The Sun. — London, England, 1858-12-22 00:00:00

rHE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 22, 1858. OPERATIONS IN OUDE. {Continued from the Times of December 21.) THE CAMP, PURSAIDEPORE, Nov. 9. At 4 o'clock this morning the first bugle sounded. At 5 the column marched from Beylah to Leowlie, 10 miles distant on the road to Amethie. Those Indian marches, picturesque enough at the close, and interesting when the sun rises, are -i mmens ely dis agreeable in their preliminaries and their com mencement. Only an iron will and long experience can enable one to overcome the tumult which reigns all the night before, and to snatch a fw hours of sleep. The klassies, or tent pitchers, e are a most peculiar class of men. The moment the tent is pitched their cares for the day are over, and all the day they sleep under the eaves of the tent accord ingly, but as darkness falls they get up and wander about stealthily, tapping tent-pegs and preparing for the great business of their existence. It is in vain that order after order has been issued to the klassies not to touch a tent-peg till the first bugle sounds. It is their caste to tap tent-pegs ; they ' are born to it, bred to it, and die to it. The whole race of men belonging to this order would endure martyrdom in the faith that tent-pegs, when in the ground, are to be knocked out of it, and when out of the ground are to be knocked into it. When awake they can no more resist their impulses on this head than a London pickpocket can refuse the ap peal of an easy pocket handkerchief. Soon after dusk the noise begins—tap ! tap! tap ! far and near like a fire of musketry, for many a weary acre of canvas-covered ground. This is called tonking— striking the long deep Indian tent-pegs on the sides, so as to loosen them in the earth, and to pre pare them for easy extrication when the tent is to be struck. The ground shakes with those myriad knocking s—one gets feverish, restless , rushes out on th persecuting klassie, and, as he falls in the dark over the tent ropes, beholds a white, ghost-like form glide away into obscurity. The shouts, cries, and noises of the bazaars swell into a tempest as the sutlers prepare to pack up their goods and move off in the early night. Then, long before the first of the small hours, the camels which are to move your house and furniture are brought close to the head of your bed. The " ships of the desert" are anchored beside you, and the canvas offers no resistance either to the dreadful vapours which come from the holds of those ships or the sounds which rage on board. Those ships are always in a state of mutiny. , A camel's life is a long and loud protest against the load that is put on his back, and he wisely enters his protest be fore his suffering begins. I know of no sound more sleep-destroying. Then there is the trum peting of elephants, the barking of dogs, the yell ing of jackals, and, above all these, the hideous dissonance of the many-voiced camp. The camp bells and gongs, too, vary in time. They are generally a quarter of an hour or more before they finish striking one o'clock. The smoke of the camp fires steals into the tent and half chokes one. Look out and you will see something like a Fuseli's dream of Pandemonium—blazing fires, surrounded by black men in white clothing, moving to and fro, with strange quaint heads of camels, elephants, and other animals peering . through and above them. A reddened smoke hangs in the air like a pall over the scene. Towards morning the horses begin to neigh, and those animals are mostly sound-lunged, and are picketedclose behind the tents, so that—but what is the use of my endeavouring to describe the sights or sounds of an Indian camp ? My letter has already exceeded the limits of newspaper capacity in its most indulgent moments " out of the season. It is written, too, with difficulty on a table 18 inches high, from a stool a foot higher. We marched then from Beylah to Dehmah, about 12 miles, where we halted for the day. In the evening the messengers from Amethie came in with more letters, but the authorities, civil and military, stuck to their text, and Lord Clyde refused to see the Vakeel at all. On the morning of the 9th, at dawn, the columns marched towards Amethie, and reached the plain at the eastern angle and face of the work about 11 o'clock. Here they halted and pitched their tents about 1 o'clock, within 21 miles of the fort ; the jungle round which could be seen distinctly, and a small portion of one of the interior buildings from a knoll in our front. About 12 30, as we were rest ing in a tope by a Hindoo temple, waiting for our tents to be pitched, the sound of a heavy gun from the fort roused us all up; again and again the sound of the shotted gun was heard, and some sup posed that it was Sir Hope Grant actually attack ing the place on his own account, but the appear ance of that gallant officer in camp with a small escort, enabled us to learn that the guns we had heard were fired upon him as he rode across the plain from his camp to visit the Commander-in- Chief. He rode over to look at the place, and the Sepoys at once opened two guns on his escort at 500 yards distance, which forced them to retreat abruptly. Here was a new complication--Lull Madho's people had fired on our troops. Lord Clyde was somewhat put out by the occurrence, which he could have wished undone if that were possible, al though he was irritated against the Rajah on account of the tone of his last letter, in which he actually asked for an indemnity, and took a most ridiculous stand as to guarantees for the promises made to him. The reply was decisive. If the Rajah did not come in before 10 a.m. on the 10th, the British columns would assault the place. Again the Vakeel came in to Major Barrow, and at night it was whispered among a few that the Rajah had sub- 1 mitted. In fact, at 1 p.m. on the 9th, three British forces—one under Lord Clyde, the other under Sir Hope Grant, and the third under Briga dier Wethcrall—had pitched their tents, one on each accessible face of the defences of Amethie. The effect of this apparition on the Rajah's Councils may be conceived. But 12 hours before he had been full of mighty airs; he had been talking of his honour, of his losses, and of material guarantees. Now he sat down and wrote as follows : TRANSLATION OF A LETTER FROM RAJAH LULL MADHO SINGH, OF AMETHIE, TO MAJOR BARROW, Nov. 9. After compliments.—" My Vakeel had not come in (from our camp) when the cavalry of the Atiha Division (Sir Hope Grant and his escort) neared my fort, and were fired on by the sepoys. When my Vakeel returned I then learnt that you would at a distance wait my reply to your pro posals, and for this reason you had encamyed one koss from the fort. But the cavalry of the division caused the sepoys to tire on them by advancing so close to the fort. As I have no wish to encounter the troops of the Government, I therefore beg for some pledge from Governmemt that I may appear and remove myself to some other British town. The Government can do as they please with the fort and cannon." (Sealed and signed by the Rajah.) Thus lie made ample submission in words ; ex cused himself for the act of the sepoys, very in geniously throwing the blame on us, who had broken an agreement, and it only remained to see it he carried his promises into effect. That night, as we heard, he left the fort stealthily, and repaired to a villag e near at hand. He neither told his fol lowers of the negotiation, of the Proclamation, nor of the amnesty. He said he dared not tell them. He left them to find it out. Major Barrow, having arranged with the Rajah of Amethie that he should come in the morning before 10 o'clock, rode out to the village appointed as the place of rendezvous, about a mile in front of our camp, accompanied by Colonel Sterling, Mili tary Secretary to the Commander-in-Chief. The Rajah, with two or three attendants, was waiting o receive them on horseback. He is a square -wilt, powerfully-moulded man, rather below the middle height. His features are regular, his eyes full and intelligent; his black hair falls in - loose locks over his shoulders from beneath the folds of his turban ; and the jet of his bushy moustache, beard, and whiskers, is not streaked by a single gray hair. As he approached our camp, in com pany with the British Commander, the officer of one of our pickets, seeing the small body of horse men advancing towards his post, mounted his Dragoons ' and rode to meet them, at which the Rajah showed some signs of uneasiness, but the matter was soon explained. Soon, however, the Rajah had cause for greater uneasiness. Three . yultures, which were gorging themselves with offal In his path, rose with a heavy flapping from the ground. shied The Rajah's horse, a remarkably fine animal, iviolentl and fell, throwing the Rajah to the gro un d w ith considerable force so that the party were obliged to continue their jour ney to the camp on foot. An occurrence of this kind was calculated to produce the very deepest impression on the mind of a man, like jpoots, a fir m exceedingly superstitious, and believer in signs and tokens, and his demeanour became v ery subdued and sullen. His arrival in our c amp w as not very dignified. The soldiers of one of the English regiments turned out of their tents to look at him, and no doubt would have " chaffed" him, as his Vakeel had been subjected to that peculiar exercise of the esprit moqueur of the British infantry, had they been permitted to d o so. Many of the men in full undress followed hi m into head-quarters camp, and the camp followers, syces, grasscutters, and peons, idling about, swelled the crowd, which thronged the end of the main street of the camp till it was dispersed by the sen tries. The Rajah, wearing his shoes, entered, with Major Barrow, inside his tent, and then the diplo matic and civil portion of the proceedings com menced. I cannot say that the results were so satisfactory as could be desired. The Rajah stated that he had inside his fort 1,500 sepoys of the 15th Native Infantry and other regiments, and 2,500 of his own followers. These men were all in perfect ignorance of the Queen's Proclamation and of the amnesty, as the Rajah said he did not dare to ac quaint them with the contents of those documents, nor had he given them the least hint of the negotiations with Government. In fact, he had left the fort by stealth, and had concealed his surrender from his garrison. So far therefore it was impossible to know what course this force would adopt; but the Rajah was of opinion that his adherents were strong enough to compel any dissentients to obey his orders,' and he declared that he had no doubt he could hand us over the fort, the guns, and the arms of his fol lowers. His Vakeel or minister was despatched to make known to the garrison the fact of the Rajah's submission and the surrender by him of his fort and materiel of war. After a long interview, the Rajah was taken by Major Barrow to Lord Clyde, who re ceived him in his dinner tent in the presence of the chief of his staff and one or two officers. The Com mander-in-Chief was no doubt rather disappointed when he heard of the real state of the case. The Rajah, indeed, had surrendered, and so far had com plied with the terms granted to him, but his fort was still in the hands of those who might turn out to be our enemies, and some of whom were certainly guilty sepovs, whose escape it was most desirable to prevent. i3esides, they might be making use of this time to drag away the guns, and to desert through the dense jungles which enclosed one side of the fort. Still, we could not precipitate matters by attacking the place before the Rajah had tested his authority. We had promised not to close in upon Amethie for the day, so that a considerable time would be afforded to the Sepoys to take to flight, which, indeed, we could not prevent under any circumstances, as the force at our command could not surround the place, one side of which, as already stated, melts, as it were, into a formidable swampy jungle, extending many miles towards the south-west, through which are paths known only to a few natives. When the visit to Lord Clyde was over the Rajah again went to Major Barrow, and messengers were despatched to the fort with instructions as to the surrender o f the p lace ; but Lall Madho remained in the neighbourhood of our camp with one of his friends, not daring to show himself among his followers. The chief of a neigh bouring fort also came in and made his submission to Mr. Carnegy, the Assistant-Commissioner of his district. This gentleman, " Pretty Poll Singh" by name (I am not quite sure about the spelling), arrived in a palanquin, preceded by a bearer with a large silver mace, and followed by servants and men armed with flint carbines and matchlocks. He is a tall, stout man, of a stern face, ornamented by snow-white moustaches, and was shawls and stuf f s—making a far greater show than the Rajah, as was natural from the circumstances under which the latter came in. He sat in his litter at the end of the " street," smoking his hookah, and surveying the few promenaders be tween the canvass houses with great equanimity. In his train came a hackery, in which lay . an old iron carronade much the worse for age, a six-bar relled revolving matchlock, several flint pistols in various stages of decomposition, some bearing marks of being recently burnished, half-a-dozen swords, and a few old firelocks, mostly fired by matches. These were his arms, of which he pro fessed to have made a total surrender, but I fear our friend of the simple and eccentric name was playing the gay deceiver, and that in various jeels and ponds and wells there are lying now (in a different sense from the talookdar's lying) some of those four or five cannon as to which the Commissioner made such tender inquiries in vain, as well as those stands of arms which the chief is believed to have possessed. - What the result of these inquiries may be it is difficult to say. The talookdar declared himself pleased at the surrender of his arms to the Queen's Government, and as a token of goodwill brought in plenty of lambs, kids, fresh vegetables, and such like pastoral and Oriental blandishments. Nor was he our only conquest this morning. Several landholders of greater or less importance presented themselves, and Humrunt Singh, of Kal likunker, on the Ganges, who was recently amusing himself by plumping round shot into our steamers, is now quite domesticated on the premises, and waddles up and down our street in a pleasant free and-easy manner quite charming. to behold. One looks at him very much with the same sensations as Mr. Briggs must have felt when he had Rarey-fied his horse, and reduced him to complete submission. He is an agreeable old person, very like a Turkish pasha, being stout and bow-legged, salaams genially to us all, and seems altogether the last man in the world who would regard the firing of 12-pounders, double-shotted, against passenger boats as an agree able pastime. Pretty Poll Singh is not nearly so nice a person. Indeed, if stories be true, our friend, whose name suggests such nice reminis cences of little boys in the street addressing the feathered captives of one's household through the domestic area railings, was in times gone by a per son of the most perverted notions on the great questions involved in the observance of the laws of real and personal property. Whenever our officers went out shooting in this district, they were always enjoined to " look out for Pretty Poll Singh' castle. By Jove, if he sees you he'll be down upon you." The creature was a bird of prey, and maintained his rights of sporting with more than the tenacity of a Norfolk parson. No doubt, he will make an admirable subject of the Queen's but I would not advise any one to shoot over his tiger preserves without leave, for the process in his courts was, and may be yet, very . sharp and very short. A police thannah may clip his wings and cut his claws. Yesterday, as we were breakfasting on the ground, under some trees, the instinct of our syces told them—for they could not see it—that there was a stack of forage inside the wooded enclosure, where we lay like serpents on our bellies, devour ing our meal. In a very few minutes the stack was resolved into peripatetic bundles or trusses suffi ciently large to conceal the bearers to the calf of the leg, which were being duly carried off for the horses, when Major Barrow interfered and ordered them to put down their loads. He was at once obeyed, and I was pondering on the wonder of the farmer, when he came back, at finding his huge stack scattered all over the ground in separate heaps, when the Major's departing lsft the ground to the syces, who, at once reappearing from among the trees through which they had vanished, gathered up their trusses and walked off with them uninter ruptedly. Flogging does no good. If the whole army were turned into provost-marshals' assistants, or flaoellators under the orders of the civil magis trate, they could not flog all the offenders. Sowers charge over the plains in vain. Capt. Thomson was told by the Commander-in-Chief that he might have any number of cavalry he required to prevent or arrest depredators, for Lord Clyde has all an old soldier's detestation of plundering ; but still the work goes bravely on. Last night a village was set on fire, and the flames lighted up the heavens in front of the camp. The villagers are apprehensive of being punished if they defend their property, for they are told that if they fire a shot against us they are doomed to destruction ; but they are now in - formed they may protect their goods, chattels, and crops against camp followers, though they must not use force to check any depredations on the part of soldiers, as the latter will be punished by the mili tary authorities. At present, however, the soldiers are not guilty of any such offences. One or more of our camp followers lay dead in the field near the camp this morning, but it is impossible to say whe ther the enemy's Sowers, some of whom were caper ing about near our posts, or the villagers resisting plunder, perpetrated the deed. Certainly, the Oude farmer has been placed in a most anxious position during the last 12 months. Left at the mercy of the rebel chiefs, he was compelled, no matter what his inclinations, to pay taxes and revenue to the rebels. If he fled, all his property was taken and his land confiscated. Where, indeed, could he fly ? If he re mained he was called upon for military service. At the same time he knew that when our power was restored he was liable to be hanged, and that he would have to pay the revenue over again. Surely he must have thought his deities unkind and his lot miserable ! Of this I can say no more. Major Barrow's mes sengers could gain no admittance to the fort. , The gates were closed all day. The Rajah either had, or pretended he had, no communication from inside the fort. Orders were accordingly given for the ap proach of our columns the following morning. Nov. 11. On the morning of the 11th, at daybreak, all the troops of the three different columns were paraded, ready for action, in front of their respective camps. Thus the pickets of the enemy (if they had any) would have seen the cavalry, infantry, and artil lery of Sir Hope Grant's force arrayed against them on the north. Not quite two miles to the left flank they would have beheld the troops under the Commander-in-Chief in person, and again, at right angles to the left flank of that little army, would have been visible the squadrons, battalions, and guns of the force under Brigadier Wetherall, about three miles intervening, which would have been speedily filled up by the expansion of the troops into line intervening between the two columns. But on the southward and westward of the fort the enemy would have beheld their sure allies extending as far as the eye couldreach. There --up t othe parapets Rajah's courtyard, o were er f the e p files I a d c e e n — s e a a n u d d entering finn t as he iron of prickly thorn, adamantine shrub, and bamboo, set column upon column ' so that wild beast or man could steal with difficulty through the devious tracks. its Far away to the horizon, and miles beyond spreadin g . and growing wider and denser, lay this safe svisible line, refuge of the enemy . And they sought it. Hour after hour passed away in impati ence, the troops standing to their arms, officers (booted and spurred) walking up and down the streets of the camp, asking for news i n vain, for news there was none, each man enforcing the rea sons why he thought the enemy - would fight or would not fight, as the case might be. Major Barrow still confident "it Would all be right," other poll- ticals equally positive " it would all be wrong," and the military and some civilians convinced that it was a mistake to have anything to do with poli ticals in such matters at all. The Rajah's messen gers were in the fort, but still no news came from them. The Rajahhimself was in camp with Major Barrow, but could say nothing, except that he knew nothing. What the Sepoys would do he knew not, but he was of opinion they would not fight. At last it was announced that if the Rajah's servants had not returned at 9 o'clock the assault on the place would be ordered forthwith. Long before that hour arrived, perhaps half-past 7or so, a Sikh trooper rode into our camp with the intelligence that the place was evacuated, and that not a soul was to be found but some old men and servants within the walls of Amethie. It turned out that the trooper formed one of a picket outside the place, and that early in the morning they observed a man near the ditch whose appearance attracted their attention. On his approach they challenged him, and, in reply to their questions, he said he was not afraid of going near the batteries, because all the garrison had marched off through the jungles during the night. The picket tested the truth of the man's story ; they made him lead the way, saw that the place was abandoned, and returned to Sir Hope Grant with the news. He sent off the trooper to head-quarters, and the news was soon diffused that there was to be "no fight," and some appre hensions were expressed that the Rajah was play ing us false, and that he knew well the Sepoys and his matchlock men were escaping. Before this news reached us it became known that 600 Sepoys had actually got into the jungles in the course of the night, but it was believed that the others would fight to the last, as they declared they would, and that the matchlock men, mostly dependents of the Rajah, would sneak quietly away to their villages. Orders were at once issued for the occupation of Amethie. Col. Harness, Royal Engineers, with a company of Royal Sappers and Miners (Major Len nox), Lieut. Beaumont, Royal Engineers •, Colonel Riddle, Royal Artillery ; Major 'Turner, Royal Ar tillery ; a detachment of Royal Artillery, a party of H.M.'s 54th Regt., and a troop of the 6th Dra goon Guards (Carabineers), under Capt. Betty, Capt. Bradford, Capt. Russell (Commissary of Ord nance), and Capt. Thompson (Civil officer), preceded by a guide and the Vakeel of the Rajah, set out from camp before 9 o'clock for that purpose. The plain is nearly a clear level, intersected here and there by irrigation cuts, dotted with pools, where the surface sinks below the general level, degene rating at some places into marshy soft soil, covered with rank vegetation. Crops of dall and various cereals surround the villages, which consist of only six or seven houses, low crowned, and hidden under groves of trees. Having marched a mile or so, the trace of an earthen bank became visible in our front and on our left, but the gaps in the low jungle before it and in the trees which covered it only permitted occasional glimpses of the outer works of Amethie. Above the trees the high walls of a flat-roofed house shone brightly in the sun, and the cupola of a small" temple was visible in another direction inside the fort. With the exception of a red flag waving above the trees, and the bare patches of earthen parapet, nothing else could be seen. As we jogged on, however, and inclined more to the right, making s. sweep to avoid some marshy ground, two bastions of considerable command, artfully con structed among the trees which grew out of the parapet of the outer defences, could be discerned, and on getting nearer it could be ascertained that there were embrasures in the rampart itself, nearly flush with the level of the plain. As this was the first of those famous jungle fortresses we had seen, its outward aspect was examined with eager interest. I confess my impression was that there was very little to see. The parapet in front of us did not rise more than four feet at the outside above the level of the ground; beyond it there was nothing but stunted bushes, and it was very difficult to make out the actual line of the defences at all, only three bas tions or elevated earthen platforms with embrasures being discoverable along the front. As we got nearer there was nothing more to be seen. We passed a deserted village, which had been plundered by the followers of the Rajah, so it was said, and then, taking a half turn to the left, advanced directly towards the Fort. It is not more than two miles and a half from the front of our camp. When we had come within about 150 yards of the principal bastion we perceived that at its base was a pond, or piece of dirty water, about 30 yards across at its broadest, and on our left narrowing into the dimen sions of a ditch. On our right, where it narrowed in the same way, a ramp of earth crossed it to the top of the ramparts. A flimsy gateway of rough wood guarded the passage of the ramp, which was about six yards broad and as many long. The top of the rampart was about the same breadth. We now observed that there was a very deep ditch in places filled with water between the rampart and the plain—in fact, a regular ditch, with scarp and counterscarp. It varied in depth from 15 to 25 feet, and seemed to be about 20 feet wide at the top. At the inner face of the rampart (which was formed by the earth thrown up to make the ditch) there was nothing visible but jungle. This inner face was about five feet deep to the terreplein, and there was a regular banquette for musketry. A space of 10 or 12 feet had been cleared away between the base of the rampart and the jungle, in which, shaded by the overhanging trees, lay the bedsteads of the Sepoys who had recently garrisoned the place. Their cooking places had recently been used. Some articles of their clothing still lay on the ground, and in one place their chupatties, or wheaten cakes, remained half-baked by the open hearth. Turning along the rampart to the left, ' the top led us to a gateway in a strong mud wall pierced for musketry, near which rose the bastion, one side of which swept the ramp and the top of the rampart for a couple of hundred yards with its fire. There were no guns to be seen in the embra sures. Sentries were placed on the gate with orders to let no one out, and a party of the 54th marched into the Fort, while the Carabineers were ordered to keep watch and ward outside the exterior wicket. Dismounting, the party of officers proceeded to walk round the rampart towards their right, placing sentries as they advanced. The line of rampart was very irregular ; there was no flanking fire whatever. The principal damage to be feared would be from the fire of musketry on assailants at the other side of the ditch, whose heads would be about on a level with the heads of the defenders of the rampart as they aimed through their loopholes. The batteries, such as they were, consisted of small mud works a few feet inside the rampart, and just high enough to carry the fire from the embrasures over it. From these very narrow paths led through the jungle. The first battery we came on contained a very feeble cohorn mortar in an early stage of infancy, mounted on a primitive and very imbe cile carriage. This piece of ordnance did not exceed, I should say, two inches in diameter ; close to it was an old iron 9-pounder ' the trail secured with rope. It had been recently discharged, and was, no doubt, the gun from which the sepoys had fired six or seven round shot on Sir Hope Grant's reconnaissance two days before, for the cheeks of the embrasure were all blackened with powder. We continued our promenade on the top of the low rampart—the ditch and the open country on our right, the interior of the fort and the jungle on our left—till it struck us that it was rather a foolish thing to leave our horses outside such a fine sunshiny day—and that we might as well have rode. Now and then we came upon zigzags cut in the jungle with great labour, trenches intended for rifle pits and wells. At last a stria bastion seemed to close up our researches, and we were glad to climb up through the embrasure, where an eight-inch short brass howitzer, laden to the muzzle and with fresh priming laid, was waiting to receivo us. But there was no one to fire it. Descending into the battery by means of this gun, we took a path which led through the jungle, preceded by our guide, and made towards the inner lines of the fort. The jungle was silent and savage as need be. If one of those brutal little bushes but caught a hold of you, how he tore and scratched and bled you ! We walked on and on and on, winding here and there through the walls of sharp verdure—leaves of broken bottles and stems of fishhooks—till at last we came to a high mud wall with a battery sweep ing the flank of a zigzag approach to a large gate way of wood. The guide knocked and shouted, so did the Vakeel. Some one approached from inside, the wicket was thrown open, and in we marched to the inner fort of Amethie. But with the exception of the defences I have mentioned, and the natural strength of the jungle, there was really and truly nothing to give one the ' idea that an assault of in fantry, provided with ladders to cross the ditch, and covered by artillery fire would not carry the place in ten minutes. The wall round this part of the place was very bad, only one weak bastion was visible. Inside it lay the village or dependencies of Amethie, the palace itself surrounded by another mud wall, being close at hand before us. The houses of the village were of the usual Indian type —rather worse, perhaps than usual. The guide pointed out to us a large building with the ground story open andlaised on pillars, which was, he said the mansion provided by the Rajah for strangers. There were some fine bullocks wandering about, looking uneasily for their gun carriages, no doubt. Others were in large cow-yards on our right. Two greyhounds, hearing our voices, leaped out and bayed at us, but presently the clink of sword and spur brought out a few men—the Rajah's retainers —to watch the unaccustomed intruders. They were sullen, sulky, gloomy, and uncommunicative, and the presence of their master's Vakeel scarcely made them respectful. Colonel Harness and most of the party halted to take angles and directions and indulge in scientific abstractions, while two or three,' with less of duty and more curiosity on hand advanced straight on to the gateway of the mud wall around the palace and Zenana itself. The sepoy on duty scowled as we entered and passed him. Before us, in one enclosure, about 60 or 70 yards square, stood the Rajah's palace, filling one side of the square. On the right was the bare wall ; on the left an arched building of brick, not yet finished of cemented, and behind us was the continuation of the bare wall, the gateway, and some storehouses. A tank and well lay in front of us. A kind of dry well served as the chief maga zine, but it was empty. The house itself presented a fair facade, divided into three parts, the Royal fish of Lucknow over the entrance, and fish and cocks ornamenting the battlements. It was covered with white chunam or cement, and shone like marble. In one angle of the court was a child's plaything—a half-pounder brass gun on a carriage, all the arms we saw. Some servants came out, and one led us up by a tall-stepped staircase to the first floor. The divan was plainly carpeted—a large viol or bandoline stood in the corner, and at the end were some cushions. All the valuable fur niture had been secreted or removed. The other rooms were plainer still. We mounted to the flat roof and looked out on the jungle, spread ing away like a dark green sea, and on the defences of the place. Was this really the fort before which three columns of English soldiers had been assembled for siege and assault ? As we were examining the features of the landscape and de termining the localities of our camps, the tramp of men in the courtyard below announced the arrival of our party. The Engineers at once set to take some angles and make some observations ; the Artillery to hunt for stores and munitions of war. Their orders were, " Break open doors, if locked, and eases—take arms, ammunition, and no thing else." The doors—for all were locked—soon went merrily—and the arms began to be collected in the open yard in the centre of the house. Tul wars, old flint pistols, two antique fowling pieces, a few shields, half a dozen matchlocks, constituted the arms, but now and then one of our men bowled out a brass shell recently cast and filed—some of eight or nine inches, others of three or four inches diameter. In all parts the artillery continued their search with avidity and care. Boxes of matches for matchlocks were discovered, earthen pitchers filled with bullets, cartridges in no great quantity, and numbers of our Mime and Enfield bullets, which had been flattened and put out of shape from having been fired, and were afterwards picked up by the rebels. While these works were being prosecuted, Lord Clyde, attended by the Rajah and Major Barrow, Sir W. Mansfield, and a number of Staff officers, rode into the courtyard. His lordship was evidently much displeased. He had heard that only nine guns of all sorts could be found in the fort and works, and he had seen the nature of the latter with his own eyes. The im pression was natural that the Rajah had been duping him, or was trying to do so. " Tell t h e Rajah," exclaimed Lord Clyde with great energy, " that he must produce his guns. Tell him I know he never would have dared to dream of re sisting me, aware, as he was, that I had 80 pieces of artillery, if he had not the guns of which w e have heard." Major Barrow explained to the Rajah what the Chief had said, and sternly accused him of saying that which was not. The Rajah seemed uneasy, but affected to believe we had all the guns he ever had. " Tell him, Major Barrow," said Lord Clyde, " that I will keep him prisoner till he produces the guns •, I will stand no nonsense." In fact, the Chief had seen that the place could not have stood against us for one hour, and he was naturally irritated at the presumption of the Rajah, who had treated his earlier offers with something amounting to insolence. He had a shrewd suspicion, too, that the strict seclusion of the fort of the previous day had been a device to prevent our knowing . what was being done inside while the guns were in the course of removal, and he felt that his forbearance had been met with ingratitude and deceit. Major Barrow could, of course, exculpate himself from any charge on that head, but no doubt the General, as Generals in India often have had cause to do, chafed against the restraints imposed on him, and felt that the surrender of the walls of Amethie without guns or garrison was but a poor conquest for the com mander of such an army. Still the civilians might have been deceived. They might have erred when they fixed the number of guns in Amethie at 22, and finally increased them to 30. As to the se poys, there could be no mistake. The Rajah him self confessed that 1,500 of them, belonging to 30 or 40 different regiments of our old na tive army, had been in his service. They had run, he said, because they could not believe in a day or two that we were going to undo all the rope we had twisted in a year. As to his match. lockmen, they were his own villagers, and he pro mised to make them bring in their matchlocks. Still Lord Clyde was mulch dissatisfied. He went into the house and had the Rajah called before him, and there, by the mouth of Colonel Metcalfe, head interpreter and commandant of head-quarters, he administered a verbal castigation to the chief, which made the wily Asiatic turn almost pale with fear and anger. Meantime more stores of war had been found in the Palace out-offices,—thousands of cannon shot of all sorts and sizes, some shell, and very few arms. The chief offered to show with his own hands where the magazines were, and led Major Barrow and Major Turner to most artfully constructed powder magazines in the depths of the jungle. While the Rajah on horseback was de fending himself as well as he could against the ac cusations preferred with too much show of justice against his good faith, his eye caught the figures of our soldiers wandering through his rooms ; he heard the crashing of his doors, the creaking of his hinges, the bursting of his storehouses, and saw his shot and shell, hurled by invisible hands, hopping and clinking from cellars and dark rooms out into the open day in his court-yard. A man stepped out with a velvet cramoisie saddle and holsters, but the glance of General Mansfield detected the act, and ho ordered the soldier to take it back, and leave it whore he had found it. No wonder the Rajpoot, within whose halls no alien had ever set foot, felt bitterly. Externally, however, he showed little emotion, but once as a pile of firelocks fell 'with a crash behind him he gave a little nervous turn on his horse, and I could see he was making great efforts to conquer his feelings of apprehen sion and indignation. Again he was pressed on the subject of his guns. With the coarseness which characterises Asiatic finesse now and then he overdid his part. He protested , "'pan honour , " then, with sublime impu dence,head man, requested that enough to try and recollect how h h e e d wouldcid calling not l know g i g o o w f 00 dr; andh i s many guns were inside the fort. The Vakeel said there were nine—the orthodox number. Major Barrow, however, persisted. Lord Clyde de clared he would keep him prisoner. Here seemed a pretty beginning for our treaty, and amnesties, and proclamations—forced to break faith by the perfidy of our friend, or rather forced to appear as if we had done so by the neglect of this man to per form his promises. By degrees the Rajah dis covered what we were driving at, poor innocent man! He had only nine guns ; but there were other guns in the fort. For instance, one neighbour of his--some Ram, or Singh, or Bux—had deposited three guns in the fort, which did not belong to him ! " Did we want those ? Oh, really ! Well, then, we could have them ;" and so on. By the evening, between the admissions of the Rajah and the researches of the artillery, we had screwed 16 guns more out of the place. The civilians have been greatly in error if there were not 14 more. If they were right, what has become of those gins ? The chief returned to camp, and, as there was nothing but jungle to be seen in the fort, ;most of us fol lowed his example. The Rajah rode back quasi free, but a pledge for guns, beside Major Barrow, He stays in a neighbouring village with his friend and our friend, Ajeet Singh. He is melancholy and sad, and, though he does not think much of telling a lie, is very tender with respect to his de parted honour. His house has been entered by strangers, his fort will be dismantled, his guns destroyed. And yet this man has had the address to save all his garrison, to open a shower of round shot ag ainst an Engli s h genera l, and to see gather ing against his fort the armies of England, led by the Commander-in-Chief and two other Generals ! • Nov. 13 AND 14. The fort of Amethie, thus for the time in our possession, will be made the head-quarters of the Sultanporo force, under Brigadier Pinckney, the garrison being composed of two guns of Gordon's Battery, three companies of her Majesty's 54th Regiment, a wing of the 9th Punjab Native In fantry, and the Pathan Horse. When the premises are returned to the Rajah he will find them very much altered. His ramparts will fill up his ditch, his bastions will form agreeable mounds from which to survey the place where the jungle once offered an impenetrable barrier to man and beast. But at present the Rajah has no desire to return. He is humiliated, or pretends to be so. He prays to be permitted to live in some city far away from his estates, and that we will manage them for him, and he has got a month to consider whether he wishes to make a formal application to this effect or not. The pontoon train, no longer required, returned to Pertabghur on the morning of the 12th, and Sir Hope Grant's force had broken up camp, and were in full march to the westward before 3 o'clock on the afternoon of the 11th. Our next step will be to reduce Beni Madho to submission, and it is pro bable that the terms which the clemency of the Government may enable the Commander-in-Chief to offer to that notorious rebel chief will at moo dissuade him from hopeless resistance, and make him only too happy to accept such pardon and generous forgiveness. On the_ 12th sir . Hove Grant marched towards Pursaidepore ; Wetherall's column marched in the same direction. On the morning of the 13th Lord Clyde and head-quarters, escorted by the Carabineers and her Majesty's sth Fusiliers marched to Adcypore, 19 miles on the road to Pursaidepore, which we reached to-day at 10 o'clock. Sir Hope Grant is on our right ; Beni Madho has sent in to know what terms he may expect, and the Governor-General has enabled Major Barrow to relax the strictness of the condi tions originally prescribed, and to offer this leader in the revolt something more than his life. The Amethie Rajah has been left behind; his castle walls are fast coming down. ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. NORTHERN CIRCUIT.—YORK, DEC. 20. (Before Mr. Baron Watson.) John Taylor Whitworth, aged 22, was indicted for the wilful murder of Sally Hare, at Throapham St. John's, in the West Riding, on the ith of October last. Mr. Maule and Mr. Fullarton prosecuted ; and Mr. Seymour defended the prisoner. The deceased, it appeared, was a servant girl of 17 years of age, and servant to Mr. Cuthbert, a far mer at Tottenhall Thorpe. The prisoner was a farm servant in the service of a gentleman named Machin, who is a magistrate of the county of Nottingham, and lived about six miles from where deceased was in service. It appeared that the prisoner and de ceased had courted for two or three years, and that the prisoner had removed from service in Lincoln shire in order to be near the deceased. On the even ing of Sept. 30 the prisoner called to see the deceased at Mr. Cuthbert's. He had a cap on and a halter in his hand, and said he had been taking a horse of Mr. Machin's to grass. He remained with deceased till between 8 and 9 o'clock, when she asked her mistress's permission for him to remain till he went to his horses. This, after some demur, was granted, and the prisoner remained at Mr. Cuthbert's house until between one and two o'clock in the morning, when he left the house with the deceased. Shortly afterwards the deceased returned with her throat cut and screaming to the house. Mrs. Cuth bert got up to see what was the matter, and the de ceased came to her, her hands and arms cut very badly, her throat cut and bleeding, a cut on her jaw, and her hair down. In consequence of what she said Mr. Cuthbert went to a place on a common about 250 yards from his house, and there found many traces of a struggle, a pool of blood, and a cap and a halter, which were identified as similar to those the prisoner had had. An open clasp knife, bloody, was also found a few yards over a hedge near this spot, as though thrown there. Next morning, at half-past eleven o'clock, a man in the service of Mr. Machin, named Clark, while in his master's fields, saw the prisoner walk ing about in the fields ; he was without cap, and appeared to be very wet and dirty. His jacket sleeves appeared to have been washed out and were wet ; his shirt was bloody and his throat cut. Clark said to him, " Why, Jack, where hast thou been ?" He replied, " I don't know where I have been." He asked him, " What have you been doing ?" He said, " I don't know, Clark, what I have been doing." Witness then said, " What do the police want you for ? Why you have cut your throat." He said, " Yes, and the girl's too." Witness then took hold of him and said, " You must go along with me," and he took him to the police-station. Some little time before, the prisoner had asked witness if sheep salve was a poison. Witness toldhim it was. He then wanted to know how much would poison a person, and he told him as much as would stand on his finger. Witness afterwards missed a tin of sheep salve from the out-offices where he kept it. , The prisoner had not been sent with any horses that afternoon. On being taken into custody a knife was taken from the prisoner, and he said, " That is not the knife ; she got it away from me." Mr. Wm. Latimer, a surgeon, was called in to attend the deceased, and he found her with a transverse punctured wound on the throat, which had passed through the trachea and cesophagus and had reached the vertebrae of the neck. She had also a cut on the jaw, several cuts on the hands and arms, and a bruise on the temple. She died on the 7th Oct. of bronchitis caused by the wound in the neck. She stated to him once or twice on the first and second time he saw her that she did not think she should get better. He considered her in danger, but had a hope she would recover. Sarah Turner, the nurse who at tended the deceased, stated that the deceased said she should die, both before and after Mr. Latimer dressed her wounds. Witness told her she thought she would get better. The deceased said she thought she would if Mr. Latimer could see in her throat as he could see her hands. She said this many times, that she should get better if it was not for her throat. Mr. Latimer spoke cheeringly to her, and she appeared cheerful after that and in better spirits. She was easier after Mr. Latimer had dressed the wounds. The Hon. and Rev. W. Howard, rector of Whes ton, and a magistrate of the West Riding, stated that he saw the deceased on the night of the Ist of October, about ten o'clock. He told her that she was in very great danger, that he came to her as a magistrate, and not as a clergy man, to hear from her simply what had occurred on the previous night. He told her that she was likely to die. He hoped it might please Almighty God to bring her round, but he believed she was in very great danger, and he thought it very possible that these injuries to her would be fatal. He was there to hear her, and whatever she said, should she die, would be produced in evidence on the trial of the prisoner at York Assizes. " You must, there fore, tell me the truth, and nothing but the truth, without any fear or reserve." She said nothing. Finding that, he said to her,." It would be a very sad and awful thing for you to go into the presence of your Maker having told me anything in your present situation which is false." She still said nothing, and he was rather • embarrassed, and he told her he should administer an oath to her, which he did, and having sworn her, by means of questions to her, he got her to make a statenient. She spoke in a straightforward manner with difficulty. The prisoner was not present. He took down what she said, and read it over to her, and asked her if it was perfectly true and the whole truth,and she said it was. She then put her mark to this. (The statement she made was here offered in evidence.) It was objected by the prisoner's counsel that it was not admissible as a deposition, and that it was not admissible as a dying declaration. It was not spontaneously made under the belief of immediate and impending death. The evidence did not show that this was her feeling, and the magistrate who had attended her had appeared to be in doubt that it was. The statements as to her condition came from him, and not from her; and, acting under a doubt, he had administered an oath to her. It was contended for the prosecution that the statement was admissible if the deceased at the time, from her state of weakness, was sensible of her danger. The various cases on the subject were re ferred to. His Lordship said he had considered this case not for the first time. He had heard the evidence and the arguments, and he was of opinionthat the evi dence was admissible. He thought it must be taken, on the whole, that the evidence was spontaneously given. If she made the statement under a sense of impending danger, then he thought the state ment admissible. It had been put to her very strongly by Mr. Howard that she was in great danger, and she was repeatedly told that she was likely to die. She made no answer to that. If she had had hopes of recovery one would have thought she would have expressed them at that time. The result of all the evidence on his mind was that she had no hopes of recovering at that time ; that there was not the slightest hope at that time in her mind of recovery, looking at her state and her expressions. He thought she was at that time under a sense of impending danger, and that the evidence was therefore receivable. Mr. Seymour asked his Lordship to reserve a case for the opinion of the Court of Criminal Appeal. His Lordship said if he should entertain any doubts he would reserve the case. At present he had none. The statement of the deceased was then put in and read. It was of considerable length, and stated that she and the prisoner sat quietly at Mr. Cuth bert's till between 1 and 2 o'clock in tho morning. When he got up to go away she walked with him over the common. They had some words. He accused her of going with another man, and asked her to take poison, and he would take it too, and they should die together. She refused. He then made indecent proposals to her and took liberties with her, which she resisted. He threw her down and knelt upon her, and drew his knife from his pocket and opened it. He then covered her mouth with one hand, while with the other he cut her throat on the•right side with his knife. She seized his hand, and he cut her hands. She at last, in struggling with him, got hold of the hair of his head and threw him off her, and when she was en deavouring to get up he stamped on her head with his feet. She then got up and ran to her master's house. It appeared that after the deceased was dead the prisoner asked to see her, and kissed dead body several times, and appeared to be deeply affected. When before the coroner the prisoner made a statement which the prosecution declined to put in evidence. The learned.counsel for the prisoner then addressed the jury for the defence, contending that it was consistent with the facts, a part only of which they knew from the statement of the deceased, that there had been a struggle between them, in the course of which the prisoner's throat was wounded by the INDIA. deceased, and that afterwards, while in hot blood and during the struggle, the deceased had received the wounds of which she died. That this state of facts would constitute manslaughter, and not murder —as Lordship in summing up directed the jury as to the law, and then read over the evidence. The jury, after an absence of half an hour, found the prisoner guilty. • His Lordship immediately put on the black cap, and the usual proclamation having been made, passed upon the prisoner the awful sentence of death in the usual form. The prisoner was then removed from the dock. TUESDAY, DEC. 21. (Before Mr. Baron Watson.) THE POISONINGS AT BRADFORD. - Charles Hodgson, chemist, was indicted for the manslaughter of Elizabeth Mary Midgley, at Brad ford, on the 30th of October, by negligently selling arsenic, which was manufactured into lozenges, in stead of " terra alba," of which lozenges deceased partook. Mr. Price and Mr. Middleton prosecuted ; Mr Campbell Foster appeared for the prisoner. Mr. Price, in stating the case, said that this was a charge of manslaughter by negligence, and to mak9 it out to be manslaughter when a person is carrying out his lawful trade gross negligence must be proved. He then quoted. Tessyman's case, in which a che mist's apprentice, who negligently sold a poison for medicine, which caused death, was held guilty of manslaughter, and Regina v. Lowe. Mr. Price then stated the facts. The deceased was a little girl resid ing with her mother at Bradford, and on the 30th of October the mother bought some lozenges of a man named Hardaker, who kept a stall Bradford market. The little girl had part of one of the lozenges given to her, and some time afterwards another part. The little girl was taken ill and died with all the symptoms of poisoning by arsenic. The man Hardaker had bought his lozenges from a con fectioner called Neal. Neal kept a shop at Brad ford, and was accustomed to use a substance called " daff," which is a preparation of gypsum, and is called in commerce " terra alba," to mix with his lozenges. He sent to the shop of the prisoner Hodgson, who was a chemist at Shipley, near Bradford, for some. Hodgson was in bed ill at this time, and at first hesitated about letting the man have it. Ultimately he instructed his assistant Goddard, who had only been with him three weeks and knew nothing of drugs, to go up to a garret and get 121 b. of " terra alba." He told him it was white and like flour, and was in a cask in the corner of the room. There were several casks in the garret; one con tained arsenic, which bears a certain resemblance to "daff." The boy Goddard took 121 b. of arsenic out of this cask, and gave them to Neal's man. The result was the arsenic was made up with peppermint and other things into 401 b. of lozenges. There was no label on either cask. The question for the jury would be, Did the keeping a barrel containing arsenic in such a manner, and to which he sent his assistant, who was ignorant of drugs, with such indefinite directions, amount to such gross negligence, in case of its causing death, as to be manslaughter ? Tho following witnesses were then called : James Archer—l know Mr. Neal, a confectioner at Bradford. I have often called on Mr. Hodgson, who keeps a druggist's shop at Shipley. When I have called on him he has told me that he had some "terra alba" (that is "daft"), that he knew Mr. Neal used. I mentioned it to Mr. Neal, who said I might bring some next time I went ; and I conse quently went to the shop of Mr. Hodgson at Ship ley. There I saw the young man Goddard, and told him what I came for. Goddard then went to Mr. Hodgson, who, he said, was sick. When he came back he said Mr. Hodgson said I had better let it alone this time. Then I said if he could oblige me with 121 b. it would do. He then left me, and in a short time returned, and said I might have 121 b. Shortly after he brought me in two parcels ; they were paper bags, which I wrapped up in canvas, and put them into a tin box. I then returned to Mr. Neal's, at Bradford, and I put the tin box on the shop floor with my other boxes. This was on Monday, aid I gave the box on the Wednesday following to Appleton. Wm. Goddard examined—ln Oct. last I lived with the prisoner Hodgson, at Shipley, and had been with him three weeks as assistant. I had for merly been at school as a pupil teacher. I was sing to be in the Excise ; and if I did not g e t a situation there I was going to remain at Hodgson's to learn the business of a chemist. On Monday, Oct. 18, in the afternoon, in consequence of what the last witness (Archer) said, I went to Mr. Hodg son. I told him there was a man in the shop who had come for some "daff." Hodgson said, " I dont't know what it is." So I went back to ask the man what it was for, and whom it was for. The man said it was for putting in spice, and was wanted for some man in Bradford. I then went back to Mr. Hodgson and told him this, and I de scribed to him the man who had come for it. Hodgson told me to go back and tell the man to wait till he could attend to it himself. I did so ; and again returned to Mr. Hodgson, as the man insisted upon having it. Mr. Hodgson said I should find it in a corner of the room in a barrel, and I asked bim what kind of stuff it was. He said it was white and like flour. I went into the shop and got a pair of tea•scales. I got some weights and went up to the garret, and I went to the wrong cask, which cask had a little box on it. I took the box off. I looked in the barrel, and saw the con tents were white and something like flour, and I weighed out 121 b. I put it into two bags, and I gave them to Archer. I don't know the difference between arsenic and " daff "by appearance. I knew the arsenic which I had to sell in the shop, which was coloured and labelled. I saw another cask in the room. As far as I know, the casks re mained in the same condition till Burniston, the policeman, came. Cross-examined by Mr. Foster—My master told me that it was white and like flour. I handled the stuff first. I can't say whether it was soft as flour, but it did not feel as light. I saw several casks in the room. This cask was on the top of the staircase, and not in the corner of the room. The cask I went to was at least four yards from any corner of the room. I had been in the attic before, which was used as a warehouse by Hodgson. I had been up there with him. He has pointed out to me part of the things in that room. He had pointed out to me this barrel as containing arsenic. He told me to be " mindful" of it. There was a barrel in the corner of the room which contained " terra alba " or " daff." My master was very ill in bed. When Archer determined to have the stuff he spoke angrily to me. I had served before in the shop, but had not sold things from the warehouse, and the man's anger flurried me, as I had to leave the shop against the 7ules of my master. My master always told me to be very careful about poisons. He told me never to sell any poisons unless he was present. I had been five years a pupil teacher. I knew arsenic was poison. Re-examined by Mr. Price—l was applied to by the attorney for the prosecution, and refused to answer any questions. I believe the prisoner is going to marry a relation of mine. Hodgson pointed out to me the arsenic the first week I was there. I did not know what " terra alba " was till I was arrested. Mr. Baron Watson said that he really could not see any negligence. When he first read the deposi tions he had made up his mind to leave the ques tion of negligence to the court of criminal appeal. Mr. Price said he would call another witness, and if his lordship did not think that he carried the case any further, he would not go on. Burniston—l am a detective officer. I went on the 31st October to Mr. Hodgson's shop. The cask containing arsenic was about 14 or 15 inches from the top of the rail at the stair head, and was not near a corner of the room. The " daff" cask was about four feet from the lefthand corner. There was no cask then in any corner of the room. There was no label on the arsenic cask. The "daff" cask was covered by some paper and a desk. Cross-examined—On the Wednesday following I found a clean label on the bottom of the arsenic cask, which was found to be 1571 b. weight. The cask of " daff" was not in the exact corner of the room. I should call it in the corner. The sale of the arsenic was on Monday, the 18th. I should not have gone to the arsenic cask if I had been directed as Goddard was. His Lordship said he really thought there was no case for the jury. Mr. Price said he thought the prisoner ought to have reminded the boy of the arsenic. His Lordship, however, directed the jury to acquit the prisoner. How could it be said that there was any negligence here? There must be criminal negligence to convict the prisoner. He did not know what a man could do more, except not keep arsenic. He had warned this young man that the cask contained arsenic, that it was poison, and had directed him to go to another place for the article required. The jury acquitted the prisoner accordingly. Mr. Price said great credit was due to the police in preventing the spread of these poisoned lozenges, which had already resulted most lamentably in the death of 21 persons. the The Seybouse of Bona, in Algeria, says A lion paid a visit on the night of the 4th to the neighbour hood of Fort Genois, and seized a mule tied to a tree, and was proceeding to devour it, when the cries of the animal brought out a man with a lantern, the rays of which frightened the assailant. The lion returned the night fol lowing for its prey, which had been removed. The inha bitants finding that the animal had thus come back thought it might do so again, and accordingly on the following night they placed the carcase over a concealed pit, but without effect, as /to ftirtheryisit took place," . vlh C 0 Uilr TRY MARKETS. LitV. ERPOOL—DEc. 21. At to-day's mar' Let a moderate business - was transacted for wheat and lion cof the best qualities ; inferior descrip tions altogether un uvu►a g cable. Egyptian beans improved 6tl per qr., and ot.liel .:?.rtic..!.es unchanged in valise. The im ports and exports of O,-r a -n and flour since Tuesday last are alike small. Th e wea ther has been favourable for the agri culturist. Latest Belt urns of British wheat : 108,311 quarters, at .. .. 41s Od Correspe nding week 1857 : 100,416 quarters, at • • • • Correspea ',ding week 1856 107,808 quarters, , at 49s 5d 60s Id LEE D S—DEc. 21. At the market this mor ni.'ig there was a moderate sup ply of wheat, for which the'demand was steady at fully the late rates. In ordinal y ond inferior samples scarcely anything doing. Most otl ter articles maintained former rates, there being an active demand. Averages f w the week : Wheat 3,103 qrs., at 41s ld 8ar1ey.........2,354 „ 33s 21-d Oats Rye — 77 —s Od Beans Peas ... 10 ~ 4os oa Arrivals this -week : Wheat . . 2,466 qrs. Oats ** .41 Barley •• ... * Beans . • ... Rapeseed - 317 Linseed SHEFFIEL D--DEC. 21. The market to-day contin aes much the same as last week, with a small supply, at the following prices : Wheat 15s to 16s Oats.. 2os to 32s White do 16s to 20s Bealls, new —s to 428 Barley 27s to 31s Ditto, old .35s to 39s Millers' prices for flour—ls sd, is 7d, and is 9d per 14113. - Hay, 80s to 85s; wheat straw, 27s to 345; oat straw, 28s to 34s ; turnips, 15s to 20s per ton. SUNDERLA. To-day's market was well actions which occurred filo buye r. Whei.`t ... 36s to 42s I Oats.... 2os to 24s White .4ls to 44s j B ea ns 40s to 44s Barley..., .27s to 30s I Peas ....—s to —s Flour, 29s to 30s Od per sack. D-Dm. 18. attended, but in the trans turn in value favoured the RICIIMOND-DEC. 18. - - - There has; been a good supply of grain at market to-day, and to effect sales a alight reduction had to be submitted to. "White wh eat, 5s Od to 5s 9d per bushel ; red, 4s 3d to 5s 6d ; barley, 3'Os to 34s per qr. ; oats, 18s to 225. ROCHDALE-DEC. 20. • --- There was a moderate supply, and generally a steady market for whe ot, but the prices remained without much change. Barba.y and beans is cheaper. In the provis ion market there was a small show of potatoes, and the trade was brisk, with lower prices at the close. Flukes, 9 to lOs ; radicals, 8s 6d ; Wellingtons, 85 per 2521 b. COLCHESTER—DEC. 18. At this day's ro arket there was rather a less supply of wheat, and sales yore effected at the quotations of this day annight—in som e instances is per qr dearer. Barley of fine quality contin:, aes scarce. Wheat, white to 50s I Beans, Mazitgan..3ss to 38a red ~.136s to 46s Middle & small 40s to 44s Barley ..30s to 44s White peas 42s to 4 45 Oats ',l I3s to 30s Grey.. 4os to 42s GL, %.SGOW—DEc. 20. The market continues quiet, but prices are about sup ported in the few tra n.sactions recorded this week. B 3 gLFAST—DEC. 20. With a fair supply hf wheat from the growers, the trade was steady, at about t) he rates of last week. C'o RK-DEC. 20. The following were the quotations this morning :—Red wheat, 17s 6d to 20s; Al hite, 19s Od to 22s 3d; barley 10s Od to 128 Od; oats, lOs 6d. to 12s Gd. NORWICaI CATTLE—DEc. 18. There was a good sh ow of store beasts to-day, consisting of Scots, shorthorns, I r ish, and Devons. Sales were very fair. The selling price: for Scots was 4s to 4s 6d ; short horns, 4s Od to 4s 6d ; Irish, 3s to 3s 6d per stone of 141bs. estimated weight whe a fat. Fat beasts firm at 8s Od to 8s 6d per stone. Sheep—Fat sheep, S's to 8s 6d, prime lots 9sod per stone. Pigs—Good store pigs, 15s to 20s per head. Fat pork, 5s Gd to 6s, prime 6t3 tid per stone. COURSE 0 - F EXCHANGE.—YESTERDA.T. Amsterdam Ditto . 3 Months. 11 171 11 17/ Rotterdam . 11 171 11 17/ Antwerp ... 25 30 25 35 Brussels . 25 30 25 35 Hamburgh Paris Ditto Marseilles — 25 321 25 371 Frankfort on Maine.. 118 1 119 Vienna ... 10 40 10 44 Trieste Petersburgh . • 491 35/ 49 361 Madrid Cadiz — 491 49 Leghorn — 29 60 29 65 Genoa — 25 40 25 50 Naples Palermo — 1211 1221 Messina — 122 1221 Lisbon Oporto Rio Janeiro New York E.I. Co's bbs. House Ms. oOd Calcutta, Co.'s rupee 26 23 1 - - Bombay ditto Madras ditto — 26 2 East India Company's, Bills drawn from. the 24th ult. to the Bth inst. Bengal £1,201 5 0 Madras 0 0 0 Bombay £1,201 5 0 Foreign Gold in Bars (Standard) per oz. £3 17 9 Mexican Dollars ... • Silver in Bars (Standard) „ 00 0 LOCAL SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL-DEC. 21. The market was quiet at the opening, and was steady throughout the day, 'closing not quite at the best :-- North British, 58 59—York and North Midland, 761 71-- Eastern Counties, 12 1-16 I—Midland, 102 I—Chester and Holyheads, 44 I—Caledonians, 88 881—Lancashire and Yorkshire, 99—London and North-Westerns, 96 East Lancashire, 96 7—Dutch Rhenish, 3 9-16 1 dis.-- Grand Trunk of Canada, 9k 3-16—Great Western, 55 4 Leeds Northern, 481—Dovers, 22 9-16—Berwicks, Great Western of Canada, 161 162—Blackburns, 11 Birkenhcads, 67 671. Li:Ens—DEC. 21. There was little business, and prices were rather better. North Western, 13.1—Craven Moor Pref., Ils. 3d. MANCHESTER-DEC. 21. The market was inactive, a heavy and general business being reported, and prices closed rather easier. Dovers, 22}—Sheffields, 39k—Ditto 31 per Cents., 69/ n—Midland , 1021—North Stafford, 4 d.—East Lancashire, new 4} per Cents., 1-16 pm.—Grand Trunks, 9l—Blackburns, 111-0 North Westerns, 131. BIZMINGILA.M—DEC. 21. The transactions in shares to-day were limited :—South Staffords, 102 to 10a—Birmingham and Stour Valleys, 8-- Midland, 102—Birmingham Canals, 95 96—Stourbridg e Canals, 325. Some of the journals have stated that a few days ago, as a gentleman of the Paris press was engaged in writing, he all at once sank down, and that hie intellectua l faculties disappeared I The gentleman in question was Regault, of the Journal des Debats. His state at tha moment is very dangerous, but it is hoped he may even tually recover. BIRTHS. BUXTON.—On the 20th inst., at 7, Grosvenor-crescent/ Bel rave-square, the wife of Charles Buxton, Esq• , M.P., of a daughter. DIGBY.—On the 20th inst., at 6, Belgrave-square, Lady' Digby, of a son. RAIVLINGS.—On the 19th inst., at 12, Russell-place, Fitz' roy-square, the wife of John W. Rawlings, Esq., of A daughter. ROBERTS.—On the 18th inst., at Hampton Court, the Ni'f e of Charles Roberts, Esq., of a daughter. MARRIAGES. HAVELOCK—CREAK.—On the 16th inst., at the pari sh church, Stoke Dameril, Devon, Joshua, sec ond son of th, late Major-General Sir Henry Havelock, K.C.8.,. Lucknow, Lieut. 6th Bombay N. 1., to Isabella Lows* second daughter of the late William Creak, Esq., C°lll - R.N. SHULTZ—Bisnor.—On the 20th inst., at St. renT l f Church, Martin Shultz, Esq., of New York, AnierL' to Anne, widow of the late Sir R. H. Bishop. DEATHS. But DETT.—On the 17th inst., William Jones, second 66 ., 11 of the late W. J. Burdett, Esq., of Copt-hall, Twigi,t;l ham, Middlesex, and Stowey House, Somersetshiret 6b 44. DOUGLAS.—On the 17th inst., at Queen's-town Lodge' Southsea, Vice-Admiral P. J. Douglas, aged 71. GIBSON.—On the 19th inst., at Saffron Walden, Fra n-- Gibson, Esq., aged 53. GORTON.—On the 19th inst., at Addiscombe, Croydoo,,,a4 of Wharf-road, City-road, Wm. Gorton, Esq., og ee °, HEWITT.—At her residence, 3, Dover-place, Kent-roa."; Angel, widow of Henry Thomas Hewitt, Esq., late of tit Stock Exchange. MA radish the 19th inst., at 51, Welbeck-street, of vendish-square, Jane wife of llajorKenneth Macleal, Keiss, Caithness•shi;e, N.B. Jose ph WILLIAMS.—On the 20th inst., at Stamford - hill, Williams, Esq., of Jewry-street, Aldgate, aged 87. LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO you Nu, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 11- ' 1 Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the count)" ° Middlesex, Wednesday, December 22, 1848. o' Th orns hor ns Aeon kutt Pers4 tdditio 15, m .......____ TR] Alfred l rThe 4i -thvar • Thona c , "3 ir Ale Bart. A eary - yam 81311 GE( SOP Autl To T Ivo Roy Th e y tt - th e Dem Pit rate Seats Tw Pat. -____ A' The ' , Le 21 Will bi th e ba 185 9. bee n eeived 9 , Bi ...___ So sonic A Matu; Th h„ , 11 ac un n Clai 'lev et lieu( The Per ',\'\._._,__, Till. eve Con tbo lery