The Sun. — London, England, 1859-04-19 00:00:00

Lombardy.. and to the threat implied in the Austrian occu pation of Piacenza—statements and allusionswhich tended undoubtedly to show that an outbreak in the Lombardo - V e netian provinces, if not actually stimulated, would not be discouraged by Piedmont, but wo u ld be l oo keduon rather as a legitimate expression of national feeling, moral in aid of upon h th th er e sympathies and, perhaps, more than tl Pied mont might be advantageous to the country-it was but natural that, for her own protection,forthem ofaail ordertenan maintenance in her own territories, and for the preservation districts which she was told were so dissatisfied, preparations should be made upon a large and extensive scale by Austria. (Hear.) I am bound to say, also, .that as far as language could go the declarations of Austria from first to last have been uniform and constant, that as long as Piedmont con fined herself within borders and did not interfere with the Austrian te hr territories,ries, or with those obligations by to w apprehend hiclAustr any Austria was bound, in that case she had no reaso n attack from Austria, and that the Cabinet of Vienna was willing, and would even regard it as a friendly act, that France and England should enter into a guaran t ee — a guarantee which we proposed-of—of Piedmont for a considerable period against all risk of Austrian inva sion. (Hear.) I join in the observations made by the noble earl opposite as to the . injurious ch arac t er o f t h ose e tr aties and obligations—injurious not only t o It a l y b ut to Austria herself—into which Austria has entered with many of the Italian States; but, nevertheless, I am com p e ll e d to say that, however unwise, however ill advised, however injurious to the well-considered interests of Austria, those treaties were not more than what she had a legal right to enter into with any in dependent country. (Hear, hear.) I thi n k th ey were impo litic ; I think they increased the danger of disturbance ra ther than afforded any protection to either of the parties concerned; I think they would be wisely abandoned by Austria, and I believe that if our mediation had been per mitted to go on they would to a great extent have been ab rogated, or some substitute for them found, and in that way one of the great difficulties of the Italian question success fully overcome. (Hear, hear.) Again, with respect to the occupation of the Roman States, that was a point vrhichby universal consent might very fairly have been left to the deliberations of a Congress, or, subsequent to those delibe rations, to the assent and understanding of France and Austria themselves. At all events, the principle being adopted by the Congress, the practical execution of the proposal might have been safely entrusted to the three Powers chiefly concerned—France, Austria, and the Pope. I must say, however, that the history of the negotiations relative to the evacuation of the Roman States is somewhat veiled in mystery. It has been said that a demand was made by the Holy See for the immediate withdrawal of the French and Austrian troops. I believe the noble earl opposite is correct in stating that preparations for removal were ac tually begun on the part of Austria. Why no further pro gress has been made in such removal I know not, but, at the same time I think it right to say that I do not believe the immediate withdrawal of the French and Austrian troops could have been effected without running the risk of consequences which might have proved most lamentable not only to R ome, b ut to the whole of Italy. But I think it was most important, the principle of evacuation being once adopted, that the practical execution should follow within a given time—a time sufficient for such reforms and precautions on the part of the Papal Government itself as would have enabled it to do with safety what the interests of the world seemed so imperatively to demand. (Hear.) I shall not detain your lordships by entering into a con sideration of the various measures which we have proposed for the purpose of insuring, first by our own mediation, and next through the meeting of a Congress, a settlement of these difficult and perplexing questions. I think the time has now nearly approached when it mus be finally and definitively decided whether the Congress is to meet at all, or whether a peaceabe solution of these questions be pos sible. (Hear, hear.) It would be neither for the honour nor for the interests of England that these discussions as to tatted preliminaries of th e C ongress should be further pro (Cheers.) The time is nearly come when Eng land—which has, in 'd, made one more effort, suggested one more proposition, which I am not at liberty to lay be forfore your lordships--shall say that the period has gone by trifling, and that, having exhausted all her powers of persuasiop, and left no stone unturned to effect a settlement upon principles which have received the unanimous ap withdof her Parli ament, she must, however reluctantly, withdaw from interference in affairs in which she can no longer hope her int er f erence would be useful to the public interests or consistent with h er own di gn ity, and must again reserve to hrself, as s h e h as d one np to the present mo ment, absolute and entire freedom to take such steps as she ahehereafter think fit. (Ch eers .) My no ble friend has mustyd pointed out th e l amenta bl e consequences w hi c h be th e anse , if war does break out, to Italy herself, whatever Omuta or whoever in the first instance is successful. I thhik my noble friend underrates the magni tude of the danger if je supposes that the war will be con moat to Rear It will be a war, in the first place, of the Ban gnalarY description, because a war of principle and of passion. If will not be a war between two great nations contending for some definite object, but a war exciting the most violent passions, and once begun in Italy it willex tend far b eyond the limits of that country. Other passions wil l be roused, other interests will be touched, other nations I be called upon to interfere, and the war originating in I taly will certainly at no distant period extend far and wide, ter 7 i ni , g the whole of Europe in one general confia gratiml- ear, hear.) It would not be difficult to trace the a but Its y which such extension will necessarily ensue ; only say that even for England it would be im possible to look with total indifference to any alteration of the ec enPation of the Adriatic or its shores. Our interests in the M editerranean are such as require the most careful v vi sual:lce on our part. (Hear, hear.) It is obvious, more itself over, that a very little overstepping of the limits of Italy strop Would prod uce a state o f t hi ngs w hi c h , un d er th e whole gest and highe s t treaty obliontions, would bring the of Germany into the field in defence of the Germanic C onfederation. (Hear, hear.) Germany brought the field, what is t o become of Belgium, of E Swit zerland, of the genera l state o f t h e po li t i ca l re l at i ons o f ~nrePT e? War once begun in Italy can never be confined a ,'" n italY, and once spread beyond the limits of Italy it is may' to foresee who will be drawn into it, how far it zaay extend, or what may be its result. (Hear.) England is edeeeeeepl y i nterested in the maintenance of peace. She is pre k•-‘7,,i,t43 make almost any sacrifices for that object ; but, in the uTi -rest e,__ lt d . , she cannot assume a position which if war r ;7 1 1 8 1 er in a helpless and defenceless condition, and trali out, whatever be the consequence, our nen tY, as long as it may last, must to a certain extent be an on armed ne utrality--(hear)—enabling us to take our part ore htat side, whatever it ma y be, which the honour, the in dser ete. anethe di gn it y o f t h e country may indicate as best i e t _ v ing our support. (Cheers.) Such is the course which nePe. the Government will be supported in taking by the nneninious opinion of P ar li amen t a nd the country ; for yule we sil e cl l aln certain, is th e on ly so und and rational policy can pursue. God grant neces a it y o f entering we may be spared the greaterupon so dangerous a path ! God g ra nt that in the councils of Europe there may yet prevail Frant tbi moderation,te greater wisdom, greater temper 1 God pass by without bursting forth 13 1 n n i c i l:e. eaa ll°1 : 11 n t to sa n a d terrificmanner ay w Wei h' we as h l a sa ve id no h w efa to re o , that it n u , e_ anticipate ! But I am sure, the n aiiimmn • cu ances of peace depend in great measure upon ably assent of Parliament to the principles so noble earl op Y expressed by my noble friend and the it b e within r te, they will be materially strengthened if tdiovedeteloareowledge of Euro not be that England will event s ' A ke ___ remain a helpless P o e r feeble _spectator of that a ectiunus'flear compromise her dignity alid s houour, but Upon th e head7,Povninbility, with all its result , will be , laid eess ty seei_pro,ovrach;tiPenou-er, whatever it may be, which, withion.t due E' • '''' 1 nrolee 1 11 the and without the most urgent n . e '" own ous purposes to mvoive cheers.) e alainities of along and bloody war. (Loud The following bills and were read a third time through their several stages, t nance Act Conti rd time and passed :—Pauper Mam e mental Bill • p nu ance Bill; Local Government Supple ,' Sureni,entalublic Offices Extension Bill ; Naval Medi- Bill ; lida Fund Society Annuities Act Continuance 13i118 (Zl3,277,e t e e o A d ). : B r i Appropriation Bill ; Exchequer 'Upon the ' _Rembsion of Penalties Bill. ,; e.eGHTER BILL. s hi ps resolved motornotteor the LORD CHANCELLOR, their lord bill from which the insist tiPe ilit o ß in ,nions had,ei amendments in this dissented. The Marqui s of ',LEI -HOUSE. at the head of the Gov•XRICARDE asked the noble earl lay b e f ore Parliament emin ent whether it was i n t en d e d t o erection upo n th e eite .. the plans and estimates for the Metropolitan Board 0,...,,,erke1ey-house of premises for the , ae;tekatio.n pressed a fear lest th e Aeti these e se same time he ex - render impossible premises should James's Park f rom 4nrafatorrnation of an entrance to St. The Earl of DERnßianYssagiadr-thaqauat there would be no objec tion to . produce the marquis that as the Boarclef;rred to, and assured the noble the existing footway into the Works were required to widen would facilitate rather thaw e park the intended alterations provement which he pede the making of the im anhad ruen i tT THE CLOCK oe,eerti,' . the Lord CAMPBELL again -- NEW PALACE. the clock in the clock tower ed attention to the state of Since he had last spoken zio advance subject, now three weeks Rouses of Parliament. ago, the clock had made mi utesvanace of only five minutes. It had then indicated 10 at five minutes to that hoaxe r' (A llugh.) 6 o'clock, now it stood aatisfacto This rate of pro gress was not very The Earl of Rnery e( 1 , 7 1 - d hope, before the new Parliament assembled, that the ri(stileytie of the clock would have been overcome, and that dearest wish of the noble and lea wl .lat aPleeared to be the fully gratified. (A laugh.) retest lord's heart would be PRIZE PROPERT'y IN INDIA. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH to ask whether her Majesty's Government had yet ad o Z e i placing the army in India in R ees „ s r ou e r measures for °nation to the Indian The question of prize property in inn Priz 9roPerty ? stood in a peculiar position. If the d ou with thi s war army was to consist merely of that portion of the property which came strictly under the defon Ofattared it would be inconsiderable, and totally inadequat oroty, PurPose. Another and a very large portion eht - cola s e i e f te ° d i o ts f Pra P e rtY forfeited by reason of rebellion. The claim of the consti arFaY to %ix was - not so clear as its claim to the booty. totedelodes wonld arise in ascertaining what Strictl y forfeiture • . the Crown were to part with all th e property that h ' tbee i ' e the power of forfeited, it would deprive itself of • inakin gyro•vision for cases indicated by public policy. It instead of g rane i u -''' hare therefore, more desirable that, forfeitures whicb,baag generallY to the army a right over the out of the war, a large sum, bear ing some proporti on z is t bloc, and that the army .heir services, should be granted en Y 811 "ulal share in that according to rules laid down for its distribution. upon the Government th e ~,..A .b°, ,l'e all, he earnestly p resse d decision on. this subject efWyl ie' of coining to an early could be more inconsis tent with the principle that should nide them in such a case than that they thould defer a n d deserved so well of their count ry tui a t e i ldue to those who had its value and most of its grace; (lithe reward lost half 100 years course of 18 months the India n ar tny r e r e b ear.) In the at last empire which it took their Floriou s predsceratonquered an to acquire. It was to their exertions alone t r hat we owed this splendid result ; and he did think the time come when the Crown should award to that ar ray i r l o substantial proof of its gratitude than they had h ul t t mere ceived. He had, therefore, to ask whether anytenie.°Z?; yet been done towards granting the prize property t a i" e ;Z the late war to the Indian army? . Earlof DERB Y—l quite agree with m The friend, not only in the merited eulogium which he has passed upon the gallantry an d services of the army in India, but also in the opinion he ha s ex p ress ed , that rewards of' this kind lose a great deal of their value if they are not speedily bestowed. I therefore extremely re gretl as cheerfully. give him ' not me' in ~. power to give so satisfactory aswe th L aiitis an answer as that it would be I could wish, . The circumstances of the va rious captures to lay down are so exceedingly different, any Positive 1.1 difficult, if not impossible, . very p ble to them all. But, with have laid down cer taintb regard to the cap ture• sce rule ap D li e c lh a i the Indian Government . of ; ' which were acquiesced f r om that lace. regulations ce ...t e d , i n the first P d in by the late Court of Directors. They p which properly belonged which had been previously ex to the troops the recovery that stores or Government property they further excepted from 0 seized by the rebele, and which might be regarded tl4 prize any Pr ivate F r°Pert e T r which the claims of individual owners could be fairly re cognised. As to the rest, the commanding officers were directed to appoint committees to examine what e amount of prize collected had been, and to mak a return of the total amount under different heads th Lt might be properly appropriated to the army, or which either belonged to the State or to private individuals. The principle laid down by the Governor-G enera l was, as I have sa id , ac quiescedin by the late Court of Directors, who as long ago as July, 1858, sent out their approval of it, accompanied by a request that a return might be forwarded to this country with the least possible delay, stating the sums which might be legitimately distributed among the troops, in order that no time might be lost in obtaining the authorisation of the Crown to the distribution. To that despatch of July last I regret to say that up to the present moment no answer whatever has been received at the India-house. As to the questions raised with regard to the captures at other places —such as Kandeish, Kotah, and, above all, Lucknow—they are still under consideration by the Indian Government. and no decision has yet been arrived at upon the principle on which the distribution should proceed. But I can assure my noble friend that no time shall be lost in urging on the Government of India the necessity of hastening their ope rations, and of forwarding us the earliest information, so as to enable us to satisfy the just expectations of the army in this matter. Their lordships adjourned at half-past seven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lords' amendments to the Great Northern Railway Bill were considered and agreed to, and the bill was ordered for third reading. The following bills were considered and ordered for third reading :—Charing-cross Railway ; Oxford, Wor cester, and Wolverhampton Railway ; Reading and Hat field Road ; Salford Borough (No. 2) ; Tenbury Rail way ; Witney Railway (No. 2) ; Worcester and Hereford Railway. The following bills were read a second time :—Maidstone Water and National Fire and Life Insurance Company of Scotland. YACHT CLUBS. Lord DALKEITH moved that there be added to the return relative to yacht clubs, moved for on the 7th of this instant April, any statement of the reason for the Admi ralty withdrawing the white ensign from the Royal Western Yacht Club of Ireland in 1858, specifying whe ther the circumstance that the secretary of the Royal Western Yacht Club was in the habit of holding out the privilege of the White Ensign as an inducement to persons to join that Club had any influenceover that decision ; and a list of the vessels belonging to the Royal Western Yacht Club, specifying name, tonnage, and ports to which they belong.—Agreed to. ABERDEEN UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES. Mr. S. ESTCOURT hoped that in the absence of the Lord Advocate the hon. member for Aberdeen (Col. Sykes) would not press his motion relative to this subject, and he would promise that no steps would be taken in reference thereto until the meeting of the next Parliament. Colonel SYKES, under the circumstances, acceded to the request. THE BOY MARSDEN. In answer to Mr. BRISCOE, Mr. S. ESTCOURT said he was happy that this ques tion had been brought forward because there was much misconception relative to it. The inspector-general of re formatories attended the inquest held on the body of the boy, and from his report there was not the slightest ground for attaching blame to the officers on board the hulk, and that his death was produced by natural causes. LIEUT.-COLONEL DICKSON. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE asked the Secretary of State for War whether it was his intention to recommend her Ma jesty to re-instate Lieut.-Colonel Dickson, late of the Tower Hamlets Militia, after the verdict obtained by that officer in the Court of Queen's Bench ? Colonel PEEL, who was very indistinctly heard, said the grounds upon which he recommended the removal of Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson were purely of a military character, arising out of circumstances connected with the affairs of the regiment, for which Colonel Dickson as com manding officer was responsible. Colonel Dickson was not tried by court-martial, and had not, therefore, an opportu nity of rebutting the charges made against him before such a tribunal, but he should think him fully entitled to any advantage he had derived from the verdict he had gained in the Queen's Bench. As far, however, as the evidence taken in the course of that trial related to the military aspect of the question, the opinions expressed by his Royal Highness the Commander-in-Chief, the Adjutant-General, and other military officers, only confirmed the view he (General Peel) had taken. He had not the slightest doubt that the jury had done their duty ; he was quite certain he had done his duty, and he had no intention to recommend her Majesty to reinstate Lieut.-Colonel Dickson. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said that if he had the honour of a seat in the next Parliament he would move for the appoint ment of a select committee to inquire into the conduct of the gallant General and the Horse Guards with reference to Col. Dickson, and into the conduct of one of the officers who was a member of the Board of Inquiry subsequent to the proceedings of that Board, and during the trial to which he had referred. MEDICAL OFFICERS. In reply to Mr. GROGAN, Sir J. PAKINGTON said that it was proposed to place naval medical officers on the same footing with medical officers in the army. THE STATE OF EUROPE.—THE ITALIAN QUESTION. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, having brought up to the table, by command of her Majesty, copies of treaties, political and territorial, relative to the Italian States, said—Sir, in moving that these papers be laid upon the table I shall redeem my pledge to the house, and shall afford an opportunity to hon. gentlemen to make any obser vations they may wish, and I am sure that in so doing they will make those remarks with all the reserve that is in their opinion consistent with the exercise of a public duty. I promised that I would to-day place before the house the state of the negotiations which are now being carried on respecting the affairs of Italy. I think it was towards the close of the last year that her Majesty's Government were aware that there was a considerable sense of irritation be tween France and Austria. Her Majesty's Goverment, instructed the Queen's Ministers at the Courts of Paris and Vienna to take every practicable opportunity to soften that acerbity of feeling, and to remove misconceptions between those two Courts. At the beginning of the year—indeed, on the very first day of the year—circumstances occurred which I am sure are in the recollection of the house, which rendered that misunderstanding between France and Austria a matter of public notoriety. Her Ma jesty's Government then felt that they were placed in a position which entitled them to ask for more direct explanations than previously they had thought themselves authorised to demand. France was an intimate ally of this country, with whom we were acting with cordiality on many important questions, and between Austria and England there had been a good understanding of ancient date, and founded on very deep feeling. It ap peared to us, therefore, that it was an occasion when her Majesty might interfere, and by the exercise of her influ ence and her good offices might tend to maintain that ge neral peace in which the world is so much interested. Our position was at that moment, and, indeed, is at present, very favourable to an undertaking of the kind. I think at the beginning of this year we may say that which perhaps in the nature of things it has very rarely been in the power of any Minister to say—l do not claim any merit to the Government for it, but it is the fact—that neither with the Powers of the first class nor with the Powers of the second class, nor, indeed, with any portion of the political and monarchical hierarchy, was there any misunderstanding \vitt' this country. There was no question of controversy with any of the Powers of Europe existing at the moment, and therefore our position was one extremely favourable to our assuming the part of mediator. Under these cir cumstances, the Queen's Ambassador at Paris and the Minister at Vienna received instructions to inform them selves to the utmost of their ability as to the character of the relations between France and Austria, and what were the probable motives of that general want of cordiality which had too evidently arisen between those two great Powers. Several causes were supposed to be in existence which contributed to that unfortunate misunderstanding. What was occurring on the Danube, and other causes, were alleged, but some of these were happily removed and re dressed by diplomatic management, and I think it soon be came very evident that the real and more permanent cause of misapprehension was to le found in the existing state of Italy. Her Majesty accordingly instructed Lord Cowley to take all possible means for ascertaining the views of the Emperor of the French upon that subject ; and Lord Cow ley, who was responded to with the same frankness which he himself exhibited, informed us that he believed he was in possession of the general views and feelings of the Emperor of the French upon the position of affairs. Now, I may perhaps be allowed to make an observation upon what were the views of her Majesty's Government at that time upon that question. I believe I may say that, generally speaking, those views were such as have always been expressed in this and the other House of Parliament by eminent statesmen of, all schools and parties. We could not for a moment maintain that the general condition of Italy was a satisfac tory one. Her Majesty's Government during the Confer ences of Paris had assented to the propriety of inquiring into the cause of the discontent which then prevailed in some parts of Italy. We were of opinion—an opinion shared in, I should think, by all persons who have deeply reflected upon this subject—that it would be most unwise to disturb the settlement which had been made by the treaties of 1815. The position which Austria took in Italy at the time of the settlement of 1815 was rather recommended to her by the great statesmen upon whom then devolved the settlement of E u r ope than sought by Austria herself. It was said to be a matter of very great importance in the maintenance of the balance of power that Austria should exercise a preponde rating influence in Italy. It was also then considered that the kingdom of Sardinia, which during the revolutionary s truggles had not shown the power which was thought ex pedient, should be greatly increased in authority and strength. These were the two principal objects of the set tlement of 1815, so far as Italy is concerned ; nor is there any greatereti error th an t o suppose th at when we speak of the a it..tt 8 t e r i n i a e n th a t oft alonelBls withis Before concerned. respect to Italy thatis the ssettlement t interest lem en t o o f f IteBrlsSraardagniniita herself d was comparatively a Power of very in greatatlyte t] : e. possible to It was the settlement of 1815 that added cha racter ter_ ritory of Sardinia and to her purely Italian oc cupation of deal er of considerable importance. But it was im possible a polder converted her into, so far as Italy is con and the exercise the e Y e —nor did we wish to deny—that the oc were acknowledge eonftral States of Italy by a foreign army Vienna, and by the Austrian influence over States which be independent by the Congress of Act of that Congress, was a condition of things extremely desirable should be t e it i ,.. tidact° 1 7, and one which it was Generally speaking, h e . r y td, and, if possible, removed. desirable in Italy, it was ou r whatever changes we thought to (seek their removal fr , ~..1 1r . _ °Pinion that it was not wise J wax " 4 by revoltition--(hearj— but rather by the influence of public 1 by the good offices of opinion, which every ifluence in Europe al: Prey - ail. Lord Cowley nam. , ,mt of the views upon yearthose en abled i 8t b e coming mn to o S overeignsg makemw o h r whose s their general advice powerful, , reported that his inter views and conversation with tb'e Emperor of the French ha wlai vi c n h g l bee ha n ve ap t p ou ri c s h ed ed b , y a t n h d e h G a7i e r i .t.g ; were satisfactory, we requested l iim to repair to London, where we had the advantage of co nferring with him, and shortly afterwards her Majesty di' :ected that he should pro ceed to Vienna. Lord Cowley die I not go to Vienna in what is called an official capacity, 'a.7 ad he did not receive formal instructions, but he had confer r ed amply with her Majesty's Government, and the object of his mission was that, being placed in possession—and thi it he had been there is no doubt —of the intentions and view s of the Emperor of the French, he should ascertain how fa .r it was practicable for Austria to meet the policy indicatee i by the Emperor, and in so meet ing it lay the basis of a settlement for Italy more satisfac tory than the existing one, and tending to the preservation of peace. I ought to have observed that before Lord Cowley undertook that duty, as it was considered that it might lead to some misunderstanding if the Emperor of the French found the Ambassador accredited to his own Court sent on a mission of this kind, a communication was made to his Majesty on the subject; and I am bound to say that the Emperor approved with the utmost cordiality of the choice we had made in Lord Cowley, as one who entirely possessed his views on the subject, and who was likely also to possess the confide-ace of the Court of Vienna. Now, I believe I am using expressions which are perfectly justified when I say that the mission of Lord Cowley was eminently, and not merely eminently but entirely, successful. It was a mission of mediation. The Emperor of Austria responded to it in the spirit in which it was conducted ; all the points that had been suggested for consideration by the Emperor of the French were candidly and cordially considered ; and when Lord Cowley returned to London on his immediate way to Paris there was not a doubt on his mind, or on the mind of the Government, that the mediation had been suc cessful, and that we should be able completely to arrange those points of controversy which prevailed with regard to Italy between France and Austria. Before, however, Lord Cowley could arrive at Paris, the Court of St. Petersburg, animated, I make no doubt, by the same feelings which in spired us—namely, the desire to prevent war—had proposed to the Emperor of the French that these subjects of con troversy in Italy should be submitted to the consideration of a Conference, and his Majesty had accepted that proposal, the Congress, according to the suggestion made, to be com posed of the five great Powers. When we were informed of this overture we were at the same time apprised that in due course an official offer of the same kind would be made to her Majesty's Government. Now, however fortunate we might have been in the scheme of mediation which had been thus far conducted, and so successfully conducted, we had to consider what chance we should have of completing those arrangements when another plan, which had the sanction and acceptance of the Emperor of the French, was already, not in intentional - rivalry, but in actual emulation with our own. We therefore thought, in order that time,which was precious uuder such circumstances, should not be lost, that it would be wise to accept the scheme of the Congress, instead of the plan of mediation which we had hitherto promoted ; and before the formal proposal of a Congress was made to the Government, we had communicated with the Court of St. Petersburg, notifying our willingness to agree to the Congress, provided it was formed upon the four conditions with which, I have no doubt, the house, from many sources, may be familiar, but which it is proper I should put authen tically before it. That the Congress was not to interfere with the settlement of 1815 was universally admitted. The four conditions on which it was proposed that the meeting of the Congress should take place were—firstly, the evacua tion of the Roman States by foreign troops ; secondly, the reform of the administration of the Roman States; thirdly, the best means of preventing a war breaking out between Austria and Sardinia ; and, fourthly, the providing a sub stitute for the separate treaties which had been entered into between Austria and the Central States of Italy. These four conditions were accepted by France, by Russia, and by Prussia. They were also accepted by Austria with a fifth condition, which was really nothing more than a fair inter pretation of the third, which, as I said before, involved the consideration of the best means of preserving peace between Austria and Sardinia. This fifth condition was, I repeat, nothing more than an interpretation of the third, for it sim ply furnished a definition of the best means of preserving peace, which, in the opinion of Austria, were to be found in the disarmament of Sardinia. Now, when Austria made that proposition to her Majesty's Government we did not approve that any course should be taken which should humiliate Sardinia, which should have that teedency, or which should weaken her power. We said, therefore, that we could not approve a condition which would secure the disarmament of Sardinia as a preliminary to any considera tion of the general affairs which would be submitted to the notice of the Congress. But as it was a matter of great importance that this difficulty should be removed, and that the Congress should, if possible, assemble, we offered to France, that if Sardinia should disarm, we and France should guarantee her against any attack from Austria for a certain period, Austria entering into a solemn engagement not to attack Sardinia. That proposition, how ever, was not accepted. At that moment, therefore, the pro position for a Congress was not accepted by the five great Powers of which it was to be constituted in accordance with the original proposition. Well, we had, under these circum stances, to bring the question again before the Court of Vienna, and Austria, I am bound to say, in that spirit of dignified conciliation which she, upon the whole, exhibited throughout those negotiations, consented to waive the invi dious condition of the disarmament of Sardinia, and pro posed that there should be a general disarmament of the European Powers. Now, that was a proposition which was received with favour by her Majesty's Government, and we submitted it to the Court of the Tuileries. It was just after we had done so, and before we had received any reply on the subject, that the noble lord the member for Tiverton gave notice that it was his intention to bring forward the general question of the state of these negotiations, and it was because we had not received the reply that I felt it my duty to ask the noble lord some few evenings ago not to press the ques tion. Since then an answer has come to us from France, and she has accepted thepropositionof Austria that there should be a general disarmament. (Hear, hear.) Whether that general disarmament should take place before the meeting of the Congress, or whether when the Congress meets it should be the first subject taken into its consideration, is a point which is not settled. There are two opinions with respect to it. Austria is in favour of a general disarma ment taking place before the assembling of the Congress ; France would prefer that when the Congress met the ques tion of a general disarmament should be that which should be first brought under discussion. Her Majesty's Govern ment would approve very much of the suggestion of Austria if all the other powers were equally favour able to it ; but, unfortunately, the proposition of a general disarmament has not as yet been aceepted by Sardinia, and therefore it is useless to go into matters of detail when the principle has not been accepted. Whether the dis armament should be entered into before the Congress meets, or whether the condition of a general disarmament should be the first subject discussed by the Congress, are matters which really sink into secondary importance when there is a Power so much interested in those affairs as Sardinia which has not accepted the very principle of disarmament. Now, it is understood that Sardinia has not accepted this principle of disarmament because she has not been invited to be present in the Congress, and upon that point I would, with the permission of the house, make one or two observa tions. There is no doubt that in this country great sym. pathy has been enlisted in favour of Sardinia—(hear, hear) —and notwithstanding there has been some change in the strength of those sentiments as compared with what they were some little time ago, and notwithstanding that there has been much that was embarrassing, perplexing, and even ambiguous, in the conduct of Sardinia, I am bound to say I believe, on the whole, the feeling of this country is not wanting either in justice or kindness towards her. (Cheers.) On the part of her Majesty's Government also I am quite sure I may state that we are willing and prepared to place the most generous interpretation on her conduct, looking at the difficulties which she has had to encounter and the ex ploits which she has accomplished. (Cheers.) I need not, therefore, say that we have considered the question of the presence of Sardinia at the Congress without prejudice, but I would remind the house that the proposition to which I have referred was one for a Congress of the five great Powers, and that it was made by a Power supposed to be very favourable to Sardinia to a Power known to be very I friendly to Sardinia. The proposition being such as I have stated it to be, it was difficult to know how Sardinia could appear as a member of the Congress. It has, indeed, been said that Sardinia was represente I at the Congress of Paris, and no doubt that was so. But Sardinia won her place in that Congress by the performance of deeds which reflected great glory and reputation on the people of that country as well as upon her rulers and Ministers. (Cheers ) She had taken a very spirited part in the Crimean war. ' (Cheers.) She had made great exertions and endured great sacrifices. She was, therefore, fairly entitled, when the settlement of the struggle in which she was engaged was being completed, to take her place in the council by which that settlement was effected. (Hear, hear.) But in the pre sent instance hon. gentlemen will feel in a moment that the difficulty by which we are met cannot be easily surmounted. Here is a Congress which is to consist of the great Powers of Europe. Sardinia is not a great Power. Is she to attend at the Congress as a secondary Power ? If so, what superior claim to any other secondary Power has she to that privi lege ? Why should Sardinia be represented at the Congress any more than Sweden or Portugal or Holland ? (Hear.) But then it may be said that Sarlinia is an Italian State, and that as such she is entitled to take part in the proceed ings of the Congress. (Hear.) But if Sardinia is to sit in the Congress as an Italian State, surely other Italian States have an equal right to do so. Have they not something more than an equal right ? The Congress which it is:proposed should meet will have to deal with the interests of other Italian States, but cannot touch Sardinia or her interests. They depend on the settlement of 1815, and Sardinia cannot be influenced in any way by any arrangement that may be re commended by the Congress ; for whatever decision it may arrive at can only take the form of a recommendation. There was, in our opinion, a means by which from the com mencement, the sentiments of the Italian States might be consulted without their being members of the Congress. We might have followed the precedent which was pursued in the case of the Conferences which were held in London, when Holland and Belgium, although not members of it, appeared before the Conference and stated their opinions. We might have followed the precedent, still more analo gous, of the Congress of Laybach, in which the affairs of Italy were taken into consideration by the great Powers, and in which, I believe, almost all the States of Italy took a part, sometimes sitting in the Con gress themselves. This, at all events, I may say, that her Majesty's Government, so far from opposing the appearance of Sardinia in the Congress if it were practic able, urged on the other great Powers of Europe their de sire that the precedents furnished by the Conferences of London and Laybach should be followed, and that means should be found by which the interests and wishes of the Italian States should be set forth and represented by them selves. Well, this is the condition of affairs. I have now stated the facts of the case to the house. I have pointed out what has been the course of these negotiations. I have shown the house that the original scheme of her Majesty's Government was that of mediation between France and Austria. I have also shown that there was every prospect that that mediation would be successful, and how, in conse quence of a counter proposition, it assumed the form of an intended Congress. I have pointed out to the house that her Majesty's Government have done everything in their power to facilitate the assembling of that Congress and to bring about a satisfactory state of affairs. We are, therefore, sir, in this condition at the present moment :—France and Aus tria have alike accepted the principle of a general disarma ment, although on the immediate manner in which that dis armament should be carried into effect they are not agree d . Sardini a h as no t agree d to the disarmament, on account, it is understood, of her not having been summoned in person to the Congress. It might be hoped, under these circum stances, that the difficulty on the part of Sardinia would, at least, not prove insurmountable ; but I have the satisfac tion to inform the house that this morning the Marquis cl'Azeglio arrived in this country OA a special mini= from THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 19, 1859. Turin. He has had an interview with the Secretary of State already, and I augur from it beneficial effects. The Sardinian Minister is a man of enlightened and temperate opinions, and I cannot but believe that under his guidance Sardinia will take the course which, in my opinion, will be the one most conducive, not only to her advantage but to her reputation. (Hear, hear.) I cannot believe that in the present circumstances of the case there is any Power in Europe which would wantonly provoke a war. There is a Power which may not be present at this Congress when it takes place, but which is greater than emperors and con gresses, and that is the power of public opinion. (Hear, hear.) I do not believe that in this day that is a power which can be wantonly outraged. (Cheers.) Sir, I should think it a gross outrage of public opinion if, under the circumstances in which we now find ourselves with re spect to the Italian question, no solution should be found but that of the sword. (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, it• appears to me that the elements of a settlement are in exis tence, and, although I know it is disheartening in conduct ing negotiations to find that you do not rapidly arrive at the result you desire, still, on the whole, I cannot but trace in all that has occurred a predominant wish that the solu tion should be one of peace. (Hear, hear.) Ido not wish to conceal from this house and the country that the issue is no mean one. A war in Italy is not a war in a corner. An Italian war may be, and probably will be, an European war. (Hear, hear.) The waters of the Adriatic cannot be disturbed without agitating the waters of the Rhine. The port of Trieste is not merely an Italian port; it is a port which belongs to the Germanic Confederation, and anattack on the port of Trieste is not an attack on Austria merely, but on Germany. (Hear, hear.) If, then, a war spread beyond the precincts of Italy, England is interested, not only from those enlightened principles of civilisation which make her look with an adverse eye on any attempt to disturb the peace of the world, but England may be interested from material considerations of the most urgent and momentous character. (Hear, hear.) Sir, under these circumstances, I am sure the house will treat with all the temperateness that is desirable the question that is brought before them at this mement. I have placed before them without reservo a statement of the position of these negotiations, and, Sir, I will express more than my hope—l will express still my belief, that with firmness and conciliation the peace of the world may be maintained. (Cheers.) . . Lord PALMERSTON—Mr. Speaker, I trust that in the few observations I may feel it my duty to make on the statement which the right hon. gentleman has just addressed to the house, or on the matters to which it relates, nothing shall fall from my lips which shall tend in any degree to add to the difficulties which her Majesty's Government and the other Powers concerned may have in the settlement of the negotiations to which the statement of the right hon. gen tleman refers. Sir, I am sure everybody will agree that her Majesty's Government acted from a perfect sense of duty, and from a regard for the general interests of Europe, in undertaking that informal mediation between France and Austria to which the mis sion of Lord Cowley to Vienna related. I might, per haps, think, if something more of a formal and official cha racter had been given to that endeavour, and if her Majesty's Government had obtained from the French Government and the Government of Austria some formal acceptance of the good offices of Great Britain and Prussia— if she would have joined Great Britain with the view to an arrangement with the different States—that perhaps that course of negotiation would not have been interrupted by any other proceeding, and might have tended to a successful issue. I don't blame Russia for having interposed her proposal of a Congress. It was natural enough that, with the best intentions, a great Power like Russia should desire in the settlement of a great European transaction to take an adequate part. She could have had no part in a mediation if conducted singly by Great Britain. She necessarily forms part of the Congress, and therefore the moment the mode of proceeding by Congress was adopted Russia naturally stepped in, and has her proper part in the negotiations which this Congress is about to superintend. Now, I think, undoubtedly it is natural that Austria should have wished that the negotiations should be either preceded or accompanied by a general disarmament. It was quite unreasonable, however, in Austria to make the proposal she has made—namely, that Sardinia should disarm, and that she should not—(hear)—because, according to that note we saw published the other day from Count Buol to Lord Augustus Loftus, the proposal was that Sardinia should disarm, and that the only engagement Austria was to enter into in return was, that pending negotiations she would not attack Sardinia unless Sardinia did something—l forget what—in violation of her duties towards Austria. The result of that would have been, if the negotiations had been broken off, which might have been done by Austria herself, that Sardinia, still further weakened by disarma ment, would have been left entirely at the mercy of Austria. (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's Government were therefore perfectly right in objecting to that condition, and Austria was quite right in waiving so unreasonable a proposition. I am glad to hear that both France and Austria have agreed to the principle of disarmament, because, when these two great Powers admit that principle, it seems to me that we are not too sanguine in hoping that the negotiations following upon that must eventually tend towards a continuance of the peace of Europe. (Hear, hear.) But I must say it appears to me that going into a long discussion on the question of disarmament, instead of going at once into the Congress to consider the real question at issue, is somewhat of a waste of time. (Hear, hear.) If the Powers are really willing to adopt those fo ur pr o po s itions w 'eh the right hon. gentleman has stated to the house, the m 'n and prin cipal one of which is the evacuation of foreign `t,oops from Central Italy, and implying, I presume, an engagement that those troops should not at any future time return— (hear, hear, and a laugh)—why should the Congress not meet at once and settle that point, for that point not set tled everything else would be nugatory with the view to the establishment of diplomatic negotiations? The expres sion of a general disarmament is one of the general meaning of which i s in itself excessively vague. (Hear, hear.) If you tell me you are going to disarm a single man or a regi ment I understand what you mean ; but when we are told that France, Austria, and Sardinia are to disarm, we ought to know to what that operation refers. It must mean the assimilation of the number of their troops to that at which it stood at some previous period, and that the troops are to return to the positions they held at that previous period ; but in that case you must have an inspection of returns by a commission and an inspection of positions ; you must have operations performed which must require a long space of time. It is not a thing that can be done in a week or a month ; and until it is done to the satisfaction of all parties —if this is to be a preliminary part of the negotiations— your negotiations will be indefinitely postponed, and in the meantime all the existing apprehensions and jealousies will be still permitted to operate. Now, why should the Con gress not meet at once, and why should they not agree that there should be a disarmament operating in the course of time, and then proceed to discuss the real question on which the peace of Europe turns? (Hear, hear.) I am not going to suggest the details ; but no man who has looked at the state of the Continent can shut his eyes to the fact that it is the disturbed, restless, and uneasy condition of the Ita lian States which endangers the peace of Europe—(hear)— and that that restless and uneasy condition results from bad government on the south of the Po. (Hear, hear.) To this is to be added the confidence on which the rulers of the different States in that part of Italy rest, that, in the event of any disturbance on the part of their sub jects against their oppression and tyranny, Austrian troops will come to their aid and quell the disturbance. Well then, I say, let France and Austria agree immediately to withdraw the troops that now occupy Central Italy, and let them come to a formal and public engagement that, under no circumstances, and at no future time shall they re-occupy those places—(hear)—and then Congress may go into the questions connected with the amelioration of Italy in ge neral. But I am inclined to believe that this single agree ment when it was once made publicly known would lay the foundation of a progressive improvement in every State scuth of the Po. (Hear, hear.) It cannot be supposed that the people of Italy are in that disturbed and excited condition in which they were found in the year 1848. The minds of men are more reasonable now than they were then, and there is a much better underst tnding among the natives of Italy as to the means by which an improvement in their administrative systems can be ootained. (Hear, hear.) There is also much less impatience and much less disposition to acts of violence than there was in 1848, and I am of opinion that if the Governments and natives were once firmly convinced that they would be left to themselves to settle their reciprocal differences, there would be laid the sure and certain foundation of a progressive improvement throughout the Italian peninsula. (Cheers.) I can easily suppose that a Congress, if it goes into the question of what specific reforms are desirable for Rome, what for Tuscany, what for Parma, and what for Modena—changes which differ in degree in those States—will be undertaking a task which it would not be in the power of the wisest men, not knowing those countries, to perform. (Hear.) Therefore, I am not urging any particular steps in regard to these matters, except the general encouragement and exhortation which would be felt if this, as one of the conditions preli minary to the Congress, should be proposed to these Go vernments. (Hear.) Now it seems to me that the present difficulty arises from the indisposition on the part of Sardi nia to consent to the principle of disarmament unless she is admitted as a member of the Congress. With regard to that it might be said that, considering that the army of Sardinia is necessarily much smaller and weaker than that of Aus tria, the latter Power cannot seriously entertain any alarm of actual invasion on the part of Sardinia. If, how ever, that probability were seriously contemplated, the Powers of England and France would require, and would doubtless obtain from Sardinia such assurances as would set the mind of the Austrian Government at ease from any ap prehension of danger of that kind. And I should not have supposed, and it would be hard to suppose, that if Austria retired from the Sardinian frontier, and if Austria meant to reduce her establishments, any sensible Government of Sardinia would continue to impose upon the people of that country the serious burdens entailed upon them by the pre sent extent of their armaments. Therefore, I must take it for granted that the principle of disarmament having been admitted, and Congress having met to discuss the Italian question, Sardinia would follow the example of France and Austria, and would cease to place herself in a position that would excite any apprehension. With regard to the appli cation made by Sardinia to be a member of the Congress, I cannot express any opinion of my own. This is a question which rests upon he responsibility of the Government to determine, but I will just state one or two points which have occurred to my own mind. No doubt, it may be said on the one hand, as it has been judiciously said by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that Sardinia has not hitherto been considered one of the leading Powers of Europe, and the proposition of Russia being that the five great Powers which have hitherto taken a part in European questions should meet in Congress, that proposition does not in its terms include Sardinia. But the example quoted by the right hon. gentleman has in some degree an analogy of a different kind. Sardinia was a member of the:Congress of Paris. And why ? Because Sardinia had been one of the belligerents. She had taken part in the war against Russia, and Sardinia could not therefore re •establiah her relations with Russia except by a treaty of peace, and if that treaty were to be negotiated it was but fair and just that Sardinia, who was expected to sign it, should also have a voice in the negotiation of that treaty. But Sardinia may be said at present to occupy a somewhat analogous position to that which she occupied at the Congress of Paris. (Hear, hear.) There has been no war in this case, and Sardinia is not therefore a belligerent, but all these questions and this Congress arise out of the apprehen sions of the different States, in consequence of the armies which have been maintained and put in a threatening posi tion, and from the apprehensions of conflict arising there from. Sardinia is one of the parties from whom these appre hensions exist, and Sardinia is also one of the parties called upon to disarm. (Hear, hear.) Sardinia might therefore say, " If you call upon me to disarm in common with France and Austria, and if that question is to be discussed in the Congress, I ought to be allowed to be present there as well as France and Austria." (Cheers.) Ido not see, under these circumstances, any serious danger on the part of the five Powers if Sardinia were permitted to consider that question on the specific ground that what she is called on to do she will have to do in common with France and Austria, and that it is therefore fair she should be present at a discussion upon this question of disarmament. (Hear, hear.) If, on the other hand, it should be found that there are invincible objections to Sardinia being admitted as a member of the Congress, I think you ought not to impose upon her an im mediate disarmament, which ought to apply only to those who are to be members of the Congress. (Hear, hear.) One of these two courses you ought to adopt—either admit Sar dinia to the Congress, and require her to be a party to the general disarmament, or say that as she is not a member of the Congress you trust to her good sense to follow the ex ample of France and Austria to disarm. With regard to the general subject I think that the statement of the right hon. gentleman gives us well-founded hopes that the peace of Europe will not be disturbed. (Cheers.) It is impossible to see any ground on which war could now legitimately take place. (Cheers.) I apprehend there is no pretence for the violation of existing treaties by the infraction of the Aus trian possessions in Northern Italy. I believe that the state ment of the right hon. gentleman of the position of Austria, as established in 1815, is perfectly correct. At that time people acted as they mostly do—they thought of the last danger that had threatened to overwhelm them, and that last danger was the preponderating power of France, and her wide and expanding possessions. The arrangements made with regard to the north of Italy were made against that dan ger, and I presume' that men at that time did not so much consider what effect those arrangements might have upon the general welfare of the States of Italy. However, that which was done was done by treaty, and that treaty is the charter by which Europe holds its present distribution of ter teritory. (Hear.) There can beonthe part of no one a desire to violate that treaty. These arrangements in Central Italy were arrangemenes made between France and Austria, and these two Powers are too much enlightened, and too desirous to promote peace, not willingly to agree to them ; and if that be done, any legitimate cause of war seems entirely to disap - pear. There may be, and there are occasions when war is necessary, and when war is necessary it becomes just. But to enter upon war without a strong necessity is an act of injustice, which, reversing the well-known saying of the old diplomatist, is " not only a fault, but a crime. And I trust that no Government will be so blind to the duties they owe is themselves, to their subjects in Europe, and to mankind, as to enter now upon a war for which there is not only no necessity, but no legitimate or plausible pretext. (Cheers.) The house has received, and I have received, with satisfac tion, the general outline given by the right hon. gentleman of the present state of the negotiations ; and I will only fer vently hope that the efforts of those Powers who are endea vouring to smooth down these difficulties and maintain the peace of Europe will be crowned with that success which such endeavours most justly deserve. (Cheers.) Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said that twe months ago the state of Italy was brought under the consideration of the house, and they were then told that France and Austria were about to evacuate Rome. The noble lord (J. Russell) congratu lated the house and the country on the probability of this event. The house, however, was gagged en that occasion, and now things were coming to a crisis. It was quite time they should come to a crisis, for the state of Italy was a disgrace to continental Europe. He wanted to know what hope there was for Italy from the speech of the right hon. gentleman. They were told that there was to be a Congress. Sardinia claimed a place in that Congress, and why did she claim it ? The right hon. gentleman had not told them those reasons, and he said that if that house, speaking on the part of the people of England, did not say that Sardinia was entitled to a place in the Congress it would disappoint the people of this country. (Hear, hear.) In a letter to the British Government, Count Cavour not long ago gave rea sons for wishing that Sardinia should be represented in the Congress : _ _ "but the Cabinet of Turin believes at the same time that Piedmont ought to be represented at this Congress, and it is persuaded that its intervention would be useful, not to say indispensable, if the Powers which show a . proved sympa thy for Italy, and those which desire to obviate the danger of the abnormal state - of the Peninsula, think that they can render prevalent a system more conformable to justice by obtaining concessions and guarantees of a nature to calm the public mind. Sardinia enjoys the confidence of the un happy populations whose fate is about to be decided." (Hear, hear.) " Sardinia enjoys the confidence of the un happy populations whose fate is about to be decided," and yet the five great Powers, in the exercise of a tyrannical act, said that Sardinia should not appear to plead the cause of Italy before the Congress. (Hear.) The British Govern ment, he said, would disgrace itself unless it insisted on Sardinia having a seat, and Sardinia was quite right not to disarm unless she had &seat in the Congress For the five great rowers to make her disarm and not give her a seat would be the greatest act of oppression and tyranny which had ever been committed. (Hear.) He did not know what view the noble lord the member for the City took of it, but the view which he had stated was certainly consistent with former expressions of the noble lord. (Hear.) The state of Italy was a disgrace to civilised Europe. He believed that nothing short of the independence and unity of Italy would before long satisfy Italy. (Hear.) Austria was the curse of Ttaly. She had been so for a long time ; and it was be lieved that the British Government were playing into the hands of Austria. They must get rid of Austria altogether from Italy before they could secure the peace of Italy. They might stave it off by this Congress; they might exclude Sardinia; but they would never promote peace and happi ness in Italy so long as Austria dare set foot in Italy. (Hear.) England could do much. She need not go to war. She need only use her moral influence, and say to Austria " The manner in which you have governed and do govern the Italian people is a disgrace to you. Give them a con stitution if it is your determination to remain, - but it is much better for you to withdraw altogether and leave the Italian people to settle their own differences." (Hear.) He believed it would be wise to give that advice, but if the Government went on in the half-and-half way they were doing war was inevitable, and that would be the consequence of the policy which the Government was pursuing. (Hear.) He did not think that the noble lord the member for Tiverton had spoken out in the manner which the people of this country would expect he should on this occasion. He hoped to hear the noble lord the member for the city of London say some thing on this subject. (Hear.) He had not intended to rise at the moment when he did, but he should have been sorry to see the discussion close without raising his voice and ex-• pressing his opinion in favour of a much more liberal policy than her Majesty's Government seemed inclined to pursue towards the unhappy people of Italy. (Cheers.) Mr. GLADSTONE said—l cannot help expressing my regret that the hon. gentleman the member for Finsbury, as I am afraid the event will prove, ehOuld have widened the field of this discussion. (Cheers.) He has complained of the remarks made by the noble viscount the member for Tiverton, but, so far as it appears to me, the great merit of those remarks lies in the sedulous avoidance of whatever could tend to irrelevant, and in the strict adherence to the immediate, matter in debate. (Cheers.) I am sure the hon. member for Finsbury (whose goodwill towards the suffering people of Italy cannot be doubted) can hardly be of opinion that he contributes to a satisfactory solution of the existing difficulties, by urging in this house upon the Government that no remedy can be effectual short of the expulsion of Austria from Italy and a great alteration in the treaties of 1815)—hear, hear)—and going one step further and com plaining that the policy of her Majesty's Government is not adapted to promote the general interests of Europe or the maintenance of peace. (Hear.) With respect to the policy of her Majesty's Government, it is certainly the very last thing I should think it wise to do—to assume that that policy has taken a wrong direction until I am aware that such is the case. (Cheers.) I should think I was injuring the very cause I might desire to serve by complaining and adopting a tone of accusation. (Hear.) But Ido venture to make one remark on the expressions which fell from the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I know well that he speaks,. as all speak on a question of this kind, under difficulty, and feeling the necessity of self-restraint. But there were two observations which the right hon. gentleman made, with regard to which T am unwilling to put a construction which I confess they ap pear to bear. He must be aware that even very light words used by him on an occasion of this kind will be rigidly con strued, and construed by the respective parties in the sense which they severally wish to affix to them. In one portion of his speech the right hon. gentleman stated that the con duct of Austria throughout these complications had been marked, if I heard aright, by a tone and spirit of dignified conciliation. In another part of his speech the right hon. gentleman stated that the conduct of Sardinia presented -many things which were embarrassing, perplexing, and ambiguous. I must say that if we are to infer the temper of the two Governments from the rigid construction of those expressions, and putting on them, perhaps, a stronger sense than they themselves wear, we may be inclined to come to one of two conclusions—either that there is unknown much meritorious conduct on the part of Austria, and much ques tionable conduct on the part of Sardinia, or else that the spirit of her Majesty's Government is not one of entire par tiality. (Hear.) Ido not adopt that conclusion, and there fore I am sure my right hon. friend will excuse my calling his attention to what seems to me the natural bearing of what he uttered. lam bound to say, so far as the facts of the case are known to the public, I can see nothing to justify the drawing such a distinction. (Hear.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer has given us an instance of the conduct of the Cabinet of Vienna, which, if it is a spe cimen of that conduct, hardly appears to me to justify the description of dignified conciliation, because he says it was the proposal of the Cabinet of Vienna that, while the great Powers of Europe met in Congress, in which Congress Sar dinia was not tb have a place, France and England were to insist that Sardinia, and Sardinia alone, as a condition anterior to the meeting of that Congress, should proceed to disarm. (Cheers.) I can only say that I see no dignified conciliation in making such a proposition, and I must fur ther say, that the withdrawing such a proposition was merely a concession to the obvious demands of decency, propriety, and necessity. (Cheers.) On the other hand, with regard to the conduct of Sardinia, it is not easy to find in the state ment of the right hon. gentleman any support for the some what accusatory expression which he has used, because he has told us nothing excepting that Sardinia has demanded either a place in the Congress, or else to be exempted from the con dition of disarming. As respects the question of a place in the Congress for Sardinia, I fully grant that it is a ques tion surrounded with the gravest and most serious difficul ties. She has much to urge, as has been said by my noble friend opposite (Lord Palmerston), for the purpose of show ing why she should be admitted there ; but, on the other hand, one cannot deny that if the Congress is to occupy itself, as seems likely to be the case, with the internal affairs of the other States of Italy, you would draw a .f distinction unfavourable and inequitable as respects them you were to grant to Sardinia a place which they are not an entitled to objection take. (Hear.) I frankly own that I do not se© y Granted to the alternative proposed by the nobleviscount. that the difficulties to conceding a . place i n the h Congres l s c to e Sardinia be too great. But if Sardinia is not to ave a in the Congress, then why is it necessary to call on ber a te disarm ? (Hear.) It is not alto ge ther a question of abstract 'right. It is not merely a question w hether you will enforce this disarming on Sardinia. The questions are these : Will there be any danger to the peace of Europe if Sardinia does not disarm before t he Con g ress meets, supposed that any danger to that peace can arise from her sole and unsupported action ?That an is aw a er. question which notwhictho appears to me scarcely to require an be supposed that a n y t sted with the respo ns ibit y i l o f g overning a country--even entrusted a despotic country and espe cially a free country—it is not to be supposed th a t any man holding the p osition of Minister of the King of Sardinia would for one moment, while the Powers of Europe were on the eve of being called together to determine the great con ditions of the Italian question, wish or would dare to attempt any measure that could possibly interfere with the continuance of peace. (Hear.) Is it prudent, then, to pro long these discussions about disarming, and is not the nro- ' longation and continuance of the present state of things in itself attended not only with immense cost, not only with great evils and with great uncertainty in the ;mid of Europe, but with the greatest possible risk ? Is it not, too, ] likely, in the condition in which armed men stand, almost • within rifle shot of one another, that some accident may , happen—some pure casualty having no relation to the policy or intention of any PoWer concerned, which may have the effect of lighting up the conflagration which, once lighted up, cannot be extinguished ? (Hear.) If this be so, I humbly urge it on the Government as a strongreason why they should not allow themselves to be kept back from the commencement of negotiations by any difficulty of a formal or ceremonial character, but should, on the contrary, acce lerate to the best of their power the commencement of these discussions from which alone, as far as we can see, there is an expectation of any general settlement likely to lead to the permanent maintenance of peace. There was another passage in the speech of the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer with respect to which I should, if he had not himself already used the epithet with respect to Sardinia, have said it was ambiguous or, at least, capable of a construction which I do not think the right hon. gentleman wished to be put on it. The right hon. gen tleman said—and these two things were stated in connexion with one another—that the port of Trieste was not an Italian port, but belonged to the German Confederation, and, secondly, that if this war should commence, and if it should extend beyond the bounds of Italy, there were material and substantial interests which in that case might have the effect of making England a party to it. (Some cries of " No.") Ido not know whether I represent inac curately the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but certainly there appeared to me to be a connexion be tween the two things as they stood in the right hon. gentle man's speech—first of all, that Trieste was not an Italian port, and, secondly, that if the war went beyond the bor ders of Italy, then the question might assume a new aspect for England. lam far from putting on what has fallen from the right hon. gentleman any construction which would imply that the Government were about rashly and hastily, under any circumstances, to involve this country in parti cipation in such a war. There may be many difficulties, and the solution of the Italian difficulties is, I fear, not to be attained by any one measure which may be said to be easily within the reach even of a Congress. The people of Eng land are, without doubt, greatly impeded by the nature of the obstacles with respect to any wish or expectations they may have formed in regard to the future ; but there are two circumstances in respect to which the mind of the nation is perfectly clear ; first, that the peace of Europe may be maintained; and, secondly, if peace is maintained, that it may be maintained by arrangements which shall have some tendency to a mitigation of the evils which afflict the Italian peninsula—(hear, hear)—because no peace could be sub stantial or permanent which, resting on the deliberations and decisions of the great European Powers, does not affirm and effect something in the interests of suffering humanity. (Cheers.) Mr. CONINGHAM did not think that the observations of the hon. member for Finsbury were justly obnoxious to the censure of the right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford. Those observations were in accor dance with the sentiments of the English people, who had seen with the deepest concern the frightful misgovernment which prevailed in the Italian Peninsula, and which was created and prolonged by the direct interposition and con stant pressure of Austria. (Hear, hear.) He did not think that the explanation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was so satisfactory as that right hon. gentleman seemed to assume it to be, for it only came to this,—that Austria and France had agreed, not to a virtual disarming, but to make that the first point of discussion in the approaching Con gress. If the Chancellor of the Exchequer had been able to say that owing to the diplomatic interference of the British Government Austria had consented to evacuate the Italian provinces, and that France had also consented to evacuate the Italian provinces, and that the Papal Govern ment and the various dynasties of Italy were left to square their accounts with their own populations, there would then have been some ground for satisfaction. The explanation given that night led him to the conclusion that war was only temporarily postponed. He could not allow the dis cussion to close without declaring how warmly the English people sympathise with the sufferings of Italy. Lord J. RUSSELL—If I did not follow my noble friend the member for Tiverton, as my hon. friend the member for Finsbury seemed to expect, it was because in the first place I concurred so completely in all my noble friend said, that I did not think it necessary to trouble the house with obser vations which could only be repetitions of what they had heard before ; but in the second place I must say that I feel so deeply the responsibility attaching to any statements made in this house, that I was reluctant to drop any obser vation, however reserved, which might have the slightest tendency to interfere with our prospect of the preservation of peace. I felt that during this discussion that not only on account of the danger to which the Chancellor of the Exchequer alluded, namely, the danger that any war which began in Italy might spread into a European war, but also for the sake of Italy herself it was most desirable and es sential that the peace of the world should not be broken. (Hear, hear,) And I say this not merely with respect to the material prosperity which will be trampled under foot by the tread of armies, hut I speak for the sake of that consti tutional government which has been established in Pied mont, and which has succeeded so far beyond all that had been expected by the friends of liberty. (Hear, hear.) That government bids fair to extend over Italy the benefits of a representative system, and can hardly be expected to stand if the sovereign be engaged in conflict with qn enemy far more powerful than himself, and be in consequence obliged so to burden his people as to make them discontented and impatient with their free institutions. It is for these reasons that I do not feel called upon to enter at length into this discussion, but I will add a few words to what my noble friend has said on two points which arose in the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. First, as to the ad mission of Sardinia into the Congress ; and secondly, on the point which is mainly connected with it, namely, the dis armament. With regard to the first part, I quite feel that her Majesty's Government may be embarrassed by the dif ficulty of submitting a proposal different from that whioh has been offered by Russia and acceded to by France, but at the same time this only gives me occasion to lament the change made at the Congress of Vienna from what had been the previous practice. Formerly the public practice of Europe was that whenever there was any Congress con vened, all the Powers concerned, whether large or small, were admitted to what is now confined to the five great Powers. In old times we found Sweden and Holland en gaged with us, and taking as much part in the Congress as any of the great Powers, but unfortunately at the Congress of Vienna the five great Powers, aided by their large naval and military forces, made a sort of monopoly of their discus sions on European affairs. It will be a great misfortune if that precedent cannot be departed from. The right hon. gentleman quoted two precedents which led the other way, and I think it would conduce much towards the peace of Europe if we could now follow them. (Hear, hear.) Then comes the next question of the demands of Austria, and first as to the general disarmament. I cannot wonder that Sardinia should insist on a seat at the Congress, when the disarmament is to be discussed, and on being allowed to know the grounds upon which such disarmament is asked for. It appears to me that there is something new and very inconvenient in the way in which this proposal of dis armament has been made by Austria. There have been in stances without number of different powers having matters in dispute undertaking preparations for war in consequence, but as soon as those powers had settled the points in dis pute, provision was always made for mutual disarmament. 'Chat appears to me to be a most convenient course, for how can we regulate a disarmament without we know how many new fleets or armies have been raised ; and, in the next place, it is hard to expect that those powers will disarm un til the questions for which they are contending haver been put in a fair way of being settled. They may say, This Congress may end in peace, or it may end in war, and e arewe sure that peace will be maintained . " (Hear, her.) appears not deprive ourselves of the mean s of war un ar til w appears to me to be the reasonable course of proce .0 , d .) re T b h e i - s s c t h n o w t e t r o e interest notcau saee,tiifnyg in oua g rr ee a d ng fa ed ith it , owthonerldwifinse,dthite their r er in s disarm, but if the principles of peace were first determined on, then all would find large armaments a burden, and would be anxious to get rid of them as soon as possible. I must own, therefore, that in my opinion preliminaries of peace ought to be settled before Sardinia is called upon to disarm. With regard to the point in dispute, we have never heard exactly from Government what were the de mands which were made by any of the powers, for what reason it is that the Emperor of France declared himself not to be on good terms with Austria, or what exactly were the demands which have been made on the latter. We have, it is true, seen a paper signed by Count Cavour, but we have no certain knowledge that it contains the demands of Sardinia. I cannot think they would be inserted in that paper, and therefore we may be said to be still ignorant of what it is that endangers the peace of Europe. The Go vernment not having made any communication on this point, I think it would be imprudent to go into the question, but for the present must leave the matter in their hands. Of course, it will be for Parliament, when it has all the papers, to judge of the conduct of the Government, but at present all I can say is to express my hope that Govern ment will not enter into any engagements which may be burdensome to the country unless Parliament shallbe sitting and shall be a party to such engagements. I think it is not too much, now that Parliament is about to be separated for a considerable time, to expect that no such engagements may be made. But if, on the other hand, the Government be in so 'favourable a position as the right hon. gentleman informs us it is, and if, being naturally impartial and desirous of the union of Austria and Sardinia, the righthon. gentleman be able to conciliate both these powers, he will have performed a great service to Europe, and no man will more than my self rejoice at his success. (Hear, hear.) Mr. M. MILNES said that disarmament was not what was wanted, bnt the withdrawal of the Austrian ariAyr.di Sardinia Be sides, disarmament was a different question with all par to what it was with Austria. The army ofSardinia wa ts sof national army, composed of volunteers from Italy, and a proposal to them to disarm mig ht lead lomacY out of the these commotions which woul d p question. He trusted ut dip that the interference of England in to one of narrowest bounds. relief of the Italianpeople If the congress met to discuss the . r .t the matter would be confined within the f sembled merely to ition very little advantage would exhibit the conflicts of amb Of Austria had been dictated, some good might come of it, but fa. result. He believed the policy but to and to bring the whole of the Austrian tem of centralisation , not by any desire to oppress Italy,carry out a provincessys in • to one homogeneous whole, which, considering the diverse elements of which the Austrian dominions were compose was impossible. The question the congress would have to decide was, how far the idea of Italian freedom and independence was practicable under the existing treaty ar rangements. He did not say it would be possible, but if the a ttempt was made to give to the Italians a share in the go vernment of the Austrianprovinces of Italy, to employ them in public offices, and to maintain internal tranquillity by means of an Italian army, Austria would be at least able to say to posterity that she had done what she ought to have done in the first instance, and which, if she had, Italy would not have been, as for many years she had, a stand ing menace to the peace of Europe. This was all that England, as one of the parties to the treaty of Vienna, had a right to enforce upon Austria in the congress. It ought not to be forgotten that in 1815 England was mainly instrumental in pressi ng u p on A us t r i a t o an nex• Lo m ba rdy and Venice to her dominions, which she was very reluc • Cant to do; a n d h e was i n f orme d th a t th e E mperor Francis, when the matter was urged upon him, objected to the annexation of any territory beyond the Alps, on the ground that it would exhaust the empire without bene fiting it. It was to be regretted that the objections of Austria at that time had not received more consideration, for there could be but little doubt if in that arrangement the nationality of those provinces had been preserved the state of things which now existed would never have resulted. He hoped that the statesmen who would represent this country in the forthcoming Congress would not attempt to ignore the national feeling that had unquestionably grown up in Italy—a feeling which had nothing radical or revolutionary in it, but in which men of property participated as intensely and displayed at least as great a degree of interest as those who had no property ; for unless the Congress not only re cognised, but turned its attention to the organisation of that feeling its deliberations would be worse than useless. With regard to the admission of Sardinia as a member of the Con gress, he believed that if she were excluded the whole thing would be perfectly illusory, The people of It al y would have no confidence in its deliberations or its decisioniS, bitt would look upon it as a number of strangers meeting t gether to dispose of their lives and properties, and, whsd was still dearer to them, their liberties and their natior L eidy, without giving them any voice in matters in whic Ii they were so vitally interested. He did not believe the it they would submit to its decision except under the pressure of force, and as the object of the Congress was, as he under stood, to relieve Italy from the regime of force, and to vise means by which her liberties might be secured, and her national resources developed, so that she might become a security for the peace of Europe instead of a constant element of dissension and danger, he hoped that her place as a member of the conference would be admitted. General THOMPSON would be glad to know if there was any fear of Sardinia attacking anybody ? If not, then in this matter she was in the position of the people in the post chaise, while somebody else was in the position of those who were on the outside of the chaise. Which ought to be asked to disarm first ? Those who could not help themselves, or those who could ? There was something unreasonable in carrying on negotiations in which the power most deeply interested was excluded from all voice. That was not the principle upon which we acted in municipal law, nor in the ordinary transactions between man and man. It would be felt that it was a principle which could not be adopted in this case without strong reasons, and they might rest assured that the result of any Congress from which Sar dinia was excluded would be received with dislike and dis satisfaction by the people of Italy and the friends of consti tutional government. Sir J. VALSH—In the present state of Europe, in the interests of civilisation and of Europe, and in the interests of Italy herself, all their efforts should be directed to avert the imminent risk of war. Let the danger be got rid of, and then they might turn their attention with some chance of success to the improvement of Italy. He feared, how ever, that the tone the debate had taken almost put aside the last chance of peace. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that Austria having first put forward a proposition which he considered most unreasonable, viz., that Sardinia should be the only power to disarm, as a preliminary to the Congress, had withdrawn it, and proposed a general dis armament—that France had acquiesced in that proposition, and intimated her willingness to enter upon the question of a general disarming, as the first question for the Con gress to enter upon; but the right hon. gentleman added that the great danger consisted in Sardinia having posi tively refused at the present time to entertain the question of disarmament, and that there had just arrived in this country a statesman of European reputation, and whose prudence and ability were well known, who, the right hon. gentleman appeared to believe, was the bearer of some counter proposition on this point. But what had all the speakers who had addressed the house been endeavouring to urge upon its attention ? Not that Sardinia should be called on to disarm now, but that she should be allowed to remain armed, and in this state of menace and aggression towards Austria, while Austria and France were to disarm. Consi dering the great interests which Austria had at stake, that was as unreasonable a preposition en the one hand as the first proposition put forward by Austria was upon the other. (Hear, hear.) When the Congress met it should be understood that the object was to unite all the great Powers of Europe in the endeavour to find a pacific solution of the question. But to argue that Sardinia, which had been the most menacing and most aggressive in its attitude of all the Powers, should continue to preserve that menacing attitude and that for the various reasons which hon. gentlemen had stated the disarmament was not to be enforced against Sar dinia, which was to be enforced against Austria and France, was most unreasonable; and if the Chevalier d'Azeglio was instructed to insist upon that, it would be the sure means of destroying the last chances of peace. The noble lord the member for Tiverton took a position which was not very flattering to Sardinia—for he seemed to hold that she was so weak a power that any military demonstration made by her could not be of the slightest importance, or occasion the least apprehension to Austria ; in short, that the insig nificance of Sardinia ought to prevent her being called upon. to disarm. In taking that view he thought the noble ford was treating the military power, of Sardinia too cheaply. Her army—as had been said by the hon. member for Pom fret—was largely composed of volunteers from sll the Italian states, and animated to the greatest pitch of politi cal fervour. Numerically that army was by no means con temptible, and it became formidable from its state of poll cal excitement and from not being perhaps very amenable to discipline. Such an army in the heart of Italy was fraught with danger, not only to Austria but to the peace of Europe. All in that house, he believed, were anxious to promote the prosperity and improvement of Italy ; but they all agreed, he thought—and he knew that public opinion in England was agreed—that those objects were best served by peaceful means, and not by -war. And so sure as Sardinia, or any of the unquiet spirits in that country, succeeded in lighting the flames of war in Europe, the result would be, not the triumph of the Italian cause, not the improvement of Italy, but the annihilation of the hopes of those who desired the establishment of constitu tional government in that country, and the advantage only of those who were influenced by objects of personal am bition or territorial aggrandisement. He hoped the house and the Government of England would consider well the lesson it was reading to Italy and to Europe, by impressing upon them that the legitimate hopes of the rational and moderate friends of the Italian cause were bound up with the continuance of peace, and would be fatally prejudiced , and endangered by the calamities of war. (Cheers.) Sir H. VERNEY (who was indistinctly heard) argued that the proposition to disarm was not likely to be well re ceived by the Government of Piedmont while it was excluded from the Congress, in the deliberations of which it was sn immediately interested. For many years Austria had exer cised an influence most prejudicial to Italian liberty, and it was known throughout Europe that the misgovernment of the independent Italian states was owing to the conduct of Austria and the presence of Austrian troops. The inter ference of Austria in those states was not justified by the treaty of Vienna, and it naturally excited the Italian people against them. He deprecated any course on the part of our Government which should have the effect of involving this country in war, especially while there was no Parliament sittting. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY hoped that Piedmont would see the necessity of forbearance, and do all she could to promote a peaceful solution of the problem. The motion that the papers do lie on the table was then agreed to. LAW CONSOLIDATION BILLS. The orders of the day for the second reading of the fol lowing bills, which were introduced the other night by the Attorney-General, were, on the motion of the hon. and learned gentleman, read and discharged :—Offences against the Person ; Forgery ; Malicious Injuries ; Coinage ; Per 'nation; Criminal Writings ; and Larceny. sol ~ , J . POST-OFFICE, MANCHEST Y E R. On the motion of Sir S. NORTHCOTE leave was given to bring in a bill to enable her Majesty to acquire certain pro perty at Manchester for the purpose of erecting a Post office, and for other purposes. POWERS OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA. Sir G. C. LEWIS rose to move the following resolution —" That it is not competent to the Secretary of State for India, under the act for the better g overnment of India, to send orders and instructions through the secret department to the governments and presidencies in India on any subject not being a matter concerning the levying war or making peace, or treating or negotiating with any of the native princes or states in India." The right hon. gentleman was proceeding to describe the organisation and duties of the secret committee of the India Board as constituted previous to the India Government Act of last year, when An HON. MEMBER moved that the house be counted, and there being only 37 members present, The house adjourned at a quarter-past seven. COUNTRY MA.RKBTS. CAMBRIDGE—Antra 15. There was a middling supply of wheat, for which there was by no means an ac ti ve d eman d. Not much doing in baaley, recent rates being obtained for good samples. In other sorts of grain not much doing. Wheat ... 38s to 43s Oats.... 24s to 288 White do .44s to 48s Beans —s to —s Barley .30s to 36s Ditto, old ........42s to 46s COLCHE,STER--Antu , 16. To-day there was a moderate show of wheat, and trade ruled rather brisk, at is to 2s higher. Fine barley was in tolerable demand, at extreme prices. Oats, beans, and peas quite as dear. Wheat, white 46s to 50a [ Beans, Mazagan..33s to 35 s red 36s to 44s I Middle & small 38s to 40s Barley 3os to 42s White peas 4 os to 42s I Oats 24s to 30s Grey 40 s to 423 ROCHESTER—Arun, 16. There was a fair average quantity of wheat on offer, and a rather brisk trade resulted in an advance of is per qr. Barley in moderate supply. Oats sold more freely. Flour steady, at 6d per sack over late rates. Wheat .. 38 to 436 I Oats.. 24s to 30s White do 443 to 48s Beans 44s to 483 Barley 2Bs to 30s I Beans, new 40s to 44s DERBY-APRIL 16. The supply of wheat at our market yesterday was very fair, sales realising readily an improvement of is per qr. on the currencies of last week. Barley was dull of sale, at late prices. Oats held for previous rates, but less in request. Beans and peas both fully as dear. .. 28s to 303 White wheat, new, 44s to 50s Barley, grinding Red do. 3Bs to 44s Oats, old, ...... 24s to 30s Old white 44s to 50s New d 0.......... 268 to 30s Red do.. 38s to 44s I Beans. 4os to 46s Barley, malting.... 38s to 42s Peas to —s KIRSALDY—APRIL 16. We had very small supplies to-day of wheat, oats, and barley. Seed demand for - barley and oats influenced prices a little, so that generally they are in favour of sellers. Fir Wheat 35a Od (N). Barley (N). O2os Odats (N). 5t.... Od Second.. 44s Od 32s Od 24s Od Third .. 47s Od 34s Od 26s 6d Wheat (0). Barley (0). Oats (0). First.... —s Od —s Od Od Second.. —s Od Od --8 Od Third .. —s Od —s Od —a dO BIRTHS. CURZON.—At Troy House, the Hon. Mrs. Henry o lir g°l4 of a daughter. DIXIE.—On the 15th inst ,at Bosworth Hall, the wi fe of Sir Alex. B. C. Di x i e , Bart., of a daughter. DOUGLAS.—On the 16th inst., at West-hill, Wandsworth, the wife of Hen r y D oug l as , Esq., of a daughter. WEESTER.—On the 17th inst., the wife of Mr. John r • Webster, solicitor, 7, Sergeant's-inn, of a son. • MARRIAGES ELLIOT —RAmsA.Y.—On the 14th Feb., at Madras, Capt ain Charles Elliot, Madras Artillery, to Christina, the fourth .daughter of the late Sir Mays. Ramsay, Bart., of Bal main, N.B. RYMER—BEETSON.--On the 16th inst., at St. Paul's Church, Addlestone, Surrey, John Wilkinson Rymer, of Furnival's - inn, Lon don, tot Emily Wilhelmina Marl, e ld es t daughter of Henry Beeon, Esq., of Calcutta. DEATHS. BAILLIE.—On the 15th inst., at 53, Eccleston.-squa re, Caroline Rachel Baillie, eldest daughter of the Lord Ad • vocate for Scotland, M.P. BUCK.—On the 16th inst., John Henry Buck, M.A., MO . ter of Blundell's School, Tiverton, aged 38. CURZON.—On the 14th inst., at 50, B e rkeley-square, th e Hon. Elizabeth Curzon, daughter of the late Viscount Curzon, aged 91. ELWES.—On the 15th inst., at 6, Cadogan-plaee, Belgravia, George Cary Elwes, Esq., aged 64. LONDON : Printed and Published by KURD() YOUNG , of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 11 Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the county of Middlesex, Tuesday, April 19,_1869.