The Sun. — London, England, 1858-05-01 00:00:00

this question. He could not understand why they might not be permitted, in connection with hon. gentlemen on the other side of the bonsa to advocate their opinions were told it was not a party question. _ uponespNo especially one as they coulddoubt that it was one of the most important subject. that had ever been brought for ward in that house. (Hear.) He was certain that his noble friend was neither prompted by party feeling nor an i ma t e d by a spirit of faction in br i ng ing forward this irm ti o n, but that, on the contrary, in doing so he ex wesed not only his own sentiments but the convictions o f 0, great number of persons who entertained the t doubts as to the expediency of proceeding at with Indian legislation. Immediate legislation was g : o rl'e not s so easy as some persons seemed to imagine, nor bad they been hitherto so lucky in the result of their colonial measures as to warrant the conclusion that it would be wi„-e to proceed in this hurried manner to legislate upon a subject of such vast importance as the future govern ment of India. He was warned by the late Chancellor of the Exchequer not to speak disrespectfully of the wis dom of Parliament ; he did not wish to do so, but be could not forbear calling the attention of the house to an essay of the great philosopher and historian, Mr. Home, who, in speaking of politics as a science, remarked that • ..free Government always managed its dependencies scores than did an arbitrary Government, and be con treated, not very complimentarily, the conduct of France in _regard to its foreign dependencies with the conduct of England in respect to Ireland. Mr. Home wrote before the difficulties with Canada, and before it was found thiit the best mode of governing a colony was to allow hto govern itself. From the nature and constitutione an of the Indian mind, however, there must alwayshe asked, b arbitrary Government in India, n was it a trivial thing to dovetail aandarbitrary Go. varnment with a free constitution I H . He speke . of the house with great respect, and admired it i n the h ig h est mee e degree, but be was convinced, if the House of Commons could not legislate in a manner satisfactory pre ervation of to Canada, - that legislation being consistentitc withonld b not do so for India, the principles of freedom. the government of whic h , n en.esarily involved totally different principles. Were the Government in a position to advise the e house with weight upon the Indian ques tionhad brought in a bill, they had abandoned fit s y and they had now, at the suggestion of the noble lord the member for the City of London, brought in these re solutions. He did rot complain of their taking that course ; he had no charge of vacillation to bring against the Government ; for he thought it might b e f a i r ly sa id that they hai acted as they had done, not from any change of mind, but from the difficulties of their position. Tbey were driven to the course which they pursued, and no One who heard the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer the other night could entertain any doubt whatever as to his real sentiments. He reiterated his opinion that they bad better not legislate at all ; but if they were determined to legislate, the bill be bad pro• posed was the beet ; and he concluded neither with a motion for non-legielatioa, nor in favour of a bill, but for a committee upon resolutions. No member in the house could be so young and so green as to suppose that the Chancellor of the Exchequer was satisfied, or that he would have taken the course which he had if he was cer tain of that large majority upon ordinary questions which gave to a government importance and real power. " 0 that some power the gift would gie us, To see ourselves as others see us." He heard from every quarter what a precious mess the House of Commons had got into— (laughter)—and would anybody deny that that was the opinion of hon. mem bers themselves! The hon. gentleman opposite said that it was for the honour and dignity of the house that they should proceed to legislate. His (Sir F. Baring's) opinion was, that it was for their honour and dignity, when they made a mistake, that they should retrace their steps. He was not an advocate for the East India Company, but he thought it strange that, considering the many eminent men the company bad produced people would be rather asto nithed, after some 70 or 80 years of government, that the only compleinta against the system were that Leadenhall street and Cannon-row were some distance from each other, that frequent messengers were requ'red, and a good deal of money was spent in cab hire, and that those were the only grounds on which the company was to be destroyed. Mr. M. GIBSON would not have ventured to address the house, which he thought was ready for a division, bad not the right hon. baronet taken upon himself to give him such a very peculiar title, by calling him the father of all mischief. (Laughter.) He never felt more gratified in his life than when he had been instrumentil in that piece of mischief, the destruction of tie Conspiracy to Murder Bill. He was opposed to that bill, and took the course which be thought was best to defeat it. He bad been successful in accomplishing his object. The right hon. baronet seemed to yearn after a species of dictator ship in that house. Now be (Mr. M. Gibson) did not complain of Government having recourse to the advice and opinion of Parliament. (Cheers.) He thought the time was approaching when Parliament would more and more advise Ministere, and Ministers dictate less to Par liament—(hear)—and it was a subject of great congra tulation to him to find the Government of the day willing to take the tweise into its council,. He believed that if the Government of the noble lord the member for Tiver ton had taken the house more into its councils it would not have fallen. He had heard the speeches in favour of the motion now before the house, and he declared he had not heard one good argument why they were not to change the government of India—not to legislate at this particular moment—it being at the end of the month of April, and they having yet four months of the session before them. There were no doubt legitimate reasons for delay in reference to legislation upon this subject, but those reasons had not been assigned in the present instance. No man could say that it was not in their power at the present moment to possess themselves of all the information that could be desired upon the sub ject. By a reference to the voluminous evidence taken be fore the committee of 1852, cf which he was a member, all the information necessary to lead the house to a deciei , ,n upon a legislative measure could be procured. He con curred in the propriety of the course suggested by the noble lord the member for London, inasmuch as it would give the house an additional stage for the consideration of a subject of such importance and of so great and com plicated a nature as the present was. He therefore thought that proceeding by resolution was the best pos sible course that could be devised under the circum stance.. He did not o ler it at all an evil that the Government bad adopted a change in their course of proceeding on this question in consequence of the sue gestion of the noble lord the member for Lo n do n . H,-; was the more fortified in his opinion that her Majesty's Government had ac t e d w i sely from the fact announced by the right hon. gentleman the late President of th e Boar 4of Contr o l, th at the noble lor d s the member for London bad distinctly suggested the seeding by w ay o f resolution . previous propriety of pro P to the YintrodPuc• tion of the m easure on India by t'elate Gov ernmen t . (Hear.) He would as k whe.her it wart not the object of those who asked for delay to defeat the measu re altoge tber it they could, (R ear. ) Jeremy Bentham writer on political f a ll ac i es , sa id h e never k ne'esaa6nreiant stance in which delay in resp ec t t o any particular mea-- eure . of legislation was pressed, that it was not the inten tion of the parties who urged that course to defeat it they could the measure altogether. The right bon. gentleman the member for Portsmouth, amongst his other argu ments against legislation, used that wbich might be termed the hobgoblin argument. (Laughter.) When that right hon. gentleman could not convince their rea son he endeavoured to frighten them by all sorte of ter rors from the consideration of the question. He hoped that there would be an early divi-ion upon the preposi tion, 'and that the house would immediately proceed to the diece esion of the resolution, (Hear.) Lord P 4 LMERSTON—Sir, I presume that as those who sit upon this bench had the honour of first introduc ing a bill on this subject, the right hon. gentlemen who sit on the opposite aide of the house are of opinion that we should first express our intentions in regard to this mo• Con. I can have no hesitation whatever in stating that It is my intention to oppose the motion of the noble lord. (Hear.) I entirely agree with the hon. member for Taun ton (Kr. A. Mills), that it would be roost inconvenient, not only as regards the interests of the country ac con ikeeted with India, but with the honour and dignity of Ibis house, if we were now to attempt to retrace our steps, and to do nothing at all upon the subject. (Hear.) The noble lord bases his motion on the ground of change of circumstances. No doubt, sir, many circumstances have changed since this question was first introduced to the house in the present session. I am, for example, ad dressing this assembly from this side of the house instead I of from the other. (Hear, and laughter.) That change of circumstances may have its effects and its consequences; but I cannot think that any such change of circumstances can furnish ise wi h any reason fir not proceeding with this question. (Hear, hear.) Hon. gentlemen may have mere or less confidence in the existing Government. The , right hon. gentleman who has just eat down declared it as his opinion that her Majesty's late Government had fallen from inherent weakness, and that they would have acted much better rf they had taken Parliament into their councils. I may hers observe, in passing, that if the right hon. gentleman would but look at the division lists of the house, ho would fled that the late Government had, generally speaking, as large majorities as any i'vli aistry could reasonably hope fer; such a fact implying that Parliament was v ry much of the same opinion as ourselves on general questions of legislation. (Hear.) Sir, I will not enter into the question whetaer the course now adopted by the present Government is the beet which under the circumstances they could have takee. My opinion undoubtedly is , that it wool] have been more fit ting for them, when they thought proper to wi hdraw their particular bill upon India, to have brought in another bill rather than to call on the House of Commons to proceed by way of resolution. Bet, at the same time, looking at things_ as they no w are , I am pea , ct y ready to go into co ta. mittee on these resolutions , and to consider them s o with a si ncere desire o f making ' them as consistent as P ossib le with what • appears to me to be sound legisl a ti on epee the. ject.Cheers.) But Id o e n t rea t te e house to consider th e e""quences cf accedi ng t o th e motion of th e noble lord , regardsgm.A.eareher for the right hon. genoeman a F. Barinet, Portsmouth speespe e ch of ( t S h i; motion . of the nob's lore,l-'::(di'. tin favour the this measure fer a scason—it was not in support :flat? member i for Hun tingdDr, who wacttd to put off . le e• s ta a s t t io n to mother y-ee. ; it was rather • an argument aggal o a p n e that on this matter at any time. (near, hear 3nYllhgl" fun my right hon. friend wilt excuse me if I forbear ground log arguments which I do not think meet the question at present under our consi,:ention. S'r, the upon which the present Government when they cam e into office stated their determination on this subject Was a souud and con- titutional one. The noble lord at the bead of the Government stated that originally h a wa y adverse to legislation at ibis time on th question . ; . hut inasmuch as Parliament had, by a large ma j or ity, India .y, recorded their oi:inion that leei-lation upon l yea oeceeeery, Le tnought her Aiaje,?ty s Govermael.4 were fully justified in giving up their own not i ons on the matter, in deference to the deliberate judgment of this house. (Hear, bear.) Let the house now consider what the effects would probably be of leaving India in its present disturbed state under a system ot Govern ment condemned not only by one, but by two administra tions here, and not only by those administrations, but by an immense majority of the House of Commons, as well as by public opinion generally. Let us but consider how weakened in its moral strength is the present Indian government by all these circumstances, and bow hampered it must be by its own doubt as to the duration of its Authority. lam persuaded, sir, that the change from the existing Indian government to the direct authority of the Queen would have a salutary effect on the population, 38 well as upon the native mind of India itself. The natives, in my opinion, would look with infioitely greater respect and attachment to the direct government of the Queen than they can ever be persuaded to look to the government of a company of merchants, however indivi ivally respectable they may be. (Hen.) And as to she effect upon the Indian array, I will venture to say that there is not an officer or a man in that army who would not feel prouder in being told that he was transferred to the immediate service of the Queen than if he were to continue in that of the East India Company. (Hear.) Well, if that be the case, if the local army feel them -elves in a po-dtion of inferiority as compared with that of the Queen's own army, surely that fact of itself is a sufficient justification for the proposed legisla-ion. (Hear.) But there is another consideration, which I think slaou'd also have weight with us. The mutiny, hap pily, is now nearly suppressed. Those acts of severity, and those measures incidental to the present state of things, may happily soon be terminated. The period is fast approaching when it will be the duty as well as the interest of all governments that a system of clemency instead of punishment should be pursued ; and that a distinction should be made between those who have timely surrendered to our authority, and the actual mu tineers who have been waging war against na to the last. I say, then, that a change of system will come with much naore grace and effect when it comes in the shape of a direct act of the Sovereign of this country, than from the present authorities in India. It would, I think, he a most fortunate coincidence, if at the same time this system of indulgence was commenced it was also an nounced that the Government at home had been now changed, that the people of India are now placed under the benevolent sway of the Sovereign of Eng!a,;(?, and it is to that authority that they are henceforth to give their allegiance. (Hear, hear.) Concurring entirely, then, i❑ the opinion expressed, I believe the House of Commons is prepared to come to an early division upon this question. I have myself no doubt of the result of that division ; I am sure that her Majesty's Government share in the opinion I have expressed upon the motion of the noble lord, and I am prepared to resist the motion of my noble friend and go at once into committee for the consideration of the resolutions. (Hear, hear.) Lord STANLEY—Sir, I think I am bound on the part cf her Majesty's Government Co acknowledge, in the first instance, the perfect fairness and entire can dour in which this subject has been treated by the noble ord who has made the motion now under consideration. It must be evident to every one who heard him—what ever his own individual opinion may be on the question —that he has not sought to bias their minds by an ap peal to ems influences, to give the subject a political character, nor to view it as one upon which a party dis cussion might be taken ; but rather as a question involv ing the greatest and most momentous considerations that could well be considered by a British House of C )m -snoop. But when I turn to the arguments of the noble lord, I confess I am utterly unable to appreciate their value. The arguments of the right hon. gentleman the member fir Portsmouth Ido indeed understand. The noble lord has toll us, not only in the tone and spirit of his speech, but in express words, that this house is un fit to legislate upon this subject. He has said something about the difficulty of substituting for an absolute go vernment like that of India a constitutional government like that of England. There may be difficulties on our part such as be describes, but surely those are not difficulties which will be less in 1859 than they are in 1858. (Hear, hear.) If it be objectionable to legislate now upon India, it will be equally so then. We have been told of the great difficulties and perplexities that are involved in any attempt to change the government of India. Sir, no man who has considered this question can, I think, deny that it is one of the most difficult and most complicated that has ever been brought before parliament. But I ask, are those difficulties and com plications such as will be gradually reduced by time ? the India question one that will settle itself alone, or is it not rather one which will cre ate an increase of per plexities and difficulties the longer it remains untouched ? (Hear, hear.) We are toll that there are grave differ ences of opinion in this house upon the particuiar mea sure which we should adopt in regard to the future government cf India ; and that those differences of opinion establish a reason for not legislating at all upon the question. Well, sir, I can only say that it legisla tion is to be postponed until there is something like a unanimity of opinion amongst the leaders of the various parties in this house, I think that we shall have to wait a long time before such a period has arrived. There was no such unanimity here and agreement of opinion in the great debates of 1783, when the then Board of Control was first intstituted,tand the doble kcivernment of India was first established. The two great parliamentary leaders at that time were at issue upon the question. There was no unanimity of opinion in 1E33, and certainly there was no g. eat agree ment of opinion in the discussions which took place on this subject five years ago—discu , sions which occupied tt is house more than, I believe, 20 nights. (Hear.) Well, then, we are told that this is a question with which a strong Government only can deal. Now the', I thick is rather a delicate matter fir any one to touch upon. is difficult - , in my opinion, to say what constitutes a strong Government. An administration may be even strong, in regard to its general policy, and yet may not be able to influence the House of Commons to an equel extent in regard to Indian legislation as to English ques tiene generally ; and fur this reason the Government that is depending for its strength on the support of political parties, can only expect that support when its mea sures are in accordance with the principles upon which those political parties are formed. But with regard te Ins!ian administration the case is somewhat different. We have seen great differences of opinion expressed in the debates that occurred two years ago on told sub ject. We have seen wide differecces of opinion expressed arnengst those who, agreeing generally upon Eeglish legislation, are utterly at variance upon the subject of Indian politics. Ith nk, therefore, as a matter of argu rasnt, we are not justified in entertaining any such ob jection in reference to this imp eearit subject—namely, tnat no Government who cannot command a decided inajerity in this house has a right to deal with the Indian question. (Hear, hear.) Well, then, we are told that public opinion has not sufficiently declared itself. Now what is meant by public opinion declaring itself upon lodes 1 We know upon quettious of domortic policy toast a very large cumber of persons out of doors gene rally take a warm interest, and that this house wi ely follows, instead of leads, the general opinions. But we must recollect tha% this Indian question does not affect personally a very large number of persons out of doors. There has not been beret fire, nor is there likely to be hereafter, a strong pressure of public ,'pi nion upon any Government on this subject. There is no doubt at present a very wide and great interest mani fested in regard to India, but that interest has been created by the recent debates in this house and by the recent eminences in India. If, however, we are to judge the future by the past, that interest will be greatl ) diminished when those occurrences have passed away. Bat the very fact that there is now a greater interest fslt upon Indian subjects than there was two years ago, or than there is likely to be two years hence, furnishes, in y opinion, one of the strongest arguments why we ought not to delay dealing with the question before us. (Hear, hear.) Ido not think that any one who sat on the committee of 1853, or who remembers how long that committee sat—how great was the investigation it entered into—the vast volumes wh ch had been Jail before that committee fur reference—l do not think, I repeat, that any one who recollects the debates of 1853, how long they lasted, and how minutely the whole details of this question wore considered, can now seri ously urge that tee need further Inquiry. I may be told, sir, that many petitions upon this subj-ct have been pre sented to the House of Commons to which we are hound to pay respect, and that some of those petitions pray for further inquiry before we adopt any particular plan for government of India. But what, I ask, is the meaning of this prayer for further inquiry 1 When those petitions pray fur further inquiry, they simply mean that the House sf Commons should examine into the various propositions that have been laid down to consider the principles brought forward in those petitions, and so having considered them to act upon them (Hear.) I now wish to allude to what I consider to be the most serious part of the question—l mean, the danger of un settling men's minds, and of creating disturbances in India. I confess, sir, if I were the colleague of the noble viscount opposite when, at the beginning of the session, he proposed to introduce a bill upon the future government of India, the danger of uneetling men's minds is an argument which at that time would have had considerable weight with me. But the case was altered when that measure was laid before Parliament. I will venture to remind the house that I was one of those who supported the noble viscount in the division which took place on the introduction of his bill. But at the same time I am willing to admit that those who took a mere despsnding view of the matter had fair grounds for their argument that it was better not to iuterfsre with the Indian administration until the reed -lon bad been suppressed. But the very same reason w hi c h made hon. ni for o fear rutmi of disturbingsunwilli unwilling to the p thedistuurbblicmind g i7 - vernment of India think,loe of f tadducedhe publicin mfav ourmind off th that immediate country l legislation, s a l can froml e fact bsing wholly unsettled in regard to this question. (Hear.) Sir, I do not think that any one in this house can pre ;.etsi to linori' real eff ct produced in the native mind by the discussions which have taken place in this house. I have heard it contended—and no doubt the argument is plan-ible—that it will be a great encouragement to those who are in arms against °ur sway in India if they learn that the govern ment against which they are contending is depoeed the authority at home. But I think, sir, it wi I have a still tnore injurious effect in the minds of the people of India if they hear, not that the power of the corcpa- y taken away, hut that an attempt made by the Go c. eoru:n: oihtyadat each failed al o e u dy n r t ob r e y e to tike o uB e t h t 3 h e company huts rit y hfrom etchtbe l e oowerful fri en d s at home, they were ena bl e d t o res i st g ein the part o f h er Ma ,ay, s i r , i t we are seriously ja2cy's G vernment i (He to eonsidee the effect wii7.) I v1:1 our le upop the Dative mi n d gislation may pro d ues , we must rtcollect that it is a THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENIN - G, MAY 1, 1858. danger of the most serious character to produce upon the native mind an impression of disunion and di vi si ins at home upon this subject. (Hear.) This would be a fair argument against raising the question at all, but the question having been once raised, and it being made known everywhere in India that her Majesty's Govern ment had introduced a measure to place the power of governing that country in the hands of the Crown in stead of the company, I think the only safe and wise course to pursue is to complete the undertaking which we have begun. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman said whatever rzay be the merits of the measure itself for the future government of India, it willinduce natives to look for still greater changes in regard to them, that they may suppose we have no sympathy for them, and hst we mean to govern India henceforward for the ex clusive interests of England, without payi ng an y regar d to their interests or prejudices. I say, sir, if any such alarm is entertained by the natives of India, the only way to allay such a feeling is to agree on a measure of legis lation as speedily as possible, consistently with the due consideration of the importance of the subject, and thereby to show the groundlessness of those apprehen sions. Taere is one p ,int more to which I wish to allude. What is the best time to undertake s) large a work of legislation ? There is not at present b fore the house any prif ()sal for making any organic reform of a domestic character. We are still at a comparatively early period of the session. Four years ago, the right honourable gentleman the then President of the Board of Control introduced his India Bill at a later period of the session than now. Now, we cannot tell what political events may occur in the course of the year, which would make it uncertain that we should have so much time to give up to the consideration of this question if we delay t much longer. It ber Majesty's Government had con sulted their own ease, and desirM to save themselves from the treable, the difficulty,and embarrassment which mu t necessarily attend discussions of this kind, their obv,ous c arse would have been to accept the resolutions of the noble lord, and with them the responsibility at tending each a proceediog, although they did not ori ginally undertake it themselves, but inherited it from those who had preceded them. (Hear, hear.) Sx, we did not take that cour,e. We thought we had a duty to discharge. Toe responsibility was cast upon us, and from that responsibility it was not, we thought, in our power to relieve ours?lvev. Having undertaken it, we ire det rosined to discharge it, with the favour of this who had spoken in the highest terms of the East India Company Burchhart, in his work, said, " that the inha bitants of Mecca declared that though the Europeans danced with their friend's wives, drank wine, and ate pork, yet their Government was a most just and enlight ened one." French travellers, M. de Richmont, and others, also bore testimony to the feelings of the inhabitants with regard to the Government of India. Sismondi bore similar testimony. The hon. gentleman here read several articles from the works of foreign travellers in Persia, Affghanistan, and other countries, to show the good feeling which was entertained towards the Government of India. Amongst ttese travellers were Baron Von Hugel, Jacgremont, Fer rier, M. Chevalier, and Malmaison. Complaints had been made against the Company that they sent out youths to India instead of grown men. Why nothing could be more advantageous than sending out youths as apprentices to learn their business there. There were three great sub jects of vilification of the Company. The first was the administration of justice ; the second, the state of the po lice ; the third, the deficiency of public works. With re gard to the subject of administration of justice, let them consider the people with whom they bad to deal. The at tempt to administer justice upon the English system would be the wildest possible scheme that could be proposed. The people of India could only be brought by degrees to govern themselves. A great outcry had been raised against what was called the " double government." But he ven tured to say that nine out of ten members of the House of Commons were in favour of an independent council. ( H ear.) Did not that mean a double government? (Hear.) If India sees to be governed well, there must be such an in dependent body to stand as a fender between factions in the House of Commons and the government of India ; and, if it was the desire of the house that the G over n men t shouldcon council n b i le would centred be in the reallyth e Crown,independent. (Hear.) he only hoped that su c h a Sir E. COLE BROOKE opposed the first resolution, on the ground that before transferring the government of In dia into new hands there ought to be a full explanation as to the nature of the proposed council who were to assist the Secretary of State, and the character of the assistance which they would lender him. Taking the first resolution in connection with the second, the powers of the Lew council would be nil ; whereas the powers exercised by the present Board of Directors were of a substantial character. Those powers derived significancy, because they were exer cised by a permanent body acting under a fluctuating go vernment, and on account of the independent principle on which the directors were elected. There was something definite in the constitution of the East India Board ; but there was no security contained in the bill that the new council would not ultimately become unwieldy. (Hear.) At all events, let security be taken that the new council _ house, to the best of our power. (Cheer-) should possess the same powere as those me Irisc! by the The house divided, when the numbers were— present board of directors. This suggestion he should em- For the amendment Against it Majority -- 390 under discussion. The announcement of the numbers was received with Sir C. LEWIS had hoped that the vote which had been come to by the house, after much discussion, that the laughter and cheering. reign of the company should cease, would have been re- THE INDIAN RESOLUTIONS. garded as conclusive. That vote was so taken, and was Lord J. RUSSELL said, it bad been suggested to accepted by a majerity of the members of the present Go vernment. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had st a ted elm that the amendment of which he had given notice that he considered the company as no longer a living body, open the 6th resolution, that the members of the Conn- and that all they could do with respect to it, was to per oil "should be appointed by her Majesty, and, with the form with decency its obsequies; and the President of the submitted Board o f to Control, Li e Court wheno of exception of the Secretary of State, should hold theirasked :)ire c t whether d thatt he afterbiil h t a n d e been e offices during good behaviour," would raise two lies- come to by the house, he leoked up ' en the directors only as r ions,—first, that of appointment; and secondly, that so many private individuals. It seemed to him that those of tenure. As he o n ly w i s h e d t o ra i se a s i mp l e an d direct who had advocated d e l ay i n l eg i s l a ti ng for India had father advocated a perpetual renewal of the lease of the question with regard to the mode of appointing the company. Their arguments had commenced by insisting Coined he would put his amendment in this form : on the necessity of delay; but they had always resolved Teat it is expedient that the m em b ers o f Council themselves into an eulogiuin on the merits of the company, •' Red into a recommendation to maint An the present system. shou'd be appointed by her Majesty," and it would This reminded him of as , i • of Lord Bacon, which he ' then rake a question, wheth er a ll th e mem b ers o f C eun • attributed to a l ancient wise y na g an. An ancient sage, said cil should be appointed by her Majesty or not. Lord Bacon, on being asked what was the proper time for marriage, repli , e , d, " for a young man not yet, for an old The house went into committee, Mr. FITZROY in the man not at all. (Hear.) Such seemed to be the advice chair. of those who advocated delay in legislating for the govern- The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, said, meet of India. At present they were told that the disturbed the first resolution he had to submit to the committee state of India ought to prevent legislation this session. But embodied a rinciple which he believed would be reco if they delayed till another session no donut they would p - then be told th a t I n di a had had returned to a state of t ran raised by a veer majority of hon. members. It was— g ttitilli int, and that it wOultl be folly to disturb it. Whatever, " That as the territories under the government of the therefore, might be the state of India, the advocates of de- East India Company are by law to remain under such lay would always find a reason, or rather a pretext, for pro government only until Parliament shall otherwise provide, longing the power of the company. Regarding the vote of this house is of opinion that it is expedient that the tra n s- the house as incisiv e o f th e f a te of the company, he should for of such government to the Crown should now take place new cornider what was the best substitute for it, and not in order that the direct superintendence of the whole em- whether it ought to be maintained. Ho might remark that, Aire may be placed under one executive authority." wl en he spoke on a former occasion of the weakness of the He need not remind the committee that by the act of double gee ernmeat, he intended to allude not to the execu -1853, the authority if the East I n di a C ompany was con- tive in India , but to the defective constitution of the home eoeernment of India. The mutiny bait brought forcibly tinued under the conditi on re f erre d t o i n t h e resolution, b efore the members of the Government t h e e l ements of and he had endeavoured to frame the resolution in such pr , crastination and perplexity which characterised the a manner as clearly to ex p ress it s o b home govern men t o f I n di a . It w a s, therefore, upon the ject. The right hon. defects inherent in the home govern ment of India, and not gentleman then moved th e reso l u ti on , upon any Want of vigour in the Governor-General, or in Mr. ROSS MANGLES said he had to perform a very the commissariat placed at his disposal, that he had rested ephill and almost hopeless task in attempting to oppose his arguments in favour of a cheoge i • Mr.3 a t r i a r e k t ei ise na d the resolutions w hi c h h e cou ld no t b u t b e li eve h a d the trelimeecelhefoenuttshoflndiatßill oaffdMourb.le F o x o nm , veraweu characterised The speech concurrence of the majority of the house. But he should was made befo a re sy t s ha m double go vernment was established, not the less, perhaps t h e more , cons id er it hi s d u ty t o s t a t e , and bef ore th e I n di a Bill o f Mr. Fox was introduced, but to the best of his ability, the character of that company it accurately described the manner in which such a govern ,v ment would work. Mr. Burke said that the scheme of a ith which he had been so long connected as a se r va nt and council of directors really controlling a :secretary of State as a member of the court of director s . H e h a d on l y spoken could only be kept in order for a very short time ; that on the general question on one occ as i on , an d th en a t a l a t e e ith er th e directors would dwindle down to clerks, or the hour, being unwisely provoked to do so by a speech of his secretary %meld, often through design and often through right hon. friend the member for Rad nor , w h o h a d spo k en 110 ;10Ct, leave everything to them, and that procrastina- Mon, confusion, and delay would ensue. Such was Ur. with much less than hi s usua l phil oso ph y , an d if he might Burke's view of .double government. With regard to say so without offence, with less than his usual equity and candour, not giving a fair repr e se n t a ti on o f th e character the resolution before the house he hoped the wording of it would be carefully considered, iaesruuch as it was some of that Government. He hoped the facts he should now bring under the consid e rati on o f th e holies would be suffi- what ambiguous with re g ard to the sovereignty of India ciently strong to induc e th em t o p ause b e f ore th ey took as of dj h c e l a li r o e d m ? g b o e v v e r e n s t m e d e n i t n th of e I C . r d o i ri a n v, ..T . The note r a u e sovereigntya r character the government of India out of the han-is of that corpora- vested in the company, for they were only a pro tion that had gained the empire for us, scisntiously believed, had ruled it with wisdom and bsne- p un i der the Government of Parli a ment t h eirand s ittingstlle Crown. and... he con- - terry 1 olkl . g in Loudon volence. In the speech referred to, the right home t , able competent to Parliament to sweep away that proprietary baronet had said that the ludianGovernment, having disco- government at any time, and to place the Crown ' i direct 1• • t • ' • • • • 1! vered its weakness, it was not a matter of surprise that a, minis ratty° relation with the territory of Lid's. Our her Majesty's Government came forward to propose its coleeial history aeorde I numerous examples of proprietary abolition. He joined issue with the right hon, baronet on go t eru meats like that of the East India Company. The the question whether the government of ludia had in th e majority of the American colonies were at that placed sea-on of its greatest emergency shown that weakness trader proprietary governments created by charter, similar which the right bon. baronet had stated, as the eutfieient to the ch :Aar o' the company, with this difference, that and almost only reason for Government coming furry urd to the American clarte a rLa i t o lu n eri t ni o e ' d the guarantees to colonise propose the abolishing of the company. It was rather a new settlements carryine on trade. These bold print for a right hon. gentleman to take up, who, proprietarygo•er i n a ments in . America had been put an end though not a member of time Administration at the time of to by the progress of free institutions, and the action of the Crimean war, was connected by office with those who free settlers erected a change ine s A o m u e l r:ie n a ev i er 'l l s e r oT t e o t that t were, to assert the weakness of the government of India, which they were now about to try to effect in ' lndia by the He should put it to the house to consider the matter, i ar eel by parcel, and see how the company had stood th • annulled the shock of this mutiny. Let them look at the siege of Delhi. ow . er of x th- had t been thel ; 1 alfitri of Fox's i b a l u l eolfit.l7FB3o,r one, would h have ' company,no pissed by aegisaa- At the time of that siege the greatest arsenal of India was tore. il He meretted, a'so, that the power of the company in the hands of the mutineers. It was not now in eueetion hail not ben'put an end to when their monopoly was ex how it fell into their hands, or whether it could have been thesuishen He believed that whatever excellence had better protected, but if it were, ho should a n s wer that it bear itrapirten into the Government of I n di a h a d come was the Commander-in-Chief who was more especially re- from the ruperintendence of parliament and of the Board sponsible for that and that he wasappointed by the Crown of Contren It was not due to any excellence in its con 3n,i not by the company. The question was, whether the stitutior as a joint-stock company, for in all probability, government of the company had shown weakness. The had it been left to its own management it would in re great arsenal of the north-west provinces was in the hands ,:p3ct hwe differed from the direction of other joint i -stock of the rebels, and there was not a soldier brought there by cornpazies. The time had now arrived for putting an end the company that had not been in the country before, so to teetsuper'ntendnce, and he trusted committee eo that they had uo assistance from without, and he would wouln not hesitate ' to come to a vote by which the appeal to every man conversant with the history of these plicsned governrneet of India might be simplified, and rabv occurn noes whether the operations had been col:Mt:Med. in whicr the last vestiges - of the company's government iglit be molt shed. (Hear hear. ) a manner indicating weakness on the part of the Govern ment or of their military system ? (Hear, hear.) How had the troops and the munitions of war been provided? The m Ir. LINDSAY sa id that differences of opinio n ex i s t e d t th emoluments, and patronage ; but no a t te n ti on troops were not subj ec ted t o th e incleency of a Crimean as o the constit u ti on an d members of the new counc il , winter, but they were subjected to that of the hottest sea - ' r raga in I n di a . Wit did not hoar of any green coffee — (a t merl to have b een pa id to the finances of I n di a. At laugh)—of cavalry hor s e s eating one another's tails for e pfoper time h e s h ou ld move that inste a d o f th e e l ect i on c the now seu nc il b e i ng l e ft open, the cou nc il should con want of better and more suitable fodder —(leughter)—of cot of the pres e nt mem bers of the Court of Di rectors. B y injury to the cav a l r y by sore backs, of men perishing for olopting this cour se h e believed there would be a greater want of necess a rie s --(h ea r, hear)—of whole regiments of ebool ese men- (h ear , hear) -or of any one of those defects chance of ensuring legislation this year. which had been so lamentably apparent in the Crimea. Mr. HORSMAN contended that the proper time for (Cheers.) Fro m th e b eg i nn i ng to the end though the legislating for In li a wou ld have been w h en I n di a was a t , , e-senal w as i n th e h an d s o f th e en e my, there was a sum-- peace in 1853; that the inopportune time was the present, cieecy and supera b un d ance o f f ol d. (H ear , h e ar.) Dos when India was in fl a mes. It was un generous to c h oose the period of disas',er for degrading the comp an y. B u t that indic a t e wea k ness ? (H ear, hoar. ) L e t th em W i lk a the result s w hi c h f o ll owed. L et them remem b er the I : taking even broad er g rounds, be maintained that duri n g penny with which the columns for Delhi after the siee the progress of the mutiny it was impossible to frame a traversed the country without showing any deficiency ti measure which should meet the full extent of the miler means upon th e rou t e. (Hear, hear.) Some of the marches noney. Our diffi cu lti es i n I n di a hal s h a k en t h at emp i re of Greath e d an d S howers were the admiration of all min to its foundation, and the authority of the Governor-Gene tary men for the r , phlity with which they were carried en. , el, if he had not been a man of courage and capacity, (Hear, hear.) Th en look a t th e rapidity with which the ,72uld have trembled between native infidelity on the one Guides came up, marching forty miles a day—a rate cu- d "'Ll, and that of hie own countrymen who harassed and th e , , r y ou 2a uc u e g d ui h n i e m th o o n eri t s h i e s woathseorv.ercHeHare, washear.) But were known in military annals, and that under the fearful Rlll of that country. Did all that show weakness? (Hear, tlafraid it was hear.) So much for Delhi. Dire the situation of the Pan- ~' natural consequence that those who were slow to be jaub at this moment indicate that degree of weakness on 11e 6 the crisis was coming, had run too rapidly to the the part of the Government which alone could justify the r e°l olusion that it was passed. Ha feared that our remarks of his right hon. friend ? The Punjaub in the ' n hre tenour in India would bo one long continued hands of Sir John Lowrance Peshawur in the hands of cri.* unless we learned to know and to govern Edwards, and L chore in the hands of Montgomery, did not ', 11 4a, better than we had d o n e . Th o G overnm ent appear to indicate to him that th e G ove rnment was weak, of tudia had bean so conducted that it had excited die- Pegu had remained in an uninterrupted repose from the t,Pst iu the native mind, and from that cause our outbreak to the present hour, though it was surrounded by an army had been in a state of smouldering mutiny wild tribes, and the inhabitants were of cognate tribes, and ft llli ni the mutiny of Velureto the late outbreak. The cha, with the Burmese on their frontier. Did that indicate rioter of Englishmen was not to foresee danger, though weakness? (Hear.) In the Doab the moment it was re- Coil' courage to moat disaster when it came were more re lieved from the aotual presence of the mutineers perfect tarkable than its belief in it and to provide against it. d order was restored, in proof of w hi c h h e rea d an extract tut if anythi ng cou ld h ave awakene red heedless, culpabl e , an d criminal conduct towards the country to its from a letter of the Chief Commis s ion er o f W or k s i n I n di a which was the last blue book. H e as k e d whether ,: e nia, it should h ave b een t h e i mpress i ve war ning they that indicated weakness? (Cheers.) Ho also called their had received. The British Parliament had, however , attention to a later letter to the same effect f rom an o ffi cer , assembled, and its benches had been thronged by honour of high distinction (Col mei Smythe) in the Bengal ser- able members who had listened to the proposition of the M vice. That officer heel the command of a regi men t o f native Minister for the b e tt er government o f I n di a . B u t as yet no he information had been g i ven on a mos t ma terial point, viz., m artillery, of which almost every man was a Maleome- whether India, under the Government of the C own ; dan. He was at home on sick leave when the mutiny broke would be able to pay its own expenses. (Hear.) That was out, but, like a gallant soldier, he hastened back to hs a n important question, and he urged the committee to troop. They remained faithful during,. the whole (deo), press her Majesty's Government for an answer. (Hear.) though they were deprived of their guns. They went i'Mo result belonged t h e s we o;pti would e t bE h he e l Hitherto this country had not been liable for the deficien cies trenches and served the siege train. They served vith of India, but he was inclined to believe that if they uninterrupted fi lelity, an-I without the desertion )f a transferred the government of India to her Majesty's Go single man. An officer who had exorcised such influence verument, the ratepayers of this country would be liable over the men, who had so won their affection as this 'lent officer must have done, deserve,' to be listened toga-with for any deficiencies thst might hereafter arise. (Hear, and no, no.) He should like to have the question satisfactorily respect. The hon. member then read the letteg which answered, because he felt convinced that if they transferred was similar in effect to the former. Now, let Gum take Bengal proper. What had been the state of tease pro- thegovernisient the English Government would be respells sable . for the viuces? Why, where there were no sepoys there iu nu blislimeuts in India as much as they were for those of single case had there been insurrection. The nee le hal Englaud. (hear.) With the change of government they rerneinrei faithful to the government. Lest iear P eertein payment of the military and judicial esta wohld commence with a deficiency of two millions, with missionaries represented the state of Bengal as being perilous. Now, if ever there were cirentnetaices in which the people could have manifested an evils pint towards the an increasing reran)©, which has' been anticipated this year by a loan gevernment, it was during the mutiny. Every sepey ' ''' ' , n 9.- ( -, with the chance of its being increased next expenditure and an increasing deficiency of had mutinied, and there was not a angle European in me ar, h ea , in India, the two piano There wore three sources of revenue soldier between Fort William and Patna. There was land and salt, a n one policeman to 20,000 inhabitants, and yet the people d the third that of opium. The land was things. t ly p t. were most faithful. He (Mr. Mangles) had been vie- heavily taxed at sixteen millions, and could not be attackedin .DuffbcyallDedr.hilerouffthofohir aghhasetioegofsLtaetaeddeuthhaT creased,and, the pal being the revenue derived from tax on salt fell so heavily on the poor man that in Bengal it amounted to absolute prohibition, street, and the pen:state of the banks of the Thames, itnheen mutinyt sB sn g a o l f t t v h a e s s i e n pya mutiny. i ,nly and declared that the moment he was melting these state - opium, they found it of a most - memo-ions character, and a o c o e .t 7 v P h a e n n ied t. with great misery —(hear, hear, hear)— p draa t s o , a 7 a ll i a l t % wz L tl t ie he s r t e at eh n er might be seriousl they came to the revenue derivable from a -bo.7 W T h rri y ieti , l; s ,r o .,o ' :,v i . :t i taaivisaris4i,burti:ititttiis:nt, mutiny 1 ,5 - y affected eithe i r by China legalising its sgerse,wiotibis,, ohriAitm.erica, growing it in some of her Atlantic pus n'u a ": no '''-' -P- 1 • ,1 i , in aselition to that, the growth of opium case deserving the name of mutiny in That was the only weu ~ lie3Ulllo a different chill aetei v,,,,,, Lida ~ ...', . ..-ii, " " that district. All the st. tions were kept in perfect peace by was transferred to the Crown, because a State could not the people of India. Did that justify IL measure like the one ignore certain moral and legal objections and obligations proposed? In Madras the people, who haebeen represented as being tyrannised over, had not taken advantage of the that mu - iny to rise against the Government. Look at the Dec- ficieney of 2 millions, to which must be added 3A millions, can—look at Hyderabad, with a wild Arab soldiery. They the loss of the revenue on opium, making together s:', that h t a r a t de they w would l' icb a commencecompany with coulda C h l o e '- were as fierce a race as existed on tae face of the earth lions, which hi the present circumstances of Ineia, if its The Deccan had been kept in goal order entirely by the rsvennes failed, that deficiency would have to be made up by the taxp ayer of fidelity of the Nizam to the British). Government. The late Chan- Capt. Conolly had stated that any officer of the Company eel; Ted the Exchequer in the early part of the session ove r the country could always obtain money " the tight hon. gentleman knew of any mode, should such a, and ha should liko to know if travelling n g s l i a o n, u n s, (Hear, and no, no.) The pen Ws m c ei o -e m r p e a p u r y m b n a t i ati b o e n en th s a o t contingency ha much and unjustly abused, that he trusted these banks °" h fr e o m wa t e h a e native cem pa b n a y n ,e k bankers officer. o The he transferring the government of India to England was, that y would be takin on themselves obligations and habil' • bean in India, and who had written up:a the subject, but , itte3 they had not yet fully considered, or with. the opposite silo of the house. Not a singlet officer who had 1) out evidence that they had been fully considered. Ho felt satisfied it would turn out a mere shuffle of offices iu Lon don, leaving India more to chance than he thought it safe or wise to do. He warned the house against precipitately legislating on this subject, which might be the means of causing greater danger to arise than existed from the pre sent state of things. (Wear, hear.) Mr. BOWYER said the time was come when thetransfer of government must be made, and he assented to the reso lution before the house from a conviction that the de liberations of that house would lead to the constitution of an independent council for India, possessing the requi site knowledge and experience for governing that country. (Hear, hear.) Ho thought, however, the real meaning of the resolution was to transfer the government of India to that house, but he did not think that house was fit to un dertake it, and the result would be, if it were left to the house, that it would be made a vehicle for party struggles and political strife, notwithstanding expressions to the contrary iii that house. Everyone who frequented the clubs of London, or moved in political circles, must feel that it was at present connected with party strife, and that the question was looked upon in connection with the possibi lity of the continuance of the present Government in office, and the probability of the return of office of the noble lord the member for Tiverton. (Hear, hear.) Monarchy was the system of government most in accordance with the feelings of the people of the East, and he thought if India were put under the direct authority of the Crown of England it would have considerable weight with the native princes. India coulii not be governed like a colony. It was a con quered empire, and as such should be made a portion of the English empire. (Hear, bear.) Col. SYKES contended that the wording of the resolu tion was a misnomer. Relative to the territories of India, they were already under the authority of the Crown and not of the East India Company. He denied that it was ex pedient to make the proposed change for the East. Lord Canning's Administration had not broken down here, nee had the Government in India failed. The Indian Govern ment was able to break the neck of the mutiny by the cap ture of Delhi, before the reinforcements from England could arrive there, since which time there had been such a succession of successes that one failure had not been known. The dangers that wore said to exist had long sines ceased, and he contended there was no necessity "now" for reek ing the transfer. He denied that the popular voice was in favour of the proposed change. Out of 327 petitions that bad been presented, only four were in favour of a transfer of the government, the remainder having reference to the abolition of caste and extension of Christianity. He warned the Government against the course they were pursuing, and read an extract from an Indian work, written by a native, in praise of the East India Company's Govern ment in preference to the former governments of that coun try. He thought it was dangerous to lead the people of India to believe that the Home Government intended to interfere with caste, and extend Christianity there, and in conclusion he read extracts from the speeches of L )rd Ma caulay, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Metcalfe, the Earl of Ellenborough, Mr. Charles Grant, and Lord J. Russell in favour of the present system of Government. Mr. WYLD said he was rather surprised at the argu ments advanced against the resolution. The first was that the Crown took on itself the responsibility of the deficiency of the revenue. That was the argument of the hon. mem ber for Stroud, but such deficiency must be m t somehow. In any way the people of England would have to be re sponsible. No doubt ninny questions would have to he settled, especially with the Nepaulese and Sikhs for the assistance they bad rendered in the war, and these could not be settled by the company as well as they could be by the Crown. Then with respect to patronage, thegovernr nent already exercised a great portion, for they appcented a this d of ithe directors, and exercised half the patronage. No moment, in his opinion, was more opportune for the in terference of the Crown than the present, and the settle ment of the question could only be effected thereby. Mr. GLADSTONE said that the two important divisions they had had, although having reference to time, yet bore considerably on that of the transfer of the Indian govern ment to the Crown. He should not go into the question of policy, but he wished to advert to oneor two difficulties with respect to the terrnsof the resolution, and then to a particular point which had hitherto attracted little attention, but which would attract a great deal more before the resolutions were matured in the shape of a bill. He thought the reso lution unfortunately drawn, because it appeared to be hosed on the fact that the powers of the company were ter minable by war; but in order to give it a rational form, it ought to state that public policy or expediency required that termination at the present moment. It was no rea son, because an inaccurate form of words was adopted in the act of 1853, that they should adopt an inaccurate form now. The real fact was, that the territories of the com pany were at this moment under the government of the Crown, and the only Eking that could be alleged was, that they were under the administration of the Crown. The distinction was clear, and therefore the language of the resolution was inaccurate in saying that it was expo Bent that a transfer of the government to the Crown shall take place. There was a still more serious objection to the third clause of the resolution, "in order that the direct supe rintendence of the whole empire might bo placed tinder one executive authority." That assumed that the whole of the rest of the British empire was under one executive; but that was not the fact, for, in truth, the Crown exer cited a more direct superintendence over the territories of the East India Company than it did over a large portion of the rest of the empire. Let the house compare the condi tion of Canada and all other places to which Parliament hal given free constitutions with that of India in respect to the superintendence of the executive. In the former case there was really no direct superintendence, all that the Crown could being to refuse its sanction to acts of Perliatnent ; and it wee in very rare cases that they exer cised any executive authority. If that were so, then un doubtedly the recital in the resolution before the com mittee was incorrect, the clause was unnecessary and might be entirely omitted, which would save trench discussion. But there was another question of considerable difficulty, in point of strict and dry right, which confronted them at the outset, and which aro,e out of the breadth of the I.r.guage in which they bad described the extent of the enterprise they were about to undertake. Let them con sider the position in which an act of parliament founded on such a resolution would place them in regard to the d c reebdti upons ofn India a E s a o s o t , 0 1 0 n 0 . , 1 0 i p h a i c n i y , . h The e n obtained Governor form ernorGe o n f the ee acknowledgment company n the na w m h e 1 i;1 the er l a o l a , us an t d o hon. gentleman read set out that he promised to pay the amount specified on behalf of the company within the gp• ified time and the notice named. In the ordinary course a person about to lend would consider fi. st of all the person to whom he lent the money, and next the security upon which it was lent. What did the resolution do? It proposed to make important changes in the security without the consent of the creditor, and in such a case as that it was not enough to say that no harm was done to him, but they had no right to stir an inch in the alteration of his securities until he had been satisfied on the matter. The proposal distinctly was to change the borrower. At present the East India Company borrowed the money; but in future it was proposed that the borrower should be the B itish government, the security not being upon the Consoli , rated Fund. The house, however, must not be too sure that the measure would have no influence on the Consolidated Fond, for in any case the Indian creditor was justified in complain ing of the violation of his legal rights; they would find themselves involved in a contention out of which there would he no other escape than that of giving him a security on the Consolidated Fund. (Hear, hear.) He wished to know if it were meant under these resolutions to offer to the Indian creditor the option of being paid off according to the conditions upon which he had advanced his money. The first resolution now before the house was vague and g stern!, and in itself was of no legal efficacy whatever. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER. --The hon. gentlemen who have addressed the committee, although they have evinced a thorough knowledge of the subject, have rather entered into the general question of the policy or irnpolicy of this great change, instead of referring particu lei ly to the precise language of the resolution. The right hon. gentleman who last spoke has, however, very properly alrp lie liedhiss:vris it tie is a )al torweseorisatton which oithel has ngua no leg,!geoftl resolu tion.efisllycac. W hy, we don't pretend that it has any legal efficacy, i t i s a resolution which, it carried with the other resolutions of which I have given notice, will be the basis upon which we intend to found a measure. (Hear, hear.) It appears to me that it is a very proper step in the first instance, when this house is endeavouring to lay down the general principles upon which we may act, that we should begin by attempt ing to descr.be in a resolution the policy we recommend. The right hen. gentleman complains of the language of this resolution in so far as we talk of the "G overnment of the East India Company," and he has a iduced some reasons for l d i o 3v u e b in ti g s t p l o r eaccuracy s si b l possible in ti i t n ha g w t t h expression. subjects o Now, fthi s I don't be naturetc: language which is not open to the criticism of a refinin g e r e i r ,i e t ..) ries That si, which,i s andu language which is not open to the criticism ofa refining and acu haveto i intellect--(heir)—but e e l e l i e d c e t ( h is ear)— whether, but uponthe the question whole, the th e commit tee expres sion we have used is a proper and practical expression. It entitled taken oflB the 53.(C t h e to use the term of its title, are " under the Govern ment of the East India Company." (Hear.) It appeared Act to us, therefore, that we should be acting regularly, and k c an f A ro c m t t f l o re i. regulating t using language which would be intelligible to the house and to the country, if we availed ourselves of an expres• sion which was sanctioned by an act of Parliament. (Hear.) I cannot, help thinking, notwithstanding the cri ticisms of the right hon. gentleman, that the committee will be of opinion that, upon the whole, this is a right expression. When it is remembered that our proposal is virtually to repeal the Act of 1853, it seems to me that the proper course was to use the very language which was employed in that Act. The right hon. gentleman has also objected to the expression in the last line anti a half of the resolution—" in order that the direct superintendence of the whole empire may be placed under one executive authority." We are only responsible for that expression inasmuch as we made what I cannot help thinking a happy selection which is, I believe, that of Mr. Pitt. (Hear.) agreeThecino ntov c o (hyti distinctlycghaee w so ifi e gg a t ier suggestion at iproposingnoctnirperspicuously, the con i I maintain that the expression is perfectly applicable. the s o rgewesn: itdtolhienri gentleman, is s t na los:nutipeehen:ro•tt intendence of the East India Company to the direct super nd which nobody can ab , cribe an ambiguous meaning, and it precision, what is really our object. I therefore cannot either with reference to the ex usdrooiungtshehl3to, fromh a e .) expression " the Governor of the Ent India Company," which I think is not only popu larly, but even technically, correct; or with regard to the last part of the resolution, which conveys an idea of the intention which, so far as that resolution is concerned, we wish to accomplish, any alteration is desirable. The right hon. gentleman has opened a subject of much greater im portance' though it app ears t o b e no t so germane t o the re solution before us as to a subsequent one. But lamat a loss clearly to understand what is the strength of the right hon. gentleman's objection. He would seem to insinuate that in this transfer of the government of India from the East India Company to the Crown the security of the public creditors in India is changed. But I maintain that by the transfer proposed that security has not changed. The public creditor in India has exactly the same security as he had before. (Hear.) Before, it was the trustee who was res p onsible to him ; n ow, t hose for whom flint trustee was emplejed e, ill be uriectly liable. (Hear.) His secu rity wilt be, as before, upon the revenue and the territory of India ; and that security will not be limited by a trans fer of the Government of India from the trustee to the per son for whose benefit that trustee acted. (Hear.) lam not at all surprised that the right hon. gentleman and an other gentleman who addressed us in the course of the evening should view with natural apprehension the influ ence which a change like this may have upon the finances of the count r y. I t b ecomes us all to examine with great caution all the steps we may take in that respect, and I am quite sure there is no one who Call address the commit tee with more advantage on this subject than the right hor7 gentleman. But I have not heard anything yet, either from the right hon. gentleman or from the member for Stroud (Mr. foreman), 'which amounts to more than this —that the finances of India form a subject of great impor tance and of greatanxiety to public men—(hear)—and that in dealing with Indian subjects we should take care that the liabilities of this country should not be in any way in creased by the change we aro recommending. (Hear.) That without any change whatever in the Government, a pos sible liability, very much to be deprecated with respect to Indian finances, may be incurred on the part of the people of England is no novelty in our debates, and is a truth which has impressed itself on the minds of those who have deeply considered this subject. (Hear.) But no course that we can take with regard to this present project of legislation can diminish a possible liability which existed years before. (Hear.) No doubt, as has been said by the highest authorities in this House, there is an intimate connection between Indian and English finance, and so long as India remains the principal dependency of this country we must all be deeply interested in its finances, knowing full well what are the possible consequences to England if those finances are badly administered. What I wish to impress upon the committee, however, is the true and common-sense view of the question, that the change now contemplated will not increase the possible liability in this respect which existed before. (Hear.) As I mentioned to the committee just now, it is iu the 14th resolution that this point is really contained, and there you will find the words " for continuing the charge on the revenues of India alone" specifically introduced. (Hear.) I do not know that I have any further observations to make upon this resolution, because the subject of it has been so long in our minds, has been treated of late in so many modes, and in so many papers, that we in this House have pretty well arrived at a conclusion upon it. There are other resolutions as we proceed which no doubt will lead to very great controversy and to protracted discussion. But it appears to me that, upon the whole, this resolution expresses the intentions of the committee in language not justly liable to criticism. That it has no legal efficacy we are of course all aware. But if it conveys, as I maintain it does, in clear and precise language what is the intention of those who propose it, and what I believe is also in the mind of hon. members, I trust the committee will pass this resolution, and, I hops without a division. Mr. LA.BOUCHE RE was willing rather to consider this resolution in its popular sense, as embodying the opinion of the House, than to go very closely into its precise mean ing, which might be deferred until the whole subject was considered in the form of a Bill. At the same time, it was desirable not to assert anything actually contrary to the fact. Now, he wished in no captious spirit to point out one part of the resolution which seemed liable to this im putation. He referred to the words alluded to by hie right hon. friend (Mr. Gladstone) that the transfer was ex pedient, " in order that the direct superintendence of the whole empire may be placed under one executive authori.y.' Now, there was one very large part of the empire which was now completely out of the direct super intendence of the Crown at this moment as the territories of the East India Company—he meant the whole of that portion of British North America held under a char ter by the Hudson's Bay Company. (A. laugh.) If the words he bad quoted were allowed to remain they would assert that which was actually contrary to the fact, and, as he believed, they could be omitted without weakening the force of the resolution, he thought it would be desir able to do so. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER. —I do not mean to say it is absolutely necessary that these words should be in the resolution. There are, probably, a groat many words in these resolutions which might be omitted, but I think it would be a great pity to strike these out. The resolution would be more meagre, and would not, I think, express our meaning so well without them. (Hear.) I am not surpri.ed that the only exception throughout the wide dominions of her Majesty which can be brought for ward in order to prove the inaccuracy of the resolutions is the case of the Hudson's Bay Company. (" Hear," and a laugh.) The fact is that, for the moment, I thought the Hudson's Bay Company had been put an end to. (" Hear," and a laugh.) But that is the only instance which can be adduced, and I still therefore retain my opinion that the expression in the resolution conveys more fully and accu rately what I believe to be the intention of the committee than it would do if altered in the mode suggested. The resolution was then put and agreed to amid some cheering. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER. —The se cond resolution embodies the principle that there should be one great officer of state responsible for the administrai ion of India, and specifies his title. It defines generally the powers and duties of that officer, who we suggest in the resolution should be called a Secretary of State. The Committee will, of course, decide whether they think he should be called a President or a Secretary of State. It is our opinion that on the whole it would be more convenient, though it is a matter of no great moment, that the Minis- ter who is responsible for administering the governmea of India in England should be a Secretary of State, and we hays attempted to express the powers and duties which will devolve upon him in consequence of the change we propose. The resolution is : " That for this purpose" (referring to the first resolution) "it is expedient to provide, that her Majesty, by one of her Principal Secretaries of State, shall have and perform all the powers and duties relating to the government and revenues of India which are or may be now exercised and performed by the East India Company, or by the Court of Directors or Court of Proprietors of the said Company, either alone or with the approbation of the Commissioners for the Affairs of India." That would concent re all the powers exercised by the Board of Control and the Court of Directors in the principal officer, whose style we have defined as Secretary of State, and I hope this resolution may pass. Mr. ROEBUCK sug;eeted the expediency of postponing further discussion upo❑ the resolution at that hour of the night (a quarter to 12 o'clock). Mr. GLADSTONE was of opinion that it was an error to constitute a new Secretary of State, and contended that the arrangement proposed upon that point in the bill of the noble lord the member for Tiverton was preferable upon all the principles of constitution and analogy to that embodied in the resolution. under the notice of the Com- mittee. It would under those circu;;E4tances,_ he thought, be advisable for the present to substitute some such general words as " responsible advisers" for the words " Principal Sec - etaries of State." The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he had no objection to comply with the suggestion of the hon. and learned member for Sheffield, and should therefore move that the Chairman report progress. He should postpone any observaticns whi c h h e might wish to make with refer ence to the resolution to a future occasion, simply observ ing that he could not a,cree with the right bon. gentleman the member for the University of Ox ord, so far as the question of constitution and analogy was concerned. The CHAILIMAN then reported progress, and the house resumed. BUSINESS FOR MONDAY. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he pro posed to take the Exchequer-bonds and the Bankers' Cheque Stsmp Bills as the first business on Monday. When they had been disposed of he should proceed with the In dian resolutions. Mr. GLADSTONE wished to know whoa the Sinking Fund Bill was to come on for discussion, as he believed tho obligations of the existing law requirad that it should be immediately dealt with. The OLIN N , %ELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was not essential that it should be at once brought forward. He could not as yet fix a day for its discussion. OATHS BILLS. The SPEAICER announced that this Bill had come down from the House of Lords with amendments. (Ironical cheers.) On the motion of Lord 3. RUSSELL, it was ordered that those amendments should be taken into consideration on Friday next._ _ FORTMUNA BRIDGE BILL. This bill passed through committee. CHELSEA. HOSPITAL ... (PURCHASE OF LAND; BILL. This bill also passed through committee. LOCAL GOVERNMENT BILL. Mr. ADDERLEY, in movie. ' the second reading of this bill, stated th e principle involved in it simply be the abolition of the General Board of Health io London, and the enabling the various towns throughout the country to constitute local boards independent of central control. He trusted the House, therefore, would have no difficulty in assenting to its second reading, leaving its details to be dealt with in committee. Mr. PALK said, his opposition went to the principle of the bill, which bad been so recently printed that the towns interested in the measure had not yet had time to express their opinion upon it. The present bill would give to local boards the powers which the hon. member for Hee tford by his bid proposed to confer on a central board, and if driven to a choice he should prefer the central board, as likely to be composed of persons of more general knowledge and less liable to be mixed up with local jobs. It was impossible at so late an hour (it was past 12 o'clock) to go on with a bill of that kind, and he trusted another period would be fixed for its discussion. Mr. COWPER said that the bill contained much to which he assented. The right hon. gentlemen assumed that the abolition of the Board of Health would be universally popular, but during the 10 years in which it had superin tended sanitary affairs its proceedings had been such as to induce all friends of sanitary improvement to attach very great importance to the existence of such a department connected with the Government. Ho therefore did not think it desirable that the house should proceed to the abolition of that board without the statement of eny rea song, end without having the opportunity of at least pro nouncing a funeral oration over it. (A laugh.) He trusted that the second reading of the bill would not be pressed at that moment, or that it should be understood that there would be a discussion as to its principle upon the motion for going into committee on the measure. (Hear, hear.) Sir G. PECHELL moved the adjournment of the de bate on the ground that the bill had been but a very short time in the hands of members. The abolition of the Board of Health was a great boon to the countr , but those who thought otherwise ought to have time to express their opinions. Sir A. ELTON said that he was connected with a town desiring such a bill as the present, but he despaired of ever seeing it passed, if there was to be a dogmatic opposition to its progress and to the cause of comfort add public health. He should give hie support to the bill. Mr. WA LPOLE thought the objects of all parties would be met by taking the second reading at once, with an un derstanding that the principle of the bill could be discussed upon going into committee, which should be fixed for a distant day. Mr. BOUVERIE remarked that there was a new prin ciple involved in the bill, as power was given to take lands without a previous application to Parliament. After a few words from Mr. ATRTON and Sir M. FAR QUHAR, The bill was read a second time, and ordered to be com mitted on the 3d June. EXCISE DUTIES BILL. This bill was read a third time. LAND TRANSPORT CORPS. Upon the motion of Lord A. V. TEMPEST, the committee upon the Land Transport Corps was nominated as follows: --Gen. Codrington, Col. North, Mr. Mowbray, Lord A. Vane Tempest, Mr. Roebuck, Mr. Kiogscote, Lord John Hay, Mr. Patrick O'Brien, Mr. Thomas Duncombe, Mr. Cowan, Captain Sturt, Lord Claud H a milt on , and Sir John Ramsden. The house adjourned at a quarter past 12 until Monday. BRADFORD-ON-A Vol7.—Wo are, informed that direc tions have been issued from the General Post-otlice tear our neighbouring town sball, for the future, in all offi , : cial communications, be ca ll e d " Bradford-or:-Avou. This decision has been arrived at in consequence of the frequent mistakes made in forwarding letters to Brad ford, in Yorkshire, instead of Wiltshire. Bath, Citron ide. HEALTH OF SIR PHILIP CRAIcIPTON.—DIJELIN, Thurs day Afternoon.—The statement math last night, in a Dublin paper, of the death of Sir P. Crampton, is un founded. The venerable surgeon still continues In a precarious gate, Dr. Livingstone and his party left this place at 11 o'clock on Wednesday morning (March 31), on their im portant mission, carrying with them the earnest wishes and prayen, of our community.—Freetown (Sierra Leone) Spectator, April g. PARLIAMENTARY' DIVISION. HOUSE OF CO NIIVIONS—APIIIL 30. GOVERNMENT OF INDIA. Order for committee lead; motion made, and question proposed, " That Mr. Speaker do now leaye the chair." Amendment proposed, to leave out from the word " That " to the end of the question, in order to add the words "the change of circumstances since the first pro posal by her Majesty's late advisers to transfer the Go vernment of India from the East India Company to the Crown, renders it inexpedient to proceed further with .legislation on the subject during the present Session," instead thereof :—question put, "That the words pro posed to be left out stand part of the question." The house divided—Ayes, 447; Noes, 5 7. AYES-447. Adderley, C. B. Fellowes, E. Morgan, 0. Adeane, H. Fenwick, H. Morris, D. A.:ar-Ellis, Hon. L. G. Fergus, John Mowbray, J. B. Agnew, Sir A. Ferguson, Colonel Naas, Lora Akroyd, E. Fitzgerald, W. R. S. Neeld, John Alcock, T. Fitzgerald, J. Newark, Viscount Alexander, 3. Fitzwilliam, C. Newport, Viscount Anderson, Sir J. Fol e y, J . H . Nicoll, D. ArchdallCapt. M. Fo:ey, H. W. Nisbet, R. P. Ashley, Lord Foljambe, Francis Noel, G. Ayrton, A. Forde, Colonel Norris, J. T. Bagshaw, J. Forester, Col. North, Col. J. Bagwell, John Forster, Charles O'Brien, P. Bailey, C. Forster, Sir Geo. O'Connell, D Bantle, H. Foster, W. 0. Ogilvy, Sir J. Baines, Rt. Hon. M. Fortescue, Hon. F. Osborne, R. Ball, E Fortescue, C. S. Ossulstoa, Lord Baring, H. Franklyn, G. Packe, C. Baring, T. G. Frazer, Sir W. Paget, C. Barnard, Thomas Freestun, Colonel Paget, Lord C. Bernard, T. French, Colonel Pak enham, Colonel Bathurst, A. A. Gall wey, Sir W. Pakingtoia, Sir J. Baxter, W. Galway, Viscount Palk, L. Beale, S. Gard, It. Palmer, R. Beaumont, W. Garnett, William Palmer, R. W. Bective, Earl Gavin, Major Palmerston, Viscount Beecrolt, G. Gibson, Milner Patten, Col. Bennet; Capt. I'. Gilpin, Col. H. Paull, Henry Bentinck, G. Glyn, G. Pechell, Sir G. Berkeley, F. Goddard, A. Peel, Gen. Bethell, Sir R. • Goderich, Viscount Percy, Z. Biddulph, Col. R. M. Grace, 0. ' Perry, Sir E. Black, Adam Greaves, E. Peven.sey, viscount Brake, J. Greenall, Gilbert Philips, R. Bland, L. H. Greene, John Pilkington, J. B inhain-Carter, J. Greenwood, John Pinney, Col. Bouverie, Hon. E. P. Portman, W. Greer, Samuel Beuverie, lion. P. Gregson, Samuel Potter, SinT. Bo vill, W. Gray, Captain Powell, Francis Bowyer, G. Grey, It. Power, N. Brantley-Moore, J. Griffith, C. Price, W. Brainston, T. W Grogan. Edward Pritchard, J. Brand, Hon. H. Grosvenor, Earl Proby, G. Bridges, Sir B. Gordon, Brampton Pugh, D. Bright, John Gurney, I. H. Pugh, D. • Brocklehurst, J. Iladdo, Lord Puller, Christopher Brown, W. Hadfield. George Ramsden, Sir J. • Bruce, Lord E. Hall, Sir Benjamin • Ramsay, Sir /17. - Bruce, major Hall, General John Rawil'ison, Sir H. Bruce, H. A. Hamilton, Lord Claud Rebow, J. Bruen, H. Hamilton, G. A. Repton, G. Buchanan, Walter Hamilton, J. Ricardo, 0. Buckley, Gen. Hanbury, , Robert Rich, H. tinder, J. W. Handley, H. Richardson, J. Sunbury, W. B. Ilankey, T. Robertson, P. Burt ell, Sir C Hanmer, Sir John Reit, 3. Bury, Viscount Harcourt, G. G. Roupell, W. Butler, C. S. Hardcastie, Joseph Russell, Lord J. , Buxton, C. Hardy, G. Russell, A. _ • Buxto,i, Sir E. N. H arr i s , J. D. Russell, F. W. r Byng, G. H. C. H trtington, Marquis Rust, James Caird, J. Hassard, Michael Sandon, Viscount Cairns, 11. Hatchet', John Schneider, Henry Calcraft, J. Hay, Lord John Sc tater, George Campbell, It. Hayes, Sir E. Scott, Major Cardwell, E Busy ter, W. Scrope, G. Carnac, Sir J. R. Headlam, T. Seymer, IL Cartwright, H. Heard, J. Seymour, Danby Cavendish, W. Heneage, Geo. F. Shafto, R. Cavendish, G. C. Henley, J. Shelley, Sir J. Cecil, Lord .R. Henniker, Lord Sheridan, 11. B. Charlesworth, J. C.D. Hodgson, K. Shirley, E. Cheetham, John Hodgson, William Sibthorp, Major Child, Smith Holford, It. Stoney, It. Christy, Samuel Holland, E. Small, J. A. Churchill, Lord A. Hopwood, John Smith, V. Clack, J. Hotham, Lord Smallett, A. Clay, James Howard, C. Somerville, sir W. Clifford, C. C. Hudson, G. Spooner, It. Clifford, Lt.-Col. H. M. Rums, W. Stanhope, J. Cive, George Hunt, G. W. Stanley, Lord ' Clive, R. Ingestre, Viscount Stapleton, John Close, Si. Inglis, John • Steuart, A. Codrington, Sir C. W. Ingram, H. Stewart, Sir M. Codrington, Gin. Jermyn, Rt. lin. Ealr Stuart, Lord J. Cogan, W. H. F. Jervoise, Sir J. Stuart, Colonel Cole, 11. A. Johnstone, H. B. Sturt, H. Collier, R. P. Johnstone, dope Sturt, C. Collins, T. Johnstone, Sir J. Sullivan, Michael Colvile, C. R. Kell', Sir F. Tattered, H. Coningham, W. Kendall, N. Thornely, T. Conyngham, Lord F. Ker. Richard Thornhill, W. Conolly, T. Kerrison, Sir E. Tite, W. Cooper, E. J . Kershaw, J. Tolleinache J. Cowper, W. F. King, L. Tottenham, C. Coote, Sir C. H. King, J. Trail, G. Copeland, W. T. King, Edward Transit), C. Curbally, M. E. Kinglake, A. Trelawny, Sir J. Corry, H. T. L. Kinglake, J. Trollope, Sir J. Cotterell, Sir H. G. Kingscote, Capt. B. Truman, C. Cowan, C. Klunaird, A. Turner, J. A. Cox, W. Knatchbull, W. Vance, John Craufurd, E. H. J. Knatchboli-Huguessen Vansittart, G. Cross, R. A. Knight, F. Vans' ttart, W. Crossley, F. Knightley, R. Venter, Sir W. Cubitt, W. Knox, Col. B. W. Villiers, C. Curzon, Viscount Labouctiere,Rt.lion.H Vivian, H. 11. Dalglish, R. Langston, J. H. Vivian, J. C. Dalkehh, Earl Langton, W. G. Walcott, Admiral. Damen L. D. Laslett, W. Waldron, Laurence Davey, It. Letroy, Anthony Walpole. S. Davison, It. Legh, G. C. Walsh, Sir J. Deasy, R. Lennox, Lord A. F. Warre, John Decides, William Leslie, C. I'. Watkins, Col. Denison, W. H. Levinge, Sir R. Wegaelin, T. Dent, John • Lewis, Sir 41. C. weioy, W. Disraeli, B. Lindsay, %V. Western, S. Dobbs, W. C. Lisburne, Earl Westhead, J•shaa lied, J. Locke, J. Whatman, J. Drummond, H. Lopes, Sir Ms Whitbread, S. Du Cane, C. Lovaine, Lord White, James Duff, M. Lowe, R. White, Henry Duff, L. Lowther, Col. H. C. • Whiteside, J. Dunbar, Sir W. Luce, T. Whitmore, H. Duncombe, Thomas Lygon, Hon. F. Wickham, H. Duncombe, A. MacarthyoAlex. Williams, B. Duricombe, Ilon.W E. at.cAstn e y, George Williams, vy. Dundas, G. Macaulay, Kenneth Williams, Sir W. Dunda., F. MacEvoy, E. Willyams, E. Dunkellin, Lord Mackie, J. Wilson, J. Dunne. K. Mackinnon, W. Winnington, Sir T. Du Pre, C. M`Clinteck, John Wise, J. Dutton, Hon. R. H. Maguire, J. F. Wood, Sir C. Ebrington, Viscount Mainwaring, T. Would, B. Edwards, Henry Matins, Richard Wood, W. Egerton, Sir P. Mangles, C. Woods, Henry Egerton, W . Manners, Lord J. Worstey, Lord . Egerton, Edw. C Martin, C. Wortley, J. S. Etch°, Lord Martin, V. Wrightson, W. Elinley, Viscount Martin, J. Wyld, James El phinstone, Sir J. Matheson,Sir J. Wyndham, H. Elton, Sir A. H. Mellor, John Wynn, Col. Esmonde, J. Miles, W. Wynne, J. A. Esteourt, T. Miler, Taverner Wynne, W. Evans, T. W. Miller, ,Ntearne Wyvill, M. Evart, W. Mills, Arthur Yorke, E. Ha ing, Crum Mills, T. Young, A. Fagan, W. Moffat, G. TELLERS. Farnham, E. Illoncreiff, J. Jolliffe, Sir W. /ar iuhar, Sir M. Montgomery, Sir G. Taylor, Colonel NOES-57. Adair, H. Gifford, Earl of Bagshaw, Robert Gladstone, W. Baring, Sir F. Glyn, G. Baring, T. Graham, Sir J. Bass, M. Grenfell, C. P. Biggs, John Grenfell, Charles W. Colebrookc, Sir E. Greville, Colonel F. Crawford, R. W. Heathcoate, Sir W. Crook, J. Hope, Alexander De Vere, S. E. Horsfall, T. Divett, E. Horsman, E. Duke, Sir J. Howard, Lord E. Dunlop, A. Ingham, It. Ellice, E. Jackson, %V. Ellice, R. Lincoln, Earl of Elliott, J. E. Lyall, ileorge Evans, Sir De Lacy Lytton, Sir E. Evart, J. M'Cann, J. lox. W. I. Mangles, It. D. Gaskell, J. Marjoribanks, D. Melgund, Lord Mines, R. North, F. Pease, Henry Peel, Sir R. Ridley, George .Robartes, T. Russell, H. Smith, M. Stirling, W. Sykes, Colonel Tempest, Lord A. V. Thompson, General Verney, Sir IL Wilcox, B. Willoughby, J. Wortley, Major TELLES,. Vane, Lord Li. Gregory. W. For Against For .Against Mr S Herbert Mr Salisbury Sir R Bulkeley Mr Laurie Mr SIV Taylor Slr U Grey Mr A Baring SirJ East Mr A Smith Mr Dillwyn yi r Conolly Mr Denison Mr. Gurdon voted in the majority against Mr. Spooner's motion on Thursday night, but his name is omitted in the division list. • Mr. Scholefield was accidentally shut out in the division on Lord Harry Vane's amendment. Mr. Moody, General Wyndham, Mr. Warren, and the Hon. F. Scott were accidentally shut out from the division on the motion of Lord H. Vane last night. They would have voted with the Government. Mr. R. B. Wingfield requests us to state that he voted on Thursday night against Mr. Spooner's motion for the withdrawal of the endowment of the College of Maynooth. Sir Charles Ogle (Admiral of the Fleet) entertained at dinner last evening Sir C. Wood, the Right Hon. L. Corry, Sir T. Cochrane, the Hon. Rear-Admiral Kappa', R-a:-Admiral Milne, Commodore Eden, Sir J. Liddell, Sir Augustus Cl.fford, Captain Washington, Rear-Ad miral Scott, Ac. THE RECENT DISASTER TO THE JAMES BAINES.—A. report was presented to the Mersey Dock Board yester day upon this accident, 'in which it was stated that the dock sheds were damaged to the extent of 2151. by the falling of the masts. The opinion of the dock solicitor is to be obtained as to the liability of the oweera of the vessel to pay this sum. BIRTHS. BEADY--On the 21st ult., at 2, Wilton-place, Dublin, the wife of Maziere John Brady, Esq., of a daughter. FOWLER—On the 27th ult., at the College-g reen, W or• c,ister, the wife of the Rev. Rodney Fowler, of a daughter. NZILSON—On the 23d ult., at 39, Eldon-street, Greenock, the wife of J. F. Neilson, Esq., editor of the" Greenock Telegraph," of a daughter. SOMERTON—On the 27th ult., at 16, Princes-terrace, the Viscountess Somerton, of a son and heir. MARRIAGES. BUCHAN--Ross—On the 29th ult., at All Saints' Church, Knightsbridge, Li eutenant• Colonel Fordyce Buchan, of Kelloe. Berwickshire, to Anne, daughter of General Sir How Dalrymple Ross, G.C.B. COLTMAN—Ross —At the same time and place, Francis Coltman, E,q., the youngest son of the late Hon. Mr. Justice Coltman, to Laur t, daughter of General Sir H. D. Ross, G.C.B. DEATHS, A LLOTT— On the I9th ult., sud leuly, at Armagh, the Rev. Richard Allott, precentor of Armagh, and rector of Killeavey, aged 75. ANDERSON—KiIIed, in the assault of Lucknow, on the 9th March, Alexander John Anderson, Esq., of Montrone, Fifeshire, N. 8., Lieut. 3,ith Bengal .N. 1., and at the time of his death attached to the 2d Punjaub Infantry. BILKS—On the 24th n i t . , 111 r. W. Billie, of Upway, Dor set, aged 69. BOOTH—On the 26th ult., at 8, Manilla crescent, Weston super-mare, the Rev . . Robert Booth, rector of Rodmell, Sussex, aged 65. FIARDING E—On 16th March, on board the Marlborough, at the landheads, on his passage to England, Major G. Nicholas Hardinge, of the Bengal Army, second son of Colonel Harding e , IRA,, ag e d 29. He served in the Sutl j and Puojaub campaigns, and throughout the siege of Lucknow. LONDON: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNL., of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the cony of Middlesex, Saturday, May 1, 1858, I C' It I, • Sec i I MEN' Circus admis. tntrodi numet Comm , Back, ST and V day A at Mr. --__ DAY. ILLIJ taint Peters two Balm 3, TIC ER.] M. Zque , /fund ALT', antes Eight 0 Made May G At I holder Prida The C Direc It v Sec and r For 22, c( 'lose' taanu elate Plain In / . OU' Mant Me C Uay Bon, TO b( to n , o nce treat for hi E; 4 nd b ands --.... place loans 'STI Of gr