The Sun. — London, England, 1859-04-05 00:00:00

LATEST N EWS. INDIA AND AUST RALIA. We have received the following telegram from Malta : The Bombay and Australian mr ails have arrived, INDIA. • The intelligence from Bombay i to the 12th of March. t . Sir John Lawrence goes to Engls Ind by this m a il. The financial embarrassment of the Government is most severe. Tantia Topee has vanished, an d his gathering dispersed. There is no news from Nepaul. Freights to Great Britain had ad .vanced. The import market remained un a Itered. Cotton was in rather better e►t.mand ; oilseeds were neglected. Exchange, 2s. lid. for bank paper. Money was rather easier. :Fives were at 873- ; Fours, 76. CENTRAL INDIA. The following ; telegram from Mr. Consul Mark, at Marseilles, Iv as received at the India Office, at 2.30 p.m. on the, 4th April:— From the Polittcal Secretary, Bombay, to J. Cosmo Melvill, Esq. Intelligence I h as just been received from Seronge, that the rebels . with the Rao Sahib, crossed the Betwa on the night of the 7th inst., and are at Mehid poor. That ti Le agent of the Rao has come in to arrange for his submission, agreeably to the Royal proclamation. It is also repc , rted that Feroze Shah is not with. the rebel force. Major-General Michel is movivg on Bhopal. Bombay Castle, March 11, 1869. AUSTRALIA. The advices fro m Sydney are to the 12th of Feb ruary ; and from Melbourne to the 15th February. The Parliament of Victoria was to be prorogued on the 17th of February. The production of gold was increasing, the amount being 71,000 ounces more than last year. Departures of gold ships for England—Feb. 7, the Morning Star, for Liverpool, with 8,658 ounces ; 9th, the Mermaid, for Liverpool, 13,479 ounces ; 10th, the Sydenhat a, for London, 15,216 ounces ; 11th, the Sussex, foi London, 24,689 ounces. The money markc pt was easy, but the import trade was rather dui 1, imports keeping in excess of exports. Wool was firm. Exchange was at pm for 60 days' sight. At Sydney Government debentures were firm. The increase in the l'eceipts of gold this year was 5,200 ounces. Bank draughts were at premium. Wool was firm, but low descriptions were dull. Tallow lower. Hidt us in moderate demand. THE M AURITIITS. The advices from the) Mauritius are to the 11th of March. Abundant rains had fa tllen and greatly benefited the plantations. Money was plentiful, alnd trade heavy. Sugar had advanced. No gold came per Salsette, which brought the Australian mails. The Panther, with the mails from Bombay, Mau ritius, and Australia, arrived at Marseilles at 10.30 a.m. yesterday, Monday, the 4th inst. The mails left at noon for London by special train. The ves sel is to undergo 45 hours' quarantine. The Sal nide arrived at Suez from Sydney on the 27th of March. The Pera left Malta for Southampton on the Ist inst., at 4 p.m. The following telegrams have been received at Mr. Reuter's office : MARSEILLES, APRIL 4. Advices have been received from Naples to the 2d instant. The strength of the King is continually declin ing, and the news of his Majesty's condition has caused a fall of 4 francs in the public funds during the last two days. Since the commencement of this year , the fall has been 10 francs. The Queen has despatched Prince Carini on a diplomatic mission to Berlin. The armaments are still going on, and three vessels have left Naples laden with shot for Sicily. The troops garrisoning the citadel of Syracuse have recently been reinforced. Advices have also been received from Rome to the 2d inst. The French Ambassador, Duke de Grammont, has given a dinner to the Marquis d'Azeglio and other Piedmontese notabilities resident in Rome. The Marquis d'Azeglio has been recalled by telegragh to Turin. The Prince of Wales and Lord Stratford de Redcliffe are still in Rome. FRANCE. " Under the first Empire," says a Paris letter in the Inclependance of Brussels, "there were as many ofas tty a c i h g ara nitari be,i . ns, and in Austria the number ;is even more considerable. The iecond Fren c h, inferiorofv ie p a m ! Vienna is resolved that the Court shall not be splendour and pomp either to the Court of Napoleon I. I can aor the historical traditions state on information obtained from a good source that th e Emperor is about to number nominate a considerable of new chamber lains, but without salary. Amon g the person s mentioned as likely to obtain this honour ar e Count de Nieuwerkerke, M. Dui: amel, deputy, Couut de Contades, and M. de Las Cam,: Empero r o f A letter in the Nord says :—" The the French, though accepting as a fact the exist ence of the treaties of 1815, will never consent t o give them by his signature a new consecration. In invoking the protocol of the 15th N0v.,1818, of Ai x la Chapelle, Austria contrived a plan for obtaining a new sanction of those treaties ; but the Em peror has formally declared th a t h e will not sign in the Congress any protocol mentioning the treaties of 1815. In that declaration, at the present moment lies the principal difficulty in the negotiations. It is desired to discover a form of expression which shall guarantee to Austria the maintenance of her possessions in Italy without mentioning the treaties of 1815, and that is not easy." The Nord gives the following as the probable points which the Congress will aim to get adopted at its sittings :—" 1. The sovereign independence of the Italian States, situated beyond the provinces reserved to Austria by treaties, will be anew pro claimed, and placed out of reach of all attack, by the collective guarantee of the Powers which sign the future treaty. These States will be declared for ever neutral and inviolable ; and any encroachment on their security and their territorial integrity will be considered as a question of general interest. As a measure of just reciprocity, they w i ll be bound to respect that neutrality, both between themselves and as regards all other Stat es ; and not to undertake anything against the internal or external tranquillity of others. No exclusive protection is to be exercised over them by any of the guaranteeing Powers ; and none of those Powers is to have any special right of meddling in their internal affairs, - without a previous understanding between the five Powers. 2. The special treaties now existin g betwe en them and the signing Powers shall be revised and set aside, if necessary, in conformity with the prin ciples of the preceding proposition. 3. An investi gation shall be made to ascertain if the rights of gar rison ascribed to Austria by the act of 9th June, 1815, and the treaty of 10th June, 1817, in the towns of Ferrara, Comachio, and Piacenza are compatible with the full independence of the Italian States, and if those rights are not sufficiently compensated for to Austria by the adoption of the principles of neutrality and of a collective guarantee applied to those States. In any case, the regulations relative to the exercise of the said rights, settled between them and Austria, shall be revised and brought back to the strict terms of treaties. 4. As the security of the Governments and the welfare of the populations depend on the confor mity of the institutions with the tendencies, wishes, and wants of the latter, the sovereign princes of the States of Italy shall be recom mended to revise the political and administrative laws of their States. That revision shall be made by them freely in the full independence of their sovereignty, and after consulting the wishes of their people. It is well understood that in no case can the Powers meddle, either collectively or sepa rately, in the relations between the Italian Go vernments and their subjects, nor in the adminis tration of the Italian States. 5. The Powers reserve to themselves the right of presenting in the course of their negotiations special propositions in addition to the four which precede." PARIS, MONDAY. Pmt.'s BOURSE, April 4.—Theßente market has been flat, having been influenced by the numerous sales in railway shares. Threes varied from 68f 25c., to 68f. 10C.; Mobilier, 765 f. to 750 f.; Austrian, 545 f. to 540 c. ; Orleans, 1,345 f. to 1,332 f. 50c. ; Lyons, 842 f. 50c. to 837 f. 50c. ; Eastern, 630 f. to 620 ; Western, 540 f. to 530 f. The following were the closing quotations : 41 per Cents. .... 95 50 Do. end month .. - 3 per Cents. 6B 15 Do. end month 68 15 Bank Shares 2875 Crklit Foncier 640 Belgian 41 — Piedmontese (5) Roman B7 Austrian Spanish Threes Home Debt — Credit Mobilier 740 Do. Account RAILWAYS. Cash. Account. Orleans Northern 920 .. 920 New ditto 795 .. 795 Lyons and. Mediterranean 835 .. 836 25 New ditto • . -- Geneva 525 .. 520 Midi • Southern Western 550 • . 547 60 Eastern Grand Central — • • -- Sardinian Austrian Exchange on London, at sight, paper, 25f. 71c. ; money 25f. 21c. ; three months, paper, 24f. 971 c.; money, 24f. 921 c. l it is Hon. Toot= tipon, Mu ral Sir Pixecu- Fleet- prlady 8. Her )erson (11701114 AUSTRIA. VIENNA, April 2.—There is reason to fear that things are not progressing favourably, for persons who in general are well informed of what is passing behind the scenes appear uneasy and anxious, and there is a rumour in circulation that France displays a much less conciliatory spirit than she did two or three days ago. It would appear that this Govern ment has recently made some proposition to the French Cabinet which has either been altogether re jected or has only been conditionally accepted, for the diplomatists look blank, and hint that one or two of the Powers do not appear to wish that the Italian question should be amicably settled. As the French Government blows hot and cold in the same breath, it is impossible to say what it wishes, but it is almost certain that the Sardinian Cabi net Would prefer war to a pacific settlement of its differences with Austria. • Political agitation has been carried to such a pitch in Sardinia, and the country is so crowded with revolu- tionary adventurers, that Count Cavour sould not beat a retreat if he felt inclined to do so, and you must therefore be prepared to hear that he positively refuses to disarm. It is by no means probable that Austria will consent to take part in the Congress if Sardinia maintains her pre sent attitude, Count Buol having some days ago declared that her disarmament was a conditio sine qua non. Mannheim its out of favour with the Governments, and:Frankfort-on-the-Maine is now spoken of as the place of meeting for the Congress. Persons who have seen the Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs during the last few hours say that he appears to be somewhat out of spirits and much less sanguine than is his wont. The J'burrtal de Geneve states that Lombardy and the Italian Duchies are full of French agents, who do their utmost to bring about an insurrection. It appears that it is not alone in Italy that the agents of the French Go vernment are endeavouring to work mischief, for letters from the Lower Rhine speak of " commercial travellers" who are eloquent in their praises of the present Emperor of the French, and tell stories which date from the good old times when the first Napoleon endeavoured to relieve the Germans from the heavy yoke imposed on them by their thirsty and odd rulers. A correspondent of the Augsburg Ga zette writes from the Moselle, that many of these " disguised spies" (tnaskirte spione) are in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, and particularly in that part of it which is inhabited by Walloons. THE WEST INDIA AND PACIFIC MAILS. [BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.] SOUTHAMPTON, TUESDAY MORNING. The Parana steamer, Captain Bevis, has arrived with the West India, Mexico, and Pacific mails, 97 passengers, 1,308,318 dols. in specie, 167 cases of cigars, 616 serons indigo, 718 serons cochineal, 85 bales of tobacco, and sundries. Her dates are :—Tampico, March 4th; Vera Cruz, 6th ; Havannah, 11th ; Greytown, 3d ; Colon, 11th ; "Jamaica, 12th; Demerara and Trinidad, 11th; Grenada, 12th ; Barbados, 13th ; Antigua, 15th ; St. Thomas, 19th. Her Majesty's ships Indus, Imaum, and Styx at Jamaica, the latter embarking troops and artillery for Savannah. Le Mar to leave Kingston on the 13th of March. The Diadem and Basilisk sailed for Greytown on the 12th, the former to join the Caesar, and both come to England, touching at Havannah and Vera Cruz. The Cesar, Valorous, and Jaseur were at Grey town ; the Atalanta at Antigua ; the Tartar, Jasper, Arachne, and Devastation at Vera Cruz. The French ships Cleopatra, Mercure, Olivier, and Lucifer were at Vera Cruz, also the American ships Savannah and Saratoga. One ship of 80 guns, three sailing frigates, two' screw and four paddle steamers, three brigs, and several small steamers, were at Havannah. The Prussian frigate Gefion was at Port Royal, and the French sloop Fulton at St. Thomas's. Business at Jamaica dull; stocks limited, and de cline in prices expected. Market for produce active. Sugars readily taken for exportation at an advance on last quotations. Coffee an d pimento also advanced, but supply of latter limited. Freights higher. Exchange o n London-90 d ays , p er cen t. pre mium ; 6 0 days, 1 ditt o ; 30 days, 1 ditto. continues unsatisfac tory. The The health of the w ands De merara expected to be rather short from sugar th crop Weathe r at th e commencement ce wet p at of the year. The Barbadoes House of Assembly had reduced duty on cod fish 50 per cent. The eanes were ripening rapidly, and crop opera tions would soon be . general. Three ships had left for Dublin, L ondon, and Cork, with the first shipments of sugar. Health good, weather favourable at G renada, and mtlls and boiling-houses in full activity. The brigantine Annie had sailed for London, with first shipment of this year's sugar. Business was generally brisk at New Grenada. The appearance of the crops was good. Exchange high. President Miramon had left Mexico for Vera Cruz, with 5,000 men ; and on the day of the packet leaving Vera Cruz it was reported that he was about 25 miles distant, and an attack was expected. They were defended by about 200 guns, but only 500 regular troops and 1,200 kit4ticami THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 5, 1859. Guards, and there was every probability of the city being taken. Letters from Mexico state that city to be quiet. Business at Chili stagnant, and crops would be entirely lost owing to the disturbances. The Peruvian naval forces blockading Guayaquil had seized, before the Island of Puna, the Spanish barque Maria Julia, from Central America, with a valuable cargo of indigo. The blockade of the ports of Ecuador continued. SHOCKING RAILWAY ACCIDENT IN CANADA. The Toronto Globe, of March 21, gives the fol lowing account of a shocking railway accident in Canada :—At half-past two on Saturday morning an accident occurred on the line of the Great Western Railroad, about a mile west of Dundas, which, we regret to say, was attended by fatal consequences to seven persons and the infliction of severe wounds and injuries on several others, from the effects of which it is hardly hoped that all can possibly recover. Such a night has rarely been known before. From about seven o'clock on Friday evening the rain continued to pour down in tor rents, and without intermission, till towards two o'clock, when it commenced snowing. The conse quence was, that the watercourses of ordinary times were unequal to the conveyance and proper dis charge of the continuous flood which everywhere flowed, as if the floodgates of heaven had been unloosed. At the point where this sad casualty occurred, the track crosses a deep ravine, which had been filled in so that it was thought that a solid embankment had been made, which nothing could disturb. The bottom, however, is of that peculiar formation composed of the debris from the hill side close by, and the soil of which the embankment is composed is clean sand and fine gravel. It would seem that the water had collected in the hollow be tween the hill side and the railroad embankment, from whence it had, we should suppose, made its way through the bottom of the embankment. When once the water had thus made a passage way, the loose sand soon yielded before the flood, and a yawning chasm, of about 100 yards in length and from 40 to 50 feet deep, was soon made, the earth being carried out bodily down the declivity below. When the night express arrived at this point it was fearfully dark, and no sign was afforded of the awfully dangerous pit-fall to which the train hurried on its way. In an instant the engine and tender leaped into the hole, closely followed by the baggage car, an emigrant car, two first-class pas senger cars, and a sleeping car. A fearful crash was the inevitable result, and to look upon the wreck, one can only wonder how any person in either of the passenger cars escaped. Enveloped in darkness, the snow falling fast, and the wind blow in6 furiously, in an instant men, women, and children were buried in the ruins of the train, the engine being underneath all, roaring terribly from its steam pipes. Singularly enough, however, the baggage man escaped, as did also the whole of the passengers in the first passenger car. It does not appear that there were any passengers in the emi grant car. The second first-class passenger car, however, was a complete wreck, and it was to those who occupied it that the fearful havoc of life and limb occurred. The sleeping car, as already has been said, did not go down into the hole, but such was its posi tion, poised on the brink, the forward part dipping downwards, and the hind part nigh off the track, that the passengers who had taken refuge in it soon had to leave it, fearing that it would run down the embankment. When they left this last shelter they could do no better than take out the cushions and bedding, with which they made such a resting place as kept the women and children off the wet ground, and by using the blankets and bed-clothes the men managed to protect them from the worst of the storm. A messenger was despatched for aid, but before he could get to Hamilton and send on help, some four hours had been spent under expo sure to the pitiless storm. As soon as possible, however, the railroad officials despatched a loco motive with such accommodation for the sufferers as could be hastily procured. Five persons tilled who are recognised, viz., Alexander Braid, late locomotive superintendent Great Western Railway ; Morgan, engineer ; King, fireman ; Milne, brakesman ; J. Boyer, Ohio ; and two others unknown. Several are injured ; among them :—J. H. Smith, Green Oak, Michigan ; Hiram Cook, of the firm of H. and D. M. Cook, Hamilton, recovery doubtful ; Henry Bost, Buffalo ; J. H. Smith, Brighton, Livingston county, Michigan, sixth and seventh ribs broken on the left side, several bruises on other parts of the body —re covery doubtful. Rev. Thomas Fawcett, Indian missionary, from Brantford ; three ribs, shoulder blade, and hip-bone broken ; ht a very low and dangerous condition. Jonas Boyer— , badly cut on forehead and leg; wife also injured. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY). The Loun CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock, at which time the house presented a very animated appearance. The galleries were very fully attended by ladies, and the space before the throne was very much crowded. The only mem ber of the Government who did not occupy his usual seat was the Earl of Donoughmore, who sat on one of the back ecclesiastical benches. Earl POWIS presented a petition from Welchpoo: against legalising marriage with a deceased wife's sister. The Earl of BANDON presented a petition praying that the Recreation Bill might be extended to Ireland. MINISTERIAL STATEMENT. The Earl of DERBY rose amid the profoundest silence, and said—My lords, the magnitude of the interests involved in the statement which it will be my duty to submit to your lordships will, I am sure, be a sufficient justification for my interposing between this house and the ordinary business of the day: And if, with a view to place myself in order, and to enable others, if they so think fit, to follow me, I make the formal motion, that this house do now adjourn. I trust your lordships will believe that I make that motion merely as a matter of form, and not with the slightest desire to in terfere with the progress of business after I shall have con cluded my present statement. My lords, in explaining to your lordships the advice which, in common with my col leagues, I felt it my duty humbly to tender to her Majesty, and the course which, with her Majesty's gracious sanction we propose to adopt, it is unnecessary for me, I am sure, to recall to your recollection the circumstances which have rendered any such announcement requisite. It must be fresh in the memory of all your lordships that on Thursday night last the House of Commons, after a debate of seven nights, and in one of the fullest houses ever known, by a consider able majority sanctioned an amendment which had been moved by the noble lord the member for the city of London upon a proposition of her Majesty's Government for the se cond reading of the bill which they had introduced with re. gard to the representation of the people in Parliament. My lords, it is only due to the House of Commons to say that, in a now considerable Parliamentary experience extending over 37 years, I have never heard or known of any debate which was conducted with such an amount of unflagging interest from the commencement to the end, with a greater degree of ability, and above all—.in a case which might na turally excite strong political and personal feelings—with so little asperity or acerbity either on the one side or the other. I think, my lords, that in point of ability, in point of tone and temper, that debate was highly creditable to both sides of the house, and may fairly challenge compari son not only with those debates which we have heard of as taking place in those days when it is said there were political giants, but undoubtedly also in those more recent times of which many of your lordships, with myself, have had experience, and during which, too, there have occurred exciting debates in which we have borne our respective parts. My lords, I shall reserve for a future part of the statement I have now to make any observations upon the nature and character of the amendment to which I have re ferred. I would only say at present that, in the unanimous judgment of my colleagues and myself, the result and effect of that amendment left us enly two possible alternatives be tween which to choose—namely, either the immediate ten der of our resignation of the offices we have the honour to hold, or, on the other hand, an appeal to the judgment and opinion of the country. My lords, I know that many of our political friends and some of our political opponents have suggested that there is another course which might be taken, and without discredit to ourselves—that we might take the course of ignoring altogether the decision which the House of Commons have pronounced, of simply drop ping the bill which we have introduced, and of proceeding —without taking any notice of the vote which has been passed—with the ordinary business of the session. My lords, in my judgment such a course would neither be respectful to the House of Commons, nor consistent with our Parlia mentary and constitutional duty. (Cheers.) It was im possible for us to conceal from ourselves that the vote taken was substantially a vote of want of confidence in the Go vernment—(renewed cheers)—for the House of Commons would not permit them even to discuss the measure which they had introduced. And if, under such circumstances, we had taken no notice of that vote, I think we should have been justly charged with a contemptuous indifference to the opinion of that house, and should have provoked and brought down upon ourselves heavy and well-merited cen sure. My lords, there was, as I have said, but one of two courses for us to pursue—either respectfully to bow to the opinion of the House of Commons, or, on the other hand, to appeal from the judgment of that house to the only higher constitutional power in the country, viz., the constituencies of whom they profess to be the, representatives. (Cheers.) Another course was suggested to her Majesty's Government, from no friendly quarter and in no friendly tone ; that sug gestion was so incompatible with the feelings and character of her Majesty's Government that it was impossible for a single moment to entertain it, and the bare supposition that her Majesty's Government could agree to it approached as near as possible to a personal insult. (Hear.) But before I proceed to state to your lordships , the course we have re solved to adopt, and the reasons, for taking it, I must beg your lordships to look back to, the circumstances under which her Majesty's present Government accepted the re sponsibility of office, and even to carry your memory still further back, and bear with me while I take a brief and rapid retrospect of a few years, and the various changes and fluctuations they have produced in our Parliamentary con tests. I have heard it said that the days of Parliamentary Government have come to an end. If by this is meant that the days are gone by when the House of Commons was divided into two distinct parties,—within each of which the leaders exercised an undisputed and uncontrolled power over their followers, commanding their votes and exercising a species of Parliamentary discipline,—then, I admit, those days are gone, and are not likely to return. Nor do I think, though there was a great convenience to the public in this sharp separation of parties, that the change has been, on the whole, prejudicial. But, my lords, if it is meant that henceforth no Government can hope for support, not on individual questions on which exceptions may occur, but that no Government will hereafter be able to obtain a permanent majority in the House of Commons strong ' enough to prevent it being overborne by other conflicting parties, not themselves bound by any common tie, each having its own leaders and its own projects,—if the House of Commons is to be divided into a number of little parties, none capable of exercising a permanent influence on the affairs of the country, but each able to thwart the mea sures and impede the business of the Ministry that has been formed,—if, in that sense, Government by party is at an end, then I warn your lordships that the system of Go vernment by Parliament itself will have a very heavy shock to encounter. (Hear, hear.) If we look back on the his tory of the last few years, at least since the lamented death of the late Sir It. Peel, such has been almost the normal condition of the House of Commons. My lords, I should be most ungrateful if I applied the observations I now make to the great Conservative party which has for many years supported me; I should be most ungrateful if I did not recognise with the deepest emotion of thankfulness the cordial, the warm, the unwavering support I have for many years received from that important party. (Hear, hear.) It has given me a cordial and generous support—a support founded in Borne degree on personal regard—(hear, hear)--but, I hope, still more in a concurrence of political opinion, and a belief that I have exercised power to the best of my judgment, and of such faculties as I possessed, for the welfare of the country. But if I look at those who sit on the other side of the House of Commons I see—and see it with regret, because it stands in the way of all public busi ness—l see " confusion worse confounded." I see a num ber of parties incapable of concurring together in support of a Government, yet most dangerous when accidental cir cumstances bring them together to oppose it. I see, and I lament to see it, a large portion of the House of Commons enlisted under separate leaders and following different guides, prevented by mutual differences and mutual jea lousies from acting together for the good of the country. If we look back on the last few years we shall see that Parlia ment itself has been the theatre of constant and unceasing rivalry between the two noble lords who have alternately been the leaders of the so-called Liberal party. (Hear, hear.) I wish to speak of the noble lord the member for the city of London (John Russell) with all the re spect I unfeignedly feel for his many valuable qualities, nor am I slow to recognise the services he has conferred on his country. Nor can I have the slightest doubt of the sincerity of his zeal in bringing forward the question of Parliamentary reform ; of that question he has been the consistent and unflinching advocate ; to that question the noble lord is constitutionally attached, but attached less with the affection of 'a parent, anxious for the prosperity and advancement of his offspring, than with the jealous affection of a lover, ready to sacrifice anything to obtain the beloved object, but ready also to die rather than that object should receive any attention, or owe either happiness or advancement to any other person. (Cheers and laughter.) The noble lord of whom I have spoken has many high and distinguished qualities, but there is com bined with them a restless disposition, an insatiable craving always to be doing something, and a determination that whatever is done shall be done by himself, or not at all. His indomitable perseverance in the discharge of business —which had hardly found sufficient scope in the perform ance of official duties--is accompanied with a degree of rest leseness under which he cannot be satisfied for a moment unless he is seeking to do some injury to the cause of those who are acting against him. The noble lord has had the singular fortune of having overthrown more successive Go vernments than any other statesman—(hear, hear) —and not only Governments to which he was opposed—he has more than once been the means of overthrowing the Go vernment of which he was a member. (Hear.) I am not going back as far as 1834, when I was a colleague of the noble lord, and when an imprudent statement made by him in the House of Commons led to the disclosure of certain dissensions in the Cabinet of Earl Grey, and induced me to drop an expression in reference to the noble lord's con duct that afterwards became almost proverbial. That was in 1831; in 1835 Sir Robert Peel succeeded to power; at the same time a question had been opened most important to the welfare and peace of Ireland ; it was the extinction of tithes, and substituting for them a rent charge. The Government of Sir Robert Peel gave notice of the intro duction of a bill on that subject early in the winter of -1834. But it did not suit the noble lord the member for the City of London that the question should be in any hands but his own. He adopted a course at that time un precedented, but which has furnished a sufficient prece dent for motions of the same description. The noble lord introduced, to prevent the discussion of the measure, a resolution, to the effect that no settlement of the tithe question in Ireland could he satisfactory or fihal that did not apply the surplus revenue of the Church to the object of public education. That resolution answered its purpose ; the Government of Sir R. Peel properly and justly assumed that the vote of the House of Commons on that resolution was equal to a vote of want of confidence. It resigned office ; and what was ithe consequence ? It was that the settle tient of a great and important question was for a consider able time postponed, to the serious injury of Ireland; and when a settlement took place, under a Government of which the noble lord himself was a member, that very provision, deemed indispensable to a satisfactory settlement, was omitted, and merged in oblivion. (Hear, hear.) But the• period at which the noble lord particularly distinguished himself was when Sir Robert Peel quitted office in 1846. I need not remind your lordships of the circumstances of that eventful year. Sir Robert Peel had broken up the Con , servative party, and excited its resentment by the adoption of the measure sanctioning the repeal of the corn laWs. It is unnecessary to go into the discussion of that question. The course Sir Robert Peel took was warmly praised and applauded by the Liberal party; but that applause and that praise did not prevent the noblelord from taking the opportu • nity, on the very day on which the bill was read a third time in your lordships' house, of moving a resolution against the course of Sir R. Peel, who was again compelled to resign office. Looking back to the conduct of the Conservative party on that occasion, I am compelled to say that, in my opinion, it savoured something more of resentment, and not of unnatural resentment, than of justifiable opposition to the Government. I do not think they were justified, whatever their feelings might be, to join in a vote which deprived the Government of the power of maintaining tranquillity in Ireland in the manner which the Government deemed in dispensable to the public service. In consequence of that vote Sir Robert Peel resigned office, and the noble lord the' member for the city of London succeeded to the head of the administration, adopting the principles and the measures of the Minister whom he had succeeded. My lords, that Minister with signal generosity extended the shield of his protection over hie previous opponents during the four years that followed his resignation. By the aid of that portion of the Conservative party which adhered to Sir Robert Peel that Government was maintained in power to the close of the year 1850. Sir Robert Peel died, as your lordships are aware, in the year 1850, and at the commencement of 1861, by no attack from others, but from their own intrinsic ' weakness, the Government of the noble lord the member for the city of London was reduced to such an extremity that they felt themselves compelled to tender their resignation to her Majesty. That was owing, singularly enough, to a vote on which the Government opposed, or pretended to oppose, a motion brought forward by Mr. Locke King for the reduction of the county franchise to £lO, and in oppo sition to which they succeeded in bringing by all their, efforts the large number of 48 persons to oppose a majority of 100. The Government having upon that occasion, as I have stated, fallen to the ground, it was necessary for her Majesty to construct another. I see at the table a noble marquis, to whom I believe upon that occasion her Majesty appealed for advice. I see a noble earl on the other side 'whose advice and assistance her Majesty also requested, and her Majesty at the same time did me the honour of making to me a proposal to undertake the re sponsibility of forming a Government. None of those noble lords, nor I myself, were in a position to undertake so serious a responsibility as the formation of a Government in the tben existing state of parties, and accordingly the Go vernment of 1851, without change or modification, was again placed upon its legs. The Government then con tinued until the commencement of 1852,- but in the interval there • had arisen dissensions in the Cabinet, upon what ground I, of course, cannot pretend to say, bet ween - the noble lord - the member for the city of London and the noble viscount the member for Tiverton, and the result of those differences of opinion was that in the month of Decemter the noble viscount quitted the office which he held in the GoVernment of the - noble lord. [A noble lord—" Was turned out of the office.") But if the noble viscount at that time quitted office, or, as has been suggested behind me, was turned out of office, it was not long before retaliation followed, for in February, 1852, , upon the motion of the noble viscount, the whole of his previous colleagues were placed in a minority, and they were compelled again to resign office. , My lords, upon that occasion I was again appealed to by her Majesty, and, look ing at the serious nature of the difficulties which her Majesty had to encounter in forming a Government, I con sented very reluctantly to accept the responsibility that was cast upon me. I need not say that that Adininistration*te : , not if very long duration. It commenced in the month' of " February, and terminated in the month of December. When that Government was overthrown, the noble earl whom I see opposite was called upon by her Majesty to form :an Administration upon a basis up to that time strange to the constitution of this country. I recollect that the noble earl upon that occasion expressed his opinion that the country was so entirely sick and disgusted with the differences and struggles of parties that ho could safely con struct an Administration composed of members of all differ ences of opinion, and of all gradations of opinion ; and that such an Administration [would carry, on satisfactorily the government of the country. That Administration contained among its members men of all shades of opinion —even from those who, like the noble earl opposite, were at that time the advocates of the doctrines of Liberalism to those who were Radicals of the deepest dye. (Laughter, and, no.") If that expression is supposed to be offensive; it at: all events cannot be denied that of that Administration the late Sir W. Molesworth was a member. (" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) Nor can .it be denied that he belonged to what was then called the extreme Radical party. Well, my lords, the noble lord the member for the city of London cepted the office of Foreign Secretary, but shortly after wards the noble lord, finding, I suppose, that the duties of tuiat office were incompatible with the labours attaching to the leadership of the House of Commons, resigned that office, and, I think, for the space of a year, or a year and a-half, or something more, he remained in the Cabinet with out office and, I believe, without salary. At that time, to use an expression of the noble earl opposite, we were just beginning to drift into that war which led to such calamities, but, at the same time, to such glory, to those who were engaged in it. The uttention of Parliament was altogether directed from the commencement of that war—and I am quite sure the noble lord opposite will admit that it was di rected without any hostile feeling, or without any manifes tation of a desire to embarrass the Government—to the pro secution of that war, and to the promotion of the interests of the country in which we live. But in the month of June, 1854, the noble lord again changed his office. He then accepted the office of President of the Council. Your lordships will not have forgotten that towards the close of the year 1854 there was a threat of a motion to directly im peach the conduct of her Majesty's Government with regard to the war, and of a measure to inflict upon them the strongest condemnation. That measure did not originate from their Conservative opponents. It originated in the heart of the Liberal ranks. With no little dissatisfaction, I think, to the Government, and to the astonishment of the public, a few days before that motion was brought under discussion in the House of Commons the noble lord the member for the city of London said it was impossible for him to defend the proceedings or the measures of his col leagues, and, retiring before the storm which had been ex cited, he left them to fight their own battle with their own weapons. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) That step of the . noble lord and the motion subsequently brought forward by Mr. Roebuck for the appointment of a committee of inquiry into the conduct of the Government in that respect led to the resignation of the Government of the noble lord. That was in 1855. Again her Majesty did me the honour of asking me whether I would then undertake to conduct the business .of the country. I thought upon that occa sion that with the co-operation of some noble lords and of some right honourable gentlemen, I might be enabled to discharge that task, however imper fectly. That co-operation was refused me, and I have no right to complain that it was so. Greatly, as I think, to his credit, the noble viscount the member for Tiverton with signal courage accepted the arduous task imposed upon him. He undertook the Administration of the Government at a most critical period. Within a very short time after the noble viscount accepted office—l think within a very few weeks —there was another change of Government. He was left by three, I think, of his most distinguished colleagues, who could not agree with him in the propriety of permitting an inquiry to go on into the conduct of the war, and upon their retirement the noble viscount again called upon the noble lord the member for the city of London to undertake the duties of the Colonial Department. While the noble lord held the seals of that department he undertook also a mission in a diplomatic capacity to Vienna. My lords, the noble lord was not very successful in his diplomatic career. (Laughter.) So considerable was the dissatisfaction which that career pro duced in the minds of his colleagues upon his return that I believe there is no doubt the noble lord was requested to re sign office. His resignation again caused considerable in convenience to the Cabinet. The noble lord, I think, since that period has never been a member of any Government. But far be it from me to say that he is less active. (Laughter.) In the year 1857 the noble lord took a prominent part in the House 'of Commons, a part which I cannot by any means con demn,becaused I took a similar partin your lordships' house in bringing forward in terms of condemnation the proceedings upon the coast of China. That, as your lordships know, led to another Ministerial crisis. It led to a dissolution of Parliament, and to the calling of a new Parliament--to the signal success of the noble viscount the member for Tiver ton. Now, my lords, that Parliament—which is this Parlia ment—was summoned under considerable excitement. It was summoned, in consequence of an appeal to the passions and sympathies of the country in favour of the noble viscount individually as one who upheld the insulted honour of the country against combinations and cabals, and I know not what else. He claimed the support of all those, whatever their political opinions might be, who desired to main tain the honour and dignity of the flag of England. (Hear, hear.) The noble viscount enjoyed another signal advan tage in calling that Parliament together, and I well reccl lect saying at the time that, although there might be suc cess attending that election, that success was insecure, and that majority was a majority not to be depended upon, be cause it consisted of persons who supported the noble viscount from the most opposite causes, some believing him to be the soundest and stanchest of Conservatives, and others believing, and natu ra lly so , as h e h a d a ccepted the leadership of the Liberal party, that he alone was the head of the Liberal party. My lords, it is not too much to say that the Parliament of 1857 set up the noble viscount as a political idol. He returned to Parliament with an over whelming majority; but, as I said before, a majority founded upon no principles, and the continuance of which consequently was not to be calculated upon. Accordingly not a year elapsed from the time that Parliament was as sembled before it broke the idol which it had set up, and again amen.- the principal executioners was hisnoble friend the member for the City of London. (Cheers and a laugh.) I am coming now to the close of this long statement, for Which I have to apologise to your lordships, but I wish to show you' what is most seriously important, and what may well call for reflection on the part of all those who love the British constitution, what is infinitely more important than the success of this or that particular measure—infinitely more important than the overthrow or the rise of this or that Ministry—l want to point out the danger to our Parliamentary system arising from these constant changes and fluctuations year by year— not a single year passing without its Ministerial crisis, hardly a year passing with out a Ministerial abandonment of office. (Cheers.) My lords, I solemnly declare, if that system is to be persevered in—if that system is permitted by the people of England to be continued, there is an end to all hope of the stability of Governments ; there is an end to all chance of govern ment upon a system—there is serious injury done to the pohtical influence of Parliament at home, and there is a serious depreciation of the weight and influence of England in the affairs of Europe. (Cheers.) When in 1858 her Majesty graciously called upon me to undertake the duties of the office which I have now the honour to hold, as I have already stated to your lordships on a former occasion, I placed before her Majesty unreservedly our posi tion in the House of Commons ; I pointed out to her Ma jesty that at that time I could reckon upon the support of little more than one-third of the House of Commons, and consequently, that if there were a combination of the re mainder of the house against me and thote,whe acted with me we should be left in a permanent minority varying from 120 to 150. I requested—l may say I urged upon her Ma jesty to reconsider the command which. she had placed upon' me, and I ventured to solicit that her Majesty would con sider whether, among the other leaders of the house, and among the various parties in the house, there were not some to be found who could conduct the affairs of the country with a greater certainty of being able to command the con fidence of the House of Commons than I could for a single moment pretend to. Her Majesty graciously took the time for which I had asked to consider, and on the following day —and not until the following day—her Majesty informed me, upon full consideration, that it was her wish and de sire that I should undertake the responsibilities of the office which I now hold. So urged, my lords, and seeing the difficulty in which the Crown was placed, and the incon venience to which Parliament was exposed by these fre • quent changes, I felt it to be my duty not to shrink from the responsibility or the labours which her Majesty sought to impose on me. (Hear, hear.) I undertook office know ing that I was in a minority in the House of Commons ; I undertook it in the firm desire faithfully and dili gently to discharge those duties which were placed on my shoulders ; I undertook it in the hope that by a steady adherence to business, by attending to the interests of the country by seeking not to embitter but rather to conciliate party differences, by endeavouring to maintain the honour of the country abroad and to promote its prosperity at home, I might so far conciliate an adverse majority of the House of Commons that they would allow me without obstruction to carry on the business of the country until, at all events, it could be made clear that there was some one large, definite party able to carry out their own policy, ready to replace me, and likely to enjoy the confidence of the two Houses of Parliament, as well as of the country. I hope I may say that during the 12 months in which I and my col leagues have held office we have not neglected the duties be longing to our respective positions. (Hear, hear.) I hope that we have hot neglected the interests of this country at home ; I am sure that we have laboured to maintain and uphold its honour abroad. (Cheers.) And I firmly believe at this moment—l have no wish to speak boastfully of our selves, or disparagingly of others—but I do firmly believe that if the peace of Europe is yet to be maintained, it will have been owing to the unceasing efforts and untiring vigi lance of my noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and to the attitude which, under his guidance and at his suggestion, Parliament and the country have assumed with regardto thepoliticalobjects now in question. (Cheers.) I should be unjust, however, to the noble lords who sit opposite—and more especially unjust to the noble earl lately at the head of the Foreign-office—if I did not admit that with regard to all foreign business, and, indeed, with regard to the transactions of all business generally, we have met from them nothing but courtesy and fair play. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl especially has been studiously anxious in re lation to the foreign department, the difficulties of which he well knows, not to embarrass her Majesty's Government by the interposition of any untimely questions or the introduc tion of any unseemly discussions. (Hear, hear.) I may also say that, after one attempt made very shortly after the Goverament succeeded to office, and which—though at one time it had a most formidable appearance, considering the hosts that were mustered against us, yet before the wish of the country and the power and force of reason melted away like a snowball in the sun, so that they not only did not bring their threatened resolution of condemnation to a vote, but begged to be permitted to withdraw it. After that event we had no reason to complain of the interference of the House of Commons with the management of the affairs of the country. (Hear, hear.) There were, however, remaining from our predecessors two or three qtrestions of very considerable difficulty, which had baffled the skill and power of preceding Governments, and which were left to us as a species of damnosa hceriditas, with which, if we should find ourselves able, it would be our duty to grapple. Of those questions, perhaps the most important—certainly the one which had been the most frequently before the public, and which had been assumed to be the favourite project of the Governments which had preceded us—was the question of Parliamentary Reform. It was not only the noble lord the member for London, who in the discharge of his duty had thought it necessary from time to time to bring that question under the notice of Parliament, but two successive Governments—that of the noble earl opposite, and of the noble viscount the member for Tiverton—had pledged them selves and had pledged their Sovereign, by the speech from the throne, to introduce a measure of Parliamentary Reform. Nay, more, my lords, the noble lord the member for the City of London had upon two occasions—in 1852 and in 1854—embodied his propositions and his scheme in two dif ferent bills, and your lordships, I am sure, will all recollect that very pathetic scene when, almost with ears in his eyes, the noble lord, in 1854, was compelled, under the pressure of the foreign war, to abandon his favourite project of re form. Now I say, in passing , that though the war in 1854 formed a very convenient apology for not proceeding with the measure which a member of the Government was very anxious to undertake, it has been whispered—it was whis pered at the time, and it has been repeated with somewhat more confidence since, and I believe I may say that it is ,hardly a secret, that there was another and more formidable obstacle to proceeding with that measure of Parliamentary reform, and that between the noble lord and the noble viscount there was on the subject of that measure so in superable a difference of opinion that, although the noble viscount consented to remain a member of the Government till the bill was read a second time, it was well known that there were provisions in that bill to which ho had signified his intention never to assent, and that if that measure had been proceeded with in 1854 it would have broken up the Government of the noble lord. (Hear, hear.) Again, in 1857, engagements were taken by the Minister of the day in the name of the Sovereign that that measure of Parlia mentary reform should be dealt with in the ensuing session. I cannot but say that in giving those pledges I think that the Governments of both those noble lords exercised their power very imprudently and unwisely. I think that it is not consistent with the respect due to the Sovereign— that it is not consistent with the respect due to Parliament, that measures should be announced in the speech from the throne with regard to which I will not only say that no bill had been prepared, but with regard to which 1 will 2urther say that no progress had beeen made towards the formation of a bill, and that I believe no serious intention existed of ever bringing one forward. (Hear, hear.) In succeeding, therefore, to the inheritance of that long-deferred legacy I conskered it my duty to undertake,—not indeed the intro duction of a measure, but in concurrence with my colleagues carefully and deliberately to consider the whole question, and to ascertain whether it might be possible, consistently with our political opinions and principles, and which yet should have a chance of obtaining the sanction and assent of Parliament. I was encouraged to believe that we might, in bringing forward such a measure, look for a fair amount of countenance and support, because while it was in pro gress we were assured frolic time to time how desirable it was that no further delay should loccur in the settlement of the question. (Hear.) We were constantly told how im portant it was that we should not go too far, that our measure could not be too moderate, that it could not be too small, that it could not be too far removed from those dangerous doc-. trines and extensive principles of reform which were advo cated by persons who, though they belonged to the Liberal party, yet had no sympathy with the great Whig leaders. We undertook the question, and we prepared a bill, and as soon as the Liberal party were free from the responsibi lity of carrying a measure there was no end to the anxiety and the pressure that not a single day should be lost in sub mitting a measure to Parliament. (Laughter.) But what took place in the meantime ? The member for the City of London had made no secret—he had spoken openly, and before numbers, of his confidence, that whenever the Con servative party should bring forward a Reform Bill that would be the moment for the Liberal party to overthrow them, whatever might be the character of the measure. (Hear, hear.) Disthaguished members of the previous Go vernment made speeohes, in which they said that any Go vernment which undertook to bring in a Reform Bill would incur a serious responsibility; that it must be prepared to satisfy the country that any reform was wanted ; and, more over, a right hon. baronet, a leading member of the last Administration, intimated his opinion that the Government were iu a dilemma with regard to the measure of reform, from which they would find it impossible to extricate them selves ; because, either they must propose to reduce the county . franchise to £lO, or else they would find themselves in a minority in the House of Commons, which would never be satisfied with a smaller reduction. But, since we have brought forward a bill reducing the county franchise to £lO we have been told by the very same gentleman that if we had been contented witha £2O franchise we should have had no difficulty in passing our bill ; and we have heard that language fromthese who were members of the Governments which had upon two successive occasions proposed a £lO franchise, and who had themselves supported Mr. Locke King's motion. The noble lord the member for the City in particular had given as his reason for supporting that mo tion, that he saw no reason why the inhabitant of a county should not vote on as low a franchise as the inhabitant of a town, and on that ground he voted for the bill to reduce the county franchise to the same level as the borough franchise. And now we are told that the signal defect in our bill, that which shows our recklessness and blindness, is the bringing down of the county franchise to the same amount as the borough franchise, and refusing to lower the borough fran chise below the comity franchise. This is not the proper occa sion to vindicate the provisions of our bill; if it were, I should be prepared to discuss them calmly and deliberately, and to offer such grounds for their adoption as, though they might not persuade your lordships to adopt them, would at least show that they were net proposed without due consi deration. (Hear, hear.) What I wish, however, to im press upon your lordships is, that in that bill we dealt with the question in such a manner as largely to add to the num bers of the constituent body of the country, to give the suffrage to a much larger number of persons than had ever previously enjoyed it, and to a larger number than would have been entitled to it under either of the bills introduced by the noble lord the member for the city. In drawing !IP our bill we had the advantage of the great experience of the noble lord,,and we had the double advantage of being fortified b his authority, whatever course we might have adopted in the provisions of our bill, for there was n were not diametrically opposed to each ot . single poink on which the two bills of ho lc hi,, 2 ,Be( ! la d hue o l g Bic, i The bill of 1852 proposed a £2O countil ra l i o of 1854 proposed a £lO franchise; ythare,litirreu. with ;prtohpoe billsed principle of a £5 borough franchise, with one of 1854 proposed a £6 rating franchise, wlth 2} years' resi dence and payment of rates during the whole of that period. The bill of 1852 proceeded upon the not disfranchising a single borough; the bill of 1854 dis franchised 63 boroughs. (Laughter.) The bill of 1852 enfranchised two new towns ; the bill of 1854 did not enfranchise new constituencies except to a li m i te d ex tent, but distributed among constituencies already repre sented additional members, of whom 47 were allotted to counties, I think, and 16 or 17 to boroughs. Therefore we might have fortified ourselves by the example of the noble t lord, whether we had adopted the principle of disfran chising or. not disfranchising, whether we had grouped boroughs or.not, whether we had lowered the franchise in counties to £2O or £lO, or whether we had adopted the £5 or £6 franchise in boroughs with the period of residences mentioned We were not ashamed of availing ourselves of the noble lord's great experience and knowledge, - We care fully considered the separate provisions of his two bills, and, where we found valuable provisions, no fear of being ac • cased of plagiarism deterred us from making: use of them. In taking that course we certainly had a right to calculate on a fair and impartial consideration of the measure which 'e laid before Parliament. (Hear.) In the Speech from the Throne her Majesty bespoke for that measure, and in their answers to that Speech both houses undertook to give to it, that calm and impartial consideration which was propor tionate to the magnitude of the interests involved. But I think I may appeal to your lordships whether in the House of Commons the course pursued was consistent with that fair requirement or with the assurance given by . Parlia ment. (Loud cheers.) I would not have complained, nor would my colleagues have complained, if, after the bill had been introduced in a speech of singular clearness and ability by my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and if after at the request of hon. members opposite the desired period for consideration of its details had been allowed, those opposed to the Government had taken objection to the principle of the bill, and had re jected it upon the second reading as unworthy of their acceptance, or even if they had sought to modify, its details in committee. For myself and my colleagues, I may say that, in introducing that measure, we did not seek to gratify this or that party—(hear, hear)—we did not seek to serve party or political interests—(hear)—we did not sea to excite in its favour that factious enthusiasm which it might have raised had we made it a one-sided party measure — (hear, hear)—but we sought to lay such a measure before Parliament as might command the reasonable approbation of moderateand thinking men, and might be accepted as the solution of a very important and difficult question. (Hear, hear.) Had that bill been permitted to take the usual Par liamentary course, had it been allowed to go into committee, we should have been prepared to vindicate there its provi sions; but if on any of them the decision of the house had been adverse to our views, we should have considered our selves perfectly at liberty to consider calmly whether that decision was so much at variance with the principle of the bill as to make it inadmissible, and if we had found that the alteration made did not seriously interfere with the prin ciple of the bill, no amount of false pride would have deterred , us from accepting it. (Hear, hear.) But that was not the course pursued. (Hear, hear.) It was felt that this was ajust, fair, and on the whole a reasonable measure. (Cheers.) It was felt with alarm, by those who thought they had the monopoly ofreform in their hands, that this was a measure which would commend itself in the main to the deliberate consideration of the country—(hear, hear) —and they deter mined—and I cannot but complain of that determmation, and the mode in which it was carried out--(hear)—that a de liberate consideration it should not receive, and that the dis cussion of it should be anticipated by a resolution which was not unprecedented, because the noble lord the member for the city of London had himself furnished a precedent for it. A very high authority in your lordships' house, and a very high authority elsewhere, derived from a long experi ence of public business, have expressed themselves in terms of very great doubt as to whether that motion was admissible or not. The highest authority in the other house ruled it otherwise, and of course I havenothing to complain of on that point; but, to the least of it, the motion was one calculated to prevent the House of Commons, Parlia ment, and the country, from judging fairly and fully of the merits of the measure. (Hear, hear.) I can conceive no course more dangerous, more prejudicial to the conduct of affairs in Parliament than, when a measure of this import ance is proposed, to seek to pass by anticipation a sweeping censure upon portions of it which it was perfectly sompe tent to discuss subsequently in committee, and thereby to prejudice the house , and prevent its opinion being known. to the country. lithis measure had gone on—even sup pose it had never passed—we should have had an expression of opinion from the house on its various provisions ; we should have known the mind of Parliament, and we should have been able to compare it with the opinions of the pea• ple out of doors. But we stand in this position now—after seven nights' debate, not on the bill, but on the amend ment of the noble lord, we are left in entire ignorance as to what those who oppose the bill would substitute in place of it. It is not to be believed that it was proposed undesignedly or without purpose, and for the purpose it was a very wise resolution, because it evaded a fairdiscussion and introduced prejudice against , the provisions of the bill. (Cheers.) It was with no slight touch of iron y . that the noble lord the member for Tiverton, if I am rightly informed, told his noble friend the member for the city of London, who com municated to him his intended resolution, thatit was an ex cellent resolution, and admirably adaptedfor the purpose for which it was intended. But what, was that purpose ? The purpose was, and it was all but avowed, to destroy the bill, and to destroy the Government who introduced the bill, be fore they had the power of explaining, debating, or dis cussing the measure. It was a wise resolution, and veq• well adapted for the purpose for which it was intended. (Hear, hear.) In that indefinite amendment the Government had no means of judging, and no intimation was thrown out, of the extent to which it was wished the borough franchise should be reduced. Wisely and very cautiously was it so framed, because the very moment that any substantive proposition had been made for the substitution of some other sum for the £lO borough franchise, that moment all the slumbering discord prevailing threugh tAe whole bulk of what is called the. Liberal party would have been brought to light, and would have shown that, although agreed on the condemnation of the Government scheme, there was no possible variety of opinion not represented by some section, and that, with regard to the substitution of any specific proposition for that of the Government if called upon to do it, it was absolutely impossible they could suc ceed in carrying it out or veiling the hollowness, the discord, or the want of coherence between those who upon the whole were invited and induced to accede to a vague and indefinite resolution. (Cheers.) I say that the course pursued was not in accordance with the pledge given to the Crown in the Address; it was not consistent with usual Parliamentary practice ; it was not consistent with true patriotism, or a sincere desire to settle a question which it was known had produced, and must produce by postponement, consider able excitement and greater difficulty in the way of its settlement. (Hear, hear.) An opportunity was presented 1 to Parliament honourably and creditably to settle this great question. They have preferred the interests of party to the interests of the country (cheers), and without for a single moment calculating how the Government could be replaced, some with a purpose, some unwittingly, some through ignorance, consented to a resolution, the certain effect of which was the overthrow of the Government and the destruction of the bill. (Hoar, hear.) With regard to the borough franchise, the noble lord the member for Lon don was asked what amount he proposed, and he said cava lierly that he was not called on to say. But I think, with due deference to that noble lord, the question was most ma terial to the consideration of the resolution, because had the question been between £lO and £B—l say, for example, had the question been between £lO and £B—it might not have been very difficult to come to an agreement. It was also very desirable to know whether the opinion of the House of Commons, which was averse to £lO, was equally averse to £B, to £6, to £5, to households uffrage, to manhocd suffrage, or whether, in point of fact, any scale was regarded as one upon which a decision could be formed and a measure in troduced upon an intelligible principle to secure the assent . of the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) But even with regard to the effect of the measure there was a difference of opinion among those who supported the amendment. Some of them declared, like the noble lord the member for the City, that they were anxious to defeat altogether a noxious and dangerous measure. It might have occurred to the noble lord that if it were so noxious and dangerous a mea sure, there was a fair and legitimate opportunity of defeat ing it upon the second reading. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord shrank from that ordeal, because he believed that if it were permitted to go to that stage it would be infallibly carried, and the measure left for fair consideration in com mittee. (Hear.) Others said they voted for the amend ment because they concurred in the principle which it enun ciated, but they did not intend to vote against the second reading. They intended first to vote for the resolution, and then to vote for the second reading of the bill. It was in vain that my right hon. colleagues over and over again as sured those gentlemen that they grossly deceived them selves if they imagined for a single moment that it was pos sible for their expectations to be realised—that the amend ment proposed by the noble lord would be accepted by the Government, as it was intended by the noble lord, as fatal to the measure, and fatal to the existence of the Govern ment. However, among those who entertained a different opinion, or professed a different opinion—and it is at once a sample of the perfect unanimity and good understanding among the leaders in the Liberal camp—among those who professed most solemnly no intention to destroy the bill, and, on the contrary, desired to see it carried with amendments-- among those who entirely differed as to many objections of the noble lord the member for the City of London, one who prominently put forward that doctrine was the noble vis count lately at the head of the Government, and now by courtesy, and nominally, I believe, leader of the Opposition in the House of Commons. (Cheers.) But in noticing the observations of that noble viscount I must refer to that to which I alluded in an earlier portion of this address—l must refer to that advice which he considered consistent with his position to offer, and consistent with our honour to listen to—namely, that we should be permitted neither to retire, nor to dissolve, nor to withdraw the bill, but that we should be condemned to keep our places and in those places to do the bidding—(derisive cheers) —my lords, the noble viscount's expression was "to do our bidding." I should like to know to whose bidding it was intended we should defer. Was it the bidding of the noble viscount, who prefers a £2O to a £lO franchise, and has only very lately, as he ingeniously confessed, become a convert to a reduction below £lO in the borough franchise? Or was it the bidding of the noble lord the member for the city of London ? Or was it the bidding of the right hon. baronet the member for Carlisle, who with the noble lord concerted and concocted this precious amendment—(cheers)—and who intimated that in his opinion the proper franchise to introduce, and beyond which it was not safe to sanction, was the borough municipal franchise, with no very great or decided aversion to the introduction, if need be, of voting by ballot ? (Hear, hear.) I think I may refer to the noble earl who sits oppo site whether the reduction of the Parliamentary franchise to that of the municipal franchise would be a great im provement on the present system, judging by the evidence appointmentwhich i s given of d awyh which day ho before the moved. F se o l r ec ni t e y om awn mitte p e a , rt eh e , I am perfectly satisfied that the introduction of the mu n i. cipal franchise would throw the whole representation of these boroughs into the hands of numbers and classes t a h n a d t least qnalified by intelligence and education to exercise was it that we judgment and safe . ty. (Hear, hear, cheers.) But, with were to follow ? According to But, my lords, whose bidding the noble viscount, whose slaves were we to be? Were we to be the servan t s of the noble viscount, or the servants of the noble lord, or the servants of the right hon. baronet the member for the city of Carlisle, or the servants of the hon. member —l;think now, hon. member for Birmingham ? (Cheers.) e o u r bidding I" If that motley and heterogeneous assem bly which calls itself in the House of tOMMOIIS thq Liberal party had been asked to tell us what " our biddetg* was, probably not 25 men wou l d have agreed as to tile:injunc tions to lay on the submissive and humble slaves, her Ma jesty's Ministers. (Ch eers.) But it is hardly necessary to say to any one, that as long as we have the honour to serve her Majesty in the responsible situation of Ministers of the Crown we will do no one's bidding except the bidding of our Sovereign and the bidding of our own consciences and our own honour. (Loud cheers,) " You shall not retire from office," says the noble viscount ; and does the noble viscount intend to prevent our resignation ; if we think fit to tender it and her Majesty think fit to accept it ? - (Hear.) He may mean—and I do not dispute the fact—" You can not resign office, because if you do it is impossible to find a Minister to succeed you. (Cheers.) I look round and see I have no chance. (Laughter.) I look at my noble friend, and not only hashe no chance, but his accession is the last thing which would enter into my wishes or hopes. (Cheers and laughter.) I look to the hon. member for Birmingham, and I know the Crown will not accept him, Parliament will not accept him, the country will havenone of him. (Cheers.) He has tried the country, and the country has rejected his wild and extravagant proposals as entirely unworthy to be taken into consideration.' (Cheers.) I offer an apology, to the noble viscount if I have misunderstood his ex pression that we cannot resign by supposing he meant. we were not to be permitted to resign, instead of that we did e ) The noble should be speedily reinstated. (Hear , bear. viscount went on, and in the heat of arguniel?i, in the heat of debate, I presume, used an I ex p re ssion w hich certainly should not have expected from one who has had a lo ng 4equnintance with the catizti tutioual Luettely of the c0Up....4 THE Q - U.EEIVEO.RO UGH MURDER. Our readers will remember that at the late assizes for the county of Kent a young man named Fredk. Prentice was indicted for the murder of a young girl, named Emma Coppins, at Queenborough, by cutting her throat. The evidence clearly established the guilt of the prisoner, and i n d ee d he never at tempted to deny that he was the author of the crime, and when he was placed at the bar before Mr. Baron Martin he pleaded guilty to the charge, and although the learned judge earnestly impressed upon him the serious consequences that would inevitably result from such a plea, he persisted in it, and the prisoner was thereupon sentenced to be executed. The un happy young man, who is only twenty years of age, his victim being only seventeen, appears to have conducted himself in the most exemplary manner. ever since he has been in the gaol at Maidstone, and has paid the most•earnest attention to the dis courses of the Rev. Mr. King, the chaplain of the gaol; and it also appears that since he has been in prison he has learned to read and write. The only motive that can be assigned for the commission of the dreadful crime by the prisoner appears to be that he was deeply attached to the deceased, and that she had rejected his addresses, and, in fact, for some reason or other, she appeared to be afraid of the prisoner, and always seemed desirous to shun him ; and, finding that there was no likelihood of his inducing her to become his wife, he came to the desperate resolve to destroy her, and carried out that intention in the manner alluded to. It appears that some communication took place between Mr. Baron Martin and the gaol authorities after the sentence of death had been passed on the prisoner, during which the learned judge stated that, if any steps were taken to procure a commutation of the capital punishment, and the Home Secretary should think fit to save the life of the culprit, he should not stand in the way of such a course being taken. A copy of the deposi tions was sent to the Home Secretary, and on Saturday, Mr. Palmer, the under-sheriff for the county of Kent, went to the Home-office to ascertain what decision had been come to, and he was informed that, upon a careful review of all the circumstances connected with the case, and the facts contained in the depositions, the Secretary of State for the Home Department could not see any ground for recommending the prisoner to the mercy of the Crown, and that the law, therefore, must take its course. A notification to that effect was sent down to Maidstone on the same day, and it was communicated to the prisoner, who received the dreadful intelligence with the same calmness that he has evinced ever since he has been in cus tody. The execution will take place on Thursday next, at 12 o'clock. THIS DAY'S SHIPPING. LONDON, April s.—Wind this day at noon, N.W. ; light breeze and fine. --- PORTSMOUTH, April 4.—Wind W.S.W.—Arri ve d— North Briton, from Southampton, for Quebec ; H.M.S. Rhadamanthus, from the Eastward. SOUTHAMPTON, April 4.—Wind W.S.W.—Arrived— Tyne, (steamer), from the Brazils. Sailed—North Briton, for Quebec; Ceylon, (steamer), for Alexandria. OFF DARTMOUTH, April 4.—Arrived—Orient, from Adelaide. PLYMOUTH, April 4.—Wind S.W.—Sailed—The Dutch squadron, for the Eastward. T o RBAY, April4.—Wind W.—Anived—Queen Victoria, from Hull, for Bahia. HULL, April 4.—The Venerable, of this port, from Shields, for Barldort, foundered off Cape Finisterre, on the Ist instant—crew saved. (Br ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.) SOUTHAMPTON, Tuesday Morning, Wind W. Arrived—Tyne, steamer, fromßrazils ; Courier, steamer, from Jersey; Alliance, steamer, from Havre; Ripon, steamer, from Alexandria ; Foyle, steamer, from Dublin ; Parana, steamer, from St. Thomas. Sailed—Sasonia, for New York; La Poule and Le Coq, for Cherbourg; Ceylon, steamer, for Alexandria; Wonder, steamer, for Havre ; Dispatch and Atalanta, steamers, for Jersey. (BY SUBMARINE AND BRITISH TELEGRAPH.) GRAVESEND, Tuesday Morning. Wind, W. ; tide, low water ; weather, very fine. Arrived, April 4.—Airone, from Trieste ; Thomas Blyth, from Porto Nova ; Kate, from Jamaica. —S-.Arrialleda-ApriAlp4ril.-513—iernMea,Iia' from ram ; for Lubeck. p Marstrand. Antic, from DEAL, Tuesday Morning. Wind, W. ; moderate. Passed. — Prosperity i ( o f Cowes), from north, for west; Alexander, from Rio Janeiro ; Caroline, from Port au Prince —both for London. Anchored.—Bahia, from London, for Hong Kong. sailed,—Duiel Webster, for New York. us )le to--