The Sun. — London, England, 1859-02-04 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY)• The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. NEW PEERS. Lord Churston (late Sir J. Y. Buller), and Lord Kings• down (late Mr. Pemberton Leigh), took the oaths and their seats as peers of the United Kingdom. • SELECT VESTRIES. The Earl of DERBY laid on the table a bill for the bet ter regulation of select vestries. The bill was read a first time. THE ADDRESS. The LORD CHANCELLOR read her Majesty's most gra cious speech from the Throne on opening the session of Parliament, which was as follows : " Mr (LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, 44 In recurring, at the usual season, to the advice o f my Parliament, I am happy to think that, in the internal state of the country, there is nothing to excite disquietude, and much to call for satisfaction and thankfulness. Pauperism and crime have con siderably diminished during the past year ; and a spirit of general contentment prevails. " The blessing of the Almighty on the valour of my troops in India, and on the skill of their Commanders, has enabled me to inflict signal chastisement upon those who are still in arms against my authority, whenever they have ventured to encounter my forces ; and I trust that, at no distant period, I may be able to announce to you the complete pacification of that great empire, and to devote my attention to the im provement of its condition, and to the obliteration of all traces of the present unhappy conflict. " On assuming, by your advice, the direct govern ment of that portion of my dominions, I deemed it proper to make known by Proclamation the prin ciples by which it was my intention to be guided, and the clemency which I was disposed to show towards those who might have been seduced into revolt, but who might be willing to return to their allegiance. I have directed that a copy of that Proclamation should be laid before you. I receive from all Foreign Powers assurances of their friendly feelings. To cultivate and con firm those feelings, to maintain inviolate the faith of Public Treaties, and to contribute, as far as my influence can extend, to the preservation of the general peace, are the objects of my unceasing solicitude. " I have concluded, with the Sovereigns who were parties to the Treaty of Paris of 1856, a Con vention relative to the organisation of the Princi palities of Moldavia and Wallachia. Those Rou man Provinces are now proceeding to establish, under its provisions, their new form o f Government. " A Treaty of -Commerce which I have concluded with the Emperor of Russia, and which will be laid before you, is a satisfactory indication of the complete reestablishment of those amicable rela tion swhich,until their late unfortunate interruption, had long subsisted between us, to the mutual advantage of our respective dominions. ,‘ The measures which, in concert with my ally the Emperor of the French, I thought it necessary to take upon the coast of China, have resulted in a Treaty, by which further effusion of blood has been prevented, and which holds out the prospect of greatly-increased intercourse with that extensive and densely-peopled Empire. " Another Treaty, into which I have entered with the Emperor of Japan, opens a fresh field for com mercial enterprise in a populous and highly civilized country, which has hitherto been jealously guarded against the intrusion. of foreigners. As soon as the ratifications of these Treaties shall have been exchanged, they will be laid before you. " I have great satisfaction in announcing to you that the Emperor of the French has abolished a system of negro emigration from the East Coast of Africa, against which, as unavoidably tending, however guarded, to the encouragement of the slave trade, my Government has never ceased to address to his Imperial Majesty its most earnest, but friendly representations. "This wise act on the part of his Imperial Majesty induces me to hope that negotiations, now in progress at Paris, may tend to the total abandon ment of the system, and to the substitution of a duly regulated supply of substantially free labour. "The state of the Republic of Mexico, distracted by civil war, has induced me to carry forbearance to its utmost limits, in regard to wrongs and indignities to which British residents have been subjected, at the hands of the two contendinc , parties. They have at length been carried to such an extent that I have been compelled to give instructions to the commander of my naval forces in those seas to demand, and if necessary to enfcrce, due repara tion. "GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, " I have directed that the estimates for the en suing year shall be submitted to you. They hive been framed with a due regard to economy, and to the efficiency of the public service. "The universal introduction of steam-power into naval warfare will render necessary a temporary increase of expenditure in providing for the recon struction of the British Navy; but 'I am persuaded that you will cheerfully vote whatever sums you may find to be requisite for an object of such vital importance as the maintenance of the maritime power of the country. " MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN;I " Your labours have, in recent Sessions, been usefully directed to various measures of legal and social improvement. In the belief that further measures of a similar character may be wisely and beneficially introduced, I have desired that Bills may be submitted to you without delay, for assimi lating and amending the laws relating to Bankruptcy an d Insolvency ; for bringing toge ther into one set of Statutes, In a classified form and with such modifications as experience will suggest to you, the laws relating, to crimes and offences in England and Ireland ; for enabling the owners of land in England to obtain for themselves an indefeasible title to their estates and interests, and for registering such titles with simplicity and security. " Your attention will be called to the state of the laws which regulate the representation of the people in Parliament, and I cannot doubt but that you will give to this great subject a degree of calm and impartial consideration, proportioned to the mag nitude of the interests involved in the result of your discussions. "These, and other propositions for the amend ment of the laws, which will be brought under your notice as the progress of public business may per mit, I commend to the exercise of your deliberate judgment ; and I earnestly pray that your counsels may be so guided as to ensure the stability of the Throne, the maintenance and improvement of our institutions, and the general welfare and happiness of my people." The Earl of WINCHILSEA rose to move that a humble address be presented to her Majesty in answer to the Royal speech. The noble earl said before he commenced his observations he must bespeak that kind indulgence which was usually accorded to those in his position. Than the present Speech from the Throne he thought he never knew one that led them to en tertain greater hopes for th e f u t ure. (Hear , hear.)lt was a source of the greatest and highest gratification that the co un t r y was i n suc h a state of quietude as to call for great thankf u l ness . Th e aspect of affairs in India was another subject that called for remark, and he m ust say a more magnifi cen t proc l ama ti on than that put into their hands it was impossible to imagine. (Hear , hear.) It might be clothed in more orient a l l anguage , but it could not have been heightened in effect. (Hear, hear.) He then referred to the paragraph relative to the course adopted by his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of the French relative to the abolition of the free immigration scheme from the coast of Africa, which, he thought, was a wise deterra* - tion, and one that called for their highest approbation. The aspect of affairs in Mexico, he was glad to see, had b een noticed by her Majesty, and although that country was disturbed by civil war it was well that orders had been been given to the commanders of the navy in those seas to demand reparation for the injury that had been done to British property and British interests. (Hear, hear.) could view navy was the boast of England, an d no person view without interest anything that was calculated to im prove its efficiency. Rethought the universal introduction of steam power was a wise step, and he felt confident that Parliament would cheerfully forward the necessary mea sures for effecting so great a benefit. There was another paragraph which he should have noticed before, but he trusted their lordships would pardon him if he went back to . refer to it, ho meant the measures that had been adopted 1 , 11 , concert with the Emperor of the French, on the coast of ` - ' h a d nia. It gave him great satisfaction to learn that a stop a put to the effusion of blood in that country - and that the steps taken by consummation affairsnsuohf.ectt Lord Elgin to bring about such ' a was worthy of their adm!ration. There hadhat was looked to with much interest, cad one on 3 -which henot touched upon, and that was the amendment of th e l the people in Parliament.ns regarding rding the representation of house merely hear.) They had heard that their lordships' and he had also been told that this represented the land, sooner was but an anti quated institution, and that the the better. But, before that was done, it was swept away ; :et l t ie should like to know how it was to be swept away— bhcear)---and he should then like to know how land was tor' represeuted. (Hear.) The arrangements by which the franchi exercised were hitherto in an anomalous condition, and annad(dutt.einv was certainly room for considerable amendment. hear.) He had resided for some years in Westminsterear, be fore being called to their lordship's house, and yet h never had a vote in the election of its members. What th e reason was he could not tell, but the fact was so. 'Probably it was because he was unfit to have one. (A laugh.) He could conceive many ways for improving the Reform Bill of 1832 without reversing or destroying it. He did not wish to see such sweeping measure as, under the name of Re. form, might be proposed by some ambitious men, whose only object was to obtain power. Those who sat in their lordships' house, and who had to a certain extent been the objects of attack, must not allow themselves to be carried away by personal feelings, but they must legislate in a manner befit ting the senate of this great country. The country was told that the landowners were represented in their lordships' house ; and at the same time they were told that the house was antiquated, and the sooner it was swept away the better. It would seem, therefore, that the landowners would very shortly not be represented at all. (Laughter.) He had no doubt that would satisfy the purposes of certain individuals, but he was sure that such a course would not meet with the a pprobation of the great body of the people. (Hear, hear.) He thanked their lordships for the patience with which they had listened to his somewhat discursive speech, and for the forbearance which they had exhibited towards him uponthe first occasion of his addressing their lordships' house. The noble lord concluded by moving a humble address to her Majesty, in answer to her most gracious speech. (Hear.) Lord RAVENSWORTH said he rose to second the ad dress, owing to the unavoidable absence of his noble friend (Lord Delamere), and having been called upon to l i do so at d short notice, he craved their lordships' indul gence. During a Parliamentary experience of 30 years he did not remember a speech from the Throne to which less objectiOn could be taken than to the gracious Speech of her Majesty w hi c h they had just heard. The Speech de alt with a great variety of subjects, many of which were of the greatest importance and of the most exciting character. They must all feel that this country was on the verge of very great events, and he thong .t it was most important that no language should be employed that would have a tendency to create irritation or animosity in neighbouring countries. They could not but see that , when great and powerful nations stood bristling with arms, in a position of mutual defence, although they mig ht ho p e that the risks of a general w ar might be averted by wise nego tiation, yet he hoped that, for a moment, party struggles might be avoided, and that that confidence would be placed in her Majesty's Government which would enable it to deal with the great interests of the nation, and set forth by example the value of the institutions of this country. If anything like the force of parties should be exhibited in their deliberations, an argument would be afforded to the enemies of constitutional freedom in favour of the opinions which elsewhere prevaliod—that the more centralised authority of a despotic GovernrUent was better for the government of mankind. Ho would therefore ex press a hope that credit would be given to the intentions of the Government, as to the measures which th," were prepared to bring into Parliament. He would not de their lordships by going through the various topics au' - verted to in the Speech from the Throne, but there were two or three points to which he wished more particularly to advert. Her Majesty said, "I am happy to think that in the internal state of the country there is nothing to excite disquietude and much to call for satisfaction and , thankfulness." It was perfectly true that these causes for gratification existed ; but he was compelled to say that considerable anxiety existed among the shipping interest, arising from its present state of depression. The depression was traced by those connected with the maritime interest of the country to the alterations which had been made in the navigation laws, which ho believed were altered without due consideration. The subject would, he knew, be brought under the consideration of Parliament during the present session, and he hoped that due attention would be given to it. It was true that the reference made to the opening of the trade with China and Japan would be some comfort to the shipping inte rest, as it would open up an opportunity for the commerce of this country; and here ho must be allowed to bestow his meed of praise upon Lord 'Elgin for the able manner in which he had conducted the negotiations between us and China, in which he was ably assisted by representatives of the French and other nations on the spot. He wished to say one word on the present position of our Indian empire. No one could object to one word in her Majesty's speech on that subject. Her Majesty's proclamation had been received with universal approbation, and he trusted that it would still produce great and beneficial effects. He could not pass over the heroism which had been displayed by the troops in the momentous struggle which had been going on in that empire. They had encountered and overcome incre dible difficulties, and had been in constant and unremitting pursuit of the rebels, who disappeared in one place only to appear againinanother. Theyhad penetrated dense jungles and they had been exposed to the heat of the climate. When they considered all these circumstances, it was impossible to withhold a meed of praise from men who had been en gaged in such terrible warfare. "(Hear.) In spite of all this, helwas informed that the general health of the army in India was good. They had, therefore, every reason to hope that before long her Majesty's expectations of the general pacification of that country would be realised. With regard to Mexico, there had appeared in that day's papers dreadful accounts of the state of that country. Blood was 'spilt in a way that was really awful, and under such cir cumstances her Majesty's Government was justified in sending out special instructions for the protection of the in terests of this country. With regard to the proposed reforms in the law, he would simply express his thanks to her Ma jesty's Government. The security of titles to land was of great importance. There was often great difficulties and I expense connected with proving titles to land, and any , measure that would simplify that process would be a boon to the country. He wished now to say a few words on that ' paragraph in her Majesty's speech respecting a reform of the representation of the people, which out of doors was the most interesting and important subject. He had heard it regretted that the duty of revising these laws should have fallen to the Conservative party, but as that party had concurred in the settlement of 1832 they had only fairly to carry out the principles of that settlement by such amendments as a change of circumstances rendered desirable. He (Lord Ravensworth) believed that many points of the bill of 1832 required amendment. The fifty-pound clause and other clauses excluded persons who ought to have the franchise. He, however, entirely disapproved of the bill that had been placed before the country by the hon. member for Birming ham (Mr. Bright), who was more renowned for his oratory than for his powers as a statesman. He hoped the bill to be introduced by the Government would as little resemble that bill as could be. He resided in a county where great masses of the people had been brought together, and he (Lord Ravensworth) declared that, in spite of the inflammatory harangues that had been addressed to them, there was no general sympathy with the bill introduced to the country by the hon. member for Birmingham. That one statement of his alone was sufficient to stamp him and his designs, when he laid down that their lordships were the pure re presentatives of the landed interest, and therefore that the House of Commons should be more the representatives of the people and the commercial interests of the country. That attempt to sow division between the two houses of the Legislature, and to set class against class, would necessarily introduce perpetual confusion, and place them in danger of a collision between the Houses of Lords and Commons. If such a change as he advocated took place the result would be, that the House of Commons would be perpetually intro ducing bills which would never be assented to by their lord ships. It was impossible too strongly to deprecate the dangers attendant upon such a course, One portion of the bill was in favour of secret voting, and with that there would be no responsibility but that of a man's own conscience, which he did not think sufficient of itself alone as a security. He had no confidence in that measure, and he hoped that the measure of the Government would be a wise and salutary measure, and very different from that which had been put before the country. He thanked their lordships for the attention with which they had heard him, and he begged leave to second the Address. Earl GRANVILLE said—The occasion of our meeting here this night is one which leads to the consideration of very important matters. The noble lord who seconded the Address impressed upon us the importance of throw ing no obstacle in the way of that concord which should prevail upon such an occasion. My lords, I entirely concur in that sentiment. I, for one, rejoice that the ; moderation of tone in the Speech from the Throne is such as to require no opposition from me or from this side of the house. (Hear.) It gave me great pleasure to hear the noble earl who moved the Address acquitting himself with such ability. My lords, I have had some experience in these matters. Some years ago I had the honour to move the first Address presented by the House of Commons to her Majesty after her accession to the Throne, and I felt great reluctance in undertaking that duty, but the Minister of the day had no doubt that I could do it admirably, and referred me to the heads of the different departments for the information necessary to be acquired on such an occasion ; but somehow or other the Minister for Foreign Affairs thought it would be better to adhere to home politics, and when we went to the head of that department, his opionion was, that They had better touch upon foreign affairs. (A laugh.) The consequence was, that I was obliged to confine my short address to the prospect of the happiness and glory of her Majesty's reign—a promise which has been up to this period most amply fulfilled—(hear, hear) —and I trust will yet be more amply realised in that portion of her reign which re mains. (Hear, hear.) And, my lords, there is every pro spect of so happy a result from the affection shown by all classes of the people upon the marriage of her daughter. The seconder of the Address, a man of great public experi ence and ability, was so affected by the want of informa tion, which no doubt he found it difficult to obtain, that he entirely failed in making a speech satisfactory to himself. My lords, I can understand why the Secretary for the Colonies does not wish to introduce into the Speech from the Throne any allusion to the affairs of the lonian Islands. (A. lane].) I can conceive the Secretary for the Colonies saying, " I- should not wish to discuss those af fairs." If the noble earl opposite, when he obtained as an e a n ‘ i a g s associate the as s i s t ance o f th a t a bl e gen tl eman M r . Glad stone, thought least, retaining thought there was some chance o f, f or a s h or t time him doubtfula as o whether subordinate, the thatpo licy policy has sue butceeded, was indicated • by the nomination of so important a person, and whether the language of the despatch announcing his mission, is likely to remove the • difficultie s connected with that ques tion. When my noble friends called . upon the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, I can conceive we made it a subject of attack n him saying—" It is true that they did not introduce the name the late Government into the Queen's Speech ; but consid e ei q the United States communica tions recently made with Mr. Dallas, sollt., ofthe recently found their way into the new: which have better leave that subject alone." Rear,)plrs, they had also that they wou ld have full p er mission with co.onceive regard to any question connected with Europe provided they did not touch upon any matter connected with the state of affairs between Austria, Sardinia, and France. (A laugh.) With regard to the noble lord opposite (Lord Hardwicke, the Lord Privy Seal) —I think I can fancy that nothinf, p art i_ cular has happened in his department since the end last session. (Laughter.) And no doubt it was he who gave the advice to confine the Queen's Speech to naval afiltirs. Since 1830 there had been a general alliance between this country and France, but the effect of recent events had been to in troduce something of jealousy between the two nations. The noble lord proceeded—in so inaudible a tone as to make it impossible to catch more than scattered portions of sentences—to allude to the conduct of the present Go vernment with respect to the Assassination Bill introduced by the late Government. It is not my intention to enter into the question as to who was right or who was wrong, but the bill itself was supported by the present Prime Mi nister and most of his colleages in the Government, and with regard to the despatch of the French Government not being answered, which was a charge against the late Go vernment, there had been, even before the present Govern mentcame into office, a despatch disavowing in the most distinct manner any such interference with the laws and in stitutions of this That descountry as had been alleged against them. patch was one of the first laid before the present Government, and I think that these facts showed some ei in- , consistency on th r part, which had placed them in some I THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY J EVENING, FEBRUARY 4, 1859. ii,fficultY, and Prr,vented them from speaking out in that ji.api and strai g l , Atforward manner which ought to charac tem se the illter ( Jourse between two great nations. Another more • unPorta'_at question, however, is, the rumour or opi , at is n ow curren t, name l y, th a t w e ar e upon th e eve o i f ° : gre th t ropean war, arising out of what is called the Italian qu n esti on. Ido not refer to that question in the be lief that I Car a throw much light upon it, but there is no doubt that ti .e state of things in that peninsula is much to be deplored.. If we take Naples in the first instance, it is clear there It ; room for amendment ; but the state of that country is lea s complicated than that of other parts of the peninsula, bee ause it depends on a change of policy on the part of the ri ding powers, and a new Ministry might be called into powt who might counsel the restoration of con stitutional govt, rnment With regard to Central Italy, I have lately ( cam e from the capital of the Papal States, and it would be idle OA vectation on my part to state that they are not in a position asi, ich demands great and urgent reforms. go\ -eminent now existing is such The system of as to render the at-ot k of reform most difficult, and with out entering into tAlc ',ails as to the d e f ec t s o f an ti qua t e d laws, or the obstacA l eo i n the way of anything having for its object the an Aerial progress or the intellectual d ev elopement of the nay it is undoubtedly the fact that the entire lay population of the Papal dominions are, almost to a man, hostile to the asaikty under which they now live. I am perfectly aware the,: bed: government is a state of things . which will be found, acare or less, to prevail in other countries ; but there is, one vt'ry important circumstance ' which puts the Papal States cia a different category from any other power in Europe. They ai ocCupied, not temporarily, or from month to month, but .contin:rously, and it would ' seem without any prospect of .cessation ; by the armies of two of the most powerful nations .of Europe . , It is true that where the Sovereign of a country agrees to such an occupa tion there may be in it nothing, strictly spearing, which is contrary to international law ; but it is clearly opposed to the balance of power in Europe, at'd offers a legitimate ' occasion, not, it may be, for any such extremity cts war, but ' for the friendly interference of diplomacy both regard to the general security of Europe and the well una:-a.stood interests of the particidar countries more immediately con cerned. Passing over some other smaller and unimpon'tmt States, I come to the Lombardo-Venetian :provinces of Austria. My lords, it is not my duty to become the aßale gist of the Austrian Government. I believe it weighs heavily on the minds of the people of those provinces ; I think the pressure of taxation is severe, the degree of liberty they enjoy is certainly not great, and the rigours .of the conscription to which they are exposed are oppressive. But these are evils common to the majority of continental na tions. Some of the evils complained of by the intelligent ' Lombards living in towns and subject to Austrian rule are, I will not say sentimental, because that phrase might imply a sneer against feelings which are creditable enough in 'liemselves, but hardly of a very practical nature. Their i nte :enal government is certainly better cared forth= that of any pa :at of Southern Italy. But it is not for us to discuss whether Lombardy might or, might not be better or ;allied (Hear, hear.) What we have to considerworse ga, is that these provinces belong to Austria under treatle s which, whether good or bad in their origin— and ce rtainl y the y must at first have been I deemed beneficia—have by long continuance become a por tion of the public fit; v of Europe. (Cheers.) Remember, my lords, in looking at tk is Italian question, that there is not that agreement among, _ltalians which some persons sup pose. (Hear, hear.) f i h slieve that nearly all parties have now given up the hope of I.' are for an Italian empire, aving one united Italy. Some sin ce are for a constitutional, and some for a Republican form of Government; and as their objects are various, so their means of accomplishing them are equally diverse. Some are for insurrection, some for war, and some even for the execrable Prime ofassassination. The deep-seated feeling is a detestation t;f* the foreigner, and we must not deceive ourselves by believing that this hatred is directed exclusively against the Austrians, though they now happen to be its most prominent objects. De end upon it the rival of Austria in Italy, France was certainly as un popular at the tiineof its armed occupation of that country, and would speedily become again as unpopular as _Austria if it stood in the same position. It is vain to deny . Oat . in Italy there are at this moment Italians utterly unmmdful of the lessons of history, and who believe it possible by the au of one race of foreigners against another effectually to get rid of foreign domination altogether. Every one of your lordships must admit that Sardinia won our admiration and respect for the gallant manner in which she has of late years established for herself under circumstances of no little difficulty free and liberal institutions. (Cheers.) Up to this hour, the loyalty of her King, and the ability of her Prime Minister, have earned for her the sympathy of this country; and if she steadily pursues the same course, will, no doubt, secure for her an increasing influence throughout Italy. But it appears, that partly from motives of sympathy with the Italian cause, and partly—it is vain to deny it— from an ambition for territorial aggrandisement, Sardinia is now arming herself far beyond her resources, and language is held by her which leads to a well-founded apprehension that she is about to engage in war. Now, though, it appears entirely out of the question that such a war should actually be engaged in, yet at this moment rumours of such a war are rife. As far as can be ascertained, those rumours are rendered possible by the at titude taken by Sardinia, and a report of certain words uttered, or said to have been addressed, by the Emperor of the French to the ambassador of Austria. Those words might have meant everything, or they might have meant nothing at all. But, independently of the effect-these war like rumours have had on the public mind of Europe, I do not think we are, on other grounds, requiring too much of her Majesty's Governmnnt if we ask it for some explanation on this subject. The words of her Majesty's Speech in the paragraph relating to ,the assurances received from all foreigh Powers, and the maintenance of public treaties, are perfectly unobjectionable—perfectly suited to the occasion ; they are words of general import, to which nothing can be objected. But with regard to her Majesty's Government tho case is somewhat different. Considering the state of the country, which is awaittng with great interest what occurs in Parliament this evening, the Government may fairly be asked to declare what its future course is to be with regard to the circumstances that have produced these rumours, and what course of policy it has adopted or may intend to adopt. Of some of the possible motives that might influence the Emperor of the French to engage in a war at this time it is, of course, quite as easy for us on this side of the house to forma judgment as the members of her Majesty's Govern ment. Those motives might be personal, dynastic, or national; of these we can form some conclusion. But there are some points of great importance of which we must necessarily be ignorant. I cannot think but her Majesty's Government must be in possession of information as to the probabilities of war more satisfactory than mere rumours. On a momentous question like this it is most important, notwithstanding the general paragraph of her Majesty's Speech, to know what assurances have been received by the Government from the different foreign Powers. If no precise assurances have been received, there is, of course, only one inference to be drawn ; if assurances have been given that there is no intention of war, it would be satisfactory to know it • it would be most important and material to the judgment to be formed as to the present state of affairs. Such assurances must have the greatest weight and importance, coming from a soverei g n who has hitherto been a faithful ally to this country, and who, from personal motives, and on the ground of self-interest, must have strong reasons for desiring to maintain that affiance. (Hear, hear.) Whether her Majesty's Government do or do not think themselves justified in expressing an opinion on the future course of events, I think we have a right to demand of them some clear statement of their past policy in this instance. If they can say that during the course of these events they have spoken equally to Austria, to Sardinia, and to France, in the firm, candid, and friendly manner in which they were entitled to speak, avoiding any unnecessary or irritating menace on the one hand, but on the other declaring their steady conviction that the maintenance of existing treaties is necessary to the peace and tranquillity of the future ; and if, in addition, they have entered into no engagements whatever, binding this country to take any course, at any time, other than the honour of England and the welfare of Europe may demand,—in that case, I am sure that her Ma jesty's Government will receive the hearty support of the people, a support that will enable them to speak with greater force and influence in any difficult circumstances that may hereafter arise. (Cheers.) There are other points connected with foreign affairs to which I need not allude at any length. We are told that the articles of the Treaty of Paris relating to the organization of the Prin cipalities of Moldavia and Wallachia have been carried into execution in a satisfactory manner. It is also satis factory to receive the assurance that a treaty of commerce has been concluded with Russia ; though I cannot say I have any great confidence in a treaty of commerce nego tiated by my noble friend (Lord Malmesbury), if he en gaged in the negotiation on the same principles on the sub ject he has often so ably advocated. (Hear, hear.) As to the paragraph of her Majesty's Speech addressed to the gentlemen of the House of Commons, I do not doubt they will be ready to provide for the expenditure that may be required for the improvement of the navy. It is satisfac tory to hear that her Majesty's Government have taken this course at once, as, last year, they diminished the amount of the navy estimates that had been prepared, and were ob liged subsequently to come to the house and ask for an in crease. As to home affairs, there is an important paragraph in her Majesty's Speech relating to law reform. I hope the noble earl will take the opportunity, in the discussion of these reforms, to distribute the business of the House of Lords over the whole session. I think there are some omis sions from the paragraph, as I see no announcement of any measure on the question of church-rates. There is, how ever, one very important passage, in which we are told, " Your attention will ,be called to the state of the laws which regulate the representation of the people in Parliament." This does not define clearly in what manner the subject is to be brought before us, as the passage might denote a com mittee of inquiry, or some similar measure. If the Govern ment have a bill prepared, no doubt they will introduce it themselves, and if that measure is not drawn up with merely party motives, I believe it will not meet with any thing like a factious opposition, but will be considered with that degree of attention its importance demands. Again stating that it was not his intention to offer any opposition to the Address, the noble earl concluded with an apology for detaining the house so long. The Earl of DERBY.—My lords, in following the very able and temperate speech which has just been delivered by my noble friend, he will, I trust, pardon me if I pause for a single moment to express my warm acknowledgments to my two noble friends who have severally moved and seconded the Address in reply to her Majesty's gracious Speech,—to my noble friend who moved the Address with singular ability and singular clearness, and whom I trust we shall often hear upon future occasions in this house, of which he has recently become a member. (Hear, hear.) I must also express my gratitude to my noble friend the seconder of the Address, not indeed so new to this house as the mover, but who, in the kindest and handsomest manner, upon the shortest notice, has taken the place of another noble lord who.had promised to undertake the task, but who has been prevented from doing so by severe illness. We must all be gratified to find that the language which her Majesty has been advised to use in addressing Parliament is of such a character as to lead to no division of opinion in the house, and contains nothing which could prevent the loyal acknowledgments contained in the Address from being accompanied by a feeling of entire unanimity. But, my lords, upon the present occasion I must confess I feel more than ordinary gratification at the manner in which the Address in reply to her Majesty's gracious speech has been dealt with by my noble friend opposite and by the house (hear)—becaus e I think, so far as my opinion has been expressed by the course taken by my noble friend, and by the language of his able and lucid speech, there is some thing more than a mere expression of unanimity, which under certain circumstances may be a mere form ; but I imagine there is a general substantial agreement in opinion upon all the more material topics treated of in her Majesty's Speech. And, my lords, there never was a time at which I am quits certain it was of deeper and more vital interest to the wellbeing and the peace of Europe, as well as to the happiness of this country, that there s h ou ld be a well marked and intelligible accordance of opinion between us upon all points. (Hear, hear.) At all times the weight of public opinion in England must exercise a great and deserved and salutary influence on Europe, and there never was a time when that combined public opinion could operate with greater force and greater power than at the critical period in which we now are. (Hear, hear.) Before I proceed to more important topics, I will just allude for a moment to the criticisms of my, noble friend upon the subject rather of matters which are omitted from the Speech than of anything which is contained in that Speech, and I will endeavour as shortly as possible to give an answer which, I trust, will be found satisfactory. At all, events I will speak with perfect frankness, for. I can assure your lordships that neither my colleagues nor myself have aught to conceal. (Hear, hear.) My noble friend began by intimating his opinion as to the abstinence from certain topics, both in the Speech and in the Address, and he con cluded that I had given advice to my noble friends carefully to avoid those particular questions to which he has ad verted. I can assure my noble friend that I gave no such advice ; I did give my noble friends such information as they desired upon the topics which are dealt with in the Speech, and I presumed, that according to that usual custom, my noble friends would have for the most part addressed themsell;es to the topics which are treated of in that document. If there was any divergence from that usual course, it would naturally be expected to arise from the anxiety of my noble friend who seconded the Address to lake the earliest opportunity of bringing before Parlia ment the exceptional case of that great interest with which he is so closely connected. I do not mean to deny that that interest at the present moment is not in a state of con siderable, but I hope only temporary, depression. Into the causes of that depression I am sure your lordships will feel I ought not at the present moment to enter. (Hear, hear.) I think those causes are various, but, in alluding generally to the prosperous condition of the country, I did not mean to convey an opinion that there were not now, as there aro at all times, certain interests which are in a less prosperous condition than is desirable. What I wished to convey was that the general state of the country, both as to the coudition of the people and the abundance of employment, as - w ell as the diminution of crime and pauperism, which in both Cages are most striking, could only be regarded as sa tisfactory. And as to one very important indication of the prosperity of the humbler classes, I may refer to the vast increase that has taken place in the course of the year in the amount of deposits in savings banks. I have the docu ments, but I will not at the present moment trouble the house with them, and will only state, that in every week during the last quarter the amount of pauperism in this country has been considerably below not only the last ex ,eeptional year, but also below the corresponding periods of 1857, and, moreover, so equally was that improvement spread over the whole country that, from the accounts taken last December, in all the 11 or 12 districts into which England is divided for the purposes of the poor law, there Was not one district in which the amount of pauperism was not below both the amount in 1858 and that in 1857. With respect to the savings banks I will only state what I recol lect of the figures—that whereas in the last year, from the beginning or middle of December to the middle of January, there was an excess of withdrawals over deposits to the extent of £600,000, in the course of the present year there has, on the contrary, been an excess of deposits over with drawals, amounting to about £500,000. In point of fact, upon balancing the accounts of the savings banks in the two years there appears a difference in favour of their pre sent state of £1,100,000 as compared with preceding year. Now, the principal matter of which my noble friend com plained, as not being noticed in the Speech, is the case of the Charles et Georges. The reasons for that omission are obvious. In the first place so many subjects are treated of in the Speech that it is more than ordinarily leng thy, and it was not deemed desirable to encumber it with any matters which it was not absolutely necessary to introduce. The case of the Charles et Georges is one upon which the Go vernment will not hesitate to give the house the fullest information in its power, and I am quite sure when the papers are before your lordships you will be satisfied thht in no respect whatever have the Government fallen short of the requirements of the Treaty of Paris, nor of the obligations which our long-standing friendship with Portugal imposes. But the non-introduction of such a subject in the . Royal Speech is easily to be accounted for. It is not customary to introduce into the Speech questions which may have arisen between two foreign Powers with which the British Government is not directly concerned. Upon this occasion the discussion was between France and Portugal, upon a matter as to which full information is not before her Majesty's Government, and thus it would have been impossible for them to form an accurate opinion; but they adopted the course which I believe was suggested by my noble friend opposite, that of offering to both parties their best advice and friendly offices. Unfortunately, how ever, neither party accepted that advice, one declining it upon one point, and the other upon a different point; but we have not less received an assurance from Portugal of satisfaction and gratitude for those friendly offices which were tendered before they were asked for. No doubt, in that question there were circumstances which enlisted in favour of Portugal the sympathies of this country, because it appeared as though Portugal were suffering unjustly for attempting to put a stop to proceedings which it regarded as a revival of the slave trade. I will not now enter upon the discussion of that question, but I will say that wo never for a moment varied our opinion, or in the expression of that opinion week after week to the French Government, that it was impossible to separate the so-called free emigration santioned by them from the commission of acts of the slave trade in the interior of Africa, even if no irregularities wore committed by their'own officers. While we have never ceased to press that view as strongly as had been done by my noble friend opposite, who lately filled the office of Secretary for Fe:eign Affairs, I believe no recommendation, no circum stance could have brought the matter so home to the con victions of the French Government as the facts elicited by the inquiry into this very case of the Charles et Georges, and it is creditable to the French Government that as soon as their own experience satisfied them of the immense difficulty, if not impossibility, of preventing one systen from degenerat ing into the other, they immediately gave orders to put a stop to the exportation of negroes from the East Coast of Africa, where the greatest difficulties prevailed ; and now arrange ments are pending, with a prospect of speedy termination, by which the French Government intends to put a complete stop to negro emigration from either coast of Africa, and moreover to give us cordially and readily a more active co operation for the suppression of the slave trade. (Hear, hear.) As to the case of the lonian Islands, it is impossible for me at the present moment to enter upon a full discussion of the steps that have been taken in that matter. Within a very short time the very distinguished gentleman who has undertaken a temporary mission to those islands will return to this country, and be enabled to give his own version and his own explanation of the duties he has had to perform, and the manner in which he has performed them. But what I would wish to state to your lordships is the original reason why Mr. Gladstone consented to go out as Commissioner to the lonian Islands. The statement reached us from all sides, and the fact had become notori ous, that from various causes the government in those islands had come to a dead lock, ana that for years it had been impossible for the Government and the representatives of the lonian people to carry on satisfactorily together the legislation of the country; and, in fact, the government was carried on by a system of fiction, by perpetual proroga tions of the popular branch of the lonian Legislature. Mr. Gladstone, my lords, was appointed Lord High Commis sioner Extraordinary to the lonian Islands for the purpose of satisfying himself, by means of investigation upon the spot, as to the real causes which stood in the way of the prosperity and well-being of that portion of the dominions under her Majesty's control. He. accepted that mission, which we considered his high position, his powerful abili ties, his great authority, the interest which he had always taken in Grecian affairs, and his conciliatory manners, rendered him peculiarly well qualified to undertake, Your lordships must at the same time bear in mind that ho undertook this duty simpry as a mission of inquiry, without the slightest intention of super seding the gentleman who then filled the office of Lord High Commissioner of the islands in question. Circumstances, however, immediately afterwards transpired, for which her _ . Majesty's Government can be held in no way responsible, which rendered it absolutely impossible that any improve ments in the position of the lonian Islands, or any reforms in the administration of their affairs, could be introduced by Sir J. Young with any chance of their heir)... accepted. We therefore thought it desirable that Mr. Gladstone should, for a short period longer, continue to lend his services to the country, and that he should himself be the means of recom mending to the Senate and people of the lonian Islands those alterations and amtndments which ho might deem it expedient to submit to their notice. Ho consented to un dertake that task for a short time at consideratle inconve nience to himself, and to l aunc h th e re f orms t o w hi c h I have alluded with all the authority and advantage which must be the result of the intimate knowledge which be has obtained of all the circumstances and bearings of the case. (Hear, hear.) His appointment will in the course of a few days be brought to a close; he will be replaced by a par ina.nent successor, and when he resumes his seat in the Hons.) of Commons—to which he will, I trust, be soon re stored—ho will, I have no doubt, be able to satisfy your lordships and the country as to the wisdom of the policy which has been adopted by the Government, and also to furnish such explanations with respect to the present state of the lonian Islands as he may deem to be consistent with his duty to afford. (Hear.) If, my lords, I refrain from touching on many of the other topics which are mentioned in the Speech from the Throne —such, for instance, as that which relatesto internal legislation, or that which has refer ence to the treaties which have recently been concluded with foreign Powers,—it is not because I am not fully alive to their importance, or to the greatness of the results to which they may lead, but because future occasions will arise on which those subjects can be more conveniently dis cussed. (Hear, hear.) I may, however, in passing b© permitted to say with respect to the treaty which has been concluded with Russia and to which my noble friend who has just spoken has adverted, that it is ILA only the treaty itself, but to the whole course of pro ceedings adopted of late towartiS this country by the Exi peror of Russia, that the expressions of satisfaction to be found in her Majesty's Speech at the re-establishment of friendly relations with that Sovereign are to be attributed. (Hear, hear.) I make this statement because I think it is due to the Emperor of Russia that I should bear testimony to the fact that even before the signature of , tho treaty, British subjects having been previously placed in a more unfavourable position than the subjects of other nations, he voluntarily conceded to them all those advantages from which they had so long been exelusively debarred. (Hear, hear.) Nor can I, my lord, pass over the question of treaties without adverting to those which have been concluded with China and Japan, and without expressini , my high admira tion of the conciliatory, but, at the sem:lime, firm and de termined course which Lord Elgin has pursued in the difO- cult position in which he was placed. (Hear, hear.) I derive, my lords, increased satisfaction from the success which has attended the efforts of that noble earl, and the zeal and ability which he had displayed, from the circum stance that—although he was appointed to his present posi tion by my predecessors in office—l was one of the first to introduce him into public life as successor to Lord Metcalfe in Jamaica, and subsequently in the Government of Canada. Earl GREY—I beg the noble earl's pardon. Lord Elgin was not appointed Governor of Canada until after I had be come Secretary of State. The Earl of DERBY—I can assure the noble earl that I have no wish to deprive him of any credit which might accrue to him from having appointed Lord Elgin to the governorship of Canada. It is quite true Lord Elgin did not succeed. Lord Metcalfe in that office until the noble earl became Secretary of State, but it was well known previously that Lord Metcalfe would be obliged to resign office in con sequence of the state of his health, and Lord Elgin was looked upon as the person who was to supply his place, Earl GREY—When the noble earl left the Colonial office Lord Metcalfe was in a state of health which rendered his retirement from office necessary, but nothing had been done to supply his place. Mr. Gladstone subsequently be came Secretary of State for the Colonies, and he appointed General Cathcart; who was Commander of the Forces in Canada, as Governor-General, with the concurrence of the noble earl, inasmuch as in the state of affairs which at the time prevailed in reference to the Oregon question it was considered expedient that the supreme civil and military authority should be united in the same person. At the ex piration of six months after the noble earl resigned his seals of office Lord Elgin was still governor of Jamaica, and there was no question of his resigning that position ; but when I became Secretary of State I was of opinion that the aspect of afairs in Canada required the presence of a governor of great civil experience, and I therefore advised the recal of Lord Cathcart, and the appointment of Lord Elgin in his place. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of DERBY—I shall not pursue the question further. I may be in error ; but, whether that be or be not the case, the satisfaction with which my personal friendship for Lord Elgin causes me to regard the manner in which he has performed the duties which were recently committed to his charge can undergo no diminution. (Hear, hear.) But, to advert to the other topics of which mention is made in the Royal Speech, I can assure your lordships that if I have as yet omitted to allude to the important subject of India,it is not because I in the slightest degree undervalue its magni tude, rdo not fully appreciate the great and distinguished services of those men, civilian as well as military, by whose efforts such great results have been attained in that country. (Cheers.) I feel confident your lordships, without a single exception, rejoice at the success that has already crowned their unparalleled and inimitable exertions, and that you will concur with her Majesty in hoping for the fulfilment of the expectation—which God grant may at no distant day be realised I—that her Indian empire may be completely pacified, and that we may be able to devote all our energies—and I am sure there is no object nearer to the heart of the Sovereign—to the improvement of that too long neglected portion of her dominions, and to the obliteration "of all differences between the various classes of its inhabi tants. (Cheers.) Nor, my lords, do I think we need despair that that time will soon arrive; for, although the unhappy rebellion which lately broke out in India still con tinues, yet it it does so only to a certain extent; everything like organised resistance has been put down, and our troops are now, I am happy to say, engaged rather in pursuing bands of desperate robbers than in contending against any formidable military display. (Hear, hear.) And now, my lords, I come to a most important topic, to which my noble friend opposite also adverted in the course of his speech, and in reference to which it affords me much pleasure to think I can follow him throughout the entire of his obser vations without feeling that there exists the slightest dif ference of opinion between us as to the course which it is desirable that the Government of this country should pur sue. The subject is ona, no doubt, of considerable delicacy, but, notwithstanding that such is the case, I feel that it is due to your lordships, in the critical position in which mat ters stand, that I should speak with respect to it plainly 'and unhesitatingly. (Cheers.) lam fortunately in a posi tion to do so, because in the present state of Europe, and with respect to that portion of it which now gives just cause for anxiety, England has no separate interest to sub serve, no revenge to gratify, no rankling ambition to urge her on; and above all, and. I say it emphatically, because she has no secret engagement with any Power whatsoever which would interfere with, fetter, or hamper her free action. (Cheers.) But there are, my lords, principles which. her Majesty's Government have never shrunk from express ing, and to which they have over and over given utterance not in any hesitating terms, but with that frankness of speech which my noble friend thinks we might have some difficulty in using towards the Emperor of the French, but which we have not abstained from using towards all par ties, in order that they may be placed fully and distinctly in possession of the views which we entertain. And if, my lords, in the Queen's speech allusion has not been made to the state of apprehension under which Europe at the pre sent moment labours, it is simply because in them England has no direct concern; no direct concern. I mean, beyond that which a great commercial and maritime power must always have in the general peace and prosperity of Europe. I am enabled, moreover, to say that, so far as the informa tion of her Majesty's Government goes, not only are wo upon perfectly friendly terms with all the great Powers, but that I know of no question at present pending between any of those Powers beyond the reach of the most ordinary diplomatic intercourse, or which could in the slighest de gree justify a recourse to the fatal arbitrement of war. Nevertheless, my lords, it is not to be doubted that there are circumstances in the present state of Eur o p e , an d i n th e attitude assumed by various Powers, which are calculated to arouse serious apprehension and alarm. The state of Italy is one of constant danger to the peace of Europe. I concur entirely in the description which has been given by my noble friend of the position of that unhappy country, of the impossibility of realising that enthusiastic dream of Italian unity which at all times and under all circum stances has been indulged in, but which is never likely to be fulfilled, simply because it is not hatred of foreigners, but internal dissensions and internal differences of opinion among the Italian States, which, if even there were no pressure from any foreign Government, would render such an union an absolute impossibility. (Hear.) I entirely con cur with my noble friend as to the point at which he con siders that the greatest danger to the peace of Europe arises. It may be true that the normal state of almost the whole of Italy is that of a slumbering volcano, of which the internal throes are exhibited by muttered rumblings, and which at any moment is liable to burst forth in an eruption, and to overwhelm the country in a torrent of de struction ; but it is not in Lombardy nor in Naples that the main danger exists. My noble friend drew a just picture of the state of government in Lombardy. Those provinces have little to complain of in the administration of govern ment; and, of late years more especially, the labours of the Austrians haVe been unremittingly applied to improve the condition of the country. The people may have certain grievances and certain causes of discontent, but the main, the single, the irremediable grievance is that they are placed under the yoke, and have to submit to the government of a different and, as they consider, of a foreign nation. (Hear, hear.) That is a source of discontent which absorbs all others, and in anxiety to overcome which Lombardy has too often forgotten that of which my noble friend has properly *minded us namely, that struggles for Italian freedom have terminated in every case simply in a change of masters, and that the dream of Italian independence has never been —and it is difficult to say when it ever can be—substan tially realised. 'Whether, under these circumstances, the Lombard provinces, rich, prosperous, and fertile as they are, are a source of strength to Austria, and form a desir able possesssion for her, I do not pretend to say ; but of this there can be no doubt —and cordially do I subscribe to the doctrine of my noble friend on the subject—that with the internal government of Lombardy, with the manner in which Austria exercises her dominion over her Italian pro vinces, be it wise or unwise, be it mild or severe, be it pru dent or imprudent, we have nothing to do. (Hear, hear.) By inheritance, by long-continued possession, by the faith of treaties which, if mace broken through, must cause in calculable mischief to the tranquillity of Europe—by all these ties Austria has acquired a hold over her Italian pro vinces of which neither we, nor any nation, under any plea or upon any prerext, has a right to deprive her. (Cheers.) My lords, I say nothing of the state of Naples. The Go vernment of Naples is one repugnant and abhorrent to all our notions of Government, and quite unsuited, at all events, to any other atmosphere than that which actually sur rounds it. (A laugh.) But, at all events, in Naples there has been no necessity on the part of the Sovereign to put down discontent by the interposition and con trol of foreign troops. (Hear, hes ..) I do not say that, if any of the nations of Italy rose to redress wrongs, whether real or imaginary, exaggerated or other wise, it would be the part of this country—on the contrary, I deny that it would be the interest or the duty of this coun try—to interpose, either for the purpose of maintaining order, or of encouraging the efforts of a struggling people and of overthrowing the existing dynhsty. My opinion—an opinion which I have never shrunk from avowing —has al ways been that, in matters of this kind, the de facto Govern ment must ever be respected by this country, and that in our relations with other nations we have no sort of right, as we have no sort of interest, in interfering as to the form of that Government, and the persons who administer it. (Hear, hear.) It is not in Naples, however, it is not in Lom bardy, that we must look for the principal cause of anxiety and alarm, but in that unhappy portion of Central Italy which is subject to the temporal jurisdiction of the spiritual head of the Roman Catholic Church. That is the real plague spot of Italy. (Hear, hear.) It is in this point of the Penin sula that discontent rises to its height, and there it hes risen to such a height that it is notorious to all the world that, if public feeling were not kept down by the presence of two fereign armies, all the respect and veneration which are paid to the Sovereign Pontiff in his spiritual capacity would not prevent the overthrow of his tottering throne, or be held to compensate in the minds of his subjects for the weak and paltry oppression by which the Government of that country is sustained. (Hear.) My lords, it is from the presence of these two armies—not placed there in either case to uphold the liberties of Italy, but only jo int efforts maintain by their efforts an incompetent Government—that the real danger of serious disturbance in Italy is to be apprehended. Now, upon both the Powers by whom these armies are kept, her Ma jesty's Government—whether effectually or not I do not pre tend to say, nor will I affirm that I entertain any sanguine expectation as to the result—have pressed with all the ear nestness of friendship the necessity of coming to some under standing with regard to the advice they shall tender to the Pa- pal Government for diminishing the grounds of dangerous dis content which under the present system must exist there. I mention these two powers especially, because it is their mutual jealousy which keeps alive the real source of danger, because they are the two great Roman Catholic Powers of Europe, and because, both as having local interests, and also as being able to speak with a degree of authority and of influence which no other States could assume, they are obviously the parties whose union and whose harmonious action would be most likely to be effectual with the Papal Government. (Hear, hear.) It would be idle for any Protestant country to pretend to proffer its advice, but we have assured both Austria and France that if they will combine to give salutary counsel, our best endeavours will not be wanting to stscond . their efforts for the ameliorati on of the internal administration of the Papal States. (Hear.) My lords, there is one part of Italy in which, as my noble Mend very emphatically said, up to the present moment we have taken the deepest interest. I allude, I need not say, to that small but heroic State—one of far greater import ance than its geographical limits indicate—the kingdom of Sardinia. (Hear, hear.) That has been hitherto a bright spot amid the surrounding gloom—(hear, hear)—and there it has been proved experimentally that the concession of a large amount of constitutional liberty does not impair the loyalty of the people to their Sovereign, while it contributes largely to the prosperity of the country. Supported by the sympathies of all the free nations in the world, strong in the consciousness of its own rights and of its own internal union, the policy which ought clearly to huva been pursued by such a State was to busy itself with internal improvo monts—(henr, hear)—not to maintain an army dispropsr tionate to its finances and ruinous to its credit—(hlpar, hear) —not to trust to the e ff or t s o f i ts army, however valiant, but to rely on the sympathies of the world at large, and on the faith of the treaties which secure its dominions—treaties precisely the same as those under which Austria holds her Italian provinces. (Hear, hear,) Such was the obvious policy of Sardi n i a, and such was the policy by which, in the face of, and in strong, glowing contrast to, every other Government of Italy she might have pursued—l will say even now that she may yet pursue —an example of mo deration, of firmness, and of constitutional liberty, which should shame the most despotic government, and lead it not to put Sardinia down, but to imitate her institutions and seek to attain her prosperity. (Hear.) It may be that such a Government as I have referred to will be shamed b the contrast which will be presented between the discontent of its own subjects and the happiness and prosperity of the Sardinian people, and seek to imitate a system which throws so strong a light upon the errors of its own administration. But, however this may be, if there were anything which could fatally affect the estimation in which free institutions are beginning to be held in Italy—if there were anything which could withdraw from Sardinia the sympathy to which she is entitled, and which has been so largely bestowed upon her in this country, it would be by her affording a proof, not that free institutions tend to internal tranquillity, but that they are calculated to encourage the warlike propensi ties of a monarch; and lead him into schemes of aggression upon his neighbours under the plea of resisting an attack from them. (Hear.) It is, therefore, in a spirit of the sin cerest friendship for Sardinia, and of the deepest interest in her well-doing, that we look with anxiety, and have given expression to our anxiety, upon the attitude which of late she appears disposed to take—an attitude inconsistent alike with her interests, with her duty to society at large, and with the maintenance of that sympathy and regard which her previous conduct has obtained for her throughout the civi lised world. (Cheers.) This advice and these opinions, not once, but over and over ag a i n , h ave we presse d on Sardinia. (Hear.) I trust that it is not too late for that country to re consider the course which apparently she had contemplated. (Hear.) Those were ominous words which fell from the lips of the King of Sardinia, and words in such a state of things falling from Royal lips have the deepest significance. But I trust that Sardinia will be better advised—(hear, hear)—and that she will reconsider the course on which she was apparently about to enter. (Cheers.) We have the strongest assurances on the part of Austria—and I be lieve those assurances--to the effect that she has not the slightest intention of interfering in the internal concerns of the dominions of any of her neighbours, intending to con fine herself within her own limits and within the obliga tions of treaties, and to direct her attention exclusively to the administration of her own affairs. (Hear.) So long as this is really the intention of Austria, Sardinia would be most ill-advised if she should offer provocation for hostili ties which may involve her in an unjustifiable war, but which, at all events, cannot but be seriously ruinous to her internal prosperity. But there is a great danger. It is im possible that Sardinia, so comparatively weak as opposed to Austria, could enter upon a struggle upon whatever plea, and expect that it could conclude in any other result but her own discomfiture, unless she thought that she might rely on external aid. To no country for that aid could she look but Franco ; and I cannot bring myself to believe— looking to the manifest interests of France—looking to the sagacity and prudence, and let me add to the:loyal adherence to the faith of treaties which has hitherto characterised the ruler of that great nation, France I cannot believe, I say, that under any circumstances, unless indeed of provocation and aggression taking place on the part of Austria, he would sanction on the part of Sardinia, even by his moral support and still less by his great military means, an unjustifiable and aggressive war undertaken by Sardinia in violation of treaties and without provocation from Austria. (Cheers.) I do earnestly trust, and I do not abandon the hope, that the Emperor of the French will still persist in that wise and prudent, and loyal course ho has hitherto pursued. (Hear.) We have represented in friendly and earnest terms the importance of exercising the utmost forbearance in every respect in any differences h e may have with Austria, and, above all, of abstaining from holding out the idea to Sardinia that any assistance would proceed from France in case of an aggressive and unprovoked war with Austria, and we have received assurances that so long as Austria confines herself ,to her own limits Sardinia must not expect from France any assistance in an aggressive war. (Cheers.) This course is consistent both with the interests and honour of France. (Hear.) It cannot be forgotten with what satisfaction Europe heard that me morable expression—" L'Empire c'est la pair." Those words resounded throughout Europe, and were more valu able to the Emperor of the French than thousands of bayo nets and millions of money. (Cheers.) They tended to confirm the stability of his own dynasty, and promoted the internal improvement of France. (Hear, hear.) If, unfor tunately, the Emperor should depart from such a course, and should induce the people of Europe to believe that those sentiments were altered, and that the new empire is again returning to the lust of universal dominion—if Europe should have any reason to suspect that he has any design of placing on different thrones in Italy subordinate sove reigns connected with himself by alliance, and of thereby reproducing that dangerous system the introduction of which ultimately led to the fall of the great Napoleon, he will shake the confidence of Europe in the intentions and dispositions of France, and by awakening suspicion from without, he will destroy credit at home. (Hear, hear.) There have been indications, and so far most satisfactory indications, on the part of the world at large, with how much reluctance it would see a war entered into on any ground, and there prevails a strong opinion how much war interferes with those domestic and peaceful pursuits which no country more than France of late has shown a desire for. There can be no demand for glory on thepart of the French people. Of that they have had enough and to spare, and the idea would be lamentable of employing their legions, so often triumphant, gratuitously in war for the purpose of gaining fresh laurels, unmindful of the good faith which had hitherto kept France in the position of peace. I will not believe, whatever may be the appearances in Europe, that the Emperor of the French will enter into so dangerous a course, or so greatly mistake the interests of his country, and the interests of his dynasty, whose maintenance could by nothing be more effectually secured than by the preva lence of continued peace and prosperity in France. (Cheers.) But if, unhappily, a different course should be pursued--if, n otwithstanding the friendly efforts of this Government made in respect to France, Austria, and Sardinia, war should be the result of questions, which I know not how te characterise—which I know not whether to style questions or mutual suspicions, and mutual armaments, prepared to protect each other against supposed danger—if war, I say, should ultimately be the result, it would be a satisfaction to the Government, though a melancholy one, that they had done all in their power by friendly remonstrances to prevent so formidable a calamity ; and such is their posi tion, that they are bound by no secret obligations, treaties, or understandings, but are perfectly ready to take in any contingency the course which their duty and the honour of this country might appear to require. (Cheers.) I believe I have now touched on most of the important points which have been referred to; I rejoice to find that between the noble earl and myself with respsct to the present position of affairs, and with respect to the course which this country ought to pursue in present circumstances, there is little or no great difference of opinion ; and, no doubt, a moral sup port will be given to the Government in the preservation of peace by the manifestation of opinion on both sides of the house. (Cheers.) Earl GREY said that it was with great pleasure he had heard the speech of the noble earl, and he cordially con curred in every word he said in reference to the foreign policy of the country. He was glad to hear the Government was determined to maintain the faith of treaties. (Hear.) The only passage in the Speech from the Throne which he had heard with regret was the following :—" The universal introduction of steam power into naval warfare will render necessary a temporary increase of expenditure in providing for the reconstruction of the British navy." He did not dispute the necessity of an increased outlay upon our national defences, but, on the contrary, believed the time had come, looking at the efforts which foreign nations were making to increase their naval power, when it was abso lutely necessary that we should augment our means of naval defence. But the paragraph which he had cited implied that the additional outlay was to be expended in building large ships, according to the plan which had now been for some time in vogue. If such a course were to be adopted, he was persuaded it would be a great mis take. Upwards of twenty years ago he earnestly pressed upon the Admiralty the inexpediency of spending large sums of money in building sailing line-of-battle ships, for he was convinced that in another naval war steam would in some way or other be the main power, and that vessels constructed upon the old models would prove to be utterly useless. His opinion found no favour svith,that or succeed ing Governments ; we went on for many years spending millions in increasing our sailing fleet, and the result was precisely what he had predicted. We had now at great expense constructed a considerable steam navy, and he was persuaded it would be a great mistake to go on building costly ships according to the existing systems. We ought to be very cautious in building any considerable number of ships beyond what we immediately employ. Our safety lay a large number of sailo rs andin a n o ffi o t c h e e r r s p a ° fl li o c a y t — in in con k s e ta ep n i t ng training and practice for war. If we were to commission a larger number of ships than at present--to spend whatever additional sum could be granted for the naval service rather in increasing our force of men and officers actively engaged in the service of their profession than in building ships, which, before they were wanted, would probably be found obsolete, and, at the same time, to accumulate an abundant supply of stores, he be lieved we should do far more to place the country in safety than by spending millions of money in what was called re constructing fleets of line-of-battle ships. Moreover, when ever an emergency arose, we could, by an unsparing expels diture of money, produce as many ships as might be wanted in a very short tune, but trained officers and sailors could not be produced with the same rapidity. The Earl of HARD WICKE was gratified to find that the noble earl concurred in the necessity of in some way augmenting our naval force. The Government were deeply sensible of the progress which the science of naval architecture had made of late years ; they had no doubt that still further impros ements would be effected ; and they agreed with the noble earl that great foresight and prudence would be required in the application of any additional expenditure which Parliament might be disposed to sanction. But they did not think with the noble earl that ships of war could be produced with sufficient rapidity whenever an emergency arose , and what they desired was, that in the event of a naval war England should be in a position to meet the enemy with an ample number of the same description of vessels as those which might be opposed to her. (Hear, hear.) Lord BROUGHAM heartily agreed with his noble friend opposite, that, in the present critical state of affairs in Europe, it was of the utmost importance that there should be no difference of opinion between the Government and those on the other side of the house, but that their lord ships should with one heart and one voice concur in the principles which had that night been laid down. Having lately come from France, it might be necessary that he should state his entire adoption of those principles, lest his silence should be misconstrued—not in France, where there was the most entire unanimity of opinion among all ranks and all classes—(hear)—but in Sardinia, where it might be supposed that he did not share the opinions which had been so generally expressed, more especially as the course which ho took upon a former occasion in the other house of Par liament had already been referred to. It was then his for tune to lead on the attack which was made upon the Holy Allies, as they were called, for intermeddling in the govern ment of foreign countries ; and he had been asked how ho who complained of the " Three Gentlemen of Verona"— Prussia• Austria, and Russia—for having tuidertaken to put down the constitution in Spain, could abstain frOni ob (ia il j e c y t in to g t h t o e t t he hr a p i r d o o c u e l i d u i n s:h o i c f Austria h she w in as s l a t i a d l y and t , 0 p ol d e s th e 0 - Lombards. His answer was short and clear. The objec- N t . i a o t n ed t , ak n en o t o doubt,the pr o h c y e e the gs e i o r t f , a t h m e s tan c Holy e All th a i t e s theyswas a g m g , re•rae en 1 eavouring to pull down a free constitution in Spain; bi.t the gravamen of the charge against them w s tl ei interfering in foreign affairs at all—(hear, hear)---their un dertaking to perform the duties of the police of Europe; and if, by one of those accidents or inconsistencies to which despotism was subject, it had happened that they had interposed to support a free constitution against tyran nical rulers, the argument would have been precisely the same. They had no right, even for that good cause, to interfere with the affairs of another State. He would put a case which applied to the present subject. Sup- ' pose the Holy Alliance, instead of attacking the constitu: tion of Spain, had thought fit to support the Genoese again!! Sardinia, the objection of those who attacked them would have been precisely the same. They would have said that they were sorry that the Genoese were subject to the Sar dinians, but that that was the result of the treaty arrange' Sp , ' e ' e c a h li ' d " ments of the Congress of Vienna in 1815, and that, the treaties efist must language be ma f intained n h t e a r i ned Majesty'sinviolate the false pretext of supporting the liberties of the the Holy Allies had no right to interfere with the solemn arrangements of the treaty of Vienna. Now, it must r observed, that with all that was said against the He/ Allies, they had at least no interest in the proceeding ° which they undertook. It was not with any view to their own aggrandisement or to the increase of their territories Genoese , that they interfered. It was in order to put down, upon t t h h a e t, fa un ith aer of principles which were false and ever to be reprobated, the constitution of Spain ; but at least it was not for their OWU aggrandisement that they undertook that task. He wisn' he could say th e same w i th respect to Sardinia at the prese nt moment. The pretence was, to favour the oppressed Its; Hans, but he fea re d that under that pretext lurked no eralu t disposition to enlarge the territories of the Sardinian king' dom. No one could rejoice more heartily than he did at the establish men t o f a free constitution in Piedmont; no one could more admire the conduct of those who, many obstacles, maintained that constitution ; and it wail, with a grief which he shared with his noble friend behind and his noble friend opposite that he saw this departur e ,, from the sound, honourable s and straightforward principle s which had heretofore regulated the conduct of the Sail' than Government. He hoped and trusted that the universal reprobation, or, if that were too strong a term, universe,' sorrow, which was felt at their departure from a sound anal righteous policy would cause them to think twice, and more than twice, before they persisted in it. With refir e + to France, its whole interest, differing as it did moa t essentially from its position 40 years ago, when it had IT commerce, no manufactures, no accumulation of capital, no railways, no commercial speculations either of home (;, foreign trado—the universal opinion of ' all classes and a° in spite et parties against any breach of the peace, and the unif°rui good faith of the F renc h Government, of which we had r e ' cently had a strikin g i ns t ance i n the case of the African slave trade, all led him to form the most confident expects' tion, hope would, indeed, be hardly too strong a word, that on the part of that country there would bo no attempt i „.l join in the Sardinian speculation, as it was called, nua ri t "'",. that speculation would turn out an entire failure. In " e "; many the feeling was the same. In all parts of German , there was but one feeling and ono opinion deprecating any breach of the peac e o f E urope, and strongly urging • maintaining i nv i o l a t e th e f a i th of treaties. if e did not be lieve that the French Government had given any engage" ment to help S ar di n i a t o extend her territor y. Th e utmost they had done was t o g i ve an assurance that if Sardinia were attacked by Austria, of which th ere was no chance, 0 . 11 2 should receive assistance from F rance . A greater calarel_y could not be conceived than suc h a movement as was throw' ened in Italy, because, looking at the st a t e o f Eu ro pe, it we; impossible that a war between Sardinia and A us t r i a cool long be confined to L om b ar d y. S ooner or later it must en d in a general European war. Such a calamity as that it really frightened o ne t o con t emp l ate, and he heartily joined wit" his noble friend who had addressed their lordships in 0 - 1. pressing a sanguine hope that no such misfortune would be" fall us. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of CARLISLE did not 'rise to prolong the d i r emission on the subject which had naturally engrossed the greater part of the speeches delivered that night. He re ferred especially to the speeches made by the leaders on each side of the house, full, weighty, and admirable as the)" were, and which he trusted would have their effect ne t only within those walls, but in the country and through out Europe. Ho was most happy to find that those speeches had confirmed his own - strong opinion on the great topic which now interested the public mind, and gave ground for the hope that Engla n d wou ld b e kept to the latest momen t —he would fain say for ever—from the guilt and madness of wantonly engaging in war. However, when the promise!: papers were befo re th e i r l or d s hi ps there would be other and more favourable opportunities of addressing the house en that subject; but he wished to make an observation relating to the domestic condition of this country, compared wit h whichall such questions as those of peace and reform, inte resting as they were, were but of secondary importan ee. He knew not that it was any part of his duty to point out te,. her Majesty's Government how they might secure a g'rea b and just popularity. But while he gratefully accepted the declaration contained in the Speechfrom the Throne reePect ing that decrease of pauperism and crime on which her Ma" jesty congratulated them, yet being convinced that a veil large proportion o f th e m i ser i es an d d isorders which infested this country could be traced to the prevalence of drunkenness , he believed that if the Government would address them' selves as soon as might be to the means of remedying the evils and abuses now produced and heightened by the systom.. of beerhouses, they would go a great way towards gaininl for themselves the approbation and thanks of all the beet thinking and sound-hearted men in the kingdom. This was not the proper time for entering into particulars on that sub ject. The questions whether the licensing power should be put into the hands of magistrates, whether beerhouses should be placed under strict police regulations, or whether after a certain day the issue of any new licences should be prohibited for the future—the latter being, perhaps, the most effectual mode of proceeding—would of course be best left, t° the determination of the Executive. But the case for par' liamentary interference was strong and urgent, and there was now every prospect that an earnest endeavour to deal with it would meet with success. There was such a general concurrence of opinion among all magistrates aed ministers of religion, almost all country gentlemen and leading manu facturers on the subject, that if the Government would in troduce an efficacious remedy for the evil, they would WI only earn great honours for themselves, but confer great and lasting benefit on the community. (Cheers.) The Address in answer to the Speech from the Throne was then put by the LORD CHANCELLOR, and declared t° be carried nemine dissentiente. Several sessional orders having been agreed to on the motion of the Earl of DERBY, Their lordships adjourned at a quarter to nine o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.) The house resumed at a quarter to four o'clock. NEW MEMBERS. The following new members took the oaths and their seats :—Lord W. Graham (Herefordshire), Mr. onslor (Guildford), Mr. Stuart K nox , M r . B az l ey (M anc h es ter)! Mr. Kekewich (South Devon), Mr. Mo nson (Reigate), an Mr. Hanbury (Leominster.) LORD CANNING. ' The SPEAKER acquainted the h ouse th a t h e had rec ei ved a letter from the Governor-General of India, acknowledgi . in grateful t erms th e ve t e o f th an k s passed to him for Do services by the House of Commons. NEW WRITS. New writs were issued for the borough of B a nbury, vacant by the acceptance of the Chiltern. Hundreds by 14 r' Tancred, and for the borough of Galway, vacant by the election of Mr. Anthony O'Flaherty having been declared void. THE ENGLISH TROOPS IN MALTA. Sir A. AGNEW gave iiotice that to-morrow he would ask the Secretary of War whether in future th e English troops stationed in Malta would be required to present arms to the Host; and whether Capt. Sheffield, who had been suspended, was to be reinstated? LAWS RELATING TO LUNATICS Mr. TITS' gave notice, th a t on T ues d ay nexthe would draw the attention of the house to this subject, particularlY with reference to lunatics confined wider an inquisition. MARRIAGE WITIf DECEASED WIFE'S SISTER. Viscount BURY gave notice of his intention, at an early day, to ask le ave to bring in a bill to amend the law with relation to marriage with a deceased wife's sister. SUCCESSION TO REAL ESTATES. Mr. L. KING gave notice of his intention to ask leave to bring in a bill to amend the law with relation to the sueces• sion to real estates hi cases of intestacy. lA. Mr.. WARREN gave l notice that on an early d a y he would move that the Holy Scriptures should be taught in the schools in that country, but that it should not be com pulsory ; and also with reference to the matters in counee' tion with this subject. THE QUEEN'S SPEECH. The SPEAKER having read the /Loyal Speech, Mr. TREFUSIS rose to move that an humble addrese be presented to her Majesty, in reply to her graciona address. He said that the speech was so encou raging and satisfactory that he thought hie motion would receive a ready acquiescence. The paragraph relating to the diminution of crime must be received with approbation by all classes of the community. (Hear, hear.) The statement in the Royal Speech relative to India was most gratifying, and, was fortunate that they had arrived at this juncture, that the chiefs of the rebellion had been driven from theirstrong holds, or had given in their adhesion to the Government. Having adverted, in terms of eulogium, to the services of Lord Clyde and the gallant army under his command, and to the passages relating to Japan and Mexico, he read the following extract :-- " I receive from all Foreign Powers assurances of their friendly feelings. To cultivate and confirm those feelings, to maintain inviolate the faith of public treaties, and to con tribute, as far as my influence can extend, to the preserva tion of the general peace, aro the objects of my unceasing solicitude." He expressed a hope that even if the object of any appre hended hostilities between France and Austria should be the independence of Italy, that this country would use its influence to promote the cause ofpeace. (Hear.) With regard to the recent happy event that had taken place in her Majesty's family, he was only expressing the general feel ing of the community in presenting to her Majesty a hearty congratulation on the addition to her family. (Hear, hear.) With reference to the passage relating to any alteration in the representation, he considered that, bearing in mind the former Reform Bill, all classes would approach this sub ject without asperity. (Hear, hear.) He trusted, how ever, that while those whose intelligence entitled themwould to have a voice in the election of members of Parliament, from which they had hitherto been excluded, that the inte rests of the agricultural classes would not be sacrificed, or the spirit of the constitution endangered. The hon. mein, ber then briefly referred to the other parts of the Royal Sreech, and concluded by moving the address. Mr. BEECROFT, in seconding the motion, said that he viewed the address rather in its commercial aspect than in any other point. He congratulated the house and the country on the improvement that had taken place in this respect, which contrasted so favourably with the last quarter of the year 1857, when money bore an interest of 10 per cent., and distress was prevalent. They had now to witness the grateful spectacle of abundant employment and cheap bread. (Hear, hear.) The fiscal experiment that had been made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, with regard to the diminution of the amount of income-tax, though considered dangerous at this time, had exce.eded the most sanguine expectations that had been entertained by its advocates. lie considered that the time for Parliamentary reform had arrived, and that it was only consistent with the dignity of that house that it should be placed on such a footing as would render tinkering and patching every quarter of a century unnecessary. (Hear, hear.) lie thought, however, that the proper measure of reform would emanate from the Government instead of from individuals, whose views were calculated to set class against class. He commended gene rally the other points contained in the Royal Speech, which he a aid were most satisfactory. The SPEAKER then put the question, when there were several cries of "Agreed," A short pause ensued, and it "~....