The Sun. — London, England, 1860-01-07 00:00:00

__ ----) __--- • ____ _ _ _ ..___ ..,;;;72 ,„- - / ' , . •-,,-' •, , , / - --1. - 4 7 t r i (' ~- 7 - ,„.---- - , ... 4 / / J Y ll ' q . ...„.,, ) , : „...4::: : . n k,.. .: „. 'lO 40,4: «1 ' .'-. ':. . 4 \ \ IP .lZr -....': '-`" ort • lit __. j ,...-- •', . 4.,. f. A ~.. . , ~ .7-, • , •t 7 '' '«; 1• ' ~ - 0-, - g' ' 't-', , At.' s tll 1 ... _\ ~,,,, , i tk ..-, i,, . , , k to • 41-4 Or ' . ) / I,' , • . . ~ .4f .:„ i , .. - J., , ) : - 1 t .fi-. 64. , g-,Azii-wo o ,:k . \. 0 j oid P g I. ' . . . \ \,........_4 - , ',, ,H r.:N` ' ' F~ ) Tr. PROVIDENT CLERKS' , MUTUAL LIFE ASSURANCE ASSOCIATION. Established 1840. TRUSTEES. Thomas Baring, Esq.,Esq., M.P. Thomson Hankey, Esq., M.P. Wm. George Prescott, Esq. Baron L. N. De Rothschild, M.P. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, that the NINETEENTH ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING of the Members or this A s sociation will be held at the LONDON TAVERN , p i shopsgate-street, in the City of London, on WEDNES DAY, Feb. 1, 1860, at Five p.m., precisely. The following. Directors go out of office by rotation in ac cordance with rule 10, but being eligible - offer themselves for re - election, viz.:— Mr. Richard Henry Jones. Mr. John Studdy Leigh. • Mr. John White Welch. By order of the Board, W3I. THOS. LINFORD, Secretary. 15 , Moorgate-street, Dec. 31, 1859. The Annual Accounts may be inspected at the Office a week prior to the Meeting day a 116, Jr cir- PRICE 4 1) . STAMPED, SD. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 7, 1860. No. 21,074. PUBLICATIONS. GREAT REFORM MEETING 42' financier than Mr. Gladstone ; but I am sure that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would be none the worse if he had the views of the industrious as well as of the property classes of this country placed before him. I do not mean to say that the property classes have mani fested a desire to shift the burden of taxation from their own shoulders to the shoulderst3# the working classes ; but sinse the termination of tre Russian war the only tax that has been lightened has been the income and pro perty tax, while the taxes uporAca and sugar have re- - mained. untouched. That in itself is an injustice; and my BIRMINGHAM. LODGE'S PEERAGE and BARONETAGI for 1800, under the Especial Patronage of her Majesty and H.R.H. the Prince Consort, and corrected throughout by the Nobility (29th Edition), is now ready, in 1 vol., royal Bvo, with the Arms beautifully engraved, handsomely bound, with gilt edges, 31s. 6d. PROVIDENT CLERKS' BENEVOLENT FUND. Established 1840. TREASURER -John Abel Smith, Esq. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, that the NINETEENTH ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING of the Members and Friends of this Fund will be held at the LONDON TAVERN, l _ l _ i shopsgate-street, in the City of London , on WE D N E SDAY , Feb. 1, at Halt-past Six p.m. JOHN ABEL Esq., Treasurer, in the Chair. By order of the Board, . W3I. THOS. LINFORD, Secretary. 15 , Moate-street, Dec. 31. 1859. , The Annual Accounts may be inspected at the Office a week prior to the Meeting. Hurst and Blaekett, 13, Great Marlborough-street, Now ready, with illustrations by BIRKET FOSTER, 10S, ed. bound, P OEMS. By the Author of " John Halifax, Gentleman," " A Life for- a Life," &c. "A volume of poems which will assuredly take its place with those of Goldsmith, Gray, and Cowper on thefavourite shelf of every Englishman's Library."—lllustrated News of the World. hon. friend has before pointed out the great inequalities which at prerient exist in respect to taxation. I do not mean to say that I adopt every syllable of the statements which have been made ly my hon. friend, although I could not find fault with this dr that particular part of his argument, but I say that substantially he was quite right, and that it is the bounden duty of the GOvernment to revisa the taxa-, Hurst and Blaekett, 13, Great 3farlborou,9;ll-street. CONTRACT FOR CURLED HAIR you SEAMEN'S BEDS. NEW AND USEFUL HANDBOOK. In fcp. Bvo, price 55., cloth, extra, RIGHTS AND WRONGS ; A Manual of House hold Law. By ALBANY FONBLANQUE, jun., Author of "How we'are Governed." In this Volume is described most of the important Rights or Wrongs that a British subject, whether man or woman, may acquire or commit in the ordinary relations of life. London : Routledge, Warne, and Routledge, Farringdon street. tion of the country, and in doing so to take care that it. shall not fall rather upon industry than upon property. (Cheers.) I should have 'great confidence in a reform of Parliament which would make tile members give a more Department of the Comptroller for Victualling, Somerset-house, 4th January, 1860. THE COMMISSIONERS for EXECUTING the OFFICE of LORD HIGH ADMIRAL of the UNITED K INGDOM of GREAT BRITAIN and IRELAND, DO HEREBY GIVE NOTICE, that on THURSDAY, the 19 th instant, at Half past One o'clock, they will l e ov re VY to treat with such Persons as may be willing to -T6,7 RACT for supplying and delivering into her Majesty's twilling Stores at Deptford CURLED HAIR FOR BEDS 150,009 lbs. th ere half o f each to be delivered in three months, and le;rearnal' nder in two months. afterwards, or earlier if pre , t he Party tendering. , the r h t: or fo Lor d ships reserve to themselves the power, when n ir ders are op ened, of contract i ng either for the whole, vea l er "eh part thereof only as they may deem fit, or for a quantity, or of not contracting for any. i .:LN tender wlll be received unless made on the printed i'mn provid e d for the p urpose , and which may be obtained on tip p li cation at the sa id office, or to the officer conducting the -Bristol.racket Service at Liverpool, or to the Collector of Customs at .Tenders will be admitted for any idertion of file hair. A sample of the hair may be see at the said office between Idle hours of ten and two. Particular attention is called to the recent modification of glglconditions of the contract, which may be seen at the said ee and en at Liverpool and Bristol. tder will be received after Half-past One o'clock on theN o day of treaty, and it will not be required that the party tlndering, or an :went on his behalf, should attend at the Mee on the day of Contract, as the result of the offer received tr ora each person will be communicated to him and his Proposed sureties in writing. Every tender must b e a dd resse d t o th e S ecre t ary o f the Admiralty, and bear in the left-hand corner the words" Ten- d h e o r use for and must also be delivered at Somerset- constant eye to the expenditure of the public money. (Hear, hear.) lam not quite sure that any reform pf Parliament will lead to great economy, Luaus° I cannot help think:• ing that all classes, when dealing with the public money, _ _ will be more lavish than they would be if they were deal ing with their own; but I believe that we should not even THE ARCTIC REGIONS AND POLAR DISCOVERIES. In fcp. svo, price 2s. Gd., cloth, MITE ARCTIC REGIONS AND POLAR DISCOVERIES during the Nineteenth Century, in cluding Captain M'Clintock's Expedition. Compiled by P. L. SINIMONDA, F.R.G.S. The 9th edition, with large Map and Illustrations. - This volume is a complete digest of every expedition to the Arctic Regions during the Nineteenth Century. London : Routledge, Ulnae, and Routledge, Farringdon street. find a Parliament of working men which 'would object to the proper 94 reasonable expenditure of public money in order to keep up an efficient army and navy. (Loud cheers.) This, however, I knoW; that they would take caro that they had their money's worth for every pound which was spent. Numberless attempts have been ,made to make the House of Commons economical, but the House of Commons is a body which is not altogether con stituted in the best manner to watch over the expenditure A RMY .AND NAVY GAZETTE, La- and Journal of the.MILITIA and VOLUNTEER FORCES. Edited by W. H. RUSSELL, Esq., LL.D. (late Special Cor respondent of " The Times"). Price 6d:, stamped 7d. No. 1, published this day, contains :—The Press and the Authori ties—The Board of . Admiralty—Military Organisation—Offi cial Announcements —Nlilitary Intelligence—Naval Intelli- S ence —Militia Intelligence The Volunteer Movement— tations of the Army and Navy—The Italian Campaign— Trial of Inventions—The Gazette, &c., &c., &o. Office, No. 16, Wellington-street North, Strand, and sold by all Newsmen. E CO RNHE Edited by W. M. of the country; and I candidly confess that when the esti mates are introduced, such is their extent that they abso • lutely bewilder me, and when the 6overnment say such is the amount which is absolutely required for the service of the country, and if you refuse it you will be responsible for the result, I am not prepared to disagree with the Govern- meat, and to undertake so great a responsibility. The late Mr. Hume, and the present hon. member for Lambeth, both proposed that the estimates should be submitted to a committee, but I am not quite clear that such would be the best mode of dealing with them, because if a committee re ports upon any particular item, and the House of Commons acting upon its recommendation, rejects the item, Govern ment escapes all responsibility ; but what I think would do ,L MAGAZINE. TIIACKEItAY. ROYAL ALHAMBRA PALACE CIRCUS, and half eicester-square. Two performances daily. At 2 past 7. cut, N _ r OTICE.--TO aren s P t and Guardians.—This Day, Sensy 7th, A GRAND JUVENILE MORNING will take place. The most l aug h a bl e C om i c t ;Ile of the S eason will be produced, d the talented the n ro Juven ile Artistes will appear. To conclude with OR, THE RriNuinlde entitled THE GOLDEN BULL; Fasle irAN TED HOR N . No. 1 (for JANUARY, 1860) is no' all Railway Stations, Price O. trations and Map. iw ready) S 101 l Booksellers and. NE SHIMiNG, with Two Illus- a great deal of good, without relieving Government of re sponsibility, would be to refer the question of the expehdi- ip and A quo dear. orn as co i. Framley Parsonage—Chap. I. Omnes omnia bona dt cere. Chap. 2. The Trani ley Set, and the Chaldi cotes Set. Chap.lll. Chat- NTS. 5. Father Prout's Iriaugura tive Ode to the Author of " Vanity Fair." 6. Our Volunteers. _ Lure of the estimates to the investigation of a committee. 7. A Man of Letters of the :Cheers.) There are many other questions which I think Would be settled immediatelylf we had a reformed Pulls- dieotes. 2. The Chinese and the "Outer Barbarians." 3. Lovel, the Widower—Chap. I. The Bachelor Of Beak- Last Generation. 8. The Search for Sir J. Franklin(from the Privato Journal of an Officer .of the" Fox.") 9. The First MorninfroflB,o. 10. Roundabout Papers—No. 1. On a Lazy Idle Boy. and Co., G 5, Cornhill. meat. There is that question of church rates, which I be lieve will never be settled except by the sweeping measure of Sir J. Trelawny for their total abolition. There is another question, which affects the Roman Catholics - of Ireland, upon which the hon. member for North Warwick shire is so often eloquent. I mean the question of the May nooth Grant—that would be settled for ever. (Hear.) For these reasons I think that Reform is absolutely necessary, line on e turn rather __..... ----- ,_____ A.:"" IL L ROOMS Windmill-street, Grand B A CA SIN ope n principal cornet -a- piston. Fvening, with the celebrated ant.. Established 10 "er rs." 'Conducted by Mons. Lamotte ; past 8, ls coullnence a t ) : n' n before 12. Ad i a ea M. IS ulcourt. Doors open at halt- Mission, . — Close a few minutes street. 4. Studies in Animal Life. London : Smith, Elder, era to. itanceS the before. and will give additional stability to the Government, and produce additional content, prosperity, and loyalty among the people of this country. (Cheers.) Entertaining these views, I shall do all in my power to co-operate with my hon. to 240 to 461 to 38s nomi .dance. L white 0., 43 6 ; and and LY, at, red e, 49e. 33d. down. down. up. down, doing- Level pt sil _gel ley lig with • o high p well and is to 84 to 61 ii tout). itched till. Next Mail due. --- In. 10 In. 4 in.l9 al. 4 Db. I THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ROOMS, Mgh liolborn (formerly CASINO DE VENISE).— This Establishment, re-eminently p distinguished for the elegance and matchless b eauty . of its decorations, combined with the perfection of management is OPEN EVERY EVENING. The celebrated band, under the direction of Mr. 'W. 31. Packer, plays a nightly -varied selection of the milt a pproved classical and modern musts. Doors open at hall tast R. Overture at 9. Cl osing at 12 punctually_ Admission, half- One Shilling-. DR. KAHN'S MAGNIFICENT ANATO MICAL MUSEUM, Top of the Haymarket (acknow ledged by the whole of the Press to be the most useful and instructive of any in existence), is OPEN DAILY (for gentle men only), from 12 till 5, and from 7 till 10. Admission, One Shilling,. Descriptive handbook gratis. Dr. KAHN'S Po pular Lectures on th e " Philosophy of Marriage," daily at 3 and 8 o'clock precisely. SYLLABUS.—Happy and Unhappy Unions, and their causes —Youthful Vices and Indiscretions, and their results — Disqualifications for Marriage, and their Cure—the Physiology of Reproduction—Self-inflicted Miseries Sterility and its causes—How to secure Moral and Physical ifltipines B. N.B.—Dr. Kahn's Treatise on the above subjects, entitled "The Philosophy of Marriage," *ant post-free on receipt of twelve stamps, dire et from the Author, 17, Harley-street, Cavendish-square. W. tURR.OWS AND CO., Wholesale Wine Mer-' chants, LIVERPOOL. Stores Lime-street. Offices 54, Duke-street. The Proprietors beg most respectfully to call the_ atteniOn of the trade, noblemen clergy, &T,c., and the public in gen e r al. to their extensive stock of Choice Wines, of rare vintages. BURROWS and Co. are not disposed to comment upon the purity et their wines, which is daily most laudably acknow ledged by the public and , eminent medical men of all coun t&finasdtihseainsuemrecaiseinnig ratronage of the highest families in They be g to call partienlaarnte4iention to their pure Tonic 'Win "' as beinr , so valuable to Invalids and persons of weak stomachs. ' A RaIRPle orwardeeod : 6Tll.l.lobreat, do ze n ef ontaining three full-sized wine bottles, It is a ~ . . r t It . n 3' address on receipt of P. 0 .0. for 6s. 'veil-Known fact that imp ure and adulterated wines are the greatest foes to health, producing acidity in the !_t.oinesach and debilitating the gemtive siren win will accelerate the digestive powers, invigorating, organs, while pure gthening, and bracin g t he nervous system. Their Tonic Wine admit te d is to be most essential to in 'Nide, both old and young , Ina homes of the weak a ickly . Its properties are duly nd should never be absent from acknowled and an 8 . the leading men of the faculty, Do ttedat home and abroad. appreciatedby of the To p are ; 4 f impositio n eac h b ott l e i s sealed w i th t h e name All • • Orders to be m ade p a ya ble to HENRY Bunnows. G.LENFIELD PATENT STARCH, &V.D USED IN THE R OYAL LAUNDRY, lonorzoinqczn BY RER MAJESTY'S LAUNDRESS to be THE FINEST STARCH SHE EVER USED. WHEN TOU ARICEOR GLENTIRLD P &TENT STARCH, SEE TUAT YOU GET IT, As inferior kinds are oft en su b s tituted. Sold by all C handlers, Grocers, dm, Sz9- WOTHERSPOON & CO., GLASGOW AND LONDOW __........... _.._ _______ il OPA L NATIONA„L LIFEBOAT . i- u INSTITUTION. —The Co mmittee of this Institution ea rnestly APPEAL t o th e publi c for PECUNIARY ASSIST ANCE to aid them to meet the present heavy demands on the limited funds of the Society. • . THOMAS BARING, Chairman. THOMAS CRAPMA.N, Deputy-Chairman. 14, John-street, Adelphi, W.C. Bati kers—Messrs. Willis and Co. ; Contts and Co.; Herries end co. ROYAL FREE HOSPITAL, Gray's-inn-road. Open to the Sick Poor night and day. re lieved, th e past month (October) 10,275 persons were re- Th e u t Pital Is w holly dependent on legacies and rolun a7. cont o ribut ions. Ve AID of the benevolent is urirently solicited. T r _Pntributions may be paid to Edward Masterman, Esq., „a_lurer. and banker, Nicholas-lane, Lombard-street ; or at itospttal, from 10 till s.—By order. STANFORD S. SMITH, Sec. 'erdse at. 12 crisis erdus ii. 12 MEDICAL FRIEND AND MARRIAGE GUIDE. To THE NERVOUS AND DEBILITATED. --Sent free on receipt of two stamps, for postage, &c., ItIPKEY,O7, Alfted-place, Bedford-square, London, • " THE GUIDE TO SELF-CURE." it e it ri t e l ir l . first man of the day in these complaints."—Medical th e Those about entering the Marriage State should peruse health invaluable little work, as the advice he gives on id e : " .re a : trt d rzti disease reflects much credit upon him as a sound 4,149 Philosopher." —Critic. 3e Grdde to ra lt a c zi se ne w . ho desire a speedy and private `he abs ur ar-A7 AMERICAN DISCOVERY' demonstrates plai nt , , ot the English mode of treating such corn knelt. repair e a blesiing to the afflicted, who may safely let " , i."—E,7 e Pristine health by adopting the means pre- CAUTto Star. Publi c Zen r a n" B a duty due to the profession and the doßbtsDr. Rapkey advises all persons havin., or p arti " 'fie legal qualifications of their medical attendant, from th e whom they may be about consulting, to procure of R RoYal Colleg,e of Surgeons, London, the Official List eZistered Members, price Is., or Dr. R. will, on recelpr of Price in stamps, gladly assist and protect the a ffl icted Public by forwarding the same. n. 10 U. 4 p 5 . n. 11 erdn• a. 4 U. li n. 11 n. 10 DU BARRY'S RRVALENTA ARABICA rCHOCOLATE POWDER Contains the greatest ount of easily assimilated nourishment for strengthening Vdeli Rte persons, children, and infants with weak stomachs, iest or nerves, and, at 3-pence per meal, affords a delicious breakfast, lunch, or supper. It is tho best dietetic homeepa thie t D, I reParation, and maybe . eaten either alone or mixed with u Harry's Revalenta Arabic». Food. Admirably adapted to rear Infants with. In Tins at ls. 6.1 ; 11b., 35.; 21b., ss. 9d. ; alb, 1.2, 4. . , 121 h.. 265. The 121 h. forwarded carriage free, on rec ' e lPt of p thee order. Du Barry and Co., 77 , Regent street, L ondo ° n Bt : ° and through all Grocers and Chemists. NO MORE MEDICINE'- tioDu'll 1"1-tY'S 110VAI Peffectually Indigos.DELICIOUS HEALTH-RESTORING o( 8- e PR p, flatulency, phlegm, dy 1, ARABICA FOOD Cures , nes listless, liver complaints, hysteria, neuralginalesleep-less inteadath,cacilitnyo,ispeaslyitation, heartburn, eruPti°tl', impurities, h —" T, low Spirits diarrhoea, dysenterY, Pains h hemorrhoids in tile head and ears, debility, diabetes, gpasms „ m between the shoulders, despondency, cramps, . fits. mea, and sickness (during pregnancy or at seal, stnkin e t " c°ugh, asthma, bronchitis, consumption, also Children's ~..olaints. 141,:t ittract a few out of 50,000 expressions of gratitude . fr es o l o :6 y eati Vs thus cured : Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart dc Dem , I - 1 clesciTara' dyspepsia. Care No. 49,832. "Fifty years n co w.m able agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, tit urnach w u=tipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness at the e lcuelle b And vomiting, have been removed by Du Barry's snail th e 1i '6 , 0 6," Maria Joly. Cure No. 53,816. Field Mar vougne,, „ ‘ l , , ce of Pluskow, of dyspepsia, constipation, ner and i to ' 4l ' , liver complaints which had resisted all baths Jacobs, eodical treatment. Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth spirits, „,i., a "tr eine nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low Ure, of --,„--„- nervo us fancies. Cure No. 18,216. Dr. Andrew No. 34 ei r r s .,"Pation, dyspepsia, andnervoua irritability. Cure 3 . 8 ,., 2 : 1_ 11::er4:or.i Shorland, of dropsy and debility. Cure No. D;. ?. Cantaln Allan, of epileptic tits. Cure No. 36,418. Rev. cramps, spasms and daily voinitings. Cure No. ttl4lB Dr.liervey, of di arrheea and debility. Cure No. 29,628. Dr. veurrtzerof consumption. Cure N 0.46,270. Mr. James Roberts. c ul t , chant, Primley, Surrey, of 30 years' diseased lungs, spitting, ~ enod, liver derangement, partial deafness. Cure No. 4,208. ' , gilt years' dyspepsia, nervousnese, debility, with cramps, Re am Ma, and nausea, have been effectually cured by Du Barry's ecalLh-restoring Food. Bev. John W. Flavell, Rallington wry, Norfolk."—Cure No. 3,906, of thirteen years' cough, lidigeation, and genera l d e hilit y. J ames P or t er, Ath o l- s t ree t , Perth. Sold in canisters, 11b. 2s. 9d. ; 21b. 4s. 6d. ; 121 b. 225; Super refitted quality, 51b. Vs. ; 101 b. 335. The 101 b. and 121 b. ministers are forwarded carriage free, on receipt of Post-office Fortnum, Mason, ; o order, B arry Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, London fr 1 3r a a l s s on, and Co., purveyors to her Majesty, 182, certBlltreeeaadrlde ; 49 and 60, lil s h opsgate-street ; -at tio, Gtr racechurch-seet ; 330, Strand ; 4, Dr. Butler, 105 and 63, Oxford ; 85 , Tottenham -court-road ; also - in Liverpool, at Nixons, 1, Castle -street L, and Co. :n, Medical Hall ; M eeds anchester, Reinhardt Shapland Dub BOo li tt ; X dinburgh, Ethane and Ca ..w. ison of $ den- vest, :sq., ror vey, mt.- VIII. r of :lid. TO, 112, Yesterday evening a public meeting was held in the Town-hall, Birmingham, for the purpose of giving an oppor tunity to the representatives of the borough, Mr. Schole field, M.P., and Mr. Bright, M.P., an opportunity of ex pressing their sentiments on the question of Reform. The hall was very densely crowded in every part, and the meet ing was altogether of an enthusiastic character. The Mayor of Birmingham (Mr. Lloyd) occupied the chair, and was supported by Mr. Bright and Mr. Schole field. There were also present Mr. G. Edmonds;-Alderman Baldwin, Alderman Sturge, Mr. Wright, Mr. Holland, &c. The platform was crowded by a vast number of gentlemen who take an interest in the question. The Mayor having taken - the chair, called upon Mr. Alderman BALDWIN to more the following resolution : " That the necessity of Parliamentary Reform being ac knowledged by all the groat political parties, and her Ma jesty's Government being pledged to introduce a Reform Bill during the ensuing session, it is the opinion of this meeting that any bill to be useful to the country and satisfactory to the people must provide for a large exten sion of the suffrage, for vote by ballot, and for a better ap portionment of members to population." The resolution was seconded by Mr. G. EDMONDS, and carried amidst the cheers of the meeting. Mr. SCISOLBFIELD, M.P., then rose, and after the cheer ing had subsided, spoke as follows :—My friends and fellow townsmen, after an interval of nearly 30 years men of all parties in tho State, Conservative as well as others, seem to have arrived at the conviction that a Reform Bill is abso lutely necessary. (Hear, hear.) What may have been suffi cient for the year 1830 by no means applies to'the thange of circumstances in 1856. (Hear, hear.) Tho enormous in crease in the wealth of the country is in itself one very important element which should govern our future consi deration, because that wealth has now diffused itself among all classes of the community. The working classes have shared as amply as others in the great prosperity of past years, and that being the case, there is no question that the education of the country has elso made enormous pro gress, and has reached even to the poorest classes in the country. The consequence is that the middle class men of the year 1830 were scarcely up to the mark of the great body of the working classes in the year 1860, and yet in spite of this the working classes as a body have still no voice in the representation. Now, Ido not mean to tell you that I think the working classes are more honest or more intelligent, or more patriotic than their fellowmen in other classes. I have never attempted to rouse your pas sions by any such statement, but I do say this, and I say it with the utmost confidence, that the working classes are no less intelligent, honest, or patriotic. (Cheers.) If this be so, the working classes as a body have the fullest right to a share in the representation. Now I do think that on a retrospect of what has taken place during the last thirty years, even the strongest Conservative may take heart of grace and put all his alarm on one side. We remember what were the prophecies of a large num ber of men in the highest position in the country at the time the first Reform Biil was under discussion. We were told that we were on the eve of a revolution, that England was to sink to the level of a second-rate power, that the sun of England bad set for ever, and yet what has been the fact ? Why, that so far from this having been a revolu tionary measure the first Reform Bill,• if it had one striking feature more than another, was that it averted revolution. We have had the freest press, free trade, and greater free dom of religion ; and, upon the whole, we have had a vast increase of contentment and prosperity throughout the country. (Cheers.) 'Well, then, I believe that we shall have a Reform Bill next session ; and I say so in despite of certian rumours to the contrary. It has been said that the Ministers have not yet prepared their bill. Of course it is impossible for any persons out of the Cabinet to know what has passed at the board ; but if the Ministry have not yet made up their minds as to the nature of their bill, they have very ill conducted themselves during the recess. We are also told that there is an intention on the part of the Government to divide their bill into two parts—one part to apply to the franchise, and another to the manner in which decisions shall be come to in the great contres of represen tation. Now, Ido not believe that, for Ido not bellows that any body of men composed as the present Ministry is, would seek to do it. As my hon. friend (Mr. Bright) has told you over and over again, it is impossible to separate the two questions as to the extension of the franchise and the mode in which you will give to different parts of the country the power of sending members to Parliament. We must re member that, whatever we may think of the Reform ten deucies of some members of the Government, there are men in it, among others Mr. Milner Gibson, who have earned the confidence of all true Reformers. (Hear.) We must not forget that a neighbouring borough has returned one who is a member of the Government, and who always will receive the applause of his fellowcountrymeu as having been the first •man in this country who mooted with any thing like success the question of free trade. I mean Mr. Villiers. (Cheers.) We must not forget that these gen tlemen are members of the Government, and I am content to believe that in that Government these gentlemen will not remain unless that Government consents to a Reform Bill based on sound principles. But supposing wo may be disappointed in this respect, we are not without able and willing leaders. We cannot forget that we have my hon. colleague, whose consummate ability and vast eloquence have been acknowledged on all occasions in defence of the rights and liberties of the subject. Even should the Go vernment be deficient in its desire to promote reform, I have no doubt we shall find some means of showing that the liberties of the people are not forgotten in the existing House of Commons. The question is, what shall the re form which is required amount to. I am not here to discuss the bill of my hon. colleague, which has received the sanc tion of all classes of the country. • We cannot discuss the bill of the Government, because we do not know what the provisions of that bill may be ; but I think we are in a position to declare the broad and general principles on which any reform bill ought to be based. (Cheers.) Tho resolu tion states that we will net bo satisfied with any reform which does not give us a very great extension of the franchise—l would say a franchise equal to that which Lord J. Russell proposed of a a rating ; and I say this because I believe that in any measure which we adopt we ought to do that which we can do well. (Hear.) Although I look to the widest extension of the suffrage as the point to which I think we ought to go, I never would refuse any measure which honestly and seriously attempted to give the people any portion of their rights—(cheers)—because I am quite sure that every extension of the franchise will be the lever of ob taining that which many of us hope to obtain. (Hear.) The second object is that which refers to the more equal appor= tionment of members to the population. I will not say what boroughs ought to be disfranchised, or what boroughs ought not to be enfranchised, or the number of members to be given to this or to that district, because these are matters which will be discussed in the Government Bill. (Hear.) But I may say this, that unless we have a more equal appor tionment of members to the population we shall not obtain anything like what we have a right to expect. (Cheers.) The resolution mentions the question of the ballot. I do not wish to diminish the importance of that subject. I have always voted for the ballot and shall always wish to see that a part of the means by which members are to be returned to Parliament. But if the resolution means that the ballot is to be made a sine qua non in any bill, that we are to reject any measure which does not include the ballot, I must re luctantly demur to the conclusion of the resolution. I should be glad to accept an honest reform bill even without the bal lot, not because I undervalue its importance, but I wish you to bear in mind the circumstance that a great portion of the Government are against the ballot, and that you have not a pledge that the ballot shall form any part of the Go vernment measure. I do not wish to see our public men dragged through the mire so as to pledge themselves to support opinions which they do not entertain. Ido not wish to see the leading members of the Government who object to the ballot coming forward and saying that the arguments of the public have convinced them that the ballot ought to bo adopted. I would much rather see the public make their representatives pledge themselves, when the time comes, not to vote for any Ministry which will not takecarry a t n h y e h b o a e o s t t. measure ( Ch e e r (Cheers.) of) e ß f e u r t m I w shouldhod hbee Governmentto ad lt o h p a t s s , b e e v e e u nthoughsa i du the t a lkballotgreat m d a e y a In about R i n e e f l o ud rm e d — i w n h i a t. t do you mean to do when you get it ? Now, in the first place, I would say, if you get nothing else you would get this, you would place every man who felt he had a right to vote on the same footing in that respect as the richest man in the country. In that sentiment is embodied that which constitutes loyalty to the Queen and love of the country, for no man can feel that he is * an Englishman unless he pos sesses all the rights of an Englishman. (Cheers.) Well then, I think beyond this that the House of Commons itself would be no worse off if we had a little infusion of fresh blood. I mean no disrespect to that house—which, with all its faults, I look upon as still the noblest representative as sembly in the world—in saying that its deliberations would bo greatly improved by having in it some men who should be more immediately the representatives of the working classes. (Hear.) There are many questions in which such representatives could give an opinion, which, if not sounder and better than that of other men, would satisfy the work ing classes of the country that their wishes were represented in a manner which they themselves understood, and with NO MORE MEDICINE which they sympathised. (Hear, hear.) I feel also, that Price 21., free by post, a popular treatise, sixty-four Pages, THE NATURAL REGENERATION of the DIGESTIVE in the coming session it would have been an immense ad- ORGANS, vantage if we had in Parliament men who would represent practically illustrating the effectual Cure, without Medicine, of Indigestion (dyspepsia), habitual Constipation, Flatulency' the working classes on the question of taxation, and Acidity, Palpitation of the Heart, Torpidity of the Liver, which is a question that there is reason to believe will hilous Headaches, Nervousness, Biliousness, General. Debi. lity, Cough, Asthma, Consumption, Despondency, Spleen , &c., be subjected to revision next session; nor do I t hink without Pills, Purgatives, or Medicine of any kind, by a that the question of the revision of the taxation of the simple, pleasant, and infallible means; adapted to the general reader. London: Barry Du Barry & Co. 77, Regent-etreeti country could be introduced to the house by an abler The Fourth Edition, Just Published, Bvo, in cloth, price ss. by post free, ss. 6d. n N TRUE and FALSE SPERMATORRHCEA ; V with the View to the Correction of wide-spread Errors in relation to the Treatment and Cure of Sufferers from De bility of the Generative system, or Sexual Hypochrondriasis. (NE HUNDRED POUNDS REWARD ON The fearful dang CONVICTION. ers to invalids from spurious imitations of DU BARRY's invaluable HEALTH-RESTORING ItEVA • LENTA AR ABICA FOOD led to an investigation, and. upon application in 18.54 for protection, the High Court of Chancery granted an injunction restraining Alfred Hooper Nevill, and his agents, under a penalty of .£5,000, from selling any article resembling or being a colourable imitation of Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica, of ,which we are the sole pro prietors. Now, therefore, this We give notice that the above reward will be paid, upon convielon, to anyone giving infor mation of any breach of the injunction. An intelligent public requires no admonition to shun all shopkeepers who May attempt impositions. London :1111ARRY DU BARRY & CO, NO MORE SICKLY OR ILL-CONDITIONED HORSES OR OTHER CATTLE. RA REY'S TTORSE and CATTLE-IMPROVING FOOD restores the efficiency, vigour, endurance, and muscle of conditioned or apparently worn-out Horses, Cows , Bul locks, Calves, Sheep, and Pigs. In a short time it improves - Their appearance and value by 20 and 30 per cent. RAREY knd Co., 77, Regent's Quadrant, London. In tins at 35., at 65., lls. ; in casks, of about 450 feeds, 50s. ; of about 1,000 feeds, E 5, being about lid. per feed. Forwarded on receipt of Post-office orders.: The casks free of carriage. colleague in endeavouring to make a broad, honest, and effectual Refor i m Dill. (Cheers.) Mr. BRIGHT, on rising, was received with loud and long continued cheering. lie said, I feel very sure that you will agree with me when 1 say that I think it a wholesome thing that constituencies and their representatives should meet as we meet to-night, for the purpose of discussing questions of vital interest to the community—questions which must very soon come before Parliament, and which pre-eminently call for legislation. (Hear.) But if these groat questions —vital as they are to the interests of the community—can only be determined by Parliament, hew necessary is it that that Parliament to which these great questions arc referred, should fairly representthe great interests and the intelligent mind of the people of this country. (Cheers.) I think Ido ■ot overstate the case, when I state thatformany years past there has been a growing conviction, notamongst the unre- presented classes only, but amongst all classes, that the }Louse of Commons in this country—the chief house of le merit formed. The great point upon which the house and e the country differed from Lord Derby was upon the ques• tion of Parliamentary Reform, and if there be anything in the world to which the statesmen now in office are pledged more than any other, it is to a measure of Parliamentary Reform, such as shall be clearly distinct from, and better than that which they rejected when Lord Derby proposed his bill. The promises of the leaders of the Whig party gained them power, and having acceded to power, the time for action, and for the fulfilment of their premises, is now come. (Hear.) In making these observations, do not fora mo ment imagine I ern doubting the course the Government will take. I am merely stating the facts that they may be in • your recollection, and the recollection of the ,country, if by any possibility there should be hereafter any necessity to recall that which has passed. (Cheers.) But now what was the measure which Lord J. Russell proposed ? Reform, as we all know, is a question of degree. In a great tsany countries of the world there are Legislative Assemblies elected by constituencies. They are elected in almost all kinds of ways, and therefore a proposition may be made which is not mine, or which is not yours, but still may have value in it, and may be worth fairly considering. The proposition which Lord J. Russell made befoie the dis solution appears to me to be one of that character, and we shall not waste our time if we devote a few minutes to an examination of what it really is. The bill must necessarily be something in the shape of a compromise. It will not be a mere deception, like the bill of Lord Derby, and, cer tainly, if he adheres to what he proposed, it will not be as full and as comprehensive as the very moderate proposition which last year I was permitted to submit to the considera tion of public meetings in various parts of the country. It will be more moderate—l am confining myself now to the question of the suffrage—it will be more moderate than a bill which Mr. Pitt was ready to submit, and I think proposed, about 70 years ago. It will be more moderate and more re stricted in its suffrage than a bill introduced by the late Lord Grey, and supported by Mr. Fox 60 years ago. It will be more moderate than the bill or the proposition that was made by Lord Durham about 30 years ago. It will be very much on a par with the bill of Lord John Russell in 1852, and it is that kind of a measure which I presume, in the course of the month of February at the latest, we shall see brought before the House of Commons. Now, I shall con fine myself to the question of the borough franchise, as the House of Commons has already agreed to the question of the county franchise. The £lO occupation franchise in the coun ties appears to be agreed upon generallyin the House of Com mons, but there still may be a difference of opinion with re gard to the boroUgh franchise. In large towns a £6 rental franchise will ad d very largely to the conetituency,though, as appears from the returns of small occupiers, which have been sent up to the Poor-law Department for the use of the Govern ment in discussing this question, not nearly so largely as might be imagined. I, however, take it fur granted that in all places which, are large, like Birmingham and Man chester, and which are full of manufacturing activity, like Wolverhampton and many of the boroughs in Lancashire and Yorkshire, a £6 rental franchise will double, and per haps in a few eases will rather more than double, the exist ing number of electors. In other towns, teo, which aro what is called "unfinished"—(laughter)—towns, where there has not been a new street, and perhaps not a new house, in the memory of anybody living—(laughter)—in towns of that kind, Where there is no commercial or manu facturing life, the increase in the number of electors will bo comparatively small. I believe there are many in which the increase will not be more than 10 per cent. ; and I be lieve that if we take such a city as Exeter, which has a very considerable population, but is still not a town of great com mercial life or activity, the increase in the number of elec tors will not be morn than 20 per cent. I mean by this that if tho present number of electors is 1,000, the addition will not be more than 200, making the register in future 1,200. It is quite clear, then, that that would not be a particularly destructive measure, and a man must have eyes of a highly magnifying power to enable him to discover that it was so. (Laughter.) Now there is one point which is very impor tant in considering this matter. There are 134 boroughs in this country—l am speaking now of the United King dom—returning 198 members, which are so small that it is utterly impossible for any extension of the franchise to give an adequate constituency to them. For instance, there are 56 boroughs, whose average population is only 5,900. The average number of electors is only 324 voters, and yet they return 87 members. (Hear.) If you give a £6 rental in these places, and rents are much lower than at Birmingham or Manchester, you will find that you add very few in deed to the constituency, and therefore the proposition of Lord John Russell will be found wholly inadequate for such boroughs. Then, again, there are nine boroughs in Ireland with a population of 5,600, in which the average is 173, and yet they return nine members. There are also 69 boroughs whose average population is 11,300. The, average number of voters is 453, and these 69 boroughs re - turn 102 members to Parliament. (Cries of " Shame.") Although this bill will give a great accession to Birming ham and Manchester and to large towns of commercial activity and manufacturing life, if you come to the list which I have read, you Will find that there are 200 mem bers returned from boroughs whose constituencies will be altogether insufficient for a proper representation if that bill should pass. (Hear, hoar.) But, now, look at the large boroughs. Thom are 23 boroughs with a population between 54,000 and 127,000, which return only 42 members, and thero aro 12 boroughs with a population over 127,000, which return 21 members. • These 35 large towns return 66 members, and whatever may be the extension of the suf frage in these boroughS, they would still only return 66 members. If then, it should frighten anybody to be told that the number of electors in these boroughs will be doubled, they will know, at the same time, that they would have 134 boroughs returning 198 members, in which this bill will make hardly any perceptible difference in giving a free and sufficient constituency. , It is not, then, for those who are against Reform to say that the great boroughs will have too many electors ; but it is for us, who are in favour of Reform, to say that these small boroughs under this bill will have a number of electors wholly ineuffieient to justify Parliament in co - , firming to them the privileges they now enjoy. (Hear.) It is impossible to say what will be the whole number of electors added to the boroughs of the United Kingdom, but I make a sort of guess, which will bo sufficiently near to enable us to argue from. At pre sent, in the United Kingdom, the borough voters are about 500,000. I am of opinion that a £6 rental franchise will not add 60 per cont. to the whole of the borough consti nencies of the kingdom ; but I take it at 60 per cent. gislation in the kingdoin—does not fairly include within it a representation of all the interests and of all the classes who belong to the great concerns and to the greatpopulation of the kingdom. (Hear, hear.) And we have a most conclu sive proof of this opinion from the fact, that without any great agitation, without any firm combination, or any series of combinations throughout the country, the whole country has come at last to the conviction that we must have another Reform Bill, a far larger number of vpters, a better distri bution of members, and such changes as will make the Par liament more entirely a mirror io represent the public than it does at present. {Cheers.) The question has grown very quietly, but it has attained at last a giant's stature ; and whether your Government be formed of men from one side of the house or from the other, it is all the same. They come down with one speech after another from the Throne, proclaiming to the whole country that it is the opinion of the Crown, as it is the opinion of the Go vernment, and, as I hesitate not to say, as it is the opinion of the vast majority of the people, that we are entitled to an extension of Parliamentary representation. (Cheers.) It is a curious thing to watch the progress of this question. When the bill of 1832 passed, there were many people in Birmingham who thought it very inadequate, though they had agreed to accept it, and had done so much to carry it. For 20 years the authors—l mean the parliamentary authors of that bill—the leaders of the Wliig party— steadily re • fused to step one single hair's breadth in advance of it. They justified, by their conduct, that which a friend of mine who knows what took place at that time, told me, namely, that he thought the people of Brookes's Club—the principal Whig club in London—were about as much frightened at the Reform Bill as anybody else. (Laughter.) It was not till 20 years afterwards—till the year 1851, I believe — that Lord John Russell—by far the most eminent, by far the most distinguished, and, as I believe, by far the most trustworthy of his party on this question—it was not until 1851 that Lord John Russell himself avowed his intention . to offer a further bill, providing for a further extension of the franchise to the consideration of the House of Commons. In 1852 the promised bill made its appearance. It provided for an extension of the suffrage in boroughs to this amount. That every man having a house rated at £5, which I pre sume would be equal to about a of rental, should hake, vote. With regard to Scotland, it provided that every per son living in a house not rated at but rented at £5 should have a vote. Well, that was a large and sub►tantial offer to Parliament and the country ; but the unfortunate quar rel which took place between Lord John Russell and the chief of the present Cabinet, caused a change of Govern ment, and that bill was withdrawn. We step on now, passing over the short Government of Lord Derby, to the Government of Lord Aberdeen, and in 1851, Lord J. Rus sell, acting again as spokesman for the Cabinet on behalf of the Reform question, brought in another bill, which was not so good as the bill of 1852 with regard to the franchise, for it raised the suffrage from a Li to a -..C6 rating, which is probably equal to a £7 rental. That bill was withdrawn. That Government—composed, as I believe it was, of three sections of politicians, if not of three factions of politicians —that Government allowed the country to drift into a needless and sanguinary war, and therefore, as a matter of course, all questions of Reform and improvement in your domestic affairs were laid aside until the war was concluded. Well, after that Government fell, we had the Government which would give an addition of 300,000 voters, making the present number of 500,000 into 800,000, and therefore fall ing widely short of doubling the present constituency. Now, the county constituencies ofteUnited Kingdom have about 700,000 names upon the register, and I calculate that rea tie ing the county franchise to £lO will add, perhaps, 200,000 more, and bring them up to 900,000. Therefore the present number upon the register for counties and borough being 4200,000, will be increased by half a million, but the real number of voters will be not more than a million, as many were upon both the county and the borough registers, and the whole number of voters, if this bill passes, will conse quently not be more than a million and a half. I am quite sure that the men who dread a measure like this, who fancy that we ars extreme in our propositions, though this you know is not our proposition, cannot really have ex amined it, or they would not say a syllable against it. What did Mr. Disraeli say in that last memorable debate, in which he fought for his political or rather his official life, and did not succeed in saving it, On the 7th of June he said, " It is unnecessary on this occasion to vindicate the measure which we brought forward in the last Parliament, but I will state one fact, not upon my own authority, but upon that of men of high scientific character not connected with politics or with parties, whose only object in their researches is to esta blish and promulgate truth, and that is, that our measure would have increased the constituent body by not less than of Lord Palmerston, with a good many promises, and not only no performance, but no attempt at performance (Laughter.) In 1858 that Government fell, and was sue. ceeded by the Cabinet of Lord Derby; and, as Mr. Disrael insists upon it that the Whigs have no right to a monopoly in dealing with the Rgiorm question, he and his colleague■ proposed to deal with it, and at the beginning of last year they introduced a bill which, as it had one evening devoted expressly to it in this hall some three months ago, I think we need not go into further to-night, and in avoiding any discussion of it I think we shall only be acting with charity and compassion to its author. (Laughter and cheers.) So unsatisfactory was that bill of Lord Derby's to the House of Commons and the country, that not only was it rejected, but the Government was rejected too. (Laughter.) Lord Derby took the opportunity, as it is reported, on one occasion of making some not very pleasant observations upon me, in which he said, if I recollect rightly, that the Queen would not have me, the House of Commons would not have me, and the country and the people would not have me. The noble lord fell into precisely the same predicament. (Laugh ter and cheers.) The House of Commons would not have Lord Derby's bill, and the House of Commons would not have Lord Derby. (Laughter.) He then appealed to the consti tuencies of the United Kingdom, and with a power of cor ruption, which I suppose has never before been equalled ; but he learned, notwithstanding, that the country and con • stituencies would not have him ; and acting in accordance with the Constitution, finding that the house and the coun try had decided against him, of course tho Crown would not have him, and Lord Palmerston was called in to supply his place. Now we come to the position in which we now find ourselves in connection with the great question. On the night—l think the very night the dissolution was an nounced—Lola J. Russell made a statement in the house of what ho thought would be a liberal proposition for a Li beral Government to make—a proposition which he inti mated he would be willingto mike himself, if in a position to do so. Well, we had the dissolution, and after the general election we went up to London, and we had a meeting at Willis's-rooms, and there was some discussion there on this as well as upon other questions. It was determined that if a majority of the House of Commons would agree, Lord Derby's Government should be put out and a now Govern 500,000, being absolutely a larger addition than was made by the Reform Bill of 1832." Further on he said—" We" —and in this ho was speaking of the monopoly which Lord J. Russell and the Whigs had usurped on the question of Reform—" we, who at least have prepared and introduced a measure which would more than have doubled the constitu ency of the kingdom, are never to be allowed to give our . opinions upon a measure of this kind." In one case he said the bill added 500,000 ; and, in the other, that it more than doubled the constituency of the kingdom. He know that the bill had been a bill of exclusion against the working classes. He and Sir E. Bulwer Lytton had taken credit to the Go vernment for excluding the working classes and having . given the suffrage to the middle classes ; and he said, fur ther on, " The questior of the borough franchise must be dealt with, and it must be dealt with, too, with reference to the introduction of the working classes. We admit that that has been the opinion of Parliament, and that it has been the opinion of the country, as shown by hon. gentle men who have been returned to this house." He then goes on to say " And therefore wo are perfectly prepared to deal with that question of the borough franchise, a ad the intro duction of the working classes by lowering the franchise in boroughs, and by acting in that direction with sincerity; because if you intend to admit the working clakcses to the franchise, by lowering the suffrage in boroughs, you must not keep the promise to the ear, and break it to tire hope.' The lowering of the suffrage must he done in a mannbr which satisfactorily and completely effects your object, and is at the same time—using the usual stereotyped phr.ise— ' consistent with maintaining the institutions of the coun try.' 'W ell, am I not entitled to say that if Government bring in a bill for a £lO franchise in counties, and a LG rental franchise in boroughs, which bill would not add more than 500,000 electors to the register—am I not entitled to say that such a bill cannot be opposed by Mr. Disraeli after the extracts I have read ? (Hear, hear.) Ile proposed to add 500,000 voters in his delusive measure. He said it would more than double the constituency of the kingdom, and he said, " If you admit the working classes, yout must, do so completely and effectually." Of corn*, so far as his own sentiments were concerned; it was a sort of penitential declaration just before he was being expelled from office, and when he wented to get a few simple minded gentlemen from our side of the house to vote with him in the division; but the words were spoken in the House of Commons—l heard them myself—and I • say •that we should be entitled to call on him, and those who believe • in him; to give their support to a measure at least as extensive as a £6 rental franchise. (Cheers.) A friend of mine who is not very enthusiastic in favour of. Reform but who still believes that Reform must be granted, ,says this is a coarse manner of doing it—that if you drop from £lO to £6 'you will take in all men, whether industrious or stupid, or idle or profligate---that if you case your nets into the sea you cannot expect that all the largo fish will come up; but men do not give up putting their nets into seas and rivers because they do not catch fish that are the finest for the'table or the market. So in this case I main tain that there is no other test which can be compared with the test of residence when you wish to elect a constituency. It is the old franchise of the kingdom. It is asked, why do you net like what is old ? We do when it is good. When any borough was charged in old times to return members, unless they were under restrictions, every householder was directed to return members ; and the Reform Bill went on the same principle, and intended that every person down wards should have the. franchise. Why should we depart from the system of our ancestors for the sake of fancy fran chises, which Governments who do not want reform are so fond of. (Hear.) Why should we say of having stopped at £lo—if you go down to £6 or £5, it will include a greater proportion of that which is real than heretofore ? Or why will you say, with regard to these local boroughs of which I have spoken, it is quite clear there is no remedy for them except the one which surgeons take when a limb becomes Incurable, and when the life of the patient is at stake—that is, amputation—(cheers and laughter)—an unpleasant re medy for some gentlemen that I know who have bought estates cies° upon some little borough—estates that pay but - a very small interest, but which pay a political intsrest which satisfies the proprietors for their outlay—it is a very unpleasant thing for them, but I do not think it a very un pleasant thing for the electors in those boroughs. I do not know if any of you are acquainted with those intelligent, honest men, especially if they happen to be liberal in small boroughs. So far as I have seen they, generally speaking, rattier wish the good of the country than the permanence of local or corrupt interests in the town. They are generally of opinion that it would be a great advantage if these %mall boroughs were disfranchised. (Hear, hear.) These bld boroughs aro ruined by elections. Not long ago I mot a nobler:Oen connected with one of them, who said that if it had not been for the franchise the town would have been twice as large and ten times as prosperous, and its ruin was to be traced entirely to the profligacy and corruption arising from elections. (Cheers.) I now come to the question will the Government propose a bill, and if they do so, will they be able to carry it. I think they wil! propose a bill. I know no more than what every one knows who reads the news papers and reflects on current events. Lord Derby, before he went out of office and his party with him would, I have , no doubt, have consented to an £8 rental as the franchise for the boroughs. I do not know that they would not have gone further if they had thought such a proceeding would have given them an additional lease of power, for it is asto nishing to witness the elasticity of consciences of statesmen, notwithstanding the pledges given by them when a political course rendered them necessary. I have seen it alike with respect to Whig and Tory. I have seen two of the most emi nent members of the Cabinet come round within the lasttwo years, and who have unsaid everything they had previously said respecting Church-rates ; and I am sure if they should turn on the question of the Ballot we should not rejecttheir aid and assistance. (Cheers and laughter.) Lord Derby's party would, I believe, have given the id franchise in bo roughs. What will the present Government give? £7 ? Is there to be a difference of only 20s? The thing is impossible. I have seen very idle and very foolish mon, but I do not think I ever saw anybody so idle an so foolish as to be a party to forcing upon a country a general election, getting up a meet ing at Willis's Rooms, moving a resolution for an address to the Queen, carrying it, after many days' debate, and then after ejecting their opponents and taking their places, com ing forward and offering a bill only 20s. in advance of those whom they have succeeded. (Cheers.) If I might offer a word of warning to the present Government, I would say to them, Remember this. At th's moment there is no great majority in your favour in the House of Commons. Let them remember that the policy they have pursued ever since_ the Reform Bill has been to damp tho ardour of the people in every part of the country with regard to this question, and that they have so successfully managed to influence a certain clasp—those most connected with themselves—that they have found the Tories, their ancient opponents, whom they thought they had destroyed as a party, voting within a dozen of themselves after a general election upon this very question. Now, what the Government and what our poli ticians ought to do is this—they ought to try in • the first place to be right, and having found out what is right, they ought to nerve themselves with the responsibility of carry ing out the right. (Loud cheers.) And I believe there never was a time when a Ministry would derive more advantage from fairlyand resolutely dealing with this ques tion, and staking their existence upon carrying it through both houses of Parliament. I do not think it will require much to persuade you that the proposition of Lord J. Rus sell is a very moderate one. I think you are already per suaded of that. (Laughter.) And I want to show those who think we are extreme men, that we are really very moderate men. In England, Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, if every man voted, you would not find a million amongst them. I will assume, for the sake of argument, that they will repre sent a million of families—which, however, they do not, because in many cases there are two persons in one family having a vote—supposing one million of electors to represent one million families, and each party to consist of five per sons, five millions of the population will be represented. But the population of this country is 30 millions. And what follows ? That there are five millions of men who have no votes; five millions of families in which not one person has a vote. Twenty-five millions of the population are as totally unrepresented as if they lived in a country in which Parlia ment had never been heard of. Our unrepresented popula tion outside the constitution is greater than the population of any country in Europe, except Russia, Austria, and France ; as great as the whole population of the United States at the last census. What is it that Lord J. Russell proposes to do ? To add half a millionto that million. And what will he leave when ho has done that? Ho will still leave four millions and a half of men without votes—four millions and a half of families, in which neither father, bro ther, nor son has a vote, and 221 millions of population as entirely unrepresented as if they lived in the kingdom of Naples. (Hear, hear.) I ask, is such a state of things as that to be allowed to remain? (No, no, and cheers.) A few weeks ago I made a speech at a meeting at Liverpool on the subject of direct and indirect taxation, and stated that the indirect taxes annually raised amounted to 42 millions sterling, and I stated that 25 millions of unrepresented people paid by far the largest portion of these items of taxa tion—the customs and excise. A gentleman in this neigh bourhood has taken exception to what I said, and not in a manner particularly courteous, considering that he was vice president, or something of that sort, at the Council of Edu cation—an office wholly unnecessary. (Laugktsr.) As you did not choose the candidate he provided for you, it is not Hedy I should stand very high in his favour (Laughter.) Mr. Adderley the other day, speaking of some argument with which he was going to overwhelm me, said ho was surprised that the Times had not hit upon that very argument. I , am surprised too, but you cannot expect even the Times, with all its capital and staff, to mono polise every bad argument. (Cheers and laughter.) If the Times had proclaimed to the country and to the world, which it did in effect, that if the working men would keep carriages and horses for their wives to ride out on Sundays like the wives of noblemen and such people at the West-end of London, their employers would be obliged to pay them wages to enable them to support that expenditure. Mr. Adderley thinks that the Times, having used an argument like this, ought to have used an argu ment like that which he was about to use. Mr. Adderley says he had seen the point well met in a letter to the editor of A ris' s Gazette. "Mr. Bright's'argurnent was simply this —The working classes consumed the greatest quantity of excisable articles, and were the greatest payers of excise. But they were not so per head." Mr. Adderley goes on to say—" If they take them per head they would arrive at an exactly opposite conclusion." Now, if Mr. Adderley ex pected that a working man r eceivin g 20s. or 30s per week was to pay as much as that g entleman himself, that was a e view which never entere d into my mind at all. Mr. Adder ley went on to say th at I would giv to the working men the absolute command of the elections. Ho admits that they, as a body , p a y the groat bulk of the taxes, and be knows that the great body are entirely excluded from the representation, and that there is not a single member of the Rouse of Commons who can be said to be returned by that body. This only shows the line of argument that a man may take who busies himself in finding reasons why power should be concentrated in his own class, and why the great body of his own countrymen should be excluded from that which he so highly prizes. (Hear, hear.) My bill of last year would have left a large mass of the working classes unrepresented. To show how moderate was my proposi tion, and how anxious I am to obtain something substan tial and useful, I will state the extent to which I proposed to go, which will justify me in giving my assistance to the Government if they adhere to their measure and courage ously press it on Parliament. 1 believe the bill which I pro posed would not have done much more than the' Govern mentbill. It would not have done more thandouble the num ber of electors, generally speaking, because although it might have done so in boroughs, it would not hive added more than 200,000 to the county constituencies. My bill [ADVERTISEMENT.] — Mr. Benson, Ludgate-bill, has just published anew illustrated pamphlet on watches (free by post for two stamps). It should be read by all who are about buying a watch, as it contains prices and important informa tion as to—What watch to buy ! where to buy it ! and how to use it! T*7 In . 7 b.... , It f * E ; 144 ;7' ' . • would have raised the present number of eleelOCe4trie **: millions. What would have been the effect ? LOrtc-ke Russell's bill would ha ve l e ft f our m i ll i ons and a half - presented—mine would have left four mil iions unrepresented. • If Lord J. Russell's bill wonldhave It ft twenty-two millions and u half of the population unrepresented, mine weal , ' have left twenty millions unrepre - eated. • How modera , e, then, was mjproject, and how unjust, hdw slanderous, how false, and how malignant were the charges nude against me in connection with that bill. (Groat cheering.) Thee are here present many thousands who can answer, not only for themselves but for their neighbours, and would ask them, and any person who may be disposed to be critical, this question—are the people of this country, as a whole, so ignorant, so brutal, so destructive, so dangerous, that when I exclude 20 millions and Lord John Russell excludes upwards of 22 millions, there is still danger to every valuable institution of our country: 'W hat is the monarchy worth ? Whit is the House of Commons worth ? What. is the Established Church worth? (Nothieg.)' After these institutions have existed in this country for so many centuries, the population is so ignorant and destruc tive, and so untrustworthy; that when 20 ad are put aside and not entrusted with the frateelliee, three is still danger on the admission of the small renotiaer of the people. If any man opposes - this, put this seal upon him, that he is against representation altogether ; that it . he lived in a country in which there were no Parliaments, ho wouldl be against Parliaments; that if ho had lived before the' Reform Bill, he would have been against the Reform Bill; and that in discussing questions of reform, his opinion is of no value fur the settlement of such a question. I run of opinion that there are many men of the Tory party in the House of Commons who will support Reform next session, Not a few of them pledged themselves to a franchise before the last election. I must always give credit to Mr. Disraeli that, after all, he has been a great teacher of tbo party with whom he is con nected. They ised him at first to wreak their vengeance against Sir R. Peel, but since then he has very successfully used them. (Loud laughter.) He rarely makes a speech in whin/the does not say something much 'More palatable on.ouraide of the house than on his own, and I am inclined to think that those speeches from which I read the extracts showed a good deal of foresight, and he was likely looking forward to the Reform of 1860, when this question of the session having been shelved—not put away as lumber, but settled in such a way that it could not be brought forward session after session —he felt that he would have a better chance in his contention for office against the tVhigs than he has while this question remains in its present state. In the House of Lords—oven in that assembly where day light only breaks in, as it were, through chinks and cran nies—there must be men who know perfectly well that after this question has been put into the mouth of the Queen session after session, everybody admitting that it is a question which must be settled —there are men in that house who will counsel a:moderate course. I will not pledge myself for anything they will do until it is dens. But lam not without hope that, as in past times, when the moment arrives at which they are to say aye or no, and when the "no" does not always appear to be maintainable or safe, it is possible that they may say " aye," and that the bill will pass. (Cheers.) Only look at the men in the Mouse of Lords. What a magnificent position many of those men., occupy—a position not always fortunate for themselves, for I do not think it always fortunate to be so privileged—a position not for their countrymen; many of them have great property, can boast an illustrious ancestry, and possess vast influence all over the country. Can they shut out from their minds that whatever is great or good in England comes front whatever we have enjoyed of personal and poli tieelliberty ? Their position has not been made worse but better by all that has taken place, and, it may be, that if they would accommodate themselves to the growth of intelligence and show themselves in favour cf some of the changes neces sary, they might maintain for a time to come, as long as they have already occupied it, a position equal to that which they now'hold among their fellow Men. (Hear.) If Englishmen go, as they went 250 years ago, to America, or to any British colony, they take with them the British constitu tion and the right of voting. If he goes to Australia, if - he goes to Canada, if he goes to Van Diemen's Land— wherever he emigrates under the Crown of England—in whatsoever colony lie bovines a resident, he is possessed of a franchise which he cannot have in this country. Now I want to ask you, is England to be the only country in which the natural and inalienable rignts of Englishmen according to the constitution shall be denied to them ? (Cries of "No, no.") Can that which is good for America, for Canada, for Van Diemen's Land, for the Cope, be an evil for this country ? (No.) I cannot understand what men mean by this dread of admitting a large number of their countrymen within the franchise. There is nothing in the history of the past to justify their fears, but there is everything to encourage them in any forward step they may make. If Parliament is goodlor anything, it is good to preserve the peace, to manage national funds with economy, to le' taxes taxes fairly. Look at what we have done within the last twenty years. I was looking over some figures the other day, and I discovered this astounding fact, that we are paying now for military expenses alone £10,000,000 a-year more than all your Government ex penses of every kind—military and naval—in 1338, exclu sive of the National Debt in both instances; and although we are doing this, what is the humiliating position in which we find ourselves ? We sometimes see amusing caricatures of John Bull, which make men laugh. Suppose you saw a caricature of this kind: that John Bull lived in a parish in which the 'rates were twice as heavy as in any other; that the police force was such that there was not the side of a house which was not watched by a poligeman or a sentinel, and yet such was his constant state of alarm that this unfortunate John Bull was forced to sit night after night at his, window, with cocked pistol and loaded re volver, and could not get a wink of sleep. (Laughter.) Such is tho present condition of England. Great as is the enormous coat of the navy now, in 20 years more it will be double if you permit it. (Hear, heat.) Taxes are the moans by which Government provides for the expenditure of the country, and so long as expenditure is made a justifica tion for taxes, depend upon it so long will there be an ex cuse for the continuation of taxes. (Hear, hear.) You have a Minister of War sitting in his room, and in comes an alarmed admiral and an affrighted general, the talk is all of rifle cannon, of breech-loading small arms, and rifle corps, and the Minister himself gets so heated by the rarified at mosphere in which he is placed that he at length scarcely is able to form any calm judgment on the state of the ques tion. (Hear, hear.) I do wish that Englishmen had a little more coolness, and that we were not so easily led away by a red herring on a string before us. After spending £26,000,000 last year, which was twice as much as the Duke of Wellington and Sir It. Peel thought necessary in 1835, the moment Parliament rises three-fourths of the newspapers—who don't give you a single fact that can be relied on—getup agitating statements, and then just before Parliament meets, when they know the whole thing will be, blown to atoms, they tell you that the reasons by which they excited your fears were no reasons at all, but merely to ' prove an abstract proposition; that although you had spent twenty-six millions for others to defend you, you must de fend yourselves. Ono word more, and I have done. Twenty - years ago, the voice of the 25,000,000 of unrepresented people in this country—the voice of 5,90,000 working men was heard in angry mood. That is no longer heard because the distress which pressed upon them has been removed. But the work ing men have associations. They can get up formidable strikes against capital. Sometimes it may be on real, sometimes on fancied, grievances. I ask, why are not these trade organisations made use of to 'obtain their poli tical rights ? I hope it may not be necessary to make use ofsrem, but if the question is not fairly settled in the com ing session, I do hope that the working people of this coun try—those vast bodies of artisans whose skill and whose labour fill all our warehouses, all our shops, all our ships —will take some steps to bring about what I may call a convocation of working men, with a view to bring their influence to bear on Parliament at an early period. (Cheers.) I don't fur a moment mean to use the lan guage of menace, fur I think that Parliament requires the language of menace less, probably, than at any former time ; but I trust that in the session of 1860 the Government will be honest and courageous, and that the Parliament may be more sound than it has been before. I have been assailed as being hostile to our politi cal institutions, and especially to the aristocracy of the country. I freely admit that I am hostile to institu tions which exclude five-sixths of my fellow-countrymen from rt any s hare in the representation ; and lam hostile to that suPremacy of the aristocracy which is no pa of the Con • stitution of this country. 111 I want is that the population, the intelligence, the industry, the property of the country should be fairly represented in the House of Commons. The aristocracy themselves have not always been very par ticular in their contests with a power above them. Two hundred years ago, or somewhat less, they were diecot • tented with an English Monarch, and what did they do? Our greatest of bards, Shakespeare, has put into the mouth of an unfortunate Prince this sentiment,— " Not all the waves in the rough, rude sea, Can wash the balm from an anointed King." Yet the aristocracy of this country, being discontented with a king, expelled him from his throne, and by a force invited from abroad expelled him 'from his country. I am making no charge against them for this, but I say that we are not proposing to treat them in a manner se harsh. (Hear.) We have no objection to their occupying that place in the Con stitution which the Constitution has awarded them—we touch them not, we only ask that the nation shall choose its representatives to sit in Parliament--(cheers)—which they have a right to do as fairly and as undoubtedly as the peers have a right to sit in the House of Lords. (tlear, hear.) This is a fundamental principle of the English Constitu tion, and I can tell this great and influential meeting that the struggle on my part to obtain that right for the people shall never be abandoned until it has been attained with complete success. (The hon. gentleman then resumed.his seat amidst loud cheers.) A vote of thanks was then cordially given to Messrs. Scholefield and Bright, and a petition to Parliament in favour of Reform having been adopted, the proceedings erminated. 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