which they stand on the notice paper. At the commencement of the session the Government, by giving notice of all the measures they have prepared, and sometimes also, I fear, of measures that they have not prepared, occupy the ground, and have an opportunity of introducing some bills. But, except for the first week of the session, the Government have no precedence over pri vate members, and they are often placed in circum stances of great difficulty with regard even to the introduc tion of their measures. When bills are introduced the Go vernment have nominally two days in the week for their consideration. We should, however, recollect the position in which the Government stand at the beginning of each session with regard to the two days in tie week allotted to them. It is necessary, in consequence of the expiration of t t h a k e e n Mutiny n g A c b t e , f o t r h e a F t a a r v l i e a r e m y en ay tr theo p n p u o r m t u b n e r i t y o f s h m o e u n l d a n b d e the amount proposed to be demanded for the military and naval service of the country. The first object, therefore, is to go into Committee of Supply. The Mutiny Act cannot be passed before the votes for men and money have been taken, and it is thereforenecessary before Easter that these votes should be considered in supply. But, although Government are in possession of two days out of five for the transaction of Government business in the House of Com mons, that statement, without further explanation, would lead to an erroneous idea in regard to the time actually at their disposal; because on every occasion of going into committee of supply it is open to any hon member to move any amendment, and a discussion may be taken upon any subject whatever, on the ground that the consideration of grievances ought to precede the granting of supply. It, therefore, often happens that a whole evening, and some times more than a whole evening, is occupied by discussing some question that has nothing to do with committee of supply. With regard to other bills a satisfactory rule has been made, that when the hou. e has once gone into com mittee on a bill, and has reported progress, it is not com petent for any hon. member, when the bill again comes be fore the house, to move an amendment to the motion that the Speaker leave the chair. But formerly that was not . the case, and this was one of the modes adopted by the House of Commons for the purpose of curtailing the forms of the house and saving time. I believe that this alteration was made under the presidency of my noble friend (Viscount Evers • ley), whom I do not now see in his place, who presided with so much dignity and public utility over the deliberations of that house—(cheers)—and that was one of the many valu able improvements he introduced into the parliamentary practice of the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) It has been found necessary of late years, indeed, to carry these restrictions to an extent that can hardly be justified. Your lordships all know that en the presentation of petitions in this house the whole subject of those petitions may be en tered upon and discussed ; but it has been found necessary to put so absolute a restriction upon this right in the House of Commons that members are not allowed to state anything except the substance of the petition and the parties from whom it proceeds. With regard to Committee of Supply, it is not only necessary that a motion should be made when ever the Speaker leaves the chair ; but upon every occasion when the house goes into committee afterwards, although no vote may have been taken on the previous occasion, a new motion must be made and a new amendment may be moved. And that may take place on every occasion when the Government seek to go into Committee of Supply. During these two days in the week, when devoted to the business of supply, the Government may thus be indefi nitely embarrassed and the public business indefinitely postponed by amendment after amendment. But that is not all, for every Friday, which is one of the two days at the disposal of the Government, a motion was made " that this house at its rising adjourn to Monday." That motion affords weekly an opportunity not of moving a specific amendment, but of discussing every description of subject, introduced without order or regularity or without the possibility of any Minister speaking more than once in answer to numerous interpellations. Recently Thursday has been taken as a Government day instead of Friday, and the discussions upon the motion for adjourn ment on Friday are net now taken out of the time allotted to Government business. So far as the promotion of public business is concerned, that is a very considerable improve ment. But in the early part of the session the Government are limited to two days in the week, and for public business of the character of legislation there is little or no time be fore Easter, from the necessity of obtaining Supply, and the difficulty of entering upon the consideration of Supply. I hope it will not be supposed that in alluding to the practice of the House of Commons I conceive myself entitled, or that your lordships are entitled, to pass an opinion upon the mode in which the House of Commons transact their own business, or that such an opinion would carry any weight with it. What I want to show is that this is a state of things which the House of Commons have made many attempts to amend. It is to be regarded not as an exceptional state of things, but as one that does and may affect every session of Parlia ment. Ido not mean to say that there may not have been some additional delay in the present session, owing to the introduction, at an unusually early period, of a budget of an ambitious and complicated character, simultaneously with the introduction of a commercial treaty, which led to much discussion and difference of opinion, and simultane ously also with the introduction of a Reform Bill, which occupied a great deal of the time of the house. The House of Commons, then, having one stage more for every bill than 3 our lordships, and originating a great number of bills, the Government having only two days for the conduct of the Government business, those two days being greatly occupied by motions in supply, and those motions being liable to in terruption and great delay from the introduction of other sub jects, the time for legislation at their disposal may be re garded as almost nil, and the result is that the number of bills passed before the end of July is comparatively small. From 1848 to 1860, but not including, this year, the average number of bills that received the Royal assent up to the end of July for each year was 61, while the average num ber that received the Royal assent from the end of July up to the end of August was 61. That is to say, the number of bills passed in a month when there is a very small number of either house in attendance is equal on an average of years to the number that received the Royal assent in all the five preceding months of the session. My lords, I have before me a precise state of the business of the house as it was this morning. Your lordships have gone through some mea sures this evening, and so far it will not be accurate; but this morning there were five bills standing for a third read ing, eight for committee, two of which are referred to a select committee, nine for a second reading, the day for which is fixed, and 16 waiting for a second reading, for which no day is fixed, including three bills which originatedhere, and ap pear likely also to terminate their existence in this house. The total number of bills now on the table of your lordships' house is 43; but even with regard to these 43 bills, 15 or 16 of which came up on Monday, and five or six to-day, there are comparatively few which are of great importance. Now, there is, as I said before, a large number of bills which your lordships have not the power of originating. Se far, however, as your power in that respect extends, you have not neglected the public business in the course of the present session, for I find that you have sent down to the House of Commons 22 or 23 bills, many of which are very important, including seven relating to the consolidation of the Criminal Law, which received your assent at an early period of the session, and to whose consideration much industry and knowledge was applied. In addition to these, you passed a bill for the regulation of the Divorce Court, the Indictable Offences Bill, a bill for the Union of Benefices, another on the subject of Church temporalities, and a great number of other important measures. It must, however, be admitted, when we come to take notice of the progress which these measures have made in the House of Commons, that the position which they occupy on its votes is not such as to encourage us to originate bills in this house, for having examined the votes of the House of Commons, I find that not one of the bills which you have sent thidaer—the course of three of them, I may observe, I have been unable to trace—has yet passed through committee. (Hear.) Ten of them are awaiting that stage, having passed a second read ing, while there are nine which have not been successful in making so rapid a progress. I, under these circumstances, am very much afraid that the time which your lordships have given to the consideration of these bills will havebeen, so far as the present session is concerned, absolutely thrown away. I now come to deal with the state of business gene rally as it stands inthe House of Commons, and that, I find, presents by no means a satisfactory aspect. There were in that house this morning only three bills awaiting a third reading; eight awaited consideration, having been amended, while there were no less than 41 set down for committee, including 10 which were sent down from this house. Twenty-five, including nine others sent down by your lordships, stood for second reading, and, over and above this mass of business, there are, on the votes of the other house, no less than six notices of motion for leave to bring in bills—(a laugh)—which have yet to go through all their stages. Among these are the Militia Ballot Expenses Bill, the Medical Relief Bill, the Volunteers (Ireland) Bill, the East India Judicature Bill, some of which are Govern ment measures. But more than this there are financial pro posals, in which case it will be necessary that the House of Commons should go into, committee, and pass resolutions to form the groundwork of bills, which bills will then have to pass through their several stages, and go through your lordships' house, before the Appropriation Bill can be introduced. (Hear, hear.) This, I think you will agree with me, is no small amount of work to have to accomplish, especially when I tell you that this morning that huge impediment, the Bankruptcy Bill, consisting of 500 and odd clauses, stood at the head of the list—a bill which the Attorney-General, like another Sisyphus, is one deavoming to roll up the Parliamentary hill, but which no sooner reaches the top than it comes down again with far greater rapidity than it ascended. (Laughter.) I said this bill stood at the head of the list in the House of Commons this morning, but I believe it does so no more, for if I am not misinformed, among the other painfu sacrifices which her Majesty's Ministers have been obliged to make is the abandonment of these 500 and odd clauses. (A laugh.) But there yet remain the Highways Bill, the Ecclesiastical Commission Bill, and the European Forces in India Bill — one of the most important and difficult measures with which the Government ie called upon to deal, besides the Poor-Law Beard Continuance Bill, the bills relating to the tenure of land in Ireland, the London Corporation Bill— which, to my certain knowledge, has been for some years on the votes of the House of Commons—the Roman Catholic Charities Bill, making together with several other measures which I need not more particularly mention, but many of which are of considerable importance, 77 bills in the other House of Parliament, in various stages, from which if I de duct the 19 bills to which I have already alluded as having passed your lordships' house, there will be left 58, none of which, or very few of which, have yet—at the end of July —gone through committee. (Hear.) I hive, however, in the observations which I have made given your lordships but a very feeble picture of the embarrassment of the Go vernment in regard to the business of the country. I say this, because I have been informed by a right hon. gentle man who is likely to know that, according to the best cal culation that can be made, eight or nine nights more will be required to get through the votes in supply which still remain to be passed. (Hear.) Now, when you take into account the fact that the Government have only two, or at the utmost three nights in each week at their disposal, I ask you what prospect there is at this period of the session that the 58 bills which I have mentioned will receive that con sideration to which they are entitled, and without receiving which it would reflect no credit on Parliament that they should be allowed to pass into a law. (Hear, hear.) And, what, let me ask, is likely to be the result of this state of things ? Why that, with perhaps a few insignificant excep tions, measures ore the expediency of which the opinion of the country has been clearly pronounced, and the main prin ciples of which met with almost universal approval, will fall to the ground, a sacrifice to that general massacre which usually takes place about this time of the year, so that legis lation will have been absolutely brought to a standstill, and but little or nothing will have been accomplished in that direction during a session which has already lasted six months, and which will not in all probability terminate for a month or six weeks to come. (Cheers.) Now, this, my lords, is a subject which, in my opinion, will press itself upon your attention more and more year after year, and if for the evils which it involves no remedy can be provided the result must be that Parliament will be placed in a position neither creditable to itself nor useful to the nat i on . (Hear, hear.) Surrounding circumstances have in the present session been favourable to legislation. The Thames this summer has been more inoffensive than has of late been its wont. (A laugh.) The temperature has been such as to enable the members of the House of Com mons to go through their senatorial labours without the feeling of absolute exhaustion. (Laughter.) But, with all these incentives to work, it is too much to suppose that a large number of the independent members of that house could go through six weeks of slavery, sitting from 10 to 14 hours a day. And, if men could be found to accomplish so great a task, I feel certain that the physical prostration consequent on the exertion is not the means by which they would be best fitted to give due consideration to details of the measures brought under their notice, which, under these circumstances, there would be a tendency to slur over, so as to get rid of measures themselves, with the -view of sending them up as speedily as possible to your lordships' house. (Hear, hear.) Such, my lords, being the evils with which we have to contend, where are we to find for them a palliation or a remedy ? Great bene fit, it must be admitted, has been conferred by the opera. tion of the resolution of my noble friend (Lord Redesdale), in accordance with which your lordships will not, after a certain day, undertake the responsibility of dealing with a measure which it is impossible for you—owing to the time at which it is laid before you—to con eider satisfactorily. In former years, bills which were post poned until a late period of the session were frequently passed with extravagant haste. I find that in one year—Parliament having been prorogued on the sth of September-37 bills received the Royal assent in that month and 61 in the August immediately preceding, while only 27 received the Royal assent before the end of July of the same year. I also find that in 1853 only 40 bills received the Royal assent before the end of July, while in the follow ing August 97 were added to the legislation of the country. It is impossible that these measures could have received the attention due to every bill which passes your lordships' house, and the consequence of such a system is that year after year we are called on to pass Acts for the purpose of amending mistakes, whether of this or of the other house, which have been committed from the great haste and necessary carelessness with which these bills are considered. Some 12 years ago I called your lordships' attention to this subject, and I at that time proposed a measurs to which I had the satisfaction of obtaining your lordships' concur rence, for enabling the House of Lords, and vice versa, the House of Commons, to take up at the commencement of the next session the bills which should make their appear ance as remanets from the session before. I am per fectly satisfied that in one mode or other, if we desire to obviate the evils of the present system, we must come to some understanding by which the principle embodied in that bill shall be adopted. The measure received very general concurrence on the part of your lordships. I am afraid I must make one illustrious exception in the person of my noble friend the Chairman of Committees, who op. posed alike its principle and details. The noble lord on the woolsack, I recollect, was favourable to the plan proposed in the bill, but objected to its being introduced into an Act of Parliament, and suggested that the same object might be effected by resolutions of the two houses. Now, I am not about to make any distinct proposition to your lordships. I have desired to call your lord ships' attention to the state of public business at the present moment, and to the absolute necessity there will be of sacrificing a great portion of the bills now standing on the paper, and thereby rendering useless the labours of this and of the other House of Parliament. And more especially I would say that it is a matter for the sincerest regret that those measures for the consolidation of the criminal law which were sent down from this house, as to which all parties were agreed, have been left, I know not why, except for the great press of other business, to so late a period of the session that there is little probability of their passing the House of Commons, notwithstanding that but slight or no opposition is made to them. (Hear.) But if an illustration be needed ;of the importance of our being able to carry on legislation from one session to another, I cannot have a better example than is afforded by the Bankruptcy Bill. That was a measure with regard to which probably a much larger number of members in proportion to those who attend in your lordships' house than in the House of Com mons were fully informed and competent to decide. The 550 clauses of that bill ought to have been elaborately dis cussed in both houses, but after two or three nights in corn • mittee, and before half its provisions have been gone through in the House of Commons, it is found absolutely necessary, I understand, to abandon the bill, and all the labour bestowed upon it has been consequently lost. But, supposing that bill had come up to us in the month of August, what would have bean the alternative placed before us ? We should have been Galled on to abandon and throw over altogether this very material alteration, and I hope very great amendment, in the commercial law and practice of this country; or else to pass on credit, and without due consideration, a bill of 500 clauses, on a subject as to which a vety large number of those in your lordships' house are peculiarly qualified to judge and to give sovid opinions. (Cheers.) I take that as an example of the position in which we should have been placed if this bill, which unfortunately has not received the sanction of the House of Commons, had been sent up to your lordships. I ask what can be a course more prudent than that a bill which has been passed by the Lower House, and the principle of which has re ceived the sanction of your lordships, should be left over for the consideration of its details to the commencement of the next session of Parliament, when we know that a general complaint is made at the commencement of every session that we have little or no business before us, and that in the interval bills which have passed the House of Commons will be submitted to examination and criticism by the pub lic generally, so that your lordships in approaching the consideration of these measures will have the opportunity of knowing, not only the opinions put forward by the other house, .but the view taken by the public of their principles and details. (Hear, bear.) That appears to me the plain and obvious solution of the difficulty. Of course, such a plan could only be carried out with the sanction and concurrence of the House of Commons, in such cases as they were satisfied in the next session to ac cept the decision of the House of Lords as amendments to their bill, instead of beginning over again from the begin ning and carrying it through all the different stages, by which so much time was previously lost. An arrangement of this nature would afford the two houses the amplest means of deliberation, while the public would obtain the benefit of well considered instead of hasty and ill-consi dered legislation. (Hear, hear.) Of course it would be perfectly competent to the other or to either House of Par liament to decline taking those amendments into conside ration, and to drop the bill if they thought fit to do so, but I am quite sure the business of the house would be much facilitated and the interests of the country greatly advanced by any agreement come to between the two houses for the purpose of carrying into effect the principle, at all events, which I have stated to your lordships, and to which I endeavoured 12 years ago to obtain the sanction of Par liament. It is said the effect of this bill will be to encou rage attempts at legislation, that persons will bring for ward bills hoping, though they may not pass in one ses sion, that ultimately they may become law. For my part, I cannot help thinking that, although it might afford en couragement to the introduction of measures, it would at the same time afford the best means of giving to those mea• sures, when they were introduced, the fullest and most im• partial consideration. Moreover, there is at present great temptation in the House of Commons to the promoters of bills to hurry them forward in order that they may be brought under the consideration of this house within the time limited for your lordships' sitting. On the other hand, there is equal temptation to the opponents of bills, however valuable and important they may be, to interpose unnecessary obstructions by way of delay, and delay only, with the security that if they can only postpone the pass ing of the bill till after the period fixed by your lordships' resolutions it will be altogether lost. Now, Ido not consi der in ordinary cases that such is a fair mode of opposition to measures in the other House of Parliament; and I am quite sure a great motive for that kind of resistance would be taken away if the persons resorting to it were aware that even if they succeeded in protracting the passing of a bill beyond a particular time it would not have the effect of de stroying it altogether and of rendering it necessary to begin next year all over again, but would only cause the post ponement of its consideration to another session, when the other house would be able to deal with it as it thought fit. I do not pretend to point out to your lordships the mode in which the object to which I have directed attention is to be attained, but I think you will be satisfied that the present state of legislation is not satisfactory to this house, to the other house, nor to the country—(hear)—that many and very valuable measures which well deserve to pass are lost, that much valuable time is sacrificed in either hot.se, and that with regard to the legislation which does take place, a great portion of it is of necessity so hasty and inconsiderate as to require very early and frequent amendment. My lords, all these things are of constant annual recurrence; and ac cording to the mode in which business is conducted, I see no hope that they will not continue to be of annual recurrence. I know no possible mode of counteracting the evil effect of this waste of the greater part of the session, save by en abling measures to be postponed from July to February, as they may now be postponed from February to July, and as they are sometimes deferred by a prorogation or even by a dissolution of Parliament. I think I am not mistaken when I say that after the dissolution of 1859, this house, at all events, passed a resolution declaring that private bills which had reached a certain stage should be allowed, when Par liament met again, to be resumed at the point at which they had been left by the dissolution. I do not propose any rule of this kind with regard to a dissolution, because it must alter the constitution of the House of Com mons, which agreed to the bill, and consequently that house may refuse to receive as mere amendments alterations to the measures passed by their predecessors. But with regard to the prorogation, I cannot see any rea • sonable ground why the same power should not exist of postponing a bill over a prorogation that may be applied indefinitely to the adjournment of Parliament, even al though it may be from February to July. There are vari - ono modes in which this object may be effected. The mode adopted in 1848, which received the general concurrence of your lordships, was the framing of an act enabling both houses to take the course which I have described. It was not thought expedient, however, in the House of Commons to press the consideration of that act, which accordingly fell to the ground, and the question has not since been re newed. Another mode was suggested by the noble lord on the woolsack—namely, that the two houses should simul taneously appoint committees which might be placed in communication with each other, and on their separate re ports, corresponding with each other, resolutions might be passed which would accomplish the desired object. I do not know whether any advantage would be derived in this case from a conference between the two houses ; the in stances, at all events, are very rare in which a question has been referred to a joint committee ; but in some one of these modes I do think it most important that the opinion of both houses should be taken, and that means eb,4l be die- covered of remedying what everybody admits to be a grievance Ido not undertake to suggest to your lordships which of these modes would be the preferable course. On the contrary, I think it is a matter which had much better be left to the Government ; and on consultation with their colleagues in the other house, they will propose such a mea sure as they on their responsibility shall think fit. I do not therefore intend to trespass further on your lord-hips' indulgence then to lay before you the statement which I have made as to the state of public business, and the nature of the only remedy which I believe can be successful. If it be convenient to the house, for the sake of regularity, I shall move that a committee be appointed to consider this question, of course without the slightest intention of pressing that motion. I hope my noble friend the Presi dent of the Council, who I presume will follow me, will not satisfy himself with saying, in his usual courteous manner, that he is sure the house and the Government are much in debted to the noble earl opposite—(cheers and laughter)— for the pains which he has taken in making his remarks on this subject, and for the very clear exposition which he has given of the difficulties of the case ; and that he would assure the noble lord that he concurs with him in thinking the subject one of very deep importance, and that it shall receive the very best consideration of ttie Government. (Renewed laughter and cheers.) Of course, I don't expect any specific plan from my noble friend to-night, but I hope to obtain from him something more definite than the cour teous answer which I have heard from him on more than one occasion. I hope he will give us some intimation of the view which the Government take of this question, and that he will be able to say whether or not his colleagues are of opinion that any legislation or any resolution, or any other course by which an agreement might be come to by both houses, is likely to meet with success, or would in their opinion be a mode of diminishing, if not altogether doing away with the inconvenience which both houses, and your lordships' house in particular, must feel in being called on either to reject bills passed by the other house, and thus to render it necessary to begin again with them next session with probably as little chance of success, or else to pass them without giving them that consideration which it is due to your character and the interest of the country you should give before affixing your sanction to any legislative measure. (Hear.) The noble earl concluded by a formal motion for the appointment of a select committee. Earl GRANVlLLE—Notwithstanding the protest of the noble earl, I must say that I think both houses are indebted to him for having brought the subject under our notice, and further, that I think he has made a most clear statement of the evils which exist. (Hear, hear.) The house will agree with me, too, that the noble earl has amply redeemed the pledge which he gave the other night that he intended to treat the question entirely as one of public importance and divested of any party spirit. (Hear.) lam free to admit that there are circumstances this year, though as far as the Government is concerned a satisfactory explanation of them alight be given, which a leader of Opposition might be tempted to make use of in a party spirit. There is no doubt as to the existence of the evil, though I think there is some thing to be said on the other side. My noble friend said that somewhere about 150 bills had been, or would be, brought under the consideration of Parliament this session. I am not altogether clear whether it is desirable that that number of bills should be passed every session ; but, on the other hand, there is no doubt that the present difficulties of legis lation do prevent useful measures being passed, for no other reason but the accumulation of business. This is not a new evil. The noble earl himself says he called attention to it 12 years ago ; and I remember hearing both Lord Aberdeen and Lord Lansdowne say that they had heard similar complaints for nearly 50 yearspast. At the same time it must be admitted that the evil is rather on the increase than the decrease, and this year it has been so great as to be hindrance to the pass ing of useful and necessa' y measures. (Hear.) The noble earl said that one remedy which we have attempted to apply was the resolution which we pass annually, fixing a certain day after which we will not read a bill a second time. I remark that that resolution has been pointed to elsewhere as a hindrance to legislation, and I have often thought that it was a resolution which might fairly be questioned. It was agreed to by your lordships, however, for your own de fence, and as far as I can form an opiui , n, if acted upon with a certain elasticity, it works usefully, and has not a disad vaxtageous effect on the legislation of the other house. (Hear.) With regard to the other remedy proposed by the noble earl—the suspending of bills at a certain stage, so as to make it possible to take them up in another session—it is a most important question, and one to which, so far as your lordships are concerned, you have given your assent by passing the bill of the noble earl same years ago. Con stitutional objections may be urged to it, I believe ; but, not having perhaps thoroughly considered the subject, I cannot see the force of them. With regard to private bills, where both houses act more as courts of justice than legislative bodies, it is an immense hardship on parties, when, for a public object, they have gone to a considerable expense in promoting a bill, that, having got to a certain stage, if they don't get a step further the whole of the money is sacrificed and they have to begin again. (Hear, hear.) A question was raised as to the principle here involved in the case of the impeachment of Warren Hastings. If I remember rightly the lawyers raised an objection that the impeachment abated in conse quence of a dissolution. I don't know that they were not right, but they were laughed out of it by Burke, who said that " though they might be competent to understand the gestation of a mouse they were not competent to under stand the gestation of an elephant." This shows, however, that:a:constitutional objection might be raised. At the same time, there is no doubt that any general change in the principle of our legislation is one which requires the greatest care. (Hear, hear.) My noble friend said he hoped I would not give any vague answer. Well, I am ready to inform him that I have communicated with my colleagues in the other house several times on the sub ject, but in the present pressure of business the Go vernment have not found it possible to bestow that atten tion to the subject which it is necessary to give before com mitting themselves to any definite plan. During the s ecess the subject will receive full consideration, and if it appears likely that any satisfactory result would be obtained I think it would be most desirable that some inquiry should take place in order to arrive unanimously, if possible, at some plan which would be of assistance to the progress of legislation. I believe there has not been a joint committee of both houses for 200 years, but it is quite competent to both houses to appoint a joint committee. I believe the objection which led to their ceasing came from your lordships. You objected that the House of Commons would not take off their hats, as at a conference—(a laugh)—and you also objected to their claim to have a double number of members. If a joint committee were not appointed the other plan of the noble earl might be adopted—two separate committees to con sider the question, authorised to communicate with each other. These, however, are matters of detail, which may be considered during the recess. I don't propose to take any action this year. Among other reasons, be sides the lateness of the session, it is quite clear that it is not the best moment to choose to propose a joint action on any subject of this kind, when questions have arisen between the two houses with regard to which a certain number of members feel a soreness at an unusual proceeding of your lordships. It is obvious that, whatever measure is adopted, it should be as nearly as possible unani mously adopted by both houses. (Hear, hear.) Lord BROUGHAM concurred with the Lord President in thanking Lord Derby for the clear, useful, and (to coin a word to describe a novelty) " unparty" statement which he had made on this subject. It was the duty of Parliament, without more delay than was absolutely necessary, to endea vour to apply a remedy to this evil, but circumstances had recently occurred which rendered it expedient that imme • diate action should not be taken. The course which he would recommend would be a joint committee, and in what ever way that committee was composed—whether or not the Commons had an equal number—he was sure that they would not be found to give their votes in two divisions, one of the Lords and the other of the Commons, so as to bring matters to a standstill, but that the important subject com mitted to them should be fairly and calmly discussed, with a view of arriving at some practical and useful result. Par liamentary Government was on its trial at present, and never till the present session, in the opinion of foreign countries, had it shown itself so incompetent fer the discharge of its functions. People elsewhere thought that only one mode of free Government was tolerable, and it was one which we deemed intolerable—viz., universal suffrage. Universal suffrage meant government by the mob, armed and unarmed, and a dictator presiding over that multitude. That was the form which was supposed elsewhere to be the perfection of free government, and which was set up in contrast to parliamentary government. His belief was that our Parlia -1 mentary Government, with all its faults, was infinitely pre ferable to anything of that description, as it was not free, but despotic, whereas ours was free and capable of improve ment. (Hear, hear.) He believed that either by standing orders of both houses, or by act of Parliament, or by some other measure resultingfrom the action of a joint committee, the greater part of the mischief could be greatly mitigated, if not wholly remedied. The motion on Fridays in the other house, that upon its rising it adjourn to Monday, gave rise to endless debates, to the exclusion of every other sub ject, and to the postponement and defeat of most important meesures. It was a most mischievous practice, which had been introduced only in recent times, and could be remedied at once by a standing order. He would not enter further into the proceedings of the other house, for which he en tertained the greatest possible respect, and for that par ticular proceeding he entertained all the respect which was possible. (Laughter.) Ho believed that much might be done without any Act of Parliament, by orders and resolu tions of the two houses, backed by that without which all orders and resolutions would prove of no avail—viz., a firm determination on the part of the leaders in Parliament to carry the resolution s w hi c h had been formed into effect. (Hear, hear.) Lord REDESDALE agreed with the noble earl the Pre sident of the Council that they should be v altering their proceedings, as they had beenerYcautious found in upon the whole to work well. The question could not be fairly judged by particular instances. His noble frie nd had i nstanced e- the very strong case o f the Bankruptcyßill, which Was of enormous length, but in volved no party feeling. But let them take, on the other hand, the Reform Bill. It was necessary for the promoters of it to persevere to a certain degree, on account of its importance, havingce, althou g h , not been frame d w ith sufficient consideration, it did not meet Kith a pprobation, but was withdrawn from the general eon- MN ^ • viction that it could not get through both houses in the ses sion. But if the Government could have carried it through the House of Commons, and then passed it up to this house for discussion in the ensuing session, would not a great deal more pressure have been put upon the Government not to drop it, and would that not have led to a greater consump tion of time than had already taken place ? (Hear.) And, he would ask, could anything be more mischievous than to hang up a bill of that character during the recess? (Hear.) He was not one who thought that they legislated too little. He thought that upon the whole there was as much legis lation as was desirable for the country, and in some years a great deal too much. He thought it an advantage that this Bankruptcy Bill of 500 clauses should stand over for another year, and be considered in the interval in all its bearings. In some sessions a great deal of business was done because the measures had been previously considered. This was the case in 1545. Perhaps no public measure caused much greater excitement than the Maynooth Act. It was introduced early, and occupied a great deal of time, but they passed the Companies Clauses Act, of 165 clauses, and a Scotch Act equally as long, the Lands Clauses Act, of 153 clauses, and a Scotch Act of about as many, and the Railway Clauses Act, of 165 clauses, before the middle of July. Most of these provisions were the result of previous experience, but with that experience and the conviction that some general legislation was desirable, they were passed, notwithstanding their • minuteness of detail, their extreme length, and the manner in which they affected the interests of private individuals. In the same session they passed the Poor Law Amendment (Scotland) Bill, with 92 clauses, a new system of Customs regulations, embodied in a bill of 163 clauses, a bill for the registration of British vessels,and other measures ; and in the same session the Enclosure Commission Bill was introduced, which contained 169 clauses. It showed there was great power of legislation in Parliament if there was a disposition to use it, and he be. lieved the failure of bills was, in a great degree, owing to doubts arising as to their soundness, and to the unwilling ness, therefore, of Parliament to entertain them. But, sup posing any remedy were desirable, this was not the house in, which a resolution was necessary. With regard to any amount of businesswhich they were called upon to do, they were always ready to do it, and if the other house were to adopt a little more the practice of this house in the manner of conducting its proceedings, he believed that the business would be carried on in a much more rapid manner. lie did not say that because he wished the other house should in the present session enter upon a discussion of the subject, because it would only occupy one of thosenights which were already too few for the measures which must pass. The re medy could be effected in the other house by an order. For example, supposing the Bankruptcy Bill had passed the Commons, they could, if they chose, send it up to this house next session, without commencing de novo. It was not for their lordships to inquire whether it had been read a first, second, or third time, or whether after a single debate it had been sent up in the same shape in which it passed those stages in the session preceding. Such a mode of treating measures was not necessary in their lordships' house, be cause they could find enough time to consider every mea sure, but if any remedy in the other house were necessary, that course might be adopted, and perhaps limited to bills of great length and of a particular character. 'With regard to other bills, he was of opinion that there was often an ad vantage in a bill being lost, and that the proper control of Parliament would be perilled if the Government bad the power to suspend bills and take them up again in the next session. (Hear, hear.) He trusted that great reluctance would be shown to depart from that principle upon which the legislation of the country had been so long and satis factorily conducted by both houses of Parliament. The LORD. CHANCELLOR said that, althoughhe took great interest in this subject, and had devoted a consider-. able degree of attention to it, he would content himself with thanking the noble earl for the manner in which he had brought it under the notice of their lordships. (Hear.) He did not agree with his noble friend who had just spoken in thinking that no improvement could be effected in the pre sent mode of transacting the business of Parliament. He believed that their mode of legislation was capable of amend ment ; but he refrained from seeing into any details at that moment. He would be happy to use his best exertions to bring forward a measure on the subject, with the assistance of his colleagues, and he hoped with the support of the noble earl, than whom no one was more capable of giving advice. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of DERBY then withdrew his motion. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER was in attendance at 12 o'clocTs, but the sufficient number of members not being present, no busi ness was transacted before half-past 12 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lords' amendments to the following bills were con sidered and agreed to :—Bradford, Wakefield, and Leeds Railway ; Great Northern and Metropolitan Junction Railway ; Land Loan and Improvement Company ; and Scottish Drainage and Improvement Company. The Monkland Railway Bill was read a third time, and Lord De Frffne's Estate Bill a second time. GALWAY HARBOUR (No. 2) BILL. On the motion of Mr. C. FORSTER, the following motion was agreed to :—" That standing orders Nos. 199 and 203 be suspended in the case of the Galway Harbour (No. 2) bill, and that the bill be read a second time to- morrow. LANDLORD AND TENANT (IRELAND) BILL. The house went into committee on this bill, which was introduced by the Attorney-General for Ireland. On clause 1, Mr. INI'MAHON moved that the chairman do leave the chair. This was a bill which was entirely for the benefit of the landlord, as far as it could be gathered from a careful study of its provisions, for the Government had not stated what its real objects were. He thought before they pro ceeded further in the consideration of the bill that it should be reprinted. The bill contained 10G sections and repealed 57 acts of Parliament, while it changed altogether the re lation between landlord and tenant. Every one who wished well to Ireland must desire that the laws of Eng land should be extended to that country, but this bill had the contrary effect, for instead of the usual contract be tween the landlord and tenant in regard to land, it substi tuted a parliamentary contract. By the 31st section it was provided that any tenant having less than a perpetual interest in the land was prohibited from cutting down trees, and for cutting a hedge, or even a gooseberry bush, he was subject to a penalty of £5. The hon. and learned member here quoted the authority of some practical writers on this subject, to show the injurious objection of this provision. It was further provided by the bill that if a tenant violated his covenant in regard to cropping, accord ing to his landlord's view, ho might be taken before a j as tice of peace and sentenced to three months' imprisonment. Certainly there was an appeal to the courts of law, but in. the meantime he might be undergoing imprisonment, and the justice of the peace was subject to no penalty under the act for anything he did, however unjust it might subse quently demonstrated to have been. What he asked was that the landlord and tenant should not be interfered with, or if the legislature did meddle with them, at least it should be for giving Ireland the same law as prevailed in this country. Again, with regard to eviction, the powers given to land lords were very arbitrary, for it enabled him to eject a. tenant in opposition to au expressed or modified contract, in the ease of the land being overheld. The hon. and learned gentleman contended that in regard to distressing a tenant the law was also most unfair in the power it gave the land lord, and read some of the acts which the bill proposed to repeal without any substitution. He concluded by appeal ing to the house not to proceed with the bill at this ad vanced period of the session, when there was such a thin attendance, and when they had no chance of passing it through the House of Lords. Mr. WHITESIDE seconded the amendment, and con tended that the bill was a failure as it did not deal with the law of fixture and distress. In the bill which he had in troduced on this subject provisions were made in reference to these points, and he recommended to the Attorney-Ge neral for Ireland to postpone any measure on this subject until next session. After a few words from Mr. COOPER, Mr. DEASY said he did not think the conduct of the hon. andleamed member for,Wexford (Mr. M'Mahon) was fair to him or to the house, considering that the bills had been: discussed and the principle affirmed on the second reading. The hon. and learned member was not present on that occasion, and it was unjust to re-open subjects which had already been decided ; and with reference to his state ment, as to no explanation having been offered by Govern ment, he reminded the house that on the occasion of the second reading he explained the main provisions of into measure, though he thought it unnecessary to enter mf details as the bill had virtually been before II e house or the last four or five years. It would hav e been fair!r- t him bo aus r h es a , d an gt d ven on h t r e notice pr l. D o e f as a y m ) e i n f d t m he en h t o s n t . o an an d y le p a a T t e ie d u r ar em cl second reading of the bill, he invited that the co-operation of of t legal gentlemen and the criticism he . house ; his only object would improve the laww between landlord Peas a bill landlord and tenant. He denied that the bill was unjust to the t enan t because it provided for facilitating the law in the enforce ment of contrac ts between landlord and tena nt. Nothing was so injurious to the tenant as the existing state of the , law , as it afforded temptations to litigation, and inducrAt him to expend his money in law instead of on improv'mg• the land or paying his rent. He adverted to two cases which had recently come under his he en e lu pwe st ro r iv a l t d i c n eb g .e h pl is rve o hp p ae i nr n e i td o h n et , o c r la ec u o s n es sid ca er m , e a m b e e f n o d r t or e a c xp orn u m ng itt e ee if it was shown to him to be desirable. (Howe, hear.) The bill was some time before the house. It was. brought in im mediately after his resolution, and read a second time on. the 15th May. Notwithstanding that he had. invited the assistance and suggestions of his legal friends. in Ireland.ss well as those interested in the land, there was no objerion made to him against the bill, but on, the contrary he had received from both classes strong, expressions or ap proval of its provisions, and requests - urging him to press it forward this session. He did not consider the provisions of the bill of the right hon. gentlemen (Mr. Whiteside) cal culated to simplify the law, and thi.3y were likely to tend to litigation, which was the reason verhy he did not introduce them into his bill. Mr. LEFROY considered that the objections of the hon. member Mr, `Mahon) wore unreasonable, but at Ow \ ' ith rid rti ..co Tas nd the Cu f the don- Med. A be that ELL.