The Sun. — London, England, 1829-02-11 00:00:00

would have no reason to complain of the course that had been adopted. lie could assure them that there would be so danger from any supposed hostility—if he must so call it—of the Catholic Priesthood ; and he could also assure them. that the determination of his Majesty's Ministers was to mainta:n inviolate all those rights which they esteemed es But, till the time had come for the considera tion of tl.e , details of the Bill—till it Was seen what wets the melts*: es intended to be propored, he did 'hope that not'Ainly the body Prom whom the prent pet-"so came, but that ail those with o;hom he had had the !roma of agreeing on finer occasions, would entspend their judgment. fte could as sure them that the e::inge . had not treen determined upon without the most serious ektention on the part of Ministers ; the matter had been deeply and anxiously investigated be fore they had ventured to give their advice to his Majesty to recommend the present measure.—(Near, hear.)—Less than this ha could not have said without being guilty of disrespect towards his constituents; and to have said more would he quite rernature in the present stage of the hu- Sillel4B--(Hear, hear.) The petition was then ordered to he printed. Mr. PLANTA brought np Returns relative to the Tax on &ots Twopenny Beer. Mr. ABERCROMBIE presented a petition from the Rnrean Catholics of Edinburgh, in favour of the Catholic hams. Colonel CUST presented a petition from the Inhabi tants of Broxbonrn and Wormley, against any further Qon melons to the Catholics. Mr. H. GRATTAIs.i ;taw notice e motion for to morrow , relative to the local taxes of fe.tilin. COURT O'S CHANCERY. Mr. M. A. TAYLOR begged to call the attention of the House to the sebjeet on which he was about to address them. He was relieved from troubling the House at any great 'length, by what had passed in the House on Friday night tast. He had thee been given to understand, that what he had been endeavouring to hrin about for the last eighteat years had at length been taken up by the Govern ment, and that the Noble Lard at the head of the Court of Chancery was ahoet to bring forward dome propositions for the relief of the suitors of that Court. He mttet con gratulate the House and himself on a change so much to the honour of the country end to the benefit of these who heel hitherto been the unfortunate suitors in the Court of Chancery. It was nut his intention to intrude upon the indulgence of the House, row that his Right Honour able ?riestd tMr. Peel) had intimated that it teas se ressary that some actual relief should take place.— He hegged to state that he should wait, ae in duty he was keettnei to do, for the Rill about to be introduced into the ether House ; hoe at the same time, he wished to observe, that tiengh lee should for a time relax in his eltorts, yet, when that Bill came to be dieenssed, he should take the iherty of fully inquiring, whether• the relief therein peopo,ed met the exigencies of the ease; and if not, he endeavour to sift the measure to the ►runoffa, in oiner to %hew how far it eotreeporehal with his view, and how far the House ought to adopt its tone.— He should therefore content himself at present by moving for " Returns of ihe total Number of Causes set down for• hearin; before the Lord Chancellor, op to the end of Hi :toy Terns. 1829; of the total Number of Re• hearing and Appea!s set down before the Lord Chancellor, up to the same retried; of the total Number of Pleas, Exceptions, and fa: .her Directions before the Lord Chancellor ; and of the tot-I Number of Casts of Btakruptcy set down for beatit4 before the Vice-Chancellor and the Lord Chancel lor; and also for a Return of the total Number of Causes dot down for Re-hearing before the Master of the Rolls, up to - he end of Hilary Term; the total Number of Causes pending before the same Court ; and the total Number of all Causes, from the year 1819 to tha end of the year 182; specifying the nu.aber in each year."— Ordere-1. CATHOLIC ASS()CIATION. Mr. Secretary PEEL then rase and addressed the House as follows I shall preface the appeal which I am aboat a m.tke to the House, by reading that part of his Speoch which refers to the p irtirul ir 'subject which I 'on about to present to your i , lice—(Here the Right Hon. Gentleman read Our following part of h's Ma jesty's 'z, eech):— _ " T' -• state of treland has been ate object of his Majes ty's co-t•inttett solicitude. " Hi- Majesty laments that, in that part of the United Kingdo ti, an Association should still exist, which is dan germs the /oe, peace, and inconsistent with the spirit of the t loustitutinn, which keep,' alive discord and among-•. his 11,ajesty's subjects, anti which must, if per mitted :as continue, effectually obstruct every effort perma nently •:o imocove the condition of irelind. .• Nl,,,j e sry confidently relics on the wisdom and on the sur)ort of Parliament, and his 3liaesty feels a— sured !sat comammit to h m such po,rers as may enable tis Majesty to mnai , mtadv his just ..mithority. g. nis l l . • j est yr,.e.fintwommis. that wham this es , ent,mal ob— ject 4111 have been accomplished, von shotil‘i take into your &liberate consideration the whole condition of Ire land; Ind that yea should review the L•ovs which impose Civil 1 isaliilities on his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects. "Vat will consider whether the remora' of these disaltirtios can be effected consistently with the full and perma-ent saYurity of our EstAlishments in Church and State, with the maintenance of the Reformed Religion established by Law, and of the rights and privileges of the Bishop; and of the Clergy of this Realm, and of the ChnrCies committed to their charge. " 7 - mere are institotions which must ever be held sacred in this Pr,t,sstant Kingdom, and which it is the duzy and th, determination of his Majesty to preserve inviolate. " His Majesty most earnestly recommends to you to enter upon the consideration of a subject of such para moont importance, deeply interesting to the ;Jett feelings of his -u , :ople, and involving time tranquillity and concord of the United Kingdom, with the temper and the moderation which will beat ensnre the tinceessfnl issue of your deli berations." It is now rink duty, Sir, to jn,tify the allegations con tained in that Speech, and to drinonstrate that if the peace of Ireland is to he maintained, it will heroine ne cessary to increase the power of the execiiiire.— (Cheers.)—l coinmenced this morning to _ revise my view of the acts and prereeding; of the Ro man Catholic Association ; and I began my ta.k with the impression that it might be necessary for me to refer to them, in order toillnstrate this position, but on subse- quent reflection I foind that I might be spared t•he task, for those acts and proceedings are so fresh in the recollection of the House that it will not he necessary for me to refer to any acts of violence. Whatever may be the opinion of Hon. Nurnberg in this Hones, as to the remote causes which gate rise to the Assaciatinta, who think that while those disabilities coo tinue, the Association ought not to be put flown—( Hear, hear, hear,)—or of those who think that the mere exercise of summary authority would ha sufficient to con trol asid e an association,—which ever class may be right, or whether the truth lies between both, I will not discti,s ; but thole must be an unanimous opinion, that such an as soitiation is incnntistentwith the exercise of regular authority. I ask only for tine admission, which I ronceive is already canceled by the cheers from the opposite side of the House ; that the existence of such an association is not consistent with the exercise of regular authority. Sir, can it he doubted that the Romar• a:athelie Asiocia tion is ►n its proceedings inconsistent atit:i the spirit of the Constitution ? Can it be denied that it is inconsistent with the ►maintenance of tranquillity or public safety, that the physical strength of Ireland should be organised by a regular correspondence in meetings of bodies of men through out the kingdom ? Whatever may be the ditierence of opinion upon this question, 1 am confident thin House will attend to the appeal by his Majesty to it, and will enable him to maintain his just power th►•onghnnt the empire; that it will enable him to maintain his declaration, that the Ca tholic Association must be prohibited, and that any future meetings of it mast be ecnaidered an offence against the laws of the country.—(Great applause.)—Sir, I hope that clime - who now look forward to the approaching settlement of the Catholic Qneatien will feel with me that this Association during its continuance nine in iteelf op pose an inanperable barrier to the approach of that desirable period.—( Hear, hear.)--While the passions are excited to the extent to which they are and have been in Ireland, it w►ll be utterly impossible to conciliate in the manner that mast he done to afraid the security to the eonntry that all must desire. I appeal, therefore, to this House to Aar that the time is now come when those Atianciations must be put and end to._-(Hear. )--I appeal to those who think with me, that the time is now come when conces sion ainst be made to the Roman Catholics, whe ther thy must not immediately come to the conclusion that it is for the advantage of the country, and for the pub lic security and peace, that these associations shonid hence forth aaa e a .—(Hear, hear, hear.)—Sir, I think it will be necessary, as a vinduation of the measure I mean to pro pose, that I should make some iiheervations with respect to the present state of society in Ireland, as constituting a demand far that security which, the Bill 1 shall have the henorrr rf proposing is calculated to give.—( Hear, bear. )-- I niter into that inquiry, with respect to society in Ireland. with another view, and not a little important to me personally, namely, for the purpose of attempting to convince those Hon. Friends with whom I hays uniformly concurred as to the danger - of all concession, that I have not altered my opinion without reason, or without due con specting the present state of society to the House, with a view to the object now before it ; but I shall entreat those Hon. Friends to whom I have alluded calmly and delibe rately to consider, not merely whether it is or is not eat- pedient to add to the poivers Which the GoVernMent at present possess, but whither it It possible to go on, in the present state of thing's In the eaiiie manner we have hi therto crone? I shall call upon them calmly and dispas shit! itely to consider what is the prospect before us, if the Government continues as it has hitherto been., !nerdy passive, while the Houses of Loteh and of Com mons have been every yeeta s ttpota This great question, com ing to different road opposite conclusions.—(Hear.)—l slealt eali upon them to consider these details, and then say, whatever may come to pass, whether we can continue to go on dividing npon this question —we, on the one side). just strong enough to prevent all eoneeasion--the other side just strong eneogh to resist tnCeesafe!ly all attempts at the imposition of Parther restraint or rontroul. I say, in one year with a majority of six against the claims of the Catholics—dividing on the following year with a majority of four in their favour—l take any Hon. Member to consider the details I am about to lay before the House, and then say whether the course which has for more than sixteen years been pursued on this qtiestion, and which has during that time been taken and justift-d by all public men of all parties, I should ask them whether that course can be any longer pursued with even a chance of maintaining the ptiblie tranquillity.—(Hear.) —I say we cannot go on any longer. One side or the other must give way.—( Hear.) —Some one must make sacrifices.—(Loutl cries of hear,) hear.) We may go on in the course we have been pur suing—we may maintain exactly our position towards those respecting whose privileges we have been discussing, but I never spoke with a more firm conviction than now, that if we do so we shall not consult the security of the country; above all we shall not maintain the security of Protestant subjects. (Loud cheers.)—lt is because I feel that,—it is because looking back to the past, and forward to the future, I am perfectly satisfied that if the par ties upon this euhject remain so taptally balanced, a gigantic pourer will arias out of those parties that will be superior to both —(1-lear.)—I de not abandon my opinions—but change my course, for the purpose of getting all classes to re-unite. I say again, that confidence in the public mind a suacessful stability in the Legislatnias will ultimately be gained to ourselves by concessions to the Roman Ca thelies. We cannot deny the stubborn fact, that in car rying en the Government of the country it has been found ' impossible to exclude those who are declared friends of the Catholic-3. It cannot be forgotten, that notwithstanding the strenuous opposition of his late Majesty, when the pressure of public affairs rendered it necessary, men were, in the year 1804, called to the Councils of the Sovereign, and placed at the head of affairs, whose opinions were known arol openly avowed to be at variance with those of the Sovereign and their eolleagoes. In all the times of danger and of diflellty which have pressed upon the country for the last 25 years, it repeatedly became necessary to call in the aid of those who were friends of the Catholics. Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville, and Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning, had all been called to the conduct of public affairs, although their opinions were known to be favour able to the Catholic Claims. I say, therefore, the very circumstance that, during the whole of that period, men were called to held high and important situations in the Government, although their opinions were known upon this subject, proves beyond question that we cannot hope to form any Government pledged to eternal hostility against the Catholics, if that hostility was practicable; and that I am convinced no Government of that kind could be formed which would command the confidence of the people. If this be so, they. let me entreat my Noble Friends to listen to some details of the state of Ireland, and between this and the time when the subject shall coma on again for discussion, maturely to consider whether the country shall be con tinued to be governed by divided councils, ur whether somtohing shoold not be done to terminate this eternal conflict between the two parties. (Great cheers.) Sir, know the general unwillingness of the House to hear sub 'teem. of this kind, but I believe the paramount importance of the subject will prevail over every uzher feeling. The House will see in the statements I am about to nia:ze why I am inclined to think there is more advantage in attempt ing a safe and honourable adjustment of the Roman Ca tholic. Question than in remaining just as we are awl have always been upon that subject. I have extracted from the 'painful details of correspondence which has pressed upon the executive officers of the Government, within the hart six noniti.s, to a umoll greater degree than it ever did before, some specimens which are not un- fairly seleored, and which will not alarm the pride of one, but will su wait to my Hon. Friend as lover of justice, and men interested in promoting peace and coui f,,rt aiming mankind, that a most input tans period has now arrived. 1 shall present three extract', tirst as to the next, as to the state of Ireland ; and. thirdly, as to those whose interests we are bound to prowess, 1 mean the intarest of individual Protee i-,tots.—(Grc,:t cheers )—lt was at the cloSe of last Sessioti I curie to the conclusion, that it was become ab solutely necessary to institute an investigation into the whole state of Ireland, with a view to some adjustment of the differences which prevailed among its population ; but I confess, that at the time I formei that resolution, I did not foirn any expectation of having my oiiinione of the propriety of concession so confirmed, as they have been by the documents before me.—( Hear, hear.)—l am nut going to say any thing which ought to create alarm. 1 am not going to say that if the Government hail thought fit to contrail or to coerce, it could not have done so, and mild not continue to do so. I ant net going to use any a-gurnents with reference to a state of war, or to use any language which may in the slightest degree be construed into intimidation. It is bkause we are at peace—it is bee. ,- .se we are at peace that I say we ought not to hoe the opportnuity of setting this question at rest. —lt is because we have n ,, t for the last 300 years ken in such a state of tranquillity. It is because for 300 years our relations of amity have not been knit so closely with all the Powers of the world as they are at this moment.— (Hear, hear.) It is because the Protestant spirit of Ire land has sheen a determination to resist and to stcrifice every thing in a struggle rather than their honour.— (Hear, hear.) It is because we are happily in such a situation as to be able to take any course which to us appear fittest and best, that I ask you now to give the subject the most mature consideration, and entreat and implore yon not to throw away the opportunity thus happily afforded you.—(Hear, hear.) In the course of September last whole hands of peasants, amounting to many thousands assembled in many parts of Ireland for purposes h irdly defined, but endangering the public peace, and which no man could view withoeit the utmost apprehension.— I select the letters I am now about to submit t o th e House from no persons who have any local connection or any interest or earthly object to induce them to mis-state the facts. The first letter I have is from Tipperary, dated the 17th of September : " Sir,—l have the honour to inform you, that on Sun day, the 14th inst., there were three parades or assem blages of the peasantry, dressed and arrayed precisely as described in my former reports heretell, viz.—at Temple more, 17 miles hence, between 3,000 and 4,000 cavalry and infantry, having drums, fifes, and barmen., and attended by about 10,000 people, the majority carrying green branches; at Killenaule, ten miles hence, 1,500 cavalry and infantry, accompanied by about 6,000 attendants, with green boughs ; and at Caber shoot the same number. No disturbances occurred at any of those meetings; they have been generally addressed by some influential person of their own class, who, after alluding in violent language to their political disabilities, and desiring them to continue united for the attainment of their object, then recommended them to relinquish old feuds, obey the laws, and thus render the interference of the policendnecessary. Although the usual appearance of those assemblages is ridiculous, yet they can not be deemed contemptible, because they are in direct opposition.th the admonitions of the priests, or interference of respectable farmers of their persuasion, who now find they cannot restrain or prohibit this display of force mustered by parishes, and encouraging among them the worst of characters. " William Gregory, Esq., &C. &c." This was not, indeed, a violation of the law, but it was found necessary to check and contront such proceedings. Iteentirse was not bad to the demonstration of a superior force, tint a proclamation was issued against each meet ings ; and if that proclamation bad not been obeyed, he had no hesitation in saying that it would have been ne cessary, however painful the alternative, to have bad re conrse to force. It would be asked, whether tho,e as- seinblages alarmed. and intimidated the Government? To that he would answer, that they did not ; because they provoked an immediate demonstration on the part of the Protestants ; and the apprehension was, not that the Government would be stormed,—not that the Go vernment was in danger, hnt that vengeaure would be carried to a great height between two parties natives of the sante country, and differing only in respect to their religion. Government wished to prevent such meetings, either of Catholics or Protestants, and a proclamation, which must he known to every one, was published. Another gentleman, Major-General Thornton, addressed the following letter to Government : " Armagh, Sept. 30, 1828, half-past four o'clock p.m. " My Lord,—With reference to my letter of yesterday, I beg to acquaint your Lordship, for the information of the Lieutenant-General commanding, that in the coulee 0. certainty that had no ihtention of coming here this day, and is consequence sent off a communication to that, effect to every neighbouring town or - person supposed to have any leading influence among the Protestants, to pre- Bent their proposed assembly here to-day,, in that multi tudinous crowd which was expected; but, notwithstand ing all the precautions taken for that purpose, and the vast numbers prev.nted front coming here, I am informed by the Sovereign that about ,0,000 had marched in, which they lid in separate divisions, according to the directions from whence they came, with drums and fifes, some few flags many with orange and other coloured ribands, and a large prorrtion of them with fire-arms and other weapons. " The great body of them, however, have now left the trikh on their return home, and do duul!t is entertained that the day will pass over without any serious outrage being co rll3litted. " The two companies of the bfith Regiment intended for Newry, which were halted here this day, will ac cordingly proceed to their destination to-morrow. " I hare, &c. (Signed) " W. THORNTON, Major-General." The consequence of these movements was a determination on the part of his Majesty's Government to suppress all such demonstrations, if it became necessary, by force; and It- had no doubt that by force the Government could easily hwe effected that object. An Honourable Friend near him said he was perfectly sure that such meetings might hive been put down by force. But he (Mr. Peel) would ask, if the application of force had been successful, " where would we have been then?" (Hear, hear.) To be sure, the Government could have vindicated its authority by force—it Waa certain to succeed ; but who could think on the consequences without shuddering ? Instead of this, they issued a Prochmation, which ran thus : " A PROCLAMATION " BY THE LORD LIEUTENANT-GENERAL AND GENERAL GOVERNOR. OF IRELAND. " ANGLESEA. " Where" in certain counties in this part of the United Kingdom, meetings of large numbers of His Alajesty's sulijects have been lately held, consisting of persons hetli on foot and on horseback, coining together fi oin various and distant parts and places, acting in concert and under the command of leader., and assuming the appeal anee of military array and discipline, or exhibiting other masks anti symbols of illegal conrert and union, to the great danger of the public peace, and to the well-fousided terror and dread of His Majesty'a peaceable and well-disposed sebjects. " And whereas we have received information that in other parts certain persons have been passing through the country, provoking anti exciting the assemblage of large bodies of people, for no purpose known to the law, to the great terror of His Majesty's subjects, and the endangering of the public peace and sefety. And whereas the meeting and assembling together in ouch numbers, and in such manner as afoialaitr, and thereby occasioning such dread and terror, and endangering the public peace, is a manifest offence and an open breach of the law, and such unlawful assemblies ought therefore to be suppressed and put clown. " And whereas many well affected but unwary persons may be seduced by divers specious pretences given out for the ho'ding of bulb assemblies, and in ignorance of the law, t i frequent the same. " We, therefore, the Lord Lieutenant-General and General-Governor of Ireland, being resolved to suppress and put down sueli illegal meeting., and to prevent the re currence thereof, have thought tit to issue this Proclama tion, solemnly and strictly warning all his Majesty's liege subjects from henceforth to discontinue the holding or at tending any such meetings or assemblies as aforesaid ; and do charge and earnestly exhort them, to the utmost of their power, to discountenance all meetings and assemblies of a similar nature, and thereby to prevent the dangers aad mis chief euus,quent en the same ; and being determined And resolved strictly to enforce the law, and the penalties thereof, against persons offending in the premises, do charge and commend all sheriffs, mayors, justices of the peace, and all other magistrates, officer., and others whoiu it may con cern, to be aiding and assisting in the executiou of the law, in preventing such meetings and assemblies from being held and in the effectual dispersion and suppression of the same, nil in the detection and prosecution of those who, alter this notice, shall offend in the respects aforesaid. " Given at his Majesty's Castle of Dublin this 30th day of Septeieber, 1828. ". By his Excellency's command, " F. L. GOWER." Providentially, the advice they gave in that proclama tion was not neglected ; and let any one consider this system which prevailed in so many different parts of Ireland ; let him consider, that a mere spark might kindle one of the must fearful confligrations—a con flagration to he quenched only in blood. And then let that person tell him if he did not rejoice with bins that the proclamation was obeyed, and that it Was not neer* , sery to have recourse to weer. (Hear, hear.) Would any one tell him that it was fear—that it was cowardice,— that it was a discreditable feeling, from which this procla mation emanated ? lie trusted not ; he trusted that no man could doubt, that the feeling which dictated this pro , claination was the dread lest it should he necessary to have reepuree to a power which must have been effectual. This was the dread which his Majesty's Government entertained when they viewed the present condition of Ireland ; and though it had been called cowardice and fear, he looked von it as illegitimate and honourable apprehension which the boldest and the bravest might entertain and not blush to avow.—(Cheers.)—He would read to the Honse the terms which were used by a distinguished officer.—one of the bravest among the brave,—a man who had distin guished himself by his skill and valour on so many occa sions that it would be doing him injustice to name any specific instance. The gentleman to whom he alluded was General Thornton, and these were the terms in which that gentleman expressed himself : " Armagh, Sept. 28, 1828. "My Lord—lt is but fair in me to confess that I pure p seta , used such language, with a view of better securing the ardent 00-operation of that gentleman, to prevent, on the pert of the Rumen Catholics, any breach of the peace et blonaghan, knowing as I did how highly their feelings had been excited on the 23d that., by their having been dis appointed in their intention of proceeding in procession through the town of Ilallibay, and uncertain as I was of the degree to which their irritation had been increased by the casualties which unfortunately occurred to two of their persuasion on the night of that day. " It therthre appeared to ins to be my paramount duty to use any and every means in my power to prevent a col. lision between the two parties, from which a flame would have inevitably arisen, and extended itself to a limit, be yond the possibility of conjecture ; as the Lieutenant-Ge neral is aware that there was no adequate military forte at hand, which in such a ease could have been interposed, as its total amount at the three poets of Armagh, Monaghan, and Clones, including the gaol guards at the two first wientionKl places, only amounted to about 100 rank and file. Nor was there another soldier to be obtained at Mo naghan beyond that number, nearer than frem a distsree of 25 miles. " I have the honour to be, &e. " WM. THORNTON, Major-General." General Thornton had ne apprehension of the military, bat a legitimate fear lest a civil commotion should Brier, in which even victory itself would be a most dreadful cala mity. Like an honourable man he strove to avid that which every well-wis►oer of his country would have re gretted if it had happened. Thus mneh, then, for the danger to which the tranquillity, the public peace of Ire land, was exposed. And now to tarn to the condition of pirate society in that country. This, he confessed, was the part of the subject that deceit most heavily on hie mind. Dreadful as were civil commotions to those who engaged in them, they could excite no fear in him, no feeling in him hat that of commiseration for the unhappy persons who suffered by them. But when he looked at the state of society in Ireland, and at the eonditioa of the Pro testant inhabitants of that country, his mind was filled with appreheneion. He would ask any man to follow him is the statements he was about to rend, and tell him if such a condition of affairs could be allowed to remain. The letter he was about to read was addressed to Lord L. Gower :-- " Nov. 10, 1919. " The eonstut travelling to which I am now subject has prevented tea transmitting earlier, for information, thu need report of ontrages, &e., during the preceding month. The enclosed detail and snmniary of oceurrences exhibit several instances of rattle houghed, three litunings, *ix calm of 6rnis taken, six threatening notices, one dwell ing levelled, fourteen houses attacked, five persons assaulted two of cattle stolen, one barony only in the county being free from crime. 'fign cases of deeided resistance to the ordinary process of t:ie law in civil matts-ra of property, obliged the Sheriff to call out the military, in conjunction with the police : the first stfiir at -, on the 80th ult., where I attended him with SO police and 60 regular in famy ; he also bria,7ht a military and police foree, accom panied by a magistrate ; authentic information having been received of the determination of the peasantry to resist with arms the Sheriff, who had been forced to relinquish a flamer attempt to execute an Were on those lands ; and, on the 6th instant, the Sheriff was called upon by writ of assistance to protect, with military, &c., a Re ceiver Irons the Court of Chancery, who had been threat endeavouring to distrain for rent, &a., under a decreer of Court, 40 military were brought to snpport the potlea on this duty, aadin both these eases the Sheriff fully succee,ll-, ed, from the awe produced by the forces employed. TCe: animosity ?leiter! against those who hare joined 13rtuartvick Clubs still prevails. Suspicion of belonging to such a society is snfficient to produce insult to the higher, and want of employment to the lower, orders. (Cries of " Hear, bear.") Recommendations for exclusive dealing are privately and publicly diss3esninated, and thus invidious distinctions arc fomented between Protestants and Room Catholics, _ _ _ " In the barony of , on the 22d ultimo, the labourers emp!oyed by the - were compelled by a body of 5(10 men to leave his potato digging ; the same body dictated similar laws to the workmen engaged by three different Protestant gentlemen in the same re mote part of the county, and some difficulty in proem-- ing potato diggers has been experienced by other Protest ants. But I trust the discretion of the priests (who have published their disapprobation of such combinations, in the address circulated by them in on the 26th ult., copy of which I have transmitted) will correct this mon strous evil. " I um led to believe the division of parishes into hun dreds, with officers celled Pacificators' and' Regulators,' is proceeding ; but I conceive the vigilance of many magistrates is directed attentively to such proceedings and the general excited state of the country. (Signed) cc Now, he would not ask, what force could be applied here— what rigour of Von law would remedy such a state of things? Was there not the clear indication of a diseased mind throughout the as-i & of there oceurrenees?—(Cheero, and cries of bear.)—lle knew not what legal remedy could be effectual under Fnrh circumstances, or what hope could be reasonably entertained if they were to remain in the relevant position they had occupied for so many years past. Again, as to the state of society, he begged the attention of the House to the following letter : " Clogher, Dec. 23, 1826. _ _ " Sir-1 have the honour to Inclose you a copy of an examination sworn before the magistrates at Angher petty sesairnis on this day, which oar be corroborated by the tes t tony of probably $0 other• respectahle persons. . I have to acquaint you, that party feeling has its crearsA considerably in the town anti vicinity of Angher, in this district, and has arenuied such a formidable ap pearance as to cause a dread of the most alarming conse quence to the peaceable and well-disposed inhabitants of that neighbonrhood. " I am further to acquaint yon, that on the day men tioned in the examinations, there was a fair held in Augher, on which occasion I assembled all the men of my district for the purpose of keeping order in it, and succeeded in doing so, and by the direction of the magistrates (pre viously received) I cleared every person out of the publics houses, aril had them closed up by five o'clock, when all was perfectly tranquil,' and I can almost say th it not an individual, except the inhabitants of the town, remained in it after that hour. " I am to add, that the party which entered Augher, at eight o'clock, about 500 men in number, came horn the neighbonrhood of Through, in or on the mountainous borders of the county of Monaghan, and were, I ender_ stand, all Roman Catholics; they cried out Through fur ever ! Augher is our own.' The inhabitants then made an effort from their houses to drive them ent of the town, and I am inferrited wounded many of them, none of whom, or their friends, have as yet come forward to make any statement teepecting the matter. Intelligence of the at tack on Augher having reached seme of the Protestant party in the neighbourhood, they, I am informed, went in !towards morning for the purpose of supporting their friends in the town, but as the party who entered early in the night'had retire'., she matter ended. (Signed) Would any one say that they were not bold,—that they were wanting in courage, because they sought to put an end to occurrences like theie? Could they, as honest men, help feeling a deep interest in these details? Could they, as Ministers,. let them occur flay after day without any -attempt to put a stop to them? Here they found parties wounded, and yet neither they nor their friends came for ward and applied to the law for redress. Could any agitate of things be worse? his Hon. Friende, who had expressed their astonishment at his conduct, must, he thought, cease to be smprised that he, who for the last four months had been perpetually reading details of which these were at best a very incomplete specimen, had become convinced that it was better, because more humane and less dangerous, to attempt an adjustment of the question which dividetrlre land, than, to leave matters in the wretched condition in which they were. He again said, let those who told them they were afraid, look at these details; let them consider the soadition in which the Protestant residents are in that country. They lived, not as we did, but in residences in remo's places, and exposed to the greatest dangers. The autlues of the attacks upon them he held in the greatest ahherrence; bat was be to stop there? Was be to be content to pity them, and leave them still unprotected?-- (Cheers, and cries of bear.)—The next letter he should read bore the date of the 6th November : " November 6, 1628. " bare to report that last night threatening no tices were posted up on the house of and on other places on the Townlands (which are situated within a mile and a half of this pi,ct), desiring nos person to at tempt working for 4 tlie accursed -, as otherwise they should be treated with the utmost severity.' The conse quence is, the gentleman, who is extensive in farming, is left by all his workmen, who esy th.y regret it, but would be afraid their honsee would be consiatned, or some other harm happen to their families if they tvould, as they arty, sgo against Captain Rock.' The only cameo I have heard assigned for this exclusive system being acted upon in this ease is, th:t some days ago -- attended a Brunswick Club Meeting, and enrolled himself a mem ber thereof. (Signed) " (Loud cries of " hear, hear.") It would be unjust in hint not to state that the gentleman referred to in this letter would nut have attended this dub if it had not been for the threats which had been conveyed to him, and for the preceding provoestien he met with. He thought himself bound to state this, lest the contents of the letter should produce art effect which, from peculiar circumstances, it ought not to produce. Thus a gentleman, in extensive bnsiures, who had committed no legal offence, no act for which he could be called in qnestion, was deserted by all his workmen, upon whom an influence was exercised which they were afraid to resist. He thought it necessary that these fasts, which were material to a correct under standing of the subject, should he brought before the House, and, he hoped, therefore, that no apology would be thought necessary for his reading them. The following letter was . addres.ed to Major Warburton : . " let Nov. 1828. Sir,—l have had tho honour of receiving your letter, covering one front Mr. —. I called on him yesterday, and front the information I received, as well as front my personal observation, I regret to say Mr. —'s statement is too true.. Ile has a number of Roman Catholic tenants, and altbongh they have no lease, and knowing he can dis possess them whenever he pleases, they all -have refused to work for him. Ile told me if they persevered he was de termined to turn every one of them out, and to send for Protestant tenants. I reasoned with him on this subject, and told him I thought it wonld he a very imprudent pro ceeding at this time, when the minds of the people were in such a stile of fermentation. Ile seemed to agree .in opi niOn with me, and said, if he teas obliged to have reconrse to such harsh measures, it would he with much reluctance; but he saw no other alternative left. lie should either do that, or leave the 'conntry."—(Lond cries of " llear.)"--- This was a remedy which had not unfrequently hest re commended, and which had been resorred to on many occasions. . . • "In short, Sir, it would he almost impossible to give a frill statement of the unfortunate situation of affairs in this neighbourhood. Until some -measures are taken to ream ed,. thase party feeings which at prevent exist to such an alarming. degree, I would most earnestly and respectfully suggest the necessity of augmenting the police stations at and , and —; that constant patrols would be kept up both by day and night for some time, until the violent party feeling shall subside, * * It would be a Most fortunate eirentnatanme for both parties if a reconciliation could' be effected, for so violent is the feel ing eXisting . at present, that a Piotestant could not go a mile from Ilia own dwelling without running the r isk of - personirvirderee; of 4Veiltaps loss of life; awl on the otherband, if the Catholics were literally famishing, they would not work a day for a Protestant. I have, &e. (Signed) 6. • Another letter ran thns:— " November 1, 1128. " My Lord—l have the honour to enclose a i eport from Mr. , detailing the state of public feeling in the neighbourhood of —. 1 shall write immediately to him to try every possible means to reconcile the parties I fear, however, it is hopeless ; and that the excitement will rather increase as the winter advances ; the people there very seldom have much agricultural labour during the winter, and are so far independent of their employers, and at liberty to show hostility. With respect to Mr. ----'s suggestion to increase the polire force, I really have not the power, without stripping other statious, or withdrawing them altogetha ,and to send such, might only exptose other distlict.i'to dignrbance, by with awing- men from them. I re quest the honour oT,hl:lAxcellency's instructions on this poirakl •- -(Signed) ` " The Lord L. F. Gruyer e &e.eace. After such descriptions , as thole that I hive read, end after snch a detail of facts as, in a case of thi s importance, I felt it to he my duty to etibinnt, it was manifest that the only alternatives that were left, were either a reemuse to harsh measures, which in many instances have been applied as a remedy, but which, if unaccompanied by any effort at the reconciliation of parties, would be ineffectunl in the present instuice ; or to aim at that reconciliation which, attended with repression of societies c ilculatrd to keep alive excitement anti may, under all the circum stances, be most applicable to existing evils. With this view the measure of this evening, intended to be the foundation of legislative proceedings, in brought forward in reference to these three objects—First, the state of public tranquillity; secondly, the intercourse in society between man and man ; and thirdly, the condition of individual Protestants resident in that country. Unless some steps be taken towards a change earl amelioration in three three objects, and if the periodical recurrence of the collisions and violent coneussioas of parties be not aver'c-i, I will not say that I apprehend any immediate conse quences to the security of the British Government ; hut I do say, that so diseased a state of variety in Irelaell must be dieastrons to that country, and such as no Government should suffer to continue without the application of come remedy. I am aware that there are some who, admitting the facts which I have stated, yet do not concur in opinion with me, that they supply an argument for the adoption of a conciliatory course of policy. They only see in those statements grosinds for the repression of the Catholic As sociation, and the curtailment of the forty-shilling elective franchise. But although there are those who approved of such restrictive measures, and although it might be grati fying to individual consistency to abstain from the recom mendation of a couciliatoty icourse, yet, could I, as an honest man, approve of the adoption of restrictive measures:, convinced, as I was, that the adoption of them alone would fail in the accomplishment of the objects we had in view, and would he effectual only in embittering and exasperating the very evils which it is our duty and onr desire to avert. (Cheers.)—lligher motives than the consideration, I tttist, of personal objects of any kind—the pee:amount sense of the duty which a man owes his country—prompted me to the adoption of that course which I now recommend (cheers), and actin g from a sense of what I deem to lie 4ne to the condition of Protestant establishments and Protee hut interests, as well as for the other objects I have stated, I submit to the House, that the details which I have laid before it conmita a juetifieation of the mea sure which I propose for its adoption, and entitle the executive Government to call for some effectual powers to enable thent to grapple with the neecssitiss with which they have to ematend. In havires recourse to the measures which it is now the intention of Government to propose, it is that hereafter they might not have oeca sion to call for nteasuree of greater severity—to arm the Executive with any extraoidieary powersefar athe employ ment of military force which the House might be jealous in conferring as well as Government unwilling to ask.— (near, hear. )__The only task that now remains for me to perforin is, to state the nature of the nteasnre which I mean to propose for the suppression of the (7otholie Asso ciation.—(Hear, hear.)—ln bringing forward a provi sion now for the purpose of interdicting the proceedings of this body, it will be manifestly necessary to guard against the shifts and devices which were successfully re sorted to, to defeat a former enactment for its suppression. I am aware, front the experience we have already had, that to suppress snch an Association by an Act of Legisla tive authority is a proceeding of extreme difficulty ; and in this opinion I am sure the House will concur, that no attempt should at all he made to suppress it unless that attempt be effectual.--(Hear, hear, hear.)—lt is better by far to do nothing at all than to do that which is likely to be evaded and peeve ineffectual. (Loud cries of hear. )—To pass an Act which would run the least chancre of teeing evaded, would only have the effect of increasing the evil which we were desirous to remedy. In 1825, an enact ment was ;eased for the express purpose of prohibiting the meetings of the Catholic Association. It so happened, how ever, that that enactment was so wide and so general in its provisions as not to interfere with societies formed for the purpose of promoting religious worship, and of advancing education, agriculture, and other useful objects. It is per fectly notorious that the real objects of this enactment were gradually defeated, and that the proceedings of the Associa tion were continued in prosecuting, asit was said, " all pur poses notylSrobibited by law," without infringing on the tech. nical provisions of the law. On the present occasion it is not intended to resort to a similar course ; for although the enact ment were made more binding than even the law of 1825, means might be devised of introdneing all the usual topics of discussion under some heed which might not be enume rated in the purposes prohibited by law. In any measure which be passed, if the same course of legislation were adopted, -.home objects of necessity might not be contem plated by the Legislature for prohibition. Thus the ap plication of an effectual remedy might be defeated. It has been deemed advisable, therefore, to depart from the course which precedent points out in this instance—a course more effectual for interposing an insuperable bar to the eon tinuance of the evils which it is the object of the present laW to correct. The measure now recommended to the adoption of the ironer, proposes to place all assemblies for political purposes in Ireland, tinder the eognixance of the Lord Lieutenant. It leaves to his discretion the power of sanctioning all assemblies, and the approving of the pur poses for which they are convened. it further entrusts to his discretion, the power of suppressing ail Pitch assem blies, of which notice of meeting has been given, that he may deem dangerous to the public safety, or inconsistent with the due administration of the Government ; and that two Magistrates, for the purpose of enforcing his antho rity, may be empowered by the Lord Lieutenant to dis perse any assembly which his Excellency may disapprove. It is farther intended, by the proposed measure, to prohibit the receipt of rent, money, or any sums under whatever name it may be denominated, to be pleced at the disposal of individuals without the sanction of the Lord Lieute nant. These tvere the heads of the proposed enactment, and, as may be supposed, the penalties were moderate.— As this was an Aet investing the Executive Government with extraordinary powers, it muy be scarcely necessary to add that the Act was not one of a permanent nature. (Cheers.) It was intended that the period of its duration should be limited ; satisfied that if it were neces- Petry for the public safety that the measure should be con tinued, in the event of the measure which was expected to follow the present enactment not producing the hoped for tranquillity, the House, would have no hesitation in re newing it. (Loud cries of " hear, hear!") The last Act for the suppression of the Association, was limited to two years, and at the end of the third Session. I propose a shorter period for the duration of the present Aet. (Hear, hear !) I propose to limit it to one year, to the end of the then next Session of Parliament. (Hear, bear.) I have thus attempted to discharge the duty imposed upon me. In the first place, I have attempted, in departing from ordinary for ins, to submit a measure, temporary in its nature, which, though it confers extraordinary powers, is called for by an extraordinary necessity ; and secondly, in stating the object% which demonstrate the necessity of this mete mire, and the gronnds of its justification, I have ender', voured to reconcile it with the objects of the act of legis lation by which it is to be followed, and to submit it to hl S re n la p o p d rees ._ - Suppress ing House in such a manner as may not in any degree ob etrnet the success of that greater meas u re. He eon elg l i tid p ed i;o ft g y er i o n o o e vi , Angetfoocrialetitiovoestorerbr.ikng ete i m n a liDesillin for [The Right Hon. Gentleman sat down amjd loud cheeri from both sides of the House.' • Lord ALTHORPE had always been opposed to granting great and extraordinary powers to any individual, or even to any bodies of individuals. On the present occasion, it was proposed to invest such powers in the Lord that eredLienten hean r of opposedas to t and proposition.general principles The pr e fa c e o f th e Right Ireland, on Hon. Genaleman, however, to this proposition wee with him a reason for offering no opposition to the measure lie had propose d. The Right Hon. Gentleman had spoken in a tone of moderation likely to conciliate every party, and he felt great satisfaction on that ground ; hut he felt mere satisfaction in finding that the Right Hon. Gent. saw the ab solute necessity of another measure for the pacification of Ire land: For bin sown part, he had banked upon that measure so be one of such immense importance, that it left all other poli tical questions far behind it. That opinion had been con firmed by the statement which the Right Him. Gentleman had that night made,—confirmed to such a degree, that in spite of his reluctance to such a proposition as that now before the House, be felt it impossible to refuse his assent to it, as it wait to lead to the other. This measure would powers respect give extraordinary powers to the Government of Ireland, but lie was glad that they wonld he given only to the Co vet n mint. —( Hear, hear. )—Fle h w e - a w s o g a l i a d d b t e ha r t es t i l ) i o e n e s x ib e l r e ei t s o e of those powers u-ere committed to a responsible per son, and not to magistrates. Wittliwhattheevm. erWith tbeLord ord to that tutennoaoisite for might the laretteinevexesotettiton of the proposed measure, he thought its greatest merit" was, that it was only to continue in :force for a short time, and he thought, though what he was about ter say might. tip ; pear paradoxical, if it were desirable that a Ineaeuie of nfthe powers proposed to be granted by this m easure mat it the least unobjectionable, because it was impossible that a any House of Commons, or any Parliament, could wish to draw into a prevalent a measure granting powers of so etc: traordinary a nature. Notwithstanding this, he gave ho assent to the measure with reluctance. tag Mr. VILLIERS STUART, as a Member of the MEW ei Ition, agreed to the enettenre proposed by the Right Ho Secretary opposite—(Hear)---end the only consideration which indnced bin to support that measure was, that it was to be followed by one of conciliation. He begged the House would believe him when he said, that in becoming n member of that Association„'kehad one object sad but ore object in view, and that was to endeavour vs effectually et possible, by a union with the Catholic Body, to work oat their release from those political disabilities nnder which they had so leng and so unjustly labonred. He felt eon vinced from his Majesty's Speech at the opening of Par liament, that that object was obtained, and he hoped that - Min;sters wid,' exert all their influence to procure the repeal of those disabilities. Ile considered Catholic Eman cipation as already achieved, and therefore the House would see that mit oceitpation as " Associators" was gone. fie might perhaps be petunitted to regret that thin Association was net allowed to (lie a nattirel dtetb, as it *mild have done with the cessation of their pelitical Without the repeal of those disabilities, any measure whlith, the llonee might adopt in the pl e nitude of its wisdom an d ingenuity, weed very little avail. The power of the Ca l : tholie Association consisted in moral Poeinst the mast ingenious Of Parliamentery,enaettnenia !l e tte )4° better than waste paper. The Catholic Aescitiation owed its life to the existence of abases, and its dissolution would be conteinporaneons with it. He could have no adequate motive to oppose the measure, hut he begged to be under stood as supporting it on the distinct pledge that Govern ment would use all its influence to effect the removal of the disabilities affecting the Catholics. He was aware that the present was not the most fitting opportunity to make anY further remarks ; hot while on his legs ho could not refrain from offering his acknowledgement and congratulation for the wise, liberal, aid enlightened line of policy which 1 1 had pleased his Majesty to recommend Parliament to per' ens. He expressed a hope that the details of the measure might pore worthy of the grand principle involved in the measure, and might be cramped as little as possible with any unseemly clauses in the. shape of securities, being ootia vinced that the best, and indeed the only Recruit), fur to Protestants, was in placing our Catholic fellow-subjects on precisely the name footing as oureelves. The Hoe. Gan" tleinan concluded by observing, that he should not feel die posed to oppose any securities which might not trench on the just label ties of the Catholics. Mr. STANLEY begged it to be distinctly understood, that neither he, nor any of the gentlemen on his side of the Hone?, acceded to the measure, considered as a (tab stantive one, and standing by itself, bat because they con sidered it a preliminary step to relief. It was not eliegnesed , that though the Bill intended to be brought in was for the suppression of all dangerous associations in Ireland, dot reify one was aimed at—the Catholic Assoriation. lie eertainly did not mean to defend all the proceedings which had taken plate in that Association, bat he never eoola consent to stigmatise them with all those epithets which had been employed against them in the speech from the Throne, and in the answer to that addreee. It was Tell true that the existence of such an institution was incon sistent with the spirit of the Constitution. It was incon sistent with the Constitution that there ehonid lei oppees - Rion and exclusion, which gave loom for institutions of this kind ; bat it was not inconsistent with the spirit of the Constitution that those who were oppressed should , make their grievances known, and endeavour to strengthen themselves by a anis), in order to employ effectually the means they possessed, which were feeble when used by io dividual, but powerful in a collective empathy. It was dangerous that such institutions should exise—it wa s dan gerous that the people should look to a power distinet from the Government, and monopolising the affections of the country. This was dangerous, and it was necessary that Parliament should take into consideration the mode o f putting an end to suelt a system. Butire thought, by the measure before the House, end by the line of eondeet adopted by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, the power, the danger, and the very existence of that Associa tion wire at an end. He had often felt it his painful date to differ from the Right Hon. Gereeeinan . upon mime questions, and upon uone more decisively than upon this vital question of affording relief to the Catholics; bat he should feel ashamed if lie hesitated to come forward and express his opinion that the Right Hon. Gent. bad -done credit to himself ey adopting the line of conduct he had done on the present occasion. (Cheers.) The Right Roo' Gent. was placed by the force of eireumstaneee its' a veil embarrassing situation. He had sacrificed his prejeeliete to the good of his eountry,—he sacrificed the power,. ie" fluence, and reputation which he enjoyed with a large party in this country—he had sacrificed all this, and had yet, in his (Mr. Stanley's) mind, preserved a consistent line of conduct. He found himself placed between two difficulties, ficen which it Ware impossible for him to *sari' cite himself. He felt it necessary to abandon that owes to which he still conscientiously adhered. He had no option left but to take a choice of evils. He did choose , and at a great sacrifice to himself, and proved himself to' perior to that feeling of pride, which would dignify e pertinacious adherence to an opinion once expressed, by the name of consistency, and showed that he was not afraid to be thought to have been bullied. (Hear.) He might, if he had chosen to retire from office, received the praise of his party, as the victim and martyr of Protes tantism. But by so doing, be would have done mach to render difficult the settlement of teat question, which we e necessary for the peace and happiness of the empire. He would, perhaps, have committed the country, for the par" pave of receiving that which was with some men - th e principal object—the praise for consisteney. He however felt it his duty, for the sake of the peace and welfare of bb country, to alter his eonduct at the risk of losing his OW reefer. At such a moment as the present, it was impoe silee that any man on his (Mr. Stanley's) side of the House could for a moment stop to inquire by whom the greet . measure of granting civil liberty to the Catholics was se" complisheil. Let us congratnlate ourselves that the cane of truth, of justice, anti of liberality had at length re vail,cl ; and that little opposition was now made to the settlement of this gre it question, except by a faction as in' significant in its numbers, as it was little distinguished for talent, who continued a persevering opposition to any eettle ment, in defiance of circumstances and of time; and Slb o, claiming to themselves the exclusive praise of loyalty, in dulge in vituperation and seditious language (hear), and who, in their printed °tons, published such declamation' as put to the blnsh the minor effusions of the most petulant of the advocates of Ireland. He considered the propose d measure of coercion as intimately blended with the promised one of conciliation; and nuleis he did so consider it, he never would give his consent to it, as ',it would in hie apineon, not be nugatory, but worse than 'nugatory—de; s t rac tive to the tranquillity of the empire. Yet he cool' not go so far as to imagine that the effect of the re' peal of the existing disabilities would be so instantenee one as at once to remove all that distress and difileu lty which a long system of mis go v e rnment had entaile n on. Ireland. It was in the power of nothing she ll of Ormaipotenee at once to call light out of darkness and bring order out of chaos. It was in the power of th e Almighty alone to 'Wed his will at a word,—to say " great let tths g r eathcire ,alh,eiliig. question,' l ight, and there was light," and to command the winds and th e sea to rest, and " immediately there was Is calm." It which nnothrtsu d p u p r o in se g d the no tha l t ong a p sett e l d em od eut hi / , continued to convulse the whole of Ireland, which bad been the canto of agitation and disturbance, interrupted all the soeial Mafioso, broken down the polities' institittione: poisoned the fountain of jestice at its very source, and made the oonstitetion, as it were, a dead letter,—iteeetse not be supposed that the settlement of this question, toe the repeal of the existing disabilities, would pat an end et once to much a state of things. It cannot he supposed that men accustomed to consider the law not as a protection , not as a wholesome restraint, but as a severe and arbie trary curb, should at once fall into the habit of trancptilli t i and obedience, or look at the same law with the san e , feeling he wan happy to say it w as re ga r d e d in this part 4 ° the empire. In the present state of Ireland, it wee no! only expedient, hut absolutely peeeseery; ethet,thereallioel a be a strong government,—that there 'should he segoeetele ment capable, when all the causes of injuitice onetell rest grievances were removed, to make the people feel that there was a power, strengthened by jestiee, able to maintain the law. Ile did not hesitate to say, that ie as Recouipi7 flying measure with seceneiliation, M inisters could not have dens less than ask for the powers they had. If the BwR would ha v e m tnh a ne n t h of a rs ci tp as et k iom ed aonp fi enposa rr t per int m hfre a i n ng e grara nt ne po t as constitution, but as a temporary deviation therefrom, ing those powers necessary at the present moment, he age sewed to it with the strict understanding that the measure of conciliation would follow dose atou the heels of die woes,* of coercion. (Cheere.) Sir E. KNATCHBULL gave the Hutt. Gentleman who of justice to those who were of different opinions' to himself. lent his Hon. Friend had aeopted. another COUTO si thatu :i r t e r ti o s k l e io c n red . F it r f i z d si: . r o e u r l i d tp h a a n y d e fairness, and oat the he u m ele m e w ted and had stigmatised his opponents by calling them for tiun, gad bad accused them of lieiog guilty of ottfitioli 4 grunting f, t 'toe. '1 adi ni aid." [ `,l a 201