The Sun. — London, England, 1829-02-06 00:00:00

eansequince if a general election had followed after - the session bad closed. The precedent of Clare might have keen followed in at least 23 counties in Ireland. The in timidation was caused by the lowest of the population, and if not effected by sedition, it was as nearly allied to sedi tion as'posaible. (Hear, hear.) Before they decided on taking the proposed measures into consideration, they had. a right to know what the nature of them was likely to be. Lord MILTON said, that in consequence of what had fallen from the Ilon. Baronet, he should intrude a little-on the patience of the House. He had never come down to Parliament at the opening of any former Session with such feelings of satisfaction as he then entertained. In one moment an end was put to the magic spell, by means of wlich it had been usual to spread alarm through the country. The Duke of Wellington had now achieved a victory, which if not so splendid and dazzling in vulgar eyes as those which he bad gained upon the Conti nent. was at least infinitely more useful.—(Loud cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite also had achieved a victory over Lis own prejudices. He used the term not in an invidious sense, but he had aced with ho nour to himself in conquering those prejudices by which he had formerly been actuated.—(Great cheering.)—He would not enter into a nice consideration of the phraseology of the Speech, but if he understood it correctly, two mea• sures were to be proposed ; one to put down the Catholic Association and the other to carry Emancipation. As to the first of these Sills he thought it a mere non-entity, because the Association sprung ant of the grievances of the country, and if these were taken away, the Association must fall to the ground. If there was a bona fide inten tion of granting Emancipation, the Association would cot require to be pet down. With respect to a Bill of that purpose, he did not approve of it. But as it was coupled with the others, he .should be sorry that any ob stacle should impede it. For his own part it should have every support he could give it.—(Cheers.) Mr. MAURICF. FITZGERALD said that it was with feelings of exultation that lie came down that night to the Souse. That such a measure should emanate sooner or later front the Duke. of Wellington gave him no sur prise whatever.—(Hear, hear.)—The good understanding of his Grace would not permit.him to suffer Ireland to re main distracted, but it was impossible. to suppose that he bad been at all actuated by any thing like intimi dation. It was poisible that lie might have been induced to adopt the present measure by the violence of the reaction which bad been commenced, and which threat ened to involve the country in a civil war. It was, in all probability, to give a check to that career which threatened to bring the mob of one part of the kingdom iu conflict with the mob of the other, that his Majesty's Government have wisely determined on the present mea sures. He, as an Irishman, would act disingenuously if he did not now declare that ken this very day forward he should himself feel that the prosperity of Ireland was improved, that there was a greater security for kroperty—that the lauded interest would be raised in calculably, and that now, for the first time, the Protestant Establishment in Ireland was likely to rest on a solid foun dation. The Marquis of CHANDOS said he should betray the confidence reposed in him by his constituents, if be did not at once declare his determination to oppose, to the ut most extent of his power, all concessions to the Roman Catholics. Notwithstanding the recommendation con tained in the speech from the Throne, and the respect he entertained for his Majesty's Ministers, he felt himself bound to declare that the opinions which he entertained on this question--opinions formed with deliberation, and, after the most mature consideration—remained unaltered ; awl that as long as he held a seat in that House, he was resolved to oppose, with his vote and with his voice, any attempt to surrender the privileges of our Protestant Constitution: It was with regret that he felt himself compelled to ditier from those friends with whom he had always acted ; but the same feelings which, as an honest man, le:I him at all times to support his Right Hon. Friend and his Majesty's Ministers upon this question, de termined him to oppose them now. If the Houses of Parliament were permitted on the present occasion to alter the essential principles of the Constitution, and to form a new one at their pleasure, he for one saw no reason why the Members of these House+ shoshi not be at liberty, an tidally or triennially, to form a new Constitution whenever they were called upon to make a change. The Noble Lord concluded by expressing again his regret in being compelled to oppose those be had always supported. Mr. BROWNLOW said that his feelings were of mingled nature of satisfaction ■t the boon wide!) it appeared was to be granted, and of regret at those passages of the Speech which still seemed to imply suspicions, and to speak of securities. He thought the present was a great Jay for Ireland, and would reflect credit upoa the Ministry of the Empire. lle would rather 1 die Duke of Wellington with his Bill of Emancipation fat his hand than the great Captain of the age, with the fame of all his victories around him. He thought a Bill to put down the .Association would be unnecessary, for the keowledge that concession was in contemplation would of itself be sufficient to put a stop to the Association. Ile Loped that Ministers would not be deterred by the taunts which might be thrown out unworthily against them. The ion. Member concluded by observing, that the Hower lied the power of giving peace to Ireland and happiness to the empire.. Mr. G. MOORE said that he fir one did not coincide in the feelings in which the Nu le Lord and others might indulge. Notwithstaniling what had • fallen from the Member for Kerry. He trusted he should never see the day when pu bli c opinion should cease to _ _ fluent* the AstrninistrAtion. With regard to the Pufilit 3feetinz in Ireland ,t.o which the Hon. Gent. had called the attention of the flow, they did not deserve the oblerya- tans that he had applied to them. That Hon. Gentleman }sad not bad the opportunity which he had lied of forming a judgment of them—he feed not Lad an opportunity of observing the frequent ine4tige which had taken place in Ireland within the space of the last nine months. He had had an opportunity of seeing the character of those meetings, and he knew that they did not deserve the aspersions that had been east upon them—if he had beard the eloquent speeches made at some of those meetings, 1w Ironed have found a vein of talent which had arisen from experience, not the result of speculative theory, but grounded on experience, and experieemes of the best de ,seription. When lie spoke of mob meetings, be forgot efizat meetings of that description were the best and surest xeitterions of public feeling. It wag not necessary for him o raise a diseuseion upon the merits of the Catholic qeestion, upon which he laad heard so many opinions, there was no man in that House who velued more highly the great services of the Duke of Wellington, No MAU partici oted more than let did in the public gratitude for those see eeces, and few were more sensible of the talent and eine seem* eif the Noble Delp at the head of the Administration, and be Loped that he would da every thing that could be done fur tke settlement of this great question. He, the Honourable Member, had formed ew pinion upon that question whir4.l we-s the result of lung ezwrience and con sideration; lie tha a sacred duty to perfocei to his constituents, au ite believed that Le shouti be guilty of a very great dereliction of his public nue ty if he suffered himieil to be seduced to surren der that opinion. He begged pardon for having so long {gent the attention of the House; lee: he felt himself called upon to repeat the sentiments velfiela he had ex pressed hefore, Lit his silence should be conetreed into en acquiescence of the sentiments of others. In conclusion, he hoped that the settler...lent of this question would not stiffer materially from the geeiet constitutional settlement of 1768.—(Cries of question.) Mr. M. FITZGERALD, in expleeisigeee denied that he intended any offensive allusion to the Proteetee s tepf lmelend, 'in the observations he Lead felt it his duty to male ewe? the lion. Beronet'a (Sir R. foglie) sense of pulelic opiniott. Mr. Secretary PEEL—I treet the Hon. Alernlier who *poke last (Mr. Moore), and the ;Wale Lord, the Member tic the county of Buckingham (Load ('Landes), arid the two Hon. Members (Sir R. Inglie and Ate, anke*), who l preceded them in the del ate , will do me the 3 ustia to be that of all the painful &orifices which public teed axe ee ;: e d upon to offer up fur whet they consider for the p u bli c po d, the most painful is that teterifice which they ere compe ll e d t o ,:'eke in separaCng frenethoee with whom coneurrieeer, proMegng they have be a u long a.,ti"g a certain eouri-e of actio:l. 1 say again, that they Iteitrg compelled to separate few) men, fur whose integrity of motive, and rectitude of leine!ipler I entertain the teeet profinoul respect, is with me, sacrifices, the meet painful. I trust, however, it witii Lea admitted, that a Alinieter of the Crown' stands in a sii,eekm somewhat different from that of other 111011 ; and in tie* eeeeecity Le has accrete to iuformation thee is not to be obia,leeel c t.,y others; Gut above all, that be etwds in such a relstioo the Crown, and under eircinnetances of a nature so delicate, %bit he is not at liberty to free iiirueet: (font that respon sibility by which he is compelled, witie e et reference to party or personal obligations, boteitly and feel,;‘ , „ end con- seientiously, to give time best atileiee in his power ts,2.i the treasures which ought to be pursued ,u; der a state of ele:elea so extraordinary as that in which the .Gaerernment of this country new Stela itself placed.—(Hear.)—With respect to the question of Catholic Emancipation, whetever compacts may have been entered into, or whatever rescue:3'ton! may have been hitherto adhered to, I conceive that well com pacts and such reservations do not at all relieve a Minister / of the Crown from the necessity of offering, in the exer eimee of the duties of his oillee, the adr e ce which each a von tangency of circumstance' demands, or from being respon sible for the consequences of that advice. There ate no reproaches offered me by those with whom I have held these opinions, that I can take ill, for 1 admit that I shall. retain those opinions which I have always professed, - and I only ask whether it may not be possible to retain those . opinions, but yet, to feel unwilling to press them-to an ex- • tent which would prove incompatible with the interests of the State? If those who have hitherto held those.opirtione, can be brought to believe that the prosecution of them is likely to prove more injurious to the general interests of all parties, and to the Protestant. establishment itself, than the consideration of the question as 'a whole, I Contend it is our duty to give that advice which seems to us best adapted to. meet the exigencies of the times e end I believe that there is leas of evil and less of danger to be apprehended from a fair calm consideration, at the present moment, of the condition of the people of Ireland as a whole, and by an united Government, than we could find in any other course which it would be pnssible to devise. I Pretend to - no new lights upon this subject. 1 maintain the same opinions now I have always held in this House. Lseis in the same manner, and to the same extent, the dangers upon which I have before dwelt, when 1 have been under the neces sity of stating my sentiments upon the question ; but I have now no hesitation in declaring, I conceive the pre.- sure of present evils to he so great, that I am willing to endure the risk of contingent dangers, rather than en sure a continuance—perhaps a great aggravation—of all the evils which at present exist.—(hear, hear.) — I repeat, I maintain the opinions I have often expressed ; but I see in the position of the Government, and in the state of the Legislature, and in the disunion which has always prevailed in that Government, and in the general hearings of this question upon all the great interests of the country, that I sin willing to accept almost any alternative, rather than endure their continuance—(Hear. )---For neatly five-and-twenty years—since, I believe, the year 1804— there has been always a division in his Majesty's Councils with respect to the propriety of Catholic Emancipation. The Government of the country had, at intervals, before that time, beeu composed of persons who made a cowmen cause in their resistance to those claims ; but for the last twenty-five years, I admit that men of different opinions upon this question have taken a part in his Majesty's Coun cils. When Mr. Pitt returned to office in 1804, it is no torious that he maintained opinions upon this question very different from some of his colleagues, but yet on grounds which admitted of explanation, but not on principle, he admitted the Members of his Cabinet to resist the claims of the Catholics. In the year 1806, when the Pelinistry of Mr. Pitt was broken up, and the coalition took place between Mr. Fox and Lord Melville, the Administration was formed on the same principle, and that principle,which was found to be unavoidable, had been admitted into the construction of every subsequent Ministry down to the pre seat hour. That an Administration has been formed of persons holding different opinions upon such a subject is, therefore, notorious ; and although no men feels more deeply than I do the evils of such a principle, I believe it to be an error which is unavoidable, and which I have shared in common with ell those who have preceded me for the period I mentioned. I believe, indeed, it was found impossible to form an Administration under any other cir cumstances ; and that however painful might lie the situa tion in which suck circumstances placed individuals, or however prejudicial the disunion proved to the interests of the country, the plea of unavoidable necessity was permit ted to overrule every other consideration. It was natural, I admit, that during a state of Witt, or when labour ing under the difficulties and depreesious which were attendant upon a sudden transition to a state of peace, the consideration of the weight due to a question of this description should be postponed, and that men should merge their desires for its settlement in their anxiety to promote the other pressing interests of the county. I say, however, that the reasons which operated to such as extent then cannot hold good now. This question is second to no other which can be brought under the atten tion of the Legislature. There is no immediate and press- . ing danger now which prevents us from giving its difficul ties our full attention.—(Hear, hear.) This, therefore, is my first position—that however expedient, or however allowable it might have been for the Government to pro fess neutrality upon the Catholic Claims in other times, such a state of things is utterly out of the question now. At a time when there is scarcely an individual in the em pire who does not express an opinion upon the subject, and who is not even making it the topic of his every day's discourse, can it be 'Aid that the Government is not to be called upon to express its opinion ?—(Hear, hear.) I really do think that for the safety of the interests of Pro testautiam, it is necessary fur the Government to abandon its neutrality. Besides the embarrassments attendant upon a disunion in the Cabinet on the Catholic Question, there was the additional embarrassment in the disunion which, as a necessary consequence of it, prevailed in the Irish Ad ministration.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Indeed, the disunion of the Cabinet was calculated in its direct and practical operation to mate, necessarily and inevitably, a corre sponding spirit in the constitution of the Irish Government As the principle of disagreement on the Catholic Question was the principle on which the Asiministration in England was formed, it was impossible to prevent the same princi ple from catering into the constitution of the Irish Admi nistration. Accordingly there have been at one time a Lord Lieutenant in Ireland entertaining opiuions un favourable to the measure of Roman Catholic Re liefie and . a Secretary entertaining opinions favour able to it. Again, we have had the Lord Lieutenant fa eOitrible and the Secretary of opposite sentiments. This wee!theitetural result of a divided Cabinet ; and although there lettee! been occasions, fur instance, recently, of the Lord Lieutenant -and the. Secretary cherishing united gentle tnents on tlte question, .yet they were under the guidance and direction of a disunited Government. Thus, whether the Administration of Ireland was united in favour of con eeseiiiii. 'or disunited against it, their conduct was always contrefied by the principle Olt which the Administration in England was..formed—namely, on e o f di sagreemen t upon the subject of concession. Seeing, then, the em barrassments which this principle had created hitherto in the construction of the Cabinet—seeing, too, the embar rassment which; its prevalence extended to the administra tion of affairs in . Ireland—and seeing further that these embarrassments not a only continued, but greatly in creased, I came -.to the_ conclusion that things ought not to remain ei they aree-(Leud cries of Heat !)—not only fur the sake of the - question itself, but in reference to the public interests, and for the interests of the Protes tant Establishmenti, which it is our roost anxious wish and duty to proteCt, it- is to be desired that things should not remain in their present condition.—(Hear.)--Let us consider what are the alternatives to wnich we have to look, in the event of any other coursejthan that of concession being now acted upon. Who now will propose as a remedy the forming of an Administration on a principle prepared eo resist concession under any circumstances? In the present state of public opinion and of public men, are there mate rials for an Administration which, united its a principle of resistance to concession, would be found adequate to the su perintendence and die ection of all the vast and complicated in terests of this Empire? If it be admitted, them as I think it ,must be, that the principle of disunion ought not to prevail perenatsently, and if it be also admitted (as with equal forco I think it nt‘st), that in the present state of public opinion and of public men, an sleleninistration for such a purpose could not be formed, I could not honestly advise the formation nf a Cabinet on the principle of perseene . nt resistance. And if upon such a principle—that of permiuser a t ; resistance — :an Administration could not be formed, would it, I a h, be fair or resannab;e 12 form one en the principle of temporary expediency ? I am aware 01.4 there are grounds and rea sons of a temporary nature which might be relied upon for the present purpose of preventing CODC4I4,BiOO, ppd that ad vantage might be taken of these temporary causes for a ru aistsuce to the measure. But the prevalence of public ' -0 7 -les, and the violence which sometimes at those meet ings '4;4w been exhibited, should not prevent us front taking our own fie en,--(i.ear , hear.) If we were to wait nutil that objection be retun'sreel, I em apprehensive it is one that would never cease, but thais st rpwld increase and furnish cooti.nued grounds of resistance to inncesie'mp hear.) To rely, therefore, upon this temporary ground c t f, 9xpediency, might, it is true, be a minve ' Meat principle a i ; those who resist the policy of conces sion—but it would 'at the ?Ante time bean unfair one. Un k-as some principle o'f this Cotte,s;.ten:an can be stated wAkic4 isi4ronsistent with any concession, si;cl saliich will eanettio,n a Rt;rtn:,^ent resistance to 'it, I OWn l thili on ti 4/444404 2 of *nob ,Mag,nite4e end importance I am "tiot'die powd to rely t, Pt Moro zeenatte i nfniemporary expediency. Regarding the 644;44 /lirejet data ligha- es eorei' ejns the i disunion of aslministratiemaisnib j!? dash loci an !relan(lo which it has so long promoted ; and nienedearing tlto ' nircunistancts of the country, I sin bums ,v IT p 4 n .1 ic4;,,i.12: : :€ the formation of a Ministry united in a priu- c i o 4, o f p e r k a, kt ,: s 4 ,4 pposition to any measure o f re li e f ; an d, i n eeming ie t'ene eiie.e . leeion, I cannot con s id er t h a t the course by which t fee; t 4. ;:f ai , an be injurious or prejudicial to those establiebiate::4s 42:!e -eial duty to protect; for I caunot erns:Wee gha t s laate excitement and embitterment of animu.itie.:vmeA4, teeasaas to their security or advantage ; but, on the contrary, the tive a nterests of those establishments) lie in the cessa tion and ezti,;geAmentof them. The difference hetween the two branches of th4egislature which have hitherto existed 0 on this question is a subject ii4;i:zh invites our most enxioue attention. Surely it is not to be wished ti;st such a litTer . once should permanently continue. Some iinu..44u),bers appeared favourable to measures of restriction; Litt let those Hon. Members who now call for restriction and coercion, consider how difficelt e -show almost impossible it was that the measure fir the suppression of the Ca thelie Association in 1825 should be attended with suc cess when that measure was immediately followed by a vote of this House in favour of concession to the Catholics. The vote in favour of that question greatly tended to defeat the power and means ofearrying , iote effect the wee sure-of the suppression of the Assoc iation. The subse quent Pleasure rendered the 'previsatis sue ineffective (bear !). In the last Session of Parliernent, a Resolution in favour of Concession, at least if the consideration of it, was earried by a majority of two kundred and seventy-six votes —constituting a large majority iu its support. Consider ing the many former majorities that have been recorded in its favour, and the Prospect of future decision, it is quite visionary to come to the decision of lasting unqualified and usteempromivisig opposition to concession, unless it be also deeined desirable to perpetuate that collision between the two branches of the Legislature, which we must all unite in deprecating. Unless, then, it were desirable to perse vere in a course which would render this collision conti nual, and the Resolution of this House ineffective, I could not, consistently with the bounden sluts of an Adviser of the Crown, recommend to his Majesty the adoption of councils by which these embarrassments and differeneee would be continued and augmented. And here I must remark, that there is a difference in my situation and that of some of my Honourable Friends—for what may appear to them to be right And proper in their capacities of indi vidual Members, may net appear so to me, acting as a Minister of the Crown, its the discharge of the duties which devolve upon me in that character. For me, act ing in that capacity, there was no escape from the course which I conscientiously deemed it my duty to recommend. Convinced, then, that the attempt of forming an Admi uhstratiim united iu the principle of resistance ought not to be formed ; and i s convinoed that if the attempt were made it would terminate in failure, it remained to con sider what alternative presented itself. Proceed ing on the two admissions I hive made—first, that thines could not remain as they are: and secondly, that •resist mace could not be effectually offered to concession on per snament grounds—if the fon:Maio:l of a Cabinet,united in the principle of resistance, could net be formett, the dA e culty of forming one united in favour of it appeared, to be not leas so, and in this position the only alternative that presented itself was, that constituted as the Government, we should proceed to the consideration of concession with the prospect of accomplishing it with credit and aueorsai and ie the manner best calculated to lead to the satisfac tory and final adjustment of the subject.—(Hear.)—ln taking up the subject in this spirit, with a view to its ad justment, it may not he inexpedient to consider what have been the opinions and decisions of the Legislature on the Catholic Question, to regard the differences which have subsisted between the Houses of Commons and Lords upon it fur the last 20 sears. During the last 20 years that this su4ject has undergone frequent discussion, there have been five general elections—in the years 1807, 1812, 1818, 1820, and 1826. Four of the Parliaments, returned at these several periods decided in favour of cuncesaion. —ln the year 1812, there was a majority in favour of the cousideration of concession. The numbers in that year were—For concession, 2351 against it, 106 ; majority fur concession, 129. In the next year, 1813, there was a majority for going into the Committee—For going into Committee, 264; against it, 224; majority in favour of it, 40. In the year 1818, the Parliament returned at the general Election of that year, was the only one which rejected the Claims of the Catholics, and that re jection was only by a majority of two. The numbers ie that year were :—Against concession, 243; in favour of it, 241 ; niajerity against it, 2. The Parliament re turista! in 1820 passed a Bill through this House its favour of concession by a majority of 19. This branch of the Legislature also passed menses-es of relief in 1222; in 1821 a ICI was again carried by a majority of 21, and its 1827 it was lost by a majority of four; the numbers then beines,—Fer the. Resolution of Relief, 272 ; against it, 276 ; majority against it 4. The principle of the measure of 'concession was, however, carried iii the ensuing year; the numbers then were—lu favour of the Resolution, 972 ; against it, 266; majority, 6. Thus it appeared, on re ference to the history of this question fur the last twenty years, that four Parliaments out of five derided in favour of eonueesion. Fer this long period a difference has sub sisted between the two branches of the Legislature, pre judicial not only to the Administration, and obstructive of its proceedings, but cal culated greatly to foment animo sities, and to eucourage faction in Ireland.—(Haar, hear.) That it was never intruded by this difference to give strength to the faction .1 am sure ; but of this I am no less sure, that the'effect of this difference was to encourage it ; and whilst by it the power of the Catholics was strength sued, the power and interests of the Protestants were de psesued.—(Lousl elks of " near, hear," frosts Mr. Flume.) The consideration; therefore, of this difference between the two branches of the Legislature—the injurious effect of it, and the improbable prospect of its being removed if this question is to be left open for discussion, as it has hitherto been--s-leaves no alternative or remedy but that Government and both Houses of Parliament should take up the subject with a view to its final adjuetnieut.— (Cheers.)—The Address which has been moved by nay Noble Friend (Lord Clive) pledges no Hon. Member to a specific measure ; but merely invites him to an attentive consideration of this most anxious and important subject. —( Hear, hear.)—The first measure which will be iutro duced, however, in accordance with the recommendation from the Throne, is one which will arm the Executive Go vernment with sufficient powers to suppress au Association the evils of which are so notorious, that I may be spared the mention and discussion of them. • Until the ascendancy of the law shalll have been established in Ireland, and until the proper assertion of authority shall have been vindicated there, every measure of concession must he postponed.— (Hear, hear, hear.)—Until, as the Speech properly terms it, " that essential object shall have been access - maid:el," the subject referred to in the latter part of his Majesty's Speech cannot be fairly taken into consideration. When that object shall have been accomplished, then, but net until then, I shall be disposed and willing to enter iuto the consideration of the other subject. I am asked whether it is the intention of Government to bring forward any plan of their own, or to leave the subject open to the specula tions of individual Members. I have no hesitation in de claring, that when the object to which I have referred shall have been aeconsplished, that Government will be prepared to bring forward a substantive measure, in the shape of legislat iv provision ; and this measure, I am fur ther prepared to state, will be brought forward on the re sponsibility and authority of the Cabinet.—(Cheers.) — I have only further to add, that this measure will be brought forward as early as circumstances will permit, and at that period of the Session which may appear .to his Ma jesty's Ministers most conducive to its satisfactory accom plishment.—!Hear, hear.)--,The general eisaracter of the measure to be brought forward is sufficiently intelligible in the Speech from the Throne; but although an, invitatiQP has been held out to me to enter info the details of that measure, it is a discussion into which I must positively re fuse to enter.—(Hear, hear.)—The discussion of the de- Ws et this moment can serve no good end.—(Hear.) — Suffice it to say that the principle of the measure is the permanent settlement of his ,question on a satisfactory basis.—(Loud cheers )—The object to bp accomplished is the removal of civil disabilities that have hitlise to eels listed on grounds of religious distinctions.—(Loud awl re peated cheers.),-.' The abolition of such disabilities on such grounds comprises the substance of the contemplated mea sure—(cheers)--subjeet to eertain exceptions and regula tions, which rest on special grounds.—(Loud cries of hear, hear.)—ln saying tide I reserve to nsysself and to the Go yerpment the right of submitting hereafter such other soessersa ste the Sta c ie and Government may . reeuire ; but again I desire to waiye the discussion of the details of this measure, and to confine myself to the priociple of it, which is the abolition of civil disabilities on the ground of religious difference of opinion. Whatever the measure may he, it should be the result of the most anxious deliberation of his Majesty's Government, acting in co-operation and 'CesicaO s inss!ss, with both blouses of Parliament.—(Hear.)— One tbini s `hoiirjey ? lan anxious should he unierstood,_ wh i c h i s, that the ineasuee s'ooitid R,ot he regarded in the light of a compact with any party or any iieiosil:th ear a_ that it shall not be the result of a negoeiation With . (my foreign Potentate—hut that it shall be looked upon solely e,e e measure of domestic and internal legislation. (Cheers.) t fie rotas;:: shall be submitted with reference to the bpiniodi cad brought forward on the ra t•ltileivalt?ltceiatlat Oleinsibiliti of thosie'hY wiihin it is s4F.sitted, due regard Only . had 'to OW circumstances and t jai` l of u (117,,,;!:.641'consulted of st e i. rer c p e r . i h og a (Ivan title will, oir7mithiet of di vesting the messes; if the gre s iiete;' s eo"'''Pe'et; Ilea• r after, when this question stseti LT. been 1ie414, ment will be able to apply its mind to the attain ef e rsie land, iu the same way us to any other portion of the ems kire !;• henceforth the Legislature will be placed in a eptlitiorrAo oassisi_r with like impartiality the affairs of Irebinel s an save the obstacle and oljeetien of eiyil ;bs 4 kility•lifiv be removed, the interests of the Protestanti - siii {b e li e s man Catholics of Ireland will be placed on the seine foot ing--(Loud sheers from the Opposition aide of the House) —the Roman Catholics will be placed on the same footing gs other subjecte.—(Renewed cheers.)—l wish I could ! anticipate the same satiefaetory tatsulte--the same prospects of tranquillity and prosperity that *bme Hon. Members anticipate will follow the measure of concession to the Ro man Catholics. However, come what may of the measure itself—if hereafter the Roman Catlsolics - attempt to trench upon the authority of the Crown, or to attack say of the institutions of the country—the measure of relief which is now proposed to be dealt out to them, if carried, will serve to rebuke and to defeat every effort that may be made against them.—(Hear, hear.)—Some Hon. Members seemed to consider that they saw no differeece between the present condition of this question and its fortifier ptatition—at the same time, the Hon. Member who bad made this as sertion admitted that within the last six months the Ca tholic Questioa had excited the most intense interest ; aid he also instanced what he regarded as one deplorable event—the County of Clare Election ; but it was worthy of remark, that at the same time the Hon. Member cited this instance, and seemed to regard it slightingly, he ad mitted that if an opportunity were affoided to-morrow, twenty-three Counties were prepared to imitate the example of the county of Clare.—(hear, hear.)—ls not this them a subject calling for and justifying legislative interference. —(Hear, hear.)—This of itself was of importance to show the degree of excitement which prevailed on this question.—(Hear, hear.)--An lion. Member (we believe Mr. Bankea) had referred to this measure, as being the result of intimidation. To Latium of this kind I tun dis pOsed to pay little attention ; because, as I know no more ignoble motive of action than that of intimidation, which deservos to be'lsranded as cowardice, so I am unconscious of acting under it. But theta is another species of fear of which I am equally unwilling ail indisposed to Le thought apprehensive--" the fear of being - thought to be afraid."-- (Loud cries of hear, hear.)—l have no fear of any intimi dation which might be menaced to overawes the Govern ment, but am sure that if the threat, which lard been held out to intimidate -the Protestant spirit, bad been persever ed in last summer, not only the whole power and authority of the Government, but also the physical force of every loyal subject in every part of his Majesty's dominions would be directed and devoted to the defeating of it, so that the wicked abettors of such an attempt would be iavolved in signal discoinfiturv.—( Hear, hear.)—But apart from any intimidation of the description to which I have alluded, there is an apprehension which is not unbecoming the mind of a Statesman—net unworthy but creditable to the mind of a legislator "eotastantis viri," to entertain ; that is, the apprehension that arises from the mieekiefs and injuries that may arise: to the interests of the British Empire from the disorganisation of society—from the ani mosity and embitterment of feeling which pervade all classes of the sointuuuity iu that country.--(Cheers.)— As to the violence of any body of men in Ireland, I again declare that it presente no intimidation to me; and I will add the declaration of my belief; that if any attempt at carrying the threat of intimidation into effect bad been persevered in, the naked clergies of the King's subjects, uusupportel by a single soldier, would have defeated and crushed the attempt.—(Cheers.)—Whilst upon this sub ject of Catholic concession, I will advert to one point which has not been much dwelt upon in this House—l mean the administration of justice in Ireland ; and I do observe in the present administration of the law in that country, that if some substantial alteratiou in the law be not made, it is impossible to expect the due and efficient administration of the law in any ease in which matters of disputes are referred to the tribunal of a Jury.—(Cheers.) There are other subjects on which the present system so injuriously operates, that an alteration is desirable ; but its the first instance, the barrier must be first broken down, which separates the Catholics from their fellow subjects, before all the measures of beneficial import to Ire land can he effectually fulfilled.—(Hear, hear.)---w mea sure of equitable adjustment, which shall be satisfactory to every good Protestant, and to every reasonable Catholic, will precede and prepare the way for other measures, calculated, I most sincerely hope, to augment and con firm the happiums and prosperity of Ireland.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—Having said thus much upon the subject, the House will, perhaps, bear with me a short time, in making a fesv observations applicable to my own peculiar situation. That situation, the House will readily believe me, was not bee from erribarraseMent. The opi nions which I have now expressed, are not opinions which have recently occurred to use ; them opinions first arose in my mind shortly after the separation of Parliament ; I was not then in London, and so early as the month of August I communicated with my Noble Friend at the head of the Administration, intimating to him that it was nut fur the interests of the King's subjects that the principle of neutrality which had hitherto prevailed, and been acted upon in the Cabinet, should be persevered in ; and having funned the opinion that the time Lad arrived for the con sideration of this question, I freely intimated that convic tion to my Nohle Fr iend. That conviction was formed front the impression that there would be lean of evil hi a change of system than in an adherence to the present one. (Cheers.) Placed in this situation, I felt that my first duty was to give the best advice to my Sovereign which had been impressed on my mind from a conscientious con viction of its propriety and urgency. My peculiar situa• thin lcul rendered this duty peculiarly incumbent on me, as, from the period of my first entrance auto public life, I had offered an earnest, though, I trust, not violent—an miqualitied, though, I trust, not intemperate, opposition to the proposed measures of concession. (Cheers.) In the opposition which I bad offered, unqualified as it was, I did not rely on grounds) of temporary expediency. The opinions which I advanced were the result of reflection and conviction. In my past conduct upon this Question, however, it may be permitted me to say, that I con fined my opposition to this House; I never attempted to raise a resistance to any measure of concession out of doors—in short, I may truly say, that all the objections and obstacles which I have ever raised have been confined and restricted to the deflates in Parliament. And when in Atigi.st last I addressed a letter to my Noble Friend at the head of the Administration, it was because, from the connexion of my office with the Administration of Ireland, I deemed it necessary that some change should take place, and it was therefore that I notified to him my concurrence in entering with him into a full consideration of this Question, with a view to its final and satisfactory adjustment. I notified to my Noble Friend that I concurred with him in thinking that there was no other course; but I accompanied that notification with the expression of my continued ap prehension of the dangers that might nevertheless result from its adoption. [Here the Right Hon. Gentleman read the letter which he bad addressed to the Duke of Welling. ton on the subject, but so rapidly, and in so lowa tone of voice, that we were able to collect only its general ten dency, which was to the effect, " that on i political ques tion uf so much importance, he, of course, should not be influenced by any false delicacy, or by any fear of lectu ring imputations of inconsistency from taking whatever runt any new, position of circumstances might require; that he was ready, therefore, to hazard any sacrifice on that point; that he had a strong opinion that the pro posed conemeiim to the Cethulies would not be satisfactory to the country ; but that, eling that 41! per9nal and pri vate feelings should !.;t1 subordinate on etteli an occasion, hs was ready to do every thing iu his power to prcintO:e tb's object iu view."] Undoubtedly, Sir, I felt my own situa tion to be one of great difficulty. Still, however, I had no hesitation in adopting the course which I have pursued. 'I had no'hesitetion in declaring to my Noble Friend that no consideration whatever would induce me to throw any ia,taele ipm t)4e way of the attainment of his purpose. Had I thought it could hare been irdecepfully reeisted, I would Rat have shrunk frurn any sacrifice, 'be it ;ilia if which resistance to it uaight have drawn upon me; but I w as persuaded that it could not be so. With respect to my Noble Friend, I can justly say that he has done all that is in the power of man to do, to ascertain the most prudent co,.oses to pursue. It was not until after great de li,beration that he had advised his Majesty to resort to the treasure note allow Any pn,luet to ruflurnt:¢hp• t p_ c t otros,idi;ti ,tsand 6 g f lit c :b e e u pe !' cli t r , h o Q 7 , 7: ,, u u l o h n n 4 :b: tea e painful sacrifices on this occebioti. rtiave alone ovary' thing in my power to five myself from any efiaius wlsiclr might have embarrassed me in the unfettered exercise of my discretion respecting it. I have adopted the course which, under all circumstances in which the country is placed, scenes to me to be the most free from peril ; and tlaat . aS:t , l:pg em.t.eai th 4 4:.4ae to attend to the so lemn ipippctiQp of cailt;der;i w:til 'the an itctninittYerewstsh,kbhuit time tdth t7atiqttl lld'; i 4 l4 l4 ott he P. i 6 he n United) pl~duilr. (Loud cries of hear, hear, hear.) Mr. BROUGHAM spoke to the following effect : —Sir, it i s not my intentiuu to detain the House at any length on the Pwef,,:;.4 occasion ; fur I perfectly agree with the Right H o n.Gentlernan who ;ma addressed you, that this is by no ideates the proper' time to enter into a t -e; consideration of the nature - of the measure *Lich it inaylecome Parlia eatrit to` adopt with' t- pact to that ihtereating 'subject ;1;;.elt 'el pea ,l s!44 . gchlog' teis tliephblie attention: . ..lllten a Speech from the 'Arena ea - 4448'e 'A t.° parliament to take any particular topic into consideratio n, it is fitting that neither House of Parliament shouts/ take a ny course which may hare the air of dictating to his Ma ceity'd Government the nature of the measure which in ross:aticy reeserunendation they may think it their tiu'ty to propoae:' liO'N•t* 4; ; ; C:otz feelinis the slightest disposition to do eo, that I most etee'r'fari4tkaare that I, for one, am perfectly satisfied with the general description of the propost.d measure comprehended in the Speech from the Throne; which general description I understand to mean that the arrangement to be made should be on a wide basis and of a permanent character; not a narrow niggardly measure—not a grant of a mere part or parcel of that which is required, reserving the remainder until some other more or less distant seasoy. What I understand is, that we are to do all that ought to be done, and that we are to do it at once—that the mind of the Legislature is to be applied to the question, and that after the due delibera tion which its' importance demands, we should make to the Roman Catholic.' such concessions as way once, and fir all, terminate the differences between ns ; that we should giVii the Roinan Catholic. what we can afford to give, and what they ought to be satisfied tee receive.— sir, I say what the Roman Catholic. ought to be satis fied to receive ; for I entirely concur with the Right Ho nourable Gentleman is the opisien which Le has ex pressed, that this great measure, from which I trust seek important benefits will result to Ireland aid to the Em pire at large, would lose the greater part of its value if it were to be the result of negociation or compact. Sir, I consider the Catholic Question as substantially carried (hear, hear, hear l). I consider that all the essential parts of that question are irretrievably cancelled ; above and before all, the admission of Roman Catholics into both Houses of Parliament, and their equal eligibility with Pre testants to the great offices of State, with one or two ex ceptions, on which it is quite unnecessary at present to touch, and the peculiar nature of which is such that the Catholics themselves must admit that it is but fair and just that they should be excluded from them. It has keen said by an Hon. Baronet that some of those by whom this proposition is about to be propounded have changed all the principles which they formerly maintained, with out any adequate cause existing for the alteration. Sir, if, even in the case of circumstances remaining the same, the result of a larger and longer experience should be to induce a wan to change the opinion which Le formerly held; and conscientiously to support an opinion diame trically opposite—even in that cease, I should never im pute to such a man any motives inconsistent with a manly and honest discharge of duty. Sir, I prefer those who in their lives are ready to profit by experience, to those who appear to live only for the purpose of con firming themselves in their perversity (bear, hear, hear !). I have little esteem for the man who fruitlessly adds year to year of a long and sad lifia on whom no ar gument, on whom no experieniz can operate ; but who iecreases his years witboat increasing his wisdom.—(• laugh.)—But, Sir, I entirelydiffer from the Hon. Baronet to whom I have already alluded, as well as from the Noble Lord opposite, when they say that no change of circum stances has occurred to produce that change of opinion which they condemn. What ! has no difference in the state of things taken place within the last three or four, to say nothing of the last fivs.and-twenty years? Undoubtedly I, and those who agree with me on the sub ject, have always maintained that no such change was waisted. We did not require the multi' of any experi ence to convince us that concession to the Roman Catho lics was as expedient as it was just. We, without the benefits of experience, contended in favour of the conces sion ; as, having derived that benefit, we now continue to contend in favour of it. But we all know that different men may see the same subject in different lights. lam perfectly aware, fur I have heard it in all quarters, that the circumstances which hare occurred within the last two or three years, and still snore emphatically within the last year and a half, have greatly changed the opinion of many persons both in Parliament and out of doors with res pect to the Catholic Question. It has appeared to them that the elements on which their opinion must be founded have materially altered; and well may they so con ceive. Sir, the observations which fell from the Right Ifonourable Gentleman on the state of parties in the country, with reference to this great subject, seem to me to be unanswerable. If it be necessary, as all must admit, that the Government of this country should be an united Government, and act in concert for the public benefit, it is clear, as the Right Hon. Gentleman so well stated, that of the two alternatives they must choose one. They must either make the Catholic Question a Cabinet measure, to carry it to its fall extent and immediately; or they must make it a Cabinet measure to deny it, and to deny it for ever. For it would be childish, indeed, to suppose that it would be practicable for any Government in the present day to say, " We will resist concession to the Catholics; but we will not resist it fur ever ; we will resist it only for six months, or for some indefinite time, until circumstances shall change." I repeat, Sir, thit Government must either at °nee carry, or must for ever resist concession. If they resist it, perpetuity of resistance must .be the cardinal point of their policy. Now that is impossible. I address my self to men who hare not changed their opinions on the subject at all. If there is any man who hears toe, and who maintains the doctrine of non-concession, in spits of events, in spite of experience, in spite of all that has lately ocenrred in this counts y, in spite of all that has lately oc curred in the Sister Kingdom—if there is any luau en whom the events of the general election in 1826 have been lost—if there is any man on whom the election for the county of Clare in 1828 has been thrown away, and who still holds that great mischief must result from carrying the Catholic Question, and who still maintains that they ought never to receive any further coneessiou—l ask that man to point out, either in this or the other House of Parliament, the materials of which his Anti-Catholic Cabinet world be composed.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—Sir, I contend that there are no materials in existent* for suck a Cabinet. Suppose the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, unfortunately for his country, unfortunately for his own reputation, had continued to adhere to Lisopinion that theclanns of the Ca tholics ought never to be listened to, he alone must have formed of all the persons here—l speak of course of the persons capable of administering the affairs of a great na tion—he alone, with the exception of oue or two other in dividaals ou the beech above him, and with the exception of one or two noble persons, members of a House to which it would be disorderly further to allude—be must alone leave formed the Cabinet by which continued resistance could have been made to ties settlement of the Catholic Question. It is quite clear, therefore, that the thipg is I might almost say physically impossible. That the change of circuanstanees which it i n : perfectly,being the case, dictates will well justify individuals who formerly voted against concession in now voting in favour of it. What is the change of circumstances these indicated ? It will, I presume, Sir, be acknowledged by every body that it is ex.: pedicat thAt the Government of a country should be car. ied on by the regalarly constituted authorities; ; that it i s petlieut that the Government of Ireland should be carried 012 by the Lord Lieutenant, Magistrates, and other functiona ries, aided by the civil and military power. Now, Sir, I ask, has the power of the State in Ireland been for some time peat effectually in the hands of the constituted autho rities ; or has it not been substantially administered by the Catholic Association? That is a state of things the con tinuance of which cannot he otherwise than mischievous. The friends of the Catholic Association —say the Catholic Association themselves—must concur with their enemies in deprecating the continuance of such a state of things, as utterly inconsistent with the safety of the Government and the peace of the empire. Bat, are tt than ,lere more ways One bf jostpog an cod to thia state of ? No man living will venture to say that it i s possible to 'put tiouin the 'Ca; tholic Association in any way but one—namely, by carrying the Catholic Question. —( H ear , h ear . )—A n d this, Sir, leads me to advert to that part of the King's Speech, which of course I treat as the Speech of leis Ministers, on which, and on which almost alone, I feel any disposition to masks) the slightest comment. I confess, Sir, that I wish the re walal444jioa of carecasion to the (:astluelies had preceded instead'uf following' lie . sieeiinkendatien of putting &nets the Catholic Association ; and for this simple reasouo--I am 'as clearly convinced as I am of my own existence, that it the measures lead been taken in the succession which I have described, the carrying of the first would have rendered the second perfectly u nnecessary. Concession to the Catholics would have instantly put a spontaneous end to the Catholic Association. The Association was originally created by the l c SisfitYg lets ; %Aileen That law ceased to exist ; the Asaouiatioa ts'aMllaatlt 114 arratigindeilt; hoWk: ever, not leaving been amide, we have now only to listen to thee propositions which it is the intention of Ministers to submit to Parliament. All I trust is, that the propositions will be so framed as to abstain from -invading any general constitutional principles; and that Parliament will not be reoatired to pun:lounce upon the hatefel alternative of either repeating st‘ treasure,aleei teadeoey 6i which is relieve the Citholie burly fleorn their distbilitiisoir•tio adapt it'ast 'fin aa kne'ti of constitutional principles too large to be eon seated to even for snide an object. - What means, is distinctly this I—Great as wield be the rshie of et:Storing religious peace and political tranquillity to Ireland, if those objects are to be obtained only as a consideration for Par lionesses arming his Majesty's Government with powers over all classes of his Majesty's subjects, Protestant as well as Catholic, dangerous to their civil liberties, it will be come us, at least, to papse before we consent to any such proposition. Into what, in my opinion, ought to be the d'eUtils'• of the' proposed memoir', ;I shall, : of courts?, at pie end, 4balii4'6#o - itifetil4t l :Y I P L441 1.1 1 1 T aid we shall then have an opportunity of exert:lei% our ju'iti: ment respecting them. I trust that, to use the words of the Speech, the powers which it will be 'proposed to Parliament to entrust to his Majesty's Government will be only " such powers as may enable his Majesty to ma i nta i n hi s j us t authority." But, Sir, 1 would f a i n hope that the news of this Speech from the Throne, and of the declarations of hie /Majesty's Apaietere is both House, when it reaches Ire . will have the effect of anticipating the necessity of auylaiwers whateier. Of . this I am sure, that if ever I have'tiikeu leave.to advise my Catholic fellow-subjecte Nutt Inyldiren-in Parlianaeiat (the only plaee in which I ever-have saisired, or over will ' advise theta), if they have ever, eontlemeeded to listen to. any suggestions which I may kaveithroyealtut for their,' benefit, I here declare to them that I sasveronotearnestly, l never more deliberately, I never, sp,maxitialrimplored them, and conjured them, by their reg a rd foe their osen honour, by their regard for their own interoste, their regard for the interests of the Empire at. regard for the peace of the country, and, ralkovs:4ll; by their hopes for the success of their own coupe, Atones to be satisfied with the assurance in the Spect,th from the Throne—at once to be satisfied with the commentaries of his Majesty's responsible advisers in both llotities on that assurance—at once to be satisfied with the stile of . the question both in and out of l'arliatnent--aaAOce freely, I cannot say unasked, for I have asked theiti;:;l4i uncompelled, to put an eud to the eorporate ekistenee the Catholic Association, and to fling themselves wire: servedly on the justice of the country.—(Hear:)-.-If t 14 4, comply with this advice, I will answer it with iii' head—that is, if it be necessary to do so.—(A laugh.);-- I will pledge whatever little credit I may have with them fiir having been the humble advocate of their claims in this House, that the question will be as certainly parried, and car ried to their Leal ta' content, as if the Bill had already re ceived the Royal Assent--(Hear, hem.):--Nothing could • then prevent its being carried; nothitag.can endanger its being carried, except its being accompanied by provisions injurious to the principles of civil liberty ; provisions which will be wholly unnecessary unless they. adhere to meetings and proceedings, the whole occasion for which all candid and impartial men must acknowledge is,.from this night, for ever over—( Hear.)—lt is almost eupetluous for we to add that, laying aside all personal, laying aside all party coml.- derations, I most heartily rejoice that this groat and grand work has been achieved, by whose hands soever.' ~Could I do otherwise? Good Clod, Sir ! who would stop. at such a moment as this to ask by whom the benefit we are receiv ing has been conferred ?.—to what party in the State., it is attributable ? When so great, se inestimable an advantage, maturing eiyil peace and religious tranquillity--securiug quiet at home and strength abroad, is about to be conferred upon us, all petty political distinctions sink intreinsigui ficance. We are united—at least for a titne--(A laugh.) There will be abundant time for discussions of a lase im portant nature, after this, one of the most valuable, And extensive, and lasting benefits which the country ever, re ceived, has been secured.--(Hear.) Mr. `f RANT followed ; hut the noise in the Reuse was so loud, that we could hear only a few occasional sentences of the Hon. Gentleman's speech. He implored the House not to be lad away by the sophistry of the Right Hon. Seetetary of State for the Home Department. Had not Mr. O'Connell said, that if the claims of the Catholics wore not conceded, a hundred thousand of them would come and set fire to the four corners of the city of London ? What, in fact, could prevent them from coming and be sieging us at our own doors? The Right Hen. Gentleman said, that if he had persevered in his opposition to the Claims, the House would not have supported him. if that Ikuse, however, had refused to do so, the country would have furnished him with a House that would have support el him. He was sorry t. see that his Majesty's Govern ment was not what it formerly was. An HononaAttu! Mxissua who spoke under the gal lery, and whose name we were unable to learn, declared that his opinion ou the subject was totally unaltered. • He conceived that no further privileges could be granted to the Catholics with safety to the Protestant Constitution. Mr. CRESSETT PELHAM, as we understood the Hon. Gentleman, expressed his deep [egret at the abandon meet by the Right Hon. eeeretary of Mate for the Home Department, of the principles which he had hitherto maintained with so much firmness and succees. General GASCOYNE must, as sa Englishman and a Protestant, declare the apprehension which had been ex cited in his mind by the language in the Speech from the Throne. He had listened with great attention to the Right Hon. Gentleman's explanation, and he 'must say that a more unsatisfactory one he had never hoard since he had the honour of a seat in that House. The Right Hon. Gentleman had declared that reasons of state had induced him to change the sentiments which he had once main tained ; and the very grounds on which he now consented to concession were those au which he Lad uniformly, and again and again led those whom he now left in the hint', He lamented the course which had been pursued by the Right Hon. Gentleman' for more reasons than ono. ,He lamented it for the immediate cause ; he lamented it forahe sake of the Right Hon. Gentleman himself; he lamented it because in future no confidence could be placed in the as surances of any Minister. if this question were carried, let not his lion. Friends despair of Laving Universal Sof- • frage and Parliamentary Reform.—(A laugh.)—Only let them get up au Association, and in time they would suc ceed ; for there would come a day whet' some Minister of the Crow* would assent even to their project.—(Cheers, and much laughter. )._...The Minister, he would say, who gave ground among dangers, might see a necessity for con ceding Parliamentary Reform—(Cheers-from Mr. Hume.) —He saw how the Member fqr Aberdeen was already re joicing, and he Lad no doubt that the Members for West minster would find themselves too well eseouraged. He disapproved of the Speech, and especially of the steggeatioo it urged for the relief of the Cetholiee. He entered hie protest against it, and could not but regard it as one of those extraordinary and ominous Speech,* - from this Cabi net which were unprecedented in history.—(Laughter.) • Lord ASHLEY was glad this question was at last likely to be brought into a tangible shape, so that the Nouse might ascertain, on the one hand, what was de manded for seem ities, and, on the other, what was asked for concession*. Parliament could have no better security for the safety of the measures that would be proposed than the character of his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Peel). Mr. H. GHATTAN said, the Right Ilan. Gentienaan (Mr. Peel) had beeu accused of changing Lis colours; but if he clitogC4 them, it was yreditOhir tf) Lire. He had taken down the Orange standard itt the north of Ireland, and in the south he had prevented it from being..erected.-- ' Instead of reproaches, therefore, the Right Hon. Gentle man deserved the. thanks of that House, .end Lis country. Every body saw that the affairs of Ireland were approach ing'a crisis; life was no longer safe, nor property worth a year's purchase. But now a hope arose, and the Ugh" that Acne in the Cabinet, he hoped, wonld lopg shed over it splendour in its etuest refulgence. He did pot forget that his Majesty, when Prince of Wales, had .assured the he (Mr. H. Grattan) regr e tt e d i n t h e S peec h p p ass eol a d g e e of Ireland of his great regard fur them. Th e o nly which was that relative to the Catholic Association, which was ren dered totally unnecessary by the passages that followed it. The Catholic Association had been attacked as the cause of the diserders of Ireland ; but if the Catholics bad no rights to 'reclaim, the Association would dissolve itself. Go vernment had it on the oaths of their own servants that the peace of the south of Ireland was owing to the exer tions bf the Association, That it, language had. been Nig lent he admitted ; but surely no English gentletna would c " 4"" I;a; Y DI iP taI4IPI . Pf their itte4th at in timidation. What w as th e whole * history of the Euglish Constitution but one contiuued course of ietimidatiou against the Crown, from which the great Charter of our liberties had been so extorted. His Majesty, by his Speech that day, had done himself great honour, and he felt much satisfaction in finding that in the rising genera' tion noble and generous feelings were iliffoeed, King's Ministers, it was eeil, vo4ld yield t:4 'Joe. o , Con--_ eell 404 the Qdbolle Asisn'Ciatidn.` . N o such thing they would wisely anticipate the natural course of events. • . Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH did net riselo prolong the discussion. There were some points of the Speech which he would readily pass over without discussion, but there were other parts ass to our foreign relations, with re-. spect to which he entertained great doubts, and would oro' bablyhe desirous to ask for itiforrw.;tioc. Las would cites= teemie lb., few words be iatended aoneldeeekt•td the !tow hyli4o t eeling Ofeisit4faeitoo,” grisater ilian'la4 any. former public occasion or debate, which he had felt at the Speech which the King's Ministers had advised his Ma jkaty to deliver to Parliament, illustrated, as it had beas, by the clear, explicit, and sufficiently 'explanatory collo mentary of the Right honourable Geneemaa opposite, w i r , r.e t uppaared. to i.hansi•:;atfeeld nein wantiut ire , duty ,:;and :prudence,' if, in teeatiuB Such a mighty . subject, he Lad expree4d More fellY the nature and purport of the OTPPoSitiora he intended to Sehmit.. He trest'ed a,nd. believed that this Speech of Lis • Vajes;ty'e would prove, in-its final results, the happiest communication that ever was made from the Throes of Eughtud—a cornsnunicatiou tending to produce national bunion), and unanimity, in which England, by doing jus tice to England, widened and deepened' the foundations of her own safety and prosPerity. The Hon. Baronet (Sir 11. Inglis), the Noble- Lord opposite (Chandos), and the Hon. Member . for Dorsetshire (Mr. Bankes), • whose ten . I iistency he unfeignedly regretted, bad talked of not yield ing to.'intlro;d4Giorr, L Eq. , 41 ssido:La ve~iute 'a Zhsa s 4 itrlviia ie 'ilia' if ajeety?; t t;.r<on lay that they had an effective practical answer to this ituputati.ua upon them, and that was to be found in the language thrown out against them by those very oppoucuts; for they have informed the House and the country, that it h their wish to stir up a spirit of popular oppo,i, tiou against the passing of the intended Bill, for the Relief of the Cotholios. This tbr e at ~rflyt held OA