The Sun. — London, England, 1829-03-18 00:00:00

able from its - not being provided with sufficient seen . ritiegi.. 'lie thought_ th ose who objected to those securities we re bound to propo better, if they knew of better. For his part, he was perfictly satisfied with those provided. Sir EDWARD itINATCHBULL felt it impossible to accede to the measure now proposed by his Majesty's Go vernment,' merely' because they had thought proper to change their opinions upon the subject of the state of Ire land. Looking purely to the fact that they have changed their opinions, he did not therefore see as a consequence that he was called upon to assent to what they now pro posed. There might be secret reasons for the conduct of the Government, and lie had no doubt there were such ; but he who was not in the secret could not see any thing in these reasons which were stated to authorise this im portant concession to the Catholics. He repeated, that he had confidence in the Right Hon. Gentleman and his Ma jesty's Government, but that confidence was not great enough to induce him to part with the Constitution. — (Hear, hear, hear.) —He would now take leave to examine those reasons which the Right lion. Gentleman had de tailed to the House as having operated open his mind to produce a change of opinions—opinions which, be it re membered, the Right lionaGentleman declares he has not abandoned—which he professes to hold unchanged, but which he thinks it necessary to modify under the new and peculiar circumstances in which he professes to be placed. The reasons which the Right Hon. Gentleman alleges for the change of his opinions are three—the state of Ireland, the position in which he is placed with reference to the House of Commons, and the disunion which existed in the Ca binet. These appeared to him, one and all, to be unsa tisfactory. With reference to the state of Ireland, that was nothing new.—(Hear, hear, hear.) —He repeated that Ireland was no more disturbed now than it had been at any former period. He had attended to all the Right Hon. Gent. advanced upon that subject, and he was pre prred to prove that the state of Ireland had been much more disturbed upon many other occasions than during any period of the past or present year. Ten years ago tire pressure of necessity was much greater, and according to the Right Hon. Gent.'s reading, the danger was there fore much greater than at present. Without going fur ther, he might refer to the expressions contained in a speech of a Noble Lord (Lord Plunkett), then Attorney- General for Ireland, who, in 1822, in prosecuting the unfortunate actors in some of the lawless transactions which then took place in Ireland, drew a picture of the state of society much more highly coloured than any they had seen front the Right Hon. Gentleman, and declared that the Catholics of Ireland were united in a body for the suppression of the Government. He contended, therefore, that the Right Hon. Gent. had totally failed in an attempt to make out a justification for tine a bandonment of his principles by any reference to the state of Ireland.—(hear.) —The next reason which the Right Hon. Gent. advanced was drawn from the state of the House of Commons. That state, however, of opposi tion to the views of the Right lion. Gent. upon the subject of the Catholic question, had been known to him for some time past; but did the Right Hon. Gent. mean to say that because the parties in the House of Commons were so nicely balanced that was to be made a reason for the aban donment of his principle; or did he mean to contend that the party which succeede in defending itself has not gained its point?—(Hear, hear. )—lf the Right Hon. Gent. had looked at the matter fairly, he would have found that the division of last year was not so decidedly a gainst him as that of some years before • and the arguments he drew from that reason were therefore as insufficient as those con nected with the state of Ireland. He believed, indeed, that if the one hundred and sixty who formed the mino rity a few eveniega ago, had b e en su pported as it ought to have been by his Majenty's Government, e Right Hon. Gentleman would have hind himself in a majority upon that question in the preaeat Session. The Right Honourable Gentleman complains that he has not been supported by those who voted with him on this question. He (Sir E. Knatchbull) did not expect such a charge on the part of the Right Hon. Gentleman. It was new to him to hear it imputed as an offenee io a Member of that house that he sat silent dur in g an y discusaion which took place in it. He well remembered the discussizca which took place upon various occasions, and he equally well we membered the time when the Right Hon. Gentleman re tired from office, and Mr. Canning became Minister. — Was it, then, when Mr. Canning ca me to office, that the Right Hon.Hon. Gentleman entoplained of being deserted ?-e- He repeated, he recollected rhea lime well, and he could take upon himself to say that no MiMetaa ever retired from office with so large, ea powerful, and so reepeastable a body of -supporters. Nothing, therefore, excited greater surprise in his mind than to hear the Right Hon. Gentleman re proach them supporters with having failed in the perform ance of their duty. The Right Horn Gentleman, however, sere, that even dlr.'s he was satisfied sometiniag must be dose to conciliate Ireland. If then he was satisfied oi the necessity of conciliation, and if he was thus abandoned by his supporters, why did he not consent to lend his assist ance to Mr. Canning for the a mong:Asir/tient of that object? Mr. Canning was then all-powerful in Pasliament, and bad been the honest and consistent advocate an; She Ca tholics during the whole of hie political life, and the at a ate of Ireland would at that time have afforded the Right Hon. Gentleman a sufficient apology for adopting such a course. —The Right Hon. Gentleman, however, did not think proper to lend his assistance to Mr. Canning in 14;27. He did not even think it right to make that concession Last year, although he must have been seneible that Mr. Can ning could, above all men, have bestowed the boon of emancipation upon the Catholics with the best grace and with the greatest effect; and that they would have re ceived with gratitude that coneenginn from his Govern- Anent, which, from the present Government, they regarded as the result of policy and necessity. (Hear., bear.) After again observing upon the disappointments with which be heard the Right Hon. Gentleman's invective against thane whom he charged with abandoning him, the Honourable Baronet proceeded to comment on the expressions of the Itight Hon. Gentleman with reference to the Kent county meeting, and observed, that when he and his (+lends as trembled there, they thought they were giving the Right lion. Gent. the most powerful support. (Hear, hear.) He stood at that meeting as one of the Representatives of the county ; and he conlal only say, with reference to his cono.,aet there, that, when he thought he was doing what was fitting" and right, he shoutd always take leave to act as be thought fit. (Hear, hear.) The third point of the Right Ron . Gent, turned upon the divisions in the Cabinet. These divisions, h0 „.,,,,,5r, were not greater ; they were, perhaps, even less in the pre =eat ` than in any other Cabinet which preceded it. lithe Rigs. lion. Gent. had been of -tier, then there might different opinion from the Noble Pre , have been some reason for argumen t ; but ,he confessed he did no t see those divisions which opera ted so sLeongly on the mind of the Right Hon. Gent. ; and he believed tine Gallant General (Sir George Murray), who had declared him self so strongly in favour of emancipation when adopted by the Gover ntnent, would not have proved a my formidable opponent to the Right Hon. Gentleman if the question bad been discussed in the Cabinet under different circumstances. .—(Hear, hear.)—He could indeed conceive that the op p,-,31.,: on in the Cabinet was formidable at the time the Ri g ht si a st. Gentleman, the Member for Liverpool (Mr. Huskisson), n 2.1 the Right lion. Gentleman, the Mensber for Inverness (Mn.. C. Grant), and the Noble Lord (the Member for Cambridge a TTniversity (Lord Palmerston) were included in the Cabinet; b hi : when these Right Hon. Per sons were, from circumstances to which he would not at bluer, the case was present allude, compelled to quit that ta.7' ' nolic claims, very different ; the disposition to favour the tan if not extinguished in the Cabine t, wa s at least rep:essed' and the obstacles upon which the Right Hon. Gentleman founded his reasons for a change of opinions no longer existed. It was not easy in the course of these debates to avoid all allusion to what had taken place in former discus sions. He thought, therefore, the House would pardon him for alluding to an observation which fell from the Hon. Member for Winchelsea (Mr. Brougham) upon this subject. That Hon. Member had asserted that this was a political question, and totally unconnected with re ligion. An observation of that kind from the Hon. nniber for Winchelsea, and from those who took the same course of policy as that Hon. Member, did not much surprise him ; but it certainly was with no little astonishment that he heard the Right Hon. Gent. pursue a line of argument which indicated a dispo eition to hold the same opinion. If there was nothing in the religion of the Roman Catholics which they were to take into consideration as connected with this question, then he would say that there was nothing in their poli tieal situation which could disqualify them from the full enjoyment of the same rights as those possessed by the Pro teetants. It was singular, too, that the Right lion. Gent always held the religious tenets of the Catholics to be the principal ground of disqualification, and in the debate which took place in that House in MS, the Right lion. Gent. distinctly said, " That he could not leave test of his consideration the influence which their religious tenets pro aced on the minds of the Catholics, at the time when he -was called upon to extend their political rights."—(Hear.) Now, however, they were to be told, that the question ' was not one of a political but of a religious character. lie believed that a large portion of the people of this country thought the question one of a character exclusively religious. Doctor Doyle had written a passage point• ing out the force of authority in the Roman Catholic Church. Ile stated that authority to be demon strated and 'narked out by nature, by experience, and Revelation. What, he a4irti, could avail to keep the great hulk of ignorant people together—wbat but autho rity? What caused all the schisms that broke out every day in England—what but the want of authority? Again, what produced all those frantic opinions which were spread over Germany, and throughout the Continent—what but the want of authority ? What contributed more powerfully than, perhaps, any thing else, for the preserva tion of the Catholic religion—what but the force of au thority ? Nov, what he wanted was some security against this spirit of authority, which, be feared, would infuse it self into the civil policy of our State. Let some security of this kind be given to him. It was not securities of the kind proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman that he re quired: He warred not against men, but with principles. —(Hear, hear.)—All that he had heard and read of the Roman Catholic religion, satisfied him that it was a re ligion of ambition. He needed no stronger assurance that it was a religion of ambition than that given by the Right Hon. Gent. in one of his speeches in opposition to conces sion. The Right Hon. Gent. had formerly stated, that " the two religions were inconsistent with each other, and that one or other must have the ascendancy."—(Loud cries of hear, hear.)—He was of the same opinion with the Right Hon. Gentleman, and it was because he feared that the concession of this question would arm the Catholics with the means of struggling for that ascend ancy, that he was opposed to it. The Right Honourable Gentleman had asked, if Hon. Gentlemen were not satis fied with what he proposed, to tell what ought to be done. —(Loud cries of hear, hear, from Mr. Peel.)-11e would meet that part of the subji•ct, for he was disposed to argue the whole of it in a fair manner. First, he must remark that this was a new state of things.—(Loud cheers, in which Mr. Peel joined.)—He must also remark, that this was not a fair question ; for it was not incumbent on Hon. Members of that House to propose any measure ; and, at all events, Government had no right to call upon them to propose a measure, when they came down with a measure already prepared, and placed the House in this situation— " Either accept of the measure that we propose, or plunge the country into rebellion." For his own part, he would be ready to go further in the way or concession to the Ca tholics, than many with whom he concurred on this sub ject; and had this question been proposed six months ago, and fair time given for its consideration, he was free to confess that he would be desirous of only withholding from the Catholic seats in Parliament, which conferred political power. The Right Hon. Gentleman appeared to think that if seats in Parliament were withheld, the object of a final settlement of the question would not be attained—that the adjustment would not be satisfactory— and that a Catholic Question would still be left behind.— (Hear, hear.)--But even after the passing of the measure proposed by him (should it pass), was there not still a Catholic Question left behind ? From the conclusion of the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman, it was manifest that he feels and believes that this measure will not put an end to it.—(Hear, hear.)—The Hon. Baronet pro ceeded to advert to the Coronation Oath, upon which he would undertake to give no opinion ; but it certainly was worthy of serious consideration how great an obstacle his late Majesty regarded the Coronation Oath to be to the making the concession of political power to the Catholics. He would be reluctant to create uneasiness in any quar ter; but it would be duly weighed, he was sure, by all who supported, as well as by all who opposed this measure, in what a painful situation his Majesty would be placed by being called upon to remove that which, in the judg ment of the late King, and in the opinion of many persons both in and out of that House, had been always placed amongst the strongest existing barn rs to the accession of the Catholics to political power. This was a subject that deserved to be deeply and seriously considered. In refe rence to the securities, he hoped that some more accurate explanation of them would he given in Committee, for be owned they were not quite intelligible to him. He per ceived, from the statement of the Right Hon. Gent. that a Protestant King would not be attended by a Catholic Lord Chancellor. God forbid that there should be a Catholic Lord Chancellor of England ; and sure he was that in the bands of the present Lord Chancellor (Lyndhurst) the Protestant religion would bP duly protected.—(Laughter and cheer s). —But although there was not to be a Catholic Lord Chancellor, it appeared there might be a Catholic Lord Treasurer ; and then he understood there was to he some mighty contrivance, by wl.ich the spiritual funetions attached to his office were to be handed over to a Corronission.—(Hear.)—This part of the plan be could not comprehend, but expected some satisfactory explanation would be given of it in Committee. Many a day must elapse before the distrust which the pre sent conduct of some public men had created in Ilia mind could be removed. He feared indeed that confidence in publig. ?nen had -received a blow throughout the country which it wou'irr not, soon recover. Now it might be almost ruly said— -- S rests of the country at large? Ireland asked of the Go- at vernment a fish, and they gave her a serpent. She asked It of them bread, and they proffered her Catholic Emanci- It potion. (Laughter.) This, he presumed, was the prac- u tical and only comment which had been passed on his Ma- ; i jesty's Speech, the recommendation that Parliament should take into consideration the condition—the whole condition fi of Ireland. He begged pardon for touching on the affairs tl of Ireland, but he felt himself obliged to do so, since the ; q question before the House had been argued upon the neces sities of the country. He must say that the principles of .v the British Constitution are built upon a system of exclu tI - sion and disabilities, and to remove which disabilities would a be to destroy the Constitution. In the first place, the s Constitution demanded qualifications, and of a two-fold na-• f ture ; the Constitution was made up of qualifications. We t demanded the pecuniary qualifications from all who exer- . f cised the functions of Government—from the Legislators ( I who make laws—from the Magistrates who execute them' —and from Jurymen of every description. By the pro ilt - posed measure a Roman Catholic may be First Lord of the 1 Treasury. The place of the King, as a Learned Lord ex presses it, must, it appears, still remain Protestant, but some bigotted devotee of Rome may conquer his way to the Royal presence, be his Prime Minister, and become Viceroy over him. (Hear, hear.) But, Sir, this last ,f reservation, I confess, heightens the objection I have to I 1 the measure into abhorrence and disgust. What, Sir, after N 1 having established by a solemn Act the doctrine that con science ought to be left free and unrestrained—that disabili- 1 ties of the nature sought to be removed inflict a disgrace upon the feelings of those whom they affect intolerable to good and generous minds, worse than persecution—nay, 1 than death itself—how do you apply it? Why, Sir, you ;. I propose to sear this brand high upon the forehead, deep ' into the heart of your Prince—you render the scar more ' visible, the insult the more poignant, by making him the solitary individual whose hereditary rank must be so held and transmitted. Freedom of conscience to all subjects, but none to your King ! Throw open wide the portals of r the Legislature that a of Norfolk may take his seat 4 in your senate, but hurl from his loftier seat there—the throne of this realm—a Duke of Lancaster, if he exercises the same privilege—if be presuMes to have a conscience! Hitherto, Sir, the British Constitution is uniforM, 'fair, equal ; it demands the same moral qualification, as I have already observed, from us all.. The liberal schools have long proclaimed that these essential securities imply sla very, and the Ministers who have adopted their political creed, nevertheless, are content, nay propose that the King should be the only proclaimed slave in his dominions. But if the Bill should pass, which God avert ! if no other and fitter individual should stand up in favour of the then insulted feelings of his Sovereign, I will. Whether the exception is introduced to blind the eyes of some under , the guise of a security, or however intended, I will pro- , pose that, amidst this general Emancipation, the King shall not be bound—that in the very acme of liberal legis lation the King should not receive a marked insult—. that his 'future religious profession shall be delivered from the taint of thin solitary dictation—that his con science shall be free. I will move, Sir, an Amendment, omitting that clause. It may be said, the Monarch will have still a choice. Certainly. And have those in whose favour you are about to throw down the ramparts of the Constitution, have they at present less ? But, Sir, this measure does not merely affect the feelings and the cha racter, I say it touches the title of the King ! Reverse the attainder upon Popery, and the natural consequences are obvious. Proclaim the equal right and eligibility of all relir gions to all offices of state amongst us, ye emancipators, and remind us of the millions of subjects who demand the declaration and concession, and allude to the scores of millions who back their demand elsewhere, and the mo ment the King shall sign such a Bill, in what position will you have placed him ? While the Constitution of the country stands as our revered and not hitherto rivalled ancestors framed it and transmitted it down to us—namely, strictly Protestant, excluding from power (and from poWer only) the devoted adherents of a cruel, tyrannous, and su perstitious church, nothing can be more dear, consistent, and indisputable than the Royal title; take away that Protestant character, nothing less so. The privileges of Protestantism as hitherto maintained, constitute the Royal title-deeds of hia august family, that which became the actual transfer of this estate, which he holds in Parliament and in the country; and in what attitude do his legal and Constitutional advisers place themselves who recommend their surrender ? No sum render ! who dares urge hint to sign an instrument to that effect? It was the very as cendancy, now a bye-word of abuse, and which I observe Mr. O'Connell exults in saying is gone for ever; I . sey; which first introduced into these realms the illustrious and •J patriotic line which now governs us; wbick still forms' at once the pillar and fotiodation of the Throne; which • . combines its title with the very elements of our Constitu tion; which identifies it with our liberties; which con secrates it with the sanctities of our religion,—in a word, which proclaims by the unanimous suffrages of all our in stitutions as well as in all our hearts, George IV. as the • rightful King of the first Protestant Empire upon earth.— It is true, that the Act of Settlement is yet, I believe, to remain—an Act which was with difficulty passed, and passed at least by a majority of one only; by a Parliament exclusively Protestant ; but it will be of course more zealously supported, both as to . its letter and spirit, by one partly Papist. But, Sir, lam adverse, for my own particular part, as a matter of taste as well as princiPl e, from resting the Royal title, which has hitherto been . • placed upon the broad foundation of national principle , and supported by all the analogies of the Constitution, upon a mere Act of Parliament, or rather upon a reservation in that Act—upon, "inky blots and rotten parchment bonds" --instead of the firm foundation of our Protestant Consti tution. I feel persuaded, therefore, that whatever' be comes of the legal, the proposed measure touches the moral title of the King. I feel confident, circumstanced as the succession is in reference to other heirs, whose claims the celebrated Mr. Buller has so plainly traced, that be whey* the Bill would chiefly affect would feel his generous ai's wounded by the circumstances in which he would then find himself placed in reference to rights that most morally re vive, however weakly they might be maintained. For these reasons I will, as an humble individual, resist the present g. measure to the last.• lam aware that it is said that there is no danger where the population is, generally speaking, .; Protestant ; I differ in this assurance, inasmuch as I am cer- Uhl-this House no longer attends to the voice of the peop,ll on this important point ; but, danger or none, I am advektie. from insulting': high-minded and generous Prince, by prac tically showing him that the principle which seated him - ' on the Throne is unjustifiable, and no longer worthy of preservation ; is worthy of remembrance only as an ob solete and ridiculous piece of past bigotry, though we will condescend, nevertheless, to support him now he is there. lam opposed, Sir, to this change in the character of the royal title. In one word, instead of resting it upon the e universal spirit of the Constitution, and folding the coy robe round the Throne and the Altar, xpts hat% it on the peg of a solitary legal excerlop Of tWo, ridiculous in them selves, and insulting in thew nature and effects. The Right ' Hon. Secretary has, indeed, said that the petitions poured into this' House, numerous and respectable beyond all for mpr example since there was a House to receive theut, of the best security on this occasion ; but he has heai.d his new friepds night after night scrutinise those petitions as emanating from poverty, folly, ignorance and bigotry--; tiberat nondoct I Where then will be the security - when this national feeling shall have been successfully insulted, damped, cried down ?—when it shall, therefore, expire in disgust, at the manner in which it has been disregarded, deserted and betrayed? Other reasons, powerful as I think in them selves, far more important, and in reference to their 'TAN; press for utterance. But I will not treipiss On the pa tience of the House bfaddticing them.' I would rather fecal' to its tnetru;ry these which have been delivered by th e Right lion. Secretary of State, accompanied with the con sequences with which he so often and so ably connected them--delivered, I say, from his place, which he still keeps I regret to say, much more tenaciously than his principles. These, however, have not lost their weight in the country ; and he has now the hard task of answering thetti*Ossielf: klo talents inferior td his otvii, i opals Tifincerely , would he corniietent' tO such a task. He can, however, like Hu dibras, " Confute, change sides, and still confute," and his new friends assure him that this is the true, dignified, con sistent, and patriotic course. But if I waive any further arguments on this important subject, I will nevertheless make a solitary remark upon the extraordinary nature of those reasonings which are urged in defence and support of the present fatal measure. As those arguments evidently spring from the most opposite .views and motives, so aril they oftthe Most tchltratliistory nature: 'Vet stato . they ate all allowed to carry weight, though if they were pressed from one and the same quarter they would plainly balance ' and negative each other. It is thus that, in this most ex- ' traordinary argument, -contradiction ...d.self is--allowed to C I suihnenalradtea and de believed, dei"°n tr t a b t a lo t b r. .. o ;l e F r h y u b s as , on lo e st pa it r s ty po a w ss e e r r_ ba asserts, and' it has become quite nerveless , de s p icable, and inert, and may, therefore, be trusted ; another, on the contrary, says, Shat its adherents are now.se fon:At - table in numberso4 ,4l In overwlifiming Us power, that its, claims *lust be yielded: Their' too, have full credit for their asSertionS; Que main tains that its spirit is changed and ameliorated ; another, that it is unchanged and unchangeable. One, that the conduct of its possessors is so excellent, peaceable, and loyal, that they merit to be admitted into power ; another that they are so united, turbulent, and factious, that it is unsafe' tolteep thesis eut-:-both opinions are gospel. One assures • " Nusquarn tuta fides," the measure should pass, and be attended with the good effects which its promoters anticipated, he should be glad of it ; he would certainly do or say nothing to retard those good effects; but as he !lid not anticipat c such beneficial consequences from the measure, be would deem it to be his duty now, and in subsequent stages of IL progress, to give the measure his decided opposition.—(Cheers.) The CI-lANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he was willing to give his Hon. Friend who h. d just sat down credit for having taken the gourse which I.e hid taken on this question, from a conscientious eonyiction of its pro priety; and he would only ask from his Han. Friend, in fairneeo for himself and his colleagues, credit for the same sincerity in *Looting the course which they had done, in recommending that taseasure to the House which a sense of duty painted out to them was imperiously called for, by a regard to the lenticular state of Ireland and the general safety and welfare of the Empire. Ile had heard with regret the expression of distrust in public men which fell from his Hon. Friend at the conclusion of his speech ; but heeprisoled himself by the idea that, when his Hon. Friend saw the :4'.antages which this measure would confer—and when the benefits that flow from it were made apparent to him—he (Sir E. filnatehhuli) was possessed of too much English feeling not to be himself the first to retract the ex leseesion of distrust that now escaped him, and to unite in general ssepgratulation at the peace and tranquillity which the measurers/4d produce—(Loud cries of hear, hear !) _His Hon. Friend load observed the same forbearance which other Hon. Gentleness pad observed in not stating what course they would recomrnesss% whilst they disap proved of that recommended by his Rigtat Hop. Friend.— (Hear, hear.)-s-His Hon. Friend had stated-Lend stated truly, that Ministers should not come down to the Hou'se, and make it incumbent en Hong gentlemen to propose a measure for them. Ministers had not dope so, but they brourelat forward a measure formed and prepared, and pointed orstSlse course which they would recommend the House to follew, And if his Hon. Friend admitted with him the danger, 4hl not agree with him as to the mode of providing for itL-tl4 it was that lie called upon his Hon. Friend to suggest what A : 9 4a be would re commend the House to adopt as a proviswe egeinst it. The time w,ae t wine when it was the unanimous opinion of his Majesty's Ministers that the general interests and safety of the Empire required 14 - 4... t the Catholic Question ought to be settled. And if any thing could entitle those who game enat advice to his Majesty to the credit of sincerity, and ha_ recommending a course which the .ezigencies of the cdtantry--denaral47l, it was that the adoption a that course was at vasiasue with the opinions that they had formerly entertained and ,expressed on this ques tion. Considering the difficulties a this case, seeing the iescreasing evils of the state of society in Iyelends—sce ing the inezpvenience of a divided Cabinet and of a disfidesi Legislature, the e s eeiod was arrived when, in the choice of • that was before ,th e m, it was better and safer to evi, a p r inciple of the aTelusion of Catholics, on abandon t,.. •,erto acted, and Oppt the principle of which he had hi , ..)—Forni2ri hp bad cer their admission.—(He2.' bear' tainly thought there w as less t;! "'ger e diffcrent g f-c 1 1 4 34.9 Pyt he now felt it to be h is dut y to advise oPFse from that which, when a ctin g on that princip:::; be bad advocated. His Hon. Friend had stated that he 5?. 1 1 7 nothing in the state of society in Ireland that galled for this measure that did not exist in an equal, and even in a greater degree, in many antecedent periods ; and he referred, as a proof of it, to the crimes and outrages of the ysar 1822. The time to which he particularly referred was one at which his Right Hon. Friend the late Attorney- General for Ireland (Mr. Plunkett) hail prosecuted certain persons who were bound by illegal oaths fer the subsilaktien of Protestant property. In prosecuting for an offence of this description, it was natural that his Right Hon. Friend should have expressed himself in strong and indignant terms against such an Association as that of the Ribbonmen, which he was then entleavouripg to suppress by the ordi nary means of legal process. But this was a different state of things from the present aggravated Qyits of the state of society in Ireland. In the case alluded to lay my Ijon. Friend, the Attorney-General was a public prosecutes . against an illegal confederacy—the Ribbonmen—who were visitew with the condign punishment of the law. But what was tiro nature of the prostate evil? All classes throughout the country were excited to die highest pitch of exasperation. Citiyen was assayed in hestiie reeling and attitude against his fellow-citizen, and there was - a perpetual menace of the disturbance which was only to be restrained by the presence of military force. surely, no man would approve of a tranquillity which was only to be maintained by such means. He was surprised that his Hon. Friend could see no ground for fresh and aggravated evils in this state of society, and in the progressive tendency to grow Worse which its continuance and long endurance had created. The progressive and continued extension of the mischiefs of such a condition of things must eventually subvert the whole system of society ; and it was on these grounds of new and additional alarm, that the Government felt it to be its duty to provide an anti dote for them. His Hon. Friend had quoted a passage from a speech of his Right Hon. Friend, which stated that the two religions were inconsistent, and that one or other of them must be ascendant. His justification of the measure was, that it would establish the ascendancy of the Protest ant religion in Ireland—(Cheers.) —An opportunity would be afforded for the Church in Ireland being more favourably regarded and being more intimately known ; and when it was so regarded and so known, he had every confidence that its ascendancy would be fairly established. The pre sent circumstances of religion, together with the state of society, and the peculiar position of the Government, and of Parliament, impressed his mind with the necessity of a change. The situation of the Church in Ireland was very peculiar. He had greater opportunities than most persons, from his official station in Ireland, of observing the condi tion of that Church. It was the religion of a minority of the people of a country, the majority of whom principally contributed to its support. It depended mainly on the purity of its doctrines--the morality of its professors--the good-will of the people among whom it was e stablished, and also upon the support of Government and the protec tion of Parliament. He had known many of the Clergy of that religion in Ireland, and could bear testimony to their exemplary conduct. Although they had to contend with the difficulties to which he had adverted, yet he could state that when first he went to Ireland, the resident Protestant Clergy had conciliated the respect and affection of those who differed from them in religious belief ; so far did this feeling prevail, that in temporal matters the Roman Catholics deferred to their judgment ; a good understanding subsisted between the Clergymen of both persuasions, and the Clergymen communicated religious instruction and improved the moral feeling of the popula tion in their neighbourhood. But that state of things had since much changed. The Catholic population had not now the same confidence in them, nor did they pay the same attention to them even in temporal matters. The Right Honourable Gentleman proceeded to advert to the moral improvement which lie expected would flow from the proposed measure, and the advantages which the cause of true religion would obtain from the subsiding of harsh and angry feelings, which would dispose the minds of the people to religious instruction. The petitions presented to the House against concession afforded evidence of the in creasing difficulties and dangers with which the Protestant religion was surrounded in Ireland. In the petition pre sented from the Clergy of Dublin it was stated, that the Protestant religion was daily more systematically assailed, and their faith and doctrines misrepresented. They felt this adverse organization growing so stroag, that they prayed the interposition of Parliament for their protection. He had many letters containing statements, confirming the description which he had:given of the present condition of the Clergy of the Establishment in Ireland. He would refer to one of those statements contained in the speech of a most respectable Clergyman, who stated " that he had the greatest difficulty in collecting Church-rates—that he was usually compelled to have recourse to law to recover them, and that the tribunal to which the cause was referred for judgment generally availed itself of the most frivolous pretext to refuse a decree." It was further stated that re pairs of the Church had taken place three years ago, and that they were not yet paid for, and that the salaries of the churchwarden and sexton were not paid.--(There was here much confusion and some impatience manifested.)—The Right I-lon. Gentleman apologized for going into these de tails, but he thought it important to show how the Church in Ireland was at present situated, with a view of pointing out how desirable it would be to avail themselves of a mea sure which afforded the prospect of that situation being altered and improved. This prospect, he thought, would be afforded by diminishing the hostility and opposition with which the Church was at present regarded in Ireland—where, in niany instances, the strongest dis inclination existed to pay any thing except by the compulsory process of law. The Right Honourable Gentleman proceeded to advert to the benefits attendant upon the Tithe Composition Act, which he took pride to himself in forwarding through parliament; but much good as that Act had done, he felt that this measure of concession yet remained to conciliate the respect and con fidence of the population towards the Protestant Clergy, of whose instructions it could never be hoped that they would avail themselves with advantage until they ceased to regard them with aversion. Did not the Church of Ireland suffer from other causes ? Had it not suffered from the debates which had taken place respecting it at various periods in that House? Let the House recollect the speeches which had been made on those occasions. Would such speeches have been made if there was not something wrong in the state of the Church of Ireland ? He trusted that by a re moval of the existing causes of discontent in Ireland, the temper of the people might be amended, the voice of reason be listened to, and a considerable moral and religious im provement be effected. Although he was not so sanguine in his expectations of the benefice that would be derived from the measure as some individuals, vet lie was convinced that those benefits would not be inconsiderable. Called upon as he had bean by the extraordinary position of the question, he had no difficulty in makiug a sacrifice of all personal considerations, and in declaring his c onviction that the:course which had been recommended to Parliament by his Majesty's Government was that which, under all the cireumatances of the case, was the best which could have been adopted for the purpose of tranquillizing Ireland, and giving to the Protestant Church of that country its proper predominance. He would not trespass longer upon the attention of the House. Mr. G. BANKES, while he acknowledged that in numbers and in talents those who with him were opposed to the measure under consideration were overpowered, yet maintained that neither in numbers, rank, c haracter, or talent, ought they to be eonaidered as contemptible. Whatever obloquy, however, might be heaped in that House upon the comparatively few who opposed this measure, lie was quite content to share that obloquy with them, provided he might also have his bumble share of the praise arid good-will of the people at large which that op position had excited towards them. He was quite ready to acknowledge that the proposition value before the House under auspices of a very different na ture from any by which it had heretofore been ushered in to their notice. It was impossible to conceal that the advocates had on their side the pame which was justly called a tower of strength. That that name was a tower of strength he should be one of the laSt men in the house to deny. It was a tower of strength which nothing could assail or move, unless it were the prayers and supplications of the people--prayers and supplications which, if carried to the foot of the Throne, would, he was sure, be there received with the most affectionate eonaideretien. And here he could not avoid expressing his deep regret at the manner in which the numerous petitions which had been presented to that House had been treated. It had been said by an Hotaqotable Friend of his, whose general candour he was nevertheless quite ready to admit, that consider ing the unprecedented number of the petitions, he thought that they had met with a fair degree of at tention. Now to him (Mr. Bankes) it appeared that pre cisely because they were so numerous were they entitled to more than ordinary respect. Under such c i r cumstances - ! lie regretted the sarcastic and severe scrutiny so often at tempted, but ire e s any cases frustrated, which had been resorted to with reference to these petitions. For himself be had weighed with the moat scrupulous and unaffected dittdeocia the opinions on this subject which he had enter tained up to the present time. When he found that those for whose opinions he eyer di l entertain and for whom he now entertained the most profound respect had sten oeca sion to change their sentiments, it appeared tp him to be something like presumption on his part to venture to differ #OO phew. But having deliberately weighed the opinions could ;..1 , 4 a l wa ys enteitained on this subject, be could honestly say thast -he was unable to discover any f a llacy in th&t.---He had ps.tenead with the utmoit atten tion to all tha t bad been orged 'hy the f i r'iends of the measure ; he bad listen ed with the ..iitmo3;k. anal with some surprise, to what fallen front 'the Rigbit Ppoourable the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; be had listened with the utmost attention to the atirnirabie speech with which t../le Bight Hon. the Secretary of State for the Home Department introduced the present Bill to the House ; lie had listened' to 41 the deductions by the Asoreus mind of that night lion. SiesStie:trian had been led to after the course which he' had so long - pee sue d, and to make the w dpssbt to him painful change in his conduct whielt bad eoseett• wpa:td not beef:ine hiin (Mr. Bankes) to attempt, to Mow tik . e man through a speech of such distinguished afallity ; Int 11 , might perhaps be permitted by the House to esly,est s9ip,e of the leading circumstances by which the Right iten• kiesatlemati appeared to be actuated. The state of Ireland, as represeutei by the Right Hon. Gentleman, was no t, as N agieTstookl him, worse than it had bee n hfiew(nAllarn.yllailkeesed)ing years. Right Hon. Gentleman admitted that to the existing evils" etassthee remedy might ;se applied ; but that remedy, he added, syould b only a. ternposaeyone. Now , his (Mr. Banker ' s), eonvietion 100, that the preseat rill was only a temporary remedy. The re , !vi l . cets to be discussed, grievances t o i n e au r l e d mo it v i e ll d r ; e3;11olve all,. these avould remain that great grievance, in the opinion of the Catboiics of Ireland the Protestant Ascendancy. The Right Hen. coapeellos of % L. the Exchequer *aid Alt tglvas a Bill for'establishing the Protestant Ascendancy ; and that that was one of the main objects which recommended it to his mind. Now, al though he (Mr. Bankes) was not quite of that opinion, yet, looking at what the state of the Church in Ireland would still be, as compared with what the Roman Ca tholics would wish to make it, it undoubtedly was so. Complaints, therefore, would still be made, for never would the Catholics be satisfied with any thing short of eqUality. He was justified, therefore, in characterising the present as only a temporary measure. To many of the Right lion. Gentleman's observations, as applicable to the existing Church Establishment in Ireland, he bad listened with considerable surprise. The Right Hon. Gentle man set out with stating the peculiar situation in which . the Church Establishment in Ireland was placed, and the difficulties with which it had to contend ; and add ed, that for those reasons it was necessary they should continue to have the support of a Protestant Govern ment. But of what avail would that be, supposing that a Roman Catholic were (as by the Bill he might be) at the head of that Government ? Would that tend to the security of the Church Establishment? There could be no doubt that his Majesty's Ministers had not brought forward the measure until they had most deliberately considered it; and the only remedy they could devise for the danger to the Church Establishment which would arise from a Roman Catholic being Prime Minister, was, that during the time that a Roman Catholic was Prime Minister all the patron- age of the Church should be placed in the hands of Com missioners. But who was to appoint these Commissioners? The Prime Minister. It was true that it was declared that it would be a misdemeanour on the part of any Prime Mi nister, being a Roman Catholic, to give counsel to the King with respect to the patronage of the Church ; but he might recommend the Commissioners to whom was to be en trusted the dispensing of that patronage, and, for aught that appeared in the Bill, he might counsel those Com , missioners. Those Commissioners, too, were liable to be removed ; for there was nothing in the Bill which stated that it should be a permanent commission—that would be too fatal a measure. Those, therefore, who would 'Have to dispose of the patronage of the Church would be but the creatures of the Prime Minister. The rights and the privileges of a Prime Minister were well known.— They had been fully discussed in that and the other House of Parliament in 1827. The power of a Prime Minister emanated from him like light from the sun. If, there fore, he entertained certain opinions, whether or not lie expressed those opinions in words, his power was suffi ciently great to cause them to be respected. Those were some of the difficulties respecting the Church Establishment which were not sufficiently removed by the Bill. Yet he was perfectly satisfied that if it had been possible to find a better remedy for them, his Majesty's Government, men of acknowledged talent, would have devised it. As to securities, those proposed were inadequate to meet the fears, whether well or ill 1 ounded, of those who opposed the measure. He was aware that there were some little decorations in the Bill purporting to be securities. They were of infinitely little consequence, but he would just ad vert to them. Among other matters, the Irish Eccle siastics were no longer to be permitted to do what they bad so long obtrusively and almost insultingly done—assume the titles belonging to others, and call themselves Bishops of Dublin, Limerick, &c. It was well to abolish this practice, but he thought the benefit purchased at too high a rate. Besides, we had already got this security, as it was called, by the law. The Hon. Member here referred to the provisoes of the Irish Statutes of 1781 and 1782, and contended that by them Popish Ecclesiastics were for bidden to assume- the rank or emblems of Bishops of the Established Church.—(Mr. Doherty, we believe, intimated across the table that those Statutes had been repealed by the Statutes of 1793.)—He did not think that the Sta tutes of 1793 repealed the Statutes of 1781 and 17821 at least not in express terms, whatever it might do by impli cation. If, however, the Solicitor-General for Ireland dif fered from him on that subject, lie must bow to his supe rior opinion. The argument of the Right Hon. the Chan cellor of the Exchequer was rather at variance with itself when he spoke of the growing disinclination in Ireland to pay tithes, and tile disrespect shown towards the Pro testant Clergy ; and he (Mr. Bankes) could not follow the Right Hon. Gentleman in his reasons why those circum stances tended to show the expediency of a Bill which would certainly increase both those feelings. Another ar gument forcibly urged by the Right Hon. Secretary of State had not led his (Mr. Bankes's) mind to the convic tion to which it had led the mind of the Right Hon. Gen tleman. He meant the argument derived from the deci sions which • the two houses of Pailiament bad hitherto come to on the subject. In that House it was true that the opinions on the Catholic Question had, until the pre sent Session, been nearly.balanced. But . was it so in the other House? Was a large majority in one House of Parlia ment to give way to nearly balanced numbers iu the other? When in one House there had always been a majority against the measure, and in the other it had never been sanc tioned but by a very small majority, was it just or reason able to expect that the former should give way to the lat ter ? However disagreeable it might be to the Hon. and Learned Solicitor-General for Ireland, he must advert to the Constitution as established in 1688. He would do so, however, in better language than any which he (Mr. Bankes) could command. Ile would read the sentiments of those who in 1688 appeared to have taken into their con sideration the very question of the securities for the Pro testant establishment. He would first quote the Bill of Rights, the declaration made by the Prince of Orange on his landing. "It is likewise certain that there have been, at divers and sundry times, several laws enacted for the pre servation of those rights and liberties and of the Protestant religion ; and among other securities it has been enacted, that all persons whatsoever that are advanced to any eccle siastical dignity, or to bear office in either University, as likewise all others that should be put in any employment civil or military, should declare that they were not Papists, but were of the Protestant religion, and that, by their taking of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and the Test. Yet these evil councellors have, in effect, annulled and abolished all those laws, both with relation to Eccle siastical and Civil employments." Again, " They have also followed the same methods with relation to Civil affairs ; for they have procured orders to examine all Lords Lieutenants, Deputy Lieutenants, Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, and also all others that were in any public employ. ment, if they would concur with the King in the repeal of the Test and the Penal Laws; and all such whose con sciences did not suffer them to comply with their designs were turned out, and others were put in their places, who they believed would be more compliant to them—(a laugh) —in their designs of defeating the intent and execution of those laws which had been made with so much care and caution for the security of the Protestant religion." Again, towards the close of the declaration :—" We now think fit to declare that this our expedition is intended for no other design but to have a free and lawful Parliament assembled as soon as is possible ; that none be suffered to choose or to be chosen Members of Parliament but such as are quali fied by law ; and that the Members of Parliament being thus lawfully chosen they shall meet and sit in full free dom, that so the two Houses may concur in the preparing of such laws as they, upon full and free debate, shall judge necessary and convenient both for the confirming and exe cuting the law concerning the Test and such other laws as are necessary for the security and maintenance of the Pro te4-ant i•eligipn."-,(Hear, hear, hear.)—Were these senti ments after Wards forgotten, or pot gcted open? Let the following passage from the Bill of Rights show To which demand of their rights they are particularly en• couraged by the declaration of his Highness the Prince of Orange, as being the only means for obtaining a full re dress and remedy therein." These passages which he had offered to the House in preference to any thing which he cold have stated from himself, appeared to him con- elusive pn the Feint that the Test and the Pool Laays, in 4efepeg pf the Protestant religion, were net matters for gotten in those days. flu felt obliged to the House fur the great indulgence with which they had heard hint. He confessed that he had expressed hirmelf with great strength, but he did feel strongly on the subject, though lie trusted that his views were only those of a fair and ho nourable opposition. Members rose at once ; but after a cry of their rOgeCtaile navies, , tl 4.s Cas tlereagh 1 o :Y R :s talst i n d P n o . l : pt s said, tAr n His o self, awl , . i SPEAKER declared that Lord lia tion should b, in which he stood, and still more unworthy of the nam e he bore,—(Hear, hear)—if he could contemplate C i4 a possibility of an attempt to settle the destinit s of his country; 'ne gave a silent vote, or omitted to record , helruated flfr the :tdst . tirn6 riiihju those walls, his con scientious opinions in which`llo''.lidd been Jure4, ip ot l tlie present, pos h i e_ 4tich it was his pride and' glory totontinae.' thatas . the humble representative o f the 'Most Peoli:s t tont count` -- Tno.t Protestant part o f Irelandl iixe Prpyjnee':or sity whatever to 4e;:ea'N upOtlie /-MtTd . 3' and iitoveyxil enjoyed by the people of parl':9l ' TheS , Ni 4? e felt hito4f4f 151.det no neces rich, prosperous, and happy. There was rt,liliirg tt4 drive them from the peaceful firesside, and they felt grateful for the blessings they enjoyed, and they trusted that Provi- AeP! - ' e, would bestow on them a long continuance of their ProspailY and happloesa. It might be asked, for what rea son should th a t pOrtipn•of Irelan. l be marked out for such peculiar blessin gs , why were peQpie 'PP fte.rliarly' s ituated ? The rea son was obvious. Th e y had no restric tive laws whatever. They suffered unde r no restrictions— . they laboured under no disabilities. No Withering blight had crossed the pathway they had trod. They had learned what every Englishman was bound to learn— that they were free. But they were willing to barter that state of happiness for the diffusion of equal bless ings to those around them. There was an,, old saying, " that men grew rich only in proportion as their neighbours thrived." This was perfectly consistent with theory or sci ence, and it related to nations and districts as well as to individuals. Nations now felt that it was better to have rich than poor neighbours. The people of that part of Ireland which he represented, were powerful and happy; but they had not yet arrived at that degree of mature and perfect prosperity which was attainable under a'different Constitution. He confessed he had heard it asserted that this was strictly a political and not a religious question. If be was wrong he spoke under correction, bat he con fessed he had never been able to see how this could be con sidered as a religious question. They were not met there to debate upon the errors of the Vatican, the increase of the order of the Jesuits, or upon any such abuses; they were all detestable to the country, and deservedly so. But this was in every respect a national question, and it involved the salvation of the country. By grasping, as it had been well observed, the long lost but newly found energies of Irish prosperity, they would strengthen their own Constitution. This was an object most peculiarly to be wished for. Was the conversion of Roman Catholics to Protestantism desirable? If it were, he would under take to say that there would be more conversions in one hour after the removal of the Catholic disabilities, than in a century of agitation and degrading restrictions. If increased strength were desirable, they would have it ten thousand fold from the confidence, the loyalty, the pa triotism. which would spring front this measure. Was happiness their aim, it would be spread with enthusiastic and overwhelming energy by the removal of religious disabilities. It had been said that the Protestant Church required certain securities—that exclusion, and restric tions, and disabilities were necessary to maintain the fabric of that glorious Church Establishment, and without which its permanence could not be secured. In his opinion the Protestant Church needed no Such bulwarks. The se curity, strength, and stability of the Protestant Church consisted in the purity of her doctrines and in the character of her ministry, and in that bright and happy spirit of uniform charity in which she had been established. The effect of the present measure would be, to unite two countries in the bonds of peace and amity—to cement the interests arid identify the feelings of two great and powerful nations—to snake their hitherto-divided interests and objects to be pursued in one common course—to ratify and make perfect what had hitherto been unratified and imperfect—to change the source of rancour and heart burnings into a source of prosperity; such would be the effects of the measure which his Majesty's Government had so happily propose) to the House. Mr. SADLER, in addressing the House, confessed that if he could attend to the dictates of his own diffidence he should remain silent, but at a crisis like the present he was willing to expose himself to the imputations so illibe rally cast upon all who expressed the opinions he felt him self bound to maintain. He could not justify himself in giving a silent vote on that measure which had been so ably defended during the night, although in expressing his opinion he knew he should have to labour under the charge of bigotry; and a stigma yet more distressing to a generous mind, that lie was wanting in benevolence and liberality as well as in truth and intelligence. He had seen enough since he had entered that House, to know the treatment that they must meet with who continued in the course which had been so long dear to them, but he was pre pared to take his humble share of it. He knew that in opposing the measure before the House, he spoke the sen timents of a vast mass of what he had heard described as the ignorant, the bigoted community—he meant the reli gious community of England, many of whom were as competent to decide the question as those who had taken so much pains to stultify them ; they were even much better able, as they brought to the question the light of common sense, and the stability of principle.—(A laugh.) —Perhaps he might trespass on the understanding of the House; but before he ventured on one argument upon what he thought to he the principles of the British Con stitution, he might be allowed to revert to what had been that evening the subject of general discussion. It is the condition of Ireland that has been presented to us as what was to incline the House to make such tremendous inroads on the British Constitution. It was asked what did they pro pose to do with respect to Ireland? Could Ireland be saved otherwise than by the extinction of Protestant Ascend ancy? This was the question askedhy all the advocates of the measure, and to this question lie would now confine himself before he proceeded to notice the subject of the Constitution. No man who knew anything of the history of Ireland—and lie spoke in the presence of those who would rectify him it wrong—no man, he said, who was acquainted with the history of that country would at tempt to attribute the distress now so much dwelt upon to what was called Protestant Ascendancy, or to any thing relating to the Protestant Religion. The distress of Ire land, its difficulties, its disorders, bad nothing to do with the Protestant Establishment, nor with Catholic disabili ties, for that distress existed in its full force before the Reformation, and consequently before Protestantism could be guilty of that with which it is now accused. Ireland was equally distressed when the Catholic religion was the sole religion of the country. He could prove this by history, but he believed it would be scarcely necessary to do so. Could effects remain the same when causes were different? That the causes of the distress were not changed, lie might appeal to a late Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland, who, although he is not now a part of his Majesty's Government, was yet favourable to the question before the Douse. In his speech, delivered to Parliament, and which was afterwards deliberately given to the pub= lic, he said, that the evils of Ireland, for the last six years, had sprung from—what?—Protestant Ascendancy ? No but from local causes. If it were necessary, he could bring forward proofs. Every evil of Ireland, that had existed from her first connection with England, had origi nated in her feeling herself a conquered country. This had been her misfortune. Her lands had been wrested from the original possessors and parcelled out to strangers, upon the express condition of their residing upon them, and afterwards upon the condition of their supporting the Protestant religion. These conditions had been entirely neglected. The parties had kept possession of the lands, without fulfilling any of the terms upon which they hai been granted. The evils of Ireland were clearly to be traced to what would render this or any other country distressed—the desertion of those who owed every thing to their country. He begged the House to con sider what bad been said by every writer of note, that the train of evils consequent upon this had been the source of all the miseries of Ireland. Employment had been taken from the people, and they had been driven to desperation. Could the House, therefore, contemplate the relief of Ire land by the measure now proposed ? Let it be considered how the property of the country was administered by the absentees---the heartless absentees, who gave their order§ to others to execute, and cleared themselves of the evil consequences. Whole tracts of country were swept of id. s tb habitants, from their being deprived of employment. It was only a few years ago that the crowded manu facturin g districts of this countrywere distressed wider similar causes—the want of employment, and the consequent watt of bread. Demagogues had appeared among them . , .afl4 had inflamed the people , by repre se nt i ng tha t all their tine t re sses arose solely from the want of Parliamentary Re form. Agitators had pursued the same course wi th re spect to Ireland. T he y had taken advanta g e of the dis tresses of that country , and h ad told the p eo p le that all their thadsufferings solely from the want of Emancipa tion. n period o of turbulence in png!apd lenders—soreGovere were tried, condem n ed and punished,, netoiz e e dthe arose and riots ceased ; but, with agitators of the Catholic population of Ireland, Government, so far from acting a similar part, had actually connived at their pro ceedings. Could any man suppose that the proposition before the House could have any effect upon the great mass of the Deople of Ireland? The only proceedings on be half of Ireland in thii Bill, with respect to the gy ee ; mash of the population, was the wresting from them a for feiture of their long exercised privileges. They tore from the peasant what lie long enjoyed, in order, as it was said, to possess the Catholics with more power. If Government did no better than this, Ireland never could, and never o It* to be calm.—(Llear, hear.)—He would venture to stiggese.tyliat o - aght to be done, and what must be done, or otherwise doiriun6ht nit* "pe do;ng no':.hitig. Le gislate for Ireland, taking with you the tights• com mon sense and experience. —(Loud and continued laughter.) Go to the task with a warmth of bene volence, and with a kindness in your bearts.—(Loud and continued 1 3 4 1.5. q 2f. laughter ).—Government must de'Velope interiCal' tesiiiireee of the country, 1 , 10%V unexe plored anChaittiost rintouelied: Int i rodnee a' moderate 'syS tem of . the Poor Las Vs. iloverritnent should concede to 'poverty and 'ffistrese those rights . which God and 'nature e ns l.,Awli had 1 , -een ocenclalensly withheld so long. They ifiusedifffise .dnuini the people .of that country the betteenidiire p rbfisrian edeeatirieJ 1 Tti'ey thuit!4,i;ltltis and then their labour would reward them richly. Those were the means of improvement so obvious, although they had been ridiculed by theoretical fully. (Loud and con tinued laughter, with cheers, and cries of hear, hear.) There would be resisted by interestedness; but they would fin rio I°4 blue VggeFPi:zik Ireland. Could the house . i listen to selfish agitatore, whose vleWs sere riot the inice!