The Sun. — London, England, 1859-03-28 00:00:00

, o' i / THIRD EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALLS—This EVENING. NORTHAMPTONSHIRE STAKES. 7to 1 agst Little Agnes (taken) 7to 1 agst Newcastle (offered) Bto 1 agst Gladiolas (take 9to 1) 11 to 1 agst Bevis (taken and offered) 11 to 1 agst Beacon (taken) 15 to 1 agst Mutineer (taken) 100 to 6 agst Stapleton (taken) 100 to 6 agst Blue Jacket (taken) 24 to 1 agst Baldfaced Stag (taken) . 25 to 1 agst Precious Stone (taken) 25 to' 1 agst Pan (taket) 40 to 1 agst Skirmisher (taken) 40 to 1 agst Rio (taken) 40 to 1 agst Special License (taken) EARL SPENCER'S PLATE. Bto 1 agst King-at-Arms (offered) 100 to 12 agst Actaeon (taken) 10 to 1 agst Zitella (taken) 20 to 1 agst Newstead (taken) 25 to 1 agst Beatrice (taken) ALTHORP PARK STAKES. 4to 1 agst Lupellus (taken) TWO THOUSAND. 4to 1 agst Promised Land (taken) DERBY. 15 to 1 agst Volcano (taken) 16 to 1 agst Gamester (taken) 30 to 1 agst Ticket-of-Leave (taken) The betting, which was not over brisk, was unmarked by any special feature throughout the afternoon. LATEST CITY BETTING. NORTHAMPTONSHIRE STAKES. sto 1 agst Little Agnes 6to 1 agst Newcastle Bto 1 agst Gladiolus 10 to 1 agst Beacon 10 to I agst Bevis 12 to ragst Pan ARRIVALS AT. NORTHAMPTON. Tame Deer, Layton, Whimsical, Beacon, Baldfaced Stag, Special License, Yorkshire Grey, Blackthorn, Stapleton, Newcastle, Shafto, Broadbrim, Gladiolus, Vivace, Gallus, The Gem, Little Agnes, Paul Jones, Sir Hercules, Gin, Madrid. Gaspard, Vivandiere f (2 yrs), Theodora, Aneurin, Indifference, Tiara, Termagant colt, Madame Eglantine, Triangle, Minster, Rio, Spratton, Commodore, Orleans, Zitella, Polly Johnson, Old Point, The Gentle, Delusion, Duchess of Kingston, Melibnus, Frederick, Rosina, New Brighton, Maid of Kent, The Earl, Accurate, Pan, Ruth, Homer, Kestrel, Brandy Ball, Dane, Blister, Cheese Cake, Tight Fit, King at Arms, July, Beatrice, Artless, Rope Dancer, Mutineer, Schoolfellow, Courier, Lifeboat, Vulcan, Cornboro', Rhisus, Stockham, Donati, Kate, Blue Jacket, Lord Berkeley, Tournament, ' Borderer, Actmon, and Romsey. NEWMARKET, SUNDAY.—The following have left here for Northampton :—Newstead, North Lincoln, Scribbler, Yorkshire Miss, Dejamira, Heresy f (2 yrs), and Digby Grand. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS-(THIS EVENING). The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition from Taunton in favour of an extension of the franchise, accompanied by the ballot. The noble and learned lord said although he prefered open voting, he did not think any of the dreadful consequences that had been predicted would follow the adoption of vete by ballot. Earl GREY presented a petition, praying that Perlis merit would take into its consideration the unjust restric tions upon British shipping. THE STATE OF EUROPE. The Earl of CLARENDON said he had formally given notice of his intention to ask his noble friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs whether he was prepared to give to the house, and through it to the country, some information with respect to the state of affairs in Europe, and the result of Lord Cowley's mission. In asking for the information, he was not impelled by idle curiosity, neither did he wish the noble earl to make any communication prejudicial to the public service at the same time he must state that the public opinion of Europe had unanimously expressed in opposition to the idea of war, and he felt • convinced that if war occurred it would not be confined to one spot, but would spread throughout Europe. He did not think Lord Cowley would have been despatched to Vienna, if her Majesty's Ministers had not had reason to believe that his intercession would prove suc cessful. From his knowledge of the sagacity of Lord Cowley he thought the continuance of peace would be preserved. Reports had been current for some time in the newspapers there were some points upon which Austria and France were unable to agree, and others upon which it was pro bable they could be advised to agree. It was also said that the Emperor of Austria had expressed a desire to come to a friendly understanding with the French G overnment, and had declared in the most frank manner that there was no inten tion of invading Piedmont. He trusted, under the circum stances, the noble earl would give the house all the infor mation he was able to do, and allay to some extent the anxiety which existed in the country on the question. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of MALMESBURY said he had to thank his noble friend for the discretion he had shown in putting the question. He should feel happy in giving all the informa tion he could without treating upon subjects which it would at present be advisible not to disclose. Early last month Lord Cowley left Paris to proeeed to Vienna, but before he left he made himself per fectly acquainted with all the points of the Italian ques tion. Before proceeding he came to London, but received no opposite instructions from her Majesty's Government, they only being anxious to ascertain to what extent it could render assistance in arranging the differences which existed be tween France and Austria, and in restoring the friendly feeling between the two Governments. On the 18th of the present month a communication was received from the Rus sian Government, proposing a congress of the Five Powers, for the purpose of settling the affairs of Italy. Her Majesty's Government immediately despatched an answer to the Rus sian Government, stating the conditions under which they were willing to take part in such congress, and a despatch was subsequently received from Baron Brunnow, signifying that his Government were willing to accede to the condi tions transmitted. The other powers had all signified their willingness to take part in the Congress, but the basis of the subjects to be discussed had not yet been fixed upon. In a question so intimately bound up with Italian States, it would be thought mide irable to allow every State an opportunity of stating their views on a subject so peculiarly interesting to theM. It would be some satisfaction to their lordships to know that both Austria and Piedmont had formally declared that they would not attack one an other, and he was of opinion that the country might rest perfectly satisfied, that unless some very unforeseen occur rence was to take place, there was no lilkelihood that the peace of Europe would be : broken. As the conference was to assemble early next month, it was to be hoped that that which all desired, namely, peace, would be maintained. (Hear, hear.) 'VEXATIOUS 'INDICTMENTS BILL. This bill passed through committee. [LEFT SITTING.] HOUSE OF COMMONS—(Tuts EVENING). The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction Railway; and Whitehaven Harbour and Town. The following bills were considered and ordered for third reading :—Carmarthen and Cardigan Railway ; Glasgow Public Parks and Galleries of Art ; Kingstown Water ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Station at Manchester) ; Poole and Bournemouth Water ; Travel lers and Marine Insurance and Accidental Death Insurance Companies Amalgamation (No. '2) ; and York Improvement. The Swansea Harbour Trust Bill and Tottenham and Edmonton Gas Bill were read a second time and ordered to b 3 committed. On the motion of Mr. C. F ORSTER , th e or d er of the Bth limiting the tim e o f th e second read day of February las t, ing of privatebillswas suspended in the case of the Swansea Harbour Trust Bill. PETITIONS, . Several petitions were p resent ed in .favour of the Local Rates Exemption Act; from various dissenting bodies for the same benefits as those enjoyed by members of the Church of England in regard to endowed churches ; in favour of Parliamentary Reform ; for the exemption of hospitals from local rates; against the Government Reform Bill • in favour of the Superannuation Bill, &c. &c. THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON. Sir J. GRAHAM presented a petition from the chancel lor and members of the congregation of the University of London praying that they might be representod in Par liament. The prayer of the petition stated that the graduates already amounted to 1,000, and were increasing at the rate of 100 annually, and that at the time of the foundation of the university it was stated by her Majesty's advisers that the institution would be placed on the same footing as the other universities of the country. The petition was ordered to lie on the table. VOTE OF CENSURE ON THE GOVERNMENT. Mr. W. 0. STANLEY said that in consequence of the very explicit statement of the Attorney-General for Ireland, to the effect that an adverse vote on the Government bill would be considered by her Majesty's Ministers as a vote of censure, he would withdraw his motion on the subject. BONDING WAREHOUSES. In rep to Mr. HADFIELD, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the subject of giVing bonded Warehouses to large manufacturing towns was under consideration, but they had not come to any resolution on the subject. THE REFORM BILI 4. Mr. GRIFFITH asked the Chancellor of the :Exchequer whether the plan of uniformity of franchise between coun ties and boroughs wasconsidered by Government to form an essential principle of the proposed Representation of the People Bill, on which the fate of the bill was to depend ; or whether, on the contrary, it was on ly one o f th ose details which, though forming part of the original suggestions of Government, was to be considered to be open to any alteration or omission in committee which that house, in its wisdom, might determine upon. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the course pursued by hon.' members in reference to the Go vernment ,bill was most irregular, for it was dealt with wholesale and retail. If hoih members were opposed to the second reading of the bill, they could vote against it, but if the bill went into committee ;the Government would consider any recommendation, and he would state the result of that recommendation. (Hear , hear.) Mr. WHITESIDE explained, in reference to the debate of Tuesday night, that when Lord Palmerston said Lom bardy was to have been erected into a duchy dependent on Austria, he was made by the newspapers to acquiesce in the correctness of that statement, and to admit that he had been in error, which he entirely denied. THE ADJOURNED DEBATE. Mr. E. JAMES, in resuming the debate, said that he would vote against the bill and support the amendment of the noble lord the member for the city of London. It had been said that there was an attempt on the part of certain members of the house and a party to Ameri canize the institutions of the country, because they wished to go further in the direction of reform than the Go vernment. (Hear, hear.) That he denied, but he thought they could not make a more direct movement towards that result than by adopting the style of personalities which had been introduced into the debate by hon. members on the other side who had addressed the house. He alluded particularly to the attack made by the right hon. gentleman the Solicitor •General on the noble lord the member for London, and when the right hon. gentleman rose to make certain explanations, he expected he would have apologised for that attack. Having stigmatised the letter addressed by . Earl Grey to Lord Elcho, and which was published in the daily newspapers, as a most unconstitutional attempt at dictation, he said he objected altogether to the proposition of the Government with reference to the franchise. (Hear, hear.) He agreed with the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer that mere numbers should not be the basis of the franchise ; but the fact was that where there was an aggregate of numbers there they had a collec tion of those interests which were necessarily entitled to representation. He contended that the effect of the bill would be to create a machinery for the manufacture of voters. With regard to voting papers, the adoption of that part of the Government scheme would establish the most efficient means for bribery and intimida tion. By that provision, all that was necessary to be done by an agent for a candidate would be to bribe the voter and put his voting paper in his pocket, that being a greater security than he could possibly have otherwise. The right hon. gentleman the Attorney-General for Ireland stated on Frikay evening, as a proof that the working classes did not require any extension of the suffrage, that in the borough of Marylebone, which he represented, out of 120,000 electors only 10,000 polled at the late election for the borough. But what was the fact—and he pledged him self to the correctness of what he had stated—that the 10,000 who voted were composed of the small tradesmen and arti sans in the district, and those who abstained from polling were what might be called the moneyocracy of the borough. (Hear, hear.) Any illustration of the views from that part, on which he relied so strongly, was of no value. It had been said by one hon. member who addressed the house that the masses were not sufficiently instructed to exercise the franchise with safety to the community at large. But for years the energies of poets, philosophers, and thinkers had been directed to educate the people at large, and even the works of the right hon. gentleman, the Secretary for the Colonies were operating in the same direction, for his " England and the English," his " Eugene Aram," and other celebrated works which emanated from his pen, were already familiar in every dwelling in the country, instructing the people with political knowledge, and charm ing the popular mind by his grace and beauty. (Hear.) In reference to the noble lord the member for the City of London, whom he had never heard spoken of in political circles without the greatest veneration and respect—(hear, hear, and oh, oh)—he would urge on the noble lord to discard the plan on which he had previously acted, if he de siredto form a Government calculated to be of a permanent, not an ephemeral character. To adopt the sporting meta phor of the noble lord the member for Tiverton, he must not select his Government from the old political Whig stud. (Laughter.) The hon. and learned member concluded by assuring the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) that if he did not depart from the course. he had adopted in reform he would fail in forming a Government that would enjoy the confidence of the country, or take the place pernlanently of those who had been compelled to surrender the helm of public affairs. (Hear, hear.) Mr. BEAUMONT rose, and was [LEFT SPEAKING.] THE NAVY. Her Majesty's paddlewheel steam-sloop Ardent, Commander John H. Cave, returned to Woolwich on Saturday, to be docked for examination and re pairs. The officers and crew are to be transferred to the Hebe, and in case the damage to the Ardent should be found, as anticipated, requiring some considerable time to make good, they will be ordered for service, it is said, in the paddlewheel steam vessel Firefly, which is to be brought forward for commission for service on the West Coast of Africa. One of M. Delpech's double-action French pumps has been fitted on board her Majesty's ship Trafal gar, at Chatham ; and Mr. Wm. Roberts has re ceived instructions to furnish one of his double action twin pumps respectively on board the screw steam corvettes and sloops Jason, Rinaldo, Chame leon, and Charybdis, under construction at Devon port, Portsmouth, Deptford, and Chatham. The screw steam frigate Liffey, 51, Captain Geo. W. Preedy, sailed from Plymouth on Saturday with stores for the fleet at Queenstown. The screw steam ship St. Jean d'Acre, 101, from Portland, arrived at Plymouth on Saturday. • She vill probably take in stores and provisions. The screw steam ship Doris ' 32, Captain Heath cott, in Plymouth Sound, took her powder on board on Saturday. The screw steamship Nile, 90, Captain Wilmot, was undocked at Keyham on Saturday. The screw steam•frigate Topaze, 51, was docked in the Devonport Dockyard on Saturday. The sloop Ferret, 8, is to be brought forward for the pennant at Devonport, to take the place of the apprentice ship Wizard, Lieut. Alfred P. H. Helby, recently lost. The Ferret is to be rigged by the crew of the Nile. Sir Robert Dundas, the Storekeeper-General, was last week on service at Devonport Dockyard. The following appointments were made on Satur day at the Admiralty :—George Williams, Master, to the Lightning ; John W. M. J. Hall, Master. additional to the Fisgard ; George B. F. Swain, Master, to the Algiers ; and Richard Sturgess, Mas ter, to the Terrible. THE ARMY, His Royal Highness the General Commanding in-Chief made a visit of inspection on Friday to the camp at Colchester. The East India troopship Wellesley, 1,013 tons, Capt. Smith, arrived in the Thames at Gravesend on Friday evening, having on board a large party of invalid and wounded troops from Lucknow, Cawnpore, Delhi, and the other mutinous districts in India. The wounded and disabled troops, to the number of 160 non-commissioned officers and men, embarked at Calcutta on the sth of December, and sailed on the 7th of the same month. A number of the troops have been in India nearly 20 years, and several arc very badly wounded, some having lost either an arm or a leg, or received severe wounds in their conflicts with the rebels at Cawnpore, Delhi, and Lucknow. On the disembarkation of the invalids at Gravesend they were conveyed to Fort Pitt, Chatham, where they were medically inspected by Surgeon-Major J. S. Prendergast, M.D., when 47 men were ordered into hospital for medical treatment, and the remainder forwarded to St. Mary's Invalid Depot, to await an inspection by a Chelsea board. On the Wellesley leaving Calcutta the John Bell, Lady Jocelyn, and Holmes dale were in the river waiting to embark invalid troops for England. The invalid troops belonging to the Royal Artillery were forwarded to Woolwich. The troops belonging to the Royal and East India Engineers at Chatham have commenced pontooning in the Medway, where a• certairbnumber of officers and men are engaged in this branch of engineering daily. The Black Ball clipper ship Donald M'Kay, which will sail on the sth of next month for Mel bourne, will take five officers mil 101 privates, under contract with the Admiralty. Mr. Mouchet, the Storekeeper of Deptford Dock yard, after a long and honourable period of service, has been granted a retiring allowance of £653. Sir Wm. Armstrong, C. 8., Government Engineer for rifled ordnance, accompanied by Colonel Tulloh and a number of officers composing the Select Com mittee of Woolwich Arsenal, went down to Shoe buryness on Friday last, and directed a course of experiments to test the merits of a new species of explosive fusee and improved shrapnel shell, his recent inventions. The issue of the experiments with both productions was pronounced extremely favourable, as containing the full requirements of the servic e . S ome o f t h e s h e ll s were fired from a 12- pounder Armstrong gun, over a range of 3,000 yards. The mere contact with the surface of the water on which it alighted caused the desired ex plosion of the shell. THE CIVIL SERVICE.—The Treasury.—There are several vacancies in the Treasury for Supplementary Clerks, for which a competitive examination is announced ; salarycom menig Several vacancies for J un i or Clerks, for which a competi tive examination will be shortly announced ; commencing sa l ar y XlOO per annum. Law Department.—The Recorder ship of Norwich has become vacant by the death of Mr. Prendergast, Q.C. The Dockyards, &c. —Mr. William Cairpbell, Second-class and Senior Clerk in the Wages Branch, Pembroke Dockyard, has been promoted to the Acting First-class;. Mr. Richard Harwood has been ap pointed Temporary Clerk in Pembroke Yard. Customs.— Mr. James Baxter has been promoted from Second to First-class Tide Surveyor at Liverpool; Mr. John Holloway has been promoted from Third to Second class Tide Surveyor at Liverpool. Mr. Martin B yrne has been promoted from Third to Second Class Tide Sur veyor at Liverpool. Inland Revenue Department.—There are 20 situations vacant in the Inland Revenue Department, for which 60 candidates will compete on the 12th of April next. Stamps and Taxes Branch.—Mr. R. N. Lucas, Surveyor of Taxes, Croydon, has been promoted to Faver sham, in the room of Mr. Kite, promoted to Cheltenham. Mr. Augustus Farr, Surveyor of Taxes, has been promoted froni Pershore to Spalding. Mr. William Clark Shaw, Supernumerary Surveyor of Taxes, Liverpool, has been appointed Surveyor of Taxes at Pershorc. Excise Branch. —Mr. Edward Thomas Crabb, Examiner, hag been pro moted to be Supervisor of Aboyne District. Mr. Philip Taylor Evans, Examiner, has been promoted to be Super visor of Colchester District, relieving Mr. John Roche Davies, appointed Supervisor of Inverness District. Mr. John P. Mullany, Examiner, has been promoted to be Supervisor of Swansea District. —Civil Service Gazette. THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MARCH 28, 1859 SP ORIING NOTES. NORTHAMPTON. The recent changes which have marked specula tion on the Northamptonshire Stakes have served to excite to an almost unprecedented extent the curiosity of the public, and to impart an additional interest and importance to the race. The betting has fluctuated so frequently that the reporters have been not a little puzzled to compile their lists of quotations, which have scarcely appeared in print when a new movement alters them and renders them valueless. The last incident is the sudden blazing up of Beacon, who has been supported by his owner and friends with a spirit and determination which are likely to advance him to the most pro. minent position in the betting. That the horse has improved under Manning's management was manifested last year, but his Cesarewitch running and his Cambridgeshire performance wouldindicate that he prefers a short course. Still, the fact must not be forgotten that he stayed as a two-year-old over the severe Feather Plate course. Beacon has,' it is said, been neither sick nor sorry since he came into the possession of Sir J. Hawley, and that he has recently been tried and not found wanting in any of the qualities required of him. His owner is too shrewd a turf tactician to make a mistake, and he has now the proper cattle to test the ability of his horses. These facts ren der me disinclined to deal slightingly with Beacon, because I have the deepest respect for the judgment of his owner in all racing matters. Little Agnes is reported to be so good that I am little inclined to believe the great things which she is said to have accomplished. How many pounds she is better than Archduchess her party of course can tell even to the turning of a hair. Seriously, however, John Osborne is a dangerous man to op pose, but his judgment is not infallible, and he may, or his friends may, have over-estimated the pretensions of Little Agnes. lam not one of her admirers, but her success may compel me to regret my prejudice. For Newcastle I have a strong partiality—a partiality which is founded on the merit which he displayed as, a two year old, and which is warranted by the steady support which he re ceives in the turf market. The Isley touts and the Isley division are loud in their praises of him 9.nd bold in their confidence. The notion which some people entertain respecting his inability to stay is scouted as ridiculous ; and, indeed, his backers seem to think the race as good as won. If Shafto's chance was as formidable as it was sup posed to be, then surely Newcastle must be en titled to consideration. Mutineer seems to have retired, and why he ever occupied a prominent place in the betting I am at a loss to imagine. Last season he did nothing, and nothing was ex pected of him by the partisans of Whitewall House. The Newmarket air may however have brought out latent qualities which no one had sus pected, and which I will not believe in until I see them. Of the top weights I must adhere to Blue Jacket, who only requires staying powers to render him as dangerous as anything in the race. Through Borderer and Tournament, his party ought to be able to measure his chance to a nicety. The horse's career has, however, been unfortunate, for, like John Perrybinglele, he has several times been very nearly doing a good thing, and has spoilt it. His performance at Epsom, when a three-yr.old, is not likely, however, to be soon forgotton. Pan is much fancied by his own party; and, if my information be trustworthy, they have good reasons for their confidence. Stapleton did a good thing once with Sunbeam, and if his performance with the St. Leger victress was indicative of his true form, he must be held in high esteem for this race. I am not confident of his ability, however, and shall expect him to run well for about a mile and a half. Yellow Rose is a slow mare and well suited to the course, but the market movements would indicate that she is not " wanted." Her impost, including the 51bs. extra, is very lenient, and if she went to the post " with good intentions" I should be induced to trust her. The Bald-faced Stag would be better suited over a shorter course. He is a good-looking horse, and, at an outside price he might not be unworthy a small investment. Elaborate remarks upon the chance of Gladiolus would be superfluous ; the reader is as well ac quainted as I am with his pretensions. He has come through his engagements this year with suc cess, and although to-morrow he will meet superior company to that which he has yet encountered, yet I do not think his owner is " asking him to do too much." He has shown stoutness and improvement, qualities which must recommend him to notice. Bevis has supporters, but I am not among them. Without entering into a further discussion, I shall state that the three animals most worthy of conside ration are, in my opinion, Newcastle, Beacon, and Gladiolus. For a " situation " I should recommend Pan. Of course North Lincoln is the " pet of the prophets" for the Whittlebury Stakes, and he will also be the " lion" of the Racing Stakes, albeit Mr. T. Parr will send his Derby colt into the arena to try conclusions with him. The running of the Newmarket and Wantage horses will be watched with much interest, as it will influence the relative positions of both Gaspard and Promised Land in the Derby betting. Queen Charlotte, Eltham Beauty, and Lady. well seem as trustworthy as anything amongst the nominations for the Stand Plate. I shall not attempt to discuss at length the com parative chances for Earl Spencer's Plate, but shall merely state my preference for ANCIENT BRITON, ZITELLA, and TIGHT-FIT. To extend my remarks to the ether events would, in the absence of trust worthy information, be superfluous. A FRESH MAN. COUNTRY MA_RICETS. LIVERPOOL—MAncu 26. It is only particular qualities of wheat which maintain late prices, and to-day flour was dull, as of late. YORK—MARcH 26. To-day there was a limited show of wheat, and a slow de mand. White samples realised 40s to 458 ; red, 37s to 40s ; barley of superior quality made extreme rates, malting of the best description selling at 34s to 36s per 30 stone; grinding, 28s to 30s Od In oats there was very little change, prices ranging from 20s to 22s per 24 stone. Beans scarce and at high rates, namely, 40s to 44s per 38 stone. Malt, 64s to 6as per qr. COUNT CA YOUR TO THE MARQUIS JYAZEGLIO. - We are enabled to place before our readers the following important despatch :-- " TURIN, MARCH 17, 1859. M. le Marquis,—Sir James Hudson, in a note deated the 14th of this month, a copy of which you will find enclosed, has asked me, in the name of his Government, if Sardinia would be disposed to fol low the example of Austria, and to declare in a formal manner (as Count Buol, on his part, declared Austria's intention not to attack Piedmont, in his despatch to Count Apponyi of the 25th January) that Sardinia has no intention of attacking her powerful neighbour. " Appreciating the motives which have inspired such a course on the part of the Cabinet of St. James's, we do not hesitate to answer him with the most perfect frankness, as we have done a few days since when he asked us to draw up a memorandum, clear and precise, of the complaints of Italy against Austria, and to indicate the means of applying a remedy. "In pursuance of aggressive acts (what other name can we give them P) committed by Austria by the concentration of imposing forces on the Sardinian frontier; by placing on a war footing the army of Italy ; by the construction and occupa tion of new fortifications on ground which does not belong to her ; by the occupation of the Legations ; and by the violation of treaties, the Government of the King, according to the law of nations, has a right to prepare to defend herself against Austria even by means of arms. England implicitly ac knowledged such a right when, a short time since, through the medium of her Minister of Foreign Affairs—bi- the weight of her great authority, by the solemn means of diplomatic action—she con demned the unjust measures employed by Austria in sequestering the estates of Sardinian subjects ; and agreed that if under such circumstances the dangers of war were prevented, it resulted from the great moderation of the Sardinian Govern ment. * " Accordingly, as her Britannic Majesty's Go vernment has acknowledged the abnormal state of Italy, and promised to Sardinia that England would endeavour to find a remedy for the evils complained of, the Sardinian Government, availing itself of such promises, and reserving its liberty of action in case Austria should abstain for the future from committing aggressive acts, Sardinia is ready to give her assurance that it is not her intention to attack Austria. And she agrees on this subject to make a declaration the same as that contained in the despatch of Count Buol, which, in reality, is nothing but a, long and bitter ,accusation against Sardinia and. the politics of the Cabinet over which I have the honour to preside. " The speeches delivered in Parliament explain ing our politics, the despatches and circulars which have been communicated to the Cabinet of St. James's, and particularly the memorandum ad dressed to England and Prussia, in the justice of which Lord Malmesbury entirely, agrees, explain and justify our conduct most completely. I think, therefore, I need not on the present occasion refute one by one the arguments which Count Buol em ploys in his despatch, wherein he represents Sar dinia as the real cause of the abnormal condition of Italy. " Such arguments cannot . have any value with any impartial person who remembers the events which have succeeded each other from the com mencement of the present year. " The military preparations continually taken by Austria, and pointed out in my despatch of , have all preceded the justifiable action of the Sardinian Government. The Speech from the Throne at the opening of the Sardinian Parliament was only pronounced on the 10th of January, and yet on the 3d of the same month a new corps d' armee was suddenly sent to Austrian Italy. " Our loan did not take place until after Austria had en deavoured to negotiate a much larger loan in London. " Finally, if we have called out our contingent, leaving our reserves at their homes, it was not until Austria had ordered her Italian army to be placed on a complete war footing that we were convinced that we should find ourselves ere long in the face of one of the largest armies that ever crowded the soil of Italy. " These facts form a strange commentary , on the pacific protestations which close the Austrian de spatch, and it would be difficult to reconcile them, if, in the diplomatic note in question, we did not find the innate ideas of Austria on the Italian question. " Count Buol, after having rapidly examined, from his point of view, the events which have succeeded each other since 1848, finishes by declaring that if Italy is profoundly agitated, if the people are discon tented, if the Governments have done nothing to satisfy the legitimate desires of their subjects, this all originates in the views and spirit of turbulence which liberty has developed in Piedmont ; in fact, availing myself of Count Buol's words, ' Through the intro duction in that country (Piedmont) of institutions which work well when they have been developed and matured by ages, but which do not seem to be in accordance with the genius, traditions, and social condition of Italy.' " Count Buol also points out, as a principal remedy to such a state of things (the gravity of which he does not attempt to hide), the united action of the great Powers, to be exercised with the object of modifying the institutions of Pied mont ; in fact by stifling the liberty of Piedmont, — Lombardy, Venice, and the other States of the Peninsula would become again tranquil. " Without admitting such a conclusion, and being convinced that the destruction of the liberal insti tutions of Piedmont, instead of assuring peace, would —the Italians being reduced to despair—result in revolution—still we do not hesitate to acknowledge there is much truth in the thought which inspired this part of the despatch of the Austrian Minister. " The contrast presented by Piedmont with the provinces under the dominion of Austria is too striking not to produce a profound irritation in Austria. The example of Piedmont proving, con trary to the assertion of Count Buol, that the Italians arc susceptible of a liberal and progressive regime, makes the military system of Austria, more hateful to the people of the Italian Peninsula. The corporal punishments, the ever augmenting taxa tion, the fatal financial measures, and the abandon ment to the clergy of the rights of the State, make the contrast more obvious. " We acknowledge, therefore, that the liberty of Piedmont is a danger and a menace for Austria. According to Austria there are only two things to do—destroy the liberal institutions of Italy, or keep up her dominion over all Italy to prevent contagion from spreading over the other states of the penin sula which have not enough strength at their dis posal for suppressing the voice of the people. It is the second alternative which Austria has embraced, waiting the later arrival, and indirect action, the realisation of the first indicated means. " Austria, up to the present moment, has suc ceeded by secret treaties with Parma, Modena, and Tuscany, and by the indefinite occupation of the Romagna (which is now about to cease, accord ing to the declarations of Vienna and Rome), and by the considerable fortifications she has so con structed, in making herself mistress of Central Italy, and thus binding Piedmont with a circle of iron. " It is against such a state of things, which is not justified by the Treaties of Vienna, that Sardinia has not ceased to protest for many years, calling for the intervention and support of the great Powers who signed the Treaties of 1815. " Such a state of things has for a long time con stituted a threatening danger to Piedmont, aggra vated of late by extraordinary armaments and other aggressive acts on the part of Austria which have forced the Government of the King to adopt defen sive measures and call the contingents under arms. " It is proposed that this state of things should cease, that Austrian dominion in Italy should enter within the limits formally stipulated by treaties ; that Austria should disarm, and that Sardinia, whilst deploring the unhappy fate of the popula• tion on the other side of the Ticino, should confine her efforts, as England has often recommended her to do, towards a pacific propaganda calculated more and more to enlighten public opinion in Europe on the Italian question, and to prepare the elements for a future solution. " But, so long as our neighbours group round them and against us all the States of Italy which border on us, and whilst they can freely march their troops on the banks of the Po and up to the Apennines ; so long as they can hold Piacenza (transformed into a fortress of the first order), con tinually threatening our frontier, it will be impos sible for us to remain defenceless in the face of the provoking and armed attitude of Austria. " The Government of her Britannic Majesty is too enlightened and too loyal not to admit that we cannot pursue any other line of conduct without betraying our rights, without offending our honour, whatever may be our desires to dissipate the clouds which threaten the peace of the world. " I request you, M. le Marquis, to read and give a copy of this despatch to Lord Malmo bury, and I avail myself, &c., &c. (Signed) " CAVOUR." * See despatch of Lord Clarendon to the Marquis d' Azeglio. The lournal de .Thwen remarks : ---T t Normandy present a inestaplendid appearance, which can. not but be improved by the splendid weather. Rye is par ticularly forward, and is beautifully green ; lucerne and clover are in the best condition. . Should no sharp frost or extreme wet visit us, all these crops will not only produce abundantly, but muchl earlier than usual," THE REFORM DEBATE. (From the Times.) Even if this great Reform Debate should have no imme diate practical sequel, it will afford to future writers rare opportunities of studying the individual characters of our contemporary statesmen. On ordinary occasions politicians talk and vote and almost think in companies, regiments, and brigades, and you might as well predicate the exact reli gious opinions of one of the Queen's Guards from his style of holding his firelock, as describe the inner predilections of a Lord of the Treasury from a vote he gives on a division. ' But now, when party lies dislocated, if not quite dissevered, when the limbs no longer obey any com mon ruling impulse, we can luxuriate in plausible specula tions as to the native, natural tendencies, of individual minds. We can draw parallels after the manner of Plutarch. We can compare Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston as the great biographer compared Numa and Lycurgus. As Plutarch contrasts the cruel severity of Lycurgus in authorising the destruction of the Helots with the benignity of Name in softening slavery by the inven tion of the Saturnalia, so we can note the atrox animus of Lord John, who would destroy altogether those clumsy bondsmen; who bear so feebly their burden of reform, and contrast it with the benignity and pity of Lord Palmer ston, who exhorts them to labour and live. and who has, like Numa, invented an expedient by which they shall for a little space even sit in the seats of their masters. There is a'very natural tone in the speech of the Reform leader of 1831. He looks upon the British Constitution as the inventor looked upon the Strasburg clock ; he considers it as entirely a giece of Wl4ig machinery which no one else can understand, and with ,which none but a Whig ought to meddle. There is in thi matter and manner of his speech a mingled feeling of indignation and apprehension, a double sense of outraged property and alarmed affection. He sees in the intervention of the Tories upon this broad plateau of Reform nothing but an insolent invasion of his own pe culiar province; he sees in the measure they have pro pounded nothing but "a disastrous change in the law and constitution of this country." It is " Russell to the rescue!" He goes back to Woburn, and, rummaging among the old banners of the house—putting aside the No-Popery banner Of his - great ancestor—tossing into one corner the £lO suf frage banner of 1832, postponing for a future occasion the Finality banner of a more recent convenience, he clutches the old-fashioned, general, indefinite, and uncommitting flag of "Parliamentary Reform," and, holding it aloft, he grandly says, in a peroration that draws down a storm of admiring cheers, 4 ‘ I defended it when young, and I will not desert it now that lam old." With this phrase of chivalric sound Lord John poised against the Trea sury benches that resolution which was to be to them a thunderbolt—to burn them up body and household. He had quite made Up his mind to the inconvenience and unpleasantness of the scene of slaughter he was about to inaugurate. Let moderate and timorous men like Mr. Roebuck talk of consequences to the tran quillity of England or to the peace of Europe, Lord John scorned to pause on such a question. Let a dissolution come; and let Ministers hold up their bill on every hustings in England ; or let them resign, and then let the world see how sllly were the dupes who would allow themselves to be fettered upon this question, and who would vote less with a view to the Reform Bill before them than with a wish to keep our foreign relations unchanged and our correspon dence with foreign Courts unjarred by a sudden rupture in the•medium of communication. Lord John responded for all. B e would cover us with his broad buckler • he would be at once our decus and our tutamen • in his broad shadow let England sleep without a fear. His only condition was —" Stand not between me and my victims." He spoke and launched his thunderbolt. It does not seem to have been of the true Cyclopean manufacture, but rather to have been a fabrication of the more recent schools of Con greve, or Shrapnel, or Norton ; for, although it has frightened the opposite party a good deal, it has not yet quite blasted them ; and although it has created a great noise and smoke it has not yet exploded. The Ministers were like the Russians at the first advance upon Sebastopol—if the invaders could have acted at once the catastrophe would probably have been complete. But while the Parliamentary combustible was fizzing and smoking there was time to recover from the first shock ; sangags and windbags, but principally the latter, were threvii up d improviste ; neutral friends, some of whom had even assisted at the fabrication of the projec tile, came in to tender aid. Mr. Walpole first suggested that it was by no means so deadly as it looked at first sight, and Sir Stafford Northcote seemed at last to think that it was sent over with a rather kindly intention. It might be used as a bluelight, a lantern, or a torch to light them through the dense fog certain to arise when they got into committee. The opinion still remained, and still does remain, that there is a nasty bounce in the tail of the thing, which sooner or later will divide its contents unequally between the house and the lobby ; but many re medies have been suggested to neutralise the effects of this inevitable explosion, and several wet blankets have already been rather efficaciously brought to bear upon this unquiet, but provokingly procrastinating, combustible. But, while making manifest the stern severity of our Ly curgus, we must not forget to shadow forth, in proper artistic and Plutarchian contrast, the benignity of our Numa. It may be said, perhaps it may be truly said, that Lord Palmerston hail not the same strong innate feeling about Reform which Lord John Russell has ; or that, if he had, it pointed rather to the opposite pole of the political compass. But still Lord Palmerston stated the case very much as Lord John had done. He also thought that Minis ters had sinned against the Constitution—that poor Consti tution which, like truth, appears sharply defined in a dif ferent shape to each individual vision; that their borough franchise was too high, and their forty-shilling freeholder disfranchisement was unconstitutional ; that they were un profitable servants, and deserving of all condemnation. But mark the difference of the sentence I Although the convic tion was upon the same indictment, Lord John says, " Die, that I may take your place and do mine own duty, which you have usurped." Lord Palmerston says, "Live, and live in purple and fine linen. I condemn you to £5,000 a year each and the patronage of the State. Live, that you may do the drudgery which I should probably be obliged to do if I were to kill you. Live and labour. Behold the nosebag, and behold the bit—open your mouths both and be content." It is doubtless pleasant A. have an alternative. Even a dagger and a bowl is better than no choice whatever. There is an opening for a little dash of scenic heroism when the choice is between death and hopeless slavery. How say you, Lord Derby? Will you turn Out with your herd and range the plains in the wild liberty of Opposition, or will you be stalled and stabled, and mashed, and curricombed, and clothed, and gently galloped in Lord Palmerston's stables and train ing-grounds ? How say you, Mr. Disraeli ? Will you fall under Lord John's sling, or will you suffer yourself to be caught and tamed by Lord Palmerston's silken lasso ? " I condemn you," said Lord Palmerston, quoting a precedent, "to keep your places." The same thing is done at this day in China. Our old friend Commissioner Lin, whose life was forfeited for making a treaty with the barbarians, was, instead of being put to death, sent to govern a dis turbed province, and he travelled to his government wear ing slight golden fetters as a memorial to him of his state of condemnation. These things have happened, and may happen again. But hitherto they have only happened in despotic countries, and have only been submitted to by serfs acting under so dire a necessity and so material a compul sion that obedience could not be held to imply consent, and the execution of a servile task could not carry with it dis honour. It may be that Lord Derby is about to set us a new precedent, but he must be the guardian of his own honour. (From the liforniny Herald). Between Lord John Russell and a largo proportion of his supporters a great difference of .pinion exists. The former desires to postpone legislation on parliamentary reform, the latter demand the immediate settlement of the question. The member for London not only seeks to render the pass , ing of the Government measure impossible, but actually bids for the support of Reformers of every grade and degree. And this he does without offering a singl pledge or laying down principles which might form the basis of a settlement. In the difficult position which he occupies explanations might create embarrassment. His object is not to elicit truth, but to gain votes. Hence his resolution commends itself to Mr. Bright and his friends who will be satisfied with nothing short of revolution. Their principal aim is to defeat the measure, and this ambiguously-worded amend ment offers the most convenient weapon. Yet the majority of those who have spoken in its favour have openly declared that they neither wish to arrest the progress of the bill nor to assail the present Government. Many do not hesitate to assert not only that the continuance in office of Lord Derby's Administration is the sole pledge of the preservation of peace, but further, that Lord John Russell's elevation to power would be a national calamity. That which was intended as a vote of censure upon the present occupants of office has proved, beyond doubt, that they possess the confidence of the House of Commons, and that their political opponents are objects of general distrust and suspicion. This will probably account for the conflicting statements made by various members of the neW,coalition. Lord John Russell desires to censure the Government. Lord Palmer. ston assures the house that the success of the amendment cannot be construed in this manner. The feeling of the Legislature in favour of an immediate settlement of the question has been so strongly expressed that even the pro moters of the opposition are appalled at the results which their unconstitutional proceeding might, if successful, pro duce. Lord Palmerston •is aware that it considerable majo rity of the Lower House would, were the direct issue raised, vote for the second reading of the bill. The noble lord naturally feels alarmed at having pledged himself to an amendment, which is nothing more nor less than a clever device framed with a view of making certain members of Parliament vote in direct opposition to their natural incli nations. Many of those who have promised to support Lord John Russell's amendment do not attempt to conceal their regret at having given that pledge. The member for London is literally dragging them through the mire, be cause, in an evil hour, they permitted themselves to be allured into a false position. In this dilemma Lord Pal merston steps :in with a word of advice. He treats the amendment as a very trivial matter, and laughs at the idea that the Government or anybody else should view it in a serious light. Anxious above all ihings to put him self right with the representatives of the people, the mem ber for Tiverton bows to the decision of Parliament. So far does his zeal carry him that he pronounces an eulooium upon Ministers for their patriotic conduct, and, without doing himself much good, places Lord John Russell in a most ridiculous and humiliating position. We do not, therefore, wonder at the murmurs that have since been heard in the ranks of the disconsolate Whigs. Their com plaint that while one leader is urging them on to the en counter, another advises them to throw away their weapons and quit the field, is substantially correct. Our task is not to reconcile these differences, but merely to show that they exist. At this moment, when a great subject is under discussion, they stand out in bold relief, proving in the most conclusive manner that combined action amongst the various sections of the Opposition is impossible. The leisure and , repose of the Opposition benches afford a good opportunity for reflection and im provement, yet discipline has not been restored. Bitter hostility reigns amongst these warring bands. The rank and file have different watchwords, and the leaders are ani mated by very opposite feelings ; and until a change is ac complished the, influence of both must be of an uncertain character. The desire of obtaining office obtains strong possession of their minds, though they cannot agree even upon the plan by which that object is to be secured. As for guiding principles, they . have none. Lord John Russell seeks to avail himself of their infirmity in this respect. He asks their support for a resolution that means nothing. It is framed in such an ambiguous manner that it commands the sympathy of the democrats, whose cry is "war to the knife " to the small boroughs, and who demand manhood suffrage, and vote by ballot, and those constitutional re forniers who believe that the small boroughs form a valu able element of our constitution, and declare that a £2O county franchise is low enough. Thus, by the aid of those who think the Govnrompro - Lill goes too far, ar.d of e Os; enough, the mesnlies bUr London -Gives to of a iliajotity of the House of Commons to the most disgraceful parliamentary dodge of late Years. His hopes, which we are informed were at one time high enough, have gradually declined, and we believe that Lord John Russell is anxious to escape from the dilemma in which, by his anxiety to obtain office, he has been placed. It is not the first time that his lack of discretion has led to inconvenience, from the consequences of which he has been the greatest sufferer. At any rate, the noble lord is onee'more in difficulty, and escape how or when he may, it can only be with a damaged•reputation. OXFORD--MARcH 26. At this corn market to-day there was an average show of wheat, and the prices of all descriptions of grain were the same as last week. Business transactions were entirely confined to buyers for present consumption. CHELMSFO We have to report more e for wheat, and prices tendin, ness doing. Wheat, white....42s to 51s I Peas, Partridge ..44s to 46s ,D—MARCH 26. imation in the demand to-day upwards, with a good busi- red 36s to 45s I White Barley 34s to 41s I Boiling 42s to 48s Chi;valier .... 37s to 45s Dun 44R to 46s ___ Grinding 27s to 33s Beans, Tick ....38s to 40s Malt 578 to 66s Harrow Ticks 38s to 42s Chevalier 72s to 738 Mazagan 36s to 39s Oats 25s to 35s NOTTINGHAM-MARCH 26. The supply of wheat at our market to-day was very small, and the sales slow at is advance on the currencies of last week. Barley, of fine quality, as dear ; inferior sorts is lower. Oats, beans, and other articles unchanged. White wheat, new, 44s to 508 Red do. 39s to 44s Old white 44s to 48s Red do. 388 to 42s Barley, malting.— 388 to 44s Barley, grinding 28s to 30s Oats, old, .. 3os to 343 New do 27s to 30s Beans. 48s to 51s Peas LEICESTER—MARcH 26. There was a small supply of wheat to-day, for which full prices were obtained. White ruled 43s to 46s per qr. ; red, 40s to 43s per 36 stone. There was a short supply of barley, and a good business doing. In other articles trade was DUBLIN-MARCH 25. A limited supply of wheat, but there was a better feeling in the trade, and all good qualities realised the extreme prices of last week. Barley, beans, and peas in good de mand, at previous rates. Indian corn alone continues de pressed. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. Wheat, white.. 22 6to 25 6 Do. new new . 11 6to 13 0 Do., red ...... 21 6to 23 6 Ber . e Do., n ew •••.216 to 24 6 Rapeseed Barley ...... 11 ot o l7 0 O a t mea l l3 6t o 14 6 Oats ....... 11 otol3 0 Bak ers ' flour Do., black..... 10 6toll 0 Indian corn GOVERNMENT EMIGRATION.—Her Majest) Emigration Commissioners have given notice of their inten tion to receive tenders next Thursday, the 31st inst., for a s hip to proceed to Melbourne, Victoria, to be ready for the reception of passengers on such day as the Commissioners may appoint between the 7th aid 14th of May. • i ~- ..41 '. ~.. (From the Morning Herald.) If the faculty of speech was really bestowed upon man for the purpose of enabling him to conceal his intentions Lord Palmerston's share in the debate on Friday evening must be regarded as a great success. On that occasion the leader of the Opposition declared—" When my noble friend the member for London showed me his amendment on the Government Reform Bill, I said, I think yolir amend ment is excellent, and I am perfectly ready to give it my earnest and most cordial support. ' " What joyful intelli gence to Lord John Russell I How he must have chuckled over the admission, and rubbed his hands with glee as he thought of the success of his dodge He had actually taken in a politician whom it was no easy matter to entrap. The artful expedient produced under the specious guise of zeal for the interests of reform—though in reality a bold bid for office—could scarcely miscarry. His noble friend had not seen through it, and had promised " his earnest and most cordial support." So, through the long and weary strife of words in whieh the F recious hours of a ses sion overladen with pressing claims had been wasted, Lord John Russell felt secure and confident. No earnest ap peals to his patriotism could wean him from his uneasy am bition. No ominous forebodiugs of the dire calamities which the success of his factious scheme might produce, could induce him to swerve from his purpose. No winged shafts of indignant sarcasm, no taunts of party motive, could disturb his complacency. It was playing for a high stake, and he knew that he held the winning card. Our legislators and the public puzzled themselves in endeavouring to ascertain on which side the ex-Premier would throw the weight of his influence. At length the decisive moment arrived ; Lord Palmerston rose and announced his intention of giving the amendment of his noble friend his " earnest and most cordial support." Indeed, he confessed "It was the only method of at once bringing under discussion those two points which if left in the bill it never would have passed; but which if taken out of it might leave the bill in such a state that the house would agree to go into committee upon it." Therefore Lord Palmerston earnestly advocated the adoption of his noble friend's amendment. Hav ing done this, and thus, to his noble friend's infinite satisfac tion, promised his cordial support to his resolution, and further expressed his firm conviction that that resolution would be carried, the ex-premier proceeded to speculate on its consequences :—" It is asked what course will the Mi nisters pursue ? We are told that they will resign. Sir, I believe in no such thing. I think it would be a dereliction of duty on their part if they did resign." After some more remarks in this strain Lord Palmerston continued :—" But then, sir, it is said they might dissolve. Well, I have no greater faith in their dissolving. I believe if even such was their intention this house would be wiser than they, and would not lend its aid to a course which I think would be very injurious to the interests of this country." What, however, was the matter with the noble lord the author of the resolution while these extraordinary admissions were being made I Why that look of blank dismay I Can a thunderbolt have fallen at his feet ? Or is that look of mute despair caused by the melancholy conviction that the member for Tiverton has cracked the nut for his noble friend, and, taking out the kernel, handed him back the shell ? What does it all mean ? Is it malice, or mischief, or a mixture of both; and has Lord Palmer ston repaid with interest certain sharp practices of the last session of Parliament ? Even -handed justice has again been at work, and once more the schemer is disappointed. What a humiliating position for a legislator who has stood so high, and was just flattering himself that he had again overthrown his opponents, outwitted a rival, satisfied an old grudge, and obtained the object of his ambition I To turn to something of greater importance than the de feat of a crafty scheme, let us endeavour to arrive at a con clusion as to the probable issue of this debate. Will Lord Palmerston's oracular assertion be verified ? Is it so "certain that this resolution will be carried ?" We do not believe that the house will be induced by plausible but shallow arguments to adopt a course which will only create difficulty and cause delay. This trifling with the subject must produce even worse consequences than inconvenience. Is- it consis tent with the pledge which our legislators have given to her Majesty of offering the measure submitted to them by the Government a calm and impartial consideration? Is it dealing generously, or even fairly, with that Government which acceded to office under circumstances of peculiar dif ficulty, and have, relying upon that pledge, honestly en deavoured to deal with this intricate question, which their predecessors have studiously avoided ? 'We think not. Ministers had a right to expect that their bill would have been allowed to pass its second reading without this mockery of discussion, and then its various clauses and provisions might have been discussed, and, if expedient, amended. This is the course which Earl Grey, a veteran Reformer, as warmly devoted to the cause as Lord John Russell himself, and as well versed in the tactics of Parliamentary usage and of party contests, has advocated with a force of argu ment that is irresistible. There can, indeed, be no just cause for opposing the second reading of the Government measure. It does not contain a single provision that may not be dealt with in committee. Opposition members rise one after the other and concur in the same view, proclaim ing their intention of voting in its favour. The Solicitor- General has brought forward a happy precedent, and com mended this course by the declared opinions of no less authorities than the late Premier and Sir Charles Wood. In the teeth of these facts it will be hard indeed for Lord John Russell and his supporters to show that, as far as re gards the question of Reform itself, they had no other alter native. By seeking to defeat the Government measure they endeavour to postpone indefinitely any settlement of this difficult subject, and we think that those who are anxiously longing for the boon have not much cause to be gratified by their factious proceedings. • Apart from the immediate question of Reform, in the event of a dissolution no party can present themselves to the coun try with so good'a case and such confident expectations of support as Ministers and their adherents. The people believe .that their rule has been patriotic and beneficent, and have no misgivings for the future. Look at home. Was there ever a time when tranquillity and the sense of security seemed more generally to prevail ? Was commerce ever more active Was prosperity ever more widely diffused amongst all classes ? Has any period witnessed more determined efforts for the removal of abuses which have, grown up around and disfigured our ancient institutions, both in Church and State ? Was greater encouragement ever be stowed upon every well-judged scheme for the promotion of education and the intellectual, moral, and social improve ment of the people ? 'Though others have aided in the work, Ministers have given the impulse and set the exam ple. In the course of a few months they have accomplished more than their predecessors performed in as many years. Then look abroad I To say nothing of the content and prosperity that prevail in our various colonies, of the sup pression of the great Indian rebellion, of the improved aspect of affairs in that vast empire, of the opening of China and Japan to our commerce, and of various efforts to advance Christianity and civilisation by wisely-framed treaties— does not what is now actually passing on the continent of Europe redound to the credit of Lord Derby and his col leagues ? 'Words would fail to describe the wisdom, the firmness, and the dignity with which, under circumstances of unparalleled delicacy and difficulty, the present Ministry have directed the foreign policy of Great Britain and re stored the country to her rightful position in the foremost rank of European powers. To their firm yet conciliatory policy it is mainly owing that Europe is still in the enjoy ment of peace, and that war and bloodshed have been pre vented. Are these men, who have served their country and the world, to be embarassed for the sake of gratifying the inordinate vanity of one who does not even enjoy the confidence of his own party . ? Is Lord Palmerston so pacific that we should at this crisis, when a word may evoke the storm, feel safe under his guidance ? Was Lord Claren don's management of the Cagliari business so satisfactory as to justify an effort for his restoration to the Foreign office ? Shall Mr. Smith or Lord Clanricarde be summoned to control the destinies of our Indian empire ? The British public has had enough of these men. If a majority of the House of Commons could by any artifice be induced to reject the measure the present Ministry have ) offered, and compel them to bring their cause before the country, to the country they may conscien tiously appeal, in full and perfect confidence of obtaining that good working majority which will enable them to carry out the wise policy which has already produced so many beneficial results. THE NEW PATENT OFFICE BUILDING. (Tram the Mechanics' Magazine.) It is tolerably well known by this time that a splendid library lies awaiting exhumation in the " dark arches" of the present Great Seal Patent Office, and also that covetous hands are endeavouring to drag library, museum, and offices all westward. "To South Kensington with them !" was the first cry ; and now that this has become hopeless of success, " To Burlington-house 1" is the new note of certain gentlemen who have already more to do with the Patent Office than is desirable. Now, it is to the Commissioners of Patents, and especially to Sir Fitzroy Kelly and Sir Hugh Cairns, that we have looked for an official resistance to these cries. That the removal of the office and library to Piccadilly would be a highly improper thing, must be very evident to all who think for a moment on the subject. The persons who visit them daily and hourly are inventors, patentees, patent agents, and lawyers. The first three classes have, as a matter of course, perpetually recurring occasions of attending both the office and the library; and as to barristers and solicitors, there are now no less than 3,000 registered deeds in the office, in which these gentle men almost exclusively are concerned. Now, do inventors, patentees, patent agents, barristers, and solicitors, congre gate at Chancery-lane, where the Patent Office and library now are, or at Piccadilly ? Further, it is well known that a concentration of all the law courts and offices, with which the Patent Office is most intimately concerned, is extremely likely to take place on ground adjoining Chancery-lane. Sir Richard Bethell, for one, has set his heart upon the accomplishment of this, and with the suitor's fund of unclaimed millions to draw upon, he will doubtless attain his end. With what reason, then, can the permanent removal of the Patent-office and library to Piccadilly be ecntemplated ? In the Patent Law Amendment Act of 1852 provision was made for the payment of certain sums, part in fees and part in stamp duties. The stamp duties were £5 payable on the law officer's warrant for letters patent; £lO out of the third year's fee of £5O; and £2O out of the seventh year's fee of £lOO. Now, some official gentlemen or other —we know not who exactly—chose to put down these sums as so much " revenue," and paid them into the Treasury as such. In 1853, however, another act was passed con verting the whole of the payments (including fees) into stamp duties, and therefore abolishing his pretended dis tinction between the two kinds of payments. But, strange to say, no corresponding change has been made in the man ner of keeping the accounts. Every year, away goes a large sum from the surplus patent fund as "revenue still." The amount thus abstracted since 1852 is nearly £90,000. The Commissioners estimated the "Revenue stamp duties" for the current year at £16,000 more. So that the actual sur plus fund raised from patentees since 1852 is at least £lOO,OOO more than the Commissioners represent. This sum ought—every farthing of it—to be available for the new building if required, and with it we have no need to go begging a bit of Burlington-gardens from Lord Derby. ETIQUETTE IN THE MONKEY TRlBE.—Mon keyshave their code of etiquette as well as men ; and, as they do not possess cards, the correct mode in which a monkey announces its presence to a human visitor is by dropping a piecd of stick upon him. Perhaps he may consider the stick to be only a twig fallen in the course of nature, and so take no . Pown comes another stiek, end i f not • ,•- to look TT. :overal more ;. , ,re !p.t ' • t :OMR to the a,,,einbiy in the bunches. 1 hia point Navin; been gai ne d, th e nex t object is to let the intruder know that his company is un desirable, an d that the Moller he take s hi s d epar t ure th e more g eeable it will be for all p ar ti es. —R outledge ' s lllics ar by the Rev. J. G. Wood. tratal Natural History, THE BALLOT SOCIETY AND MR. WYLD, M.P. I OR BODMIN. TO THE EDITOR OF THE MORNING ADVERTISER. Sir,—The letter of Mr. Bontems in the .Morning Advertiser of March 26, 1859, is a justification, and complete justification, of the course I and the friends of the Ballot who support my addition to Lord John Russell's resolutions, intend pursuing. My amend ment is to add to the resolution, "And that at any election of a member or members to serve in Parliament the votes shall be taken by Ballot;" and Mr. Bontems writes "that the course proposed to be taken by Mr. Wyld is quite in accordance with the opinions of most, if not all, the mem bers of the committee who are not in Parliament, including . the Vice-President himself; and that they were only in duced to give way in consequence of the strongest remon strances from their leading Parliamentary friends, who in sisted upon it that irremediable damage would be done to the cause unless they did so." Is this so ? The Committee of the Ballot Society, who are well in formed of the public feeling—who represent public opinion uponthis greatquestion—who have friends, correspondents, and branch societies in all parts of England—who are in daily communication with those who advocate the Ballot throughout the empire—these intelligent and well-informed gentlemen have determined that the course I propose "is in accordance with their opinions," and yet they abandon • their opinions, and the opinions of those they represent, "in consequence of the remon strances of their leading Parliamentary friends." Re spectfully, may I ask, who are these "leading Parlia mentary friends ?" The voters now on the register—the citizen who seeks to be enfranchised by the Reform Bill — all those who ask for the protection of the Ballot, and who are looking to Lord John Russell's necessity as their oppor timity—demand, in the name of justice and of freedom, who compose this phalanx of "leading Parliamentary friends ?" What is their number ? Are they the veterans of the Ballot army; or are they the unwilling conscripts, who serve in our ranks, not because they like our banner or our cause, but because they are compelled to redeem their election pledges. Or are they unreal mockeries, conjured up before the eyes of the committee of the Ballot Society by some clever whip of party—by some office-seeker and would-be supporter of a future Government who wisl, to assume office without other pledges than mere vague gene ralities ? Mr. Bontems will find that he has rendered great service to the cause of the Ballot. He has informed the "leading Parliamentary friends" that the opinions of nearly all, if not all, the members of the committee of the Ballot Society are in accordance with the course I propose; and ho has warned our "leading Parliamentary friends" that if any miscarriage should occur to my amendment the blame will be on their heads, and not upon the committee of the Ballot Society. And the unanimous approval of the recognised organ of the Ballot opinions leaves to me no other course but to persevere with my addition to Lord John Russell's resolutions, and to demand the support of the " leading Parliamentary friends" of the Ballot Society.—l have the honour to be, sir, yours, Br.c., JAMES WYLD. Gloucester-road, Regent's Park. THE BALLOT SOCIETY AND THE MEMBER FOR BODMIN. TO THE EDITOR OF THE MORNING ADVERTISER. Sir,—l am sure your sense of fairness in matters affect ing personal and public character, and both are somewhat concerned in the case I refer to, will render it a pleasure to you to insert a few lines in reference to your leader of the 25th, so far as it relates to the Vice-chairman of the Ballot Society. 1 agree entirely with you it the opinion that the motion for the Ballot ought to be brought forward in con nection with Lord John Russell's amendment ; and I en close you, in confidence, satisfactory evidence, that I have even very strong feelings on this point. When, therefore, I add that I am an honorary member of the Executive Committee of the Ballot Society, and frequently attend the meetings in stirring times like these, you will believe that I am a fair witness on the points I refer to. Though a dissentient member from the majority of the committee on the subject of Mr. Wyld's motion, and though I so decidedly think the se cond reading of the bill is the time when a motion for the ballot should be made, I can yet assure you that the vice-chairman of the Ballot Society is, in that society, the very reverse of what you describe him to be. His position there is entirely due to his services. It has indeed been "promotion by merit." I never, in any lead ing official in any society—and I have been connected with many—saw such watchful, untiring diligence in a cause before. It is this which gives his opinion weight in com mittee meetings, and would give it weight in any meet ing of gentlemen. I have never seen anything but the reverse of wishing to be the "Lord Paramount" or " Ba shaw" among us ; nor indeed are the stiff and ardent Re formers with whom Mr. Whitehurst has to do, the men who would tolerate dictation for a moment. What I in close you in confidence will, I am sure, convince you that we are anything but "the veriest ciphers" in Mr. White hurst's hands. As to his "status in the political world," his " abilities," and so forth, that of course is purely matter of opinion. I - would only remark that to the one object of the ballot he devotes his entire political energies. It is in deed enough for one man ; and 1 must say that amongst a tolerably extensive acquaintance with Reformers, I do not know one so versed in all that relates to the object of his political efforts. His vote for Lord John Russell may of course be fairly challenged. I happened, how ever, to be present at a meeting in London of gentlemen from all parts of the kingdom on behalf of the ball6t, when he was asked his intention ; he avowed it, with the condition that if Lord John failed them in this Parliament on the Ballot, he should never vote for him again. I heard not one objecting voice raised. I think, sir, these few remarks on behalf of Mr. Whitehurst arc due from, as you perceive, an independent MEMBER OF THE BALLOT SOCIETY COMMITTEE. [We have allowed our Correspondent to go much farther in praise of the Vice-President of the Ballot Society than we could have been expected to do from our remarks in Friday's impression of the Morning Advertiser. Perhaps his friend and admirer will, at his leisure, reconcile the Vice-President's fitness for his position and eminent ser vices to the Society, with his sending the details of the more interesting-proceedings of the Society to a newly started paper, do the exclusion of journals which for twenty five long yeari had strenuously advocated the Ballot, when that mode of voting was far from being so popular as it now is. But probably our Correspondent may think this also onlyanother and striking proof of the matchless merits of the Society's Vice-President.—Ed. M.A.] THE BALLOT'. The Right Hon. H. Labouchere has returned the following answer to the members of the Ballot Society of Taunton, who had forwarded him an address, signed by 287 registered electors, praying that be would support the ballot : " Belgrave -square, March 24. " Gentlemen,--I have received a requisition, signed by a considerable number of my constituents, asking me to sup port the ballot in Parliamentary elections. " Among the names which are appended to it I perceive those of many of my oldest and firmest friends, and I hope that I need not assure them that it is with sincere pain that I take any course which is at variance with their wishes and opinions. " I will not attempt on. this occasion to argue the ques tion of the ballot, for it would be scarcely possible for me to do so within the limits of a letter. I can only say that I continue to believe that a system of secret voting for mem bers of Parliament in tb is country would produce greater evils than any that it professes to remedy. With this con viction, I should be unworthy of representing you, or any other honest constituency, if I were capable of changing my vote while my opinions remained unaltered. " I am not conscious that I am unduly biased in this matter by any personal interest. I have often been told, and I believe truly, that 1 should be more likely to gain than to lose if the elections at Taunton were conducted on a system of secrecy ; and it is certain that I in no degree owe my seat to the exercik'e of any predominant influence in my favour. Those among you who are acquainted with my conduct as a landowner in your neighbourhood will be aware that I have always left my tenants as free in the use of their elective franchise for the county as I am myself. "And now, gentlemen, I am sure that you will deal as frankly with me as I have endeavoured to do with you. I have been your member for almost 30 eventful years ; and you have had abundant opportunities of judging of my prin ciples and conduct. It is for you to consider whether the difference which exists between us on the subject of the ballot really outweighs in your minds that general coinci dence of sentiment on other questions which has so long existed, and which I believe still continues to exist, between us. If this shall be your opinion and that of the majority of my constituents, I assure you that I have no desire that any claims which length of service may give me in the minds of many among you should preclude you from adopt ing that course which ma • y give you ,a more fitting repre sentative at the next election. Whenever that decision is made known to me I shall bow to it without a murmur, and shall take leave of you with no other feelings than those of lasting gratitude for the confidence and kindness which I have so long experienced at your hands. " I am, gentlemen, your obliged and faithful servant, "H. LABOUCHERE." [ADVERTISEMENT.]-1 - 4 r olloway's Pills and Ointment.— Female Complaints.—On the mothers of England devolves much and serious responsibility in securing to their daughters robust health; too frequently, alas ! thought lessly sacrificed by culpable bashfulness at a particular period of life when all important changes take place in the female constitution ; and upon the proper management of which hangs future happiness or misery. Neglect in as sisting nature has consigned thousands to despondency, disease, and premature death. Holloway's Pills, especially if aided by the Ointment, have the happiest effects in establishing these functions, upon the due performance of which our social position depends, and our race saved from degeneration. Mothers and daughters may safely use these powerful deobstruent remedies without feeing the faculty. BIRTHS. ARRAIIIM.—On the 26th inst. at 30, ifarewood -square the wife of Phineas Abraham,'Esq., of a son. BOULTON.—On the 25th inst., at, S ur biton, the wife of F. Boulton, Esq., of a daughter. HARFORD.—On the 25th inst., at 9, Cleveland-square, Hyde-park, the wife of Charles R. Harford, jun., Esq., - - of a son. LOPES.—On the 24th • inst., at Maristow, Plymouth, the Hon. Lady,Lopos, of a son. MARRIAGES HOLME—HOLLIDA:i.--On the 24th inst., at the Antient Chapel, Toxteth-park, Mr. George Holme, second son of the late Mr. George Holme, of Milnthorpe, to Margaret Elizabeth, the only daughter of Mr. James Holliday, of Liverpool. DEATHS. CLAY.—On the 16th inst., at Loches, Knightley Musgrave Clay, Esq., formerly of the 2d Life Guards, and. 9th Lancers, aged 69. CIIRISTOPHER.—On the 23d inst., at Penton-place, John Danby Christopher, Esq., solicitor, of Argyle-street, aged 58. GRIMSTON.—On the 21st inst., at Kilnwick, Chas. Grim ston, Esq., of Grimston-Garth and Kilnwick, Yorkshire, aged 67. HOLLAND.—On the 25th inst., at Regency-square, Brigh ton' the Hon. Frances Holland, widow of the Rev. Dr. S. Holland, and daughter of the late Thomas, Lord Ho? la . • LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 112 Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the county of Middlesex, Monday, March 28, 1859., By tl mortgs be calb second Will be Full of Mes the calc in the had at tors an address W' Notic SHARI DAY n, V I With p( Capital Compan be offer( holdets. DepoE Chairml bcputy. ' of tl Sir Jam William , Co.) i.ord A Patrick Ori( itear-A, plac John Dh Lieuten: Itobert I aqua George Co.), Adenry '1 Rail shin Francis Man Joseph .1 pert CONSULT ENGINE] BANK] SOLIC] BROKER' The O'Sje want •ultY Di Mtn( Doc ZNCRE)I of w - tans, WA dire( any of ca been Corn the ] to es amp Eng tors, of a howl open and I cane eeed 11 1 ED tarp] Corn War ing Nort whic of ti PBt Paid adva the th: y e! coed less °fret 4 pplieal Offie Paw Esq. Tho Half Bell, Iron App THC pc should food, w Season. IM. Pi' flesh Inc {,'teat ad I lity of I T .l. 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