The Sun. — London, England, 1858-12-20 00:00:00

ratification of treaties and of executive appoint ments. All this has worked admirably in practice, whilst it conforms in principle with the character of a government institi.ted by sovereign states. I presume no American citizen would desire the slightest change in the arrangement. Still is it not unjust and unequal to the existing states to invest some 40,000 o r 50,000 -people collected in a territory with the attributes of sovereignty, and place them on an equ.al footing with Virginia and New York in the Senate of the United States ? " For these reasons I earnestly recommend the passage of a general act -which shall provide that, upon the application of: a territorial legislature, de claring their belief that the territory contains a number of inhabitants. which, if in a state, would entitle them them to 'elect a m ember of Congress;it shall be the duty of the President to cause a census of the inhabitants to be taken, and if found suffi cient, then by the terms of this act to authorise i them to proceed ' n their own way' to frame a state constitution preparatory to admission into the Union. I also recommend that an appropriation may be made to enable the President to take a census of the people of Kansas. UTAH AFFAIRS. " The present condition of the territory of Utah, when contrasted with what it was one year ago, is a subject for congratulation. It was then in a state of open rebellion, and, cost what it might, the character of the Government required that this re bellion should be suppressed and the Mormons com pelled to yield obedience to the constitution and the laws. In order to accomplish this object, as I informed you in my last annual message, I ap pointed a new governor instead of Brigham Young, and other federal officers to take the place of those who, consulting their personal safety, had found it necessary to withdraw from the territory. To protect these civil officers, and to aid them, as a yosse comitatus, in the execution of the laws in case of need, I ordered a detachment of the army to ac company them to Utah. The necessity for adopt ing these measures is now demonstrated. " On the 15th September, 1857, Governor Young issued his proclamation, in the style of an indepen dent sovereign, announcing his purpose to resist by force of arms the entry of the United States troops into our own territory of Utah. By this he re quired all the forces in the territory to hold them selves in readiness to march at a moment's notice to repel any and all such invasion,' and established martial law from its date throughout the territory. These proved to be no idle threats. Forts Bridger and Supply were vacated and burnt down by the Mormons to deprive our troops of a shelter after their long and fatiguing march. Orders were is sued by Daniel H. Wells, styling himself Lieut.- General N 61. 1 1100 Legion,' to stampede the animals of the United States troops on their march, to set fire to their trains, to burn the grass and the whole country before them and on their flanks, to keep them from sleeping by night surprises, and to 'blockade the road by felling trees and destroying the fords of the rivers, &c. " These orders were promptly and effectually ,obeyed. On the 4th October, 1857, the Mormons c aptured and burned on Green River three of our supply trains, consisting of 75 waggons loaded with provisions and tents for the army, and drove away several hundred animals. This diminished the supply of provisions so materially that General Johnston was obliged to reduce the rations ; and even w;th this precaution there was only sufficient left to subsist the troops until the Ist of June. " Our little army behaved admirably in their encampment at Fort Bridger under these trying privations. In the midst of the mountains, in a dreary, unsisttled, and inhospitable region, more than a thousaad miles from home, they passed the severe and inclement winter without a murmur. They looked forward with confidence for relief from their country in due season, and in this they were not disappointed. " The Secretary of War employed all his ener gies to forward them the necessary supplies, and to muster and send such a military force to Utah as would render resistance on the part of the Mormons hopeless, and thus terminate the war without the effusion of blood. In his efforts he was efficiently sustained by Congress. They granted appropria tions sufficient to cover the deficiency thus neces sarily created, and also provided for raising two regiments of volunteers, for the purpose of quelling disturbances in the territory of Utah, for the pro tection of supply and emigrant trains, and the suppression of Indian hostilities on the frontiers.' Happily there was no occasion to call these regiments into service. If there had been I should have felt serious embarrassment in selecting them, so great was the number of our brave and patriotic citizens anxious to serve their eountry in this dis tant and apparently dangerous expedition. Thus it has been, and thus may it ever be ! " The ;whole wisdom and economy of sending sufficient reinforcements to Utah are established not only by the event, but in the opinion of those who, from their position and opportunities, are the most capable of forming a correct judgment. General Johnstone, the commander of the forces, in address ing the Secretary of War from Fort Bridger, under date Oct. 18, 1857. expresses the opinion that un less a large force is sent here, from the nature of the country, , a protracted war on their (the Mor . mons') part is inevitable.' This he considers neces - sary . to terminate the war speedily and more eco nomically than if attempted by insufficient means.' " In the meantime it was my anxious desire that the Mormons should yield obedience to the consti tution and the laws, without rendering it necessary to resort to military force. To aid in accomplishing this object, I deemed it advisable, in April last, to despatch two distinguished citizens of the United States, Messrs Powell and M‘Colloch, to Utah. They bore with - them a proclamation addressed by myself to the inhabitants of Utah, dated the Gth of that month, warning them of their true condition, and how hopeless it was on their part to persist in re bellion against the United States, and offering all those who should submit to the laws a full pardon for their past seditious and treasons. At the same time I assured those who should persist in rebellion against the United States, that they must expect no further lenity, but look to be rigorously dealt with according to their deserts. The instructions to these agents, as well as a copy of the proclamation, and their reports, are herewith submitted. It will be seen by their report of July 3d last, that they have fully confirmed the opinion expressed by General Johnston in the previous October, as to the neces sity of sending reinforcements to Utah. In this they state that they are firmly impressed with the be lief that the presence of the army here and the large additional force that had been ordered to this terri tory, were the chief inducements that caused the Mormons to abandon the idea of resisting the autho rity of the United States. A less decisive policy would probably have resulted in a long, bloody, and expensive war.' "These gentlemen conducted themselves to my entire satisfaction, and rendered useful services in executing the humane intentions of government. " It also affords me great satisfaction to state, that Governor Cumming has performed his duty in an able and conciliatory manner, and with the happiest effect. I cannot, in this connection, refrain from mentioning the valuablo services of Colonel Thomas L. Kane, who, from motives of pure benevolence, and without any offi cial character or pecuniary compensation, visited Utah during the last inclement winter, for the pur pose of contributing to the pacification of the ter ritory. - " I am happy to inform you, that the governor and other civil officers of Utah are now performing their appropriate functions without resistance. The authority of the constitution and the laws has been fully restored, and peace prevails throughout the territory. " A portion of the troops sent to Utah are now encamped in Cedar Valley, 44 miles south-west of Salt Lake City ; and the remainder have been ordered to Oregon to suppress Indian hostilities. " The march of the army to Salt Lake City, through the Indian territory, has had a powerful .qfect in restraining the hostile feelings against the . United St a t es w hi c h ex i s t e d among the Indians Tt r hat regi on , an d i n secur i ng emigrants to the Far West against their depredations. This will also be th e means of establ i shing military. posts and promoting settlements along the route " I reco mmend that the benefit of our land laws and pre-emption system be extended to the people of Utah, by the establishment of a land office in that territory. " I have occasion, also, to congratulate you on the result of our negoti a ti ons with Cliina. OUR CHINESE TRE ATY " You were informed by my last annual message that our Minister had been instructed to occupy neutral position in the hostilities conducted a by Great Britain and F rance a g ainst Canton. He was, however, at the same time directed to co-operate cordially with the British and French Ministers in all peaceful measures, to secure by treaty those just concessions to foreign commerce which the nations of the world had a right to demand. It is impos sible for me to proceed further than this on my own authority with usurping the war-making power which, under the constitution, belongs exclusively to Congress. " Besides, after a careful examination of the nature and extent of our grievances, I did not be lieve they were of such a pressing and aggravated character as would have justified Congress in de claring war against the Chinese empire without first making another earnest attempt to adjust them by peaceful negotiation. I was the more inclined to this opinion because of the severe chas tisement which had then but recentlj been inflcted upon the Chinese by our squadron, in the capture and destruction of the Barrier Forts, to avenge an alleged insult to our flag. " The event has proved the wisdom cf our neu trality. Our Minister has executed his instructions with eminent skill and ability. In conjunction with the Russian plenipotentiary, he has yeacefully, but effectually, co-operated with the En gl sh and French plenipotentiaries ; and each of the four powers has concluded a separate treaty with China of a highly satisfactory character. The treaty concluded by our own plenipotentiary will immediately be sub mitted to the Senate. JAPAN. "I am happy to announce that, through the energetic yet conciliatory efforts of our consul general in Japan, a new treaty has been concluded with that empire, which may be, expected mate rially to augment our trade and intercourse in that quarter, and remove from our countrymen the disa bilities which have heretofore been imposed upon the exercise of their religion. The treaty shall be submitted to the Senate for approval without delay. OUR RELATIONS WITH GREAT BRITAIN. "It is my earnest desire that every misunder standing with the Government of Great Britain should be amicably and speedily adjusted. It has been the misfortune of both countries, almost ever since the period of the Revolution, to have been annoyed by a succession of irritating and dangerous questions, threatening their friendly relations. This has partially prevented the full development of those feelings of mutual friendship between the people of the two countries, so natural in them selves, and so conducive to their common interest. Any serious interruption of the commerce between the United States and Great Britain would be equally injurious to both. In fact, no two nations have ever existed on the face of the earth which could do each other so much good or so much harm. " Entertaining these sentiments I am gratified to inform you that the long-pending controversy between the two Governments, in relation to the question of visitation and search, has been amicably adjusted. The claim on the part of Great Britain, forcibly to 'Visit American vessels on the high seas in time of peace, could not be sustained under the law of nations, and it had been overruled by her own most eminent jurists. This question was re cently brought to an issue by the repeated acts of British cruisers in boarding and searching our merchant vessels in the Gulf of Mexico and the adjacent seas. These acts were the more injurious and annoying as these waters are traversed by a large portion of the commerce and navigation of the United States, and their free and unrestricted use is essential to the security of the coastwise trade between different states of the Union. Such vexa tious interruptions could not fail to excite the feel ings of the country, and to require the interposition of the Government. Remonstrances were addressed to the British Government against these violations of our rights of sovereignty, and a naval force was at the same time ordered to the Cuban waters, with directions to protect all vessels of the United States on the high seas from search or detention by the vessels of war of any other nation.' These mea sures received the unqualified and enthusiastic ap probation of the American people. Most fortunately no collision took place, and the British Government promptly avowed its recognition of the principles of international law upon this subject, as laid down by the Government of the United States in the note of the Secretary of State to the British Minister at Washington, of April 10, 1858, which secure the vessels of the United States upon the high seas from visitation or search in time of peace, under any cir cumstances whatever. The claim has been aban doned in a manner reflecting honour on the British Government, and evincing a just regard for the law of nations, and cannot fail to strengthen the ami cable relations between the two countries. " The British Government, at the same time, proposed to the United States that some mode should be adopted, by mutual arrangement between the two countries, of a character which may be found effective without being offensive, for verify ing the nationality of vessels suspected on good Founds of carrying false colours. They have also invited the United States to take the initiative, and propose measures for this purpose. Whilst declin ing to assume so grave a responsibility, the Secre tary of State has informed the British Government that we are ready to receive any proposals which they may feel disposed to offer, having this object in view, and to consider them in an amicable spirit. A strong opinion is, however, expressed, that the occasional abuse of the flag of any nation is an evil far less to be deprecated than would be the esta blishment of any regulations which might be in compatible with the freedom of the seas. This government has yet received no communication spe cifying the manner in which the British Government would propose to carry out their suggestion ; and I am inclined to believe that no plan which can be de vised will be free from grave embarrassments. Still I shall form no decided opinion on the subject until I shall have carefully and in the best spirit exa mined any proposals which they may think proper to make. " I am truly sorry that I cannot also inform you that the complications between Great Britain and the United States, arising out of the Clayton and Bulwer Treaty April, 1850, having been finally adjusted. " At the commencement of your last session, I had reason to hope that, emancipationg themselves from further unavailing discussions, the two go vernments would proceed to settle the Central Ame rican question in a practical manner, alike honour able and satisfactory to both ; and this hope I have not yet abandoned. In my last annual message I stated that overtures had been made by the British government for this purpose, in a friendly spirit, which I cordially reciprocated. Their proposal was to withdraw these questions frrm direct negotiation between the two governments ; but to accomplish the same object by a negotiation between the Bri tish government and each of the Central American .tepublics whose territorial interests are immediately involved. The settlement was to be in accordance with the general tenor of the interpretation placed upon the Clayton and Bulwer treaty by the United States, with certain modifications. As negotiations are still pending upon this basis, it would not be proper for me now to communicate their present condition. A final settlement of these questions is greatly to be desired, as this would wipe out the last remaining subject of dispute between the two countries. " Our relations with the great empires of France and Russia, as well as with all other governments on the continent of Europe, except that of Spain, continue to be of the most friendly character. OUR RELATIONS WITH SPAIN. " With Spain our relations remain in an unsatis factory condition. In my message of December last I informed you that our envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Madrid had asked for his recall ; and it was my purpose to send out a new minister to that court, with special instructions on:all questions pending between the two govern ments, and with a determination to have them speedily and amicably adjusted, if that were pos sible. This purpose has been hitherto defeated by causes which I need not enumerate. " The mission to Spain has been intrusted to a distinguished citizen of Kentucky, who will pro ceed to Madrid without delay, and make another and a final attempt to obtain justice from that go vernment. " Spanish officials, under the direct control of the Captain-General. of Cuba, have insulted our national flag, and in repeated instances have from time to time inflicted injuries on the persons and property of our citizens. These have given birth to numerous claims against the Spanish Government, the merits of which have been ably discussed for a series of years, by our successive diplomatic repre sentatives. Notwithstanding this we have not ar rived at a practical result in any single instance, unless we may excevt the case of the Black Warrior, under the late administration; and that presented an outrage of such a character as would have justi fied an immediate resort to war. All our attempts to obtain redress have been baffled and defeated. The frequent and oft-recurring changes in the Spanish ministry have been employed as reasons for delay. We have been compelled to wait, again and again, until the new minister shall have had time toinvestigate the justice of our demands. "Even what have been denominated the Cuban claims,' in which more than a hundred of our citi zens are directly interested, have furnished no ex ception. These claims were for the refunding of duties unjustly exacted from American vessels, at different custom-houses in Cuba, so long ago as the year 1844. The principles upon which they rest are so manifestly equitable and just, that after a period of nearly ten years, in 1854, they were recognised by The Spanish government. Proceedings were afterwards instituted to ascertain their amount, and this was finally fixed, according to their own state ment (with which we are satisfied), at the sum of 128,635 dols. 54c. Just at the moment, after a de lay of 14 years, when we had reason to expect that this sum would be repaid with interest, we have received a proposal offering to refund one-third of that amount (42,g78 dols. 41e.), but without inte rest, if we - would accept this in full satisfaction. The offer is also accompanied by a declaration that this indemnification is not founded on any reason of strict justice, but is made as a special favour. " One alleged came for procrastination in the examination and adjustment of our claims arises from an obstacle which it is the duty of the Spanish government to remove. Whilst the Captain General of Cuba is invested with general despotic authority in the government of that island, the power is with held from him to examine and redress wrongs com mitted by officials under his control on citizens of the United States. Instead of making our com. THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 20, plaints directly to him at Havannah we are obliged to present them through our minister at Madrid. These are referred back to the captain general for information, and much time is thus consumed in preliminary investigations and correspondence be tween Madrid and Cuba before the Spanish govern ment will consent to proceed to negotiation. Many of the difficulties between the two governments would be obviated, and a long train of negotiation avoided if the captain general were invested with authority to settle questions of easy solution on the spot, where all the facts are fresh, and could be promptly and satisfactorily ascertained, We have hitherto in vain urged upon the Spanish government to confer this power upon the captain general, and our minister to Spain will again be in structed to urge this subject on their notice. In this respect we occupy a different position from the powers of Europe. Cuba is almost within sight of our shores ; our commerce with it is far greater than that of any other nation, including Spain itself, and our citizens are in habits of daily and extended personal intercourse with every part of the island. It is therefore, a great grievance that, when any difficulty , occurs, no matter how unimportant, which might be readily settled at the moment, we should be obliged to resort to Madrid, especially when the very first step to be taken thereis to refer it back to Cuba. " The truth is that Cuba, in - its existing colonial condition, is a constant source of injury and annoy ance to the American people. It is the only spot m the civilised world where the African slave trade is tolerated ; and we are bound by treaty with Great Britain to maintain a naval force en the coast of Africa, at much expense both of life and trea sure, solely for the purpose of arresting slavers bound to that island. The late serious difficulties between the United States and Great Britain re specting the right of search, now so happily termi nated, could never have arisen if Cuba had not afforded a market for slaves. As long as this mar ket shall remain open there can be no hope for the civilisation of benighted Africa. Whilst the de mand :for slaves continues in Cuba wars will be waged among the petty and barbarous chiefs in Africa for the purpose of seizing subjects to supply this trade. In such a condition of affairs it is im possible that the light of civilisation and religion can ever penetrate these dark abodes. " It has been made known to the world by my predecessors that the United States have on seve ral occasions endeavoured to acquire Cuba from Spain by honourable negotiation. If this were ac complished the last relic of the African slave trade would instantly disappear. We would not, if we could, acquire Cuba in any other manner. This is due to our national character. All the territory which we have acquired since the origin of the go vernment has been by fair purchase, from France, Spain, and Mexico, or .by the free and voluntary act of the independent state of Texas, in blending her destinies with our own. This course we shall ever pursue, unless ccircumstances should occur, which we do not now anticipate, rendering a de parture from it clearly justifiable, under the im perative and overruling law of self-preservation. " The island of Cuba, from its geographical posi tion, commands the mouth of the Mississippi, and its immense and annually increasing trade, foreign and coastwise, from the valley of that noble river, now embraces half the sovereign states of the Union. With that island under the dominion of a distant foreign power this trade, of vital importance to these states, is exposed to the danger of being de. stroyed in time of war, and it has hitherto been subjected to perpetual injury and annoyance in time of peace. Our relations with Spain, which ought to be of the most friendly character, must always be placed in jeopardy, while the existing . colonial go vernment over the island shall remain in its present condition. "Whilst the possession of the island would be vast importance to the United States, its value to Spain is, comparatively, unimportant. Such was the relative situation of the parties when the great Napoleon transferred Louisiana to the United States. Jealous, as he ever was, of the national honour and interests of France, no person through out the world has imputed blame to him for accept ing a pecuniary equivalent for this cession. " The publicity which has been given to our for• mer negotiations upon this subject, and the large appropriation which may be required to effect the purpose, render it expedient, before making another attempt to renew the negotiation, that I should lay the whole subject before Congress. This is espe cially necessary, as it may become indispensable to success that I should be entrusted with the means of making an advance to the Spanish Government immediately after the signing of the treaty, with out awaiting the ratification of it by the Senate. I am encouraged to make this suggestion by the ex ample of Mr. Jefferson previous to the purchase of Louisiana from France, and by that of Mr. Polk, in view of the acquisition of territory from Mexico. I refer the whole subject to Congress, and commend it to their careful consideration. " I repeat the recommendation made in my mes sage of December last in favour of an appropriation ' to be paid to the Spanish Government for the purpose of distribution among the claimants in the Amistad case. President Polk first made a similar recommendation in December, 1847, and it was re peated by my immediate predecessor, in December, 1853. I entertain no doubt that indemnity is fairly due to those claimants under our treaty with Spain of the 27th October, 1795 ; and whilst demanding justice we ought to do justice. An appropriation promptly made for this purpose could not fail to exert a favourable influence on our negotiations *with Spain. was seized by armed men to satisfy the - amount. Not content with that the government proceeded further, and issued a decree banishing him from the country. Our Minister immediately notified them that if this decree should be carried into execution he would feel it to be his duty to adopt' the most decided measures that belong to the powers and obligations of the representative office.' Notwith standing this warning the banishment was en forced, and Mr. Forsyth promptly announced to the government the suspension of the political re lations of his legation with them until the pleasure of his own government should be.ascertained. " This government did not regard the contribu tion imposed by the decree of May last to be in strictness a forced loan,' and as such prohibited by the 10th article of the treaty of 1826 between Great Britain and Mexico, to the benefits of which American citizens are entitled by treaty ; yet the imposition of the contribution upon foreigners was considered an unjust and oppressive measure. Be sides, internal factions in other parts of the republic were at the same time levying similar exactions upon the property of our citizens and interrupting commerce. There had been an entire failure on the part of our minister to secure redress for the wrongs our citizens had endured, notwithstanding his per severing efforts. And from the temper manifested by the Mexican government he had repeatedly as sured us that no favourable change could be ex pected until the United States should give striking evidence of their will and power to protect their citizens,' and that 'severe chastening is the only earthly remedy for our grievances.' From this statement of facts it would have been worse than idle to direct Mr. Forsyth to retrace his steps and resume diplomatic relations with that government; and it was, therefore, deemed prop er t o sanc ti on hi s withdrawal of the legation from the. city of Mexico. " Abundant cause now undoubtedly exists for a resort to hostilities against the government still holding possession of the capital. Should they suc ceed in subduing the constitutional forces, all rea sonable hope will then have expired of a peaceful settlement of our difficulties. "On the other hand; should the constitutional party prevail, and their authority be established over the republic, there is reason to hope that they will be animated by a less unfriendly spirit, and grant that redress to American citizens which jus tice requires, so far as they may possess the means. But for this expectation I should at once have re commended to Congress to grant the necessary power to the President to take possession of a suf ficient portion of the remote mid unsettled territory. of Mexico, to be held in pledge until our injuries shall be redressed and our just demands be satisfied. We have already exhausted every milder means of obtaining . justice. In such a case this remedy of reprisals is recognised by the law of nations, not only as just in itself, .but as a means of preventing actual war. " But there is another view of our relations with Mexico, arising from the unhappy condition of affairs along our south-western frontier, which de mands immediate action. In that remote region, where there are but few white inhabitants, large bands of hostile and predatory Indians roam pro miscuously over the Mexican states of Chihuahua and Sonora and our adjoining territories. The local Governments . of these States are perfectly helpless, and are kept in a state of constant alarm by the Indians. They have not the power, if they possessed the will, even to restrain lawless Mem cans from passing the border and • committing de predations on our remote settlers. A state of anar chy and violence prevails throughout that distant frontier. The laws are a dead letter, and life and property are wholly insecure. For this reason the settlement of Arizona is arrested, whilst it is of great importance that a chain of inhabitants should extend all along its southern border sufficient for their own protection and that of the United States mail passing to and from California. Well-founded apprehensions are now.entertained that the Indians and wandering Mexicans, equally lawless, may break up the important stage and postal communi cation recently established between our Atlantic and Pacific possessions. This passes very near to the Mexican boundary, throughout the whole length of Arizona. I can imagine no possible remedy ,for these evils, and no mode of restoring law and order on that remote and unsettled frontier, but for the Government of the United States to assume a tem porary protectorate over the northern portions of Chihuahua and Sonora, and to establish military posts within the same ; and this is earnestly recom mended by Congress. This protection may be with drawn as soon as local Governments shall be estab lished in these Mexican States, capable of perform ing their duty to the United States, restraining the lawless, and preserving peace along the border. "I do not doubt that this measure will be viewed in a friendly spirit by the Governments and people of Chihuahua scud Sonora, as it will prove equally effectual for the protection of their citizens on that remote and lawless frontier as for citizens of the United States. 858. lawless violence, and in protecting the lives and property of American citizens travelling thereupon, requiring at the same time that these forces shall be withdrawn the moment the danger shall have passed away. Without such a provision our citizens will be constantly exposed to interruption in their progress and to lawless violence. A similar necessity exists for the passage of such an act for the protection of the Panama and Tehuantepec routes. " In reference to the Panama route, the United States, by their existing treaty with New Grenada, expressly gua rantee the neutrality of the Isthmus, with the view that the free transit from the one to the other sea may not be interrupted or embarrassed in any future time while the treaty exists.' " In regard to the Tehuantepec route, which has been recently opened under the most favourable auspices, our treaty with Mexico of the;3oth December, 1853, secures to the citizens of the United States a right of transit over it for their persons and merchandise, and stipulates that neither Government shall interpose any obstacle thereto. It also concedes to the United States the 'right to trans port across the Isthmus, iu closed bags, the mails of the United States not intended for distribution along the line of the communication ; also the effects of the United States Government and its citizens which may be intended for transit, and not for distribution on the Isthmus, free of Custom-house or other charges by the Mexican Govern ment.' " These treaty stipulations with New Grenada and Mexico, in addition to the considerations applicable to the Nicaragua route, seem to require legislation for the purpose of carrying them into effect. OUR RELATIONS WITH MEXICO. " Our position in relation to the independent states south of us on this continent, and especially those within the limits of North America, is of a peculiar character. The northern boundary of Mexico is coincident with our own southern boundary from ocean to ocean ; and we must ne cessarily feel a deep interest in all that concerns the well-being of so near a neighbour. We have always cherished the kindest wishes for the suc cess of that republic, and have indulged the hope that it might at last, after all its trials, enjoy peace and prosperity under a free and stable government. We have never hitherto interfered, directly or in directly, with its internal affairs, and it is a duty which we owe to ourselves to protect the integrity of its territory against the hostile interference of any other power. Our geographical position, our direct interest in all that concerns Mexico, and our well-settled policy in regard to the North American continent render this an indispensable duty. " Mexico has been in a state of constant revolu tion almost ever since it achieved its independence. One military leader after another has usurped the government in rapid succession, and the various constitutions from time to time adopted have been set at nought almost as soon as they were pro claimed. The successive governments have afforded no adequate protection, either to Mexican citizens or foreign residents against lawless violence. Here. tofore a seizure of the capital:by a military chieftain has been generally followed by at least the nominal submission of the country to his rule for a ' brief period ; but not so at the present crisis of Mexican affairs. A civil war has been raging for some time throughthe republic, between the central government at the city of Mexico, which has en deavoured to subvert the constitution last framed by military power, and those who maintain the authority of that constitution. .The antagonist parties each holding possession of, different states of the republic, and the fortunes of war are con stantly changing. Meanwhile the most reprehen sible means have been employed by both parties to extort money, from foreigners as well as natives, to carry on this ruinous contest. The truth is, that this fine country, blessed with a productive soil and a benign climate, has been reduced by civil dissen sion to a condition of almost hopeless anarchy and imbecility. It would be in vain for this govern ment to attempt to enforce payment in money of the claims of American citizens, now amounting to more than ten million dollars, against Mexico,be cause she is destitute of all pecuniary means to satisfy these demands. " Our late minister was furnished with ample powers and instructions for the adjustment of all pending questions with the central government of Mexico, and he performed his duty with zeal and ability. The claims of our citizens, some of them arising out of the violation of an express provision of the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, and others from gross injuries to persons as well as property, have remained unredressed, and even unnoticed. Remonstrances against these grievances have been addressed without effect to that G ov ernment. instances have in various parts of the republic, have been numerous of the murder, imprisonment, and plunder of our citizens by different parties claiming and exercising a local jurisdiction; but the central government, although repeatedly urged thereto, have made nä effort either to punish the authors of these outrages or to prevent their recur rence. No American citizen can now visit Mexico on lawful business without imminent danger to his person and property. There is no adequate protec tion'toeither; and in this respect our treaty with that republic is almost a dead letter. " This state of affairs was brought to a crisis in May last, by the promulgation:bf a decree levying a contribution pro rata upon all the capital in the republic between certain specified amounts, whe ther held by Mexicans or foreigners. Mr. Forsyth, regarding this decree in the light of a forced loan, formally protested against its application to his countrymen, and advised them not to pay the contribution, but to suffer it to be forcibly exacted, Acting upon this advice an American citizen re fused to pay the contribution, and his property COSTA RICA AND NEW GRENADA. " The injuries which have been inflicted upon our citizens in Costa Rica and Nicaragua during the last two or three years have received tfle prompt attention of this government. Some of these injuries were of the most aggravated charac ter. The transaction at Virgin Bay in April ? 1856, when a company of unarmed Americans, who were in no way con nected with any belligerent conduct or party, were fired on by the troops of Costa Rica, and numbers of them kille d and wounded, was brought to the knowledge of Congress by my predecessor soon after its occurrence, and was also pre sented to the government of Costa Rica for that immediate investigation and redress which the nature of the case de manded. A similar course was pursued with reference to other outrages in these countries, some of which were hardly less aggravated in their character than the transaction at Virgin Bay. At the time, however, when our present minister to Nicaragua was appointed, in December, 1857, no redress had been obtained for any of these wrongs, and no reply even had been received to the demands which had been made by this government upon that of Costa Rica more than a year before. Our minister was instructed, therefore, to lose no time in expressing tothose governments the deep regret with which the President had witnessed this inattention to the just elsvims of the United States, and in demanding their prompt and satisfactory adjustment. Unless this demand shall be complied with at an early day it will only remain for this government to adopt such other measures as may be necessary, in order to obtain for itself that justice which it has in vain attempted to secure by peaceful means from the governments of Nicaragua and Costa Rica. While it has shown, and will continue to show the most sincere regard for the rights and honour of these republics it cannot permit this re g ard to be met by an utter newlect on their part of what is due to the government and citizens of the United States. . "Against New Grenada we have long-standing causes of complaint, arising out of the unsatisfied claims of our citizens upon that republic ; and to these have been more recently added the outrages committed upon our citizens at Panama in April, 1856. A treaty f6i: the adjustment of these difficulties was concluded by the Secretary of State and the minister of New Grenada, in Sept., 1857, which contained just and acceptable provisions for that purpose. The treaty was transmitted to Bogota, and was ratified by the government of New Granada, but with certain amend ments. It was not, however, returned to this city until after the close of the last session of the Senate. It will be immediately transmitted to that body for their advice and consent ; and should this be obtained it will remove all our existing causes of complaint against New Grenada on the subject of claims. " Questions have arisen between the two governments as to the right of New Grenada to levy a tonnage duty upon the vessels of the United States in its ports of the Isthmus, and to levy a passenger tax upon our citizens arriving in that country, whether with a design to remain there, or to pass from ocean to ocean by the transit route, and also a tax upon the mails of the United States transported over the Panama Railroad. The government of New Grenada has been informed that the United States would consider the collection of either of these taxes as an act of violation of the treaty between the two countries, and as such would be resisted by the United States. At the same time, we are prepared to discuss these questions in a spirit of amity and justice, and with a sincere desire to adjust them in a satis factory manner. A negociation for that purpose has already been commenced. No effort has recently been made to collect these taxes, nor is any anticipated under present circumstances. BRAZIL, "With the empire of Brazil our relations are of the most friendly character. The productions of the two countries, and especially those of an agricultural nature, are such as to invite extensive mutual changes. A large quantity of American flour is consumed in Brazil, while more than treble the amount in value of Brazilian coffee is consumed in the United States. While this is the case a heavylluty has been levied until very recently upon the importations of American flour into Brazil. lam gratified, however, to be able to inform you that in September last this has been reduced from 1 dol. 32 to about 49 cent per barrels, and the duties on other articles of our production have been diminished in nearly the same proportion. " I regret to state that the government of Brazil still con tinues to levy an export duty of about 11 per cent, on coffee, notwithstanding this article is admitted free from duty in the United States. This is a heavy charge upon the con sumers of coffee in our country, as we purchase half of the entire surplus crop of that article raised in Brazil. Our minister, under instructions, will reiterate his efforts to have this export duty removed ; fand it is hoped that the enlightened Government of the -Emperor will adopt this wise, just, and equal policy.' In that event there is good reason to believe that the commerce between the two coun tries will greatly increasg, much to the advantage of both. " The claims of our citizens against the Government of Brazil are not, in the aggregate, of very large amount ; but some of these rest upon plain principles of justice, and their settlement ought not to be longer delayed. A renewed and earnest, and I trust a-successful effort, will be made by our minister to procure their final adjustment. PARAGUAY. " On the 2d of June last Congress passed a joint resolu tion authorising the President 'to adopt such measures and use such force as, in his judgment, may be necessary and advisable' for the purpose of adjusting the differences be tween the United States and the Republic of Paraguay, in connection with the attack:on the American steamer Water Witch, and with other measures referred to' in his annual message.' And on the 12th of July following they made an appropriation to defray the expenses and compensation of a commissioner to that republic, should the President deem it proper to make such an appointment. "In compliance with these enactments I have appointed a commissioner, who has proceeded to. Paraguay with full powers and instructions to settle those differences in an amicable and peaceful manner, if this be practicable. His experience and discretion justify the hope that he may prove successful in convincing the Paraguayan Government that it is due both to honour and justice that they should volun tarily and promptly make atonement for the wrongs which they have committed against the United States, and indem nify our injured citizens whom they have forcibly despoiled of their property. " Should our commissioner prove unsuccecsful, after a sincere and earnest effort to accomplish the object of his mission, then no alternative will remain but the employment of force to obtain just satisfaction' from Paraguay. In view of this contingency the secretary of the navy, under my direction, has fitted out and despatched a naval force, to rendezvous near Buenos Ayres, which, it is believed, will prove sufficient for the occasion. It is my earnest desire, however, that it may not be found necessary to resort to this last alternative. DOMESTIC AFFAIRS.-BUSINESS OF THE COUNTRY. " When Congress met in December last the business of the country had just been crushed by one of those periodical revulsions which are the inevitable consequence of our un sound and extravagant system of bank credits and inflated currency. With all the elements of national wealth in abundance our manufactures were suspended, our useful public and private enterprises were arrested, and thousands of labourers were deprived of employment and reduced to want. Universal distress prevailed among the commercial, manufacturing, and mechanical classes. This revulsion was felt the more severely in the United States, because similar causes had produced the like deplorable effects throughout the commercial nations of Europe. All were experiencing sad reverses at the same moment. Our manufacturers every where suffered severely, not because of the recent reduction in the tariff of duties on imports, but because there was no demand at any price for their productions. The people were obliged to restrict themselves in their purchases to articles of "rime necessity. In the general prostration of business the iron manufacturers in different states probably suffered more than any other class, and much destitution was the inevitable consequence among the great number of work men who had been employed in this useful branch of our industry. There could be no supply where there was no demand. To present an example, there could be no demand for railroad iron, after our magnificent system of railroads, extending its benefits to every portion of the Union, had been brought to a dead pause. The same consequences have resulted from similar causes to many other branches of use ful manufactures. It is self-evident that where there is no ability to purchase manufactured articles these cannot be produced, and consequently must cease to be produced. "No government, and especially a government of such limited power as that of the United States, could have pre= vented the late revulsion. The whole commercial world seemed for years to have been rushing to this catastrophe. The same ruinous consequences would have followed in the United States whether the duties upon foreign imports had remained as they were under the tariff of 1846 or had been raised to - a. much higher standard. The tariff of 1857 had no agency in the result. The general causes existing throughout the world could not have been controlled by the legislation of any particular country. " The periodical revulsions which have existed in our past history must continue to return at intervals so long as our present unbounded system of bank credits shall prevail. They will, however, probably be the less severe in future ; because it is not to be expected, at least for many years to come, that the commercial nations of Europe, with whose interests our own are so materially involved, will expose themselves to similar calamities. But this subject was treated so much at, large in my last annual message that I shall not now pursue it further. Still, I respectfully renew the recommendation in favour of the passage of a uniform bankrupt law applicable to banking institutions. This is all the , direct power over the subject which I believe the federal government posseFses. Such a law would mitigate, though it might not prevent, the evil. The instinct of self-preser vation might produce a wholesome restraint upon their banking business, if they knew in advance that a suspen sion of specie payments would inevitably produce, their civil death. , " But the effects of the revulsion are now slowly but surely passing away. The energy and enterprise of our citizens, with our unbounded resources, will, within the period of another year, restore a state of wholesome indus try and trade. Capital has again accumulated in our largo cities. The rates of interest are there very low. Confi dence is gradually reviving, and so soon as it is discovered that this capital can be profitably einployed in commercial and manufacturing enterprises, and In the construction of railroads and other works of public and private im provement, prosperity will again smile throughout the land. It is vain, however to disguise the fact from our selves, thut a speculative Inflation in our currency, without a corresponding inflation in other countries whose mann. factures come into competition with our own, must ever produce disastrous results to our domestic manufactures. No tariff short of absolute prohibition, can prevent these evil consequences. THE TARIFF. " In connection with this subject it is proper to refer to oar financial condition, • The same mune which have pro duced pecuniary distress throughout the country have so reduced the amount of imports from foreign countries that the revenue has proved inadequate to meet the necessary expenses of the government. To supply the deficiency, Congress; by the act of Dec. 23, 1857, authorised the issue of 20,000,000 dols. of treasury notes, and, this proving in adequate, they authorised, by the act of June 14, 1808, a loan of 20,000,000 dols., 'to be applied to the payment of appropriations made by law.' " No statesman would advise that we should go on in creasing the national debt to meet the ordinary expenses of the government. This would be a most ruinous policy. In case of war, our credit must be our chief resource, at least for the first year, and this would be greatly impaired by having contracted a large debt in time of peace. It is our true policy to increase our revenue so as to equal our ex penditure It would be ruinous to continue to borrow. Be sides it may be proper to observe that the incidental pro tection thus afforded by a revenue tariff would at the pre sent moment to some extent increase the confidence of the manufacturing interests, and give a fresh impulse to our reviving business. To this, surely, no one will object. " In regard to the mode of assessing and collecting duties under a strict revenue tariff I have long entertained, and often expressed the opinion that sound policy requires this should be done by specific duties in cases to which these can be properlyapplied. They are well adapted to commodities which are usually sold by weight or measure, and which from their nature, are of equal or nearly equal value. Such, for example, are the articles of iron of different classes, raw sugar, and foreign wines and spirits. " In my deliberate judgment specific duties are the best if not the only means of securing the revenue against false and fraudulent invoices, and such has been the practice adopted by this purpose by other commercial nations. Be : sides, specific duties would afford to the American manufac turer the incidental advantages to which he is fairly entitled under a revenue tariff. The present system is a sliding scale to his advantage. Under it, when prices are high and business prosperous, the duties rise in amount when he least requires their aid. On the contrary, when prices fall, and he is struggling against adversity, the duties are diminished in the same proportion, greatly to his injury. " Neither would there be danger that a• higher rate of duty than that intended by Congress could be levied in the form of specific duties. It would be easy to ascertain the average value of any imported article for a series of years ; and, instead of subjecting it to an ad valorem duty at a cer tain rate per centum, to substitute in its place an equivalent specific duty. " By such an arrangement the consumer will not be in jured. It is true, he might have to pay a little more duty on a given article in one year; but if so he would pay a lit tle less in another, and in a series of years these would counterbalance each other, and amount to the same thing as far as his interest is concerned. This inconvenience would be trifling when contrasted with the additional secu rity thus afforded against frauds upon the revenue, in which every consumer is directly interested. " I have thrown out these suggestions as the fruits of my own observation, to which Congress, in their better judgment, will give such weight as they may justly deserve. ARIZONA. " And in this connection permit me to recall your attention to the condition of Arizona. The popu lation of that territory, numbering, as is alleged, more than 10,000 souls, are practically without a Government; without laws, and without any regular administration of justice. Murder and other crimes are committed with impunity. This state of things calls loudly for redress ; and I therefore repeat my recommendation for the establishment of a terri torial government over Arizona. ISTHMUS AFFAIRS.—THE SEVERAL ROUTES FOR TRANSIT. ACROSS IT. " The political condition of the narrow isthmus of Cen tral America through which transit routes pass, between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, presents a subject of deep interest to all commercial nations. It is over these transits ' that a large proportion of the trade and travel between the European and Asiatic continents is destined to pass. To the United States these routes are of incalculable import ance, as a means of communication between their Atlantic and Pacific possessions; The latter now extend through out several degrees of - latitude on the Pacific coast, embracing the important state of California and the flourish ing territories of Oregon and Washington. All commercial • nations, therefore, have a.deep and direct interest that the communications shall be rendered secure from interruption. If an arm:o_flthe sea connecting th e t wo oceans penetrate d through Nicaragua and • Costa Rica it could not be pre ' tended that these states would have the right to arrest or retard its navigation, to the injury of othe r na ti ons . The transit by land over this narrow isthmus occupies nearly the same position. It is a highway in which . they themselves have little • interest, when compared with the vast interests of • the rest of the world. Whilst their rights' of 'sovereignty ought to be respected, ' it is the duty of other nations to require that this important passage shall not be interrupted by the civil wars and revo lutionary outbreaks which have so frequently occurred in that region. The stake is too important to be left at the mercy of rival companies, claiming to hold conflicting con ' tracts with Nicaragua. The commerce of other nations is not to stand still and await the adjustment of such petty controversies. The Government of the United States expect no more than this, and they will not be satisfied with less. They would not, if they could, derive an ad vantage from the Nicaragua tra ns it, not common to the rest of the world. Its neutrality and protection, for the common use of all nations, is their only object. They have no objec tion that Nicaragua shall demand and receive a fair com pensation from the companies and individuals who may traverse the route ; but they insist that it shall never here after be closed by an arbitrary decree of that Government. If disputes arise between it and those with whom they may have entered into contracts, these must be adjusted by some fair tribunal provided for the purpose, and the route must not be closed pending the controversy. This is our whole policy, and it cannot fail to be acceptable to all nations. "All these difficulties might be avoided if, consistently with the good faith of Ni carag ua, the use of this transit could be thrown open to general competition; providing at the same time for the Payment of a reasonable rate to the Nicaraguan Government on passengers and freight. " In August, 1852, the. Accessory Transit Company made its first interoceanic trip over the Nicaraguan route, and continued in successful operation, with great advantage to the public, until the 18th of February, 1856, when it was closed, and the grant to this company, as well as its charter, were summarilyand arbitrarily revoked by the Government of President Rivas. Previous to this date, however, in 1854, serious disputes concerning the settlement of their accounts had arisen between the company and the Govern ment, threatening the interruption of the route at any moment. These the United States in vain endeavoured to compose. It would be useless to narrate the various pro ceedings which took place between the parties up to the time when the transit was discontinued. Suffice it to say, that since February, 1856, it has remained closed, greatly to the prejudice of citizens o f the Unitedm§ttes. Since that time the competition h as ceased between t e rival routes of Panama and Nicaragua, and in consequence thereof an un just and unreasonable amount has been exacted from our citizens for their passage to and from California. " A treaty was signed on the 16th day of November, 1857, by the Secretary of State and Minister of Nicaragua, under the stipulations of 'which the use and protection of the transit route would have been secured, not only to the United States, but equally to all other nations. How and on what pretexts this treaty has failed to receive the ratifi cation of the Nicaraguan Government will appear by the papers herewith communicated from the state department. The principal objection seems to have been to the provision authorising the United States to employ force to keep the route open in case Nicaragua should fail to perform her duty in this respect. From the feebleness of that republic, its frequent changes of government, and its consequent in ternal dissensions, this had become a most important stipu lation, and one e:s en ti a ll y necessary, not only for the secu rity . Of the route, but for the safety of American citizens passing and repassing to and from our Pacific possessions Were such a stipulation embraced in a treaty between the United States and. Nicaragua, the knowledge of this fact would of itself most probably prevent hostile parties from committing aggressions on the route, and render our actual interference for its protection unnecessary. " The executive government of this country, in its in tercourse with foreign nations, is limited to the employment of diplomacy alone. When this • fails it can proceed no further. It cannot legitimately resort to force, without the direct authority of Congress, except in resisting and repel ling hostile attacks. It would have no authority to enter the territories of Nicaragua, even to prevent the destruction of the transit, and protect the lives and property of our own citizens on their passage. It is true that on a sudden emergency of this character the President would direct any armed force in the vicinity to march to their relief, but in doing this he would act upon his OWII responsibility. " Under these circumstances I earnestly recommend to Congress the passage of an act authorising the President, uuder such restrictions as they may deem proper, to em ploy the land and naval forces of the United States in pre venting the transit *from being obstructed or closed by FINANCES " The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will explain in detail the operations of that department of the govern ment. The receipts into the Treasury from all sources, during the fiscal year eliding June 30, 1858, including the Treasury notes authorised by the Act of Dec. 23, 1857, were dols 70,273,869 59, which amount, with the balance of dols. 17,710,114 27 remaining in the Treasury at the com mencement of the year, made an aggregate for the service of the year of dols. 87,983,983 86. " The public expenditure, during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1858, amounted to dols. 81,585,667 76, of which dole. 9,684,537 99 were applied to the payment of the pub lic debt, and the redemption of Treasury notes with the interest thereon, leaving in the Treasury on July 1, 1858, being the commencement of the present fiscal year, dole. 6,398,316 10. 4, The receipts into the Treasury during the first quarter of the present fiscal year, commencing the Ist of July, 1858, including one-half of the loan of dols. 20,000,000, with the premium upon it, authorised by the act of 14th of June, 1858, were dols. 25,230,879 46, and the estimated re ceipts for the remaining three quarters to the 30th of June, 1859, from ordinary sources, are . dole. 38,500,000, making, with the balance before stated, an aggregate of dole. 70,129,104 56. " The expenditure during the first quarter of the present fiscal year, were dols. 21,708,198 51; of which dole. 1,010,142 37 were applied to the payment of the public debt and the redemption of Treasury notes and the interest thereon. The estimated expenditures, during the remain ing three quarters to 30th June, 1859, are dole. 52,357;698 48, making an aggregateof dole. 74,065,896 99, being an excess of expenditure beyond the estimated r sc aipt s i n t o th e Trea sury from ordinary sources, during the fiscal year to the 30th Juue, 1859, of dols. 3,936,701 43. Extraordinary means are placed by law within the command of the Secre tary cf the Treasury, by the re-issue of Treasury notes re deemed, and by negotiating the balance of the loan autho rised by the act of 14th June, 1858, to the extent of dols. 11,000,000, which if realised during the present fiscal year, will leave a balance in the Treasury, on the Ist day of July, 1859, of dole. 7,063,298 57. " The estimated receipts during the next fiscal year end ing 20th June, 1840, are dols. 62,000,000, which, with the above estimated balance of dols. 7,063,298 57, make an ag gregate for the service of the next fiscal year, of dols. 69,063.298 57. The estimated expenditures during the next fiscal year, ending 30th June, 1860, are dole. 73,139,147 46, which leave a deficit of estimated means, compared with the estimated expenditures for that year, commencing on the Ist of July, 1859, of dols 4,075,848 89. In addition to this sum, the Postmaster-General will require from the Treasury, for the service of the Post-office Department, 3,038,728 dole., as explained in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, which will increase the esti mated deficit on the 30th June, 1860, to 7,014,576 dole. 89c. To provide for the payment of this estimated defi ciency, which will be increased by such appropriations as may be made by Congress, not estimated in the report of the Treasury Department, as well as to provide for the gra dual redemption, from year to year, of the outstanding Treasury notes, the Secretary of the Treitsury recommends such a revision of the present tariff as will raise the required amount. After what I have already said, I need scarcely add that I concur in the opinion expressed in his report, that the public debt should not be increased by an additional loan ; and would therefore strongly urgo upon Congress the duty of making, in their present session, the necessary provision for meeting these liabilities.l THE PUBLIC DEBT. " The public debt on the Ist July, 1858, the commence-, ment of the present fiscal year, was 25,155,977 dols. 67c. " During the first quarter of the present year the sum of 10,000,000 dols. has been negotiated of the loan authorised by the act of 14th June, 1858—making the present out standin,g public debt, exclusive of Treasury notes, 35,155,177 dols. 66c. There was on the Ist July, 1858, of Treasury notes issued by authority of the act of Dec. 23, 1857, unredeemed, the sum of 19,754,800 dols., making the amount of actual indebtedness, at that date, 54,910,777 dela. 66c. To this will be added 10,000,000 dols. during the pre sent fiscrl year, this being the remaining half of the loan of 20,000,000 dole. not yet negotiated. " The rapid increase of the public debt, and the necessity which exists for a modification of the tariff, to meet even the ordinary expenses of the Government, ought to admo nish us all in our respective spheres of duty, to the practice of rigid economy. The objects of expenditure should be limited in number, as far as this may be practicable, and the appropriations necessary to carry them into effect ought to be disbursed under the strictest accountability. Enlight ened economy does not consist in the refusal to appropriate money for constitutional purposes, essential to the defence, progress, and prosperity of the Republic, but in taking care that none of this money ih3ll be wasted, by mismanage ment, in its application to the objects designed by law. " Comparisons between the annual expenditure at the present time, and what it was 10 or 20 years ago, are alto gether fallacious. The rapid i ncrease o f our country in ex tent and population renders a corresponding increase of ex penditure to some extent unavoidable. This is constantly creating new objects of expenditure, and augmenting the amount required for the old. The true questions, then, aro —have these objects been unnecessarily multiplied P or has tlw amount expended upon any or all of them been larger than comports with due economy ? In accordance with these principles, the heads of the different executive depart ments of the Government have been instructed to reduce their estimates for the next fiscal year to the lowest stan dard consistent with the efficiency of the service, and this duty they have performed in a spirit of just economy. The. estimates of the Treasury, War, Navy, and Interior De partments, have each been in some degree reduced; and unless a sudden and unforeseen emergency should arise, it is not anticipated that a deficiency will exist in either within the present or the next fiscal year. The Post-office Department is placed in a peculiar position, different from the other departments, and to this I shall hereafter refer. " I invite - Congress to institute a rigid scrutiny to ascer tain whether the expenses in all departments cannot be still further reduced; and I promise them all the aid in my power in pursuing the investigation. THE DEPARTMENTS. "I transmit herewith the reports made to me by the Se cretaries of War, of the Navy, of the Interior, and of the Postmaster-General. They each contain valuable infor mation and important recommendations, to which I invite the attention of Congress. "In my last annual message I took occasion to recom mend the immediate construction of 10 small steamers, light draught, for the purpose of increasing the efficiency of the navy. Congress responded to the recommendation, by authorising the construction of Bof them.. The progress which has been made in executing this authority is stated in the report of the Secretary of the Navy. I concur with him in opinion, that a greater number of this class of vessels is necessary for the purpose of protecting in a more efficient manner the persons and property of American citizens on the high seas, and in foreign countries, as well as in guard ing more effectually our own coast. I accordingly recom mend the passage of an act for this purpose. "The suggestions contained in the report of the Secre tary of the Interior, especially these in regard to the dispo sition of the public domain, the pension and bounty land system, the policy towards the Indians, and the amendment of our patent laws are worthy of the serious consideration of Congress. " The post-office department occupies a position very different from that of the other departments. For many years it was the policy of the Government to render this a self-sustaining department ; and if this cannot now be ac complished in the present condition of the country we ought to make as near an approach to it as may be practicable. " The Postmaster-General is placed in a most embarrass ing position by the existing laws. He is obliged to carry these into effect. He has no other alternative. He finds, however, that this cannot be done without heavy demands upon the Treasury over and above what is received for postage ; and these have been progressively increasing from ear to year, u ntil they amounted, for the last fiscal year ending Juno 30, 1858, to more than 4,500,000 dels.; whilst it is estimated that for the present fiscal year they will amount to 6,290,000 dols. These sums are exclusive of the •annual appropriation of 700,000 dais. for compensation for the mail services performed for the two houses of Congress, and the other departments and officers of the Government in the transportation of free matter.' "The cause of these large deficits is mainly attributable to the increased expense of transporting the mails. In 1852 the sum paid for this service was but a fraction over four millions and a quarter. Since that year it has annually in creased, until in 1858 it has reached more than eight mil lions and a quarter; and for the service of 1859 it is esti mated that it will amount to more than ten ,millions of dollars. . , " The receipts of th e p os t- o ffi ce department can be made to approach or to equal its expenditure only by means of the legislation of Congress. In applying any remedy cam should be taken that the people snail not be deprived of the advantages which they are fairly entitled to enjoy from the post-office department. The principal remedies recom mended to the consideration of congress by the postmaster general, are to restore the former rate of postage upon single letters to five cents.; to substitute for the franking privilege the delivery to those now entitled to enjoy it of post office stamps for their correspondence, and to direct the depart ment in making contracts for the transportation of the mail to confine itself to the payment of the sums necessary for the single purpose without requiring it to be transported in post coaches or ,carriages of any particular. description Under the present system the expense to the government is greatly increased by requiring that the mail ehall be carried in such vehicles as will accommodate passengers. This will be done without pay from the department over all roads where the travel will remunerate the contractors. " These recommendations deserve the grave considera tion of Congress. " I would again call your attention to the construction of a Pacific railroad. Time and reflection have but served to confirm me in the truth and justice of the observations which I made on this subject in my last annual message,to which I beg leave respectfully to refer. " It is freely admitted that it would be inexpedient for this government to exercise theapwer of constructing the Pacific railroad by its own imnoWate agents. Such a policy would increase the patronage of the executive to a danger ous extent, and introduce a system of jobbing and corrup tion which no vigilance on the part of Federal officials could either prevent or detect. This can only be done by the.keen eye and active and careful supervision of individual and private interest. The construction of this road ought, therefore, to be committed to companies incorporated by the States, or other agencies whose pecuniary interests, would be directly involved. Congress might then assist them in the work by grants of land or of money, or both, under such conditions and restrictions as would secure the trans portation of troops and munitions of war free from any charge, and that of the United States mail at a fair and reasonable price. " The progress of events since the commencement of your last session has shown how soon difficulties disappear before a firm and determined resolution At that time such - a road was deemed by wise and patriotic men to be a vision ary project. The great distance to be overcome, and the intervening mountains and deserts in the way, were ob stacles which, in the opinibn of many, could not be gar mounted. Now, after the lapse of but a single year, these obstacles, it has been discovered, are far less formidable than they were supposed to •be ; and mail stages with pas' senger now pass and repass regularly twice in each week by a common waggon road, between San Francisco and St. Louis and Memphis in less than 25 days. The service has been as regularly performed as it was in former years be tween New York and this city. " Whilst disclaiming all authority to appropriate money for the construction of this road, except that derived from the war-making power of the constitution, there are im portant collateral considerations urging us to undertake the work as speedily as possible. " The first and most momentous of these is, that such a road would be a powerful bond of union between the States east and west of the Rocky Mountains. This is so self-evi dent as to require no illustration. " But, again, in a commercial point of view, I consider this the great question of the day. With the eastern front of our Republic stretching along the Atlantic, and its west ern front along the Pacific, if all the parts should be united by a safe, easy, and rapid communication we must neces sarily command a very large proportion of the trade both of Europe and Asia. Our recent treaties with China and Japan will open these rich and populous empires to our commerce ; and the history of the world proves that the nation which has gained possession of the trade with East ern Asia has always become wealthy and powerful. The peculiar geographical position of California and our Pacific possessions invites American capital and enterprise into this fruitful field. To reap the rich harvest, however, it is an indespensable pre-requisite that we shall first have a railroad, to conveyand circulate its products through out every portion of the Union. Besides such a rail road througout our temperate latitude, which would not be impeded by the frosts and snows of winter, nor by the tropical heats of summer, would attract to itself much of the travel and the trade of all nations passing between Europe and Asia. THE SLAVER ECHO. " On the 21st of August last, LieutenanlJ. N. Maffit, of the United States brig Dolphin, captured the slaver Echo (formerly the Putnam, of New Orleans), near Kay Verde, on the coast of Cuba, with more than 300 African negroes on board. The prize, under the command of Lieutenant Bradford, of the United States navy, arrived at Charleston on the 27th of August, when the negroes, 306 in number, were delivered into the custodyjof the United States vas: - shal for the district of South Carolina. Thay were first placed in Castle Pinckney, and afterwards in Fort Sumter, for safe keeping, and were detained there until the 19th of September, when the survivors, 171 in number, were deli vered on board the United States steamer Niagara, to be transported to the coast of Africa, under the charge of the agent of the United States, pursuant to the provisions of the act of the 3d of March, 1819, in addition to the acts prohibiting the slave trade.' Under the secomd section of this act the President is authorised to make such 'TV's' tiens and arrangements as he may deem expedient, for the. safe keeping, support, and removal beyond the limits at the United States, of all such negroes, mulattoes, or per- , sons of colour', captured by vessels of the United States, or may be delivered to the marshal of the district into which they are brought ; ' and to appoint a proper person or per sons residing upon the coast of Africa as agent or agents for receiving the negroes, mulattoes, or persons of colour, delivered from on board vessels seized in the prosecution of the slave trade by commanders of the United States armed vessels.' " A doubt immediately arose as to the true construction of this act. It is quite clear from its terms that the Presk dent was authorised to provide for the safe keeping, suß port, and removal' of these negroes up till the time of their delivery to the agent on the coast of Africa; but no express provision was made for their protection and support, after they had reached the place of their destination. Still, all agent was to be appointed to receive them in Africa ; and it could not have been supposed that Congress intended he should desert them at the moment they were received' and turn them loose on that inhospitable coast to perish for want of food, or to become again the victims of the slave trade. Had this been the intention of Congress the em ployment of an agent to receive them, who is required to reside on the coast, was unnecessary, and they might have been landed by our vessels anywhere in Africa, and left ea' posed to the sufferings and the fate which would certainly await them. "Mr. Monroe, in his special message of the 17th of De cember, 1819, at the first session after the act passed, an nounced to Congress what, in his opinion, was its true con struction. He believed it to be his duty under it to follow these unfortunates into Africa, and make provision for that there, until they should be able to provide for themselves. In communicating this interpretation of the act to Congress he stated that some doubt had been entertained as to its true intent and meaning, and he submitted the question W them, so that they might, should it be deemed advisable, amend the same before further proceedings are had under it.' Nothing was done by Congress to explain the act, and Mr. Monroe proceeded to carry it into execution ac cordin g to his own interpretation. This, then, became the practic construction. When the Africans from on board the Echo were delivered to the marshal at Charleston, it became my duty to consider what disposition ought to be made of them under the law. For many reasons it was expedientte move them from that locality as speedily as possible. Although the conduct of the authorities and citizens of Charleston, in giving countenance to the execution of the law, was just what might be expected from their high chileratter, racter, yet a prolonged continuance of three hundred Afrl' cans in the immediate vicinity of that city could not have failed to become a source of inconvenience and anxiety to its inhabitants. Where to send them was the question. There was no portion of the coast of, Africa to which they could be removed with any regard to humanity, exceP t to Liberia. Under these circumstances, an agreement veal entered into with the Colonisation Society on the 7th of September last, a copy of which is herewith t rans mitted,. under which the society engaged, for the consideration of forty-five thousand dollars, to convey these Africans to Liberia from the agent of the United States, and furnish them during the period of one year thereafter with comfort able shelter, clothing, provisions, and medical attendanc e causing the chuldrento receive schooling; and all, whether children or adults, to be instructed in the arts of civilised life, suitable to their condition. This aggregate of 45,0 00 dols. was based on an allowance of 150 dols. for each indi vidual, and as there had been considerable mortality among them, and may be more before they reach Africa, the society have agreed, in an equitable spirit, to make such a deduc tion from the amount as under_the circumstances may LIP' pear just and reasonable. This cannot be fixed until We shall ascertain the actual number which may become $ charge to the society. " It was also distinctly agreed that, under no circular stances, shall this government be called upon for any addi tional expenses. " The agents of the society manifested a laudable desire to conform to the wishes of the government throughout the transaction. They assured me that after a careful exami nation they would be,required to expend the sum of 150 dole. on each individual in complying with the agreement, and they would have nothing left to remunerate them for thei r , care, trouble, and responsibility. At all events I could make no better arrangeinent, and there was no other alter native. During the periel when the government itself, through its own agents, undertook the task of providing for _ captured negroes in Africa, the cost per head was very wile' greater. " There having been no outstanding appropriation ap plicable to this purpose, I could not advance any money on the agreement. I therefore recommend that an appropfla tion may be made of the amount necessary to carry it into effect. 14 Other captures of a similar character may, and proba bly will be, made by our naval forces ; and I earnestly re commend that Congress may amend the second section of the act of March 3, 1819,, so as to free its construction from the ambiguity which has so long existed, and render the duty of the President plain in executing its provisions. " I recommend to your favourable regard the local in terests of the district of Columbia. As the residence Of Congress and the executive departments of the government, we cannot fail to feel a deep concern in its welfare. This is heightened by the high character and the peaceful a nd orderly conduct of its resident inhabitants. " I cannot conclude without performing the agreeable duty of expressing my gratification that Congress so kindly re sponded to the recommendation of my last annual message by affording me sufficient time before the close of their late session for the examination of all the bills presented to we for approval. This change in the practice of Congress has proved to be a wholesome reform. It exerted a beneficiet influence on the transactions of legi s l a ti ve b us i nes s, an elicited the general approbation of the country. It enabled Congress to adjourn with that dignity and deliberation so becoming to the representatives of this great Republic/ without having crowded into general appropriation bills prcr visions foreign to their nature, and of doubtful constitu tionality and expediency. Let me warmly and strongly commend this precedent, established by themselves, as a guide to their proceedings during the present session. " JAMES BUCHANAN . " Washington City, Dec. 6, 1858." BIRTHS. BURNSIDE.—On the 10th inst., at Malta, the wife pf CaPt Burnside, H.M.'s 21st Fusiliers, of a son. DEPREE.—On the 17th inst.. at 12, Bloomsbury sq uare ' Mrs. C. Templer Depree, of a daughter. . . • MARRIAGES. BAKER—PEN ROSE.—On the 16th inst at St. Paneras 1 4 e llf Church, Mr. William J. Baker, Brecknoek-place, Caw den New Town, to Amelia, third daughter of Mr. Tho s li. Penrose, $B, Camden-road Villas. MACNAGIITEN—MARTIN.—On the 18th inst., at St l Yst er :l Church, Eaton-square, Edward Macnaghten, bscl•t vi r. Lincoln's-inn , barrister-at-law, second son of Sir 8 . , Macnaghten, Bart., of Dundarave, county Antrim, IST land, to Frances Arabella, only daughter of the Hon. Samuel Martin, one of the Barons of her Majesty's Co w of Exchequer. DEATHS. BALGuY.- 2 0n the 16th inst., at Duffield, near Derby, Ju hll „ Balguy. Esq., Q.C., Commissioner of the Birrninghl" District Court of Bankruptcy, and Recorder of DerbY' egei 77. BLAKE.—On the 11th inst., John Joseph Blake, Esq., {or- BLAKE.—On merly of the Hon. E.l.C.'s Service, and late of the Ban' of Englarid, aged 85. - LONDON : Printed and Published by KURD° YOU l4° ' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The 1 - Sun Office, No. 1 12 i Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the county Middlesex, Monday, December 20, 1858. LEG interesi 810 Lo Auth or 11° GE - c _ . ,___ Gl' 4141). PR( Gt A 1 Jo 1101, 11 In Sir p. J o 4 ) l Tg a t Jo La, :Ohn Lo, ,tewart LeW is Li 'lllolllto 14,113017r1:r. I lenr " The Th Si r:A .1 VXI Itart. geh „ 80 n; 1'1114011,1 Bt h -ozoN 80Li cii Ac Mutual IoN 'lie %-11 An ace , I ) nrin g h Clain '"vera liciei De to r P oHOC' The A In I th o Dori event 1 1 11 1 ,Se e %, ne t :1 1) 8 a s t il e r a i catirgT' o 11° (11;tabl GEC Sir jo, "rY °IIII G iV ", °lnas Ai ( 1 1 ;edk. ari es ''vtr do hoht Nir ki. • ;p c ] 444 . Ste iN C mi, wed b i b cot h i • Tder t du °r M% L&NE 0 4 Th e , t alent With r aqd Fa, ".rectc 411 d 81 D i I narkei A th e sod Stoi