The Sun. — London, England, 1859-06-14 00:00:00

THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY. Yesterday appeared a blue-book of 400 pages, containing the diplomatic correspondence relative to the affairs of Italy from January to May last. We propose so far to avail ourselves of the space left at our disposal by the short suspension of the sittings of Parliament this week as to publish the most in teresting andimportant of the despatches before us, giving a brief and general descriptive summary of such others as may appear to require notice. The subject opens with the communication by Earl Cowley to the Foreign- office of the famous rebuke " administered by Napoleon 111. to the Austrian Ambassador on New Year's-day. The Emperor said, with some severity of tone, that, although the relations between the two Empires were not such as he could desire, he begged to assure the Empeoor of Austria that his personal feelings towards his Majesty remained unaltered." These words were declared by Sir J. Hudson, (Turin despatch of January 3), as likely to be con sidered tantamount to a declaration of war, in the then condition of Italy. The views of our own Government were speedily expressed by Lord Malmesbury in despatches to Earl Cowley and Lord A. Loftus. As these docu ments are said by the late Foreign Secretary fully to embody the views and policy of the Government of her Britannic Majesty we subjoin them at length : No. 5. " THE EARL OF MALMESBURY TO EARL COWLEY. Foreign ,s Jan. 10, 1859. "My Lord,—Her Majesty's Government have heard from your Excellency with deep concern that the state of the relations between the French and Austrian Courts is of a nature so unsatisfactory that in your opuThion and that of the public of France it might at any moment lead to a still fur ther and more fatal estrangement. The speech of the Emperor to M. Hubner on New Year's-day in creased the general alarm, which has extended to this country; and although subsequently a more courteous treatment of the Austrian Minister was displayed at the Tuileries, and the iloniteur has attempted to reassure the public mind, the agitation is not diminished. " Her Majesty's Government have such entire confidence in your Excellency's tact and judgment that they feel that no given instructions can be so useful as a full liberty left to your Excellency to take advantage of the most fitting occasions to urge upon the Emperor and upon his Ministers the para mount importance of preserving the peace of Europe under any circumstances in which the vital inte rests of France itself are not imperilled. " Her Majesty's Government received and hailed with sincere satisfaction the assurances with which, in 1852, the Emperor of the French consecrated his election to the throne. Those assurances were, that his Imperial Majesty would observe and maintain the treaties which were then the law of Europe, and her Majesty's Government are bound to say that no pledge was ever more faithfully and loyally kept. " The European benefit of an unbroken alliance between England and France has been the result of that honourable policy, and her Majesty's Go vernment, who believe that the peace of Europe is ever in the hands of those two great empires, feel the deepest anxiety whenever France appears likely to be in hostility with any of the great Powers of the Continent. "Her Majesty's Government must state to your Excellency . that, in the evident ill-humour dis played reciprocally between France and Austria at this moment, they can conceive no great national question of interest involved which can reasonably cause such a feeling. No portion of the territory of either is threatened by the other ; no commercial privileges are asked or refused by either; no point of national honour is at stake in either country. " The solution of a sentiment which has appa rently brought these two States to the verge of collision appears to her Majesty's Government to be found in mutual faults of temper and indiscre tion on the part of the two Governments, and neither party appears disposed to make such sacri fices as would put an end to the panic which they have caused, and the practical evils which they may create. " It is under these circumstances that an impar tial State like England is justified in proffering to her two allies the best and most sincere advice that she can give. "I repeat that I trust to your Excellency to per form this duty, and I hope you will not omit to point out to the French GoverAment that, while no French interest is at stake between France and Austria, there is a State and there are persons who, to increase its territory and fortify their personal position, ardently desire to involve two powerful empires in a war from which they expect to obtain those results.' " That war, if it be what is expected, namely, an Italian war, can neither be short nor decisive. It may begin as a conflict in which three monarchies are engaged, but looking at the soil on which it will be waged, and the elements which it will con tain, most before long expand into a war of opi nions. Among these theories your Excellency may be assured that those of a republican hue will not be the faintest. " Of such a war France would have to bear the heaviest expenditure of blood and treasure against a foe possessing great military power, and a deter mination to use it to the last ; while the phases of the contest would give new life to that dreaded class who look in anarchy alone for a realisation of their avarice or ambition. " Her Majesty's Government have already pressed upon Austria analogous advice, and they believe that they will also be aided in their counsels by the Court of Russia. " Her Majesty's Government would wish your Excellency to go further, and frankly to enter into the present state of Italy with the French Govern ment. I am aware from the conversation which Lord Clarendon held lately at Compiegne with the Emperor, and which his lordship repeated to me, that his Imperial Majesty has long looked at the internal state of Italy with interest and anxiety. It may be, although I have no reason for believing such is the case, that he imagines that in a war with Austria, and having Sardinia as an ally, he may play the important part of the regenerator of Italy. If so, the treaties of 1815 must be effaced, for such a redistribution of territory could not be effected without the consent of the parties to those treaties. But those compacts have ensured to Europe the longest peace on record, and, in the opinion of her Majesty's Government, still answer their original purpose in maintaining the balance of power. "I would not, however, have your Excellency believe that her Majesty's Government are indiffe rent to the just discontent which affects a lame portion of the Italian populations. Yet it is not in a war between France and Austria that their relief is to be found. Such a war may bring about a change of masters, but assuredly it w ill no t g ive them independence, and without independence liberty is hopeless. " Her Majesty's Government are convinced that it is in the union and good understanding of France and Austria that an amelioration and gradual im provement of the condition of the Italians can be now begun and finally effected. If, happily for that people, those two Governments would occupy themselves seriously to insist upon and carry out the reforms demanded by both justice and policy in central Italy, they would doubtless succeed. " In an effort so glorious for both cou ntries, and so beneficial to A us t r i a , her Majesty's Government would heartily join, al though they are of opinion that, as a Protestant country, England should not take too prominent a part, lest she should excite a suspicion that she was swayed by motives of a sec tarian character. If Prussia and Russia approved, they would stand in the same light as England ; and if it should appear to the two great Roman Ca tholic empires that any modification of the territo rial distribution of central Italy would contribute to the peace of the country and good government of the people, without enfeebling the spiritual autho rity of the Pope, her Majesty's Government would be ready, together with the other Powers who were parties to the treaties of 1815, to give it their best consideration. " These views of her Majesty's Government your Excellency will propound to the French Govern. - meet when you have a fitting opportunity. Your Excellency's task is to avert, if possible, the curse of a war, which, I am convinced, would be one of the longest and bloodiest on record, in which all the worst passions of conflicting theorists, exiled pre tenders, and adverse races would be mixed in a • deadly struggle. "It is also to urge a peaceful course of action , in he n of a policy sop regnant with those calamities. am, &c., " MALMESBUItY." " THE EARL OF .. No. 8. AIALMESBURY TO LORD A. LOFTUS. ‘4 My Lord, I "Foreign-office, Jan. 12, 1859 . have to instruct your lordship to take an early opportunity of stating to Count Buol that her Maitest Government have witnessed with much concern le increasing estrangement between Austria and. France, has at last become so notorious it s to produce ae general impression that Europe is on the eve of witnessing a contest between those two states, and that the battlefield selected by them w 1.71. be Italy. " On two ( )ceasions--one more than a month ago' —I stated fi ) Count Apponyi, - verbally, the appre hensions of ht :r Majesty's Government,and ventured to give him their views and opinions in thelorm of advice% They were analogous to those which I now submit to your lordship. " Her Majesty's Government therefore have hoped, and still continue to hope, that maturer reflection on both sides will avert a calamity, the results of which no human foresight can divine ; and, deprecating all officious interference with Aus trian affairs, your lordship can scarcely find it ne cessary to assure Count Buol that we are ready and anxious to exert our utmost influence to assuage animosities and explain away causes of offence, if only a disposition is shown by either party to avail itself of our good offices for that purpose. " It appears, indeed, to her Majesty' Government that the existing ill feeling between the two impe rial Courts has its origin, not so much in any real and patent cause of disagreement, ,as in mutual distrust of each other's views and intentions, and the consequent disposition to give an unfavourable construction to every measure to which either party may have recourse. There are no questions of terri torial claim or occupation, none of cothmercial injury', or of disregarded rights, which can be alleged on either side as justifying the coldness and reserve, not to say suspicious irritability, which characterise their present intercourse. Yet it appears to her Majesty's Government that neither party evinces a sincere disposition to come to a frank understanding with the other, or to make any sacrifices, however unimportant, to bring about so desirable a result. ~ "With these impressions, it must be evident to the Austrian Gove rn ment that no unseemly wish to interfere with its independent line of action induces her Majesty's Government to tender their advice to Austria. That advice is offered from a sincere de sire to see her prosper as one of the most important members of the European family of States, and as one of her Majesty's most ancient allies. "Her Majesty's Government therefore desire your lordship, while there is yet time, to place be fore the Imperial Court some considerations which they hope may not be without influence at the present crisis. " It is impossible to deny that a war once begun in Italy would soon assume the character of a re volutionary contest, and no human foresight can perceive what results would remain to Europe when, after a long and desperate contest, the com batants had sunk from exhaustion into peace. Such a war, however, begun at first, would soon be adopted as one of dynasties and opinions, in which exiled pretenders, and every class of political theo rist, would see the possible realisation of their wishes. ' "It cannot be predicated that France would be a gainer from such a state of things. On the con trary, it is probable that she would be far from finding her account in it. But it is certain that Austria, even if she were to come out of the con test truimphant, would suffer to an irreparable extent in all her material interests. " It is with sincere pleasure that her Majesty's Government pay a just tribute to Austria, by ad mitting that the government of her Italian pro vinces has been conductedby the Archduke Viceroy with great ability, and in a spirit of conciliation and liberality which does his Imperial Highness the greatest honour. Her Majesty's Government ardently trust that in the interests of the Italians themselves and of the peace of Europe the Austrian Government will continue to pursue a course which cannot fail to bring to its side the public opinion of impartial and independent States. It appears to her Majesty's Government to be of paramount importance at this critical moment for Austria to enlist public opinion in her cause, and to take more than common care to avoid every act that could possibly be construed into a wilful offenc to t e hose States who may, perhaps, desire a quarrel with her. Her Majesty's Government, therefore, urge your lordship to take every opportune occasion to im press this truth on the Austrian Government. " Your Lordship will frankly tell Count Buol that should such a struggle as we deprecate be the re sult of the present estrang eme nt between France and Austria, England would remain a neutral spec tator of the contest, and that in no case would public opinion in this country render it possible for her to assist Austria as against her own subjects, if the contest assumed the aspect of a revolution of her Italian provinces against her Government. " The public opinion in England has a natural tendency to sympathise with Italian nationalities, but her Nlajesty's Government believe that those sympathies would not be roused to any active form against Austria unless Austria put herself patently in the wrong, and either became an aggressor or gave France or Sardinia a fair excuse for beginning a war. " Her Majesty's Government do not deny that Austria has cause of uneasiness in Italy, but they maintain that it cannot be mitigated or removed by plunging into war with France or Sardinia. If Austria and France could be induced to take a just estimate not only of their own political interests, but of the course which would most effectually con tribute to the happiness of the Italian populations throughout the whole extent of the peninsula, hgr Majesty's Government feel that the work would be already half accomplished, and the rest of Europe, instead of looking forward with anxiety to the future, would only have to congratulate itself on the prospect at length opening to them of Italian regeneration, unstained by deeds of violence and bloodshed. "No one looking on the state of Italy can doubt that many causes of just discontent are to be found in the general administration of the country, and her Majesty's Government, sym pathising, as they unquestionably do, with the sufferings of the Italian population, would gladly lend their best efforts to produce an amelioration iu the existing state of things. But they know that such amelioration can never be effected, with any certainty of permanency, by war. It may . produce a change of masters, but it will not confer indepen dence ; it may, perhaps, contribute to the elevation. of some fortunate individuals, but it will ensure the disorganization of the whole social system, and in definitely retard the material improvement of the Italian population. " On the other hand, her Majesty's Government entertain but little doubt that if Austria and France —the former an Italian, and both Roman Catholic States—laying aside mutual suspicion, were to join heartily with a view to promote, by peaceful means, the regeneration of Italy, their combined influence would speedily effect a change in the present un happy state of affairs, and contribute to establish confidence between rulers and their subjects. " Her Majesty's Government have not failed to press upon the Government of France consi derations such as these, and they have not hesi tated to express their conviction that France, though she may have no material stake at issue, could have little or nothing to gain in an Italian War. " As the common friends, then, of both parties, tnd as sincerely desirous of the welfare of the Italian people, her Majesty's Government entreat the two Imperial Courts to lay aside their ani mosities and to act in peaceful concert for that im portant object. Her Majesty's Government think that it would not only be becoming in Austria, from her peculiar position in Italy, but also advan tageous to her in the public opinion of Europe, if she were to make the first advances, and propose to the French Government to join with her in con sidering the best means of reforming the glar ing abuses in the Papal dominions which oc cupy central Italy. Austria is an Italian State, and both Austria and France are now occupying the Papal territory with their troops. Such a po sition cannot be lasting, and her Majesty's Govern ment submit to both Austria and France that it is their public duty to terminate, if possible, a state of things which has become intolerable. , the' Your L or d s hip ma y assure Count Buol that withheldsupport a f t h r er ar l is laji will earnest not be'sanGyol,o"evrerirruernets ' e ro st m y which the Cabinet of Vienna may there make for the establishment of a good understanding with France with regard to Italy, or for giving effect to her praiseworthy efforts. H er Majesty's Government would further be prepared to contribute , as much as in them lies, to make an y propositions, emanating from such a com mon understanding on the part of Austria and France, acceptable to the parties in Italy to whom they might be addressed. If it should appear to Austria and France, the two great Roman Catholic empires, after mature counsel on the subject, that any modification of the existing territorial arrangements in Central Italy would be likely to contribute to the of p th eace of the country and the good government e peopl e , her Majesty's Government would be prepared, in conjunction with the other Powers by whom the present order of things was established in 1815, to give their best consideration to any measures calculated, without enfeebling the spiri tual power of the Pope, to effect objects sod esirable in the interests of humanity , a nd so important as regards the ggneral peace of Europe. " But her Majesty's Government are of opinion that, at the outset of the endeavours which might be made by Austria and France t o induce any of the Sovereigns of Central Italy . to agree to, and carry out, such reforms in t he internal adminis tration of their dominions as may be required by justice and sound policy, it would not be expe dient that England should appear to take the initiative or prominent part. " So much of ecclesiastical polity is involved in these questions, more- especially as regards the Papal States, that the interference of a Protestant country in the proposed reforms might be looked upon with suspicion, and rather injure than benefit the cause. " It appears, therefore, to her Majesty's Govern ment, to be essential that Austria and France, by reason of their more direct interest in, and the means they can bring to b ail- on Matters at issue, should take a leading part in their adjustment ; leaving it to her Majesty's Government, and to those of Prussia and Russia, equally dissenting with themselves from the Church of Rome, to support, by such means as they might deem most advisable, the efforts of the Catholic Powers to induce the Pope and other Italian Sovereigns to sanction a change of system for the benefit of their respective subjects. " Your lordship will enter fully, with Count Buol, on this important subject, and you will earnestly press upon him the expediency of an early decision, while there is yet time for an honourable and amicable understanding being effected with France. The present opportunity once lost, no other will present itself, until the resources of both countries are wasted in a war undertaken by the aggressor, whoever he may be for no national purpose, and defensible by no prin ciple of morality. " I am, &c., (Signed) " MALMESBURY." On the 12th of January, the co-operation a Russia to preserve the general peace of Europe was earnestly solicited, through Sir J. Crampton, at the same time that the disposition of that Power, constantly shown since the peace of 1856, to culti vate the friendship of France was fully recognised. The same appeal was made to Prussia, and the anxiety of our Government was freely expressed to 1 the Court of Sardinia (January 13) on the mena cing state of affairs. The account of a conversation between Earl Cow lry and the Count Walewski, on the 13th of January, is too important to be omitted. It is given in the following despatch : No. 13. " EARL COWLEY TO THE EARL OF MALMESBURY. " (Received January 15.) " (Extract.) " Paris, January 14, 1859. "I had a long and not an unimportant conversa tion with Count Walewski this afternoon. I went to his Excellency for the purpose of communicating to him the substance of your Lordship's despatch of the 10th inst. (No. 5), relative to the present political crisis ; and, with this view, I read to him the greater part of your observations. "I should neither do justice to your Lordship nor Count Walewski himself if I refrained from recording the profound impression which the argu ment running through that despatch made upon his Excellency. Some of the passages he requested m e to read twice over, others at once elicited his warmest approval ; and I do not allow myself to doubt that the tenour of your Lordship's remarks will be faithfully conveyed to the Emperor. " I particularly pointed out to Count Walewski the total disinterestedness of the advice proffered by her Majesty's Government; for of all quarters of Europe, I observed, a war in Italy would be least prejudicial to the material interest of Great Britain. " After hearing me, and expressing, in general terms, his appreciation of the masterly statement which I read to him, his Excellency said that he would state at once that, serious as was the aspect of affairs, it would not be rendered more serious by any proceedings on the part of France. France had no wish to go to war or to induce others to go to war ; and if she took up arms, it would be on a question of right and in the defence of exist ing treaties. Such, his Excellency said, was the Emperor's firm determination. His Majesty would not declare war if unprovoked, or himself provoke a war on the part of others : and if others would be as prudent as his Majesty, the crisis would pass over. " The reverse of the medal was to be looked for in the possible imprudence of other Powers; the gravity of the crisis was to be sought elsewhere. So long as Austria remained within her own frontier, she might act as she pleased ; he would guarantee there 'would be no interference from France ; but let her once march a soldier into any part of Italy, excepting the Legations, he would answer for nothing. He did not mean to declare that, even then, France would interfere, but, in all probability, Sardinia would, when the complications which might ensue might involve all Europe. In a word he looked upon the peace of Europe as being at this moment in the hands of Austria. . "Count Walewski assured me, further, that the Emperor's instructions to Prince Napoleon on his Imperial Highness's departure for Turin had been of a most pacific character." The views of the Ministry of the Earl of Derby respecting the bearing of the question upon the interests of the Pope are expounded in the follow ing despatch. We invite particular attention to the declaration of her Majesty's Government to maintain a strict neutrality, in paragraph 6 : No. 14. " THE EARL OF MALMESBURY TO MR. RUSSELL.* " Foreign-office, Jan. 13, 1859. " Sir,—The prevailing apprehensions of approach ing troubles in Italy, growing out of, or followed by, a war between Austria and France in that coun try, cannot have failed to make a serious impression on the Papal Government, and to lead it to consider what effects such a calamity may have on the tem poral power of the Pope. " Her Majesty's Government are exerting them selves, and will still continue to use their utmost efforts, to prevail upon the Governments whom public rumour designates as prepared to embark in this contest, to refrain from pursuing the acrimo nious discussions which have of late interrupted their amicable relations, and, on the contrary, to unite cordially in a common course of action, with the view, if possible, of effecting by moral influence such an improvement in the general state of Italy as, by allaying the discontent which a large pro portion of the Italian people so justly feel at the system of government under which they live, may at once improve the social condition of the people, and establish feelings of confidence and goodwill between them and their rulers. ~ Whether, in the state of feeling that now exists between the Governments of Austria and France, there needs any insurrectionary movement in Lom bardy or any part of Italy to give an excuse for an open rupture between those two Powers, certain it is that both are looking forward to and preparinc , for the day when their armies shall stand in hostile array against each other on the plains of Lombardy. But, unquestionably, the probability of immediate collision, and, at all events, the calamities that m ust ensue from it, would be much diminished if the Governments of Italy were spontaneously , to exprsss their readiness earnestly to con sider, with the two'great Roman Catholic Powers of Europe, the means of improving the adminis tration of their several States for the benfit of their subjects; and to offer substantial guarantees that such improvements, once agreed upon, should be honestly carried out. " Her Majesty's Government having pointed out to the two Imperial Courts that by united action for this object they would not only relieve the rest of Europe from the apprehensions under which it now labours, but would probably set on foot in Italy an order of things calculated to allay the animosities which unhappily prevail in the several Italian States, and which, as long as they exist, must always be a source of disquietude to all Powers interested in the maintenance of the general peace. " Her Majesty's Government are aware that, from affinity of religion and from the military posi tion which Austria and France at present occupy in the Roman States, the initiative of any attempt in this direction most properly belongs to those two Powers, and that Great Britain, Prussia, and Russia, standing is both respects on a different footing, could not advantageously propose to assume a prominent part in any such measure. But her Majesty's Government have intimated their readiness to contribute, as far as their assistance may be likely to avail, to bring about a better order of things in Italy. The Government and people of this country sympathise sincerely with the wrongs of the Italian people, hut they feel that those wrongs will be redressed more effectually by peaceful than by violent means. They look for ward with alarm to the beginning of disturbances in Italy, whether originating in insurrection or in war, because they are assure - 2 that troubles once begun will speedily overspread the whole country, and that the conflict which will arise must inevitably disorganise still more its entire social system, and be attended with an amount of human misery which cannot be anticipated without dismay. " In any such contest, indeed, the part which this country would have to play is sufficiently indicated by its local position and the general tendency of its political institutions. A war in Italy would not internal e directly affect any material British i n t erests ; neither would Majesty's it be consistent with our p olitical principl es t o i n t er f ere o therwise than by advice in the affairs i s to o observe the between the contending Italian States. Therefore , Government parties,th e woulda strictestn tdh would o k ul i dt neutralitys incum benteeupon in t the struggle while in pr o gress, or in its result, as long as it sould be confined to Italy, any justifiable mo assuming any other attitude in regard in itt";ehafonr that of a spectator, deeply lamenting . , indeed, the calamities which they might witness, but declining. any active part in a contest not 'directly affecting British interests, - andbegun, as they would consider it, by the chief actors in it without any sufficient cause. sil have thought it advisable to give you this * A similar despatch, mutatis Inutandis, was addres4ed on the same day to Mr. Corbett, at Florence, with the fol lowing addition :—" I have addressed an instruction in the words of this despatch direct to Mr. Russell, a t Rome,,, general. insight into the view;of her Majesty's G overn ment at the present crisis.; and although it would not be advisable that you should seek occa sion to enter upon these matters with the Papal Government, you will, if obliged to do so, regulate your langmige by the tenour of this despatch. " I am, &c. " 14ALMESBURY." The resor:ve or our Government to adhere to a policy of m rutrality and to the treaties of 1815 was expressly d eclared by Lord Bloomfield to the Baron ' de Schleinit z (San. 13). Baron Schleinitz enter tained no h ope at this time that any advice likely to affect ti le fundamental institutions of Rome would be accepted either by France or Austria ; he even hints at the probability of " incalculable op position." A conversation of Earl Cowley with the Emperor a the French on the relations of France and Austria, is thus described : No. 24. " EARL COWLEY TO THE EARL OF MALAIESBURY. " (Received January 21.) " (E.cfract.) " Paris, Jan. 19, 1859. " Ravi ag taken measures for bringing to the Em peror's k n.owledge portions of your Lordship's despatch of the 10th inst. (No. 5), concerning the state of the relations between France and Austria, and the general apprehension that war might be the consequence, his Majesty was pleased, in a con versation which I had with him yesterday evening to advert to these matters. " His Majesty in admitting that great alarm and disquietude prevailed, said he was quite unable to divine the reason of it ; he was not aware of any • thing that rendered. war more probable to-day than it was three months ago ; nor had he the slightest wish or intention to provoke one. It was true that about a fortnight ago, he had received a pressing letter from the King of Sardinia, stating that he (the King) had. information, on which he could rely, that he was about to be attacked by Austria, and entreating him (the Emperor) to give him such as sistance as would enable him to bring up his outly ing troops to the Austrian frontier. On the receipt of this letter, the Emperor continued, he had stop ped the embarkation of two batteries of artillery which had been destined. for Algeria, but he had taken no other precautions whatever, and. he sup posed that this must have alarmed the public mind. " What I said to M. de Cavour,' continued his Majesty, I repeat now ; nay sympathies always have been, and still are, with Italy. I regret that Lombardy should be in the possession of Austria, but I cannot and do not dispute the right of the latter. I respect existing treaties, because they are the only landmarks we have ; so long as Austria remains within her own frontiers she is, of course, mistress to do as she pleases. With regard to Sar dinia, if she provokes hostilities unjustly, and places herself in the wrong, she must expect no support from me. " I should mention that when speaking of the tenure of Lombardy by Austria, the Emperor ob served that he was not surprised that large rein forcements should have been despatched to strengthen the troops garrisoning that country, but they need not have been placed in a position on the Tessin, thus provoking a counter demon stration on the part of Sardinia. "I rejoined that, not being a military man, I could not say how far an advanced position on the Tessin was necessary to the safety of the Lombar dian frontier. But, however that might be, I said that I could not forget that in 1848 Count Buol, being then Austrian Minister at Turin, received the most solemn assurances from the late King, Charles Albert, that there was no intention of attacking Lombardy, whereas when his Majesty gave these assurances orders had been actually expedited to the Sardinian troops to march and pass the fron tier. It was not astonishing that a Government of which Count Buol is a member, with a recollec tion of this act of treachery, should take care that Austria was not again surprised." The aversion of the French Government prom any action in common with Austria in order to effect reforms in Central Italy and the Pope's dominions was clearly expressed at a subsequent interview with Count Walewski. In the course of the month of January, the de spatch (No. 8) already quoted, was read to Count Buol, in Vienna, by Lord A. Loftus. His Excel lency listened to it with deep interest, and thus expounded his views on the matter. It is Lord A. Loftus who is writing to the Foreign-office : " Count Buol commenced by stating that, as I had not made a formal communication to him of this despatch (for such I stated. had not been my instruction), he should not reply to it in any formal manner, bit merely consider it, and refer to it, in the light of remarks which I addressed to him in the course of conversation. He expressed himself as fully sensible of the kind and friendly motives which had moved her Majesty's Government to offer their advice and counsel at the present critical moment, and he appreciated the cordial and sincere interest which they evinced for Austria. But he could not conceal from me his fears, that the opinions set forth in your Lordship's despatch might produce more harm then if these same views and opinions had been likewise expressed at Paris and Turin. 'ln fact,' said his Excellency, I regret that you have read that despatch to me ; I regret also that it has been written. If,' continued Count Buol, you wish to preach peace and to prevent war, address yourselves with firmness to France and Piedmont. We are not meditating war; we shall not be the aggressors. Tell the Emperor Louis Napoleon that Great Britain will not pas sively look on if his Majesty should commence hos tilities. Say to him that should he take such a tours it will be at his own risk and peril. On the other hand, warn King Victor Emmanuel that Eng land will not sanction any act of wilful aggression, undertaken in full peace, by Piedmont against Austria. If Great Britain is prepared to hold this language, no war will arise. " In referring to that portion of the despatch respecting any possible territorial change which might be deemed desirable by all parties in Central Italy, his Excellency stated with some emphasis that he considered this proposal as a most dangerous doctrine, and as subversive of the o n was t Buolnwoht which h h o a c t ion y uf il o da u m r ne l o e t r t ds hb eeh Italianippa'se t t r e e n, a ,t t i l o e ns s taa o tn f eda l w B to l i s sch . Pno theuef rsra Cabinetio n lordship of t h e ha d of peace, c e gv Turin a ennndo tytto mind, or to rais l e fut h loy o i ifi ccommitsoundest i • eany i adviceewd i. ou had deprecated in the strongest terms any attempt to carry out the reforms required in Italy by phy sical force, and had advocated at Paris, as well as here, the desirableness of a harmonious under standing between Austria and France on the affairs of Italy. " There are,' I observed to his Excellency, two courses to •pursue with respect to Italy, where the present state of things is intolerable, and cannot last. The reforms, which must inevitably be made, can be effected by peaceful ne gotiation, and the establishment of a complete agreement between Austria and France, with far more chance of eventual success than by the ruinous action of war. Such is the course urged on your attention and recommended by her Ma jesty's Government. The other course and only al ternative, must be, eventually, revolution and war ; and I have no doubt that your Excellency will agree that the remedy in the last alternative is as dangerous as the evil which it seeks to cure.' I recalled to him the opinions enunciated at the Conference of Paris when the continued Occupation of the Roman States was acknowledged to be an irregular state of things which could not last and. served only to perpetuate the bad government of those States. It amounted almost to an annexation, which was opposed to the spirit of the European treaties. If, therefore, I said, you will do nothing by peaceful means, and in con cert with France, for the amelioration of the Italian Governments, be assured that a war will be inevi table, and no human foresight can tell to what ulti mate changes it may lead. You reply, We shall not begin war. We do not meditate any aggres sion.' But let me tell you that at this moment the decision of peace or war is no longer within the hands of the Governments, but is transferred into those of the Mazzini and Revolutionary party, whose aim has always been to bring about a breach between France and Austria for the attainment of their own ends. You are therefore playing the game of the Revolutionary party, and you will in evitably fall into the trap which they have laid. " How so !' said his Excellency. 1 replied by loudly declaring your intentio n of giving succour to the minor independent States of Italy, you will give a pretext for others to oppose such interven tion, andyou thus place it in the hands of Mazzini, by getting up some disturbance in Parma, or Modena, to bring about that very collision with Piedmont, and probably, also, with France, which that party - are desirous for. If your Excellency, I continued, gives me the assurance that in no case will Austria move a soldier across her frontier in Italy without previous concert with France, then I shall consider that war may be averted. " No, said Count Buol, I cannot give you that assurance, for it would be a surrender of our sove reign power. We shall not intervene in any State unless our aid is asked. for, and in that case it will be granted, and the knowledge that it will be granted is the best preservative of order. But, said his Excellency, let me ask you what you will say to Piedmont if she were to attack us ? I said I could not imagine such an eventuality. It would be a mouse attack ing the lion ; but I should then say, what I should equally say of you, if you move a soldier across your frontier, that she is the aggressor. " Count Buol then said that the agitation and excitement had greatly subsided in Lombardy since the Austrian reinforcements had arrived, and that he did not entertain the same fear as that with which her Majesty Government were impressed of a disturbance arising in Italy. The accounts from Paris were also more satisfactory, tho public mind and the press were far more calm and reas sured. His Excellency added that there was really no question of difference between Austria and France except the Belgrade affair, which might be considered closed; and he did not partake of the alarm felt for the peace of Italy." As regards the proposal to interfere in the con cerns of Rome his Excellency declined to take the initiative in resuming the question. He added the following words : " The truth is, we can never come to an under standin g with France on Italian affairs, for we start from two different points ; first, we do not consider France to be an Italian Power ; secondly, France sympathises with and protects the catise of nation alities, whereas we support that of the Sovereigns, Governments, and of l'ordre etabli ; therefore there can be no basis on which to found a concert or per fect co-operation. Nor is it necessary. It is a great mistake to think that Italy requires change. If Italy is left quiet, if agitation is put down, and if the hopes of certain parties who only seek their own aggrandisement are annulled, there will be no commotion, no war in Italy, and no muse for the measures which are counselled in the despatch you have read to me." The Russian Government (2d February) expressed a strong desire to prevent the outbreak of war between Austria and France, and urged the English Government to exert all its influence to prevent so dreadful an occurrence. Prussia also strongly advised moderation. Passing over despatches of mere routine, most of which are now out of date in every respect, we arrive at the confidential mission of Lord Cowley to Vienna. He received his instructions on the subject on the 13th of February, and the following interest• ing despatch gives a summary of the results of the mission. No. 106. EARL COWLEY TO THE EARL OF MALAtESBURY, " (Received March 12.) " Vienna, March 9, 1859. "My Lord,—Being on the eve of leaving Vienna on my return to England I am about to give your Lordship in this despatch a general summary of the results of the confidential mission with which I have been charged, under the instructions contained in your Lordship's despatch of the 22d ult. (No. 70). " I reached Vienna early on the 27th ult. I had an interview with Count Buol on the same day, and on the following day had the honour to be re ceived by the Emperor of Austria. Hardly a day has intervened since in which I have not had long conversations with Count Buol. Ido not propose entering into any details of what passed on these occasions, but shall confine myself to stating that the friendly overtures of her Majesty's Government were received in the same spirit in which they were made, and that Count Buol has shown throughout the discussions which I have had with him a sincere desire to avoid the extremities of war, and to meet the wishes and advice of her Majesty's Govern ment, as far as he thought he might do so without compromising the national honour of Austria. I may add that similar feelings were evinced by the Emperor. " The delicate task entrusted to me by the confi dente of her Majesty's Government was rendered somewhat easier by the intelligence which reached your Lordship a few hours before I left London, to the effect that the Pope had himself requested the withdrawal, within the year, of the Austrian and French forces now occupying the Papal territory ; and although Count Buol has been, and is, up to this moment, without other information respecting his Holiness's wishes, except the meagre announce ment of the telegraph, he declared without hesita tion, from the first, the readiness of the Emperor to comply with the Pope's request. He is of opinion, however, that caution will be necessary in with drawing the troops of occupation, that insurrections might follow their sudden removal, and that it will be advisable that they should be withdrawn, in the first instance, reciprocally to Ancona and Civita Vecchia, and that their final departure should take place some months later, when the Papal Go vernment will have had time to organise in their stead n military and police force sufficient to ensure the maintenance of public tranquillity. Count Buol suggests that the Austrian, French, and Papal Commanders-in-Chief should meet at Rome, in order to settle matters connected with this point. " With respect to the reforms of administration to be introduced into the Roman States, Count Buol expresses himself willing either to resume the nego tiation which had been commenced with the French Government upon that subject in 1857, but after wards allowed to drop by that Government and not by him, or to fall back upon the recommendations made by the five Powers to the Pope in 1831-32. He prefers the latter measure, because he thinks it more likely to be attended with success. He would not, however; object to the former, but in that case the proposal must come from the French Govern ment. The matter stands thus—France had made certain propositions to Austria, to which counter propositions had been offered ; but Austria had never been able to obtain the opinion of the French Government upon these I itter. She had more than once asked for that opinion, and it remained with the French Government to take the next step. " Upon the third point mentioned in your lord ship's despatch of the 22d ult., namely, a security for the better relations bet ween the Governments of - Austria and Sardinia, Count Buol says that your lordship must address yourself to Turin. It is not, he maintains, from the conduct of Austria that the present critical state of affairs has arisen, but from the ambitious and encroaching policy of Sardinia. Austria desires no better than to renew those amicable relations which had for so many years united the two Governments, but it could only be done on one condition,—a complete change of external policy on the part of the Sardinian Government. With the internal policy of Sardinia Austria has nothing to do, and has no desire to interfere. Count Buol gives the further assurance that Austria, notwithstanding the wovocations which she has received, has no intention of attacking Sardinia, as long as the Sar dinian troops keep within their own territory ; but he insists, as long as Sardinia remains armed, that there can be Ro security for peace. " I come now to the fourth point mentioned in your lordship's instructions--namely, the abroga tion or modification of the Anstro-Italian treaties of 1847. Even on this point, on which Austria is naturally more sensitive than any other, I believe Count Buol is not only prepared to act with mode ration and forbearance with regard to the actual execution of those treaties, but disposed to examine whether they may be replaced, with the consent of the other contracting parties, by some other combi nation, which, while relieving Austria from the necessity of an interference the responsibility of which is fully felt, would not risk the chance of the Duchies becoming a prey to revolution and anarchy. "In discussing this question, with a view to its practical solution, it was absolutely necessary to take into consideration the doininant feeling in Count Buol's mind, that the only real danger of revolution to which the Duchies would be exposed would have its source in, and would be supported by, Sardinia. Any scheme, therefore, for replacing the treaties in question, to have a chance of being accepted by Austria, must take this feeling into account. Two plans presented themselves, and were subjects of cursory conversation between Count Buol and myself. The first, to which I avow a strong preference, should it be pursued further, and found practicable, is the recognition by the great Powers, or by Austria and France alone, of the neutrality of the territory of Sardinia ; the second is a league among the smaller States cf Italy for their mutual succour in case of internal disorder. Count Buol seemed favourably inclined to take into his consideration any proposal having for its object the modification of the Treaties of 1847, based on either of these plans. " The !first of these appeared to me to have the great advantage not only, if fairly carried into exe cution, of satisfying the Austrian Government that danger the Duchies would not be exposed to future d.antfn but of cutting at once at the root of the existing xi c s aus g e mischief. For what, in fact, is the apparents taken of the present crisis in Italy? alarm at what she considers theSarclinla'ng attitude assumed by Austria. She declarTselnleaurcesi:tlifyt,obe armedin danger of invasion. She has, consequently, beyond her financial means, and she has obtained from the Emperor of the French a alified a p l r a o r m m i . s d e of assistance, which has in turn similarly and beenf her happened. pn a e t h bdl . n e e Safe fa e . - Austria, and caused t hat Power to take military precautions of a most costlyad meter. But if Sardinia h terri tory, none of these evils could have o f great a o neutralmde f ro m any attack from either bours, Sardinia would have no occasion to keep on foot an army ruinous to her finances. She could pursue in peace and tranquillity the d eve l opment of her commer ce and industry under those free in stitutions which she has chosen, and, it might be hoped, would become a pattern and example for the rest of Italy to follow. Austria and the Govern ments-of Central Italy. on the other hand, relieved from all anxiety as to the aggressive policy of Sar dinia, might consent to give up those treaties which have been the cause of so much irritation. "it may be said that Sardinia would never eon- sent to such an arrangement ; but I submit that such consent, although desirable, is not necessary; all that is required being that others should agree to respect her territory. " The other idea, of a league among the Italian States for their mutual defence against revolution, seems to me more difficult of accomplishment, though nevertheless worthy of consideration should it be preferred by the parties most interested in the question. " Before quitting altogether the subject of the separate treaties, I may mention that Count Buol considers the secret article in the Austro-Neapolitan treaty of 1815, which binds the King of Naples not to alter the institutions of the kingdom without the permission of Austria, to be a dead letter. " But, while insisting principally on the four points especially recommended to me by your lord ship's instructions, I have ascertained Count Buol's sentiments on the other matters suggested to me by Count Walewski. I will take them in the order in which they are stated in my despatch of the 16th of February : " 1. The adoption by all the States of Italy of a system of government which would admit of the taxes being voted by an Assembly , of some sort. " Without any proposal of this nature. I inti mated to Couut Buol the expediency of reforms in the administration of these States. " Count Buol said that the Austrian Government had been much maligned by those who supposed that Austria was opposed to reforms, or had used her influence to prevent them. On the contrary, he could assure me that her advice had ever tended to encourage real ameliorations. He was not, how ever, one of those who imagined that sweeping measnres suited the nature of the. Italian people. Austria respected the right of all sovereigns and nations to model their own institutions. 'There was much of which he could not approve in the constitution of Sardiuia, but he:had never attempted to interfero with it. On the same principle he had refrained, and would still continue to refrain, from all intervention in the internal affairs of other Italian States, who, however, were not so ill governed as it pleased Sardinia to represent them to be. " 2. Pecuniary aid from all the Roman Catholic States to the Pope, for religious purposes, and the consequent reduction of taxes levied in the Papal States. " Count Buol did not evince the least disposition to entertain any proposal of the kind. " Before closing this despatch, I will beg your lordship's permission to refer briefly to some of the difficulties with which I have had to contend in carrying out your lordship's instructions. " In the first place, I had to encounter a fixed idea that France was determined on war with Austria, and that to make concessions was but to put off the evil day. I hope that 1 have succeeded in partially removing this impression. " Secondly, the pride of Austria naturally revolts at being constituted the object of attack, and being called upon to make concessions instigated by the animosity and ambition of Sardinia. " Thirdly, the attitude assumed by Germany . towards France, by which the Austrian Govern ment is naturally anxious to profit. " And, lastly, there being no real question at issue between Austria and France which can fairly be assumed to involve a casus belli. " I have the satisfaction of adding, in conclusion, that great as is the irritation which, it cannot be denied, exists at this moment against the Emperor of the French, the Emperor of Austria and his Go vernment render full justice to the services which have been rendered to Europe by the former Sove reign ; nor can I doubt that the Austrian Govern ment would accept, with a sincere desire to bring them to an honest conclusion, any overtures for a reconciliation with France, the acceptance of which would not be incompatible with their honour. But as long as Sardinia is allowed to remain armed, I doubt whether Austria will enter into negotiations, since she looks upon the Sardinian army as the advanced guard of France, permitting the latter to take her own time to arm, and will feel no security that peace is intended so long as that advanced guard is in existence. The disarmament of Sardinia is, therefore, to Austria, the gage of the sincerity of France. I need hardly add that, upon Sardinia disarming, Austria will take a similar course I have, &c., (Signed) " COWLEY." The correspondence relative to the proposed Congress or Conference is very voluminous, and now, of course, somewhat barren of interest. The impression on Earl Cowley's mind on the 18th of March was that the French Emperor was desirous of keeping peace, and that he contemplated no modifications of the Treaties of 1815 ; that he had great sympathy for the Italians and wished to do something for their benefit. On the 11th of April the Earl of Malmesbury, in a letter to Lord A. Loftus, urged upon the Go vernment of Austria the propriety of disarming, and distinctly stated that if the proposal were declined Austria "would have placed herself in the wrong and forfeited the sympathy of this country." No further concession, he adds, was to be expected from France. _ Her Majesty's Government fully approved the proposal for a disarmament of the three Powers before the meeting of the Congress, and expressed a wish to bring to a close the " false negotiations" that had been going on. _ We may conclude our summary with the follow ing last " warning" of the British Government to Austria, after the arbitrary summons which she addressed to Sardinia at the latter end of April:— " THE EARL OF MALMESBURY TO LORD A. LOFTUS. " Foreign-office, April 22. "My Lord,—l have acquainted you by the telegraph with the strong feeling of indignation against Austria which prevails in London, in consequence of its having become known that, at the very time that Austria had summoned Sardinia to disarm under penalty of immediate hostilities in case of refusal, Sardinia had actually agreed unconditionally to disarm. Your lordship's language, therefore, to Count Buol cannot be too strong in regard to the course adopted by Austria. " Her Majesty's Government are at a loss to imagine on what. grounds t he Cabinet of Vienna can justify this menace of invasion of Sardinia, now that she has agreed to disarm. It cannot, surely, be justified on the ground of the admission of the representatives of Italian States to the Con• gress; for the Austrian Government was itself a consenting party to the admission of them in a certain character, and it is monstrous to suppose that a change in that character, whatever it might be, even supposing it were insisted upon, could warrant Austria in taking the fatal step of an in vasion. " Her Majesty's Government feel, after all that has passed, that they are entitled to expect to be informed on this point; and, in order to bring the question to an immediate. issue, you will ask Count Buol whether Austria will stop the march of her armies, and will agree to the admission of the re presentatives of the Italian States as mere dele gates and not as Plenipotentiaries, and will also accept the first three points in my proposals of the 18th inst. relating to disarmament to be effected by commissioners, and to the meeting of the Con gress when those commissioners have commenced their labours. " You will give Count Buol clearly to understand that the refusal of Austr llia wi enlist against her the feelings of the Government and of all classes in this country. " You will add that , in making this proposal, her Majesty's Government assume that if Austria should agree to it, the military operations now in progress in France would at once be arrested. A s regards, however, the question of Sar dinian disarmament, I have to observe that her Majesty's Government still consider it impossible to call upon the Cabinet of Turin at once to disperse the Free Corps, as such a measure would, in all probability, lead to a revolutionary move • me nt in Italy. The wisest course wouldbe to keep t h e m together for awhile under the Alps, and to effect their disbandment gradually. a I am, &c., " MALMESBURY." The following strong language, moreover, occurs at the close of a draught of note, or protest, pre sented by Lord A. Loftus immediately afterwards : " Her Majesty's Government can only now deal with the case as it is presented before them- - namely, that Austria has peremptorily summoned Sardinia to disarm, under penalty of immediate war ; and the undersigned (Lord A. Loftus) is directed to say that her Majesty's Government feel it due to themselves and to the great interests of humanity which they have so earnestly striven to uphold, and also to those who have aided them in their endeavours, solemnly to record their protest against the course that Austria, regardless of the terrible consequences to Europe, and indifferent to the public opinion of the world, has so rashly, and, as her Majesty's Government believe, so unjustly adopted. They assign to Austria and fix upon her the last responsibility for all the miseries and calamities inevitably consequent on a conflict which was on the eve of being averted, but which, once begun, will infallibly produce a more than ordinary amount of social suffering and political convulsion." On the 25th of April our Government considered the negotiations foi a Congress " at an end," a n d war unhappily commenced. TILE SUN, LONDON, TU'ESDA :BTB. COLCHESTER-JUNE 11. --- A good supply of wheat, which met a dull sale at Is to 2s per qr. under last week's currency. In spring corn very little passing, but prices were the turn in favour of the buyer. Wheat, white s2s to 58s Beans, Mazagan..4os to 42s red 4Ss to 52s I Middle & small 42s to 46 3 Barley 2Bs to 36s White-peas 42s to 44s I Oats 24s to 32s Grey.. 42s to 46s CHELMSFORD-JU NE 10. In consequence of the large arrivals of foreign corn, wheat, in our market to-day, was at least 2s per qr. cheaper than last week, and even at this reduction but little bug /Less was done. Spring corn very dull, and the turn lower. Wheat, white 43s to 57s 1 Peas, Partridge ..44s to 46s red 42s to 52s Whit e 43s to 45 s Barley 32s to 42s Boiling 448 to 46s Chevalier ... .348 to 43s Dun 41s to 438 Grinding 27s to 35s Beans, Tick ....408 to 428 Malt 60s to 66s Harrow Ticks 41s to 458 Chevalier 63s to 69s Mazagan 408 to 448 1 Oats 26s to 35s YORK—JUNE 11. The wheat trade was inactive to-day, and the business done was at 2s to 3s under the rates of the preceding week. Beans a very dull trade. Barley, oats, and Pe" were at previous prices. Wheat .48s to 50s Oats . 24s to 26s White do .52s to 55s Beans 46s to 48s Barley .32s to 37s Ditto, old ........—s to ..a Malt, 66s to 68s per qr. ; flour, —s per 20 stone. LEICESTER—JUNE 11. At to-day's market there was a limited show of wheat, which sold moderately at is per qr less money . than last week. White, good, sold from 54s to 56s ; inferior, 48s to 545. Red wheats realised 48s to 525. Barley was by no means an active sale, and prices nominally. unaltered. Oats quiet. Beans came sparingly to hand, and last weal; prices were fully supported. ,DY—JuNE 11. to-day of wheat and oats, and . Sales slow, and prices gene- KIRKA] We had small supplies only two sacks of bark) rally in favour of buyers. Wheat (N). Barley (N). Oats (N). First.... 42s Od 31s 6d 22s Od Second.. 48s Od 34s Od 26s Od Third .. 53s Od —s Od 28e Od Wheat (0). Barley (0). Oats (0). First.... —s Od —s Od .—s Od Second.. —s Od —s Od —s Od Third .. —s Od —s Od .---s 110 COAL MARK' :Prices of Coal per Ton at ET—JUNE 13. the close of the market.) 8. d. Buddle's West Hartleyl6 3 Hastings Hartley l6 3 Tanfield Moor 13 6 Tanfield Moor Butes l3 6 Howard's West Hart- Walls End. B. d. Kelloe ............. 16 3 Eden ......... 15 6 BiiradettodnylliisyoHnestimonain.. .. .. ..... g Haswell ........ 17 0 Russell's Heiion ...... 16 9 South Durham ..... 16 3 South Hartlepool...... 16 9 17 0 South Hetton ......... ~ Gosforth .... 15 0 t, 92—Sold, 30. ley 16 3 Wylam l6 6 Holywell 16 6 Walls End. Riddell 15 311 Ships at market LOCAL SHARE MARKETS. LIPERP 0 ob—JuicE 13. There was little doing, but prices advanced steadily fr°„ l/1 ,, the opening, and at the close were firmer. Dovers, —Birkenheads, 67/ 8k —Leeds Northern, 441--Blackbur nst 114 I—North British, 53/ 1---Great Western of Can ada/ 141 I—Grand Trunk of Canada, 81—Great Western, 54i--- -Sheffields, 35i—Caledonians, 791—Lancashire and York shire, 89 I—London and North-Westerns, 901 Dutch Rhenish, 61 1 dis.—East Lancashire, 86 87—Bervricks, 87 i—Midlands, 991 i—Chester and Holyheads, 46 47--4 Eastern Counties, 10 15-16 11. MANCHESTER—JUNE 13. There was a firm business doing most of the day, and prices closed nearly at the best. Sheffields, 35 35} 351 — Midlands, 981 9L—Grand Trunks, 81 r —Birkenheads, North Staffords, dis—Londons, 90—Leeds, Eist 1—• Dovers, 19 15-16—Lancashire Insurance, I dis, BIRMINGHAM - JUNE 13. There was a fair business done to-day in this market. Great Western, Birmingham Guaranteed, 7 4 - Ditto, Pref., 91 k —South Staffordshires, 108 —Birmingham Gasp 144—Bi rm ingham Canals, 91i 92i —Birmingham Water" works, 37—General Steam, 24k. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —The greatest happiness of a jeur nalist is to introduce to his readers some new discovery calculated to benefit that vast portion of our fellow crea tures, which has the strongest claims upon our sympathies.,_ It is with this feeling that we call the attention of in val r to the following extract from Du Barry's interesting rep‘..ii: of cures without medicine of indigestion (dyspepsia), 2'l", tulency, constipation, nervous, bilious and liver complain t 1 1$ cough, asthma, consumption and debility by Du Bar r , Revalenta Arabica Food. Cure No. 180, twenty•-five y ee . _ ner vousness, constipation, ' indigestion, and debility, ° which I had suffered great misery, and which no :„710.',7 n i could remove or relieve, have been effectually cured by 8 . Barry's food in a very short time. — o W. R. Reeves, lelf Fleet-street. Cure No. 5 4 , 618 , of a lady of 107 yei 1 age.—Wandsbeck, near Hamburgh, 12th May, Who hereby certify that my mother-in-law, Mrs. nolse•:fA has just completed her 107th year, after having gl Unv 7 for half &century and more, from indigestion (dyePtir i p: and consequent disorders, has been perfectly cured by di gestßarrys Revalenta Arabica Food, and is now enabled_roize. almost any kind of food with great eomfort.—ir In tins, at Is. 6d. ; 11b., 3s. ; 21b., ss. 9d. ; 51b., t of post , 265. The 101 b. and 121 b. tins carriage free, on receiP Piccadilly,2 Oxiord- F offi ortn ce ounirde,r.mDasuonß,argidancdoC.,o.l,B727; Regent-street, bLboiendo6no., Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 63, and 150, Byte street ; 330 and 451, Strand ; 49 and 60, Bis ho p street ; 85, Tottenham-court-road. Also at lint a ß t e L w i l v ey er Liverpool, N D t r x a o p n er a ; nd a T t h E aw din ; bautrmghan, Manchester S hare sand_ • ampton,Scott a t itan Yo da rk ii , R an a d im s e o s n , .Blanchard, and Co. ; at be ni ti: oerw, beg[taDVinEgßTtolSsEeMriEousNTl.y]--- at T trac hOr t ig, es attention FoodF ood for o C f a r e ef i e r s . breeder, and feeder of stock. Two yars of _m:v„iint care and attention have enabled its inventor to ta k e in gh gr g mm th d e against it and its probable utility, the e food, a from its admitted as many benefactor drawbacks,t to these the interests malevolentan d t a nii t t a u zi a ag ricultural interest. value,Experience proved, d necessi t y t to h c s t s e c a o nc l dlye dtehraa that a o r i g i nating b e degre le it produces health and vigo subjected to its saving in the consumptio fi rurn firs t , p t ar v t t h ean i n t me e r fi a e ; s e l lastly, 1 y of, i f n a c t r . ea s is s l s r. in T a ho re rl m e7 've flue to supersede, to a certain extent, the tedious and expens i v e e an singularly efficacious food, aimed at a compound calculated i e nfl ari n y ea d c e e velo an pm d mode then prevailing of fattening stall-fed beasts. In this he happily succeeded ;.and success prompted a very natural desire to improve upon the invention, so as to make it s' plicable to every description of domestic animal. The Eng lish farmer was slow to encourage its use, and manifested 8.1.! unwillingness to rely upon its efficacy, fancying he possessel in the produce of his farm, ample materials whereby to feet! and fatten his cattle at a cheaper rate thanby the employmenv or addition of artificial food, The tests to which this food hiln been subjected have proved its perfect admissibility as a cheap addition to the natural produce of the farm ; inasmuch all cases a subtraction of one-third may be safely sub . : re to in the usual food of animals ; and that the produ ce o becomes usually consumed in developing fat ; it, theref o re, aairap licatiou realised, and rendered marketable in two-aura the time apparent that a certain saving is effeete e d by t h induced its very gene unprecedented low price of whe other of the usual articles of ral use, in preference to any questioned whether wheat is a of Thorley's Compounded Food. other is as b lieved that app present food i it is, however, m uch pigs- - Mr Thorley's Food, besides it is not for cows o re of nourishing and proper food for the working horse, certainlf greatly invigorating the health physical power of all animals, is a tonic' and increasing the P Y • ulant, and when mixed with their othe r and gentle stun . assists their digestive powers--a matter of food, materially possessing the advan h great conseq uence, since it is an d b+ea fact il l° • hmen t contained in their ordinary food i s lost, cense' unou 1101.1r 1 S ogrUgearintsupiotn w tlh i e im ais p o ai b r e ed fo o un r d d efec to tiv b e e apcattitoineuiofarthly eueb digeeastrii. in restoring to good working condition horses which ha e been over-worked, or become weak from disease, or D.; na t ura lly of a feeble constitution. In cow s its effects I - . un doubted, indeed almost marvellous, nearly doubling e$ yi e ld of milk and butter, whilst it a t th e same time enriu: t is the quality of both. In pigs its fattening qualities aill a .° l oo e more remarkable, displaying in a few weeks its superiority over every other kind of compound or refil ls. , factured food adopted in the feeding of swine. S u _ i , ell o iesf, been its marked success, that at all our great cattle, 7,ittle Royalty, noblemen, and others who have fed the ir on Thorley's Food, have invariably carried off the P 1 ;44. prizes, whilst cards of commendation have been the The patronage of Royalty, of our principal nobilitY9To clergy, and of o ur leadi n g agriculturists, mustPAr°oool great incitement to this gentleman to pursue Ir s ‘ i n g 0 course ; and he may confidently rely, in Pron lic T 00 01 highly-favoured a compound, on a continual inn P high and distinguished patronage. BIRTHS. CAWLEY.—On the 12th inst., at Nutfield, SurreY, the ifif° of Kr. James Cawley, of a son. , ~„...„ w— hiret CARDEN.—On the 11th inst., at Higham, ' Le c es the wife of Captain Carden, of a son. Darn s ' `Noon.—On the 12th inst., at 5, Thornhill-sce,, , of * bury, the wife of William Charles Wood, '''' daughter. , ~ r eet, WORSLEY.— On the 11th inst., at 72, South Alldi e f" Lady Worsley, of a son. MARRIAGES. ELLIOT—ARMSTRONG.--On the 4th inst., Jolla tO jun., Esq., of the Inner Temple, barrister-st-ls;or Charlotte Georgina, only daughter of Colonel C. strong, Indian Army. 8 r in P gt ° 4 . ° ll FENN—IVALRBR.—On. the 11th inst., at 11, '- Church, Robert Liveing Fenn, Esq., of Camberwe,„, Lucy, yOungest daughter of the late John Walke, Es of Upton-on-Severn. DEATHS. lico, ALLEN.—On the 11th inst., at 11, Ashley-oa°' T ~,l cer* William Warner Allen, Esq., late Major 9th J- , - -- aged 41. h 01- ANDERSON.—On the 11th April, at Geelong , Somme sweic tralia, John Henry Anderson, Esq., l a t e of Exchange, London, aged 46. Wi nder, L L ALEXANDER.—On the sth inst., Andrew.A. l ii i Professor of Greek, St. Andrew's University) Fife° N.B. w o ltotv •Pre,4 BENT.—On the 9th inst., suddenly, a t the Grov e, upon-Thames, W. Bent, Esq.) 62. , CAMPBELL.—On a th t e L l a 7 g t o h s, A? v r . il A , B fr e i n c j a aminCa m P bei4 GOSSELIN. —On the 11th inst., at Mount Ospringe, Feuer/ sham, General Gosselin, aged 90. 'or-G l3°. MACADAM.—On the 10th inst., at Ed i n b u rgh, —AI Macadam, R.M LONDON : Printed and Published by 111IIRDL, It -r) ti 0, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office,l4%,, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savo y , in the NY."' Middlesex, Tuesday, June 14, 1859. (70 (L ~,'' .~