The Sun. — London, England, 1858-06-25 00:00:00

nade with it pimply lead t', iien those Iveniently sd desira which all Arnbrouq, has en can wive tution for ,srmanent Ition, and it of that Eng!it'll rity r.ld to the noble lord ind time. opposing ry, if any 3 he wou!d ever, tl.a►t which he would, he a com it- ally hope 8, within ould take r, with the 'l3 carried tunity of lestion of en out of lOUs rt-so e thought while two regard to Ally been the noble hose bills t opinion, ) or three be house. le lord at bill —and Chancel teasure— ;icn than Lou. gen by it was ny. The gles) bud g the pro• Dle mem- dia Com imals in countries garlands vas true ; eras quite :tear that s sessiort vernnient L feeling he might t the go ernment ; Sad been inscience lion, and ;ssible in- Jompany le nation Lishcd for ), arising the in rievously iomplaint and that dian Go of Eng said that of Con he Board ast India ) its dis thing the the East nd laugh -3) woti'! Jpou that apression neat wAS than one e of India wsre dis le change lequently rred, and onclusion resist— opulation f govern- !, then, a should be tought it pursued this pre ion of all nmenced step with tt in the he might I effected Moll was his own not alto- That they was that ttle more more re jected to or of the ;quiviteg. bey were lot bring the sub- Ids quee ast India ndia had amended Crown sta n t do -Ist could sus of go ver have existed proposesl thought hands of rks, and s to pi e vidcd, if only rea disposed they had rind sub aere was use, and tkitig so 11 which r as the He was of India ectscary the Go willt the 3 of the esponsi- emer red and among milts to settled spot. g India, ughby), he East -s upon y much port of es dis tnpany; Dr 100, urinous, to it, ;nce on thereon hereto. Deport as. In 46,000 e years nilitary collec speech things. were to record g part that it Ise for would Pably to adercss the house— if at any time they obtained the simplicity which he arged for with regard to the Government at home, what change.. would it ho desir able to make in the Government in belie ? And he wool I make one observation at this p tint, that in all the state ments and arguments which he hoped to use he b-gged the house to believe that he uscd them with the greatest Possible deference, with the feelirg that this was a ques tion upon which no man was at ail entitled to dogma tise, that it was a vast question which they all looked at a 8 one they were scarcely carahle cf handling and deter mining. (Cheers.) He submitted his views to the hou , e because he had considered the subject more or less for Many years, and be believed be was ac , uated by the simple and honest desire of contributing something to the information and knowledge of Parliament with re gard to its duty upon this question. (Cheers ) What was it they had to complain of in India ? What was that the people of India, if they spoke by his mouth, had to complain of ? They would tell the house that, as a rule, throughout all the presidencies, and throughout those Presidencies most which had longest been under British rule, the cultivators of the soil, the great body of the Population of India, were in a condition cf greaa im- Poverishment, of great dejection, and of great suffering. altar ) He had brought to the house the report of the committee which he obtained 10 years ago, upon which eat sever , l members of the Court of Directors, and they a i l aereed to report as much as lie had now statz-d to the house—the report being confined chiefly to the pre sidencies of Bombay and Madras. If he were now cute Mitting the case of the population of India he would say that the taxes of India were more onerous and oppressive than the taxes of any other country in the world. He thought he could demonstrate that Proposition to the house. He would show that indus try was neglec'ed to a greater extent probably than has the case in any other country in the world which bad been for any length of time under what was termed a eiv lised and Christian Government. (Herr, bean) Be Would be able to show from the notes and memoranda of eminent men in India, of the Governor of Bengal, Mr. tfalliday, that there was not and never bad been in any country pretending to be civilised a condition of things to be compared with that which existed under the police a dministration of the province of Bengal. (Hear.) With regard to the courts of justice he might sa y th e same ing. He could quote pas=ages fro m b oo k s wr i tten i n favour of the Company with all the bias which the Strongest friends of the Company could have, in which . t „,he writers declared th a t, p rec i se l y i n proport i on as - ninglish courts of j us tic e h a d ex t en d e d, h a d per j ury and all the evils which perjury introduced into the adminis tration of justice prevailed throughout the presidencies of Indic (Hear.) With regard to public works, if he were 'Peaking for the natives of India be would state this fact, that in a single English county there were more roads— More travelable roads—than were to be found in the Whole of India ; and he would say also that the single Cy of Manchester, in the supply of its inhabitants with the single article of water, had spent a larger sum of money than the East India Company bad spent in the ) 14 years from 1834 to 1848 i n publi c wor k s o f every ,_ind throughout th e w h o l e o f it s vas t d om i n i ons. (Ch eers.) -tte would say the real activity of the Indian Govern. went had been an activity of conquest and annexation— (hear)—of conquest and annexation which after a time had led to a fearful csva,trt phi', which had enforced on the house attention to the question of India, which but f or that catastrophe he feared the house would not have given it. (Cheers.) If there were another charge to be made against the past Government of India it would be With regard to the state of its fi nances . Wh ere was there a bad government whose finances were in good ° tier ? Where was there a reallygood government whose 'lettuces were in bad order? Was there a better test in t he long run of the condition of a people and the merits o f a government than the state of the finances ? And Yet not in our own time, but going back through all the ?ages of "Mill," or any other history of India. they h ad the normal condition of th e fi nances o f I n d ia ' thatbean that of d e fi c it an d b an k rup t cy. H e maintained 'Oat if that were so the Government was a bad Govern 'tient. It had cost more to govern India than the Go tenement bad been able to extract from the population I of India. The Government had not been scrupulous as e th e amount o f taxes or the mode in which they were l evied ; but still, to carry en the government of India ii °norciing to the system which had heretofore prevailed, m ore had been required than the Government could ex• t ract by any system of taxation known to them from tihe population over which they r u l e d. It cost more 411 1 30,000,000/. a-year to govern India, and the gross re venue being somewhere about 30 000,000/., and there Ting a deficit, the deficit h a d t o b e ma d e up b y l oans. te Government obt a i ne d a ll they could from the popu 'Ltion. It was not enoug h, an d th ey h a d to b orrow from he population and from Europ eans a t a hi g h rate of in "'test to make np the sum which was found to be neces !Sty. Tkey had a debt of 60,000,0001. It was conti 'Lnally increasing. They always had a loan open, and W hile their debt was increasing their credit had been hailing., because they had not tr ea t e d th e i r cre di tors very e ° nourably on one or two occasions, and chiefly, of co n se , on account of the calamities which had recently t'Ppened in I n di a . Th ere was one po i nt w i th regard ' ° taxation which he wished to expl a i n t o th e h ouse, an d a hoped that, in the reforms to which the noble lord W as looking forward, it would not be ov e rl oo k e d . H e h 'd Paid th a t th e gross revenue was 30,000,0001. Ex of the opium revenue, which was not, strictly :Peaking, and hardly at all, a tax upon the people, be 2 'p t down the taxation of the country at something like 4,0 00 0,006/. Honourable gentlemen must not compare 44 . 00 0,000/. taxation in India with 60,000,0001. in Eng -11144(- They must bear in mind that in India they con4d er v ''re 12 days' labour of a man tor the same sum in or gold which they had to pay for one day's labour of .It 2nan in England; that if, for example, these 25,000,0001. ere expend e d in purchasing labour, it wou ld pur "se twelve times as much in India as in England that was to say, that the 25,000,000/. would purchase 4 many days' lab Our in India a n 300,000,0001 . wou ld rsitchas e in England. [An Hon. M em b er .—H ow much 4 the labour worth ?] That was precisely what he was ' 3 liin g to. If the labour of a man was only worth 2: 1 . h s y, they could not expect as much revenue f rom hi m if it were 2s. a-day. That was jnet the point to which I t wished the hon. gentleman would turn his attention. W'Y had in England a population which, for the sake argument, he would call 30,000,000. They had in 1 , 1 0 14 4 a population of 150,000,000. Th ere f ore, the po pulation of India was fi ve ti mes as grea t as t h e popu itlon of E ng l an d. Th ey ra i se d 60 , 000 , 00 0 1 . taxation in w 4 ,glancl. They raised in I n di a , arguing b y t h e va l ue * Labour taxation, equivalent to 300,000,0001., which tee five time s th e E ng li s h revenue. A man might say htaxation in India and England appeared about the til er and no great injury was done. But it must be or ae in mind that in Engl a nd they bad an incalc u l a bl e h 4 , ° wer of steam, of machinery, of modes of t rans it, roa d s, railways, and everything which capital and b ( nan invention could bring to help th e i n d us t ry o f the P : IA; while in India there was nettling of the kind. kear.) In India there was scarcely a decent road, the ere were not bridged, there were comparatively no t a kh - engints, and none of those aids to i n du s t r y th a t e t us at every step when travelling Great Britain ti t l ki Irela n d. Suppose steam-engines, , machinery, and d es of transit abolished iu England, how much re f ro t'ee would the Chaecelloz ,'f the Exchequer obtain k , CI the people of England ? Instead of 60,000,0001. t,Y„'ar, would he get 10,000,000/. ? H e d ou bt e d i t very t,,"ch• If the house would follow ou t th e argu the4tr they would come to the conclusion that the taxes of t h e People of India were oppressive to the last degree, and at the Government which had thus taxed them could be i'!,brated no longer, and must promptly be put as end abt once arid for ever. He wished to say something of th e maener in which thc , o great exoeuses were ' e cfred. The extravagance of the Ea , t India G.,vern trf± wee; notorious to all. 'bade there never was t o under the sun that been paid at so high a t ' e as the exclusive civil service of the East ledia ,?elnany. Clergymen apd uniss , '„onaries could be got to w out t o India La- a moierate sum—private soldiers and ti'ccers of the army went out for a moderate reinuntra e.,--naerchants were content to live in the cities of 1 1 - "ia for a percentage not greatly exceeding toe ordime y bttlofits of commerce. Bat the civil service, because it was 114 14 'd Up with those who were raised by it, and who peensed the patronage, received a rate of payment t, 'eh would be incredible if they did not know it to be I ., ° °, and which, knowing it to be true, they must adroit h~imonstrous. The East Indian Government scattered arks about at Bombay, Calcutta, Madras, Agra, La 4e,a and half-a dozen ether cities, which were up to the e t it of those of the Prime Minister and Secretaries of 4 4.. • , e this country. These salaries were framed upon 4'17 theory that India was a mine of ueexplored weelth, ti v it 'ugh no one had found it so but the me m b ers o f t h e p oll servic e of the East India Company. (Hear ) The o t4 l ea of the Governmeet wan at the bottom of the con• deficit. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had twice ly`ttered dsat expenditure depended upon policy. That thaa true in India as in England, and it was t h e po li cy li,, a t t ,had been pursued there which rendered th e revenue ta bl e to this constantly recurring deficit. He Lad come el, t he conclusion, which many hon, members probably tt a 4t ed with hi m , that the edifice we hal reared in India V e t too vast, There were few teen now, and least ef all IC'e connected with the East India C empacy, whr,look htg back to the policy that had been pursued, would not 11 > w illing to admit that it had not be- n jedicious but batt",ardous—that territories had been annexed that bad 4, 4 14 been left independent, and that wars had been un tit.`aken which were as needless as they were altogether LtJnetifiable. (Hear.) The immense empire that had I, 4 4 : conquered was too vast for management, its base t 0 i;'fl decay, and duri ng the last 12 month s it a pp eare d kt rh e tottering to it s f a ll. Wh o or w h at was t h e in tt,"nlent the Cabinet, the Government, or the per -11, - by whom this evil p o li c y was carr i e d on ? %,° greatest officer in India was the Governor• tiei,ll,'ral. He w as tine rub r of about one-fifth, L' a it!ly more than one-eix:,h, of the human race. The t.rkrore of France and RWEIa were but the goveraor dlit°vinees core.pared with th e power, the dignity, and hi gh estate et . the Governor-G enera l of India. Now• liej this officer almost no real control was exerc i se d . ft," were to appeal to the two hon. gentlemen who had ( I ' l , o ( i tte ntly addressed the house during these debates Ely ° nel Syk es an d M r . Willoughby), th e y wou ld pro b e , oft "mit that the GoVernor-Geocral of India was an eer- tn of such high po-ition that scarcely any centrof he exerciseder him, either in India or Ere laud Il e " the case o f th e M arqu i s o f D a lh ous i e f or exam pl e. riot about to wake an attack upon him, for the PI 5 : 1 ')11 was too solemn for personal controvereies. But 41,1" 4 ercation of S a ttara, o f th e Puejab, of Nagpore net ° f Oude occurred under his rule. (gear.) lie would sir into the rase of Sitters, b u t one o f the most wag elo'cleht p i i eees th a t I n di a ever produced su lk- re d an d ar t th t noet unjustly in exile, eith er th roug h t h e m i s takes ev e c Crimes of the Government of India. This, how was not done under the Government of Lord Dal eta As to ;Ile annexation of N ag p ore , th e !lease hadillever heard any thing sbuut it to that hour, There %.. ft 0 " no message from the Crown or statement of the t kileut relative to that animation. Hen. members rn SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE e 5, 186 S. value hereafter—they would have begun to unite govern ment with a governor, and unlsss they did that no Govern ment would be safe, and any hurricane might overturn it or throw it into utter confusion. (Beer.) Now, suppose the Governor-General gone, th it pr sidercies established, the governors equal in rank and dignity, and their coun cils constituted in the manner he had indicated, was it not reasonable to suppose that the delay which had hitherto baon one of the greatest curses of their Indian government would be almost altogether avoided ? Instead of a Gover nor-General living in Calcutta, never travelling over the whole of the country. and knowing very little about it, and that only through other official eyes, was it not reason able to suppose that the melon of the Government would be more direct in all its duties and in every department of its service than had been the ease under the system which had existed until now ? Their adruinistra don of the law, marked by so much disgrace, could never have lasted so long as it had done if the governors of their presidencies had been independent governors. So with regard to mat ters of p'oice, education, public works, and everything that could stimulate industry, and so with regard to their system of taxation. They would have in every presidency a constant rivalry for good. (Cheers.) The governor of Madras, when his term of office expired, would be de lighted to show that the people of that presidency , were contented, that the whole presidency was pro gressing in civilisation, that roads and all manner of useful public works were extending, that industry was becoming more and more a habit of the people, and that the exports and imports were constantly increasing. The governors of Bombay and the rest of the presidencies would he animated by the same spirit, and so they would have all over India, as he had said, a rivalry for good; they would have placed a check on that malignant spirit of am bition which hid worked so much evil— (hear, hear)- -they would have no governor so great that they could not con trol him or who might make war when he pleased ; war and annexation would be greatly checked, if not entirely prevented; and he did in his conscience believe they would in that way have laid the foundation for a better and more permanent form of government for India than had over ob tained since it came under the rule of England. (Cheers.) But how long did England propose to govern India? (Hear, hear.) N body ante tese e that question, and nobody (out answer it. Be!. 50 or 500 years, did any man with the smallest ! '..anmering of common sense believe that that glee , country, with its 20 different nations and its 20 languages, could ever be bound up and consolidated into one compact and enduring empire ? He believed such a thing to be utterly impossible. We must fail in the attempt if ever we made it, and we were bellied to look into the future with reference to that point. The presidency of Madras, for instance, having its own government, would, in 50 years become one compact State, and every part of the presidency would look to the city of Madras as its capital, and to the government of Madras as its ruling power. If that were to go on for a century or more, they would have theirfireorsixpresidenciesof India built into so many com pact States, and if at any future period the sovereignty of England should be withdrawn, we should leave so many presidencies built up and firmly compacted together, each able to support its own independence and its own govern ment, and we should be able to say we had not left the country a prey to that anarchy and discord which he believed were inevitable if we insisted on holding those vast terri tories with the idea of building them up into one great empire. But ho was obliged to admit that mere machinery was not sufficient in this case, either with respect to his own scheme, or to th a t o f the noble lord (Lord Stanley). They wanted something else than mere clerks, stationery, despatches, and so forth. They wanted what he should designate as a new feeling in England, and an entirely new policy in India. (Cheers.) They must in future have India governed, not for a handfnl of English men—not for that civil service whose praises wore so con stantly sounded in that house. They might govern India, if they liked, for the good of England, but the good of Eng land must come through the channel of the good of India. (Hoar.) There were but two modes of gaining anything by our connection with India. The one was by plundering the people of India, and the other by trading with them. He preferred to do it by trading with them; but in order that England might become rich by trading with India, India it: elf must become rich —(hear)—and India could only be come rich through the sound administration ofjustice, and through entire security for life and property. Now, as to this new policy, he had said if he were Minister he should do so and so; and he would tell the house what he thought the Prime Minister should do if thisbill passed. Ho ought to choose for his President of the Board of Con trol or his Secretary of State for India amen who could not be excelled by any other man in his Cabinet or in his party for capacity, for honesty, for attention to his duties, and for knowledge of the particular office to which he was ap pointed. If any Prime Minister appointed an inefficient man to such an office he would be a traitor to the throne of England. (Cheers.) That officer, appointed for the qua lities he had just indicated, should with equal scrupelous ness and conscientiousness mak e th e appointments whether of the Governor-G enera l , or, s h ou ld t h at off i ce be abolished, of the governors of the presidencies of India. Those ap pointments should not be rewards for old men simply be eaUse aIICII men had dons e eo. V:Cti:W:l,ll lr ii; nor should they be rewards for mere party service —(hear, hear)—but they should be appointments given under a feel ing that interests of the very highest moment, connected with this country, depended on those great offices in India being properly filled up. The same principles should run throughout the whole system of government, for unless there was a very high degree of virtue in all those appoint ments, andunless oar great object was to govern India well s and to exalt the name of England in the eyes of the whole native population, all that we had recourse to in the way of machinery would be of very little use indeed. He admit ted that this was a great work; he admitted also that the further he a ent into the consideration of this question the more be felt that it was too large for him to grapple with, and that every step they took in it should be taken as if they were men walking in the dark. They bad, however, certain great principles to guide them, and by their light they might make steps in advance, if not fast, at any rate sure. But they started fro m an unfortunate position. They started from a platform of conquest by force of arms ex tending over 100 years. There was nothing in the world worse than the sort of foundation from which they started. The greatest genius who had shed lustre on the literature of this country had said, " There is no sure foundation set on blood ;" and it might be the un h a ppy p os iti on o f thi s country that in regard to India we wore verifying the truth of that saying. We were always subjugators, and were looked at with hatred and suspicion. He said we must look at the thing as it was if we wore to see our exact position, what our duty was, and what chance there was of our retaining India and governing it for the advan tage of its people. Our difficulties had been enormously increased by the revolt. The people of India had only seen England in its worst form in that country. They bad seen it in its military power, its civil service, and in the supremacy of a handful of foreigners. When natives came to this country they were delighted. They found themselves treated with a kindness, a consideration, a respect, to which they were wholly strangers in their own country, and they could rot understsa how it was that men who were so just, so atter tive to them here, some times, indeed, too often, appeared to thorn in a different character in India. (Hear, hear.) He remembered that the Hon. F. Shaw, who wrote some 30 years since, !dated, in his able and in , tructive book, that even in his time the con duct of the English in India towards the natives was less agreeable, less kindly, less just than it had been in former years ; and in 1853, before a committee, presided over by the hon. member for Huntingdon, evidence was given that the feeling between the rulers and the ruled in India was be cming every year less like what could be desired. was only th, • her day there appeared in a litter of the Tiinesi correspondent an anecdote which it WAS necessary to repeat to the house. Mr. Russell, of the Mlles stated : " I went off to breakfast in a small mosque, which has been turned i n t o a salle a manger by some officers sta tioned here, and I confess I should h ave ea t en w ith more satisfaction had I not isreen as I entered the enclosure of the mosque a native badly wounded on a charpoy, be , which was sitting a woman in deep affliction. The expla nation g iven of this scene was th at '—[ t h e name of the Englishman was left blank---(hear)--] had been lick ing two of his bearers (.I.' servants), and had nearly mur dered them.' This was one of the servants, and, without knowing or caring to know the causes of such chastise ment, fcannot but express my disgust at the severity— to call it no harsher name—of some of our fellow country. men towards their domestics." (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman proceeded to say, the reading of that paragraph gave me extreme pain. People may fancy that thi s dues not matter mush, but I say it matters very much. (hoar, hoar.) Under any system of government you will have Englishmen scattered all over India, and conduct like that I have just read in any dis trict must create ill-feeling towards England, to you rule, to your supremacy; and when that feeling has become sufficiently extensive any little accident may give lire to the train, and you will have calamities more or less se rious, such as we have had during twelve months. (Hear, hear.) You must change all this if you mean to keep India. Wear, hear) I do not make any comment upon the mode in which this country has been put into possession of India. I accept that possession as a fact There we are ; we don't know how to leave it, and there fore let us see if we know how to govern it. (Hear, her.) It is a problem which, perhaps, no other nation had to solve. Let us see whether there is enough of intelligence and virtue in England to solve the diffi culty. In the first place, then, I say let us abandon all that system of calumny against the natives of India which has lately prevailed. (Hear, hear.) Had that people not been docile—the most governable race in the world, bow could you have maintained your power for 1 0 years ? (Hear.) Are not they industrious, are they not intelli gent, are they not—upon the evidence of the most dis tinguished men the Indian service ever produced—endowed with many qualities which make them respected by all Englishmen who mix with them ? I have heard that from 30, perhaps 50, men of the widest experience, and have read the same iu the works of some of the best writers upon India. Then, let us not have these constant calum nies against such a people. Even now there are men who go about the country speaking as if such things had never been contradicted, and talking of mutilations and atroci ties committed in India. (Hear, hear.) The less we say about atrocities the better. (Hear, hear.) Great political tumults are, I fear, never brought about or carried on without grievous acts on both sides deeply to be regretted. At least, we are in the position of invaders and conquerors —they aro iu the position of the invaded and the con quered. Whether I were a native of India, of England, or of any other conntry, I wou ld not the less assert the groat distinction between their position and ours in that country, and I would not permit any man in my presence without rebuke, to indulge in the calumnies and expres sions of contempt which I have heard poured forth with out measure upon the whole population of India. (Hear, hear.) There is one other point to which I wish to address myself baforo I sit down, and in touching upon it I address myself especially to the noble lord and his col leagues in the Government. If I had the responsibility of administering the affairs of India there are certain things I would do. I would immediately after this Bill passed issue a proclamation in India which should reach every subject of the British Crown in that country, and be heard of in the territor les of every Indian Prince or Rejah. I would offer a general amnesty. ( Hear.) It is all very well to talk of issuing an amnesty to all who have done nothing; but who is there done nothir g in such a state of affairs as has prevailed during the past 12 months? If you pursue your vengeance until you have rooted out and destroyed every ono of those soldiers who have revolted when will your labour cease ? (Hoar.) IZ you are to punish every non-military native of India who bas given a piece of broad or a cup of vi aStr to a revolted trooper, how many natives will escape your punishment and your vengeance ? I would have a general amnesty, which should be put forth as the first great act done directly by the Queen of England in her sovereign power over the terri tories of India. In this proclamation I would promise to the natives of Tndia a security for their property as com plete as we have here at home, and I would put an end to all those mischievous and irritating inquiries which have been going on for years in many parts of India as to the title to landed estates-- (hear)- -by which you tell the people of that country that unless each man can show an unimpeachable title to his property for 90 years you will dispossess him. What would be the state of things here if fic4 a tealklatim woo adopted? (Hear) I nulti alto proclaim to the people of India that we would hold sacred that right of adoption which has prevailed for centuries in that country. (Hear.) It was only the other day that I had laid before me the case of an native pines who has been most faithful to England (luring these latter trials. When ho came to the throne at 10 years of age he was made to sign a document, by which he agreed that if ho had no children his territories should be at the disposal of the British Government, or what is called the paramount power. He has been married ; ho has had one son and two or three daughters, but within the last few weeks his only son has died. There is grief in the palace, and there is consternation among the people, for the fact of this agree ment entered into by the boy of 10 years old is well known to all the inhabitantsof the country. Representations have already been made to this country in the hope that the Go vernment will cancel that agreement, and allow the people of that State to know the right of adoption would not ho taken from their prince in case he sbould hive no other son. Let the Government do that and there is not a corner of India into which that intelligence would not penetrate with the rapidi'y of lightning. (Hear, hear.) And would that not still the anxieties of many of those in.iependent princes and rajahs who are only afraid that when these troubles are over the English Government will recommence that system of annexation out of which I be lieve all these troubles have arisen? (Hear, hear.) I would tell them also in that p roc l ama ti on that while the people of England held that their own, the Christian, religion was true and the best for mankind, yet it was a doctrine of that religion that those who professed it should hold inviolable the rights of conscience and the rights of religion in others. (Hear.) I wou ld s h ow, t h a t w h a t ever violnt, over zealous, and fanatical men may have said in this country, the Parliament of England, the Minister of the Queen, and the Queen herself aro resolved that upon this point no kind of wrong of the slightest degree shall be done to the millions who profess the religions held to be true in India. (Hear, hoar.) I would do another thing. I would establish a court of appeal, the judges of which should be judges of the highest character in India, who should sit somewhere and for some period, and for certain periods, for the settlement of those many disputes which have arisen between the Government of India and its sub jects, seine native and some European. I would not suffer these questi, ns to acme upon the ft or of this house. I would not forbid them by statute, but I would establish a court which mould render it unnecessary for any man in India to cross the ocean to seek for that justice which he would be able to get in his own country without corrup tion or seeret bargain. (Hear.) Then I would carry out the proposition which the noble lord has made to-night, and which the right hon. gentleman (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) made when ho introduced his bill, that a commis sion should issue to inquire into the question of finance. I would have other commissions, one for each presidency, and I would tell the people of India there should be a search ing inquiry into what grievances existed there, and that it was the interest and the will of the Queen of England that these grieVances should be redressed. Now, perhaps I may be to:d that I am proposing strange things quite out of the ordinary routine of Government. I admit it. We are in a position that necessitates something out of the ordi nary routine. (Hear, hear.) There are positions and times in the history of every country, as in the lives of individuals, when courage and action are absolute salva tion, and now the Crown of England, acting by the advice of the responsible Ministers, must, in my opinion, have recourse to a great and unusual measure in order to allay the anxieties which prevail throughout the wholeof India. The people of India don't like us, but they don't know where to turn to if we left them. They are sheep literally , without a shepherd. They are people whom you have sub dued, and who have the highest and strongest claims upon you—claims you cannot forget—claims which, if you do not act upon, you may re!y up. , n that, if their be a judgment for nations, as I believe there is, as for individuals, our children at no distant generation must pay the penalv which we have purchased by neglecting our duty to the populations of India. (Hear, hear.) I have now stated my views and opinions on this question, not at all in a manner, I feel, equal to the question itself. I felt the difficulty in thinking of it, I felt the difficulty in speaking of it—(bear, hear) —that there is far more in it and about it than any man, however much ho may be accustomed to think upon political questions, and to discuss them, can comprise at all within the c )mpass of a speech of ordinary length. But I have described the measures which I would at once adopt for the purpose of soothing the agitation which now disturbs and menaces every part of India, and with the view of inviting the submission of those who are now in arms against you. Now I believe—l speak in the most per feet honesty—l believe that the announcement of these mea sures would avail more in restoring tranquillity than th presence of an additional army, and I believe that their full and honest adoption would enable you to retain your power in India. I have sketched the form of government which I would establish in India and at home, with the view of securing perfect responsibility and ais enlightened adminis tration. I admit that these things can only be obtained in degree, but I believe that a government such as that which I have sketched would be free from most of the errors and most of the vices that have marked and marred yn , lr pact career In.h I have givin ma-.:h !y 1,, this great and solemn question. I entreat the house to study it not only now, during the passing of this bill, but after the session is over, and till we meet again next year, when, in all probability, there must be further legislation upon this great subject—(hear)--for I believe that upon this question depends very much, for good or for evil, the future of this country of which we are citizens, and which we all regard and love so much. You have had enough of military reputation on eastern fields ; you have gathered large harvests of that commodity, be it valuable or be it worthless. I invite you to something better, and higher, and holier than that ; I invite you to a glory not " fanned by conquest's crimson wing," bat based upon the solid and permanent benefits which I believe the parliament of England can, if it will, confer upon the countless popula tions of India. (Loud cheers.) Mr. WHITESIDE said, he had listened to the speech of the hon. member for Birmingham with much interest and no little instruction. The hon. gentleman had deli vered to the house his sentiments on what he agreed with him was one of the greatest and grandest subjects which could occupy the human mind, and that was how they were to decide to govern groat nations. The flatterer of Augustus told him, and with some truth, that to establish c ommunities, to frame wise and wholesome laws, and to govern with equity was a godlike task. The hon. gentleman said they ought to approach the subject with hesitation. He doubted whether the hon. gentleman was ever found hesitating at anything. (Laughter.) While ho threw out that wise and prudent remark, that the affairs of India were to he discussed with hesitation and caution, ho straightway proceeded in his own peculiar fashion to demolish everything that existed in that country in the shape of government, and told them they might proceed to erect what he did not very dis inetly explain as a remedy for the evils which existed. Ho asked a perduent question, but he (Mr. Whiteside) did not think he answered it. "What," said he, " would have boon your condition if you had never had an East India Company ?" Why he (Mr. Whiteside) should answer that by asking him, " Could we have had the East Indies to govern or to misgovern ?" (Hear, hear.) It was very easy to put that question, but it was not so easy for the hon. gentleman to give a satisfac , that we had an empire t w o b ry i cb a n b s w ad e r b t e o e n this ob t g a r i e n a e t d fa b c y t a body of individuals through a chain of the most surprising actions which were recorded in history. He confessed his disposition was not to take leave of the East India Company as the hon. gen tleman had clone, in terms of severe sarcasm, but rather with an expression of admiration and respect. (Hear.) 'Acre were two views to be taken of the. Government of the Eist Indies. You could point to them with some truth as a country in which there had been actions dodo at which we ought to blush--in which there had been exhibited the worst passions of human nature ; but, on the other hand, ho maintained that the very historian whom the hon. gen tleman had quoted, but to whose authority he would not defer—because the hon. gentleman yielded to no human authority—he meant the historian, Mr. Mill, himself afforded the best vindication of th e c h arac t er ( n l d b ia ee C n o a rn sk e d cen t ur i es ago by ono o f and gener a l Ives to b e governed. Now, t h at was q world had ever seen. A l exan d er the ' , any. The hon. gentleman t p ,b, h o ai l l i ug c ae y rssetka o i eot f (eilis t bt h ,ol e ulwa Easteicnihiithi the Greet had discussed that question with Aristotle, and the philosopher advised the warrior to act upon the principle of Greece, to look upon all other nations as barbarian s , and to govern India according to th e ru l e w hich pre va il e d is his own country. Alexander, however, was a man of sense—(a laugh) - and he replied that Greece was teo small a country to hold a mighty empi re upon an exe l ua i vo principle—(hear, hear) - that if I nd i a wore ga i ned b y force of arms, the next step was to esta bli s h a Govern inent which would be acceptable to the people of the country ; in fact, that they must be governed but not Co erced.hen' ) Now, that repy contained a sound principle of and h o was prepared to ma i nta i n thnt the English rule in India, although, of course, open to some censure, had, during the period for which we had held that country—a conquest and a holding which has been described by a distinguished foreigner as a modern miracle—had teen more just and more beneficent than any rule to which the people of India had beers beforesubjected. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman had touched upon °my conceivable subject in reference to India--education, the cultivation of the land, the administr a ti on o f j us ti ce , country, his intentio n t o enter willing to con f ess t h at Ire y, and a gre a t n umber iofinrntoaotnbscuee such subjects.ntldetr4e ilse andNe Now, (i t oi h t e ww c a o sa u s should feel himself incapable of at once grappling with those great questions.. To attempt to do so would be, as had been described by his eminent countryman Mr. Cur ran, to attempt to grasp a sphere whore each attempt caused it to roll further from one's grasp. A s regarded the mere question of the tenure of land, there wer e var i ous Some persons approved the settlem en t of Lord Cornwallis, and others approved the mode of s e ttl emen t in Madras and the North - Western Provinces, an d h o e n s o tl em withn h a i nis e f , in d ea li ng w i th feeling of respect f or those persons who had made those settlements. Th e h on . gen tleman had lei I down the principle that th e govern ment of India should he based upon the pri n cipl e o f theth thought o question,h at tale would do do g action and boldness. Now, he could understand that those pm • ciples should be adopted in the mitigation of taxes, in the reduction of expenditure, and in every measure calculated to promote the welfare of the people ; but if the hon. gentleman by action and boldn ess meant the introduction of a mixed system of law, h e made as great a mistake as it was' possible for a public man to commit. As he had lately read in a work upon the rise and pr gross of an empire the go-ahead principle of endeavouring to override the various habits and customs of the east might produce incalculable mischief. There was not a nobler page in history than that which recorded the opinion of Sir W. Jones to Lord Cornwallis upon the mode of governing India. That distinguished scholar and eminent man had laid down the same principle which Alex ander the Great had laid down before him— namely, y that a nation which meant to hold the East must do eo by acting in accordance with the habits, manners, and customs of the people. That such must be so was evident. Th e people of the East believed their laws to Proceed directly from the Deity, and in the East the code of law and a reference to the Divinity were iuseparably connected. Would it be wise, then, to entrust to an uncontrolled sac• rotary of state, whose mind was itnbii , d with Western Politics, the power of arbitrarily interfering with or alter ing laws and customs which the people of the Best suppose to emanate from the Deity 7 Why, any imprudent attempt at change might cost the lives of 100,000 men. (Elea'', bear.) Tice idea of the hon. gentleman, that the government of India should he entrusted to a minister uncontrolled in any way, and unassisted by the advice of learned and experienced men, could not be too strongly deprecated, Why, such a minister, if he were possessed of a mind and body as active as that of the hon. gentleman the member for Birmingham, if ho ENw anything in the Indian system which he thought an absurdity, if he saw anything central y to M a nchester nolious, would most pro bably forget all about ancient habits and customs, and do that which would give rise to roost serious difficulties , . But, let the house observe the inconsistency of the aegis raent of the hon. gentleman. The hon. gentleman com plained that the Governor-General of India was uncon- trolled, and yet he wished to confide the naanagena;nTa Indian affairs to a person subject to the control of nobody. made by . Pitt. He introduced the Board of Control, If it were so difficult to find a proper person to act as do- which, in fact, overruled the government of lades vernor-General of India without control, :where was an by the _Hest India Company. When this was done uncontrolled Secretary for India to be obtained? Mush there was intro lueed a power that governed India had been said in reference to Parliamentary responsibilits, without responsibility, and fir m that had arisen, he but, of er all, what did that amount to I A secretary for believed, all the mischief that had followed from the go- India might lose that empire, but when he hell done that verument of India. The real government of India was the of what use was his Parliamoutarytespond bill ty ? ( Hear, Pr sident of the 13 ard of Control, while the ostensible rulers hear.) The hon. and learned member for Sheffield might were the Board of Dine - tors with an irresponsible power. probably move a vote of censure upon such a Minister, and But when he brought forward a resolution condemning the might carry it—(a laugh)---but what use would that be Board of Control on the occasion of the Affshan war, the when our empire in India was destroyed ? But the house members of the Board of Directors in that house voted had laid down the principle that there should be a council against him ; and yet they professed to condemn the which was to act as a control and as the advisers of the Affghan war It must be acknowledged that the East minister charged with the government of India ; and he India Company had built up such an empire as the world was sure that if the hon. and learned gentleman would never saw before; but the result had been such a revolt as take a short course of reading on Indian subjects for six mankind never saw before. (Hear, bear.) He considered months, he would withdraw all the speeches against that , that the bill of Lord Palmerston was a far better one than plan which he had made of late. Considering that we the one now before the house, which was a thing of shreds in this country bad undertaken, as hon. gentleman and patches, brought in under pressure, and which, though had said the task of governing twenty nations living 'it might pas; would suffer a speedy death. The bill of at a great distance from us, no doubt we bad to face the Chancellor of the Exchequer ho believed to have been' a difficulty ; but it was not an impossible thing for an• concocted by the late and present Presidents of the Board intelligent and powerful country to govern a country of Control; but it was of so extraordinary a character, like India even from a distance. That empire had that every one saw it could not pass. The Government always been so governed. Akbar Khan had so governed then fell back on resolutions which in fact embodied the her. It was not a sound doctrine to say that we could not bill of the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; but those resole], hold and govern distant countries. Austria had several tions they had been compelled to abandon, and now an distant countries under her rule ; you compltiined of it, but other bill was before the house.r,On the principle of trans it was a fact, she con rived to do it, and was a powerful ferring the government of India to the crown, and adtninis state in Europe. The hon. gentleman had talked groat tering that government through a responsible minister, all good sense when ee talked of the wars and the annexation were agreed; but the cork which floated the measure was which he de: razated. But let us be just to the East India the great principle that the council was to be partiy else- Company. There could be no stronger protest against that tive and responsible; but it would in reality be responsible system than was taken in Mr. t'ucker's note on the subject to no human being. The council of fifteen would be there of Affghanisten. -But of what good was your boasted Par- for life; the Minister would come in and go out with the liamentary responsibility ? When his right hon. friend the Government; but the permanent members would be respon- Chancellor of the Exchequer brought forward a motion siblo to nobody. The only way to avoid that was to give eondemnatoryof that policy, why did not Parliament sup- the minister power to do just as he liked. A more 'iris port him ? He would rather prefer to this notion of Par- chievoas way of governing a country could not be con liamentary responsibility a coo cil of experienced and sen- ceived. The 27th clause provided that all orders and direc sible men who would eedeavour to avoid such a policy and tions which would have been sent through tho secret corn such errors as the hon. gentleman had spoken of. He did mittee might be isued by the Minister of the Crown not understand that we were less likely to get into troubles without consulting the Council. The real governors of by having an uncontrolled secretary of state for India, for India would turn out to be the Council, who would be in the course of a Parliamentary recess we might have a wholly irresponsible, and this would be tho rook on which war, with which all that Parliament would have to do the scheme would split. would be to pay the bill. The hon, gentleman had spoken Mr. T.BARING said he had all along opposed legislation well on the subject of annexation. He (Mr. Whiteside) bad for India in the present state of affairs, but be found him read the history of the annexation of many of those states self in a minority when the noble lord the member for of which we bad taken possession. The principle of legality Tiverton was in office, and he was in a similar position was set aside, and you had not paid the least respect to the now. Although it would have been wise to postpone the in. ancient laws of the country. The doctrine on that subject auguration of a new system of government until a measure had been expounded by Sir W. Jones ' 'who showed that it wasproposedwhich couldnothave been met with owelttioer, had been acted on by the Greeks a nd Romans in all their yet after the repeated decisions of the house he shod not conquests, but which had been sat aside by Lord Del- oppose the second leading of the bill. The hon. gentleman housie, when he set at nought the ancient custom of the who had just sat down had advised that there should be a country. The laws of iubetitance and marriage had been Parliamentary Government for India; but Parliament interfered with most unwisely. it was a _mistake to say could never govern India, and he entered his protest that such things did not affect the army. General Briggs against the views of the hon. and learned g entleman (Mr. said in a work of his that any change in the laws of the R oe b uc k). Th e r i g ht h on . gen tl eman (H r . V. Smith) ha I country thrilled through the army. If therefore there was stated that there was no difference between the bill of the any sudden change made is the laws or customs of the present Government and that of the noble lord the mem country it operated on the military power, and the results ber for Tiverton, but he thought there was the widest dif would be bloodshed and revolt. The government of India ference, !the present Government proposed an independent therefore required the greatest amount of wisdom, caution, I Council, whereas the Council proposed by the need° lord and prudence, and that he hoped would be possessed by the 1 (Lord Palmerston) gave the nomination to the Crown, each council which it was proposed to establish. The hon. gen- member holding his office for a short time only. The pre- Liman spoken of the future policy to be observed towards sent bill gave the power of filling up vacancies to the ex- India, and he had urged the declaration of an amnesty ; isting council men who would be wall acquainted with the but all that was not his own thunder, for it had all been condition and the demands of India, and who would know laid down already by his right hon. friend the Chancellor precisely the man who should be selected. (Hear, hear.) of the Exchequer; but he could not agree with the hon. The bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be member for Birmingham, who, if he were suddenly in- committed to-morrow. , vested with absolute authority, would proceed to make great NISI PRIUS COURT (IRELAND) BILL. changes in the laws and customs of India ; for he (Mr. This bill was read a third time and passed. Whiteside) believed with Bacon, that sudden changes of RAILWAY ACT (IRELAND) CONTINUANCE BILL. laws and customs led to revolutions. He differed also with This bill passed through committee. the honourable gentleman with regard to his estimate PORTENDIC AND ALBREDA CONVENTION BILL. of the character of the East India Company. He bad, This bill passed through committee, and was ordered however, listened with pleasure to the speech of the hon. for third reading to-morrow. gentleman, and he only hoped that the picture which the CLERK OF PETTY SESSIONS (IRELAND) STAMPS. hon. gentleman had sketched of a happy future for India This bill went through committee. would be realised ; but believing as he did that this would CLERK OF PETTY SESSIONS (IRELAND) BILL. be a great and difficult task for any Government so he be- This bill passed through committee. lieved that it would require the most watchful care to per- ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE BIL form it wisely and well. He believed that Parliament This bill was read a second time. bad taken a prudent and sensible course in adopting the CHIEF JUSTICE OF BOMBAY BILL. principle of a council in the government of India. He This bill was read a second time. agreed in the plan which had been laid down by his noble SALE AND TRANSFER OF L AND (IRELAND) friend, and he hoped that some portion of the future of BILL. India which the hon. gentleman had sketched would be I The house went into committee on this bill, commencing realised, as he held with the hon. gentl eman that the end with clause 51, which had reference to the mortgage of and duty of government was not the f also glory of cm- property. quest, but the happiness of the people. (Hear.) Mr. DOBBS moved the omission of this clause, thinking Mr. P. O'BRIEN' urged that the matter for considers- it would enable persons to go to the court to obtain a tion was not the past government or misgovernment of fraudulent declaration of title. India, but the establishment of a system for its future Mr. GROGAN trusted the committee would notsanction government. He wished to see a responsible Minister, and the omission of the clause, which he considered essential a responsible council to advise the responsible Minister. to the bill. • Mr. V. SMITH regretted . the course which had been Mr. S. MILLER supported the clause. pursued on the present occasion, and thoughtit would have Mr. BUTT would rather see the bill abandoned than been much.better to have discussed the principles of the that this clause should be struck out. itrees uon the set.riid roAdinj 'irtn to !:a• - c! pa 3tponed the The committee then divided on the question that the discussion for the committee.. The house had only asserted 51st clause Blend I stand part o the Lill one principle, on which the two first bills were founded— Ayes namely, the resumption by the Crown of the powers of the Noes company, and that there should be someesort of council to Majority in favour of the clause —l23 assist the Secretary of State. The remarks of the hon. mem- Clause 51 was agreed to, and ber for Birmingham applied more to the future than to the The CHAIRMAN reported progress. present; and although he differed from many of those re- COMPENSATION OF EXECUTORS, &c., BILL. marks, he thought them well worthy of the consideration This bill passed through committee. - • of the house. The hon. member thou g ht the presidenci e s LEGITIMACY DECLARATION BILL. ought to be divided. That question was discussed by the This bill was read a second time. committee of 1853, and it was matter of grave considers- BLEACHING AND DYEING WORKS. tion whether, on creating an additional Colonial-office, the Mr. KIRK moved that the order for the renewal of the presidencies might not be divided ; but still it would be debate on this bill be discharged, which was agreed to requisite to have some central authority. The other clues- without a division. tions which the hon. member had discussed were of great The house then adjourned at one o'clock. importance—whether there ahould not ba a general am nesty, and what ought to be the treatment of the native princes hereafter. Now he (Hr. Smith) thought the con duct of the native princes who had stood by this country ought to be rewarded in a suitable manner, particularly the Minister of the Nizam, and another Minister, who, ac cording to the statement of Major Macpherson, kept back a contingent for four months, and thus materially assisted in the preservation of India, for bad that contingent been allowed to march down rapidly it would have been a much more difficult matter to save Lucknow. He agreed with the hon. member for Birmingham that a bill ought to have been introduced in 1853, and entertained no doubt that if some improvements had been effected at that time many of the difficulties which had since occurred would hake been prevented. But he went further than the hon. mem ber, and thought that a change ought to have been effected in 1833, for the moment the commercial functions of the company ceased their political functions ought also to have ceased. The noble lord (Stanley) had stated that in the present bill he had adopted the number of councillors sanctioned by the resolution which had been agreed to by the house. But the noble lord had gone beyond the correct version of that resolution because it declared that the number should not be less than 12 or more than 15, whilst he adopted the maximum. The question of the appointment of the council was one of immense importance, and its constitution ought to be very narrowly examined. He considered a council of 15 would be cumbrous, incon venient, and dilatory. And then with respect to commit tees' there were six departments of th e B oar d o f C on t ro l, and he thought it would be much better that each of them should be represented by one member rather than by a committee. Responsibility, when spread over numbers, was greatly weakened, and yet responsibility was one of the main objects of the bill. The system which had been pursued by the Board of Control and the Court of Direc tors had been one of compromise, and there was some PlE in the remark of the hon. and learned member for Sheffield that the system was a more sham. But how did the noble lord propose to get rid of that sham ? By forming such a largo council that it must necessarily be 'a sort of sham. He was glad that the noble lord had gone tee length of abolishing the secret committee, but regretted that he had struck out the limitation as to increase of expenditure, for if the council was to be of any use at all, it would be ex tremely useful in controlling any unnecessary expenditure on the part of the Secretary of State. The noble lord had talked of the introduction of competition in the services cf the artillery and engineers. Ho trusted the noble lord would keep the college at Addiscombs, and extend 'it, rind render it more useful than it had hitherto been. He was glad that the noble lord had given up the electisn by constituencies. But what he had subssituted was (rely nomination by another body—nomination by the directors instead of nomination by the Crown. Now, he trusted the committee would press the noble lord still further, Co as to secnre nomination by the Crown alteigether. A new prin ciple had been announced by the noble lord— the appoint ment of a commission of inquiry into the organisation of the army. That was a very desirable measure, but he thought members of the Council might be appointed who would be able to conduct the inquiry in a perfectly satis factory manner. The next point was that the noble lord proposed to put in his bill the appointment of the, council of the Gove rnor -G enera l . Now, ' he did not think that any persons could be found who could be so well en trusted with the appointment of tho council as the Governor-General and the governors of the presi dencies. He did not think that the Company had always made the best selection. They had always gone, it appeared to him, on the principle of seniority. He had ventured to make these observations on the bill now rather than wait until the bill was in committee. He cordially concurrsd in. the second reading of the bill, which, in fact, he considered was now nearly the same bill as that of the noble lord the member for Tiverton, the greatest difference being that by this bill there would be a Secretaryof State for India, while by the bill of the noble lord (Lord Palmerston) there would have been a President of the Council. (Oh.) Besides which, he admitted there was the principle of election, instead of nomination. He only regretted that the house would not go one step further, and take up the bill of his noble friend. REINFORCEMENTS FOR INDIA. Col. SYKES said, with regard to the administration of justice in India, from 98 to 99 per cent of the whole num ber of cases decided were determined by native judges. And with regard to the constituency by whom the mem bet of the council might be elected, he would undertake to find a constituency of three or four thousand persons, re tired military and civil servants of the company, who had resided in India. He did not approve of the provision which prevented members of the council sitting in that house. For 15 years members of the Court of Directors had sat in the house, and they wore as likely to come into con flict with the President of the Board of Control as the members of the proposed council wero with the Secretary of State for India. Why deprive the house of the benefit of the knowledge of thoso parsons ? Mr. LIDDELL said ho did not rise to prolong the dis cussion, but for the purpose of putting a question—whe ther a communication had been made from the Court o f Directors to her Majesty's Government on the subject of the measure now before the house ? Mr. ROEBUCK said it was with great reluctance that he intruded himself on the notice of the house on this occasion. He knew well that he was in a small minority, and that anything that ho might say would have no in fluence with the house. But as he believed that the opi nion which he hold was true he would not shrink from uttering it. He I”lieved that this bill was not des tined for any long existence. It had been brotight forward under pressure, and by persons unwilling to do the thing that they were doing, and who, when they wore out of office, took a course directly opposite to that which they were now taking. When in opposition, in their judgment the proper course was that there should be no 'violation; butjwhen!they w ere i n o ffi ce t h ey found cthem salves coerced by the majority of the house to do that which they were now doing. He hoped the house would allow him for a few moments to pass a retrospect upon the sub ject pf India. Something more than a century ago a band of merchants began to trade in India. They acquired a footing in India, and a power over the people of India. As time went on the Government of Eng and encroached more and more on the government of India, and in reality absorbed the whole power. The next stop was to compel the East India Company to cease from trading. The con sequence of that was that there was a body of men called traders who did not trade, and who were supposed to be the political rulers of a country which in fact they did not rule. Their next step had been to take away iv t only the reality,' but the nune and power from the company. The last great political change to which he should refer was that , Yesterday the Duke of Cambridge, Commander-in- Chief, arrived at C hatham for the purpose of inspecting the battalions of infantry and the draughts of the East India depots at t hat garrison under orders to embark for India. His Royal Highness, who was accompanied by Major-General Sir R. Airey, K.C.8., the Q tarter master-General, and Colonel Charles Tyrwhitt, his aide deeeamp, was received at Chatham station by Colonel H. Byte, the commandant of the garrison, and on cross ing the drawbridge leading inside the fortified works a royal salute of 21 guns was fired. The troops belonging to the three battalions were drawn up on the inner lines in review order, and presented a very imposing appear ! ance, there being 5,000 men of all ranks on the ground. The battalions were arranged in the following order :- Ist battalion, under the command of Colonel H. J,rvie, consisting of the 7th Royal Fus'l iers, 24th, 32nd Li, bt Infantry, 35th, 43rd Light Infantry, and 53rd Regi ments ; 2nd hattelion, commanded by Col. R.N. Philltps, comprising the 10th, 20tb, 23d Royal Welch Fusil.ers, 29th, 52d Light Infantry, and 61st Regiments ; 3d bat talion, under the command of Lieu.-Col. C. E. Fair tlough, including the Bth, 19th, 70tb, 75th, 81st, 84th, and 94th Regiments. The troops having been formed by depots, the Duke of Cambridge, attendee by Gen. Airey, Col. Tyrwbitt, Col. Eyre, Col. H. Sandhatn, command ing the Royal Engineers, and other officers of the staff, arrived on the lines at 11 o'clock, the troops receiving his Royal Highness in the usual manner. The Date then proceeded to make a minute inspection of the de pots comprising the three baAalions, and likewise in spected the noie commissioned officers and men who are under orders to embark for India. On the conclusion of the inspection, which occupied some time, the batta lions broko into open column and marched past in slow and quick time, his Royal Highness expressing to Colonel Eyre his general tati-faction at the appear ance of the troops. On the termination of the review f te troops of the Una his loyal Highness inspected the Royal Engineers, the men of which corps were also drawn up on the lines, under the cctemand of Lieut.- Colonel A. P. G. Rees. The Duke, after leaving the Hues, proceeded with a numerous staff to the buts at Prince Henry's Bastion, which were occupied by the troops belonging to the 31 battalion, for the purpose of making an examination of the encampment which has been recently formed at the rear of the huts. His Royal liighneA rode through the camp, the whole of the troops having been turned out to receive him. The new bell shaped tents, similar to those which were nied in the Crimea, s‘hich have just been erected for a portion uf the infantry, were also examined by him, his Royal Highness expressing his approval of the manner in which they bad been arranged, and also of the site chosen for the camp. Thee° tents are a great improve ment on those formerly used, and appear to be better adapted for military purposes ; the corps at present using them is the 19th Regiment, nearly 300 men of which are now under canvass. While at the huts his Royal Highness inspected the new model canteen, which has been erected by Mr. Budden. Before leaving, the Duke expressed his opinion that it was the beat building of the kind he had ever seen. After leaving the huts his ROyal Highness and staff rode to the Spur Batt-ry, where a portion of the Ist battalion are encamped. The Duke occasionally 14oked in at the interior of the tents, . which appeared to be perfect models of cleanliness and order. These tents are larger than those recently erected for the 3d battalion, each tent accommodating 16 men, the troops sleeping on small bedsteads adapted for tent use. His Royal Highness was occupied until two o'clock in the inspection a the camp and troops, when be left th 4 garrison and returned to the Horse Guards, the guys from the saluting battery firiog a Royal salute on his leaving the garrison. • • NAVAL AND MILITARY I.NTELLIGENCF. In consequence of the length of time required to make good the defects of the Vulcan, steam troop-ship, Com modore Seacombe, it is understood that the officers and crew will turn over to the Perseverance. The latter is fitted with Conningharn'a patent reefing topsails, being the first chip in her Majesty's service so fitted. The screw steam frigate Racoon, 21, Captain J. A. Paynter, Laving had defects made good, sailed from Ply mouth on Wednesday for Spithead. The screw steamship Brunswick, 80, Capt. E. Om maney, went from Harneaze into Plymouth Sound on Wednesday. Her Majesty's yacht Victoria and Albert, Captain the form. Joseph Darman, loft Portsmouth harbour at 6 o'clock last night on her cruise. Mr. Samuel W. Garratt, senior member of the firm of Garrett, Gibtron, and S':DEt agents to Lloyds,-bas been appointed by the American Goverurarent United States consular agent for P. r'smouth. The Geliatle 80, eertree line-of-battle cteaurer, bas pro ceeded from Chatham to Sheerness for the purpose of heidg attached to the steam reserve. The following appointments were made yesterday at the Admiralty :—Sir L. Loraine, irate, and C. G. Jonee, mate to her Majesty's Royal yacht Victoria and Albert ; P. R. Parker, midshipman, to the Cas-ar ; J. Allen, acting assistant surgeon, to the Victory ; C. W. Jones, aed J. T. Kilgour, naval cadets, to the Curaeoa ; W. B. Turner, and F. Hicks, naval cadets, to the Marl borough ; A. H. Bradshaw, A. Little, and W. G. L, Cocq, naval cadet, to the Brueewick ; E. W. Wickham, J. A. Dash wood, F. Gareault, and E. R. Matthias,- na val cadets, to the Caesar ; E. A. Botellas, and F. D. E. Jerninglaam, naval cadets, to the Renown ; C. A.. Blake, H. H. Justice, and J. Bradford, naval cadets, to the Orion; A. Grenfell, naval cadet, to the Diadem. • THE MILITIA.. - The coloneloy of the Suut►h lipperary Militia Artillery le vacant by the death of the Earl of Gilengall, had indeed heard from India that the dresses and ward rob( s of the belies of the Court had been exposed to sale, like a ankrup• 'is stock, in the Saberdashere' shops of Ca'cutta—a thing ireely to incense and horrify the peo ple of India who witnessed it. Take, again, the case of the Burmese war. The Governor. General entered into it, and annezed the province of Pegu, and to this day there had been no treaty with toe Kirg of Burmalo It that ca.e bad been brought before the house, it was im possible that the war with Burmah could have been en tered upon. He did not believe that there was one man in England who, knowing the facts, would say that this war was just or necessary in any sense. (Hear.) The Governor-General of India had an army of 300,000 men under his command ; he was a long way from home ; he was himself highly connected with the governing classes at home. There were certain reasons that made war palatable to large clas;es, and he was so powerful that he entered into these great operations almost un controlled by the opini. n of the Parliament and people of England. He might commit any amount of blunders er crimes against the moral law, and he would still re main loaded with dignities and curtain of pensions. Did it not become the power of that house to examine nar rowly the foundation of the misfortunes and disc races of the grave catastrophe which had just occurred? The place f the Governor-General was too high- -his power was too great —and he believed that this particular office and officer were very much responsible—of come under the Government at home—for the misfortunes that had takes place. Only think of a Governor-General of India writing to a❑ Indian prince, the ruler over many mil lions of men in the heart, of India.—" Remember, you are but as the dust under my feet." Passages like these were left out of despatches. It would not do for the Parliament tf England to know that their officer ad dressed language 1 e this t a native prince. (Hear.) The lac:, was that a Governor-General o (India, unless be was such a man as was not found more than once in a cen tury, was very liable to have his head turned, and to form ambitious views, which were mainly to be gratified by succiastul wars and the annexation of province after provi .ce during the period of his rule. The services were always ready to h hip him in these plans. He was not sure that the President of the Board of Control could not give evidence on this subject, for he had heard something of what had happened when the noble lord was in India. When the Burmese war broke out the noble lord could no doubt tell the house that, without inquiring into the quarrel or its causes, the press of Loire, which was devoted to the services, and the ser vices themselves, broke out into universal approbation of the course taken by the Governor-General. Justice to Pega and the millions of taxes to be raised for the support of the war were forgotten, and nothing but visions of more territory and better patronage floated before the eyes of the English in India. He con tended that the power of the Governor-General was too great and the office too high to ae held by the subject of any Power whatever, and especially by any subject of the Queen of Eugneed. He should prepose, if he were in a position to offer a scheme in the shape of a b'll to the house as an indispensible preliminary to the sound government of India in future, such as would be credit ale!e to Parliament and advantageous to the people of India, that the office of Governor-General should be abo lished. (Hear.) Perhaps some gentlemen thought this a very unreasonable proposition. Many people thought it unreasonable in 1853 when it was proposed to abolish the East India Company ; but ❑ow Parliament and the country believed it to be highly reasonable and proper (hear)—and he was not aura that he could not bring be fore the house reasons to convince them that the aboli tion of the office of Governor-General was one of the most sensible and one of the most Conservative proposals ever brought forward in connexion with the government of India. (Hear.) He believed the duties of the Governor- General were far greater than any human being could adequately fulfil. He had a power omnipotent to crush anything that wits good. If he so wished he could over bear and overrule whatever was proposed for the wel fare of India, while, as to doing anything that was good, he could show that with regard to the vast countries over which he ruled he was powe►less to affect anything that those countries really required. (Hear.) The hou. gen tleman behind him (Col. Sykes) told them there were 20 nations in India, and that there were 20 languages. Did it ever happen before that any one man governed 20 na tions, speaking 20 different languages, and bound them up togetherin one great compact empire. [An Hon. MEMBER here made an observation.] Has hon. friend mentioned somegreat Parthe n monarch. No !doubt there had been men strong in atm and in bead, and of stare resolution, who had kept great empires together during their lives ; but as strew as they went the way of all flesh, and descended, like the meanest of their subjects, into the tomb, the provinces they had ruled were divided into i:umer•ons petty States and their great empires vanished. (Hear, hear.) He would ask the noble lord below him (Lord J. Russell) and the noble lord the member for Tiverton (the noble lord the member for King's Lynn had not as yet expe rience on that point) whether, when they came to appoint a Governor-General of India, they did not find it one of the most serious and difficult duties they could be called on to perform. (Hear, hear.) He did not know at this moment, and he never did know, a man who was com petent to govern India—(hear, hear)—and if any man said he was competent, he set himself up at a much higher value than those who were acquainted with him were likely to do. (A laugh.) Let the house look at the making of the laws for 20 nations speaking 20 lan guages. Look at the regulations of the police for 20 nations speaking 20 languages, (Hear.) Look at the question of public works as it affected 20 nations speak ing 20 languages, where tbere was no municipal tamer and no combinations of any kind, such rev facilitated the construe ior of public works in this country. (Hear.) Inevitably all those duties that devolved on every good Government must necessarily be neglected by the Go vernor-General of India, however wise, capable, and honest he might be in the performance of his duties, be cause the duties they laid upon him were such as no man now living or who ever lived could properly sus tain. (Hear, hear.) It might be asked what he would substitute for the Governor-Generalship. Now, he did not propose to abolish the office of Governor-General of. India this session. (A laugh.) He was not proposing any clause in the bill, and if he were to propose one to carry out the idea he had now expressed, he might be answered by the argument that a great part of the popu lation of India was in a state of anarchy, and that it would be most Inconvenient, if not dangerous, to abolish the office of Governor-General at such a time. (Hear.) He did not mean to propose such a thing now, but he took that opportunity of stating his views, in the hope that when they came to 1863 they might perhaps be able to consider the question more in the light in which he was endeavouring to present it to the House. (Hear, hear.) He would propose that, instead of hav ing a Governor-General of an Indian empire, they should have neither the one nor the other. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He would propose that they should have presi dencies, aid not an empire. (Hear.) like were a Minis ter—which the house would admit was a bold figure of speech—(a laugb)—and if the house were to agree with him—which was also a rather es•ential point —he would propose to have five presidencies in India, and he would have the governments of those presidencies perfectly equal in rank acid in salary. The capitals of those presi dencies would be Calcutta, Madras, Bombay, Agra, and Lahore. He would take Madras as an illustration. Ma dras had a population of some 20,000,000. They all knew its position on the map, and that it had the advantage of being more compact, geographically speaking, than the other presidencies. It had a Governor and a Council. He would give to its Governor and a Council still, but would confine all their duties to the Presidency of Madras, and he would treat it just as if Madras was the only portion of India count cted with this country. Ho would have its ficanco, its taxation, its justice, and its police depart ments, as well as its public works and military depart ments, precisely the 6.41110 a , if it were a State having no connection with any other pert of India, and re cognised only as a dependency of this country. (Hear.) He would propose that the government of every presidency should correspond with the Secretary for India in England, and that there should be telegraphic communications between all the presidencies in India, as he hoped before long to see a t clegraph'c cominunica' ion between the office of the noble lord (Lord Stanley) and every presidency over which he presided. (Hear, bear.) He would no doubt be tol I that there were inauperaele difficulties to such an arrangement, and he would be sure to hoar of the urili•ary difficulty Now, he did not profess to be an authority on military affairs, but be knew that mili tary men often made great mistaken. He would have the army divided, eaci presidency having its oven army, just as now, care being taken to have them kept the. inct, and ho saw no danger of any confusion or misulderstandieg, when an emergency arose, of having them all brought together to carry out the views of the Government. There was one difficulty which it was important to bear in mind, and that was with regard to the councils in India. He thought every governor of a presidency should have an assistant council, but chtfer ently constituted from what they now wi re. He would have an open council. The noble 1 rd the member f•et London used some expressions the other night which he interpreted to mean that it was necessary to maintain in all its exclusiveness the system of the civil service in India. In that Ire entirely diff:red from the noble lord. (Lord J. Russell here indicated dissent.) The noble lord corrected bins in that statement, and therefore he must have been mistaken. What they wanted was to make the Governments Of each of rbe Presidencies Govern ments for the peopleof the Presidency ; . net Governments for the civil servants of the Crown, but for the non- fficial mercantile classes from England who settle there, and for the 20,000,000 of i.slices. (Hear, hear.) He should propose to do that which was done with great advantage in Ceylon. He had received a letter from an officer who had been in the service of the East India. Com pany, and who told bins iu that letter a fact which grati tied him vcri much. Ile raid : "At a public dinner at Colombo, in 1835, to the Gover nor, Sir Wilmot Llortou, at which I was present, the best speech of the evunieg was made by an Adyaar, a native nobleman of Candy, ;:n1 a member of Council. It was re markable for its appropriate expression, its sound sense, end the deli berati, n :In] ease that marked the utterance of his feelings. There was no repetition or useless phraseology or flattery, and it was admitted by all who heard him to be the soundest and neatest speech of the night." This was at Ceylon. It was not, of course, always the best man who could mike the best speech; but if wh a t he had rood coull be said of a native of Ceylon, it could be said of thousands in India. They need not go beyond the walls of that house to find a head bronzed by au Indian Elio equal to the ablest heads of those who adorned its benches. (Hear, hear.) And in every vat of India they all knew that it was an insult to the people of India to say that it was not the same. There were thousands and scores of thousauds of persons in India who were competent to take any position to which the Government might choose to advance them. (Hear, hear.) If the governor of each presidency were to have in his council some of the officials of his Government, some of the non-of f icial Europeans resident in the presidency, and two or three at least of thu intelligent natives of the pre sidency in whom the people would have some confidence, they would base beau that which would IN a inestimable SPORTIV(7 I.NT.ELLIGBATE. ; NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE RA.CES—WEDNESDe.y. ADDITIONAL PABTICITLAIIS. ; The L'oensed Victuallers' Handicap of 60 sovs, for two yr-olds and upwards. Winners extra. Three-quar ters cf a mile. 29 subs. Mr. G. White's Shafto, 2 yrs, 4st 71b ....(Grimshaw) 1 Mr. T. Dawson': Awful, 2 yrs, 4st 121 h ...(111adden) 2 Mr. G. Forster's Bradley, 3 yrs, sst 131 b (Little) 3 The follewieg also ran :—Lady Alice, Amer* The Shamrock Green, G:iffin, Solomon, and Northumber land Ducheeee Bett ng-5 to 2 aget Shafte, 3 to 1 agst Griffin, 5 to 1 agst _Medley, 6 to 1 agst Lady Alice. Won in a canter by two lengths ; had third ; Solomon, Northumberland Duchese, and Griffin were the next lot, hut beaten several lengths. The Grand Stand Stakes of 5 sors, p.p., with 50 added, for two and three-yr-olds ; two-yr-olde, bat 121 b ; three, Bst 121 b • certain penalties and allowances. The second saved his stake. T.Y.C. 15 subs. Mr. Bell's Mareeillaise, 2 yrs, Gat 91e...(W. Grimmer) 1 Mr. Gray's Meta (h b), 3 yrs, Bst 131 b (Au.tin) 2 Mr. G. Foratci's The Bat, 2 yrs, Ost 121 b (Little) 3 Toe following also ran :—Archduchess, Vivace, Gamester, Honey, Wild Duck filly, and Tiny. Bet.ing--5 to 4 agst Marseillaise, 4 to 1 agst Arch. duchess, 6 to 1 west Meta, 7 to 1 eget any other. Won very easily by two lengths; three lengths between the second and third; a head between the third and fourth; and the same distance between the fourth and fifth. The rest. were beaten off. The Nor: humberland Plate of 200 sews, added to a Han dicap Stakes of 15 soya each, 10 ft, and 5 only if de- Glared; for 3-yr-olds and upwards. The second re ceived 50 sues out of the stakes, and the third saved his stake. Winners extra. Two miles. 60 subs, 27 of whom declared, Mr. G. Forster's Underhand, 4 yrs, 84 (Basham) 1 Mr. Mills's Pensioner, 3 yrs, bat llb (inc. bib extra) (Pritchard) t Mr. Barber's Hamlet, 4 yrs, 6st 31b (L. Snowdon) 1' Mr. E. Reid's Satinstone, 3 yrs, sst 11lb (~T. Snowdon) 4 The following also ran :—Gunboat, Bashi-Bezouk, Breeze, 111innie, Ducrow, Herne, Sally, Conductor, Honeytree, and Julia. - Betting at starting-9 to 2 agst Pensioner, sto 1 eget Satinstone, 6 to 1 agst Uudelhand, 8 to 1 eget Gunboat, 9 to 1 legit Hwolet, 10 to 1 each agst Minnie and Herne, 100 to 6 each agst Sally, Duero e, and ' Julia, 20 to 1 age. Honeytree, 25 to 1 agst Conductor, 100 to 3 each fq St Bret ze and Bashi Bazouk. A fifie race from-the distance, won by Si 'neck, Ham let and Pensioner running a dead heat for seauncl money; Satinstone finished three le , gths from theta, Conductor was fifth, Julia sixth, and Gunboat seventh. The next three were Honeytree, Breeze, and Herne. The last lot comprised Ducrow, Minnie, and Sally. The Commercial Visitors' Stakes of 5 soya each, 3 It, with 50 added. The second saved his stake. Optional selling weights, &c., certain allowances. T.Y.C. 10 subs. , Mr. Green's Caliph, aged (251.) 8 t 41b (Barham) 1 Mr. G. Johnson' s tledcar, 4 yrs (251), 7st 111 b (Little) 2 Mr. DAWSOI4'B Dred, 3 yrs (251) 7st (Bullock) 3 Mr. James's The Abbess, 4 )r; (251.) 7st 111 b (Austin) 4 Betting-7 t 4 agst Caliph, 2to 1 agst the Abbess, 3 to 1 agst Dred. A fine race, won by a neck ; two lengths between the second and third. On entering the straight The Abbess broke her leg. The winner was s)ld for 71 guineas. Her Majesty's Plato of 100 guineas ; three-yr-old, let; four, Bat 101 b; five, 9st 41b; six and aged, Oat 71b. Dime miles. Mr. Muirland's Longrange, 3 yrs, 7st (Bullock) w.o. Sir C. Monk's The Beau, 4 yrs, Bst 10 b (Evart), was weighed for, but did not start. Seven ran. THURSDAY. Tyne Handicap. Griffin Redear... Pontifical 3 Fiewerithusa Sltinstone Night Ranger Peto Li Conductor.. Five ran. Gold Cup Stakes. 2 3 Soren ran. Corporation Plate. 3 Eight ran. The Gateshead Nursery Stakes. Marseillaise 1 c by Vatican, out of Lady Mary.. Harraton.. 3 Five ran. ROCHESTER AND CHATHAM RACES. THURSDAY. Maiden Plate of 30 sous, for horses never having won a plate stake. Three-year olds and upwards. The secon to receive 51. from the tune. Once round and a distance. Mr. T. Brown's Hebe, 3 yr', 7st 11b. (Collins) 1 Mr. Spencer's Subterfuge colt, 3 yrs, 7st 41b...(Prior) 2 Mr. Eden's Antic, 4 yrs, Bst 4 1 , .........(Nightinga1e) 3 The following also ran :—Ozonia filly, and Mystic's betting-6 to 4 aget Subterfuge colt, 7to 4 agst Hebe. Won easily by a neck ; a leogth between the second and third ; the other two beaten off. The Visitors' and Tradesmen's Plate of 50 sows, added to a Handicap Sweepstakes of 10 sors, each, 5 ft. One mile and a-half. 11 subs. Mr. T. Brown, jun's. Pactolus, 3 yrs, 6st slb (C. Brown) 1 Mr. Mellish's Tamo Deer. 5 yrs, B,t 71b...,.(D0wne5) 2 Mr. Fergusson's Matta., 3 yrs, Est 2 1 b... (Mezan) 3 Betting-6 to 5 agst Tame Deer, 6 to.tagst Pactotus. Won by three lengths ; half a length between the seclnd and third. . The Welter Stakoa of 2 sow , . each, with ZO' added ; 12at each, with allowances and penalties ; - getitleroen riders; professionals, 71b extra. One mile and a half. 3 rubs. Mr. Eden's Antic. 12st 7th (inc. lib ex.) (Nightingall) 1 Mr. P, Barling's Flatcatcher, list 71b (Mr. Edwards) 2 Captain Stil►'s The Refuser, list 12Ib (Capt. Shave) 3 Betting—Even on Refuser-5 to 4 ag.t Antic. Won by a length ; bad third. The Medway Stakes of 3 sous each, with 25 added for 3-yr-olds and upwards. Optional selling weight., &o. The second to save his stake. Once round and a dis tance. 3 subs. Mr. Mellish'b Silvertail, by Malcolm, 3 yrg (GO/ ), 7gt, 21b (Custance) 1 Mr. P. Barling's Eardrop, 5 yrs (60/.), 8 t 91b _ (Estwell) 2 Mr. lAnglantl's Lady Conyngham, 3 frs (601.), 6st 13Ib (Sewtl') 3 Bet , ing—Even on Silvertail Won by a length and a half ; same distance between second and third. Tne winner was not sold. The Rockingham Plate.of 40 soya (handicap). Three varters of a mile. Mr. Simpson's Inder, by lon, aged, Bst slb (in. s!b ex.) (T. Sherwood) 1 Mr. Mellish's Little Treasure, 3 yr., 7st 41b (Custance) 2 Mr. Sbrimpton's Madame Rachel, 4 yrs, 9st 3lb (inc. 51b extra) (Butt) 3 Mr. Harrison's Übique, 4 yrs, 7.4 21b (inc. slb ex.) (Swift) 4 Betting-6 to 4on 'ruder, 3to 1 agat Übique. Won by two lengths; bad third. Übique ran out at the last turn. ABINGDON RACES — THUBSDAY. Tho Craven handicap. One mile. --- Scourge , — Lass of Richmond Hill ... Five ran. The Berkshire Handicap. Two miles Haymaker Little Cob Ladd Six ran. Won by half a length. The Nuraery Plate. Three-quarters of a mile. Rara Avis Griselda . Linda 1 ... 3 The Ladies' Plate, Ralf a mile, Barmaid ... Lancaster Powder The Borough Plate. Three-quarters of a mile. Bids worth Mimosa Eight ran. ELECTION OF kIIIERIFFS. Yesterday a Common Hall of the Liverymen of the City WAS held at the Guildhall, for the purpose of electing she riffs for London and Middlesex. The Lord Mayor presided, supported by Sheriff and Al derman Allen, Sheriff and Alderman Lawrence, Alderman Mechi, Alderman Carter, Alderman Wire, Alderman Hale, Alderman Farncomb, Under-Sheriff Millard, Under- Sheriff Parker, Mr. Common Sergeant, Sec. After the usual preliminaries the R.923embrancer road the list of candidates, viz., Mr. Alderman Hale, an 1 Mr. Deputy Cornier. Mr. T. H. Murrell, Common Councilman, proposed Mr. Deputy Conder as a fit and proper person to fill the office of sheriff. He had lived for 40 years in the City, and j a w been 20 years in the Court of Common Council. Mr. Deputy Kcbblq seconded the nomination, and in doing en paid a high eulcgium to th e c h aracter of Mr. Conder. The aldermen below the chair were also nominated, but, o n a chow of hands, Mr. Alderman Hale and Mr. Edmund Conder were elected unanimously. The other officers were elected, and the sheriffs elect hav ing briefly addressed th e meeting, the proceedings ter minated. 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