The Sun. — London, England, 1859-05-03 00:00:00

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE. BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. The election of three knights of the shire for the county of Bucks took place yesterday in the County hall, Aylesbury. There was no contest, the former members, Mr. Disraeli, Mr. Du Pre, and Mr. A. G. Cavendish being re-elected without opposition. After the reading of the writ and the usual pre liminaries, Mr. Du Pre was proposed by Sir T. P. DUN COMBE, and seconded by General HALL. The Marquis of CHAN DOS proposed, and Mr. P. DAUNGEY seconded, the Right Hon. B. Disraeli. Sir H. VERNEY proposed, and Mr. C. TOWERS se conded the Hon. W. G. Cavendish. There being no other candidates proposed, the HIGH SHERIFF declared. Mr. Du Pre, Mr. Disraeli, and Mr. Cavendish duly elected. Mr. Du PRE, in returning thanks to the electors, said he could only hope that his honest intentions and unwearied attention would supply the want of the statesmanlike abilities and Parliamentary elo quence so imperatively demanded at the present crisis. (Hear, hear.) He had hoped that during the late session some measure of reform would be passed—and, though it was his intention in committee to have objected to some of its details —still, if the Government bill had not been met in a factious spirit—(hear, hear) —a bill might have been framed in committee which would have met the views of all moderate men, and would have settled the question for the lifetime of the present generation at least. (Hear, hear.) He did not blame those who had'supported their party in carry ing that resolution, but he blamed Lord J. Russell, inasmuch as, from motives of personal ambition, he had interposed to prevent the settlement of this question. He advocated a policy of neutrality, if war should break out on the continent; but for once he agreed with Mr. Roebuck that the House of Commons ought to consent to any measures which would put the country in a perfect state of defence, and enable our fleet to ride triumphant in the Channel. (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI then addressed the electors. The right hon. gentleman said,—l too, like my friend and colleague, Mr. Du Pre, have to return you my sincere thanks for having elected me on six occa sions as your member. Believe me, I appreciate the honour, and I return you my gratitude. Although the period is not long, little more than a year, since the last occasion when you did me the honour of returning me to Parliament, I think there is no one in this crowded county hall who can be surprised that this opportunity has again occurred. The cir cumstances under which we acceded to office, meet ing a Parliament in which we possessed the support of certainly little more than one-third of the mem bers, clearly pointed out that in course of probable events we should feel it our duty to advise the Sovereign to recur to the sense of the people, and ourselves appeal for a renewal of their confidence. Under these circumstances I now appear before you, and following that habit which I have always pur sued towards you, I will not attempt to make a mere hustings speech, but feeling that I stand before a numerous body of my countrymen who, whatever the opinions professed by their represen tatives, wish to hear them fairly stated, and to decide upon them with the deliberation which becomes sensible men, I shall speak to you to-day in the same manner as I should speak to the House of Commons, believing that I am paying a much better compliment to your good sense and good feeling by treating you as sensible men, rather than by offering you a parcel of observations which may amuse you for a moment, but which, when you reflect upon them afterwards, would only make you feel that you had been treated like children, and that you were not thought worthy to decide upon those grave circumstances which now engage the attention of all men who ought to form and to offer an opinion upon public affairs. (Cheers.) Sir Harry Verney in his speech was extremely severe upon the Reform Bill recently introduced into the House of Commons by-the Government. It is easy to criticise after the event. (Laughter.) I never knew any pub lic man who had not decided and definite opinions on the subject of Parliamentary reform ; but the most remarkable circumstance is, that though every one feels that he knows exactly what ought to be done, no two men agree in recommend ing what should be done. (Laughter.) Permit me to mention what were the two principal features of that measure of Parliamentary reform, which I, as the organ of the Government, introduced to the notice of the House of Commons. They were a large increase of the constituencies of England, and at the same time the representation of considerable places which are now not represented in Parlia ment. There at least are two great results which are not to be treated in a light and contemptuous spirit. (Hear.) When the machinery for increas ing the constituencies had been fairly brought into play, I believe it would, perhaps, have doubled the amount of the present electoral body. It was with out doubt the largest proposal for the extension of the suffrage that ever was submitted to the conside ration of our legislative assembly. So completely, too, had we exhausted the claims of unrepresented bodies that no person could allege that there was any considerable place omitted from our scheme. Allow me also to observe that when that proposal was made it was received with ()Teat favour in the country, and many gentlemen who not only voted against the measure, but, I was surprised to find, spoke against it too, who had previously in private congratulated the Government on the wisdom of their plan and the satisfactory nature of their pro posals. (Cheers.) I think, then, I have some right to say that the measure was not altogether worthy of the condemnation which has been reaped upon it by the member for Buckingham (Sir H. Verney). So far as dealinc , with this question in future is concerned I shall support no proposal for the im provement of the representation of the people in Parliament which does not involve these two great principles to which I have adverted—a large ex tension of the franchise and a due representation of those communities which are not at this moment represented, but which are perfectly entitled to it by their intelligence, their numbers, and by their special interests. (A Voice—" What about the working classes ? What about the working classes ?") Why, if you were the representative of the working classes, I should certainly proceed w . th due deliberation in IN hat I did. (Laughter.) But as the working classes generally are persons re spectable for their industry, for their intelligence, and for their moral and social virtues, I should dis approve of any reconstruction of the electoral body which did not offer a fair proportion of avenues for their admission. (Cheers.) (Here another obser vation was made from the same quarter of the crowd, the purport of which did not reach us.) I suppose that is my old friend, Mr. Ivetts ; but if you don't improve in your eloquence, you will cer tainly never get on in public life. (Laughter, and a further inarticulate muttering from the same quarter.) I'll tell you what it, is, sir, if you go on making speeches like that I'll return you for a rotten borough. (Loud laughter.) Gentlemen, it is a uite clear from the observations of all the speakers who have preceded me, that though the question of Parliamentary reform is one which must at all times command the interest and engage the thoughtful speculations of all public men, there is at the present moment another paramount sub ject, which indeed absorbs all the feelings and passions of the country. (Hear, hear.) I will ad vert to that subject without reserve, and with the utmost frankness I will detail to you, as briefly as possible, but without any attempt to withhold the truth, what I believe to be the real position of the country on this matter. It has always been the fashion for public men, especially for those who may occupy a responsible position such as I have the honour to hold, to affect a great reserve on all questions connected with foreign politics. I don't think that fashion a good one ; and on the present occasion I shall not speak with any reserve, be cause I believe that if ever there:was a moment this is the moment in wlr.'it hose responsible for the conduct of affairs snoul.?: address the people with out keeping back any part of the truth. (Cheers.) It is of the utmost importance that the people of this country should comprehend what may be the eventual results of the present condition of things, My honourable friend the member for Buckingham, in introducing this question of an European war, and the probable consequences to this country of such an event, 'Mated much on the con duct of Austria. I am not here to vindicate the con duct of Austria, but at the same time I would ven ture to observe that, in steering our course at the present moment, we must not allow ourselves to be influenced by any prej u di ce or pass i on w i t h regar d to th e conduct of foreign Powers to their subjects. ..( C heers.) The conduct of Austria to her own sub jects may be open to criticism ; but the conduct of other Power to their subjects may also be liable to comments, and we shall not either on the one hand preserve p ea ce effect if we or on the other prosec u t e war w i t h allow ourselves to be drawn away from the merits of the Doi nt before us by th e re l ations which subsist bs`t,-„,, foreign Governments _ and ( their subjectp„ ra. een '''"eers ) There is no doubt th a t th e condition of Italy ha s -fed to the present position of affairs. (Loud cheers.) With the exception of that part which belonged to among ' Austria Italy was divided a number of pett y Princes whose adminis tration, generally speaki ng , was' deplorable, and who persevered in that administration because they knew that, from great reasons of State, A us tria, in order to preserve order in the Penins u l a, would al ways interfere if there were any san 111 ‘"tic insubor • dination or insurrection. Some years back one of these petty States, with admirable spirit, a ete to emancipate itself from this condition. - S a T tii i n n i e a d to her honour, laid some foundation at least of pub' lie freedom. (Hear, hear.) Sardinia showed on mazy occasions that she was animated by a desire to raise herself in the respect of mankind, and to follow those intelligent principles of governmea which are now generally accepted. But, unfortun .tely, the ambition of a State naturally developer self with its consciousness of superior excellence, a d, as Sar dinia felt her superiority to the other petty States of Italy which rem a i ne d i n th e i r i n si g o ficant posi tion, she naturally felt that she was more capable of governing Italy with effect than her rivals, and she took that course which clearly indicated a desire to occupy a more important position in Italy than under treaties she is entitled to, or at present in rivalry This places her to a certain degree rivalry with Austria, but as it was impossible for Sardinia really to compete in military strength with one of the greatest Powers of Europe, she looked to the coun tenance and support of an ally who rivals in force of arms and in the valour and skill of his troops anything which Austria can produce. You see, therefore, that from the rivalries and jealousies of France and Austria how dangerous a condition of affairs has been brought about. At the beginning of this year the Emperor of the French, by words with which you are familiar, publicly announced to Europe that the relations between Austria and France were no longer strictly of an amicable cha racter. It was not difficult to discover that the cause of that rising misunderstanding between France and Austria was the condition of Italy, winch these two great Powers, viewed from different points, and with different purposes. It was evident, therefore, that if that misunderstanding was per mitted to remain, war might in all probability ensue. What was the conduct and duty of her Majesty's Government under such circumstances ? We were on terms of cordial confidence with France, and between Austria and England there were relations of good understanding of ancient date. I think I may be permitted to say that Eng land was respected by both Powers, and not only respected, but respecting herself, and, knowing her due influence and authority, she was clearly indi cated as the Power which should mediate between these two great sovereigns and save Europe from the impending curse of war. (Cheers.) It was snider these circumstances that we determined to take steps which should avert the deplorable conse quences threatened by a prolonged misunderstand ing. You all know that under the advice of the Queen's Ministers our ambassador at Paris held a confidential conversation with the Emperor of the French, and made himself perfectly master, as he believed—and I have no reason to think, from what has subsequently transpired, that there was any want of sincerity in what took place, or any con cealment—of the intentions of the Emperor. He repaired to London, he conferred with the Ministers here, and with the sanction of her Majesty he went to Vienna, there to make himself ac quainted with the feelings and views of the Em peror of Austria, and by this means ultimately to bring about an understanding upon the condition of Italy which would prevent war. The mission of Lord Cowley was eminently successful —no, not eminently successful, but entirely successful. He returned to London and gave us every conviction that we should obtain our object; but before he could reach Paris the Minister of the Emperor of Russia, in consequence of the state of Europe, had proposed that the affairs of Italy should be submit ted to a congress, and therefore instead of a media tion by England between France and Austria, a congress of the five great Powers was proposed for the settlement of the question. The Government, without hesitation and without loss of time—though not without long and due deliberation—felt that if their scheme of mediation was played against the scheme of a congress, the probable end would be that nothing would be done. (Hear,hear.) The only objection to the scheme was that if a congress of the five great Powers—Russia being one—met, other subjects than the condition of Italy might be brought before it. The recent treaties which re sulted from the Russian war might have been intro duced, and so, instead of effecting the settlement which we desired, instead of preventing war be tween France and Austria, we might have been involved in negotiations and discussions which would have been either fruitless or prejudicial. Therefore, it was only on four conditions that we ac cepted the congress. It was to be directed only to the consideration of the condition of Italy, it was to ob tain the evacuation by foreigners of the petty States of Italy, it was to deliberate on the reform of Ita lian institutions and on the amelioration of the con dition of the Italian people, it was to secure means by which war between Sardinia and Austria would be rendered less likely to occur, and to put an end to those treaties between Austria and the quasi-in dependent States of Italy which were the excuse for Austria always entering into their territories when any attempt was made by the people to ame liorate their condition. A very great authority, recently addressing his constituents in the West of England, as I am addressing my constituents now —a statesman for whom I have every respect— found fault with the conduct of the Ministry in these affairs under two heads. As the Government has been charged by Lord Palmerston on the hustings of Tiverton—the noble lord knowing well that he was speaking not merely to his constituents, but through them to the country at large—l don't think it unreasonable that I upon the hustings of Bucks should answer temperately, I am sure, and I hope successfully, both of the two charges. I say this with every feeling of respect for Lord Palmerston —(cheers)—for in the difficult position in which the English Government has been placed during the last three months with regard to foreign affairs, they have received from the noble leader of the Op position that generous consideration which every English statesman, I am sure, on whatever side he may sit, will always extend to the Ministers of the Queen under such circumstances ; and he has shows every desire to assist, and not to obstruct, the at tempts of the Government to secure peace. (Cheers.) But Lord Palmerston says the Government has made two great mistakes. The first was the under taking of the mediation between France and Aus tria without previously obtaining from France and Austria a formal recognition of our capacity as mediators. If you will give me your attention for a moment, I hope to show you that this charge has no foundation. Undoubtedly, it would have been a great advantage if, before we attempted to me diate between France and Austria, we could have got some written instrument from them, by which we were empowered to mediate, and which distinctly laid before us the points on which we were to me diate. But that is begging the question of the whole business. You know well in private life how very frequently it happens that two proud men quarrel. They don't perhaps clearly and precisely know what is the cause of misunderstanding between them, but a gradual, and at last a complete, misunderstand inn occurs. How frequently it happens that a mutual friend, some person whom they respect, some person of influence, a man of good sense and good temper, enjoying the confidence of both, talks first to the one and then to the other, to find out the real cause of misunderstanding between them. How often, in some cases, you find that there is really no founda tion for misunderstanding ; how often, in others, that the misunderstanding may be easily remedied. It is by first obtaining information that he at last thinks he can interfere with effect ; but if he had gone to one of these parties at the beginning, and said to him, "I am sorry to see you quarrelling with your neighbour, who is also my friend, as you are ; what are you quarrelling about ? won't you let me make some proposition to him, and I have no doubt, if it is a just one, he will accept it, and put an end to the quarrel ;" the an s wer he w ou ld ge t wou ld very likely be, " I won't make any proposition to that fellow—not I. (L aug ht er. ) L et hi m ma k e a proposition to me." The consequence is the mutual friend can do nothing. This was exactly our position between France and Austria. When we first ad dressed ourselves to the Emperor of the French, though he professed himself asixious—and I believe sincerely so—that all these difficulties should be re moved in an amicable manner, h e would not make any proposition to Austria, nor wo u ld h e empower us to make any propos ition, because he beli eve d that Austria would totally reject any pr o p os i t i on which he might deem satisfactory ; and thus he would he subjected to what he would consider an in sult. In the same way Austria would make no proposition, would empower us to make no propo sition ; but the Emperor of the French said— " Although I w ill m ake no proposition I will tell you what I think ought to be done for Italy—what will satisfy my wishes—and if you think it reasonable you may go to Austria and submit it to her, though I do not think that Austria will ever accede to it." By this means we were made perfectly acquainted with the views of the Emperor of the French. We did go, and Austria behaved in what I styled—and think justly styled—in the House of Commons, " a spirit of dignified conciliation." (Hear, hear.) For though the Emperor of the French believed that Austria would never agree to the proposals which he made with regard to Austria, though we expected to meet with great difficulties, and though we did meet with great difficulties, yet the am bassador of the Queen entirely succeeded, and the Emperor of Austria did make all the concessions we desired. (Cheers.) These were great results. But if we had asked Austria and France before we mediated to appoint us formal mediators, the only result would have been that we should have done nothing at all, because neither France nor Austria would have made any proposition of their own. It is said that it was unfortunate that before Lord Cowley arrived at Paris, Russia should have inter fered with the proposition of a congress. It is said that this prevented peace, and that it was the result of a deep design on the part of Russia. Well, gen tlemen, experience teaches me—and I have had a good deal of experience —that men, however exalted profound or so adroit their places, are not al ways so ' as the world imagines them. I do not think that the conduct of Russia was the offspring of any deep policy or was prompted by any spirit of finesse. (Cheers.) The fact is, I believe the Emperor of the French was desirous of peace, provided he could obtain peace with honour, provided he could have it with a diplomatic triumph, and could have done something for the Italians, which would have been in one way a check upon Austria, and in another would have added lustre to his own authority. And as he had no confidence that the mission of Lord Cowley—or rather visit I should call it, since it had no official character—would be suc cessful, he seized upon the proposition which Russia made for a formal meeting of the great Powers, knowing that, if a Congress were agreed to, it would be an assemblage of great importance and weight, which would prove his influence in Europe and which would lead to the results which he de sired. I can account for Russia making that pro position, because it is never agreeable to a Power of the greatest rank to see the affairs of the world settled as they would have been by England, France, and Austria. It was, of course, pleasing to the pride of Russia, and I have no doubt her proposal may be accounted for in that way. It would have been impossible for me to make these observations a few days ago, because the country was informed on authority which, though anony mous, was of that bouncing character that no one dared to say " No " to it—that a secret treaty had been formed between France and Russia—that their fleets were to be united for the destruction of our maritime supremacy and for the partition of Europe. Of course, then the observations which I have made would not have been listened to even upon these hustings, where I have always been re ceived with so much indulgence. I can give you no information as to the quarter from which or by what means these erroneous statements were made. They have, I believe, ruined many virtuous fami lies in this country ; they have shaken credit in every nation ; but this I can assure you, that there is not the slightest tittle of foundation for those statements. (Loud cheers.) There is no treaty existing between France and Russia, there is no secret treaty between France and Russia, there is no secret convention existing between France and Russia. (Loud cheers.) There is between France and Russia what may be called an engagement, which they were not bound in any way to commu nicate to this country, but which was communi cated to this country voluntarily some time ago by the French Minister for Foreign Affairs. (Cheers.) It amounted simply to this—that, in case of a war between France and Austria, Russia should assemble an army of obser vation on her German frontier. Russia has as much right to assemble an army of observation on her German frontier as England has to send, as she is about to send, a commanding fleet to the Medi terranean. (Loud cheers.) Both may be, probably are, means to maintain peace rather than to make war. (Cheers.) But I have further to acquaint you that we have felt it our duty not only to re quest and to receive those communications from the Governments of France and Russia, but we have gone even beyond this, and have asked the Russian Government what perhaps, according to the strict ness of diplomatic etiquette we were not justified in asking, but which we asked in the confidence of a Power that always acts with frankness and straightforwardness towards her allies—we have asked the Russian Government whether in case of a war between France and Germany they have entered into any engagement to declare war against Germany. And we have received from the Russian Government the most explicit and most unequivocal declaration that no engagement of the kind exists or ever has been asked. So much, then, for the secret treaties, so much for the secret conventions, so much for the secret engagements between France and Russia, directed only to one object—the humi liation, and perhaps the destruction of England. You see, gentlemen, how necessary it is that a country should not decide in heat and passion. Why, the very same day it was also announced, on great authority, that there was a secret treaty be tween Denmark and France, with the same purpose. Every one sees what the object of that was—that the whole Scandinavian navy should probably be united to that of Russia and France, in order to destroy the supremacy of England. Well, we have made inquiries of the Court of Denmark. Denmark is our natural ally and friend, and I am bound to say a Power which has on all occa sions of late exhibited the utmost friendliness and confidence towards England. And I have the very best authority for thus publicly stating that there is not the shadow of a foundation for that state ment—(cheers)—and that if—which God forbid ! —we ever have. to call on our allies and friends to rally round our standard and support the cause of freedom, truth, and justice, I look with the utmost reliance to the spirit of Scandipavia being enlisted on our side. (Cheers.) But what was the origin of these enormous falsehoods ? There was a party once which we were told practised enormous lying. (Laughter.) I believe it was a calumny, although the observation was made by one of the members of that party. (A laugh.) But whether, as some say, it was an attempt to create a prejudice against France and Russia, and that appears to me probably too ' deep a design to be true—whether it was a great stockjobbing mancouvre—and for the credit of human nature I trust there is no foundation for that suspicion—or whether it be, as I fear is the natural and correct solution, that it was to create at the moment of the general election a prejudice against her Majesty's Ministers—all these conjectures I must leave for your better judgment to determine. Possibly time may reveal the mystery. (Cheers.) Certainly it was very convenient for gentlemen on the hustings to abuse Lord Malmesbury, and say— " What supine men these are ! While they have been reposing credulous confidence in the good in tentions of France, and in the conciliation of Aus tria, all this time these acute judges of human con duct were ignorant that a deep conspiracy had been long maturing for the abasement of English power, perhaps for the destruction of English independence, for the partition of Europe, and the demolition of the British navy !" I believe this language has had some effect; but, fortunately, we live in an age when truth no longer is at the bottom of a well—(a laugh)—we can soon correct what is false, we can speedily promulgate what is true. What I have stated to you to-day is the truth of these circum stances ; and therefore it is not for me—difficult as is the position of public affairs, dangerous as I may indeed call it—to stand here and denounce the Powers of Europe ; because I do not think, though war has probably already commenced, that Eng land, or even Russia, ought to forego her position of mediator. I believe that we ought to be prepared —whether our armies are on the German frontier, or whether our fleets and squadrons are careering in the Mediterranean or the Adriatic, to watch events, to seize the favourable opportunity when we may terminate the struggle, and obtain a settle ment of Europe founded upon justice, and upon those regulations which may permit of a permanent adjustment. Now, I may be asked--and it is a very fair question—what is your opinion of the conflict that has now begun,—what will be its effect upon England, and what probability is there of her being drawn into its vortex ? Gentlemen, my policy is, I believe, the policy of every sound-headed man in this country. The policy of England is eminently one of peace. (Cheers.) Her interference in other I States, in order to change their domestic institu tions, or to influence their internal affairs, whatever may be its motives, is, I think, invariably a mis take. But although the interest as well as the policy, of England is peace, it is of the utmost im portance that she should be prepared for war. (Cheers.) It is our best security for our tranquil lity and for the tranquillity of Europe that Eng land should show that she is a Power which can assert her influence at a moment with effect. Well, what is our present condition in that respect ? Have we been caught napping ? I have no wish now to claim any merit for her Majesty's Govern ment to which they are not entitled. I am quite sure that, whoever might have been the Ministers of the Queen, their foreign policy would have been exactly the same as ours, and that, as regards their preparation for eventual dangers and duties, they would have adopted the same course as we have done. It is, therefore, not in any boastful spirit, but with, I hope, the becoming pride of an English man speaking to Englishmen, that I tell you what is our situation. You have in India 100,000 sea soned and valiant troops, such as the world, pro bably, never saw before—certainly equal to that army which Wellington rendered immortal. (Cheers.) A great portion of that force ought to quit India for England. They are at our command; and if they come here it is not from the necessity of this country, bit because the happy course of affairs in India and the position of the Indian Government make it desirable that they should return home. You have in England itself at this moment 100,000 men, not equal, perhaps, to those who have been seasoned in the illustriouscampaigns of India, but disciplined, and I need add brave soldiers, since they are your countrymen. (Cheers.) I was told by•one of the hon. gentlemen who pre ceded me that nothing would satisfy him but that we should have a powerful fleet in the Channel. You will have before six weeks have passed, not only a powerful fleet in the Channel, but also a powerful fleet in the Mediterranean. (Cheers.) What nation in the world, then, can compete with Eng land ? For, with all these, you have a condition of your finances which is most wholesome and healthy; and these great armaments, which will never be exercised except for your defence, or for the main tenance of your honour and the vindication of your absolute interests, will be supported by a people lightly taxed, greatly prospering, and whose heart and soul are with the institutions of their r country. (Cheers.) Why, then, are we to be alarmed ? Why, ought we not rather to feel that ours is the position to give temperate coun sels, prepared as we shall be to support those counsels with that authority which belongs to a counsellor who is known to be strong? (Cheers.) But what is the condition of other countries ? I shall not single out for remark any particular State, Sovereign, King, Emperor, or dominion ; but we have seen something of European war on a great scale within our recent experience ; and let us look to the ways and means by which those haughty princes and their mighty armies carry on war. Why, when the second campaign comes the shoe always pinches. (Hear.) I cannot see that there is any Continental Power which can enter upon a third campaign. (Cheers.) I know very well it is sometimes observed that at the great French Revolution Mr. Pitt said that France was in such a state of insolvency that she could not hold out for two campaigns, and yet the war lasted for 25 years. That is all very true, but then great French revo lutions do not happen very frequently. Little French revolutions may. (Laugnter and cheers.) The great French Revolution is to modern what the siege of Troy was to ancient history, and it is not going to be repeated. We know very well that war, always a very costly operation, has immensely increased in its expenditure from the circumstances under which it is now waged. Your armies are larger, your munitions are much more extravagant, your artillery now costs as much as the whole of your armaments in old days, and the means of de struction are much more complete. Well, what is the condition of England? The world has been startled by an announcement made within these few days, that a great Sovereign has gone down to his Council and obtained a vote of 20 millions of money to carry on the war. The world seems quite frightened at a monarch who can raise 20 millions, —the funds fall, and everybody thinks that even the independence of England is threatened. What is 20 millions of money by way of loan to carry on a war ? It goes like water. (A Voice, " But then £800,000,000.") Why, £800,000,000, if owed by an industrious and free people, is a fleabite. (Laughter and cheers.) My friend seems quite frightened by our national debt_ (" No, no," and laughter.) Let me tell you how England car ries on war. An Emperor of the French, or of Russia, or of Austria has a loan of 20 millions—all to be spent in a year ; and allow me to remind you that that is an experiment which cannot be very often repeated. (A laugh.) But what does the Queen of England do ? She goes down to her Par liament, and with their concurrence, by one single tax, and that not heavily imposed, can in an emer gency raise 20 millions per annum. (Cheers.) Why, if the country were in danger, we could, by the aid of the income-tax alone—and God forbid that this should ever come to pass, or that I should be the Chancellor of the Exchequer to propose it—(laugh ter)—but by levying a simple income-tax of 10 per cent. we could have 20 millions a year—not in loans, not by borrowing money, not even adding to the terrors of my alarmed friend—(cheers and laughter) —but out of our annual revenue, and all this not grudgingly but heartily given. And adding to that sum derived from taxation a loan of £20,000,000 a year if you want loans—for England could give the Queen a loan of £20,000,000 per annum for 10 years running, if necessary—if the honour of the country required it; and at the end of that period the national resources, instead of being exhausted, would not really be found, considering the circum stances of the case—that the freedom of her people, the independence of her realm, and the greatness of her empire were at stake—to have been seriously impaired by such a contribution : (Cheers.) When I know these things I am not intimidated by the leagues of kings and emperors. I know well that if there is to be a war of nationalities, of opinions, and of races—a war of revolution and reconstruc tion, we shall weather the storm. (Cheers.) It will not be England that will suffer. It is Europe that will be injured, Europe that will be deso lated, and the very potentates whose pride, and ambition, and lust of conquest are bringing about this perilous state of affairs will find themselves at the end in an inferior position to that which they now occupy. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, we hear a great deal of the balance of power, of the impor tance of sustaining certain barriers in Europe, and many other axioms, all of which to a certain degree arc true, and which may for a certain time continue to prevail. But let me take this opportunity of impressing upon you that the day is coming, if it has not already come, when the question of the balance of power cannot be confined to Europe alone. Since the time when that doctrine obtained great communities have risen in another hemisphere, who will not permit the balance of power to be limited to Europe. You have on the other side of the At lantic vigorous and powerful communities, who will no longer submit to your circumscribed theory of authority. The Australian colonies, though now in their youth, but in the youth of giants, have already, as it were, thrown their colossal shadow over Europe. And it is for old Europe I lament that she is exhausting her energies and her resources in these wars. I could wish that she would rather prepare for that awful competition which in coming times she must encounter. I would rather see France, and Germany, and Russia develope their resources, improve th e i r agr i cu lt ure , i ncrease th e i r population, and cultivate the arts of life, soc i a l an d scientific, instead of wasting their strength, risking their stability, and sinking when the era to which I have referred arrives, by their own mismanage ment and want of prescience, into an inferior and exhausted position. Remember always that Eng land, though she is bound to Europe by tradition, by affection, by great similarity of habits, and all those ties which time alone can create and conse crate, is not a mere Power of the Old World. Her geographical position, her laws, her lan guage and religion, connect her as much with the New World as with the Old. And although she has occupied not only an eminent, but I am bold to say, the most eminent position among European nations for ages, still, if ever Europe, by her short sightedness falls into an inferior and exhausted state, for England there will remain an illustrious future. (Cheers.) We are bound to the commu nities of the New World, and those great States which our own planting and colonizing energies have created, by ties and by interest will sus tain our power and enable us to play as great a part in the times yet to come as we do in these days and as we have done in the past. (Cheers.) And therefore, now that Europe is on the eve of war, I say it is for Europe, no t f or E ng l an d, th a t my heart sinks. And this I hope, that it will be by the influence of England th a t th e unhappy struggle which has just opened may be one of short duration ; that it may be limited in its range and local in its character ; and that after some brief en counters of arms both France and Austria may feel that it would be well, by the influence of those who have not been seduced by their political passions, to terminate the strife and secure at the same time the better government of Italy and the peace of the world. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I have placed before you, I fear at too great length—(No, no) — what I believe to be the present position of public affairs. As far as your country is concerned that position is one of honour and of duty. I hope, as far as her Majesty's Government are concerned, notwithstanding the semewhat harsh terms of my hon. friend the member for Buckingham—(a laugh) —we have fulfilled our duty, and maintained your honour. And whether it be by us, or by other men, I cannot doubt that the same course of policy will be pursued—that throughout these transactions the probable course of England will be that of an authority which, at the right occasion, will come forward to secure the peace of Europe. (Loud cheers, amidst which the right hon. gentleman was about to retire, when, apparently recollecting himself, he continued.) Gentlemen, I mentioned to you that there were two points on which the Government of the Queen has been im pugned by Lord Palmerston. It has just occurred to me, as sometimes happens to any one speaking in this manner, that I have accidentally overlooked the second of those points to which I meant to allude; and if I had not luckily bethought myself in time I know that to-morrow morning it would be said of me that having come boldly forward to answer two points I had conveniently omitted to notice probably the most important of them. (A laugh.) Therefore, I trust you will allow me, though somewhat irregularly, for I had concluded my ob servations, to deal very briefly with the second matter to which I had adverted. I have already disposed of the fi rs t a llegation —viz., that we com mitted a mistake in undertaking a mediation with out previously obtaining the formal recognition of our mediatorial power by the two States with which we were about to treat. But it was also said' by Lord Palmerston that the Congress which was pro posed in lieu of the mediation was also an error, because Austria would not consent to that Congress except . upon terms which were alike absurd and impossible, the terms of Austria being that she would not agree to a Congress unless before the business of it was discussed the disarmament of the Powers should take place. That, said Lord Pal merston, was a condition absurd and impossible, and no wonder, therefore, the Congress failed. Now, gentlemen, it is difficult to settle what makes a condition absurd, because every man may annex a different idea to the epithet absurd. There are a great many absurd people in the world ; but theyhave not the slightest idea themselves that they are absurd. (A laugh.) There are a great many absurd opinions which are upheld ; but those who entertain them think that they are remarkable for their truth and simplicity, and therefore I will not enter into any controversy with the noble lord the member for Tiverton on his epithet " absurd." But as to his second assertion—viz., that the condition on which Austria would enter the Congress, and which was sanctioned by her Majesty's Govern ment, was " impossible, I have to remark that whether a thing is possible or impossible is a matter of fact. If you can do it, it is clearly possible, and then you prove that it is not " impossible." (A laugh.) Now, what are the facts of the case ? It is a fact that Austria made it a condition to her as senting to the Congress that there should be a pre vious disarmament of the Powers. It is a fact that this was very much objected to. It is a fact that England thought this on the whole a condition which was practicable and ought to be recom mended. It is a fact that France, which first ob• jetted to it, at length cordially accepted it. It is a fact that eventually, through the influence of France, Sardinia, which had shown a great repug nance to it, unconditionally accepted it. (Cheers.) And just at the moment when all parties had agreed to the Congress—just at the moment when all par ties had agreed that the first business of the Con gress, before it went into the condition of Italy, should be the settlement of the terms upon which and the appointment of the commissioners by whom the general disarmament was to take place, Austria adopted that, I still think, fatal mistake of sending the message to Sardinia, which has led to the war that has since ensued. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I think I have answered the two—and they were only two—charges that were urged against the foreign policy of the Government of Lord Palmerston. And I would only observe that in a very short time a new Parliament will assemble. What may then occur we shall probably know in duo season. (A laugh.) But this I think I can say, although the general election has by no means terminated, that her Majesty's Ministers will find in the next Parlia ment a considerable accession of strength. (Cheers and a laugh.) From the returns which have been made, and which may be counted upon, and from the communications which we have received from gentlemen who, though not immediately con nected as formal adherents with the Government, are yet desirous at a moment of difficulty to support them, I believe that her Majesty's Ministers will gain a considerable addition to their strength. But whether that accession will be sufficient to enable them to carry on the affairs of the country with the efficiency which I for one desire to see is, as I have before said, a question which time only can decide. But this great fact will remain, that there will cer tainly be a compact and united party in Parliament, animated by the same spirit, holding the same opinions, and acknowledging the discipline of aparty having, I hope, and as I think events have proved, some confidence in their leaders, and in their num bers perhaps not inconsiderably exceeding 300. And whether these gentlemen sit behind the Minister or before him, depend upon it that is a great fact for the constitution of this country. It will give strength to the Throne, it will add authority to the councils of the Crown, of whomsoever they may be formed, it will increase the weight and maintain the character of Parliament, and at a moment of danger like the present it will represent in a great degree the united patriotism of the British people. (Cheers.) If that alone were the result of this appeal to the na tion, believe me it would be no mean result. To be a Minister of the Crown is a noble object of personal ambition, and I don't think that any man ought to be depreciated or decried who has that ambition. (Cheers.) But after all there are greater things than, I will not say the gratification of personal pride, but than even the maintenance of a public policy—viz., the security of our country and the honour of our Parliament. I know nothing which tends more to these great objects than that political parties should be established upon distinct principles ; that they should subordinate their private differences to a great public end, and that they should enter into a generous rivalry for the conduct of affairs in that spirit which prompted our forefathers, and which, I believe, led to the establishment ofour freedom and the greatness of our empire. (Cheers.) I think I see in the spirit of those addresses from all sections which I have scanned in the public prints, th at those who are returned to the present Parliament on both sides are much actuated and influenced by these feelings. I think that men will enter Parlia ment with a deeper and much more serious sense of public duty than did that somewhat haphazard as sembly which last met at Westminster. (A laugh.) Whether you are to maintain or to change your in stitutions : how you are to change them ; whether if you reform the spirit of your reform should be conservative or revolutionary; whether if you have in the management of your foreign affairs a great part to fulfil, it should be one rather of temperate mediation than of eager aggression, —these, I think, are questions on which men have deeply pondered and are prepared seriously to act. Whatever may be the fate of Government, I look then for this Par liament to be an assembly which will obtain the confidence of their country. I think it will be formed of men anxious to do their duty to England ; and I do most earnestly pray that, whatever may be the consequence of their decisions upon the fate of Ministers, all they do may be for the honour of their land, for the advantage of their Sovereign, and for the benefit of the world. (Loud and con tinued cheering.) The Hon. Mr. CAVENDISH then briefly addressed the electors, thanking them for his re-election. He declared himself favourable to an extension of the borough franchise and opposed to the Reform Bill of the Government. He was glad to hear from his right hon. colleague that the country was so well prepared in regard to its naval and military de fence, and whatever might be his differences of opinion from them on other topics, he promised them his cordial support in maintaining the honour and dignity of the nation. (Cheers.) Thanks were then voted to the High Sheriff, and the proceedings terminated. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 3, 1859, OXFORDSHIRE. The election for this county took place yesterday. There was no opposition, and the former members, the Right Hon. J. W. Henley, Colonel North, and Mr. Vernon Harcourt, were re-elected. The pro ceedings took place in the Town Hall. The High Sheriff presided. Mr. J. H. Ashurst proposed the Right Hon. S. W. Henley. Mr. J. Lechmere seconded Mr. Henley's nomina tion. Sir 11. Willoughby, M.P., proposed Mr. G. G. Vernon Harcourt. Alderman Sadler seconded the nomination. Sir Henry Lechmere proposed Colonel North. Colonel Dawkins seconded Colonel North's nomination. No other candidate having been proposed, The High Sheriff immediately declared Mr. Henley, Mr. Harcourt, and Colonel North duly elected. Mr. HENLEY then came forward amid loud and prolonged cheering. He said—Mr. High Sheriff and Gentlemen, I have to thank you for the great kindness with which you have been pleased to again return me as your representative. (Cheers.) It is one of the particular merits of your county, and also of this city, that when they have once taken gentlemen as their representatives so long as they run straight the constituencies stick to them. (Hear, and laughter.) That is the greatest encou ragement that any man can have to run straight, because under such circumstances his doing so brings with it its own reward. (Hear, hear.) Any man in my position would have reason to be grate ful, and any man in my position should feel quite unable to express properly the feelings which ani mate him. My position has been, perhaps somewhat peculiar. Sent originally into Parliament as an ordinary country gentleman, and a man never hardly having anything to do with London, it has twice fallen to my lot to have the honour of being called to the councils of the Sovereign. Twice have I come before my constituents after having ac cepted office; twice have I been generously returned again after having accepted office, and with, I be lieve, the full assent both of those who agreed with and those who differed from me in politics. (Cheers.) I believe one and all gave me credit for taking office from no unworthy motive, but from a feeling that it was my duty t o d o so . (Hear, hear.) And, gentlemen, it is a rule of my life that whenever I undertake to perform any duty I endeavour to perform it well. (Cheers.) In the course of the autumn of last year, as you are well aware, her Majesty's Government had to consider a very diffi cult question ; and it was my misfortune, in the early part of the year, to be unable to agree with the provisions of a measure which they felt it to be their duty to bring before Parliament. The question to which that measure bad refer. ence had:long been before the public mind ; succes sive Prime Ministers had had to deal with it; and I believed, whether mistakenly or not, certainly honestly, that what the country wanted under the name of reform was some extension of the fran chise—(hear, hear, and cheers) —some extension of the franchise both in counties and boroughs, not a creation of new, but an extension of old franchises. (Cheers.) I believed also that they wanted some redistribution of seats. (Hear, hear.) Well, with regard to the first of these questions, when I say I wish to perform anything which I undertake to do I wish to convey that I always go as far as I think it right to go, but further I never shall go at any time. (Cheers.) Now, I thought that the bill brought in by the Government did not give any extension of the franchise in boroughs at all, and that the extension of the franchise in counties was coupled, so far as I could judge, with such condi tions that not only gave no extension of the fran chise in boroughs, but was building a wall—saying, as plainly as could be, that no extension was at any one time likely to be given. Now, I could not agree with that. (Hear) Then the provision for disfranchising all freeholders who happened to live in boroughs I eonceiyed to be unjust, and because I conceived it to b e un j us t I b e li eve d it to be inexpedient. (Hear, hear.) These are the reasons which made me dissent from the Government bill. The natural consequence was that I was obliged to quit the administration ; and I have now the honour to stand before you, not as a member of the Government, but as a man who was a member of the Government, but who could not remain in the position he held because he could not conscientiously assent to a measure proposed by the Government. (Hear, hear.) H ere , aga i n , I believe I am fortunate enough to have the appro bation not only of those who agree with, but also of those who differ from me in general politics ; because all are of opinion that I have acted through a purely conscientious motive. (Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, with regard to the question, which is of very great interest, and which has given us the honour and pleasure of being here to-day—the matter which led to the dissolution of Parliament. I am one of those who thought that, in what must be admitted to have been a difficulty, involving, as it did, a change in the organic laws of the country, it would be an advantage to let the bill go into committee ; not because it would pass into law, for, after the discussion that had taken place in the House of Commons, I do not suppose anybody thought that possible ; but in order that the dif ferent members of Parliament, representing all sections in Parliament, and representing all, or very nearly all, opinions out of Parliament, might be afforded the advantage of having their views discussed—that their sentiments might be venti lated—and that, after a full discussion of all the arguments brought forward on every side, the country might be in a better position to form a matured opinion on the subject. (Hear, hear.) It appeared to me that if this course were adopted, we might come to a new Parliament with a better chance of settling the question ; and I am one of those who believe that it is desirable this question should be settled. (Hear.) Other men took a different view. Whether they were right or I was right, the bill is gone. (Laughter.) Parliament is gone too. (Re newed laughter.) We shall have to meet again, and I believe we shall not be much more forward when we do meet again than when we separated. (Cheers and laughter.) I never pretended to be what is called a " constitution monger." (Laughter.) I have not given much attention to it ; but when I saw great discrepancies in the views of leaders in Par liament, and great discrepancies in the views of those out of Parliament, I confess I would have been giad of a discussion which would have enabled us to come before our constituents when they should have better material to enable them to form their opinions on the matter. (Hear, hear.) Since then a question has come up of fearful import to all— grave to this country, and graver still I fear to others. Fortunately, from our insular position storms may rage sometimes without immediately reaching us ; but I own that when I see three great empires, Austria, Russia, and France, all or some of them contending together against each other, and when the question of liberty is raised between three despots, I think liberty will stand a very ugly chance. (Hear, and laughter.) Ido not think it much matters who gets the upper hand. I believe no country ever wins its liberties by the sword of other countries. (Hear, hear.) People must get liberty for themselves. Countries know their own wants ; they know where the shoe pinches ; and if other parties go to ease the shoe, they make it perhaps pinch worse somewhere else. (Laughter, and cheers.) I confess, when I see that the Emperor of the French has put down everything like liberty at home, and when I see him sending French soldiers to snuff out all the liberties of Rome, I am not very sanguine—l hope I may be disappointed—of the liberty which he will set up in Italy. (Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances it is to be hoped —and it appears, as far as I can judge from what has passed at public meetings, that all leading men of this country, of whatever side they may be, whatever may be their opinions on other subjects, are of the same opinion —that this country will, if possible, keep out of the squabble. Our part is to look on, and if by friendly offices we can do good to try and do it, but, as far as possible, not to meddle in the quarrel. (Hear, hear.) But when I express a hope that this will be our course I must not be too sanguine. Englishmen, if they see a fight going on, are very apt to pull off their gloves, and get into it one way or another. (Laughter.) If they see one party weak they are unfortunately apt to say, " You should not hit that fellow when he is down. (Renewed langhter.) I hope we shall have discretion enough to keep out of it ; but I hope also that any Govern ment which may be in power will take care to keep the resources of this country well supplied, and to keep our forces in hand ready for anything. (Cheers.) Nevertheless, it occasionally happens that parties quarrelling hit their neighbour a punch in the face ; sometimes if he does not interfere, and at other times if he does. (Cheers and laughter.) Therefore we should be ready, and while doing all in our power to keep out of the scrape observe at the same time a maxim of the olden time, and keep our powder dry. (Cheers.) When hundreds and thousands of men are in arms, when great and powerful fleets are got together, and when they are acquiring all the skill which practice in war can give them, it doubly behoves us to take care that our fleet is in good order, and that we should be strong enough not merely to meet this country or that country, but, as we have done before, to meet them altogether. We have met them altogether, and we have been successful in the strife. (Cheers.) If a strife ever should come on—which God forbid —if we should have to enter into one in a just cause, I hope the God of Battles will do what He did before—bring us victorious and triumphant through our struggle. (Great cheering.) The right hon. gentleman concluded by again thanking the electors. Mr. HARCOURT expressed his gratitude to the electors for having allowed him to represent them for so many years, on the principle of liberty, the principle of exercising his own judgment. Colonel NORTH then returned thanks. On the motion of Mr. HENLEY, seconded by Mr. HARCOURT, a vote of thanks was passed to the High Sheriff, and the proceedings terminated. MIDDLESEX SESSIONS.—May 2. The May General Sessions of the Peace for the county of Middlesex commenced this morning at Clerkenwell, before Mr. Pashley, Q.C., Assistant- Judge ; Mr. Creasy, deputy, and the following justices were present :—Dr. B,at3ema.n,ll\vloro.lHseoy,,,a3rtilri. Mr. Cox, Mr. Gould, Mr. 08. B Beetham, Mr. A. Ballantine, Sir J. Tyler, Mr. 11. s H h . ea H d a , rAwiro.odivA.lrp..Wßhoitdek,iMr.n, M Pro. Woodward, wnall, Mr s Kem , Mr. - Burslem, Mr. Bashford, &c. There were 72 prisoners for trial,—viz 64 for felony and eight for misdemeanour. The Assistant-Judge briefly charged the grand jury. James Kett, 34, was indicted for having stolen two mares, the property of Alfred Hall. Mr. Smith appeared for the prosecution ; Mr. Orridge was for the prisoner. The theft charged against the prisoner was com mitted on the 19th of April, the animals being stolen from a field near Bow. The evidence proved that the prisoner was the person who committed the act, but it appeared from a statement by Mr. Smiles, of the House of Detention, that when he was committed to that prison on the charge he was suffering from delirium tremens, and was not accountable for his actions, and that at the present time he was not of sound mind. The jury found the prisoner Not Guilty on the ground of insanity, and he was ordered by the Court to be kept is custody during her Majesty's plea sure. James Graves, 65, pleaded Guilty to two charges of pocket picking, stealing a gold inkstand from the person of George King, and a cardcase from the person of Charles William Hamilton Sotherley, during the celebration of a marriage at St. James's Church, Piccadilly. He was sentenced to hard labour for one year. Mi c hael Macmanus, 18, was t r i e d and found guilty on a charge of stealing a gold watch, value £9, the property of William Carter, from his per son, during the th eW wrestlingt e Lion nn nod Grounds, at Hackney Friday. had Wick, been previously convicted, and th e Court He sentenced him to t h Robinson,re e years ' penall was servitude. t d u i d e teed for staling a peso . George gold watch, value £lO , from the e young lady named Ellen Thi s Miller. rubrbenryofwanscmu_ mitted upon the pro • secutrix as she was crossing the Holborn end of Chancery-lane. She detected the act, seized the • prisoner on the spot, and gave him in charge. He passed the watch, and went on his knees and begged forgiveness. The jury found him guilty. Nothing of his previous character was known. The Assistant-Judge sentenced him to 15 months' hard labour. William Clements, 18, George Tester, 20, and Henry Robinson, 22, were severally convicted of defrauding recruiting-sergeants of " the shilling," after they had been declared unfit for her Majesty's service on prior enlistment. Clements was sen tenced to six, and Tester and Robinson each to four months' hard labour. A number of cases of larceny of no interest were disposed of in the Second Court. PROPOSED RIFLE CORI'S AT PORTSMOUTIL—At the quarterly meeting of the Portsmouth Tow n C ounc il , h e ld yesterday, the following resolution was proposed an d unan i mous ly agreed to :—" T i hat n the opinion of this council it is desirable to establish a volunteer rifle corps within the limits of the borough of Portsmouth, and that the Town Council be requested to communicate with the proper authorities, asking for the necessary assistance," POLICE INTELLIGENCE.-3lay 2. MANSION-HOUSE.—lsaac Batten, conductor, and William Woodruffe, driver, of a Bayswater omnibus belonging to the London Genera) Omni bus Company, were summoned for misbehaviour upon the complaint of Mrs. Emily Tripp. Mr. Stevens Tripp, solicitor, of 2, Danes-inn, who appeared to conduct the case, said the com plainant was his wife, but nevertheless he had taken proceedings solely on public grounds, as the misbehaviour with which the defendants, or, at all events, one of them, were charged was so gross, that if it were to be generally permitted it would be impossible for respectable females to travel in omnibuses unless they had gentlemen to protect them. On the Thursday preceding Good Friday the complainant, with her mothe r an d a littl e g irl, got into the defendants' omnibus for the purpose of being conveyed to the London-bridge Railway Station, but before the omnibus reached London bridge the defendants told the complainant, her mother and child, as well as three other ladies who were in the vehicle, that they must get out, and upon their refusing to do so the conductor told them they must stay there all night, while the omnibus was drawn into Arthur-street, and it was only after being surrounded by a mob and being grossly insulted by the conductor that the defen dants, upon the remonstrance of a policeman, at last proceeded to their destination, where the com plainant only arrived just in time to save the train, and after he (Mr. Tripp) had been waiting for twenty-five minutes. Since the affair every apology had been made, and he had been importuned not to press the case, but he felt bound to do so on public grounds. Evidence in corroboration of the above statemen having been given, The Lord Mayor said the public must be protected while travelling in omnibuses, and much praise was due to the complainant for the manner in which she had acted in thus bringing the case before the court. It was his duty to revoke the license of the conductor and to sentence him to a fine of £3 or imprisonment for six weeks ; whilst the driver, whose conduct was only wrong in stopping before he reached his destination, must pay 20s. The fines were paid, and the conductor's license at once revoked. THE LATE SUSPECTED MURDER AT BRISTOL. BRISTOL, MAY 2• The adjourned inquest on the body of Mr. W. James Butler, wholesale stationer, which was found under circumstances leading to the belief that he had been murdered, was resumed this day at the Infirmary before the City Coroner, J. B. Grindont Esq., and excited a great deal of interest. The girl Harriet Evans, who was found, it will be remembered, in the act of robbing the corpse, was again present in custody. The evidence as to cries of " Murder" having been heard by a custom house officer on duty on the quay on Wednesday night was followed by that of a man named Wm. Bruton, a waiter at the Swan Inn, Broad-street , who had waited on the deceased at that inn almost immediately before his decease. The most impor tant part of his evidence was that when the de" ceased paid him for his luncheon and for some re freshments he had had, he observed that he had gold in his purse. Witness last saw him to notice him at about half-past 11 o'clock at night, but did not see him quit the inn, Mr. Cox, of the Union cellar, Union-street, deposed that at a quarter past one o'clock, just before the body was found by the police, he passed through Hort•street, and of course was close to Z-alley. He observed one or two per sons near the spot, but did not observe anything particular, or hear any cries or sounds of persons scuffling. There being no other witness present, the coroner said he proposed to hear from the girl Evans any statement which she might wish to make in explanation of her position. Harriet Evans was then cautioned in the usual way against saying anything which might criminate herself, and 5 110 made a statement in which she denied all knowledg e of the manner in which the deceased came by big death. She said she had herself been drinking' and on going down the steps from Hort-street into Z-alley she saw a man lying on the ground, as she supposed, drunk and asleep. She took up his umbrella, pushed him with it, and tried to arouse, him ; and as he did not answer her she put her hail" in his pocket and pulled out his purse and some halfpence. She had scarcely done so ere the policeman was upon her. The Coroner inquired whether the police had dig' covered any evidence calculated to throw further, light on this mysterious affair, and being answered in the negative he proceeded to sum up the 0 1 ; dence, after which the jury found, "That decease" was found dead in Z-alley, having dislocated th e third vertebra of the spine." There is a rumour that since the inquest the police have discovered further evidence, but I can" not trace it to any authentic source. COUNTRY MARKETS. COLCIIESTIR—APnii, 30. To-day there was a small show of wheat, and trade rule d rather brisk, at 6s to Ss per qr advance. Fine barley we!, about is per qr. dearer. Oats a small show, and quite dear. Beans 2s to 4s higher. Peas 2s over the previoll prices. Wheat, white sosos t too 42s White 6osans, p M ea a s zagan.. 33s to 444 small 50s to 56s I Middle & smal 42s to 4 6 e Barley 3os Oats ..24s to 308 I G rey 44 2 2 5 8 t t o o 46344 DERBY• There was a very small su sold at an advance of 8s to la in little demand. 7 8 to 315 White wheat, new, 46s to 56s Barley, grinding 27s 80$ Red do. .......... 408 to 48s Oats _old 2, 88 to 0° 26s to 30 5 Old white ........ 46s to 56s New do 48s to 50§ Red do.. .......... 40s to 48s Beans. Barley, malting—. 38s to 42s Peas sto APRIL 29. pply of wheat to-day, whicil i per qr on late rates. POO CHELMSFORD—APRIL 30. The supply of wheat at our market was very limite d ' with a thin attendance and the business done was not ex tensive. Wheat was iully 6s to 8s advance on the curren t ties of last week. Spring corn of all descriptions advanco 28. Wheat, white 46s to 59s red 44s to 54s Barley 32s to 42s Chevalier 34s to 45s Grinding 27s to 35s Malt 59s to 65s Chevalier 62s to 68s Oats 24s to 34s Peas, Partridge 42s to 47 0 White 40s to 42 6 Boiling 42s to 44 8 Dun 40s to 42 6 Beans, Tick 3Bs to 410 Harrow Ticks 40s to 4 30 Mangan 37s to 400 CAMBRIDGE —APRIL 30. There was a very fair supply of wheat, for which th e m was a firmer demand, at full prices. Not much doing, 1 fine barley, recent r a t es b e i ng obtained for coarse SAILIP e 0. In oats Wheat and beans th e t ra d e ruled dull. 345 408 to 48s O a t s.. 2 BB to White do 44s to 54s Beans 44s to 60 3 Barley .....38s to 42s Beans, new _ 8 to --45 KIRKALDY—APRIL 30. and We had very s ma ll supplies to-day of wheat, oats, barley. Sales quick, and prices generally is up. Wheat (N). Barley (N). Oats (N). First.... 36s Od 26s Od 20s Od Second.. 44s Od 32s Od 24s Od Third 48s Od 35s Od 278 Od Wheat (0). Barley (0). Oats (0). First... —s Od —s Od —s Od Second.. —s Od Od —s Od Third .. —s Od --s Od .—s dO COAL MARKET—MAY 2. (Prices of Coal per Ton at the close of the market.) „, Walls End St ewarts.... 1 0 3 1 Walls En d South lielloe, l' w Ships at market, 9—Sold, 9. BIRTHS. BARRON.—On the Ist inst., at 96, Guildford street, /Ur sell-square, the wife of Edward Jackson Barron, 6(.1.P solicitor, of a daughter. BENNETT.—On the Ist inst., at 8, Cornwall-terrace, I t „, e ' gent's-park, the wife of Rowland Nevitt Bennett, B`o of a daughter. LoNG.—On the 29th ult., at Bromley-hill, Kent, the wi fe of Lieut.-Col. Long, of a daughter. MITFORD. — On the 2d inst., at Hampstead, the wife of It' H. Mitford, Esq., of a daughter. MARRIAGES TEnROT—MADDEN.—On the 29th ult., at Edinburg— , the Right Rev. Bish o p T errot, to Charlotte Madden, wi d° of Lieut.-Col. Edward Madden, Bengal Artillery. WALKER --- YELVERTON.—On the 28th ult., at thejoit,,, rleh : r church, Monkstown, county Dublin, James INI" . "; Esq., of Dalry, Edinburgh, to the Hon. AnnaYelver t° fiftlidaughter of the Viscount Avonmore. DEATHS. Asnriv.—On the 80th ult., at Staines, Middlesex, 10174 John Ashby, aged 37. n f BARnETT.—On the 30th ult., James Barrett, Esq., ,; 7 1 . n & bert-street, Regent's-park and York-buildings, A ue- ' lll' aged 51. BIRD.—On tha Ist inst., at York Cottage, Queen's - r ° g Peckham, John Bird, Esq., late of the firm of Leg r " Thompson, and Bird, Gutter-lane, aged 57. of PANsoN.—On the 30th ult.. Edward PAnson, late Grosvenor-street, Bond-street, aged 49. VAUGIIAN.—On the 29th ult., at Dover-street, Piceadilli' ant Sir Robert W. V aug h an, Bart of Rhug and Nard i Merionethshire. VINCENT.—On the 30th ult., in Pont-street, Belgr ace. square, John Robert Vincent, Esq., aged 82. W e A e • n rs , o E x s .— q. , O la n te the Ist of the inst., Ba at D Bank efE al ng st l o a n n , Christopher d,a gedB7. W 3 t- LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO ' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 1 1 Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the county ° Middlesex, Tuesday, May 3, 1859. L (nc ter Der aft the ter on rra Po