The Sun. — London, England, 1858-05-05 00:00:00

_ The government of Englapel professed loudly on behalf of the principles of freedom, but was very weak in support of them. New it appeared to him that they had at present a rare opportunity of establishing a liberal government in Wallachia, which might never again occur, but it was said by his right hon. friend the U neer-Secretar y of State for Foreign 'Affairs that this house should not interfere. New what did that mean ? He (Mr. Roebuck) wanted to know why f The House cf Commons—the government of Eng land were about to see their representative in Paris aeain in the Congress of Europ .an Powers, and to see him supported iu their name on behalf of England, and they were told they were not to express their opinion, and tell the other assembled Powershow they wished him to act. Now it appeared to him that it was the duty of the House of Commons to tell those who represented England how they (eight to act, and what the house wished them to do—what principles they ought to advise and advocate, and how they ought to exert their influence. And he would Low tell the House of Commons to exert their in fluence, and to say to the representatives of European Powers that England was about to support a free people iu an effort to govern themselves. (Hear, and cheers.) Upon what o caci in were the European Powers to meet, andlupon what matter? It appeared that, for some years past, the Emperor of Russia chose to make war upon Turkey, and in so doing the first thing he did was to transgress certain limits and to invade certain Principalities on borders of the Danube, and in so doing the people of England felt that he broke through the rules, and England declare& war agaiust him. But in so doing what did England then do? She said that the Emperor of Russia should not dismember Turkey, and so long as the Principalities were connected with Turkey they thereby resisted Russia. But the Prin cipalities, as connected with Turkey were connected in a very peculiar way. They were connected with it. by a treaty, which provided that, on their union to Turkey, they should maiatain their own independence. By that treaty Russia was confined within her dominions, Austria within hefe, and Turkey within her's ; and then came the Mol davian people, and they said, " We are a people of the Western world, and we ask you, the European Powers, to maintain our undeniable rights." (Hear.) That was all that they said ; and on that account they were supported by France, on the one side, who sail those people are a people who should have a free government. (Hear.) This was a free people, deriving their origin from a peculiar source namely, from the old Roman empire, whose Itves and order they long observed. They mainlained their in dependence and the integrity of their dominions through out ages of tyranny and misrule. Eventually they sub mitted to the Turkish empire, which was then in the ascendant, in accordance with a contract which was still in exissence. They never submitted themselves by conquest to Turkey ; but by this free and independent contract. They never lost sight gf their Western origin. They spoke a language nearly Roman—they had a religion of the Eastern Empire of Rome—they had 'the institutions of the Roman Empire—and to the present time they had maintained their in tividual existence as a Western and an independent people. When the Russian wer concluded, these people applied to the European powers to be de fended, as a Western people,. against the encroachments of Turkey on their individual and political liberties. They asked first for their independence as a people, and in order to insure that they thought they ought to have a king se lected from som e one of the monarchies of Europe. They were doin g just what the Italian republics did. They could not elect a person from amongs themselves to govern them, and they wished a foreign prince for the purpose. They demanded respresentative institutions, and wished to be governed according to the policy of Europe. But it was sai l that, this could not be done, and why ? Because it would throw the province: , into the arms of Russia ! But he wanted to know if a people, numbering five mil lions, ruled by a king who had been chosen by themselves, would not rather create a barrier against Russia— a barrier greeter than we could create by annexing them either to Austria or Turkey. They were a people who had the means of prosperity within themselves; their country was accessible b, sea to England ; and united to this country by ties of commerce, they would oppose an effectual bar rier to the designs of Russia on Turkey, The case of these provinces was such as ought to arouse the feelings of every man ;an f England wished to take part in the business of Continental Europe in a way that she should, as expressive of her own dignity, and conducive to the interests and happiness of mankind ; she could only do so by aiding these people to become free. Mr. DUFF said the " sick man," to whom the Emperor of Russia referred, was now assuredly dying, and the duty of England was to act the part of the family solicitor and the family physician, and endeavour to secure his rich in heritance to his rightful heirs—the Christian population subject to his rule, and in doing that they would only be following the natural course of ,events, What they ought to do was to place Wallachia and Moldavia in the position of Servia, and in the fullness of time they would have to do the same for Bulgaria and the rest of the Turkish provinces. mail the question was vested with a particular solemnity ; that it wa. brought before the Congress of Paris, and that the representatives of the grant Eurepeen Powers were asked their opinions upon the subject, and gave their com mon assent to it. But the right hon. gentleman forgot to add that this same Congress was to meet in a few dee 5, when all these questions of the comnsiesieuers would be decided. Now, it was at such a_time as that he called on the house, not to give instructions to their own Govern ment or their own Minister in Paris, but to come to a vote which would be looked upon as instructions to the repre sentatives of the Powers of Europe. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman commenced by saying that the house should bear in mind that these Principalities were inde pendent. But for what did they go to war with Russia, or shed so much blood, and expend so much treasure, but to maintain the independence of the Turkish Empire? In the very preamble to the treaty of peace, it wag set ferth as the cause of that war, and one of the most solemn declara tions of that treaty was that of the great Powers pledging themselves to maintain that independence. To t ilk of the Principalities being independent under these circumstances was simply a mistake. Now, if that were so, let them con sider what would be the result of the right hsre geatle- Man's motion. He was one of the Ministers of the Crown when the war with Russia broke out, and when it was de clared by him as one of the Government, that inasmuch as they formed an integral part of Turkey, they ought to be Maintained, and therefore it was that the attempt by Rus sia to occupy them was resisted. But what did the sight hon. gentleman do that night ? He asserted on the present occasion that the Principalities were totally independent. (Cries of " No.") The right hon. gentleman certainly, in the clearest manner possible, stated that the Principalities Were independent states. Mr. GLADSTONE—I never said the words. Mr. S. FITZGERALD continued—Well, the right hen. gentlemen at least treated them as such. He asserted their independence when he refused to recognise the rights of Turkey. Then the right hon. gentleman asked them to agree to his motion on the ground that it was the express wish of the people of the Principalities that a union should take place. Now, on that he was at issue With him. They had unanimously an opinion for a union ; but it was on the express condition that they were to be placed under the government of a foreign prince. The right hon. gentleman put it before: the house, first, that the people preferred a union with a foreign prince, but if that could not be obtained, they would agree to have a native. Now, if that were the case, there would be some ground for his motion, but it was the very reverse. In the brat instance the five points were put to the vote as one whole, and nothing done could lead any one to believe a wish was expressed in favour of such an opinion. The population, on the contrary, made an express declaration that if a union under a foreign prince were insisted on, they would acquiesce, but that a union under a native prince, or under an authority named by the Porte, would not only not alleviate their evils, but add to them. So far from saying that, they expressed themselves clearly of opinion that any union, except under a foreign prince. Would be the last thing they would aesire. (Hear, hear.) H held in bis hand a copy of the report made by the com missioners who proceeded to the Principalities; mad it is expressly declared that the rivalries and jealousies of the native princes were such as to make it impossible for any Government to exist, except under the control of a foreign prince connected with some of the royal houses of Europe. o that, as the right hon. gentleman would see , the last S thing in the world they looked for was a union of the Prin cipalities under either a native prince, or a person deputed by the Porte. If that be the popular opinion in these Principalities, the right hon. gentleman, as an advocate fits —their wishes, was bound to support them. But, in point of fact, a union under a foreign prince would make radically and totally independent and incompatible with those objects for which they went to war. If that took place, of what use would their army or fleets be ? For they could not get there. Diplomatic intervention would be impossible, moral influence also impossible— to England at • least. It would be impossible, in such an event, to consider themselves in any position where they could raise up a barrier against the aggressive policy of Russia. Well, that was the state of the case. The people of the Principalities had expressed a wish which was incompatible With the treaty ; and was the house to be called upon to support the people of the Principalities merely because they expressed a wish for independence ? The sight hon. gentlemen was calling upon the house to adopt a course More dangerous than it had yet been called to enter upon. They might, he did not deny, give them their sympathy, and even their moral support, when the proper time came, but at present they could only be called upon to fulfil those wishes according to the preponderating interests of Europe. If the house agreed to this resolution, it would be entering upon a most dangerous course, and so far from doing good to the people of the Principalities by a recogni tion of their independence from the conferences about to be held, it would be the last thing for their interests and for the interests of this country. It was upon these grounds that he called upon the house not to assent to this resolution, which invited us, in fact, to be parties to a dismemberment of the Turkish empire. (Cries of "No, no.") That he maintained was the tendency of the reso lution, and it was not for the interests of the very people whose interests it was the object of the right hon. gentle man to promote. (Hear, hear.) Mr. DEASY thought that the hon. gentleman who had just sat down had failed to give any answer to the case of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Gladstone). One complaint he made was as to the time when this resolution was brought forward, namely, just before the Conferences of Paris. But it was just because the question was to be irrevocably decided by these conferences that the decision of this house should be asked upon it. If they waited till after the conferences it would be too late. The house was called upon to express an opinion for the purpose of in structing our own Minister as to the course he should pur sue. The hon. gentleman said they were called ups n to dismembe r the Turkish empire ; but these provinces never Were portions of the Turkish empire. The relation to that "Wire was that of treaty. The capitulation of 1460 defined the nature of that relationship, and by it the Wallachian nation was to have the free enjoyment of their own liberties. That was the origin of the con nection between Turkey and Wallachia. The relation 111,,hip between the Turkish empire and the province of °Muria, originated in a similar way, and its effect :was the same. It was true that these treaties might have been subsequently modified, and at the Treaty of -ruin it was considered that all previous treaties were annulled, Mt by that treaty they were declared entitled to the privileges of which they were then in possession, and then came the arrangement by which the Sultan agreed to convoke the Divans of the two Provinces, for the purpose of ascertaining the expression of the popular feeling as to the form of Government the people would prefer. The Conferences were about to assemble to consider that question. The French Minister had undertaken to make the Danubian Provinces independent, and the Eng lish Minister had undertaken to support him, and when such intention was expressed, what said Ali Pacha ? Did he object that they were a portion of the Turkish Empire? No ; he only objected that they were about doing a thing contrary to the wishes of the people of the Pr incipality and upon this it was agreed that no conclusion should be come to' ntil the wishes of the people of the Principalities were ascertained, and it was for that reason that the Porte un dertook to convoke full and free assemblies of the repre sentatives of the people. These Conferences at Paris were about to be held to determine this question, and that was the state of the case. In the House of Commons they ought to give some support to th e w i s h es o f th e peop l e o f th e Principalities. Those wishes had been expressed in full and free Divana held for that purpose. In the Moldavian Assembly 81 out of 84 vot e d f or th e un i on o f the P • . palities, and only 2 again s t it. I n th e W a ll ac hi a bly 94 out of 100 voted for the uni o n, an d on l y 6 roetmed against it. Mr. Johnson, an English traveller then in the Principalities, bore testimony to the admirable manner in Which business was conducted in these assemblies. That, therefore was the expression of the wishes of the Walla chian and Moldavisn people, and could we, after having made ourselves parties to the treaty of Paris, refuse to give effect to their wishes. What was it for which they in voked those Conferences but that they should give autho rity to those wishes. But it was now proposed to negative those wishes. They s h ou ld b e care f u l h ow th e y ac t e d, for in these provinces they had a special interest. There they had large commercial interest. Upon them we depended for a considerable supply of food. They had, therefore, a solid interest in maintaining their independence, and he believed that -filiation numbering five millions of people on that bank of the Danube would be the beet barrier against the aggressions of Russia. He contended the house should aid the wishes of a people hitherto oppressed, but he hoped to be so no longer. If the Conferences decided against them they would be bound by force to establish a form of government opposed to the express will of the people, and „against the adoption of that policy he protested. It had DOen tried before, after the former treaty of Paris, in the case of Belgium and other countries; but the result was, that those Governments, so forced upon the people, were tuermponintaiti,:dpby forcible disruptio , s. If they now forced wishes of the l ities a Government contrary to the those revolutionarye it would be terminated by one of and establish a form of to which he had alluded, 2 a ov i ernment like that which they now asked to obtain , then be ? They would haven to what a position would they - o ork to a Russian or an Austrian occupation, or submit to which they had assented, torn in piece a s v tlf t e h r i e s ti t i r eir at r He trusted, for these reasons, that they would not run counter to the wishes of the people. All they were asked to establish on the banks of the Danube was a Government which they had already instituted on the banks of the Nile—a course which, he maintained, would be for the benefit of the Turkish empire, and, he believed, also for the interests ef humanity. (Hear, hear.) - Lord R. CECIL had listened with attention to the argu ments of his right hon. friend in support of his motion, and he considered those arguments most forcible; while, on - the other h an d, h e regarde d th ose o f th e h on. gentle man the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs were feeble, and of a nature calculated only to defend a bad cause and bad cases. The hon. gentleman, for instance, stated th a t s h ou ld t h e house assent . to the motion cf Mr. Gladstone, th e y wou ld b e aband ern's.. all that they went to war for. Now, what did they g o to war for? They went to war to m a i n t a i n i n a l l its expansion , integrity, and in dependence' the Turkish empire against the designs and invasion o f Rusaia; th bu e but y d wit h regard t o th e i n d e p en d ence o f the Princip a li t i es, the not go to war t o aid a ny power in subjugating them dominion o f T ur k ey . H e wou ld suggest to the hon. gentlemanowr shouldparallel e case.ize upon S u o p n p e o o e , f for instance, that a n y the lonian islands, would tte hon, Brit gentl eman say that, that was an invasion of th e re scuing the Danubian P r i nc i p alitielssilf empire ? But in rom the aggressie n of Russia, it was not contemplated to 13 0 71 , 1 them over, as en slaved appendages to the rapacity gentleman the Under Secretary for iseurerl'ey. The hon. principles re ferred to certain pipers, as illustrative of the upon which the Principalities were to remain t s a u b ei . ec a t n to i Turkey; but those papers were not laid on the the house, therefore, had no means of knowing the ccn tents of those papers. Ho (Lord R. Cecil) would, haw ever, quote, from the resolutions of the Divan, certain pas sages which showed the principles upon which Turkey pro posed to bind the Principalities to her, and to give her complete dominion over them. The noble lord here read an abstract of the resolutions, which hid it down as a Principle that the Danubian provinces should be bound to Turkey by a bond of union, binding them inseparably, and subjecting the provinces to entire Turkish dominiou. li e hoped the motion of his right hon. friend would be Zgroed to by th e h ouse , a nd he was satisfied, should it not , that the effect of its rejection would be very serious on the p ro vinces- It was necessary for this house to interpose, and so express the opinion of the British nation , re s pe ct • ing her them views in relation to the Principalities, as to sa ve Bera from being handed over to the rapacity of Turk e y . 'l warned the house, that in consn ting the feelings anti wishes .o e t , her European nations with regard to the Policy; at ';' ,l .they were pursuing a very questionable the case of their conduct towards other l ' at i°ns, he hoped their course towards the people of the D eff s_ e n e u ts b . ian m p e r a o r v: h n e c a e r s .) wo u ld not be professions without Mr ROEBUCK said the interference of England with foreign iseel , countries h a d se ld om prove d advantageous t o th e cause of tho se nat i ons in whose behalf her interference was ezerc and whose objects she endeavoured to support. Lord PALMERSTON.—Sir, I never beard a debate in which, if I may be permitted to say so, those who have taken a part seemed to understand so little of the facts of the case. From what has passed this evening it might be supposed that the question at issue was whet er these Principalities were to be subjected to the tyrannical and oppressive government of a Turkish paths, or whether they were to have self-government and be ruled by chiefs belonging to themselves, and have representative govern ment. That seems to be the alternative which the hon. and learned member for Sheffield appeared to consider to be the matter at issue; and the hon. and learned member for Cork (Sergeant Deasy) seemed to think that the ques tion was, whether we should comply with the wishes of the Danubian Principalities, by placing them in the same rela tion to Turkey in which Egypt stands, or whether we should make them in a greater and more strict degree sub ject to Turkey. But none of these questions are really the questions at issue. The real question at issue is, that which has been so well stated by the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, viz., whether we should take a course which would infallibly be the first step towards the separation of those two states from the Turkish empire, and thus commence the dismemberment of that empire. The right hon. gentlemen the member for Oxford has ea deavoured to refine end draw a distinction between a pro vince and a country ruled by a sovereign, If I understand his argument it was that, inasmuch ae these provinces were only under the suzerainte of Turkey, that meant nothing at all, and that they were free and independent, though forming a portion of the Turkish empire. The hon. and learned member for Cork read a treaty, •by which it ap peared that in 1460 these provinces acknowledged the Sultan should have supremacy over the sovereign of their country that seems to be something like " sovereignty," and that sovereignty was a part of the dominions of the supreme authority. If these provinces were not a part of the Turkish empire, how came my right hon. friend the member for Oxford to be a party to a war which would only stand justified upon the ground that they were a part of the Turkish empire ? Can it be supposed that the Go vernment of that day would have called upon England ? Can it be supposed that the Emperor of the French would hove called upon France, and that the other Powers of Europe would have united to protect the population of Moldavia and Wallachia from Russian aggression, if these provinces had been a separate and independent ate ? Much as we might all have re gretted the invasion of their territory, and the annihilation of their rights, I do not think that the nations of Europe would have taken up arms and made that sacrifice of blood and treasure which they did make for the purpose of saving these provinces from the aggression of Russia. It was because of an encroachment upon the territories and independence of Turkey, the integrity of which was con sidered essential to the balance of power iu Europe,—it was on that ground, and on that ground alone, that the Government of that day called on the people of England to take up arms, and to resist that invasion. Well then, I say that, if we look to the ancient history of these pro vinces, I believe I may say that from the time they ceased to be a part of the Roman Empire down to the present period they always have been two separate stases; and, therefore, that which we are now called upon to sanction is something totally different from anything which has ever existed before in regard to these Principalities. But has their connexion with Turkey been a state of oppression ? On the contrary, if these two nations have suffered, it has been from foreign aggression, from military occupation— first by Russia and then by Austria, though for a different purpose and with different views. It is the occupation of these provinces by foreign troops which has been the cause of grievance and complaint, suffering and impoverishment, and not their relations to the Turkish empire. The con dition of their connexion with Turkey was that the should be self-governed, that there should be no Turkish troops within their limits, that they should be ruled by native chiefs, and have such an internal organisation as they thought fit. Secondly, it was agreed that they should ac knowledge supremacy on the part of the Sultan, make a payment of tribute, and render military assistance in case of foreign aggression. I say, therefore, sir, that it is a fallacy to argue that what we are now called upon to de cide is whether these nations should or should not be free. Free they are, free they have been, and free we intend them to be. The question is, not whether their internal freedom shall be taken from them, and they shall be sub jected to the tyranny of a Turkish pacha. The ques tion is, What shall be the conditions of that free dom which the Towers of Europe are pledged by the treaty of Paris to secure to them ? It is said that we are called upon by the national honour and by national en gagements to yield to the motion of my right hon. friend the member for Oxford University. I deny that the Treaty of Paris made any engagement of that sort. In the conferences which took place opinions were expressed by the French and by the English Plenipotentiaries that such au arrangement might be desirable; but no decision was come, and further deliberations were arranged to take place. The question which was to be referred, under the article of the Treaty of Paris, was not simply the question of union or of separation, but a question of internal orga nisation. It was a misrepresentation, when we were re ferred to the Reglement Organique as an expression of the feelings of the people in foreshadowing and suggesting the union of the two provinces. Who were its authors ? It was a Russian document. (Hear, hear.) If it anticipated a union of the two provinces it was a Russian view of the matter, and not a Moldavian, Wallachian, or Turkish. It is quite true that this question of union was one of the matters which the Divans were not precluded from con sidering as a part of their organisation. We are told that faith has been broken with these peeple—that the condi tions of the treaty of Paris have not been fulfilled. Why, they have been fulfilled ! (Hear, hear.) Divans for the purpose--Divan ad hoc as they were called—were con voked. It is said that they were elected with great regu larity, and it i 3 said that their proceedings were well con ducted ; but the house may well imagine the electoral pro ceedingsai t tally learnedl y f a a n people unused to the system of election, and agitated by foreign agitators for a particular purpose. As to their 'lebates, I have heard accounts which do not en tirely" subtle intrigues"ie well open. It it e li n t b h e e r letter for C which h Ithas is been said read by b th y er th e e w ho e n re . cause of these excitements this questinpneotiftion known that which set on foot • they were not subtle, but because theM o r f ddzi prevailedforeign ge incy rowgaasrathteo union and separation. The Divans did rities which could l i o io n i un doubtedly,fora union, not in the first instance, an Divan was known to be adverse to the question which were paramount, and it be Ad d ‘ o . a n n ie ta d g ; e t w h a a s t tar i n va o n f wirareagsuelnat about its business, and another was elected tinder influ ences Unde r pSheucerete Y What union! Why statedvoti f by o r union.the for Fore a ig u n nio A n ff s a v i h r i s ch (k a r s . prince. It was on that conditionthe provinces under a foreign S. Fitzgerald) would u that they were for a union, and not under any other cir they be ? For obvious re ason: al Vd e saa id would never sub athlleamchisau,bninoi‘ty"uablleacrhuilaedtob n a n p d rince sent by the And why should avia. Nor would meiitthetor ofW Sultan. They want of resign prince, and foreign prince be? Why, they are all of whothe would ro that eon, and would they take a Catholic? I doubtwhether a Catholic prince would be permitted by the five to rule over the country. Russia would raise objections s placing any but a Greek prince r n that throne, and whet) ) will they find the Greek prince? In the Russian royal family, to be sure. (Hear , hear.) Let the house be assured a that union under a foreign prince means union under a prince of the Russian family. How is a Catholic prince to E SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EV ENING MAY .aintain himself against all the Greek influences whi, of the noble lord the member for Stamford, although put _ ..._ '1 be brought to bear upon him ? Why, by leaning fc forth with considerable confidence are not the opinions of or bo n on that power which would sway those Greek in one who bas given sufficient thought to the subject on which es. But, whether the prince were Catholic or Greek, he has spoken to-night. But that those opinions should be ld be equally obliged to become a vassal of Russia, in any degree sanctioned by the right hon. gentleman the #o secure the geed. wit of the Greek?. I say, there , - member for Oxford is to me a matter, indeed, of astonish the appointment of a fonign prince would be e meet. On the ground of that policy I would deprecate the 'the first step towards a separation. Would auy ex house sanctioning the carrying of this resolution. I can as eovern a country of four or live millions, pr sure the house that at this moment it will be impossible be tho vassal of the Sultan ? No. He would of for the House of Commons to take a step more enabarras n lence, and independence he would soon men sing to the conduct of the Government of this country— on, would be a small country of four or woul (heir, hear)—a conduct carried on in entire accordance surrounded by Russia, Austria, and crease with the policy which the general view of this country nopulations. How could that little friend, has so long sanctioned. No moment would be more incon venient— I am not putting it upon that basis which is so often justly ridiculed, that it is always inconvenient to give 'P t e o n e i n e e nc o e r ? to j the 13 e wouldothe necessarilyother, me that such a State could be any and pros, an opinion after an event, but I say that if indeed this lay that a country with four or such a pe, strong feeling bad been entertained by the right hon. o r - in Russia. the a military barrier against co- sien and i gentleman, it is deeply to be regretted that so Thus the end of their foreign hear )—a ha great a delay has taken place in bringing forward ul.l establish a scene of in- treaty. Th., this subject for the consideration of Parliament. At • a detrimental to the peace In the divisit this very moment, when there exists between the two allow the fate of Poland, whom that an Governments of England and France the most complete -1 between Russia and depeFted from identity of opinion on this subject, that an address of this it the people of Wal Belgium with , kind should be offered to the house I shdil ever deplore. rt is a short - sighted was j oined to H, But; not taking that large view of the question, but adopt and Moldavians bod y knows the ieg a view which must touch the feelings of every gentle - ight hon. gentle- and demanded a man, no matter on which side of the house be may happen rt and t o ass i s t governed theme - 31v to sit—namely, the condition of the Principalities them ought not to the Belgians, whose selves—l equally lament and deprecate this motion. I by, by the from Os-ire. These equally lament and deprecate this motion. I think that there is at this moment a p ros p ect, and somethin g more 4 lie meet- dosn under King Le than a p ros p ect, not of rising up in the Danubian coun llussia pre- in 1832, Bel g ium wa, rded its made by my noble Iris tries a fantastic kingdom or a phantom of independence, eblies, was then Foreign Seer but of raising that:country to the enjoyment of a greater these had been a strong natiot share of civil rights ' and even of political liberty , than has 'led enjoyed their own constit ever been enjoyed by any population on that great stream. or here, and their free press. And believing, as I do, that there is a prospect, and more and I believe nothing woul than a prospect, of attaining so great and desirable an likely to create resistance, a. end, I entreat the house, on every ground connected with or any other foreign influenc the future prosperity of those countries not to sanction an utters which those who e address which if carried would lead to consequences of the 'etimes neglect to take in most fearful character to this country and to Europe. tto remember, in makiub ("Hear, hear," and cheers.) etent of a people, the love Mr. GLADSTONE said he would detain the house but form a barrier against i a few minutes; yet, having heard the speech of the right he most skilfully drew!. hon. gentleman he thought it necessary to remind the 'ions as to the arranges. house of the nature of the question before it. The right ink the house ought t , hon. gentleman had been most liberal to him and others 'eland (hear) for i of his commendations and eulogies on eloquence which 1 that the Gevernn had been displayed, and which seemed to have made a sent to consult the I strong impression on his mind ; and he bad lavished his ommit the faith of t compliments on what he called the rhetorician of the day. , e justice of the stet He (Mr. Gladstone) would not be guilty of the affectation 'sat we are too often of modesty in order to pretend that he did not understand ens to ascot thei, that that designation was intended for himself— ence, and then c. The CHANCELLOR , of the EXCHEQUER (jumping 'seers.) up from his seat)—l beg your pardon ; I really did not erobria nobis mean that. (Loud and long-continued laughter.) non potuisse re Mr. GLADSTONE said the right bon. gentleman had this, coming fe entirely satisfied hie (Mr. Gladstone's) mind. The right a is exciting . hon. gentleman had drawn largely on his own powers of int, we are ab oratory. What were the sesquipedalian words he employed eloped of th in the long catalogue of horrors which he had presented to ntment, his the house ? ' Do not," said he, " let us have your phan her Majest tactic interference. If you do, the consequence will be lot to sup, confusion, anarchy, armed intervention, European war ;" acipalities and then he relieved the dark side of the picture by words 4 o Bulges from which a single grain of meaning could not be ex -a unite, tracted. He intimated that if the English Government ' , ey will wore only let alone, they would shower down blessings on the Principalities with a more liberal hand than had ever —Sir, been opened for their advantage. He (Mr. Gladstone) did only not ask for any interference, fantastic or otherwise. The house was not called upon to decide anything now, or to Tema express an opinion on anything which was original, or "rod. which bad been introduced for the first time. They were of not asked to bind the hands of the Paris Conference, or to place the Principalities under a foreign prince. (Hear . ) I He only asked the house to maintain the principle laid down in 1856 by the Paris Conference, namely, that the Principalities should be united. The noble lord (the member for Tiverton) and the Earl of Clarendon had in 1856 sanctioned that principle ; and if it were not, the fruits of the late war would be sacrificed. The question now was, whether we were going to abandon the policy which had been declared, and the pledges held out to the population of the Principalities. (Hear, hear.) The house then divided, The numbers were— For the motion Against it. Majority against the motion -178 THE CAGLIARI. maintain himself against all the Greek influences which wee in consequence always a number of families intriguing will be brought to bear upon him ? Why, by leaning for against the reigning hospodar, who would get up corn support on that power which would sway those Greek in- plaints, and carry them to the Sultan, in order to get him fluences. But, whether the prince were Catholic or Greek, deposed. In that way the state of these province.; was he would be equally obliged to become a vassal of Russia, constantly disturbed, in consequence of the intrigues of the in order to secure the geod wit of the Greeks. I say, ther e- nobility against the reigning family. Then they say, and fore, that the appointment of a foreign prince would be I think very reasonably, let us have a prinse who is not necessarily the first step towards a separation. Would any subject to these influences —let us h ‘ve a foreign prince, fit to govern a country of four or live millions, prince. Let us imagine what would be the state long submit to be the vassal of the Sultan? No. He would of things then. They would have that self-goveru aspire to independence, and independence he would soon meat which, but for the interference oft Russia, they obtain. Here, then, would be a small country of four or would have enjoyed very many years, and they would in five million people, surrounded by Russia, Austria, and crease iu wealth and prosperity. But, says my noble- Turkey, with large populations. How could that little friend, that would be no barrier against the designs of State maintain its indepenlence? It would necessarily be- Russ It appears, on the contrary, that ape ople enjoy come subservient either to one or to the other, or follow the in„ the benefit of self-government, increasing in wealth fate of Poland. Don't tell 'us that such a State could be any and prosperity— a people in the enjoymeut of liberty—that barrier against Russia. To say that a country with four or such a people form the best barrier against foreign aggres million of people would be a military barrier against co- sion and foreign conquests that can be devisee—(hear, lossal Russia is an absurdity. Thus the end of their foreign hear)—a barrier far better and more effective than any princes would be that they would establish a scene of in- treaty. That has been the result in other parts of Europe trigure between Austria and Russia detrimental to the peace In the division of Europe in 1815 those wise persons by and well-being of the country, or follow the fate of Poland, whom that arrangement was fleetly made, it is well known, an Ibe absorbed by Russia, or divided between Russia and departed from the plau of Mr. Pitt, with regard to uniting Austria. Would such a result benefit the people of Wal- Belgium with Prusna -in that final arrangement Belgium lachia and Moldavia. Far from it. It is a short-sighted was joined to Holland, and what was the result ? Every policy- even towards the Wallechians and Moldavians body knows that Belginui speedily became discontented Governed themselves very well, had not the art to govern themselves, to wish for that which the right hon. gentle- and demanded a separation The Dutch, though they in establishing. But we are told that we ought not to the Belgians, whose language, religion, cad habits differed man urges upon the Goeernment to support and to assist g deny them representative institutious. Why, by the Loin tie ere. There wag get or 1 discontent ; and at last, Organic Statutes they ought to have them but Russia pre- in 1832, Belgium was ere.to 1 into au ind .rendent king vented them from meeting, or so arranged that the meet- doin under King Leopold. That was au arrangement ings were merely sham. The Congress of Paris recorded its made by my noble friend the member f,r Tiverton, who opinion that they should have representative assemblies, was then Foreign Secretary ; and ever since then there and it was to ascertain their views and wishes that these had been a strong national re irit in Belgium. They have Divans were held ; but these unhappy Divans, carried enjoyed their own constitution, their representative cham away by the agitation and intrigues of those who had other leers, and their free press. They value those institutions, interests to serve, refuse to go into all their real paints, and I believe nothing would be so irksome to them, or so and confined themselves to the unattainable object, as I likely to create resistance, as any attempt to extend French will call it, the separation from Turkey under the rule of a or any other foreigu influence iu that country. These are foreign sovereign. I say, therefo:e , it is not for the into- matters which those who negotiate diplomatic treaties rest o the Principalities themselves, or in accordance with sometimes neglect to take into consideration. But they the engagement of the treaty of Pain e, that the address ought to remember, in making those arrangements, that which the right hon. gentleman proposes should be acceded the content of a people, the love of a people for their insti to. We are dealing with this matter as if we were met in tutions, form a barrier against foreign foes more success congress at Vienna in 1815, when the map of Europe was ful than the most skilfully drawn treaties. These, then, spread out, to be divides according to the wishes of the are my opinions as to the arrangements which ought to be parties immediately concerned. But it should be remem- made. I think the house ought to feel indebted to my bered that we made waragainst Russia for the maintenance rig ht hon. friend (hear) for bringing forwar 1 the and integrity of the Turkish empire. We concluded the subject. I feel that the Governments which at Paris treaty of Paris for that purpose, and now we are called made an engagement to consult the Principalities, did, to upon, as the result of that successful war waged to main- a certain extent, commit the faith of this country. (Hear, tain the independence of Turkey, and in accordance with hear.) I feel also the justice of the statement made by the that treaty, agreed to for the same purpose, to take a step noble lord opposite, that we are too often licensed of giving en c o uragement to nations to asesrt their liberties and to which the Turkish Government, and which I should hope every reasonable person would think would be the first proclaim their innependence, and then calmly and coldly step towards the dismemberment of the Turkish empire. deserting , their cause. (Cheers.) Such a course of proceeding would, in my opinion, be tan - ' Pudet et brae opprobria nobis tamouut to stultifying ourselves, and would be in opposi - Et dici potuisse et non potuisse refelli." tion to the great interests of the country. I hope , therefore, It is painful in such a case as this, coming forward at the the house will not be led away by the eloquence of the time when the ease of Ser iinia is exciting attention, to right hon. gentleman, and accede to the motion, which find that after giving encouragement, we are about to with is adverse to the fundamental policy of the country; ad- draw from the Principalities the support of this country. verse to the engagements of the country, as entered into It will give rise not only to disappointment, but the com by the Treaty of Paris; which cannot b e o f a dvan- plaint of want of faith. I think thit her Majesty's pleni tage to the inhabitants of the Principalities them- potentiary should have instructions not to support the selves; which may lead to European dis sension, if placing of a foreign prince over the Principalities, whose not to European war ; which can be of no benefit to aim it would be to extend his dominion into Bulgaria, but the Principalities, as they would have the same advan- that they should have a united government —a united legis tepees of trade, commerce, military arrangements, and lature. If they have this I believe that they will give laws, separate as if united. While separate th e y would security to the future peace of E u rope. continue to have the additional security which their con- The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—Sir, the nexion with Turkey would give them ; whereas , if they noble lord who has just sa t down th inks that it is only by a were left amiddespoticaed military states , theirfate would adopting the address moved f or b y t he right hon. gentleman speech dilemma. the member for Oxford that we can extricate ourselves from on the e t zt e l em houseau be sealsd, their representative assemblies would be quashed, neighbouring military and arbitrary powers would come has in that hi s eloquent eloquence down upon them, and they would become the tool of a dilemma. It appears to me that if we adopt that motion of Russia, or be partitioned, like Poland, between Austria the right hon. gentleman, we shall find ourselves in a and Russia. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL—Sir, the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs asks us how it is that the house should was calculated to bring forth, for his address was conceived be called upon to interfere in this matter of the Danubian pr oduced The r a i g n h e tff hon, ecto in a generous spirit—its object was a generous one. Now, t Principalities, and has found f ault with m y ri g ht hon. this present moment, on this subject, there is, between the friend the member for Oxford University as if he were pro- Government of her Majesty and that of France, a perfect posing that the house should dictate to the powers of Eu- unanimity ofsentiment, of • dofpolicy, views,an rope in conference assembled. To the first of these ques- and truestand in few days the sense; tions I answer that here is a question to which the good these two governments will be prepared to maintain, to r faith of England is pledged — (hear , hear) — and I ask, can commend , and to enforce that polic y , Now, how it t wille - it be a matter of indifference to the House of Commons facilitate that policy that at this moment the House of that the good faith of England should under any circum- Commons should come forward, on the eve of the corn stances be called in question ? I hold that whether our mencement of negotiations, and carry an address like this to the Crown, embarrassing the En g lish representative character for good faith stands high or is impaired is a Frenc r ve without in any way embarrassing the b represents matter that the House of Commons must necessarily feel tive , Ido no t see. On the contrar y , I t hink thatth at will some interest in ; it is not one that they can afford to pass p lace us in a dilemma. (Hear ) And, air, the noble lord by as if it did not concern them. (Hear, hear.) But with who has just addressed us has told us that the honour of regard to the hon. gentleman's second question, I should this tbie h q o u u es s t e ie o b f P a a n rl d iaze t nt w a e n a d re of ta t country is involved in say that my right hon. friend (as I understand his motion) in accordance with the engagementsg a in c t o o ur w se b r c l i i 2 ich is not w does not propose to say what the powers of Eur o p e should entered. That, sir, is a very serious charge. We ea e have does give as their opinions in the conferences of Paris, but merely guardians of the honour of this country in this house. But before come we cos to a vote which may have an influence upon says what in the opinion of the House of C ommons should the coarse of events which few, perhaps, in this house be the language of our plenipotentiary. ( Hear, hear.) It prepared to antici p ate, we ought to have a cleari areeaof is not my right hon. friend's wish to Bay what should be the engagements into which this country bar really entered the language of the other powers of Europe. But if we on this subject. (Hear.) Therefore, I must refer to the articles of the treaty. They ar . o beien but if they were are informed correctly, I believe lam ri g ht in sa y in g that long I should not apologise on reading them when so grave the language of Great Britain in these conferences has not a statement has been made. Now, here are the articles. • been confined to expressing her own views, but has been I find in article 22 of the Treaty of Paris, " The Princii-• used to influence other powers. (Hear.) Coming, however, palities of Wallachia and Moldavia shall te continue to en , under the surainty of the Port and the guaraetee to the question itself. I look u p on it as one of great mag ni- j o u f y the contracting powers, the privileges and immunities tude, and as one that must cause considerable anxiety, of which they were in possession. No exclusive protec (Hear.) I agree with the Under Secretary of State, that we tion shall be exercised over them by any of the contracting ought not to set up any power in the Principalities that powers, and there shall he no separate right of inter should be in any way snivel to that power whose integrity is ference in their internal affairs." (Hear.) Who then, prepared ss to aert that anyone who has boo , or is and independence we are b ound b y the treaty, in common Minister of this country is trying to recede from this en- 1 with the other powers to that treaty, to maintain. We are gagement ? There is another article to which I will refer. bound in good faith not only directly to protect the lute- " His Majesty the Sultan promises to convoke in each of grity of which we guaranteed, and for the sake of which the provinces a Divan ad hoc chosen in such a manner as we went to war with Russia, but we should not make any to represent all interests These Divans shall be called arrangement by which that integrity would be impaired upon to express the wishes of the people in regard to the and the independence of that power diminished. So far, organisation of the Principalities." Who desires that any . I agree with the hon. gentleman. But let us see what the expression by this Divan with regard to the interior orga condition of the Principalities is, and what is that we have nisation of the Principalities should not be respected ? undertaken. In the 15th century certain stipulations were We have just heard from thunoble lord that a joint legis made between the Sultan and the rulers of these Principe- lature is most desirable. But no engagement exists on the lities, by which a certain tribute was to be paid to the part of this country for the establishment of a joint legis- Sultan, but in which the largest powers of self-govern- lature. In dealing with this subject we must have re ment were reserved to the rulers of these Principalities — ference to the engagements of treaties and to the rights of powers extending even to the making of treaties and to powers. You cannot settle a question of this kind by a the making of war. These regulations, it is true, were not brilliant oration—turning this house into a divan ad hoc. very strictly observed ; the Sultan frequently violated (A laugh.) You must look to the rights and obligations of them, and Russia found an opportunity during the reign the parties—that, at least , of Catherine of interfering , and of assertin g a p ower of in- lord (J. Russell) when he was the opinion of the noble terference and a power of medd l i n g with that p ortion of Soverei g n at Vienna . Nothing was the representative of his othin g could be more statesmanlike the Turkish empire by treaties she made after successful than the expressions of the noble lord at Vienna when he ob wars. wars. Those powers of interferen ce had been carried so served—" Tho u gh in the discussion of the first point of the far by various treaties, that at length there was hardly any negotiation I have not touched on several questions, such transaction in any part of the inter nal g overnment of the as the union of the tw o Principalities, Principalities with which Russ ia did not claim the rightof importance had escaped me, it was not that their e, but it seemed to me that the interfering. That being the ca s e , when the war between consideration of aproposition Russia and France and Great B ritain broke out, those sovereign Porte." (Cheers of this kind belonged to the and laughter.) But we do not Principalities, according to their organic statutes, had now seem to have from the noble lord that consideration complete power of self-government. They could make their for the views of the Ottoman Government which the noble own laws as to religion, their own laws for regulating lord expressed when at Vienna At that time the noble commerc a and trade, and their ow n laws respecting the lord went deeply into the consideration of this question, administration of justice. In short their whole internal not taking it up merely as a topic of deb eta, but wiedding government, so far as the Porte was concerned, was ind e- it under the weight of the - whichattached responsibility pendent. But the interference of Russia, as I have said, to him as a plenipotentiar y t aking ' part in affairs having was frequently employed in intriguing with respect to the for their object the settlement of Europe. The noble lord internal affairs of those provinces, andagainst the influence in his despatches at that time, dlf lf Ik ' should statesma n , expresse imse ie a of the Porte. Well, sir, when we had settled what be the terms of peace, if the first object was that Russia t always does. (Laughter.) The noble lord then thus ex should no longer have the power of control ?and perpetual pressed himself :—" With regard to the other point, as to interference which she had formerly exercised, the quern establishment of a power ire the Principalities, such power tion naturally arise what was to be the state of the Prin t er- would scarcely long re ma i n a vassal to the Porte." palities themselves. That was a question of great ail:Seal Y, (Cheers But we have heard to-night sernethine of the because, when the powers of Europe were ready to place P ache of Egypt ; let na see w h a t the noble lord has in themselves in the position in which Russia Lai previously former times said of the Pacha of Egypt. The noble lord stood, so far as guaranteeing the privileges of thesePrlng p e z saidlikely that the Pacha of Egypt was through religious feelings Mice as against Turkey, it led to a discussion of what t. to remain a vassal of the Porte, but that a Christian privileges should be, and besides being the duty, it ass slat., (Hear) ould be, for all practical purposes, independent. interest of the great powers to make those privilege! s s e with regard to their internal position and their internal free institutions—alluding to an independent or quasi inde peace, in order to prevent the necessity of the interference pendent state ---it must be remarked that the sovereigns of could do. Austria. and • of any other powers, as in their wisdom they Russia would never tolerate in the neieheour• have hood of Those powers, especially England and France, might and re b ellions Poland and Hungary promoters of disturbances taken one of two courses. They might have said we . will amongst their subjects." (Cheers and consider what is best for the Principalities --we will re-laughter.) I recur to these important documents, be view this organic statute which contains many excellent cause, when we are told that the government and parlia provisions, and we will guarantee the statute so revised went of England are about to b 3 false to the engagements p and altered—leaving the Principalities with a ll the privi- which they have entered into, it is of dee engagements andimportunes leges they have hitherto enjoyed, and with s uch improve- that we should, by the light of treaties and oocu ments as they may make. No doubt the Principalities ments applying an interpretation to them, see what would have submitted to that arrangement if it had really these engagements really are, and see, moreover, the po been one that would have contributed to thei r ha pp iness sition in which those treaties place English honour and and to the safety of their internal organisati on. Or we English interests. (H ear, h ear.) But tha noble lordwhen might have taken another course—we might h ave said we plenipotentiary took esp ec i a l care to exhaust the ssub ject. will consult the people of the Principalities themselves— Tear, hear.) Speaking of th e un i te d prov i nces, he said, we will go to the people of Wallaceia and Mol davia and ' The freedom iof discu ss i on and the l ib erty of the press ask them to elect representatives—let them say what they would scarcely be sufferen to exist to any large extent. will have, and then grant their wishes so far as they ao- Disturbancesit would occur, and an armed intervention cord with the treaty we have concluded. Neither of these follow:tabnedeectwould be difficult to interfere with prudence courses did we take. But we took a third course, the most and wi ff houll tis therefore worthy of consideration unwise and irritating that 'could by any possibility have how we s promote institutions which hereafter we been adopted. We assembled the Divan—the represents- should be unablewhole to protect." (Loud cheers and laughter.) tives of-the Principalities—and when they had deliberated That is the question. Nothing in the world is so and expressed their feelings, and agreed almost unani- easy as tocorneto forward, and make representations such as mously what their wishes were—then you turn round upon we have heard •nugnt, which, when you examine them, them and say you are a disorderly set—you don'tknow what vanish like . a fairy_ dream. These descendants of the you are about—you have been acted upon by external and ancient Damns -. (laughter)-- so f ree , brave, prosperous, by private influences—you have acted under excitement with whom every generous Heart must sympathise, to att end in ignorance of your own interests, and therefore we c om p lish whose destiny every man would be willing to will cast to the winds all that you propose and entirely make some sacrifice, are picturesquely and eloquently neglect your wishes and requests. Now, that appears to me placed before us ; but when we ask ourselves what is the to be the most unwise course that could have been taken. reality, what is the security ilt that such a perfect at .te of (Hear.) There has been a great deal of talk here--my right sneiety can be brought o existexce, and kept existing, hon. friend, my noble fri e nd, and every member who has every practical man. felsee en_ a moment that the entire spoken in this debate, has talked about the power and in- theory is the mere pictur .ef a generous fancy, one, too, wo d fluonce which Russia will have if these Principalities are which, if encouraged, I eud in consequences which united as they desire. Why, sir, it seems to me that we would effort? a painfu , nay, an awful contrast to the have paved the way for Russia—we have opened the road dream in which for a moment we might have indulged. for her. Last year I stated that it was quite obvious that (Cheer F.) We ought to consider ;the position of the without your interference the influence of Russia in the limited population scattered over a s ons id era bl e region. Principalities was secured. For if you set up a prince No doub t there is great undeveloped wealth and re over Moldavia he would naturally look to Russia to increase sources in the provinces, but the people, as cone his power by uniting the two provinces. He would know pared wit h the territory are not that multitude which that the other great powers could not forward his views. gives strength to a state. (dear, hear.) We ought to He would be dissatisfied, and the whole of the inhabi- remember that these four or five milli ons of beings are taste of the province would become discontented be- surrounded by powerful military states, having all the or cause Great Britain and France had refused th • 'te f governments. ri o their ganisa ion e despotic w are we to aid desires, ens they would turn to Russia as the power them, hew to support them, nwe do to maintain that could assist them in attaining their object. So that them? It is not by speeches in the House of Comus you have so contrived it that whether you grant or refuse (cheers) —it is not by votes even of the H ouse of Commons the wishes of the Principalities, you increase the influence that you can maintain a factitious independence like this. of Russia- The only way, as it appears to me, to get (Cheers.) We must therefore consider this question in as out of this dilemma is the course proposed by my right practical a 'neither as possible. What ar e th e engagements hon. friend. (Hear, hear.) The Under - Secretary for Fo - p into which this country has entered ? I have read them reign Affairs tells us (and he read a paper to the house to the house ? I have read them to the house. Those en upon the subject which I had never heard of before) that ga e ments we ought to fulfil, not only to the letter but Wellachie. will not hear of this union unless she has to- t he t • ought to exercise ell our a to spirt ,we power and all reign prince to rule over her. Is that to be understood as the influence which we justly possess to obtain for these (Cheers.) come formal declaration of th e t w o provinces ? Have they provinces good governmen t sad self-gove rnment. come to any formal resolution to that effect ? And if so, We ouglet to obtain that — and I believe that we (ran obtain what has been said to them ? Have we no commissioner that—with the cordial co-operation of the French Govern there? : believe that we have employed there one of the / writ. Doing that we not only fulfil all our engagements, a blest men in our whole diplomacy. Have you said to hut we ob sin all that is practicabl tto desire eon th e we e. th e m, will yon take the union without the foreign prince, fare of these Principalities. But if we take an y o th er or will you accept a prin ce from some p ar t of the Turkish course — if on the one hand WO entirely neglectt them— we empire? Has that question ever been put to them ? Have should iudee 1 cause a stain upon our honour; if, on the they ever been asked, and if so, h ave they ever re- other, we encourage any fantastic settlement, we cast the fused? For unless they have it is Most unfair for a Seers- see d s f or th of inevitable ruin; ,we encourage int erven ti o n tary of State to 'come down here and say that if wo grant —the arme d i n tervention ot "le noble lord-- an d inter four-liftles of their demand they will not be content unless fthe tof the great military pow era Terence on par era ;we en we grant the other fifth. That appears to me to be a pro. courage h opes w hich eve shall then be bound in h onour t o posal that might be made. I believe it is a proposal they support, and wo may be drawn into a war—a European war would accept—viz., to have a union of the Principalities, —the end of which no man can foresee, the cost and ruin of but with some person to rule over them not connected which no man can foretsl. (Cheers.) It is impossible to with either of the great Powers of Europe —one that should eenee i ee a coars e more impolitic than that which h as b een not be a Prussian prince or a member of any of the great recommended to us to-night. You have undergone great families of Europe, bat one who is acquainted with their sacrifices in blood and in treasure in the course of the last habits, manners, arid customs.' I think the hon. gentle- war ; aro you prepared to take a course to-night which win man said they would not like to have a prince who would involveu to a policy the consequences of which will be to be liable to be deposed, and it is no doubt the constant 61e- you iu another ? Are you prepared to entangle position of their hosnodars that has been the great cause yourself in difficulties to be followed by fresh i g comp ica of the discord and difficulties of these Principalities. The tions, ns, offering another theme at some future period to the Sultan reserved t o hi m s e lf the right of deposing, and there rhetori;ian of the day ? I must say that I think the liews Ox the SPEAKER calling upon Mr. Kinglake, who had a motion on t'le paper with reference to the Cagliari, Mr. RINGLAKE said that at that late hour he could not feel justified in proceeding with his motion, but ho should like to ask a question with reference to the liberation of the Sardinian crew. Mr. S. FITZGERALD said the continual postponements of this important question was much tl be regretted. He had hoped that the explanation made by a noble lord in another place would have been as satisfactory to the hon. gentleman as it had been to the public ; but, though not satisfactory to the hon. member, it had been so to the Mini ster of Sardinia, and he had that afternoon received a de spatch from Count Cavour, stating that he was satisfied with the explanation, and that he would act in the spirit of that despatch, and in the spirit of the protocol of the 14th of April, last year, iu Paris. He was not able to give the hon. gentleman the information he required with reference to the liberation of the Sardinian prisoners ; but he was surd that the harmony of action which had beau established betty en the Government of this country and Sardinia must lead to such consequences as they all must desire. (Hear.) METROPOLITAN WORKHOUSES. - - Viscount RAYNHAM moved for a select committee to in quire into the condition and administration of the Metro. politan Workhouses, and into the general arrangements made and carried out by the parochial authorities of the metropolis for giving relief to the poor. Mr. S. ESTCOURT said if the committee moved for were granted, it would rather retard than forward. the object the noble lord bad in view. But be bad been unable to gather from what the noble lord bad stated. what were the grounds for his motion. He could not expect the motion to be ac ceded to without giving instances to satisfy the house that such a committee was rendered necessary by same miscon duct in the condition and administration of the workhouses in the metropolis. Every assistance would be afforded to the noble lord by the Poor-law Board. Ho hoped the noble lord would, not press his motion, as he had not laid sufficient grounds for his motion. The motion was negatived without a division. On the motion of Mr. WALPOLE, leave was given for the Sworn Deputy Corn Meters, the Sworn Deputy Fruit Meters and the Fellowship Porters of the City of London, to be heard by counsel before the Select Committee on the London Corporation Regulation Bill, with reference to the 66th clause r. f the said bill. Mr. WALPOLE brought in a bill to amnid the act of the fifth and sixth years of Queen Victoria, for enabling eccle siastical corporations, aggregate and solo, to grant leases for long terms of years. Sir W. HEATHCOTE obtained leave to bring in a bill to enlarge the powers of the Universities of Oxford and Cam bridge, and of the colleges thereof, for the sale, exchange, and leasing of lands. PROPERTY QUALIFICATION BILL. Mr. L. KING moved that it be read a second time. Mr. MILES thought that at that late hour they should postpone it, and he would cou nsel the hon. gentleman to postpone it. It was accordingly postponed to Thursday. The Galwsy Disfranchisement Bill was postponed. The Exchequer Bonds, 2 , 000,000/., went into committee. The other orders were then disposed of, and the house ad journed at a quarter past 12 o'clock. 5, 1 8 5 $. PAPLI AMEN T A RY DIVISION. HOUSE OF CO VI MONS—NIAv 4. DANUBIAN PRINCIPALITIES. Motion made, and Question put, "That an humble ad dress be presented to her Majesty, to submit to her Ma. jesty that this house, bearing iu mind the obligations . imposed by the Treaty of Paris, so far as they affect the Danubian Principalities, has observed with satisfaction the general tenor an .l spirit of the Declaration recorded by her Majesty's Chief Plenipotentiary at the Confer ences of 1856, concerning the future organisation of .hose territories : &lid humbly convey to her Majesty the earnest hope of this house, that, -in the further prosecu tion of this important subject, juit weight may be given to those wishes of the people of Wallachia and Moldavia which, through their representatives elected in con formity with the said treaty, they have recently ex pressed." The house divided—Ayes, 111; Noes, 292. AYES-11 4 . Baring, Sir F. Ewing, Crum North, F. Barnard, Thomas Fagan, W. O'Brien, P. Bass, M. Fortescue, Hon. F. O'Donoghoe, The Baxter, W. Fox. W. J. Ogilvy, Sir J. Beaumont, W. Gavin, Major Taget, Lord C. Biggs, John Gibson, Milner Paxton, Sir J Black, Adam Glyn, G. Perry, Sir E. Bland, L. IL Goderich, Viscount Pilkington, J. Bowyer. G. Graham, Sir J. Pinney, Col. Brams ton, T. W Greene, John Potter, Sir J. Briscoe, John Greer, Samuel Rayntiam, Viscount Browne, Lord John Grentell, Charles W. Roebuck, J. A. Bruce, li. A. Griffith, C. Itou;All, W. Butt, I. Hadfield, George Russell, Lord J. Buxton, C. Hamilton, Capt. Russell, H. Byng, G. 11. C. Hardcastie, Joseph Satsbury, Enoch Caird, J. Harlington, Marquis Schneider, Henry Calcott, M. Heathcoate, Sir W. Scholefield, W. Cecil, Lord .R. Hodgson, K. Sheridan, 11. B. Collier, It. P. Holland, E. Smith, J. A. Coliins; T. Hope, Alexander Smith, J. B. Conyngham, Lord F. Jermyn, Rt. lin. Ealr Somerville, Sir W. Cox, W. Johnstone, Sir J. Stapleton, John Craufurd, E. H. J. Kenn 11W, J. Sykes, Colonel Crawford, Si. W. King, L. Thompson, General Crook, J. Kinglake, J. Tite, W. Dalgiish, R. Ruatchbull-Huguessen Turner, J. A. Davey, It. Levinge, Sir it. Waldron, Laurence Denison, W. 11. Lindsay, W. White, lames Dent, John I ocke, Joh Williams, W. Devereux, J. Lockhart, A. E. Willyams, E. Dill wyn, L. L. Macarthy, Alex, Wingfield, It. Divett, E. MacEvoy, E. Wise, J. Duff, M. Mackinnon, W. Wood, W. Dunlop, A. Maguire, J. F. Woods, Henry Dunne. M. Mills, T. Wyld, James Ebrington, Viscount Morris, D. TELLERS. Elton, Sir A. H. Napier, Sir C. Gladstone, W. Emile, John Nicoll, D. Deasy, It. NOES-292. Agnew, Sir A. Foley, J. H. Nisbet R. P. Akroyd, E. Foley, H. W. Noel, G. A lcock, T. Fo!jambe, Francis Norreys, Sir D. Alexander, J. Fords, Colonel North, Col. J. Anneeley. Hon. Hugh Forester, Col. Packe, C. Ayrtoa, A. Freestun, Colonel Paget, C. Bagwell, John Gard, R. 4 Pakington, Sir J. Bailey, C. Carnett;William Palk, L. Baillie, H. Gaskell, J. Palmer, R. Baines Rt. Hon. M. Greaves, E. Palmerston, Viscount B MI, i Greenall, Gilbert Paull, Henry Baring, A. Greenwood, John Pease, Henry Baring, 11. Gregory, W. Pechell, Sir G. Baring, T. G. Grenfell, C. P. Peel, Sir it. Bernard, T. Gray, Captain Peel, Gen. Bathurst. A.:A. Grey, R. Pennant, Co'. E. Beach, W. Grogen. Edward Pevensey, Viscount Bective, Earl Gurdon, Brampton Philips, R. Beecroft, G. Hall, Sir Benjamin Philipps, J. Bennet, Capt. P. Hamilton, Lord Claud Powell, Francis Bentinck, G. Hamilton, G. A. Power, N. Berkeley, F. Hanbury, Robert Pritchard, J. Boldero, Col. 11. G. Hankey, T. Proby, G. Botfield, B. Ilarcourt, G. G. Pugh, D. Bouvet ie, Hon. P. Hardy, G. Puller, Christopher Bovill, W. Harris, J. D. Ramsden, Sir J. Boyd, J. Hatchell,...lohu- - : _ _liarriittson, Sir H. Brady, J. Hay, Lord Jolut Rebow, J. Bramley-Moore, J. Hayes, Sir E. Repton, G. Bridges. Sir B. Hay ter, W. Ricardo, 0. Brocklehurst, J. Heard, J. Richardson, J. Brows. W. Heueage, Geo. F. Ridley, George Bruce, Major Henley, J. Robertson, P. Bruen, H. Hornby, W. Rolt, J. Buchanan, Walter Borstal!, T. Rushout, Capt. G. Buller, Sir J. Hotham, Lord Russell, A. Buller, J. W. Howard, C. Rust, James Banbury, W. B. Hudson, G. Sandal, Viscount Burghley, Lord Hume, W. Sclater, George Burke, Sir T. Hunt, G. W. Scott, Major Buxto 1, Sir E. N. Hutt, W. Seymer, IL Cairns, 11. Ingham, R. Shelley, Sir J. Campbell, R. Inglis, John Sibthorp, Major Darden, Sir R. W. Jervoiae, Sir J. Smith, V. Cartwright, H. Johnstone, H. B. Smyth, Col. Cavendish, W. Jolliffe, EL Smallett, A. Ca) ley, E. S. Kelly, Sir F. Somerset, Colonel Child, Smith Kendall, N - . Spooner, it. Christy, Samuel Ker, Richard Stanhope, J. Churchill, Lord A. Kinglake, A. Stanley, Lord Clack, J. Kingscote, Capt. R. Steel, John Clay, James Kinnaird, A. Steuart, A. Clifford, C. C. Knatchbull, W. Stuart, Lord J. Clifford, Lt.-Col. H. M. Knight, F. Stuart, Colonel Clive, George Knightley, R. Start, li. Clive, R. Laboachere,Rt.llon.H Sullivan, Michael Close, M. Langston, J. 11. Talbot, C. Cobbett, J. M. Langton, W. G. Tancred, IL Codrington, Sir C. W. Langton, H. G. Taylor, S. Cole, 11. A. Lasiett, W. Tempest, Lord A. V. Colvile, C. It. Lennox, Lord A. F. Thornhill, W. Coningham, W. Lennox, Lord H. G. Tollemache J. Conolly, T. Lisburne, Earl Tottenham, C. Coate, Sir C. H. Locke. J. Trefusls, C. Corry, H. 1 1'. L. Lopes, Sir M. Trollope, Sir J. Cowan, C. Lovaln e, Lord Vaue, Lord H. Cross, R. A. Lowe, H. Vansittart, G. Cubltt. W. Lowther, Col. 11. C. Vansittart, W. Dalkeith, Earl Lowther, Capt. Verney, Sir H. Davison, R. Luce, T. Villiers, C. Deedes, William Lyall, George Vivian, H. H. De Vere, S. E. Lygon, Hon. F. Walcott, Admiral. Disraeli, B. Lytton, Sir E. Walpole. S. Dobbs, W. C. Macartney, George Walsh, Sir J. Duff, L. Macaulay, Kenneth Warre, John Duke, Sir J. Mackie, J. Warren, S. Dunbar, Sir W. Mainwaring, T. Wegnelin, T. Duncan, Viscount M alias, Richard Wel by, W. Dunda:, F. Mangles, R. D. Western, S. Du Pre, C. Manners, Lord J. Westhead, Joshua Dutton, Hon. R. IL March, Earl of Whatman, J. Edwards, *enry Marjoribanks, D. Whitbread, S. Egerton, Sir P. Marsh, M. Whiteside, J. Elliott, J. E. Marshall, William Wickham, H. Elphinstone, Sir J. Martin, C. Williams, B. Esmonde, J. Massey, W. • Williams, S.r W. Es tcourt, T. Maxwell, J. Wilson, J. Evans, T. W. Mellor, John Winnington, Sir T. Ewart, W. Allies, W. Wortley, Major Evart, J. Miller, Taverner Wyndham, General Farquhar, Sir M. Miller, Stearns Wynn, Col. Fellowes, E. Moncreiff, J. Wynne, J. A. Fenwick, H. Molise% W. Wyvill, M. Fergus, John Montgomery, Sir G. Young, A. Ferguson, Colonel Mowbray, J. R. Ferguson, Sir Hubert Naas. Lord Fitzgerald, W. It. S. Neeld, John Fitzgerald, J. Newark, Viscount Jolliffe, Sir W. Fitzroy, Henry Newport, Viscount Taylor, Colonel TELLEati. MARRIAGE LAW AME2TDIYIENT. The following is the bill to legalise marriage with a deceased wife's sister, which will be introduced by Viscount Bury this evening in the House of Commons Whereas it is expedient to amend the law as to marriage with a deceased wife's sister :—Be it therefore enacted by the Queen's most excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords spiritual and temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as f illews • I. So much of any act or acts of Parliament as render void or voidable any marriage celebrated between a man and his deceased wife's sister is hereby repealed. 11. Nos marriage which has been or hereafter shall be celebrated at any time cr place what ever, within this realm or wi'hout, between a man and his dece Red wife's sister, shall be deemed t• have been nor shall be void or void able by reason only of the affinity of the parties thereto, or by reason of any canonical or other ob j-ction or impediment, founded only on such affi nity, to the validity of such marriages or to the celebration thereof, or to the validity of any license or certificate under which the same may have been celebrated. H. Provided, that nothing herein contained shall invalidate or affect any right to any dignity or title of honour, or any esta!e, right, title, or interest, legal, or equitable, in oc to any lands, hereditaments, chattels, or effects vested in any person before the passing of this act, nor any con tingent estate or interest, legal or equitable, in any lands, hereditaments, or chattel real, created by or derived from any settlement, grant, conveyance to uses, release, appointment, or other instrument bona fide executed before the passing of this act, or by or from any devise or will which shall have become operative by the death of the devisor or testat before the passing of this act, which estate or inte rest would or might but for the passing of this act hereafter become vested in, or be enjoyed by, or held for the use or benefit of any person, but in each and every of the cases aforesaid such esta‘e, right, title, and interest respectively shall remain I to all intents the same as if this act had not been pass-d. IV. Provided also, that nothing herein contained shall invalidate, alter, or affect any act or thing done before the passing of this act under the authu rity of any court, or in the administration of any estate or effects, real or personal, or in the execu tion of any will, or in the performance of any trust. V. Provided alsr , , that no clergyman in holy orders of the United Church of England and Ireland shall be compelled to solemnize the marriage of a man with his deceased wife's sister, or shall be liable to any suit, penai,i3fbElisAire — for solemnir ing or refusing to solemnise any such marriage. VI. This act shall Rot extend to marriages here after contracted in Scotland. MARRIAGE IN AUSTRALIA WITII A DECEASED WIFE'S SISTER. The following is the bill recently passed unani mously by both Le,islatures in South Australa, and now waiting the approval of her Majesty in Counc I. Whereas doubts have risen e as to a m the v analidity in this province of the , iag of with the sister of his deceased w ife, and it is expedient to re more such doubts. 13s it therefore enacted, by he Governor-in-Clnef of the Province of South Aus tralia, with the advice and consent of the Legi,l a _ t ive Council and House of assembly of the said pr vine° in this present Parliament assembled : That all mar riages which have been. heretofore, - o r which shall be hereafter dul y solemnis ed , witlli n the said province between any pereou and his de ceaSed wife's atster, shall be deemed and are here by declared valid and of full force and effect, anti are hereby declared valid and of full and effect, any law and custom to contraryTe.t force notwith standing. Provided alwaysh compulsory for any officiating minister it shalt not be o celebrate such Paamaggs, NAVAL AND MILITARY INTELLIGENCE, The East India Company's troop-ship Eastern Monarch, 1,700 tons burden, Commander H. Mor ris, arrived at Gravesend. on Monday afternoon from Bombay, having on board nearly 200 sick and wounded troops belonging to various regments serving in India. During the voyage 11 deaths occurred on board. On the disembarkation of the troops at Gravesend on Monday evening they were conveyed to Fort Pitt, Chatham, where they were medically inspected. The next vessel expected to arrive at Gravesend with sick and wounded troops from India is the large steamer Himalaya, having several hundred invalids on board. Lord Lovaine, Fifth Lord of the Admiralty, yes terday went down to Woolwich and conferred with Colonel Brown, commandant of the Royal Marines, on the expediency of enlarging the school accom. moda,tion of that establishment. Admiral the Marquis de Lisboa and a number of Brazilian officers in full naval uniform, belong ing to the fleet of small war steamers, in course of construction at Messrs. Green's, Blackwall, and Messrs. Pitcher's, Northfleet, yesterday paid a visit of ceremony to Commodore Shepherd, Superinten dent of Woolwich dockyard. Duke of Wellington, 131, screw, Captain Harry Eyers, C.B , has pointel topgallantmasts, cross topgallant and lower yard., and has shifted her poattion to the outer corner of the steam baqin at Portsmouth dockyard, preparatory to going out the next spring tides. The Marlborough, 131, screw, Capt. Lord Frei. Kerr (flag of Vice Admiral Arthur Fanshawe), has nearly completed her outside painting, and looks exceedingly handsome. She will go out of Ports mou h harbour the next spring tides, provided her screw is ready, to enable her to test her speed at the measured mile in Stokes Bay. She is yet 400 short of her complement, but if necessary can easily be made up by drifts from the guard ships. The Victory, 104, Capt. G. H. Seymour, C. 8., Aide-de-Camp to the Queen, has resumed her old position off the Hard, Portsea, and yesterday re took the flag of Admiral Sir George Seymour, K.C.8., the Commander-in-Chief. The noble c ld ship looks better now in every respect than she ever did. She is most handsomely refitted. The Arrogant, 47, Captain L. G. Heath, C. 8., weighed from Spithead yesterday afternoon, and made a trial of her speed at the measured mile iu Stokes Bay, prior to leaving for Southampton Water. She will moor off the great military hos pital at Netley. The Ready, Thrush, and Flirt steam gunboats were added to the others at the Portsmouth depot on Monday. They were towed thither by the Gorgon and Adder steimvessels, the former of which, after casting them off, proceeded to Ply mouth to join the Agamemnon, and the latter to the eastward with supernumeraries. Her Majesty's steam store transport Rhada manthus, Master-Commander Sturdee, laden with boilers and steam gear for the Lion and Orlando, yesterday sailed from Woolwich for Portsmouth. NEW BOOKS. —Among the literary announcements for the ensuing season of Messrs. Hurst and Blackett, are " Henry 111., King of France, his Court and Times, by Miss Freer ; " Memo rs of Mdle. Rachel," "Novels and Novelists, from Elizabeth to Victoria," by Mr. J,affreson ; " The Oxlnian in Tbelemarkeo," by• the Rev, F. Metcalfe • 4 . Heckington," a new novel by Mrs. Gore ; " The Light of Other Days," by John Edmund Reade ; " Rumour," by the author of "Charles Auches ter," and new works o f fiction by Mr. Thornbury, Miss Jewsbury, and the author of " Margaret Maitland," Ito, 'rind• istant lu do set of ,o the lett10; ed to inte con- self- Cause nate me at iod or to be cy on we of 1 rare aided or of a the odiss watch lwaya Lions s that make ace of ended ter to want trrier. breast ►ledge mien. them idable effect he in ques- (veto- o such at the ple to le who ddres ?slang don of e that 3try is derata y that tion to and in laty of is this, far as rea in main- them. e. The ,e paid, . _ a Prin• :overn ioipali- is not to the ,ner in )nd the Princi at I be •de the alp uti ni will .ne and regard ;eache■ of coo othing f Rug ;round aintain etweon invite Ls been Now I 3y own reason er do I n such minis- make a vital warlike vithout a their le, and bad a ended, overn- u any !d that 3g able t they punned >tice of ) The ,rencee ince of lapse that ie aim- ions of It is alone all un- Prioci )wever these of the to it, log in or - her 17ne of re any Lef ap course mbroil is and r than irig in house amen t reasoa carry ust►ia ke the do E i , n of DOW words y ....__N-~ - s MARRIAGE LAW. DEPUTATION TO" LORD DERBY. Yes t r day 'afferiaciori. a large iand 'influal. de putation write I upon the Premier,' at 'his `ofAeial residence in Do .vning st,ree, represent to his lordship the' great socitl and moral evils' resulting from the present stat e.of the law regarding, tb a; in validity of marriale : with a deceased wifc'a sister, and to isipre;s upon Iris lordSldP tho necnay for an alts ration of the ex is ing law. The deputation was introduced to th 3' P,envier by - Vi4coriiit Bury, who had brought in the bill now before Parliament for 1 ,, g lisieg these marriages. Viscount BURY said there was a Considerable difference between the legislation now endeavoured to be brought about and theenac ins of an entirely ne v ltw. Toe prohibition of the.3e marriages was founded on the act of Lt•rd ,Lyndhurst, but the words of prohibition in that ac ' ; are, thatmarria.,res only previ u 3 to that act are snlosequen.ly to be abs , dutely void. There is no Act of,P;frlia men': which states in terms wh tt (hole vo!d.rWe m irriag-s were. The Itw cow t., however, have de cided that " voidable marriages " include marriage with a deceased wife's sister. The first case in which that was so decided, was Sherwood v...Aay, in which M. Baron Parke gave the decision of the Judicial Cotntnitce of the Privy Council, and be found-d his opin'on on an act of the 25th Henry VIII., which act -gas repealed in the rergn of Mary, and , here for he (Viscount Bury) not being a lawyer did no know upon what Mr. Baron Parke founded. his j udgment. The next was theQuptn. v. Chsdwi ck, which was - decided on a different ground. The judgment in that case decided that as the words "prohibited degrees" in Lord Lynellinrst's act seemed to g'vr_r a sort of implied sanction to Arch bishop Parker's table of prohibited degrees, anti as m tiriago with a deceased wife's sister was included in that table, it was consequently void. Of Course these dec's'ons of our courts of law would effec- tually prevent a lawyer re-opening the subject, be cause a lawyer beginning to argue that point, would be a; once met with the decisions, lie (Lord Bury) had quoted, and it would be impossible for a lawyer to attempt to subvert those decisions. What his lordship wanted to impress upon the Premier was, that these decisions were a sort of side wind, and rested upon a sort of implied sanction by an Act of Parliament which has been - repealed, arid that they should not be set against tha opinions several times expressed in the lloll3oof Commons, though tho e opinions had net yet been adopted in the House of Lords. He begged to say, . that the lately decided c ase of Brook v. Brook had excited a great deal of interest, and the representatives of some of the parties in that case were then present. TIAN decision in Brock v. Brook did not enter into the question whether marriage with a deceased wife's sister was lawful if contracted m England, but whether it was valid if celebrated abroad, it being taken for grant , d that such a marriage would be invalid if contracted in England. Under these circumstances, he (to asl Bury) earnestly hoped that the Premier would lend his powerful assist ance in obtaining a revision of the law on this sub ject as it at prea nt stands. Viscount GODERICX forJibly supported the views of the deputation, as did also Mr. AKROYD, M.P. Mr. FREEMAN c , _ll-d his lordship's attention to the fact that these marriages were much more dis creetly formed than marriages contracted for the first time, for there was more mature consideration and judicious thought by those persons who con tract marriage a s tcond time than by those who contract it for the first time. In his own neigh bourhood there was a strong feeling on the subject, and the attention of the people had been called to it by the deci.don in Br o )k v. Brook. Mr. Brook, whose children were the subject of the hardship in flicted upon them by that decision, was a deputy lieutenant of the county and a magistrate, and very highly respected. He, after having taken the ad vice of some if the leading members of the bar, who adv'ised him that tlas was a territorial law only, and did not entail a personal disability, and that he would he quite safe in contracting the mar riage, did, under such advice, contract it. But now, in con , equence of the decision of the Vice- Chancellor Stuart, that marriage is declared null and vcid. 118 would say that the people of his neighbourhood earnestly hoped his lordship would lend his powerful influence to stop the spread of an evil which affected the peace and well-being of in nusierable families, for there was an equally strong feeling on this subject among the lower classes as there was in the higher. Mr. M. GIBSON, could truly sty, after having represented large constituencies as well as smaller ones, that he had never received a request from auybAly to oppose the legalisation of these marsiag:s, but he had received num rows applica tions to support it. Mr. MONCKTON MILNES, M.P., represented the necessity of al ering the present law. Mr. SCHNEIDER, M.P., referred to what had taken place in South Australia last year with refer ence to this subject. A bill had passed through both houses of the Legislative Assembly in that •ildny legalising these marriages, and which would have been passed into law at once but for the exer cise of the sound discretion of the governor, upon which ho determined to withhold itfrom the public until her Majesty's assent had been obtained. He (Mr. Schneider) had given notice of his intention to put a question to the noble lord the Secretary for the Colonies as to whether the Government had received the act, and what course they proposed to Mr. CONINGHAM, M.P., supported the views of the last speaker. The MAYOR of LEEDS said he knew that mar riages were commonly contracted among the work ing classes with a deceased wife's sister, and there were social evils arising from the law in its present state. The people of Leeds had taken a great in terest in this question, and a petition would be presented cotataining upwards of 5,000 signatures, 3,500 of which were from the town of Leeds itself, which were obtained by merely going from door to door. The MAYOR of SHEFFIELD corroborated what had been s lid by a previous speaker, and added he testimony that the feeling upon the subject was most d-ep and intense among the inhabitants of all the large manufacturing towns in Yorkshire: A petition was presented a fortnight ago to the House of Commons, signed by above 6,(K)0 of the adult inhabitants of Sheffiel.f. That petition contains the names of nearly the whole of the town council lors and alderman, and a large majority of the bench of magistrates, two deputy lieutenants, and neatly every dissenting minister iu the town of every denomination. Mr. BIGOS, M.P., said he presented a petition from the town council and all the leading inhabi tants of Leicester. The Earl of DERBY said the deputation would not expect him to discuss a questien of this kind on Ihe present occasion. He Lad listened with very great attention to the arguments iu favour of an alteration of the law which had been brought forward—brought forward, he must say, very fully, very fairly, and very ably. He regraded to so that his own judgment and opinion, although no • doubt there were very strong feelings in manY quarters in favour of the alteration of the latr,...w!s that upon the balance of the difficulties and possi ble advantages and evils, the inclination of . his own mind was not in accordance with the views which hail been impressed upon him by the depu tation. At the same time this questio.nrt7 decided by the progress of public as l eneral as the the public opinion in favour of an the law was as strongthat pub °aP n e i n d m ua e n ns t t 4-b o le f f litde p opinionut t o wouldseemed be to s u r t e h a i at n u oi it ve w g i t a:S e met upon ultimately, upun the House of Commons, His own opinion the House of that Lord it was a question of no he candidly stateddwha: did not think it ouht to be political party, an .nqyu einfluence H . , for whatever h.is. over taken part, individual in either house opposition to a single . the bill. His vote had hitherto been in opposition w a o s u a l d not Government exert a to thealtaesratthioengtt r u , t b w u a t s h c e o snhcoerned, a per fectly consider it, so far and op in en qu estion, both the House of Com the House of Lords. The deputation thanked his lordship for his kind reception of them, and then withdrew. TUB SHREWSBURY PENRAGE.—Sir R Betbell has opened the arguments in support of the claims of Lord Edward Howard, t the Shrewsbury peerage. When cha knmy pint wi I be settled no one can tell. I\lr J. Payne, the senior barrister at the Middlesex Sessions, has been appointed assistant-judge of the court. PiticE OF GOLD.— T a price of gold at Paris is about 3 ., per inlite, and the short ixchange on London is 55.05 per pound sterling. On comparing these rates with the En;,Lelai Mint prico of 3/ 17a. 101 d. per ounce for standard fold, it appears that grid is about 4-10th' per cent. dearer in Paris than in London. fly advises from h• 'Hamburg the price i f gold is 425 per mark, and t short Exchange on London is 13.51 per pound sterling. Standard gold at the English Mint priceis t_b London than Now n d York on rather naur, than 1-10th per cent. dearer inL e o in Hamburg. roe course of exchange at 109 London fi r Ws at 60 days' sight ti about between the with tae Mint par . which, when compared e is against per cent., two countries, shows that the exclisanfogr charges Eng land ; and, after making M I ei! he fit on the transmission of go , port and difference of . interest, allow pro the two ceuntriee. of trans ....‘ between the present rate leavti DO n• the inte el to the ►lilies a not I Aus close 'arch, ntage a the ea- I ^`%