The Sun. — London, England, 1829-04-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE LONDON JOURNALS. One question, and an important one among many which are included under the general description of commercial subjects, was discussed in the House of Commons during Monday and yesterday. We mean the question of continuing the system of pro tecting the British silk-manufacture by duties, or of resorting to the old and abortive, as well as tyran nical, system of supporting that branch of industry by direct prohibitions. We do not know whether the silk-manufacture is one in which a long-sighted capitalist would like to risk his money, ur in the ten dency of which to diffuse happiness among those who tarry it on, a cautious Government would be apt to place much confidence. Most luxuries are matters of mere caprice, and the demand for them rests upon the vicissitudes of fashion. Silks are luxuries slit over Europe,—they are luxuries not embracing personal comfort of any kind, but merely serve to please the eye. When their price is high, the de sire for them is general, since the ability to purchase them affords a gratification to vulgar vanity; but the use of them is confined to the rich. When the price fills, the use becomes general, but the esti mation for that reason, ceases, or at least dimi nishes; and just when they have called into employ ment the greatest amount of industry, and given bread to the greatest number of mouths, the demand cools, and the consequent suffering spreads the wider, as the precious activity (misnamed prospe rity) of the trade was more conspicuous. This, we think, may fie considered no unfair representation of the progress and changes of a manufacture which, like that of silk, belongs to luxury, as contrasted with the trades. in cotton, woollen, and iron, which minister to the real wants of mankind. It seems doulesrul, therefore, we repeat, whether such a ma ..aufactere as that of silk ought to be keenly en taateateed by Government, or treated with more than it tacit attention. It has at best no guarantee but caprice—the most irregular of all human attributes; and may flotnish, or may perish, from causes over which neither power nor policy can possess any certain sway. Mr. Fyler's motion for a Com mittee to i,,cluire into the present condition of the silk trade was coupled with an avowal by the Honourable Gentleman, that the object of his motion was to revive the proh - bition of foreign silks. His argument was comprised in two asser tions,—lst, that there is extreme distress among the silk-weavers; 2d, that the opening of the trade has been the cause of it; and his inference, though kept rather ought of sight, is meant to be, that a return to prohibition would be a cure for the distress. The answer of Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald (who, we must ob serve in passing, made a powerful, instructive, and decisive speech against the motion) resolves itself into--Ist, an acknowledgment of the distress; and 'ed, into a satisfactory denial both of the cause and remedy. Says Mr. Fyler, "we have lost the fancy trade in silks :" the reply is, that we never had it — that our silk-manufacture, before the relaxation of the monopoly, was the " laughing stock of the whole world,"—that since that period, the taste, skill, and workmanship of our manufacturers have been most wonderfully improved, and that neither in the article of broad silks or ribands can British articles be now distinguished from the foreign. But if our filmy goods be inferior, then lower the duty on the thrown silks of Piedmont, which are indispen sable to all finer goods,—therefore, to the general spiced of the manufacture, and thence to the interest of the British throwster himself. Mr. Fitz gerald clearly proved that • the distress was attri butable to other causes than the substituting of pro tectien for prohibition,—that the grant of a com mittee would first disturb, then suspend the tnanu facturer, and, finally and infallibly, disappoint him; —that prohibition must extend and perpetuate the contraband trade ;—that five years before the change of the law gave an import of the raw material to the extent of ten millions, and the five subsequent years gave eighteen millions; and that if the pre sent consumption can be maintained no otherwise than by low prices, a rise of price, produced by mo nopoly, must of course diminish the comumption. With regard to this complaint of low price for goods, we must remark that it is quite distinct from that of a low rate of wages. By the won derful improvement of machinery, five yards of in some branches of the manufacture, may now be produced by less manual labour than formerly was employed in making up a single yard. A reduc tion, therefore, in the price of silk, may directly justify no other inference than that of great mecha nical perfection ; but we admit that it authorizes a tehef of many hands having, in the first instance, been thrown out of work, by the unlooked-for in crease of supply thus suddenly found for the market. The argument for a reduction in the duty on foreign thrown silk has been already stated in this Journal, and we rejoice to see that Government has deter mined to reduce that duty, by taking of ls. 6d. from Picdmontese organzine, ls. from tram, and 6J. from single. The present high duty on foreign thrown keeps up the price of the thrown silk of England, and of, in some respects, raw silk likewise. Mr. Fitzgerald scribes the principal proportion of the existing dis tress to the eagerness and confidence of immense capi tal, launching into inordinate speculation, forcing over-production, and leading . to a paralysis of the market. Mr. Huskisson emphatically concurred with the President of the Board of Trade in this opinion, and blended an irresistible argument against the prohibitien, with a masterly arid complete defence of his own commercial principles arid mea sures. We have no doubt that this discussion, and the result of it, will tend to tranquillize much un easiness among the manufacturers, and help to esta blish in the public mind some respect and considera tion for another party, which, strange to say, the wautifacturer is not the only person to forget,—viz. the consumer,—that is to say, the body of the nation. It is not probable that we will hear so much peremptory nonsense talked in future upon this question of the silk trade,—always saving the privilege of the Hon. Member for Newark, whose practical zeal for bigotry and monopoly so well suits the verbose pomp of his sentimental and bistc:ical dissertations.—Tinlea. We have done with articles on the subject of Ca tholic emancipation. While yet struggling for a place among those questions which were to be deemed worthy of a specific notice by Englishmen, arid while it was to many speculators more than pro bable that Iceland, with her grievances, would be but the argument of an hour, this Journal•saw clear through the vista of political necessities, and took its stand on the solid principle, that nothing short of full arid perfect justice would or could ever suffice to tranquillize a people rendered turbulent by op pression. The Bill for receiving cur Catholic brethren within the shelter of the British Constitu tion became yeSterday the law of the land. Away, then, to the flames with that parchment Union, which heretofore was null, and is hencefor - th need less ; the two islands are no longer united, but identified. • Past Irish grievances may from this hour be described and recorded by the historian as a painful duty ; the States man may study them as an instructive les son ; the Englishman may recall them with generous eagerness to heap every day some more ample reparation upon that which he has thus man fully and wisely tendered ; but for the placable and kindly race whose wounded honour has now been stanched, and their decent" pride respected, the grievance, and the memory of it, are already blot ted our ; nor would a parchment separation be to-day more effectual to tear asunder the joint hearts of this incorporate people, than was its pen and-ink antagonist of the year 1800 to blend them. Such must ever be the final power of truth, when judiciously and perseveringly addressed to the mind of an enlightened nation. But final results, how ever certain, may he waylaid and obstructed by num berless intermediate chances. The difference be tween a prompt and a procrastinated issue of a ques- Mr. Fyler's motion for a Committee of Inquiry was lost by a majority of US, there being for it 31, against it i , es , lutions of Mr. Fi.zgeralti were then agreed to in cvauxittvc wituvut OFriiti9n. tion involving the domestic piece or the country, might, in the actual state of the world, have been the difference between instant security and 40 years of peril. The providential accession of one firm hand to the Government has favored, and sensibly hastened, this blessed consummation - . TO the Duke of Welling ton belongs the glory of having forced—throtigh difficulties previously supposed insarmountable— fumed, we say, into immediate action the torpid or repugnant convictions of men, and of having turned to a profit altogether inestimable, even to the preservation of the Brit'sh empire, those truths which lay hoarded up and unproductive in the in tellectual magazines of the realm. The fame of him who has accomplished this matchless work required no such addition to raise him far above the level of ordinary citizens. To a reputation for sagacity, courage, and steadiness, which it would have been puerile to withhold from the Duke of Wellington for services long since before the world, he has ' now united the more substantial and ennobling renown of benevolent anxiety for the happiness of his fellow•subjects. He who fears nothing for himself has not been ashamed to tremble for his country. From a long course of splendid triumphs, he has brought home the most precious gift that con queror ever laid upon the altar,—an abhorrence of civil war. But we stand too near the foundation of this statesman's monument to measure its full emi nence or proportions. Posterity will judge it right. No widow, nor orphan,—no slave, nor captive, will curse the civic crown upon his temples; or stain, with their tears, the record of his peaceful victory. These praises are due to the friend of civil liberty, " and they will wear well, for they have been dearly earned." Whether the Duke of Wellington has been cordially—nay, more, successfully—supported by the independent press of England in this great contes., we shall not presume to affirm ; nor do we know whether he is sensible of that succour. But at least he shall find that there is an independent press, as independent of his Grace as of his enemies. rhe Duke of Wellington has entailed very deep ob ligations upon hi 4 country ; and let him fully under stand, that if he has entailed obligations, in the same degree has he incurred them. The Duke cannot, from this hour, afford to be any thing but a great Minister. His own immortal deeds will follow him like furies, and destroy him when he deviates but an inch from the path of honour. " He who has achieved such greatness, can find no safety in little ness." There are still vast public interests to be guarded—mighty principles to be vindicated— grievous wrongs to be redressed—powerful repara tions to be enforced against powerful offendets ; rights of commerce—rights of jurisprudence—rights of representation—rights of humanity—all to be brought under speedy and frequent deliberation. — Let the Duke of Wellington therefore look to it well. Does he plead want of acuteness ?—the Ca tholic Bill ! Want of influence ?—the Catholic Bill! Want of resolution ? again, and for ever, the Catho lic Bill !—carried against odds incomparably more fearful, and through difficulties more besetting than any one, or than all together, of those ameliora tions in our internal policy, which the foes of mercantile monopoly, or of ruinous litigation, or of bribed boroughs, or of perverted poor laws, or of barbarous corn laws, demand—and will insist upon, please God—from whomsoever may happen to be our rulers. We say that the Duke of Wellingron cannot henceforth pretend a want of penetration to appreciate, or of power to execute, any scheme of salutary policy which the public good may require of a Government to adopt. With want of integrity we, at least, shall be slow to charge him ; but it is fair and frank to apprise his Grace, that the British nation is a discerning mistress—and that she can flout the unfaithful suitor as well as caress the true. Had ;sir. Canning lived until now, the Duke of Wel lington might indeed have reckoned on an auxiliary in every elevated.and comprehensive purpose of na tional aggrandizement ; such as, we fear, he may vainly seek among even the best intentioned of lose who still surround him.—Times. The good effects of the Catholic Relief Bill are already felt in the decided tone and attitude re cently assumed in our diplomatic relations. A spe cific outline of the English policy with reference to the affairs of the East of Europe, has been commu nicated to the Russian Government, with an intima- tion that it is to be considered as final. It is also asserted and believed, that Mr. Gordon carries out corresponding instructions for his guidance in the ne gociations with the Ottoman Porte. The unhappy affair in which the Russian Resident at the Court of Persia lost his life, is supposed to have been the result of a premeditated plan, and is likely to lead to impottaut results. Government are understood to have received information on the subject through the medium of a Special Messenger, but the precise nature of his intelligence is unknown. The report of the early retirement of Sir Anthony Hart from the office of Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and the consequent accession of Lord Plunkett to that h;gli station, is revived, and generally credited; among the members of the Irish Blur, it is looked upon as a settled affair. Few, if any, of the legal changes contemplated—and they are numerous and impor tant beyond most former precedents—will be carried into effect until after the prorogation. The efferves cence inseparable from the agitation of a great national question, is the reason assigned (and a most sufficient one it is) for the delay.—ilioriting Chronicle. The discussion of two nights on the subject o. the Silk Trade must have the effect of satisfying the country, that the sufferings of those engagei4 in the trade cannot be alleviated by the measures so licited by them. Nothing, in fact, has been stated by those who called for a Committee, excepting the mere fact of distress, which in all branches of trade must be of periodical occurrence, because it is im possible that numbers of men acting without con cert, can always produce a particular commodity to the extent which the wants of buyers require; and when once the due measure of supply has been passed there must be a stagnation, till fresh wants exhibit themselves in an increasing demand. The less Government interferes with the industry of the country, the sooner will an existing distress remedy itself, for the interference of Government can only lead to hopes and expectations, and speculations founded on them, which must end in disappoint ment, and consequently aggravate the evil. Much evil has already beau done by the indecision of Government last year. Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald ob served, on Monday night, " I will venture, how ever, to submit the reasons why I deprecate the endeavours of the lion. Member for Coventry to defer this subject to a Committee of In quiry. The lion. Gentleman knows that nothing has been so fatal to the. Silk Trade for the last two months as the opinion—the unjust, the unfounded opinion—that there was rea son to expect a change in the principles on which the silk-trade has been conducted. I know not why or by whom that opinion was so studiously cir culated, but I am anxious for an opportunity to dis abuse those who have been so deceived." This may be true with respect to the last two months; but it was justly observed by Mr. Poulett Thomson last night," that the stagnation in the silk-trade was in a great degree attributable to the delay of Minis ters in declaring the course which they meant to pursue with respect to it." We rejoice that they have at last broken silence, and put an end to all ex pectations of change, which can only deceive indivi duals to their ruin. Our readers would see, from Mr. Fitzgerald's speech, in yesterday's Chronicle, that it is proposed to lower considerably the duties, both on thrown silk and on tram, &c. which give the throwster a protection at the expence of the manufacturer, to the injury of the trade. In order to encourage exportation, a drawback is to be allowed on exportation equal to the duty paid on importation. We wish the word protection had never been heard of. The idea'of protecting duties is but of comparatively recent origin. Taxes used formerly to be considered merely with reference to revenue ; and, indeed, when they are levied for any other purpose than rcvemre, this proceeds from a m isapprehenSion of Goveuinients of their pioper functions. A dhty levied for protection is merely taking money from the pockets of one class of subjects to give to another class. However protection, even in this sense, has its limits ; and these limits are the rate at which the smuggler can afford to indemnify himself for his risk. Protection to this extent is afforded to the English manufacturer. The figures used by Mr. V. Fitzgerald prove, too, that if the trade is suffering, it does not suffer froin foreign competition; because the operations of the manufacturer have been con ducted on a more extensive scale since the removal of the restrictions than before. The sense of the House was strongly manifested against the Motion ; for Mr. l'yler having pressed a division, the numbers were— For the Motion Against it . Majority 1 is What seemed to excite great surprise on all hands was the strange tissue of inconsistencies which fell from Mr. Baring on Monday night. Mr. P. Thorn ton observed that" it was the duty of every man to make himself acquainted with the subject on which he addresses the House, and he must fear- lessly accuse the Hon. Gentlemen, the Members for Callington, Newark, and Coventry, of not having made themselves acquainted with it." But what wp complain of is the loose way in which he spoke, not merely on the subject of the question immediately before the House, but on almost all others con nected with the commerce and industry of the country. Mr. Baring has the reputation of under standing commercial affairs, and his enormous wealth acquired in commerce 'gives an importance to what ever falls from him. His arguments would go to destroy all commerce whatsoever A favourite argument in support of free trade principles (he said) was, that we were bound to pursue the right course; while other nations, if they choose to go wrong, why let them persevere. I must confess that I cannot go the whole length of this proposition, for I think that it will never do for one country to take every thing while others take nethin;•; the only remedy for which will be, that it will at length be checked from taking by its absolute poverty and incompetence to do so." No country takes from another anything which is of less value at home than what it gives in exchange. Now how, in God's name, can a country be reduced to absolute poverty by constantly re ceiving what is of more value to it than what it gives—that is constantly receiving an addition to its wealth by the difference in value between what it re ceives and what it gives ? This is the old slang of what is called the Mercantile Theory, according to which money is alone riches. Money will however, be given for that is of more value to the giver than money. When more must be given for the gold and silver than for that which the gold and silver is required for, the latter will cease to be taken as a matter of course. Nations must b;: both buyers and sellers, and their baying is the condition of their selling. When we talk, therefore, of selling to India, we must mean also buying from India. What does Mr. Baring say ? " With respect to the trade in India silk, I must also be allowed to say a few words. India silk, as the law now stands, pays a duty of 50 per cent., which the Right Hon. Gentleman proposes to reduce to 20 per cent. It is true that those who are engaged in the manu facture of these articles in India are our subjects; and I am aware how unfair it appears to make their ma nufacture pay any duty on coming into this country. Such an argument is, undoubtedly, a very specious one, arid one which calls for a great deal of atten tion : but at the same time I cannot help feeling that we have fellow-subjects rather nearer to us—(hear, bear,) —living in our own manufacturing towns, and who may, perhaps, be harder pressed to make a living of it than those who are in India—(hear, hear) :--and I must confess that I cannot help com ing to the conclusion, that if we allow this class of goods to come into this country on so low a duty, it will be the means of breaking up the only portion of the trade which we had any chance of keep ing—cutting away from under you the small hope that was lefr."—(Hear, hear.)—Just a little before he had said, " a great deal of the difficulties we are labouring under are no doubt owing to the many rash adventures that were some little time ago sent out to India, and to the uncertain state of the mar kets in South America; as many Hon. Gentlemen must well know,. the state of trade in Glasgow two years ago was such that traders were encouraged to take up goods at nine and twelve months' credit to go into adventures of some sort with them ; the re turnfor these goods having failed, they were unable to take up their bills, and the consequence was that a great deal of discredit prevailed." Mr. Baring says, if we allow this class of goods to come into this country on so low a duty, it will break up the silk trade—the West Indians say, if you allow their sugars to come into England, this will ruin us—one class of monopolists after another starts up and calls loudly for exclusion of India goods. The Glasgow and Liverpool traders send goods to India; but, ac cording to Mr. Baring, fail in obtaining a return for them—that is, your system of exclusion renders a profitable trade - with India impassible. And his result is that which Mr. Baring advocates ! He does not see that he is sacrificing the manufacturers, whose cargoes were sent to India for the supposed protection of another class of manufacturers. The most amusing exhibition in the course of the two days' discussion was that of Mr. Alderman Waith man, who announced with much gravity, two or three days ago, that he would set the Legislature right on .the subject, and last night informed the House that " he did not understand the doctrine of free trade ; he had read many books on this sub ject, and on political economy, but they only be wildered him ; he did not know after reading them whether he had any common sense or not; things that once appeared certain quite lost that charac teristic." But though books on political economy have only bewildered him, he has discovered, without study, that " landlords should not be wholly without protection, and the principle adopted by the Legislature was to give them a remunerating price." Of course every other class ought to have remunerating prices, and every class of men in every foreign country should have also, after our example, remunerating prices. What becomes then of Mr. Alderman Waithman's " manufacturers, who manufacture for all the world ?" We perceive that the Worthy Alderman is in prime condition for en lightening the world on these subjects. According to Mr. Baring, we are a doomed nation—our silks are condemned—our wools and cottons must follow. It is some consolation, however, to find from Mr. P. Thompson's statements that every year we are consuming more and more sugar, coffee, and other good things, and wearing more and more fineries. It must be some consolation if we are ruined that we continue to live better than we did. Of course nothing is ever paid for. We must he all over head and ears in debt ; for bow can a ruined nation live better and better ?—Morning Chronicle. We do not at all wonder that a petition should be presented to Parliament by a great body of Law Practitioners complaining of the inconveniences and inutility of the Court of King's Bench—of the new Court, let it be remembered, in the erection of which so large a sum of public money has been so recently expended. It was truly enough ob , erved by Sir James Scarlett, in piesenting this petition, that " there was not an Assize-town in the kingdom which did not possess a more convenient Court house" than this, the great civil and criminal Court of the British empire. The architect, it is said, ex cuses himself by alleging that he did all he could in :the confined space allotted him. But when all be comes inevitably so much too little, there was an obvious course to pursue—viz., to decline doing ;any thing. We think that every man is bound, both by public duty and by a sense of what is due to his own reputation, if he has a task assigned him which he is preconvinced cannot he well executed, fairly to tell his employers so, and to decline being the instrument of it. Of all the follies of the pre sent day, the brick-and-mortar mania seems the most extensive and appalling. If we except the splendid and judicious work at Windsor Castle (against WWI Qn the IMO 91 tato anti jtidgui vn t i u o a doubt, we believe, has been ever cast), we have scarcely a public buildiug of modern date which is not a libel on the age, or a monument of the nation's folly. And then, as in the case of this Court, the supreme mortification is, that the whole ex• pence is to be incurred over again, of course with a fresh chance of the second attempt being no more fortunate than the first. Though so much has been said about want of space, the real error consisted, we think, in not placing the Courts as they were previous to the Coronation. Had two of the Courts been placed, as they then were, at the extremity of the Hall, ample space would have been found for the test in the area, within which, under the new arrangement, the whole are now huddled: And this, we apprehend, must be the plan resorted to after all. At any rate, the Court of King's Bench cannot remain as it is; for indepen dent of there being actua►ly no room for one half of the attorneys, the suitors, and the witnesses, which are compelled to resort to it, so injudiciously is it planned as to air and ventilation, that the main entrances are obliged to be kept closed, and persons are forced to grope their way into it by a side door, finding themselves, probably, after all, just the farthest point from the place or person which they wished to reach.—Morning Herald. A subject—the state of the Silk Trade—which has been so often discussed, and under such variouN forms, that it is almost as threadbare as the impor tant question of Emancipation, which has now been finally set at rest, was again brought to the notice of the House of Commons on Monday, by Mr Fyler ; but without, so far as we have been able to perceive, throwing any new light, or advancing any new argument upon it. The argument of the Hon. Member was, that the Silk manufacture, previous to the establiihment of the system of Free Trade, had been in a most prosperous condition, and that since that period it had- not only greatly fallen off, but that those who were engaged in it, were labouring under the most dreadful distress. Neither of these posi- tions, however, are correct; and if they were cot , rect, they would not make out the case which he attempted to prove; for we contend, in the first place, that the Silk Trade never did prosper in this country; and, in the second, that it is not to the system of free trade that the present distress is pro perly to be attributed, but to causes which have long been in operation, and which are operating much more extensively than any system of free trade could possibly have done. Prior to 1825, it is true that the Spitalfields weavers had higher wages than they have, generally speaking, since had; but these wages were the result of a monopoly, the expense of which was paid by the country, and - even with the aid of that monopoly, they were not, as is well known, enabled at all times to procure work. They had their periods of distress, in fact, as every other class of workmen had; and that too, not on account of free trade, or foreign competition, but because the public was unable to buy to the extent that they could manufacture. Such, we contend, also to be in a great measure the case now. The Silk Trade is labouring under great depression, and those engaged in it unable either to derive a profit from their capital, or to realize competent wages ; but is not this the case with every other branch of trade ? Was there ever a period, except during; the existence of a panic, when such universal de pression was experienced ? And if such be the case, and in branches of trade, too, to which the principles of Messrs. Huskisson and Grant have not been applied, with what fairness can it be alleged that it is in consequence of having had recourse to free trade, that the silk manufacture is in a declining state, and the workmen formerly em ployed in it in a state of starvation ? Now what do the provincial Papers state respecting those branches of industry to which the free trade system has not been applied ? Why that they are all in a state of ruinous depression—that the iron. trade has never been so depressed, as now, within the last twelve years—that the cotton market is . dull beyond pre cedent—that there is no demand for goods—no em 7 ployment in the wool trade, and that, in fine, were workmen in demand in any one branch, they could be had by hundreds and thousands every where ! But it is unnecessary to proceed further in this line of argument, or to expose the futility of one of the causes—excessive trading—which Mr. Vesey Fitz gerald assigned for the present distressed state of the trade. It is not overtrading, nor yet is it smuggling that is the cause of the evil ; it is the Currency which is at the bottom of it—it is the Debt which is pressing with leaden fingers on every branch of industry—it is the enormous amount of Taxation with which we are saddled, and the shameful Corn monopoly, which are drying up the sources of our national wealth, and giving to foreigners those advantages in the foreign market, which we at one time enjoyed ex clusively. Do away with these, and trade will again revive—let them remain on their present footing, and reactions, similar to those which have occurred every second or third year since the war, will continue to drive our merchants and manufac turers to the Gazette, and to reduce the wages of the working classes below the point of even common necessaries. We agree, however, in its fullest ex tent in what Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald said respecting smuggling, and also in the remedies which he pro poses to apply. Were there no duties there would be no smugglers; and the lower the duty, therefore, the fewer will he the smugglers, because the less will be the chance of gain in such a hazardous - course.—Morning Advertiser. AWFUL EVENT. Yes, W—nch—ls—a (I tremble while I pen it), W—ncli—ls—a's Earl bath cut the lb itish Senate, Huth said to England's Peers, in accent gruff, " That for ye all," (snapping his fingers) and Eait, in a huff! Disastrous news !—like that of old which spread From shore to shore, " our mighty Pan is dead," O'cr the cross-benches (cross, from being crost) Sounds the loud wail, " Our W—nch—ls—a is lost Which of ye, Lords, that heard him, can forget The deep impression of that awful threat, " I quit your house ! !"—midst all that histories tell, I know but one event that's parallel : PARALLEL CASE. It chanc'd, at Drury-lane, one Easter night, When the gay Gods, too blest to be polite, (Gods at their ease, like those of learn'd Lucretius) Laugh'd, whistled, groan'il, uproariously facetious,—.. A well-dress'd member of the middle gallery, Whose "ears polite" disdain'd such low canaillerie, Bose in his place,—so grand, you'd almost swear Lord W—nch—ls—a himself stood towering there,— And, like that Lord of dignity and noes, Said, "...Silence, fellows, or—l'll leave the house ! !" How brook'd the Gods this speech? Ah, well-a-day, That speech so fine should he so thrown away ! In vain did this mid-gallery grandee Assert his own two-shilling dignity,— In vain he menac'd to withdraw the ray, Of his own full-price countenance away,— Fun against dignity is fearful odds, And, as the Lords lati;li now, so giggled then the Gods (Times.) We are gratified to learn that some slight re- rival has taken place in the light silk manufactures of p a i s l e y. Several of the principal houses in these branches have for this last week been taking on additional hands.— 'Glasgow Herald. We received accounts from Portsmouth yes terday, stating that transports are being engaged at that port for the conveyance of 8,000 troops. The general supposition is, that they are intended to take some of the :R e giments now in Ireland to different sea-ports in Eng land, previous to a general reduction of about 12,000 me* 'of the army. The season was never so backward. as it is this year, in the neighhourhood of Dublin, and Ireland generally ; but we have been informed that there are fewer cases of fever at present in the hospitals than were ever before known at this period of the year. We need, net observe that a late season is always-considered auspicious to the hopes of the agriculturist in this climate.—Dtibliu Nortting Register. - Nk. '-~ .ti IMPERIAL, PAsit.LIAMENT. \ . HOUSE OF LORDS.--(LAST NIGHT.) The LORD CIIANCELLOR entered the House at a Quarter before Five o'clock. • Sir ALEXANDER GRANT and others brought up from the House of Commons a Bill for the facili tating the public business in the Navy and Victual ing Departments, the Greenwich Bill, and the New foundland Fishery Bill. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a petition from the Surgeons of Norfolk and Nor siomed by upwards of 400 medical men, praying that the House would take into considera tion, and pass such measures relative to dissection, as would enable the medical practitioner to do justice to the community. The petitioners stated the desperate state in which medical men were placed in that part of the country in consequence of the want of subjects for dissection, and they trusted in the wisdom of Parliament to effect the object they had in view. SILK TRADE. Lord FARNHAM presented a petition from the silk manufacturers and throwsters of the City of Dublin. They attributed the desperate state of their trade to the admission of foreign goods into the market. Wages had been reduced 25 per cent. and upwards of 2,000, who had full employment in 1824 , , were now destitute. The petitioners trusted their Lordships would adopt those measures that would protect their trade. Ordered to lie on the table. Several private Bills passed through their respec tive stages, and the House adjourned at a Quarter past Five o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(LAST NIGHT.) Mr. CHARLES PALLMER moved the second reading of the West India Dock Bill. Mr. PM LETT THOMPSON said the object of this Bill being to raise money, there had not been sufficient time given ; he should therefore rove that the Bill be read a second time this day three months. Mr. HumE and Alderman WOOD also opposed the second reading. Mr. C. PALLMER replied; when the House di vided, and there appeared for the second reading— Ayes 35 Nees Majority is favour of the second reading —3O Mr. BAN KES presented a retition from the Archdeacon and Clergy of Dorset, against the Cu- tholic Claims. Mr. BROWNLOW presented a petition from Brewers and Molesters of the North of Ireland, praying for an equalization of the duties on Malt and Spirits in Ireland a►►d Scotland. After a few words from the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, the petition was ordered to be printed. Mr. BROWNLO\V presented a petition from the Marquis of Westmeath, complaining of the manner in which the office of Sheriff for the Courts of Westminster was exercised. After a few observations from Mr. Brownlow, Mr. Doherty, Mr. 'Wallace, Mr. Spring Rice, Mr. Maurice Fitzgerald, and Lord Leveson Gower, the petition was ordered to be printed. • Mr. WALLACE presented a petition from a parish in the County of Leitrim, and from anotlior parish in Ireland, aga►nst the Sub-letting Act. The petitions were brought up, and ordered t obe printed. Here there was a Message from the Lords, sig nifying the Royal Assent to several Public aad Private Bills, and requesting a copy of the Rep rt presented to the House of Commons on the c trade, on the 23d of last June. Mr. F. BUXTON gave notice, that he would move, on a future evening, for copies of the Cor respondence between this Country and Continental Powers on the subject of the Slave Trade; and also other Documents relating w Slavery. GREENWICH HOSPITAL. Sir G.•COCKI3URN moved that the House resolve itself into a Committee on the Greenwich Hospital Bill. Mr. H UMS objected to the clause, which (as we understood) enabled the Treasurer of the Navy to be an officer of Greenwich Hospital, without vacating his seal as a Member of Parliament. This was a violation to the usual rule relating to persons accepting places and pensions. Sir G. COCKBURN said that this was the only office in which this reservation was made, and no material objection could be made to it, as there was no salary attached to the office. Mr. HUME suggested, that from the manner in which the estates of the Hospital were managed, it would be a great benefit to the Hospital it they were sold, arid the money obtained by the sale in vested in the funds. This would be a much more satisfactory way of supplying the Hospital with funds, than the present mode of managing their estates. Mr. WARBURTON said, that an offer was made to the Hospital of insuring to it a greater in come than it had received from the Earl of Der wentwater's estate in any one year, if the Gover nors of the Hospital would consent to the sale of it. Lord LOWTHER bore testimony to the fact that there were few estates in the North of Eng ' land so well managed as those belonging to the Hospital. Sir GEORGE COCKBURN said, that the suggestion of the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Hume) might be a matter for future consideration, but it could not be introduced into the present Bill. Mr. HUME objected to the clause which pro posed to transfer the patronage of certain livings attached to the Hospital from the Governors of the Hospital to the Lords of the Admiralty. Sir GEORGE COCKBURN said, that the patronage . was not of any considerable value, so as to excite jealousy or suspicion. The exercise of it was limited to chaplains of long standing in the ser vice; and he was sure it would not be regarded to be a patronage of which the Lords of the Admiralty could be desirous, when, besides the meritorious class of persons to which it was restricted, the liv ings were only four in number, and of these only one was worth 4001. a•year, and the others were little more than 1201. per annum. After a short conversation - , in which Sir C. WETHERELL, Mr. HUME, Mr. TRANT, and Sir G. COCKBURN participated, the Bill went through the Committee; and the House having resumed, the report was ordered to be received to-morrow. The Swan River Settlement Bill was read a third time and passed. STATE OF THE SILK MANUFACTURE. - - -- - Mr. HUME moved the Order of the Day for re suming the adjourned debate on the motio:4 for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the state of the Silk Trade. The Order of the Day having been read, Mr. HUME rose and said, that when he entered the House yesterday evening, lie had no intention to take any part whatever in the discussion of this question, being determined to give his silent vote in favour of the views taken by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. V.Fitzgerald), and against the motion of the Hon. Member for Coventry. But, in the course of that discussion, certain statements were made, and certain positions were laid down, which appeared to him to be so objectionable in principle, that, thinking it proper that those points should be set right before the final settlement of this question, and not wishing, at so late an hour of the night, to press on the House the particular ob jections which he e ntertained against what had been stated by one or two other gentlemen, he had, under these circumstances, deemed it necessary to move .the adjournment of the debate, in order that the House Might have a better opportunity for con sidering the subject. He was very sorry that the ,Hon. Member for Callington (Mr. A. B.aring) was t oot in his place, because it was not in his power to proceed without noticing what fell from him on the preceding evening, because it was impor tant that the opinions of an individual standing so high tbe did in the winnonciiil Odd blwnid bQ folly examined, and their correctness or their inac curacy pointed out. Any thing falling from a man of so much eminence was of great importance', since, if it were erroneous, it was calculated to rills- ~ lead those who had not a proper opportunity to con- skier and to decide on the justness of the arguments which he might advance on subjects of great intea. • rest. With regard to the concoctor of this motion, the Hon. Member for Coventry, he had but little - to object to the statements which he had made, but he entirely differed from him as- to the inferences which lie had drawn from them. He admitted that the distress which the lion. Member had described did exist, not only in Spitalficids, but in various other places where the silk manufacture was carried on. lie admitted that there was a great stagna tion at the present moment in that branch of in dustry ; and he admitted, in short, every proposi tion which the Hon. Member had advanced in sup port of his motion for a Committee, save and except one. He could not admit that the trial of a system of free trade which had been made in 18'20, with reference to this trade, had completely failed, and that ruin was thus brought on the manufac turer, as the nom Member had stated. He was decidedly at issue with the Hon. Member as to the cause %% hich he had assigned for the great loss ti'v' had taken place. He admitted the loss that h d been experienced and the stagnation of trade whhh now prevailed, but he denied altogether the concha , tion which the lion. Member had drawn—hastily, as he conceived, and in direct opposition to his own figures and facts—namely, that the silk manufacture had suffered from the experiment tried in 1826. It was only necessary for him to prove this fact; and that he would do by a reference to a number of years; be cause the seconder of the motion (Mr. Robinson) had very justly stated, that it was not fair to take any one particular year for the purpose of proving what effect was produced on this or any other trade by any change or alteration of system. In order to meet the objection which had been advanced, and which was urged over and over again yesterday as the cause of this distress, he had taken a series of .. fifteen. years, from 1814 to 1828 inclusive, which ho divided into three portions; and he begged the Hon. Mover to note the result of the average of those three periods. The first period was from 1814 . to 1818 ; the second from 1819 to 1823 ; and the third from 1824 to 1828; and two curious facts, would be elicited from the calculation. The ave rage quantity of raw and thrown silk imported in the first five years was 1,526,0001b5.; in the second five years, 2,185,1291b5.: and in the third five years 3,716,8121b5. Now, if they compared the aggre gate amount of the first period with the aggre gate amount of the two last periods (as they had been stated by the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite), it would appear that there was an in creased importation of 3,000,000 lbs. in the five years ending in 1823 over the five years ending in 1818 ; an increased importation of 7,000,000 lbs. in. the five years ending in 1828, .over the preceding • five years ending in 1823; and an increased impori , tation of 11,000,000 lbs. in the last five years, as , compared with the five years ending in 1818. Now, whichever way the figures were placed, the Hon. Member for Coventry must admit, and the Hon. • Member for Callington could not deny, that a great progressive increase had taken place, and that the figures were decidedly against them. This, there fore, he considered as a complete answer to the as sertion that the trial of 1826 was a failure. There was another curious fact, which had been already mentioned, which as it seemed to him ought to allay. the apprehensions entertained by the silk-throwster. He had made a calculation of the importation of thrown silk for the last 15 years, and it had not varied mere than to the extent of' 50,000 lbs., taking the average, whereas the variation in the importation of raw silk had been more than , doubled in that period. Now, what conclusion did he draw from this ? Why, that though in 18 14 the protecting duty was I4s. 7d., which in 1824 was reduced to 7s. 6d., and in 1825 to 55., yet that no alteration had taken place in the amount of foreign thrown silk imported into this country, notwithstand ing the decrease of the duty. He stated this to se' tisfy those gentlemen who have an interest in throw ink silk, that they were not injured, nor likely to be hawed, by the importation of thrown silk, in conse quence of the reduction of duty. With respect to the. alarm which was expressed-as to the probability of,a great quantity of thrown silk being sent into this mar- - ket, he thought it was completely groundless; for be' was informed that the foreign machinery of the mills . , for thrown silk was nearly in the same state as it v 015..; • 30 years ago; and any increase which might h oe .. taken place in the demand for thrown silk waS re ferable to the northern states of Europe, to. whim quarter it was sent. In some parts of Poland, RUE' • sia, and Germany, attempts had been made to itr troduce the silk-manufacture. In those places.they - did not use the raw silk, which they.had not the means of working, but the thrown silk ; and there -,1 ': fore, if there were an increase of machinery in Italy, it was called for by the extended demand for throwni silk from those northern countries. He therefore-, held, that if the whole duty were taken off, ,•to 4 . his hope, m h) of i r t o ; w, at t i l d ie h s e ilk e - o t t l i i i r d ow i s io te t r wou b h e_ that the individuals themselves who were interested in the trade of throwsters would come to the .Go vernment and say, " You gave us a protecting duty of 2s. per lb. on singles, 3s per lb. On tram, and ss. per lb. on organzine , (averaging about 35e, per lb.), which may be calculate d as a protectionof 60,000/., and we really wish you would remove those duties altogether." He would ask whether it was worth while to encounter so much trouble and inconvenience, for a paltry pittance of _60,0001,. and that too, carried over se great an extent of siness. He thought, for one, that the throwstera would show a disinterested feeling, by coming ward and requesting that all those duties should be.. taken off. if they did so, he was satisfied that their loss would be scarcely worth naming.: would now put the situation of the throwster on & different footing, and thought the House, would , see that there was no necessity for the alarm which diet body of men seemed to feel. In order to airePqt • the question, he would take the quantity. of. sillkk imported in bales instead of pounds. From 1790 to 1828, there were 22,400,000 hales of silk im ported into this country, of which 2,171,000 were bales of thrown silk, leaving 20,371,000 be of raw silk, every ounce of which was to be .con verted into thrown silk by the manufacturers in-this country. The result of this calculation was, that instead of affording any ground for alarm or corn-, , plaint with respect to foreign silk, it showed that the balance wax ten to one in. favour,. of the, British throwster, only one-tenth of the whole .silk.j4F9" duced being in a thrown state.*—(Hear, The throwster hid the undoubted manufacture : 01 20,000,000 of bales, while only 2,000,000 ; 0f:1)0 e of thrown silk were admitted in the last .40 years.' Therefore, he contended, the alarm -was ,rnuelv greater than the, throwster had any right , to Before he proceeded further in noticing different parts of the speech of the Hon. Member for Covert' . try, and of the speech of the Hon. Member for Cal' fington, he really wished that be - could come to ao understanding with them as to the menning.of cer tain terms ; and he regretted that the Hon. Member for Newark (Mr. Sadler) was not in his place, '0 54. he had some observations to make on certain posi" tions which he had advanced. He wished to ariiire at a clear definition of terms, because he knew it was very - easy to declaim for years, and yet not to come to any decided conclusion, if the parties arguing did not understand the express meaning.of the pook tions advanced, and the phrases used. He not tell what the Hon. Member for Newark meant. That Hon. Member, in his publicatiOns, said, " the greatest blessing is to allow the produce of one country to be exchanged freely for the pre; duce of another." That was the doctrine he bse l laid down; and yet last night be contended that the theorists of the present day, who, wished to admit foreign articles on that principle, where wholly wrong. The doctrine of free.trade was heard, vv),oh honor by tire Hen. Member for Worcester: CT!: Rohnoon); end, in the teeth of his owil:41001; a `~