The Sun. — London, England, 1860-07-18 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Sudbury, Mefferd, and Clare Railway and the Hay Railway bills were read a third time and passed. THIRD READINGS. The Postage, Army and Navy, the Nuisances Removal, the Common Law Procedure (Ireland) Amendment, the Crown Debts and Judgments, and the Inclosure bills were read a third time. _ _ SMITHFIELD MARKET BILL. Lord CHELMSFORD said he had charge of this bill, and he intended to move its second reading on Monday COLOURED PASSENGERS ON BOARD MAIL PACKETS. Lord BROUGHAM said about a fortnight ago a state- ment was made to the effect that a coloured lady had been refused a first.class passage by one of the Cunard steamers, and was told she might go second. He should like his noble friend to inform him, however, whether it was to be understood that coloured passengers would not be allowed to travel first-class on board those steamships. Earl GRANVILLE was not surprised that the noble lord had asked the question, but it was one in which the Government could not interfere. Lord BROUGHAM observed that a similar case oc cured some years ago, and the person brought an action for damages under the Common Carriers' Act, but it was com promised, as the parties felt they had no defence for their conduct. COLEWORT BARRACKS (PORTSMOUTH) BILL. On the motion of Earl DE GREY, this bill was read a second time. ANNUITY TAX (EDINBURGH) BILL. The Duke of ARGYLL moved the second reading of this bill. The objects of the measure were so well known that he would detain them but a short time in the observa tions he should have to make. Various attempts had been made in Parliament to arrange this vexed question, and in the measure now before them, which had received the as sent of the other house, he thought a most satisfactory arrangement had been come to. The chief object of the bill was to give £6OO a year to 13 clergymen in Scotland ; and, as that amount was securely guaranteed under the measure, he hoped it would receive the assent of Parlia- ment. The bill had been opposed by several parties, and as he should have another opportunity of going into the details of the bill when it was in committee, he would simply then move its second reading. The Earl of DERBY said he hoped there would be no opposition to the second reading of the bill. The LORD CHANCELLOR highly approved of tha measure. The bill was then read a second time. BURIAL GROUNDS (IRELAND) AMENDMENT ACT. This bill was read a second time. METROPOLITAN BUILDING ACT AMENDMENT BILL. This bill passed through committee, and was reported without amendment. BLEACHING AND DYEING WORKS BILL. On the motion that their lordships go into committee, Lord OVERSTONE thought the committee on this bill ought to be postponed for a few days. The committee was postponed until Friday. LEITH HARBOUR. This bill passed through committee. FRIENDLY SOCIETIES ACT AMENDMENT BILL. On the motion of Lord PORTMAN this bill was read a second time. TITLES TO LAND (SCOTLAND) ACT. The LORD CHANCELLOR moved the second reading of this bill, which was one to simplify the law and diminish the expense of the transfer of land held by burgess tenure. One of the improvements was to abo lish long rentals which were perfectly useless, and another was to empower persons to refer to cer tain legal documents elsewhere, instead of requiring them to be entered in the register. There were other minor improvements which he would not allude to at any length at that time, as in committee there would be ample oppor tunity for going into details. The Earl of DERBY said it might be quite true that the facilities now for passing bills through the house were greater than formerly. He saw a great desire on the part of the noble and learned lord to pass the bill, and in the face of the great irregularity that marked its course he did not think he was unwarranted, on a former evening, in saying that it appeared to him very much like an attempt by the learned lord to " smuggle" the bill through Parliament. Lord BROUGHAM said the houses were upon occasions nothing but what was called a " Parliamentum," that was " talk, talk, and nothing but talk." As he understood, thou) bills had been "hung up" since May last, and no effort until now had been made to pass them. He thought it wrong in the noble earl to have charged the Lord Ad vocate with irregularity. The Earl of DERBY explained, and assured their lord ships that he did net mean to charge the Lord Advocate with wilful irregularity in relation to those bills. The LORD CHANCELLOR could not but express his surprise at the noble earl having charged him and the Lord Advocate with having entered into a " conspiracy" to smuggle those bills through Parliament. The Earl of DERBY again 'explained. The bill was then read a second time and ordered to be committed. LAW OF MARRIAGE (SCOTLAND) BILL. The LORD CHANCELLOR said he had now to intro duce to their lordships " the brother bill" of the one which they had just read a second time. It was a bill to amend the law of marriage in Scotland, which was now very defective. After a short conversation upon the objects of the mea sure, the bill was brought in and read a first time. MASSACRE OF THE CHRISTIANS IN SYRIA. Lord WODEIIOUSE regretted ho was not in the house when, as he was informed, a question had been put by his noble friend (Lord Stratford de Redcliffe) respecting the reported massacre of Christians in Syria by the Druses and other tribes. He lamented to say that the reports in the newspapers of the cruel massacre of Christians was con firmed. Five hundred persons —men, women, and children —according to a telegram received from Paris, had been massacred. The Dutch consul was killed and the American consul was wounded. It was not, however, correct that the house of the English consul, as reported, was burned. With regard to the papers on the subject asked for by the noble lord, they would be laid on the table in a few days. The business on the paper having been disposed of, their lordships adjourned at half-past six o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-(YESTERDAY.) The S2EAKE& took the chair shortly after 12 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lords' amendments to the Haylin g Railway Bill Were considered and agreed to. EPSOM AND LEATHERHEAD RAILWAY. On the motion for the consideration of the Lords' amend ments to this bill, Sir W. GALLWAY objected to these amendments on three grounds. In the first place they would create a new description of preference shares, they would offer temp tations to directors to abuse their powers, and they would afford facilities in dealing with preferential stock that would be injurious to the interests of shareholders. For instance, directors might expend money on other purposes than paying their debenture debt or their preference share holders. Mr. MASSEY considered that if this question was dis cussed at all, it should be in a full house. The amendment was negatived, and the amendments were considered and agreed to. EDUCATION BILL. On the motion for the second reading of this bill, Mr. PEASE moved that the bill be read a second time that day three months. He said the chief clause of this bill was the first, and it enacted that children under twelve years of age should not bo employed without having a cer tificate that they had received a certain amount of scholastic tuition, or that a guarantee was given that they should bo placed at school for twenty hours in the month. He considered it would be unjust to deprive children under 12 years of age of the benefit of employment, because they had not obtained a certain amount of education. H 3 objected also to the bill that it had not machinery to carry out its provisions. Sir G. LEWIS said that this bill was connected in principle with the Mines Bill, which had recently been before the house. Exceptional legislation in refer • ence to persons employed first took place in re spect to those engaged in factories, by which children under a certain ago were not allowed to be employed without having obtained a certificate from a school master of having attended a certain time at school. Some years afterwards there was a bill introduced for the regu lation of mines, and the employment of women was pro hibited as well as children under a certain age. It was thought desirable to go further, and accordingly this "mien the bill was brought forward requiring a ce cate of the attendance of child ren under 12 Years of age at schools prior to their obtaining employment in rain "' H e agreed to the abstract principle of the extension °f a similar regulation in regard to children generally, but it was not t heraetice in this country to proceed upon theory, but to select experimentally. Under extreme cases and then legislate the circumstances he felt bound to support the amendment. Sir Sir S. ESTCOURT considered that the house should affirm the principle and discus s the details in committee or postpone it till next session Ile considered the present system of education was d e fi cient, and that it required amendment. The CHANCELLOR of the Exe REQ7CEIt said that this question was one of as great difficulty 48 even liarnentary Reform Bill, and they were called on to discuss its Par its principle in a thi nl y attended house. Had the cmestiosn been taken up by Government the house would have b een crowded, and it could not be expected that it would h ave passed without several nights' discussion. The present debate was, in fact, a mere exercitation, in which hon. members might make abstract speeches, be t which at this period of the session would lead to no praciif 11 result. With next. regard to dealing with children in masses, it was a totally different matter from the present proposition, which pro posed to institute an inquiry into every private family in the kingdom, and impose penal consequences for neglect of the education of children. And this proposition made without there being any machinery provided for its being carried out, and it would be necessary to introduce such machinery in the bill at the late period of the session in order to render it effective. Having ad verted to the great increase in the public expenditure, which if it proceeded at the geometrical rates of late years, would present a most threatening aspect, the right hon. gentleman contended that any additional expenditure must be considered with the greatest care. .Again this was the state of public business. Last night an appeal had been made to Government not to proceed with any bills this session which they were sure they would not be able to carry, and they had endeavoured to proceed on that prin ciple. He thought that a similar appeal should be made to private members, and he called on the house to reject the present measure, on the ground that it could not properly be discussed. Mr. HENLEY and Mr. BUXTON strongly opposed the bill. Mr. ADDERLEY said that there was no objection to the principle of his bill, and contended that the right hon. gentleman (Sir G. Lewis) was most inconsistent in his opposition to the bill, when he had supported the measure with reference to mines, which had been so fully discussed during the present session. The principle of the bill had been frequently affirmed by legislation for the last twenty years, and it was nothing more than that children under a certain ago should not be employed all their time without obtaining even the rudiments of education. He denied that in the State undertaking to see that a certain amount of education was provided for the poor there was anything compulsory, or at variance with the functions of Govern ment. With regard to its alleged vexatious interference with employers, the bill merely proposed that employers should net take children into their service, under a certain age, who were totally uneducated, without making pro vision for their receiving instruction for at least five hours a-week. Mr. EWART supported the bill on the general prin• oiple. Mr. HARDY opposed the second reading because the bill was compulsory when it prevented chil dren obtaining employment unless they had re• ceived a certain amount of instruction. If that proposition were carried out the State should provide education. (Hear, hear.) The situation of foreign countries in respect to education should not be a guide to this country, for what the former gained in method they lost in freedom. He contended that the education which children received by being sent early to earn their bread was of a more valuable character than that derived from the mere acquisition of reading or writing. He asserted that there was no analogy between the Factory Bill and their recent legislation in reference to children employed in mines, and he utterly denied the doc trine that because they had adopted partial legislation they should proceed to entire legislation in reference to the sub - ject of the education of children. In his opinion it was most unwise at this period when labour was scarce to im • pose any restriction on employment, and he believed that nothing would be so injurious to the progress of educa tion in this country than the introduction of th 2 principle of compulsion. Mr. BAZLEY bore his testimony to the advantages derived from education in factories. He believed that the introduction of education into Lanca shire had been the means of rendering the working population of that district, not only better able to provide for themselves, but less criminal. (Hear, hear.) He had sent out more than 2,000 children, who had received edu cation in his elementary schools, who had proved most re spectable members of society, and from whom he had selected clerks and overseers. In his experience none of these had been convicted of an offence against the laws, and he regretted that they could not devise some means of extending education to that Pariah class who were wander ing about our streets without food or instruction. Not withstanding, he believed they could deal practically only with the children of the labouring classes who were employed in large numbers. He hoped, however, that this bill would be the means of the introduction of some practical and comprehensive system of education. Mr. NEWDEGATE opposed, and Sir J. PAKINGTON sup ported, the bill in principle. After some further discussion, in which Mr. Bruce, Mr. Whiteside, Mr. H. Taylor, and Mr. Baines took part, the house divided— For the second reading 5l Against Majority —7l This bill was accordingly lost. SPIRITS BILL. On the motion for the third reading of this bill, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that as he would have to introduce now duties, founded on the resolutions agreed to last evening, he would move that the bill be recommitted. The order for the third reading was then discharged, and the bill was ordered to be recommitted. SALE OF GAME ACTS. The house wont into committee on this bill, and several clauses as amended were agreed to ; after which the Chair man reported progress. NEW MEMBER. Mr. White took the oaths and his seat for Brighton. The house then suspended sitting. The house resumed at six o'clock. SUBMARINE TELEGRAPH. Lord A. CHURCHILL asked the ['resident of the Board of Trade when the report of the commission appointed to inquire into the merits of submarine telegraph cables would be laid upon the table of the house ? Mr. M. GIBSON said he understood some experiments had been made which were successful, and the report would be laid on the table before the end of the session. PRIVILEGE. Lord FERMOY asked whether the motion he had placed on the paper, relative to the Paper Duties Repeal Bill, which affected the privileges of the house, had not prece • dence of other motions ? The SPEAKER said that a question of this sort to have precedence must refer to some matter that had recently arisen, and was of immediate importance. The question re ferred to by the noble lord could not be said to be of this character, because, 12 days ago, some resolutions were adopted by the house on the subject. The house did not ad mit the claim of precedence unless the prescribed require ments were fulfilled, which not being so in this instance no precedence could be accorded. DEFENCES OF THE COUNTRY. In reply to Mr. HOPWOOD, Lord PALMERSTON said he rather thought he would make his statement on this subject on Friday, but he would give a formal notice on the subject. NATIONAL EDUCATION (IRELAND). Mr. BUTT moved for an address to her Majesty praying that some alteration might be made in the mode of distri buting the national education grant in Ireland. He con tended that the same system of national education allowed in England ought also to be permitted in Ireland. Mr. WHITESIDE supported the motion as the repre sentative of the opinions of the clergy and laity of the Re formed Church of Ireland. The Government had recog• nised the instinctive feeling and conscientious objections of the Dissenting bodies on the matter of the Census Bill, and he claimed equal respect for the instinctive feelings and conscientious views of the Protestants of Ireland. The bulk of the clergy had for 25 years steadily opposed this system, and no Ministry during that period had been able to induce them to give up their opposition to it. He was prepared to make every concession to the Roman Catholics, but would insist on the free use of the Bible for those of his own Church. Mr. CARDWELL defended the national system of edu cation in Ireland, as one which had, during the last 30 years, conferred greater advantages upon the people of that country than could be paralleled in any other country in the world, and which had during the whole time steadily progressed in its influence over the minds of the people, and risen in their estimation. In proof of this general con clusion the right hon. gentleman quoted the statistics of the number of schools and scholars ever since 1830 up to last year, and contended that the figures conclusively de monstrated the utter want of any foundation for the speeches against it, or the motion of Mr. Butt. He denied that there had been any infringement of, or departure from, the car dinal principles of the system for the benefit of Presbyte rians or Roman Catholics, and he refused assent to the de mand made in the terms of the motion. The right hon. gentleman argued at some length in favour of the system, which was successful in its character and in its results, and had the support of some of the highest authorities in the country. Mr. LEFROY thought it very hard on the clergy of the Church in Ireland that they should be deprived of all benefit from the national system of education. Mr. HENNESSY moved the adjournment of the debate. The house then divided, when the numbers were— For the adjournment 66 Against it Majority . . Mr. HENNESSY hoped the house would give its assent to the motion of his hon. and learned friend the member for Youghal. Mr. BUTT, in reply, said the Roman Catholic bishops had conscientious objections to the national system, and that a large majority of the population of Ireland also en tertained conscientious objections to it. But the right hon. gentleman the Secretary of State for Ireland said that the Primate had approved and sanctioned the system. Now, what he (Mr. Butt.) complained of was that this mixed sys tem of education should be forced upon Ireland ; and, look • ing at all the circumstances, he hoped the house would agree to his motion. (Hear, hear.) The house divided— For the motion Against it Majority —l34 PAPER DUTIES REPEAL BILL. Lord FERMOY moved that the rejection by the House of Lords of the Bill for the Repeal of the Paper Duties was ran encroachment on the rights and privileges of the House of Commons; and that it was, therefore, incumbent upon THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY "'EVENING, JULY 18, 1860. the hereditary branch of the legislature, and they ought to be prepared to make any sacrifice to meet it. Lord PALMERSTON said that the noble lord could hardly expect him to enter on the large question involved in his resolution at that late hour. He did not quarrel with his noble friend for attempting to record his opinion more 'ally than had been done by the resolutions passed by the house ; but he would submit that, after the grave and seri ous discussion which then took place, it was not wise to stir the question again at the present moment. The house might well be content with the resolutions it had passed. The noble lord said that if the house agreed to his resolution he would throw upon the Government the responsibility of carrying it into effect, and explaining his undefined inten tions, (cheers and laughter.) He (Lord Palmerston) was satisfied that the resolutions already passed sufficiently as serted the rights and privileges of the house, and the means to which they might have recourse in future to make good those rights and privileges. He would therefore move the previous question, being of opinion that his noble friend had not shown the judgment which he usually evinced, and that the house ought now to decline to enter into this discussion. Sir J. TRELAWNY said we were in the midst of a re volution set agoing by the Conservative lords. This was a question affecting the vitality of the House of Commons— (hear)—and was the language of the noble lord worthy of the leader of that house ? (Cheers.) He complained of al most everybody in the house. (Laughter.) He complained of himself too, and for this reason, that he allowed the China vote the other evening to pass so quietly. He often heard in private that the noble lord was a Tory, and he did his best to defend him from the imputation. (Laughter.) But whether Tory or Radical, he inflicted an injury on the House of Commons in allowing the recent aggression of the House of Lords to pass with impunity. He complained of the Chancellor of the Exchequer that he induced the house to add ld. to the income-tax when their constituencies ex pected that they would take off at least sd. (Laughter.) They did that at his instigation. Then the right hon. gen • tleman came down and used language which bordered on the verge of revolution—language' as strong as could be used at any Chartist meeting. (Hear.) All his feelings were roused by the eloquence of the right hon. gentleman ; but after all this the right hon. gentleman came down to the house last night, quietly putting his tail between his feet. (Laughter.) The noble lord the member for the City of London, whom he sincerely respected, was silent. He believed that if her Majesty's Government had been in opposition they would have heard a very different tone. He could not overrate the importance of the question. He felt that something had gone out of them—(laughter)—that their most precious privilege had been invaded. He should prefer to see the French in Yorkshire. (Laughter, and cries of Order, order.) He repeated it, he should prefer to see the French in Yorkshire, because he believed they would soon be obliged to retire; but in the case of this aggression of the House of Lords upon the House of Com mons he had no such hope. He recollected what an eminent writer on the constitution said, " What to• day is fact to-morrow is precedent, and next day will be law. The day would come when they would hear more of this ques tion. They were merging fast in the state of France when the Teste and Cubieres affair took place. They had a nar row suffrage and general corruption. Every contract was a job. (Hear, hear.) The public knew these things, and the day was not far off when the people would manifest what they felt. He believed he was acting in the spirit of a true Conservative when he recommended them to with draw their opposition. They would be made responsible for every financial calamity that took place in the country. (Oh, oh, and Hear, hear.) The House of Commons was responsible for the finances of the country, but if their plans were upset and defeated, those who defeated them ought to be, and would be, held responsible. He should therefore recommend the House of Lords to come down in sackcloth and ashes, and to repent of what they had done. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Mr. CLAY deeply regretted the motion of his noble friend, not that he took a lower estimate than he di 1 of the subject of that motion, for it was the most important sub ject that had occupied that house since he had been a mem ber of it; nor did he feel less the humiliation under which the attack and premeditated insult of the House of Lords had placed them. (Hear, hear.) But he objected to the motion, because he was certain it would fall very far short of the object which it sought to secure, and that it would be an increased record of their shame. (Hear.) He be lieved the majority of the people out of doors did not sup port that house on this question. (Hear, from the Oppo sition.) On the contrary, the majority out of doors, who seldom drew fine distinctions, believed in the financial sagacity of the House of Lords, although he believed in the wisdom of the proposition they had sanctioned, but the majority out of doors refused to sanction that house on the question of the encroachment of the House of Lords upon the privileges of the House of Commons. He be lieved the motion of his noble friend would be in every way mischievous, not on account of the paper duty, about which he cared very little, but because the division they would come to presently would not be a correct repre sentation of the gentlemen in that house who were in favour of a repeal of the paper duty. (Hear, hen= > wouldt3titl more Lween the iise i u t i dr or a a g s e a t n h d e t y l o e s i it l i o of uoa ~t L h , _% qui e ltia ,o n. b r e: , it would remain on record that in 1860 a large majority of the House of Commons did not consider that the rejection of this measure by the House of Lords was a violation of the privileges of the House of Commons. (Hear.) If there be differences in the Cabinet on this question—which he should deplore—they should leave it to those who more particularly represented their opinions to choose the man ner and time when those difficulties should be adjusted rather than invite the Government to a vote which they might find some difficulty in avoiding. They on those (the Liberal) benches were considerably too ready, whenever the Government did not exactly agree with them, to cry out that " the 'Whigs are throwing us over." The mere fact of a break-up of the Treasury bench did not in itself mat ter very much, but the matter of their falling was a very different thing. If they fell by the legitimate attacks of the other side of the house, they (the Liberal party) should be as united as ever. (A. laugh from the Oppo sition.) At all events they would be as ready to renew the experiments they had tried before, but if the Government broke up from dissensions among their own party, the case would be very different. The country required a strong Government, and if by dissensions among their own party the Government broke up it would be taken as a con fession that the experiment they had tried had failed, and that the Whigs and the Radicals could not lie in the same bed, and undoubtedly fresh party combinationS would follow. (Hear, hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he entirely concurred in the propriety and wisdom of the course proposed by his noble friend (Loy I Palmerston), and he likewise joined in his regrets at the conclusion at which the noble lord the member for Marylebone had arrived when he thought it his duty to submit this motion to the house upon a matter of such gravity and importance when the hand of the clock was approaching the hour of midnight. (Hear.) But the noble lord seemed disposed to throw the responsibility of doing so on the statement which he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) made of the financial demands for the public service last night. He (the Chancel lor of the Exchequer) said it would have been most im• proper on his part, and most disrespectful to both sides of the house, if he had not made it his sincere and honest pur pose, in submitting that statement to the house, to leave the great constitutional question which had been opened within the last few weeks precisely as he found it, and that it was beside his purpose to use it for taunt or accusation against any man or any number of men, and that it would have been wrong if ho had placed that statement on such grounds as would weaken the position of the noble lord and others. But lest he should be accused of having receded from opinions he had expressed and conscientiously enter tained, he spoke of that sum of money proceeding from the paper duty as a matter dependent upon the pleasure of the British people and Parliament. (Hear.) Therefore let not the noble lord state that he was placed in difficulties in con quence of any expressions used•or proposals made by him the (Chancellor of the Exchequer) last night. With respect to the proposal of the noble lord, he concurred it was not fitting for that house to pronounce an opinion upon the merits, and for the reasons stated by his noble friend (Lord Palmerston). With regard to the second portion of the mo tion it was more serious, as it stated that it was incumbent upon the house to adopt some practical measure for the vindication of its rights and privileges. Now he (the Chan cellor of the Exchequer) maintained that was only so many words, and nothing more than words, and did not advance the house one inch to a practical solution of the question, but was giving to the country at large an am earance of their being in earnest without any real pledge or guarantee of their sincerity. So far as words were concerned, they had used them in sufficient quantity, and the words proposed in the three resolutions adopted unanimously by the house were well adapted for the purpose ; and being so, he thought they ought not to be annoyed with surplusage. It would not be well to take any step in this matter Without judgment, and none at all unless they could usefully proceed to acts. Whether they could proceed to acts by some measure for which the house would be prepared let bon. members con sider; but at any rate to pass more segue resolutions could be of no avail. The motion of the noble lord would read well in the newspapers, and it would contribute to his popularity in the important borough whick he represented. It would be seen that his voice at any rate Was for open war, but he (the Chancellor of the Exchelter) thought that in that house they ought to proceed with a view of advancing the public interests, and ho could not say that by agreeing to this motion they would advance the public interests. The house had heard a temperate statement upon the constitu • tioual question, and the resolutions which they had agreed to constituted, at least upon paper, a protest against what had been done by the other house. The protest having been made in terms which the noble lord Sid not disapprove, it would not be desirable, if they wished to Maintain the dig nity of the house, to multiply protests of this character. The only thing that remained was action, and pn this occa. sion he agreed with the motion of his noble friend, because it would relieve the house from recording a judgment upon the matter. This was not the occasion for entering upon the merits of the question. He had on a forsaer evening ex pressed in plain and strong language what he felt, but there was much more which might 1)e said against the course taken by the other house. (Hear.) He didnot believe the discussion had unfolded nearly all the difficulties and dan- this house to adopt a practical measure for the vindication of its right and privileges. The noble lord having apologised for introducing a subject of so much importance at so late an hour (half -past 11) promised to detain the house but a very short time. (Hear, hear.) Whatever might be thought of the subject within, there was a strong feeling of indigna tion on the subject out of doors. (Derisive cheers.) He could point in support of his statement to numerous meet ings held iu different parts of the country praying the house to take some steps to vindicate its privileges ; and he challenged hon. gentlemen opposite who cheered to mention a single one at which it had been held that the Lords were right. Petitions in favour of the course indi- cated in his motion had been presented with at least a hundred thousand signatures ; and there had been a meet- ing of delegates, attended by deputies from Manchester, Liverpool, Birmingham, Glasgow, Warrington, Bristol, Norwich, Newcastle- on-Tybe, Oxford, and some 40 others of the principal towns in the kingdom. And what did these gentlemen say ? In their first resolution they affirmed that the house would be degraded if it gave its assent to the base policy of inaction recommended by Lord Palmerston and that such a course would be an act of treason to the constitution. They further stated that Ito Government which followed such a course would be worthy of the sup- port of the Liberal party ; and they said that it was the duty of the Ministers, if necessary, to dissolve Parliament, and appeal to the country. (Opposition cheers.) Next they returned their thanks to the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone (derisive cheers)—for his noble defence of the constitu tion—(loud laughter)—and they relied with confidence upon his promise to do everything in his power to secure the rights of the House of Commons. (Renewed laughter.) Such was the opinion of these gentlemen, and as such it was entitled to respect. (Hear.) Then there had been the election for Brighton. (Loud laughter.) If all these things were not a sufficient excuse for his conduct in bringing for ward the motion, he might appeal with confidence to the language, in the house itself, of the Chancellor of the Ex chequer and the Foreign Secretary, and he felt warranted in saying that whatever might be the fate of his resolution, it would receive the sanction and support of a largo majo rity of the people out of doors. (Hear.) With these pre liminary remarks he would now come directly to the point. (Hear.) There were two propositions which he proposed to favour if he could. (Laughter.) The first was, that the rejection of the Paper Duties Bill was an encroachment upon the rights and privileges of the House of Commons ; and the second, that it was the duty of the house to adopt some practical measure to vindicate those rights. As to the first point, he would not detain the house by reopen ing the question of precedents, but he would briefly detail the steps that had been taken. They had first of all had a committee of the first men in the house to examine prece dents. Upon that a motion was made by the First Lord of the Treasury. Upon that occasion the noble lord pro posed three resolutions, which were adopted unanimously by the house. He (Lord Fermoy) was one of those who had taken steps that they should be carried unanimously, and he did not regret having taken those steps. (Hear.) These resolutions were taken upon the examination of the precedents. Of these he would take the first and third under consideration. The first resolution was to the fol lowing effect :—" That the right of granting aids and sup - plies to the Crown is in the hands of the Commons alone, and the limitation of all such grants as to the matter, manner, measure, and time is only in them." Now what, he would ask, was the result of the budget of the Chancellor of the Exchequer? In that budget he introduced principles, two of which it was only neces sary to refer at present. One was the repeal of the paper duties, the other was an addition to the income-tax. They assented in that house to the repeal of the paper duties—they voted an additional Id. to the income tax. (Hear, hear.) In that way they sent the budget to the other house of Parliament. What was the effect ? Simply this, that the right hon. gentleman and that house took off from the shoulders of the consumers of paper £1,250,000, and placed it on the shoulders of those who paid the in come tax. The house adopted that on this ground :—they repealed the paper duties because they considered them an impediment to education and a tax upon knowledge. They sent the bill to the other house, and there the first bill for the payment of the additional penny was adopted ; but the bill which relieved the consumers of paper of £1,250,000 was rejected. That was a direct infringement of the rights and privileges of that house, as laid down in the first reso lution ; because, how could it be said that in the Commons alone was the limitation of all grants as to matter, manner, measure, and time, when as to the matter, manner, and time the Lords had interfered and altered their financial arrangements relating to the taxation of the country I (Hear.) There was another thing which ought not to be passed over, namely, that in the proposal of the Commons as dealing with taxation and finance, they not only shifted a burden, but they altered the character and form of that taxation, because, whereas the excise duty was a permanent tax, the income tax was a variable tax. (Hear.) They altered the financial proposal not only as to matter and manner, but also as to time. This act, he said, without troubling the house with precedents, had completely overset and invaded their privileges and their rights as laid down in this resolution which had been passed unanimously within the la©t fortnight. (Hear.) Tf that w.re true. the next ques tion was, what remedy did he propose ? (Hear, hear.j tie did net shrink from giving the best answer he could to that question. But, before he did so, he must be allowed to re peat what he said last night—namely, that considerable, though not insuperable, difficulty had arisen from the man ner in which the Chancellor of the Exchequer had, since the matter had been discussed in the Lords, dealt with this question. (Opposition cheers.) Now, it was quite clear that if this rejection of the Paper Duties Bill was an ag gression, the only and best way to redress that was to send them back the bill again. (Hear, hear.) The third resolu tion, however, pointed out clearly the proper manner of doing this. The t'aird resolution was to the following ef fect : " That in order to guard against the due exercise of this power by the Lords, and to secure to the Commons pro per control over taxation and supply, the house has power to remit taxation and frame bills of supply, that the matter, manner, measure, and time of so doing may be preserved inviolate." The meaning was this, that the Lords could not interfere with any bill for the repeal of the paper duties. (Hear, hear.) He (Lord Fermoy) might be unfortunately suspected of being disposed to propose strong measures on this question. But speaking for himself only, as his reso • lution bound nobody, it was this. Theyknew by experience, and in saying that he would add that the Lords were not always in the right—it had been usual when the two houses differed, if that house had adopted a line, and the Lords had refused to do so, to give to the Lords a locus pcenitentio, and to send the bill back again. He thought one of the best fea tures of the way in which the Lords had rejected this bill was their belief that the feeling of the country was with them. (Opposition cheers.) Now suppose the House of Commons could show that after full and free dis cussion of this question, both in the house and out of it, the feeling of the country was against the Lords—not rejecting this particular tax, but dealing with the rights and privileges of that house—then he thought that sending back the tax pure and simple was the best mode of dealing with the question. (Hear, hear.) That was the course which was adopted with regard to the Re form Bill, the Roman Catholic Relief Bill, and the Jew Bill. That would be a consistent course, and one which he should be disposed to adopt. But he was told that the Lords would probably reject the bill again. Well, then would be the time to embody the repeal of the tax in some money bill which the Lords could not reject. It was not, however, his business to point out to her Majesty's Government what they ought to do. If his (Lord Fermoy's) resolution were carried, the proper persons to carry it, out would be her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) Upon their shoulders was the responsibility. There was one reason why it was necessary to take some step and some action on this sub ject, because it wag manifest that, unless something were now done, these twe resolutions would be good for nothing as a record of the rights and privileges of the Commons, as they would be perfectly useless as regarded the present question unless some action were taken. And now he hoped he should have the support of the Chancellor of the Ex chequer to his resolution—(hear, hear)—because the right hon. gentleman had the happy gift of speaking forcibly and clearly, and if anybody had spoken out clearly and boldly on this subject it was the Chancellor of the Ex chequer. In words to which he (Lord Fermoy) could not refer, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said it was the duty of the house to take action, and he went so far as to ask under what form of constitution we were living, if the house were to submit to this proceeding on the part of the House of Lords. It was of the utmost importance that they should take action on the question, because this very act would be a precedent against them. The report of the committee recognised this as one of the very bills which the Lords had rejected—(hear, hear)—and no doubt unless they took action, restored their position, and placed them selves where they were before, this would be pointed to hereafter as a precedent, because it would be said that the Commons admitted by their three resolutions that this was an act of aggression; they did not resent it, therefore let it be taken as a precedent against them. He had been told that the line he was taking was not a polite one. That was unfortunate, but he (Lord Fermoy) was not to blame for that. What he proposed was a plain and straightforward way of dealing with the question. He believed that in this, as in other questions, the best policy was honesty—(hear, hear) —and if he were not successful this session it was the duty of those who cherished and loved the rights of the pee• pie to take the true line for preserving their privileges and rights. The responsibility jested with those who opposed him, because they could command a majority in the house, and if the it was rendered so by their pusillanimity. Nothing a ingb,,a:l one, asso csrerrtial to the stability of policy our institutions, as that our public men should keep faith with the country. (Hear, hear.) Were her Majesty's Ge vernment satisfied with the present state of things ? lie asked them whether, looking back at the occurrences of the last•month cr two, beginning with this aggression of the Lords down to the passing of these three resolutions, wee° they satisfied that the house was in as good a position as it was before the rejection of this bill by the House of Lords ? The resolutions of Lord Palmerston did nothing to redress their position. They were carried by a unanimous vote, in which he concurred with pleasure ; but they ought to take action. (Cheers.) Out of doors, the public were every day turning their attention more and more to the subject. They felt that the rights and privileges of that house weep identical with their own. An aggression was now made by gers which surrounded the subject. He did not think it to be his duty to enter into the otlier topics, which it- would be impossible to discuss with the least hope of coming to any satisfactory result. He should therefore pass them over without waiving his right to state his opinions upon them when a fitting opportunity offered. The duty of the house at this time was to decline the multiplication of these verbal declarations, for bymultiplying them out of place theywould only amount to so much verbiage. (Hear, hear.) Mr. B. OSBORNE said that the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, after telling the house soul the country that the House of Lords had committed a gigantic innovation, seemed willing, when pressed for money, to put the insult offered to him in his pocket and to defer all consideration of the constitutional question to another time. He neither agreed with the Chancellor of the Exchequer nor with the noble lord the member for Marylebone, but he would just ask who it was that called upon the house to proceed to action ? Who was it that got up, and forgetting the silence imposed upon him urged the house to resort to strong measures ? (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and yet upon this occasion the right hon. gentleman deferred to silence. The right hon. gentleman was performing a mili tary operation, which gentlemen in the army called marking time. The right hon. gentleman was for marking time, but how long it would be continued nobody knew. He had felt astonished at the noble lord the member for Marylebone stating that he did not believe in the existence of differences in the Cabinet, and after the speech which they had just heard he thought there was no chance of any difference, for the right hon. gentleman would remain in office to enable him to mark the time for action. (Hear, hear.) He never was so satisfied with having Abstained from voting on the repeal of the paper duty as he had felt after the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the previous night, be cause he thought the right hon. gentleman had convincingly proved tothe house that when he moved the repeal of the paper duty he was totally ignorant of what the state of the finances of the country would be. (Hear, hear.) He said so because from the first he had been opposed to the repeal, and he complained that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had placed him in an awkward position. (A. laugh.) Yes ; for he had been placed against his own will in conflict with the House of Lords on this question. It was not a fair po sition to place that house or the House of Lords in. He thought the House of Lords acted prudently, but he also thought that they had acted unconstitutionally. He was aware that the great majority of the House of Commons was opposed to the repeal of the paper duty, and that many ab stained from voting against it that they might throw the responsibility of rejecting it upon the House of Lords. (Opposition cheers.) They had been told that honesty was the best policy, and he believed that the character of that house was most advanced by telling the truth upon all occa sions, and acting upon the proverb so aptly quoted by the noble lord the member for Marylebone. So much for the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He now came to the resolution, and it was nothing more than'a resolution of the noble lord the member for Marylebone, and he must say that upon the same grounds that he objected to the re solutions of the noble lord on a late occasion, he objected to the 4th resolution of the noble member for Marylebone. (Hear.) He gave the noble lord due credit that it was expressed in intelligible and grammatical language— (laughter)—but it was nothing more than a resolution, and the noble lord told them, at the same time that he talked of the rights and privileges of the House of Commons, that they might put what gloss they pleased upon it. (Laugh ter.) There was no more intention of acting upon it than there was upon the resolutions cf the noble lord. (Opposi tion cheers.) The noble lord represented a very important, wealthy, and intelligent constituency. (A laugh.) He repeated that there were few constituencies so noble, so wealthy, and so well informed ; and no doubt the noble lord was giving expression to the sentiments of many of his constituents ; but with great respect to the noble lord and his constituency, he thought the motion exceedingly ill timed. (Cheers and laughter.) For what had been the -course of the noble lord upon a late and most fitting occa sion for the statement of his views ? When the three re solutions were moved by the First Minister an amendment was moved by the hon. member for Finsbury for an address not to prorogue the present sittings of Parliament till the bill for the repeal of the 'excise on paper had received the royal assent, and the noble lord's measure would have been a fitting one to introduce at that time. But what did the noble lord do ? He got up at a meeting of the great Liberal party, and he (Mr. Osborne) had been told that the great Liberal party on that occasion amounted to 22.' (Op position cheers and laughter.) The noble got up and asked the hon. member for Finsbury to withdraw his resolution, and the motion was withdrawn by the hon. member, who believed that in so doing he was meeting the wishes of the great Liberal party. But what happened then ? The hon. member for Plymouth in a speech which, however it might not be agreed with by members of that house, they would say was one of great merit and ability, moved a most tem perate amendment, which might have been voted for by the noble lord and those who agreed with him with perfect consist ency. (Hear.) amendment should be ..itharawn also. It was supposed that they ....ust be unanimous. See what they got by being una nimous. The honourable colleague of the noble lord had case an amendment, making the amendment of the hon. member for Plymouth much stronger, but he was not allowed to move it. The hon. member was the chair man of the great Liberal party which met in the tea-room. (Laughter.) Why did not the noble lord support the amend ment of the hon. member for Plymouth, or that of his hon. colleague, the member for Marylebone ? The house had got now nothing more than a fourth resolution to the three miserable resolutions they had the other night, and intro duced with a speech in which they were told they might put any gloss they liked upon it. Having opposed the re solutions of the first Minister of the Crown, he could not vote for the motion of the noble lord the member for Mary lebone. He could understand the course taken by the hon. member for Tavistock ; but he had made one mistake in citing the instance of the French chamber, for whatever electoral corruption might exist in this country, this he could take upon himself to say, that the character of public men on both sides of the house was above impeachment and above the breath of slander; and whatever might be the faults of the constitutional system or the representative government of this country, no man in or out of that house could say that any breath of slander could attach to any public man in the house. (Cheers.) He had been led ont of the consideration of the general question by a few re marks of the hon. gentleman ; but returning to the ques tion immediately before the house, he felt himself placed in a most awkward position. They had heard the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the right hon. gentleman's action was deferred, and he was evidently standing at ease. (Laughter.) He was afraid they were placing themselves in a ridiculous position, and to avoid that he should take re fuge in moving the previous question. Mr. CONINGHAM would venture to say the proposi tion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer with reference to the paper duty hid been loyally and thoroughly supported by the right hon. gentleman ; but he was sorry to find the support which the Chancellor of the Exchequer had re ceived from his colleagues was not equally loyal. (Cries of "Divide.") He ventured to say that the repeal of the paper duty would be a great benefit to the people of this country. (Continued interruption.) Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, I am afraid the house is placed in a somewhat embarrassing position by the two motions from the benches opposite. The hon. member for Hull has given us an account of the general state of feeling which pervades those benches. (Hear, hear.) There is a proverb familiar to us all, which, however, I w.ll not quote, as to the locality in which one should wash one's dirty linen. (Laughter.) There might be a controversy as to whether that operation should take place in public or in private, but there can be no doubt that our political dirty linen should not be washed in the House of Commons. (Cheers and laughter.) I have heard with regret the causes of this misunderstanding l etween the two sections opposite which hitherto have only been the subject of rumour; but now that they have been mentioned I would suggest that, instead of bringing them before our consideration again, there should rather be some meeting held in some other locality sufficiently public, where these arrangements might be made to the general satisfaction of the supporters of the Government. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman went on to say that the meeting, for example, might take place at Willis's Rooms. (Loud laughter.) There was some diminished confidence in her Majesty's Government on the part of gentlemen below the gangway, who styled themselves the great Liberal party. There was some diminution of confidence, not because the question of parliamentary reform had not been carried to a successful issue—not because church rates had not been abolished—not because the promises of the administration held out to 'the country a year ago had net been accom plished —not for these great causes and great considerations had this deplorable misunderstanding had its origin, but because there did not seem to exist that interchange of courtesy and blandness of demeanour which was expected from those who supported a government to those who go verned the country. (Cheers and laughter.) In these days, when an Emperor had not been ashamed to acknowledge himself a parvenu, these hon. gentlemen might be reminded that they themselves were rather of a parvenu origin, and that there was a degree of sensitiveness on their parts which was essential to the successful management of affairs —it was necessary on their parts to curb and restrain. (Laughter.) But whatever might be the course of pro ceeding of that house to-night ho must remind the house that the question before it was a very serious one, and that much depended upon the manner in which they encoun tered it. They were asked to decide upon the conduct of the House of Lords with respect to a recent transaction, upon which it was unnecessary for him to dwell. He had listened with great attention to both Ministers who had spoken in the course of this debate. The Prime Minister had only suggested a mode by which to extricate himself and his friends from an awkward situation. The Chancel • for of the Exchequer reneunced that suggestion of the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister recommended that no vote should be passed by the house on this resolution, but the Chancellor of the Exchequer in his speech in support of the Prime Minister offered a variety of reasons why they should oppose that resolution. That resolution asserted in the most formal manper, that the rejection of the bill was 4A encroachment on the rights of the House of Commons, but that question had been solemnly deliberated upon by the house. The Prime Minister had moved three resolu- tions, which it was his pride and boast were unanimously supported, and why :so ? Because this house must have held that they were resolutions which dealt adequately with the subject they proposed to meet. That was at least the impression that influenced him (Mr. Disraeli), and he believed he might add every gentleman on his side of the . _ house. (Cheers.) They : asserted the privileges of the house so amply that the noble lord (Lord Fermoy) said he was perfectly ready to rest the privileges of the house upon the language of these resolutions. Then why did the noble lord propose another resolution ? The noble lord admitted the second resolution of the Prime Minister, and that resolution acknowledged the right of the House of Lords to reject a bill in its entirety. After that the noble lords proposed to them to declare that it was incumbent upon them to take steps to assert their rights and privileges He (Mr. Disraeli) said they had already taken the proper course to do so. He could not agree with the noble lord upon either of the two heads of his resolution. The first made an assertion with respect to the privileges of the house with which he (the right hon. gentleman) could not agree, and which was contrary to the resolutions which the house had passed unanimously only a few days since. In the second part the noble lord said it was incumbent upon them to adopt a practical measure for the vindication of rights which the house had already vindicated. If he (Mr. Disraeli) had agreed to such a course, he should stultify everything he had agreed to, and if this resolution were carried it would counteract all the resolutions which had been passed at the instance of the noble lord. But what was the course recommended by her Majesty's Govern ment ? He confessed that he had listened to the speech of the noble viscount with astonishment. He was there to sup port the Government in the course in which the house had in a generous spirit promised them its countenance. Was all that passed to be blotted out because of an intemperate resolution proposed by the member for Marylebone, and because it might suit some member of the Cabinet not to meet that resolution with a direct negative ? (Cheers.) The honour of the Government and of the First Minister de manded that they should stand by the decision of the other night. He thought that after the temperate and wise measures which the Government had last night brought for ward, supported by the unanimous voice of the House of Commons, it was not for them to reverse that moderate course which had recommended them to all the thinking portion of the community. He considered• that they were bound to meet the resolution by a direct and unequivocal negative. (Cheers.) The house was not placed in any equivocal position that might have rendered it convenient to adopt that shabbiest of all devices, the previous question. (Cheers.) He was far from desirous, however, that any division should take place which might give even the ap pearance of a party triumph to the gentlemen around him —a triumph they would owe• to the unhappy dissensions which had arisen amongst the Government, and which he hoped would seon.pass away. (Laughter.) If the noble lord would strip this unfortunate motion of the previous question he would give him his support ; and he felt cer tain that the noble lord would also receive the support of an overwhelming majority of the house. (Cheers.) Sir G. GREY denied that the right hon. gentleman was justified in assuming that his noble friend was anxious again to unsettle this question. His noble friend merely wished to rest the case upon those resolutions which the house had passed, and which he was satisfied were suffi• dent for the purpose. If the house adopted the previous question, the purport of that step would be merely to as sert the determination of the house not to re-open the con troversy. (Hear.) Lord FERMOY having replied, Mr. BOUVERIE moved the adjournment of the debate, but the proposal was negatived without a division. The house then divided on 1 he previous question—namely, " That the question be now put." Ayes Noes Majority —39 The question was therefore not put. The numbers were received with loud cheers below the gangway. SALMON FISHERIES. On the motion of Mr. FENWICK it was agreed that an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to issue a commission of in quiry into the salmon fisheries of England and Wales with the view of increasing the supply of a valuable article of food for the benefit of the public. VOLUNTEERS (IRELAND) BILL. Col. FRENCH asked leave to bring in a bill to extend to Ireland all powers to make rules and regulations for the enrolment and organisation of volunteer corps which are now by law applicable to Great Britain. He thought that the same privileges should be extended to Ireland as had produced such results in this country, and therefore he re gretted to find it was opposed by her Majesty's Govern ment. After some conversation, Col. GREVILLE moved that the house do now adjourn. The house then divided, when the motion for the ad journment was carried by a majority of 61 to 28. The house then adjourned at 25 minutes to 3 o'clock. rAiiLiAIIIENTARY DIVISION. HOUSE OF COMMONS—JULY 17. PAPER DUTIES REPEAL BILL. Motion made, and cipostion J • • by the Rouse of' Lords of the bill for the repeal of the paper duties is an encroachment on the rights and privi leges of the House of Commons; and it is therefore in cumbent upon, this house to adopt a practical measure fo r the vindication of its rights and privileges." Where upon previous question proposed,. ' That that question be now put." Debate arising ; motion made, and ques tion, " That the debate be now adjourned," put, and negatived. Previous question put, " That that question be now put." The house divided—ayes 138, noes 177. AYES-138. Adderley, C. B. Hamilton, Lord C. Palmer, R. W Ball, E. Hamilton, Jas. H. Papillon, P. 0. Beach, W. W. B. Hardy, Gathorne Paull, H. Beecroft, G. S. Hartopp, E. B. Peacocke, G. M. Bentinck, G.C. Hennessy, J. P. Pennant, Col. Bentinck, G. W. P. Holford, R. S. Philips, J. H. Benyon,.R. Hood, Sir A. Pollard Urquhart W Bernard, W. S. Hopwood, J. T. Potts, George Blake, J. A. Hornby, W. H. Powys, L. P. Booth, Sir R. G. Horsman E. Repton, G. W. J. Bridges, Sir 8., Bt. Hotham, Gen. Lord Ridley, Sir M. W. Burghley, Lord Howes, Edward Rogers, John J. Cartwright, Col. H. Hubbard, J. G. Rowley, Hon. R. T. Cobbold, John C. Humberstone, P. S. Selwyn, C. J. Cochrane, A. D. Jervis, Captain Sibthorp, Major Codrington, Sir W. Johnstone, Hon. H. Smith, M. Cole, J. L. Kendall, N. Smith, Abel Collins, T., jun. Knatchbull, W Smith, S. G. Conolly, Thomas Knightley, R. Smollett, P. Cooper, C. W. Lefroy, A. Somerset, Col. E. Corry, H. L. Legh, W. Spooner, R. Cubitt, Ald. Lennox, Lord H. G. Stanhope, J. B. Cubitt, George Liddell, Hon. H. G . Stewart, Sir M. R. Dalkeith, Earl of Long, R. P. Stuart, Major W. Darner, L. S. W. D. Longfleld, Robert Stracey, Sir H. Deedes, Wm. Lovaine, Lord Sturt, H. G. Dickson, CoL Lowther, Captain Sullivan, M. Dillwyn, Lewis L. Lyall, G. Talbot, Hon. W. C. Disraeli, Benjamin Lygon, Hon. F. Taylor, Colonel Du Cane, Chas. M'Cormick, W. Thynne, Lord E. Duncombe, W. E. Maguire, J. F. Thynne, Lord H. Edwards, Major H. Malins, R., Torrens, R. Egerton, A. F. Manners, Lord J. Trelawny, Sir J. S. Egerton, W. Miller, T. Upton, Genei al Estcourt, S. Mills, A. Valetort, Lord Farquhar, Sir M. Montagu, Lord R. Vance, John Farrer, James Moody, C. A. Vansittart, Wm. Fellowes, Edward Morgan, Major Walcott, Adm. J. E. Fergusson, Sir J. Mowbray, Rt. Hn. J. Walker, James R Forester, Col. G. C. Mure, David Walsh, Sir J. B. Gilpin, Colonel Naas, Rt. Hn. Lord Whalley, G. H. Gordon, C. W. Newark, Lord Whiteside, Rt Hn J. Gore, J. R. 0. Newport, Visct. Whitmore, H. Greene, Capt. J. Noel, G. J. Williams, T. P. Gray, Wilham North, Col. TELLERS. Griffith, CD. Northcote, Sir S. Fermoy, Lord Haliburton, Justice Pakington, Sir J. S. White, Mr. NOES -177. Acton, Sir J. Freeland, H. W. Osborne, Bernal Agnew, Sir A. French, Fitzstephen Packe, G. H. Angerstein, W. Gallwey, Sir W. P. Paget, C. Arnott, Sir J. Garnett, W. J. Paget, Lord C. E. Ashley, Lord Gaskell, J. M. Palmerston, Vint. Ar+nn, A. S. Gibson, T. M. Patten, J. W. Bagwell, J. Gifford, Earl of Pease, H. Bailey, C. Gilpin, C. Peel, Gen. Baines, E. Gladstone, W. E. Peel, F. Baring, Sir F. • Glyn, G. G. Peto, Sir M. Baring, Thos. Geo. Goldsmid, Sir F. Pilkington, James Bazley, Thomas Gower, F. L. Pinney, Wm. Beale, Samuel Graham, Sir J. R. G. Ponsonby, A. Beamish, F. B. Gregory, W. H. Portman W. H. B. Biddulph,',Col. R.M. Gregson, S. Pritchard, John Bonham-Carter, J • Greville, Col. F. Proby, Lord. G. L. Bouverie, E. P. Grey, Rt. Hn. Sir G. Pugh, D. (Carmar.) Brady, John Gurdon, B. t uller, C. W. Brocklehurst, John Hadfield, Geo. Raynlxam, Viscount Bruce, H. A. Hanbury, R., jun. ,Ridley, G. Burke, Sir T. J., Bt. Hankey, Thomson Robartes, T. J. A. Butt, Isaac Hartington,Marquis Roupell, W. Buxton, C. Hassard, M. D. Russell, A. J. E. Caird, James Hodgkinson, G. Russell, Sir Wm. Calthorpe, F. H. Hope, G. W. St. Aubyn, J. Cardwell, Rt. Hn. E. Howard, Hon. C. Salomong,Altierruan Castlerosse, Vist. Howard, Lord E. G. Scott, Sir W. Cavenidsh, Hon. W. Ingram, H. Scrope, G. P. CavenOish, Lord G. James, Edwin Seymour, Sir M. Childers, H. C. E. Jermyn, Earl Shafto, R. D. Clay, James Jervoise, Sir J. Shelley, Sir J. V. Clifford, C. C. Kershaw, J. Sheridan, 11. B. Clive, George Kinglake, A. W. Sheridan, R. B. Cobbett, J. M. Kinglake, Serj. J. Smith, J. B. Cogan. W. 11. Kingscote, Lt.-Col. Smith, M. T. Coningham, Wm. ICnatchbull-Hugess Smith, Sir F. Cowper, Hon. W.F. Ling, S. Somerville, Sir W. Craufurd, E. H. J Langston, J. H. Stacpoole, W. Daiglish, Robert Langton, H. G. Stafford, Marquis of Davie, Col. F. Lawson, W. Stansfeld, J. Dawson, R. P. Leatham, E. Stuart, Col. Deasy, Rickard Lewis, Sir G.C., Bt. Talbot, C. R. M. Dent, John Dent Locke, John Thompson, H. S. Dodson, John G. Lockhart, A. E. Tite, Wm. Douglas, Sir C. Lowe, Rt. Hon. R. Turner, J. A. Dundas, Frederick Lysley, W. Vandeleur, Col. DunkEllin, Lord M'Cann, J. Villiers, Rt. Hon. C. Enfield, Viscount Mackie, J. Vivian, H. H. Esmonde, John Marjoribanks, D. C. Walter, John Evans, T. W. Martin, P. W. Warre, J. A. Ewart, J. C. Martin, J. Watkins, J. L. V. Ewart,•William Massey, W. N. Western, T. S. Fenwick, Henry Moncreiff, J. Whitbread, S. Ferguson, R. Monson, W. J. Williams, W. Foley, Hon. H. W. Mostyn, Hon. T. E. Wood, Rtlln. Sir C. Foljambe, F. J. S. Napier, Sir C. Wyld, James Forster, Charles Newdegate, C. N. Wyvill, M. Foster, W. 0. Noble, J. TELLERS. Fortescue, Hon. D. O'Brien, P. Brand , H . B. Fortescue, C. S. Ogilvy, Sir J. Dunbar,Wro. Sir =The Mysterious Power of the Magnet is - most beautifully developed by Mr. F. M. HERRING, of 32, Basirighall..stree t in his Patent Magnetic Brushes and Combs, which are the remedy fbr grey hair, weak or fall in g hair, neural g i a , nervous headache, rheumatism, stiff' joints, &c. His Teazle Brushes for cloth, velvet, &c., are admirable; they not only cleanse but preserve the fabric in a remarkable manner. The public are cautioned against counterfeits. EADvT.] [invERTISEMENT.] -11a11nwa y 's Ointmentand derangements Sure Practice. —In the treatment of the many to which the human frame is liable, moderate experience surpasses the mast consummate skill. On a railway h wor ki n g engineer is a safer pilot than the astutes t philoso pher—and the public h ave m or e confidence in his manage ment. In same manner the world has placedreliance in the s afety and efficiency of Holloway's medicines; if not always the fastest, it is always an express saf e train to health. For every ailment their use make secure practice. For internal, as well as external, maladies, th e ointment rubbed . over the affected organ exercises the most salutary influence, and acts admirably in augmenting the pills' purifying principle. TEE NAVY. The fleet of blockships now at anchor in the har bour of Portland consists of the following vessE ls:— The Colossus, 80, Capt. Francis Scott, C. 8., bearing the flag of Commodore Yelverton ; the Majestic, 80, Capt. William R. Mends, C. 8.; the Cornwallis, 60, Capt. George G. Randolph ; the Ajax, 60, Captain John M. N. Boyd ; the Edinburgh, 60, Capt. Edwin C. T. D'Eyncourt ; the Hogue, 60, Capt. Reginald J. J. G. Macdonald ; the Pembroke, 60, Captain Edward P. Charlewood ; the Hawke, 60, Capt. W. Crispin; the Blenheim, 60, Capt. E. Tatham; the Russel, 60, Capt.. G. Wodehoase ; • the Dauntless, 31, Capt. Leopold G. Heath. The screw steam tender Argus, Commander G. T. S. Winthorp, and the paddlewheel steam-vessel Lucifer are also at anchor. On Monday courts-martial were held on board the flag-ship Impregnable, 104, in Hamoaze, on John Roberts and Enos Dyer, able seamen, and Henry Schilling and Henry Cocking, ordinary seamen, belonging to the screw steam-ship Orion, 91, Capt. John B.Frere, for insubordination. Capt. A. C. Key, C. 8., presided. John Roberts was charged with having, on the 4th inst., refused to scrub a hammock, and, when brought before Com mander Baker, of continuing to refuse, and of say ing " that he and others agreed to do no more work ;" and, when brought before Capt. Frere, of still persisting and saying, "He didn't care a for all the captains and admirals in the service." The prisoner denied having used this language, but pleaded " guilty" in other respects, and was sen tenced to receive 50 lashes, to be imprisoned and kept to hard labour for two years, and then to be dismissed the service. Henry Cocking, charged with the same offence, with the exception of the bad language, pleaded "guilty," and sentenced to receive 50 lashes and be imprisoned 18 months. The other two pleaded " guilty," and were sen tenced to receive 50 lashes and be imprisoned 12 months. • The paddle-wheel steam-tender Avon, G. Day second master commanding, got up steam on Mon day in Hamoaze and proceeded to Devonport dock yard, where she took on board Commander Paul, assistant master attendant, and a party of riggers and men from the ordinary, 47 in all, and left for Pembroke to jury rig and navigate the screw steam sloop Pelican, 17, to Plymouth. TILE ARMY. The entire disposable force of Royal Artillery in garrison at Woolwich was yesterday paraded on foot in front of the official quarters, in a body of 2,500 men, for the purpose of witnessing the annual distribution of good conduct medals. They fell in at a quarter past one o'clock, and formed in double line. At two o'clock Gen. Sir Richard Dacres, K.C.B. accompanied by his Aid e -d e -C amp , M a j or W. E. k. Reilly, C. 8., Brigade-Major Shaw, and other mounted officers of the garrison Star, in spected the line. The list of non-commissioned officers and men (28 in number) who were about to be decorated with the medals was afterwards called over and responded to by their appearing in front, when Gen. Dacres stooped forward, and, address ing the first recipient, a man belonging to the Royal Horse Artillery, he attached the medal with a pin to his left breast, expressing a hope that, as he had highly merited the reward (which carried with it an annuity), he might live long to enjoy it, and stimulate others by his example to be equally dis tinguished. The General, having addressed an appropriate remark to each one consecutively, handed singly to Major Reilly the remainder of the medals, which he conferred in the usual manner. At the conclusion of the distribution the General harangued the troops on the' subject of- the cere mony, interesting alike to him and them, in which they had assembled to take part. The men, he said, to whom the distinguished honours had just been awarded had, during the long period of 18 years, never failed in the due performance of their mili tary duties, and were registered as men of the most unexceptionable and irreproachable characters. These medals were rewards from their Sovereign, and would descend as heirlooms to their families, testifying as the most convincing evidence to their worth and unblemished military life. The following officers and troops, under orders to proceed to India, have been selected to embark on board the Surrey, at Gravesend for Calcutta : Ensign A. Hutchinson ' Ensign W. H. Adams, an d 63 men of the Ist bat. 23d Royal Welsh Fusiliers; Major B. Walton, Ensign B. P. Bromhead, and 81 men of the 38th Regiment ; Lieut. S. W. Mit chell, Ensign A. F. Kidston, and 100 men of the 42d Royal Highlanders; Capt. T. S. Robin, Ensign C. S. Chapman, and 88 men of the 54th Regiment; Lieut. F. F. Daniel, Ensign J. J. Buckle, Ensign A. F. Leatham, and 93 men of the 75th Reginfistiti TA.ient, J. Nicholas, Royal Artillery ; and Staff ,4 tons, Capt. F. Coote, will embark the following reinforcements to-morrow for Calcutta, viz.:-4 officers and 76 men of the 34th Regiment, from Col chester ; 3 officers and 146 men of the 2d Battalion Rifle Brigade, and 4 officers and 77 men of the 3d Battalion Rifle Brigade, from Winchester. The Windsor Castle, 1,074 tons, Captain W. H. Pare, will embark the following troops at Gravesend for Bombay :-2 officers and 25 men of the 3d (Prince of Wales's) Dragoon Guards, from Canterbury ; 47 men of the 6th Dragoon Guards (Carabineers), from Maidstone ; 2 officers and 55 men of the Ist Battalion 4th King's Own, and 1 officer and 68 men of the 83d Regiment, from Chichester; and 3 officers and 51 men of the Royal Artillery, from Woolwich. The following reinforcements will embark in the Canning, 1,021 tons, Captain J. Robertson, f or Cal cutta :-6 officers and 71 men of the Royal Artil lery; 2 officers and 40 men of the Ist Battalion 6th Regiment, one officer and 156 men of the 88th Con naught Rangers, and 1 officer and 72 men of the 97th Regiment, from Colchester ; and four officers and 60 men of the Ist Battalion 19th Regiment, froth Chatham. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL-JULY 17. We have had a fair attendance of both town and country millers to-day, who have in some instances obtained Ame rican wheats at a trifling concession, ex ship, but other qualities cannot be quoted lower. Flour met little inquiry. American mixed and yellow corn has had a limited sale at a reduction of fully 6d per qr. Oats and oatmeal a better inquiry, at full prices. Beans, peas, and barley maintain fully previous quotations. The market on the whole closed steady. LEEDS, JULY 17. The business passing in wheat to-day is decidedly im proved, and where sales were made is per qr advance was obtained. Barley nominal. Beans quite as dear. Oats and other articles unaltered. SLEAFORD—JULY 15. An average show of wheat at market to-day, for which the trade was slow for most samples ' • other grain ia active. White r u l e d a t 56 s to 60s, red 52s to 55s per qr. Barley, 29s to 445; oats, 28s to 345; beans, 38s to 50s; peas, —s to —a. NORWICH CATTLE—Jr= 14. The show of store cattle to-day was rather small, and quality not so good. A short attendance at the market; Trade slow, at Os to 10s reduction on former prices. Scots, 4s to 4s 6d ; shorthorns, 3s 6d to 4s 6d ; Irish, 3s to 4s 6d ; Devons, 4s Od to 4s 6d (estimated weight when fat). Fat beasts a small show. 8s 6d to 9s 6d per stone. Sheep—There were more sheep•in the pens, and equal to the demand. Fat sheep, 8s 6d to 9s Od per stone ; prime, Or to Os. Pigs—A fair supply. Store pigs, 25s to 355; fat pork, 7s 6d to 8s 6d per stone. INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITION OF 1862, —The guarantee fund subscribed now amounts to £ 3 35,300. It is understood that the Royal Commissioners for the Exhi bition of 1851 are willing to grant the use of a park of their estate at South Kensington for the exhibition, and that a portion of the buildings to be erected will be permanent, available for future exhibitions of art and industry, BIRTHS. HOSTE.—On the 16th inst., at Sandgate, the wife of Major Hosto, o an f ta-Colonel B. Granville Layard, of LAYARD.—On the 16 t h inst . , at Hum Cottage, Beverley, daughter. L OVELL —On the 15 th inst., a t 12, Ch es t er - square, th e Lady Rose Lovell, of a a th d e azg if h e e t e.oßrf."Lßi e.uAt MARRIAGES. CoLLQTs — DICKENS.—On the 17th inst. , at Higham Church, Kent, Cha s . C o lli ns, Esq., of Clarence - terrace, Regent's-park, to Kate Macready, second daughter of Charles Dickens, Esq., of Gads-hill-place. SMITH-TYLER.-At the parish church, Marylebone, Geo. Smith, ter of the l ate John Tyler, Esq., of Havering, Essex. Esq., of Thurloe-square, to E mma , on ly daugh- DEATHS. COTTON. —On the 16th inst., at 78, Westbourne-terrace, Hyde -park, John Cotton, Esq., late Director of the East India Company,. aged 76. ENGELHART.— On the 16th inst., John Simon Engelhart, of The Woodlands, Isleworth, aged 79. GRAY.—On the 16th inst., at Bath. Benjamin Gray, Esq., formerly of Poud House, Hanstridge, Semersetshire, aged 85. GARRATT.—On the 15th inst., at Parkfield House, Devon, Francis Garratt, Esq., aged 77. GREGORY.—On the 15th inst., George Gregory, Esq., of Harlaxton, Lincolnshire, aged 85. JONES.-011 the 15th inst.,, at Bedford, Capt. Wm. Jones, late Bth Hussars, aged. 76. MAITLAND.—On the 25th ult., at Staten Island, near New York, James William Maitland, Esq., youngest son of the late Lord Dundrennan. SowTow.—On the 15th inst., suddenly, Wm. M. Sowton, Esq., of the Middle Temple, and of Bryanston-street, aged 44. LONDON : Printed and Published by IT URDO YO l'sl ` 4 of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Bun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the oountY of Itilddieser, Wednesday, July 18, ISCQ