The Sun. — London, England, 1858-10-30 00:00:00

ME SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 30, 1858. TEE DIRaiIXGHAM BA.AffE.i' TO MR. BRIGHT. • Yesterday evening Mr. Bright was entertained by his friends at Birmingham at a dinner in the Town-hall. Covers were laid for 500, and every seat was occupied. The side galleries were filled exclusively by ladies, and the great gallery at the end was crowded with w orking-men, who were admitted by ls. tickets. Mr. H. P. Muntz, the brother of the late mem ber, was in the chair. Among the gentlemen pre sent were J. B. Smith, M.P., Mr. Bass, M.P., Mr. Hadfield, M.P., Mr. C. Forster, M.P., Mr. Pease, M.P., Mr. W. Sharman Crawford, Mr. Bazley (the candidate for till representation of Manchester), Mr. George Wilson, Mr. Duncan M'Laren, and a considerable number of the leading inhabitants of Birmingham. The following letters were read from gentlemen who were not able to be present : Lord John Russell says : " I am very sorry that it is not in my power to attend the proposed dinner, for, although I have the misfortune frequently to differ from Mr. Bright, I entertain a F reat espcct for the sincerity of his convictions and the upright ness of his character." _ _ _ _ The following is Mr. Cobden's letter : " Midhurst, Oct. 26 " Sir,—l lament that, being confined to the house by a severe cold, I am unable to accept the invitation with which the comMittee have honoured me to be present at the dinner to be given to my old friend and colleague on Friday next. " Thq electors of Birmingham may justly feel proud of their present position. Their reversal of the sentence passed upon Mr. Bright by his late constituents has been ratified by the approving voice of the country and of the civilised world. By that act they have done more than restore an able public man tothe House of Commons ; they have, at the same time, rescued our large c onstituencies from the reproach of inconsistency and ingratitude to which the conduct of Manchester had subjected them. " I shall always feel the highest respect and admiration for the manly course which, under circumstances that tested their self-relying independence of character, the people of Birmingham pursued towards Mr. Bright, and I shall in dulge the hope of being allowed a future opportunity of giving expression, to those feelings at a public meeting in your borough.—l remain, sir, your obedient servant, "Robert Wright, Esq." "R. Cosnax. Mr. Roebuck says : "I am sorry to say that my engagements prevent my ac cepting your invitation to meet Mr. Bright. I should have been glad of an opportunity of expressing my great respect for him ' • and I heartily rejoice that his constituents duly appreciate the worth of their distinguished representative ; and I hope that they may be long able to retain his invalu able services." Mr. Locke King, who could not attend, says : " I was truly glad to hear his voice once so familiar to us, in the House of Commons again this year. The electors of Birmingham have done honour to themselves in selecting a man for their representative of whom England is justly proud. I feel they have in some measure removed the stain which Manchester inflicted on the country, when it, acting under the dictation, and urged by the prejudices of a Mini ster, forgot the claims Mr. Bright had, and ungraciously rejected him at the very moment he was seeking - to recover that health which he had impaired in the service of the people of Manchester and of the country. Mr. W. J. Fox says : " I very much regret that my state of health will not allow Me to attend the-dinner on the 29th. But I cannot refrain from expressing my high gratification that the elec tors of Birmingham have replaced in the Legislature, among the representatives of the people, so able and unflinching an advocate of popular rights as Mr. John Bright ; the selec tion is alike honourable to both parties, and should be cele brated with lively gratitude for past services and full eonfi dence in his future usefulness. After the cloth was drawn, The CHAIRMAN gave the usual loyal and patrio tic toasts, which were received with great enthu siasm. Mr. W. MATHEWS proposed " The Liberal Mem bers of both Houses of Parliament," which was re sponded to by Mr. Bass, M.P. The - Cllaißatax then proposed " The Health of Mr. Bright," which was received with loud cheer ing M . r. BRIGHT—The frequent and far too compli mentary manner in which my name has been men tioned to-night, and the most kind way in which you have received me, have placed me in a position somewhat humiliating and really painful ; for to receive laudation which one feels one cannot possibly have Merited is much more painful than to be passed by in a distribution of gratitude to which possibly one might lay some claim. If one-twentieth part of what has been said is true, if I am entitled to any measure of your approbation, I may begin to think that my public career and my opinions are not so un-English and so anti-national as the best of those who presume to be the best of our public instrue . tors have sometimes assumed. How, indeed, can I, any more than one of you, be un-English and antis national ? Was I not born upon the same soil ? Do I not come of the same English stock ? Are not my family committed irrevocably to the fortunes of this country ? Is not whatever property .I may have defending as much as yours is dependinn , upon the good government of our common fatherland ? (Hear, hear.) Then how shall any man dare to say to any One of his countrymen, because he happens to hold. a different opinion on matters of great public policy that therefore he is un-English and is to be con demned as anti-national. (Cheers.) There are those who would assume that between my countrymen and me, and between my constituents and me, there has been and there is now a great gulf, and that if I cannot pass over to them and to you, they and you can by no possibility pass over to me. Now, I take the liberty here, in the presence of an audi ence as intelligent as can be collected within the limits of this island, - and of those who have the strongest claims to know what opinions I do enter tain relative to certain great questions of public po licy, to assert that I hold no views, that I have never promulgated any views on those controverted questions with respect to which I cannot bring as witnesses in my favour, and as fellow-believers with myself, some of the best and most revered names in the history of English statesmanship. (Hear, hear.) About 120 years ago the Government of this coun try was directed by Sir Robert - Walpole, a great Minister, who for a long period preserved the country in peace,and whose-pride it was that during those years he had done so. Unfortunately, to wards the close of his career he was driven by fac tion into a policy which was the ruin of his politi cal prospects. Sir Robert Walpole declared, speaking of the question of war as affecting this country, that nothing could be so foolish, nothing so mad as a policy of war for a trading nation — (hear, hear)—and be went so far as to say that any peace Was better than the most successful war. (Hear, hear.) Ido not give you the precise lan guage of the Minister, for I speak only from me mory, but I am satisfied I am not misrepresenting him in what I have now stated. Come down 50 years nearer to our own time, and you find a states man, not long in office, but still held in the affec tions of all persons of liberal principles in this country, and in his time repressenting fully the sentiments of the Liberal party—Charles 'amen Fox. (Cheers.) Mr. Fox, referring to the policy of the Government of his time, which was one of constant interference in th e affairs of Europe, and by which the country was continually involved in the calamities of war, said that although he would not assert or maintain the principle, t.utt under no circumstances could England have Any cause of in terference with the affairs of the continent of Europe, yet he would prefer the positive policy of non-in terference and of perfect isolation rather than the constant intermeddling to which our recent policy had subjected us, and which brought so much trouble and suffering upon the country. (Hear, hear.). In this case also lam not prepared to give you his exact words, but I am sure that I fairly describe the sentiments which - he expressed. Come down to 50 years later, and to a time, with in the recollection of most of us, and you find another statesman, once the most popular man in England, and still remembered in this town and elsewhere with respect and affection. I allude to Earl Grey. (Cheers.) When Earl Grey came into office for the purpose of carrying the question of Parliamentary Reform he unfurled the banner of " peace, retrenchment, and reform," and that sen timent was received in every part of the United Kingdom, by every man who was or had been in favour of Liberal principles, as the pronouncement of the commencement of a new era which should save his country from many of the calamities of the past. (Hear.) C ome d own still nearer, and to a time that seems but the other day, and you find another N insister, second to none of those whom I have mentioned—the late R Peel. (Cheers-) I was in the Hou§e of Commons , observing . Sir R . Peel, from the t' when he took office in 1841 ; I watched his pro un ce e e o n f g h s is p l articulai d dy- from the year 1843 up to the time perio a d me l nte death; and during the whole of that venture to d say, his principles, if they *were to be discovered from his conduct and his speeches, were precisely those which I have held, and which I have always en deavoured to press upon the attention of Tr countrymen. €Cheers.) If you hav e any doubt ony that point Vould refer you to that last, that most beautiful, That most solemn speech, which he d e _ livered with an earnestness and a sense of respon sibility as if he had known he was leaving a leg ac y to his country. (Hear.) If you refer to that speech delivered on the morning of the very day on which occurred thd accident which terminated his life, you will find that its whole tenour is in conformity with all the doctrines that I have urged upon my countrymen for years past with respect to our policy in foreign affairs. When Sir R. Peel went home just before the dawn of day, upon the last occa sion that he passed from the House of Commons, the scene of so many of his triumphs, I have heard, from what I think a good authority, that after he entered his own house he expressed the exceeding relief which he experienced at having delivered himself of a speech which he had been obliged re luctantly to make againgt a Ministry which he was anxious to support, and he added, "If I am not mistaken I have made a speech of peace." (Hear.) Well, if this be so, if I can give Tou four names like liese—if there were time I could make a longer list of still eminent, if inferior men—l should like to know why I, as one of a small pa-iy, am to be set down as teaching some new doct..ne which it is not fit for my countrymen to hear, and why . I am to be assailed in every form of language, as if there was one great department of governmental affairs on which I was incompeten` to offer any opinion to my countrymen. (Hear.) But leaving the opinions of individuals, I appeal to this audi ence, to every man who knows anything of the views and policy of the Liberal party in past years, whether it is not the fact that up to 1832, and in deed to a much later period, probably to 1850, those sentiments of Sir Robert Walpole, of Mr. Fox, of Earl Grey, and of Sir Robert Peel—the sentiments which I in humbler mode have propounded—were not received unanimously by the Liberal party as their fixed and unchangeable creed ? (Hear.) And why should they not ? Are they not founded upon reason ? Do not all statesmen know, as you know, that upon peace, a nd peace alone can be based the successful industry of a nation, and that by suc cessful industry alone can be created that wealth which, permeating all claseses of the people, not confined to great proprietors, great merchants, and great speculators, not running in a stream merely down your principal streets, but turning fertilising rivulets into every bye-lane and every alley, tends so powerfully to promote the comfort, happiness, and contentment of a nation ? (Cheers.) Do you not know that all progress comes from sue kssful" and peaceful industry, and that upon it is based your superstructure of education, of morals, of self-respect among your people, as well as every measure for extending and consolidating freedom in your public institutions? (Cheers.) Well, lam not afraid to acknowledge that.l do oppose—that I" do utterly 'condemn and denounce a great part of the foreign policy which is practised and adhered to by the Goijernment of this country. (Hear,hear.) You know, of course, that about 170 years ago there happened in this countrywhat we have always been accustomed to call a " glorions Revolution"—a Re volution which had this efi'eet—that it put a bit into the mouth of the monarch, so that he was not able of his own free will to do, and he dared no longer attempt to do, the things which his prede cessors had done without fear. But if at the Revo lution the Monarchy of England was bridled and bitted, at the same time the great territorial fami lies of Englandwere enthroned—(hear, hear.) —and from that period until the year 1831 or 1832—until the time when Birmingham politically became fa mous—those territorial families reigned with an almost undisputed sway over the destinies and the industry of the people of the United Kingdom. (Hear, hear.) If you turn to the history of Eng land, from the peiiod of the Revolution to the pre sent, you will find that an entirely new policy was adopted, and that while we had endeavoured in former times to keep ourselves free from. European complications, we now began to act upon a system of constant entanglement in the affairs of foreign countries, as if there was neither property nor honours, nor anything worth striving for, to be ac quired in any other field. The language coined and used then has continued to our day. Lord Somers, "in writing for William 111., speaks of the endless and sanguinary wars of that period as wars "to maintain the liberties of Eu rope." There were wars _" to support the Protes tant interest," and there were many wars to pre serve our old friend, " the balance of power." (A laugh.) We have been at war since that time, I believe, with, for, and against every considerable nation in Europe. We fought to put down a pre tended French supremacy under Louis XIV. We fought to prevent - France and Spain coming under the sceptre of one monarch, although, if we had not fought, it would have been impossible in the course of things that they should have become so united. We fought to maintain the Italian provinces in connexion with the House of Austria. We fought to put down the supremacy of Napoleon Bonaparte, and the Minister who was employed by this country at Vienna after the great war, when it was deter mined that no Bonaparte should ever again sit on the throne of France, was the very man to make an alliance with another Bonaparte for the purpose - of carrying on a war to prevent the supremacy of the late Emperor of Russia. SO that we have been all round Europe and across it over and over again, and after a policy so distinguished, so preeminent, so long-continued, and so costly; I think we have a fair right-4 have, at least—to ask those who are in favour of it to show us its visible result. (Hear.) Europe is not at this moment, so far as I know, speaking of it broadly, and making allowance for certain improvements in its general civilization, more free politically than it was before. (Hear.) The balance of power is like perpetual motion, or any of those impossible things which some men are always racking their brains. and spending. their time and money to accomplish. Vt. laugh. We all know and deplore that at the present moment a larger number of the grown men of Europe are employed and a larger portion of the industry of Europe is absorbed to provide and maintain the enormous armaments which are now on foot in every considerable continental State. (Hear, hear.) Assuming, then, that Europe is not much better in conse quence of the sacrifices she has made, let us inquire what has been the result to England, because, after all, that is the question which it becomes us most to consider. (Hear.) I believe that I understate the sum when I say that in pursuit of this Will o'-the-wisp, the liberties of Europe, and the balance of power, there has been extracted from the industry of the people of this small island no less an amount than. £2,000,000,000 sterling. I cannot imagine how much £2,000,000,000 is, and. therefore I shall not attempt to make you compre hend it. I presume it is something like those vast and - incomprehensible astronomical distances with which we have been lately made fami liar ' • but, however familiar, we feel that we do not know one bit more about them than we did before. (A, laugh.) When . l try to think of that sum of £2,000,000,000, there is a sort of vision passes before my mind's eye. I see your peasant labourer delve and plough, sow and reap, sweat beneath the summer's sun, and grow prematurely old before the winter's blast. I see your noble mechanic with his manly countenance and his matchless skill, toiling at his bench or his forge. I see one of the workers in our factories in the north, a woman, or a girl, it may be—gentle and good as many oithem are, or as your sisters and daughters are—l see her intent upon a spindle whose revolutions are so rapid that the eye fails altogether to detect them, or, repeating the alterna ting flights of the unresting, shuttle. I turn again to another portion of your population, and I see a man who, plunged in mines, forgets that the sun was made, and digs from the secret chambers of the earth the elements of the riches and greatness of his country. When Ise all this I have before me a mass of produce and of wealth which I am no more able to compreb cid firm 1 am that £2,000,000,000 of which i have spoken, but I behold in its full proportions the hideous error of your Governments, whose fatal policy consumes in some cases a half, never less than a third, of all the re sults of that industry which God intended should fertilise and bless every, home in England, but the fruits of which are squandered in every part of the surface of the globe without producing the smallest good to the people of England. (Cheers.) We have, it is true, some visible results that are of a more positive kind. We have that which some people call a great advantagethe national debt-- a debt which is now so lirge that the most prudent, the most economical, and the most honest have given up all hope, not of its being paid off, but of its being diminished in amount. We have, too, taxes which have been during many -years so one rous that there have been times when the patient beast of burden threatened to revolt—so onerous that it has been utterly impossible . to levy them with any kind of honest - equality, according to the means of the people to pay them. (Hear.) We have that, moreover, which is a standing wonder to all foreigners who consider our condition—an amount of apparently immoveable pauperism, which to strangers is wholly irreconcilable with the fact that we as a nation produce more of what should make us all comfortable than is produced by any other nation of similar numbers on the face of the globe. (Hear.) Let us likewise remember that during the period of those great and so-called glo rious operations on the continent of Europe every description of home reform was not only delayed, but actually crushed out of the minds of the great bulk of the people. There can be no doubt what ever that in . 1.793 England was about to realise political changes and reforms such as did not ap pear again until the year 1830, and during the period of that war, which now almost all men agree to have been wholly unnecessary, we were passing through a period which may be described as the dark ages of English politics, when there was no more freedom to write or to speak, or politically to ac ha t , , ,e th b a e n al lere is now in the most despotic country there of Europe Europe. But, it may be asked, did nobody gain ? i is o n m o uo b l e i t iso ter r , s a e, n d the people of England new system of foreign powliheyo h ? a s l b v e h n a e t fi te d has by e t h e n e the fate of those who were enthroned at the Revo lution and whose supremacy has been for so long a perion undisputed among us . Mr. author of an inte res ti ng book on E . stern Kinglike, describing the habits of some acquaintances that he Eastern travel, the m ade in the Syrian Deserts, says that the jackals of the desert follow their prey in families like the place hunters of Europe. (A laugh.) reverse, if you like, the comparison, and say that the great territorial families of England, which were en throned at the Revolution, have followed their p re y like the jackals of the desert. (Cheers and laughter.) Da you not observe Sat a glance that as from the time of William 111., by reason of the foreign policy which I denbunce, wars have been multiplied, taxes increased, loans made, and the sums of money which every year the Government has to expend aug mented, so the patronage at the disposal of Ministers must have increased also, and the.families who were enthroned and made powerful in the legislation and administration of the country must have had the first pull and the largest profit out of that patron age ? (Hear, hear.) There is no actuary in exist ence who can calculate how much of the wealth, of the strength, of the supremacy of the territorial families of England has been derived from an un holy participation in the fruits of the industry of the people, which have been wrested from them by every device of •taxation and squandered in every conceivable crime • of which a Government could possibly be guilty. (Cheers.) The more you exa mine this matter' the more you will come to the conclusion which Z haye arrived at, that this foreign . . . policy, this regard for." the liberties of Europe," this care at one time for " the Protestant interest," this excessive love for " the balance of power," is neither more nor less than a gigantic system of outdoor relief for the aristocracy of Great Britain. (Great cheering and laughter.) I observe that you receive that declaration as if it were some new and important discovery. In 1815 every Liberal in England whose politics, whose hopes, and whose faith had not been crushed out of him by the tyranny of the time of that war was fully aware of this and openly admitted it, and up to 1832 and for some years afterwards it was the fixed and undoubted creed of the great Liberal party. (Hear.) But somehow all is changed. We who stand upon the old landmarks, who walk in the old paths, who would conserve what is wise and prudent—(hear)—are hustled and shoved about as if we were come to turn the world upside down. (Hear, hear.) The change which has._ taken place seems to confirm the opinion of a lamented friend of mine who, not having succeeded in all his hopes, thought that men made no progress whatever, but went round and round like a squirrel in its cage. (A laugh.) The idea is now so general that it is our duty to meddle everywhere, that it really seems as if we had pushed the Tories from the field, expel ling them by our competition. I should like to lay before you a list of the treaties which we have made, and of the responsibilities under which we have laid ourselves with respect to the various countries of Europe. Ido not know where such an enume ration is to be got, but I suppose it would be pos sible for antiquarians and men of investigating minds to dig them out from the recesses of the Foreign-office,.and perhaps to make some of them intelligible to the country. I believe, however, that if we got() the Baltic we shall find that we have a treaty to defend Sweden, and the only thing which Sweden agrees to do in return is not to give up any portion of her territories to Russia. Com ing down a little south we have a treaty which in vites us, enables us, and, perhaps, if we acted fully up to our duty with regard to it, would compel us to interfere in the question between Demark and the Duchies. If I mistake not we have a treaty which binds us down to the maintenance of the little kingdom of Belgium as established after its separation from Holland. We have numerous treaties with France. We are understood to be bound by treaty to maintain constitutional go vernment in Spain and Portugal. If we go round into the Mediterranean we find the little king dom of Sardinia, to which we have lent some millions of money, and with which we have entered into important treaties for preserving the balance of power in Enrope. If we go beyond the king doms of Italy, and cross the 'Adriatic, we come to the small kingdom of Greece, against which we have also a nice, account that will never be settled —(a laugh)—while we have engagements to main tain that respectable but diminutive country under its present constitutional Government. Then, leaving the kingdom of Greece, we pass up the eastern end of the Mediterranean, and from Greece to the Red Sea, wherever the authority of the Sultan is more or less admitted, the blood and the industry of England are pledged to the permanent sustentation of the independence and integrity of the Ottoman empire. (Hear.) I confess that as a citizen of this country, wishing to live peaceably among my fellow countrymen, and wish ing to see my, countrymen free and able to enjoy the fruits of their labour, I protest against a system which binds us in all these networks and complica tions, from which it is impossible that we can gain . one single inch of advantage for this country. It is not all glory, after all. Glory may be worth some thing, but it is not always glory. We have had within the last few years despatches from Vienna and St. Petersburg which, if we had not deserved them, would have been very offensive and not a little insolent. We have had the ambassador of the . Queesi expelled summarily from Madrid, and we 1 have had an ambassador expelled. almost with igno miny from Washington. We have bloelmded Athens for a claim which was known to be false. We have quarrelled with Naples, for we chose to give advice to Naples, which was not received in the submissive spirit expected from her, and our Minister was therefore withdrawn. • Not• three years ago, too, we seized 'a considerable kingdom in India, with which our government had but re cently entered into the most solemn treaty, which every lawyer in England and in Europe, I believe, would consider binding before God and the world. We deposed its monarch ; we committed a great immorality and a great crime, and we . .have reaped an almost instantaneous retribution in the most gi gantic and sanguinary revolt which probably any nation ever made against its conquerors. Within the last few years we have had two wars with a great empire, which we are told at least contains one third of the whole human race. The first war was called—the opium war. No man, I believe, with a spark of morality in his composition—no man who cares anything for the opinion of his fellow countrymen; has dared to . justify that war. (Cheers.) The war which has just been concluded, if it has been concluded, had its origin in the first war; for the enormities committed in the first war are the foundation of the implacable hostility which it is said the inhabitants of Canton bear - to all persons connected with the English name. Yet, though we have these troubles in India—a vast country which we know not how to govern—and a war with China —a country - with which, though everybody else can remain at peace, we cannot, such is the invete rate habit of conquest, such is the insatiable lust of territory, such is, to my thinking, the depraved, unhappy state of opinion of the country on this sub ject, that there are not a few persons—Chambers of Commerce, to wit, in different parts of the king dom—though I am glad to say it has not been so with the Chamber of Commerce of Birmingham— who have been urging our Government to take pos session of a province of,perhaps,almost the greatest island in the Eastern was—a possession which must at once necessitate increased estimates and increased taxation, and which would lead us into one of the most merciless and most disgraceful wars with the half-savage tribes who inhabit those islands. I will not dwell upon that question. The gentleman who is principally concerned in it is at this moment, as you know, stricken down with affliction, and I should be ashamed of myself if I were to enter here into any considerable discussion of the case which he is urging upon the public ; but I say that we have territory enough in India, and if we have not troubles enough there—if we have not difficulties enough in China—if we have not taxation enough, by all means gratify your wishes for more; but I hope that whatever may be the shortcomings of the Government with regard to any other questions in which we are all interested—and may they be few —they will shut their eyes, they will turn their backs obstinately from adding in this mode, or in any mode, to the English possessions in the East. (Cheers.) I suppose if any ingenious person were to prepare a large map of the world, as far as it is known, and were to mark upon it, in any colour that he liked, the spots where Englishmen have fought, and English blood has been poured forth, and the treasure of England squandered, scarcely a country, scarcely a province of the vast expanse of the 'habitable globe, would be undistinguished. Perhaps there are in this room—l am sure there are in the country—many persons who hold a superstitious traditionary belief that, somehow or other, our vast trade is to be attributed to what we have done in this way—that it is thus that we have opened markets and advanced commerce—that Eng lish greatness depends upon the extent of English conquests and English military renown. But lam inclined to think that, with the exception of Aus tralia, there is not a single dependency of the Crown which, if we come to reckon what it has cost in war and protection, would not be found to be a positive loss to the people of this country. Take the United States, with which we have such an enormous and constantly increasing trade. The wise statesmen of the last generation—men who your school histo ries tell you were statesmen—ruled over by a monarch who they tell you was a patriotic monarch —spent £130,000,000 of the fruits of the industry of the people in a vain—happily a vain—endeavour to retain the colonies of the United States in subjec tion to the Monarchy of England. Add to the inte rest of that £130,000,000 for all this time, and how long do you think it will be before there will be a profit on the trade with the United States which will repay the enormous sum we invested in a war to retain those States as colonies of this empire ? It never will be paid off. (Cheers.) Wherever you turn you will find that the opening of markets, develop ing of new countries, introducing cotton cloth and calico with cannon balls, are vain, foolish, and wretched excuses for wars, and ought not to be listened to for a moment by any man who under stands the multiplication table, or, who can do the simplest sum in arithmetic. Since the " glorious Revolution," since the enthronisation of the great Norman territorial families, they have spent in wars —and we have worked for—about £2,000,000,000. The interest on that is. £100,000,000 per annum, which is three or four times as much as the whole • amount of your annual export trade from that time to this. Therefore if war had provided you with a trade, it would have been at an enormous cost ; but I think it is by no means doubtful that your trade would have been no less in amount and no less profitable had peace, harmony, and justice been inscribed on your flag, instead of conquest and the love of military renown. But even in this year, 1858—we have got a long way into the century—we find that within the last seven years our public debt has greatly increased. What ' ever be the increase of our population, of our ma .. chinery, of our industry, of our wealth, still our national debt goes on increasing. Although we have not a foot more territory to conserve, or an enemy in the world who dreams of attacking us, we find that. our annual military_ expenses during the last 20 years have risen from £12,000,000 to £22,000,000. Some people believe that it is a good thing to pay a great revenue to the State. Even so eminent a man as Lord J. Russell is not without a delusion of this sort. (A laugh.) His lordship, as you have heard,' while speaking of me in the most flattering and friendly terms, says he is unfor tunately obliged to differ from me sometimes; there fore I suppose there is no particular harm in my saying that lam sometimes obliged to differ from him. Some 10 days ago he was a great star in the northern hemisphere, shining, not with unaccus tomed, but with his ordinary brilliancy at Liver pool. He made a speech in which there was a great deal to be admired to a meeting composed, it was said, to a great extent, of working men ; and in it he stimulated them to a feeling of pride in the greatness of their country and in being citizens of a State which enjoyed a revenue of £100,000,000, a-year, which included the revenues of the United Kingdom and of British India. But I think it would have been far more to the purpose if he could have congratulated the working men of Liverpool on this vast empire being conducted in an orderly manner, on its laws being well administered and well obeyed, its shores sufficiently defended, its people prosperous and happy, on a revenue of £20,000,000. The State, indeed, of which Lord J. Russell is apart, may enjoy a revenue of £100,000,000 but I am afraid the working men can only be said to enjoy it in the sense in which men not very choice in their expressions say that for a long time they have only enjoyed " very . bad health." (A laugh.) I am prepared to maintain that it is a sub— ject of congratulation that there is a people so great, so free, and so industrious, that it can produce a sufficient income out of which £100,000,000 a-year, if need absolutely were, could be spared for some great and noble purpose ; but it is not a thing to be proud of that our Govern ment should require us to pay that enormous sum for the simple purposes of government and defence. Nothing can by any possibility tend more to the corruption of a Government than enormous reve nues. (Cheers.) We have heard lately of instances of certain joint-stock institutions with enormous capitals collapsing suddenly, bringing disgrace on their managers, and ruin upon hundreds of families. A great deal of that has arisen not so much from intentional fraud as from the fact that weak and incapable men have found themselves tumbling about in an ocean of bank-notes and cash, and they appear to have lost all sight of where it came from, to whom it belonged, and whether it was possible by any maladministration even to come to an end of it. That is absolutely what is done by Govern ments. You have read in the papers lately some accounts of the procedings before a Commission ap pointed to inquire into some alleged maladminis tration with reference to the supply of clothing to the army, but if anybody had said anything in the time of the late Government about any such maladministration, not one of those great states men, of whom we are told we ought always to speak with so much reverence, but would have got up and declared that nothing could be more ad mirable than the system of bookkeeping at Weedon, nothing more economical than the manner in which the War Department spent the money provided by public taxation. But we know that it is not so. (Cheers.) I have heard a gentle man—one who is as competent as any man in Eng land to give an opinion about shipowners—a man of business, and not. surpassed by any one as a man of the world, . declare after a long examina tion of the details of the question, that he would undertake to do everything that is done not only for the defence of the country, but for many other things which are done by your navyi and which are not necessary for that pur pose, for half the annual cost that is voted in the estimates. (Cheers.) I think the expenditure of thcse vast sums, and especially of those which we spend for military pprposes leads us to adopt a defiant and insolent tone towards foreign countries. We have the freest press in Europe, and the freest platform in Europe, but every man who writes an article in a newspaper, and every man who stands upon a platform, ought to do it under a solemn sense ofresponsibility. Every word he writes, every word I utter, passes with a rapidity, of which our forefathers were utterly ignorant, to the very ends of the earth—words become things and acts, and they produce on the minds of other nations effects which a man may never have intended. Take a recent case—take the case of France. I am not expected to defend, and I certainly shall not attack the present Government of France. The instant that it appeared in its present shape the Minister of England, conducting your foreign affairs, speak ing ostensibly for the cabinet, for his Sovereign, and for the English nation, offered his congratula tions, and the support of England was at once ac corded to the re-created French Empire. Soon after this an intimate alliance was entered !into between the Queen of England, through her Ministers, and the Emperor of the French. -I am not about to defend the policy which flowed from that alliance, nor shall I take up your time by making any at tack upon it. An alliance was entered into and a war was entered into. English and French soldiers fought on the same field, and they suffered, I fear, from the-same ne,glect. They now lie buried on the bleak heights of the Crimea, and I suppose, except by their mothers, who don't soon forget-their chil dren—l suppose they are mostly forgotten. have never heard it suggested that the French Govern ment did not behave with the most perfect honour to this Government and t h is country all through these grave and m omentous transactio ns; b u t I have heard it stated by those who must know, that nothing could be-more honourable, nothing more just than the conduct of the French Emperor to this Government throughout the whole of that struggle. More recently, when the war in China was begun by a Government which I have condemned and denounced in the House of Commons the Emperor of the French sent his ships and troops to co-operate with us, but I never heard that anything was done there to create a suspicion of a feeling of hostility on his part towards us. The Emperor of the French came to London, and some of those powerful organs who have since taken the line of which lam complain ing did all but invite the people of London to pro strate themselves under the wheels of that chariot which conveyed along our streets the revived Monarchy of France. The Queen of England went to Paris, and was she not received there with as much affection and as much respect as her high position and.her honourable character entitle her to ? (Cheers.) What has occurred since ? If there was a momentary unpleasantness, I am quite sure that every impartial man will agree that,under the peculiarly irritating circumstances of the mo ment, there was at least as much forbearance shown on one side of the Channel as on the other. Then, We have had much said lately about a naval forti fication recently completed in France, which has been more than 100 years in progress, which was not devised by the present Emperor of the French, nor by his will. For 100 years great sums had been spent on it, and at last, like every other great work, it was brought to an end. The Eng lish Queen and others were invited over, and many went who were not invited. And yet in all this we are told that there is something to create ex treme alarm and suspicion ; we, who have never fortified any places —we, who have not a greater than Sebastopol at Gibraltar—we, who have not an impregnable fortress at Malta, who have not spent the fortune of a nation almost in the lonian Islands —we, who are doing nothing at Alderney!—in fact, there never was a nation so perfectly guiltless of preparing to do anything to anybody ! There are few persons who a some time or otherhave not been brought into contact with a poor unhappy fellow creature who has some peculiar delusion or suspicion pressing on his mind. I recollect a friend of mind going down from Derby to Liverpool in the train with a very quiet, respectable-look ing gentleman sitting opposite to him. They had both been staying at the Midland Hotel, and they began talking about it. All at once the gentleman said, "Did you notice anything particu lar about the bread at breakfast ?" " No, said my friend, " I did not." "Oh ! but I did," said the poor gentleman, " and I am convinced there was an attempt made to poison me, and it is a very curious thing that I never go to a hotel without I discover some attempt to do me mischief." Of course the unfortunate man was labouring under one of the greatest calamities that can befall a human crea ture ; but what are we to say of a nation which lives under a perpetual delusion that it is going to be attacked—a nation which is the most combined on the face of the earth, little less than 30,000,000 of people all united under a Government which, though we intend to reform it, we do not the less respect—(cheers)—and which has mechanical power and wealth to which no country offers any parallel. There is no causeway to Britain—the free waves of the sea flow day and night for ever round her shores, and yet there are people going about with whom this hallucination is so strong that they do not merely discover it quietly to their friends, but they write it down in double-leaded columns, in leading articles—nay, some of them actually get up on platforms and proclaim it to hundreds and thou sands of their fellow-countrymen. (Laughter.) I should like to ask you whether these delusions are to last for ever, whether this policy is to be the perpetual policy of England, whether these results are to go gathering and gathering until there come, as come there must inevitably, some dreadful catas trophe on our Country ? I should like to-night, if I could, to inaugurate one of the best and holiest revolutions that ever took place in this country. We have had a dozen revolutions since some of us even were children. We have had one revolution in which you had a great sha re, a great revolution of opinion on the question of the suffrage. Does it not read like madness that men, 30 years ago, were frantic at the idea of the people of Birmingham having a £lO franchise ? (Laughter.) Does it not seem something like idiotcy to be told that a banker in Leeds, when it was proposed to transfer one rot ten borough to the town of Leeds, should say (and it was repeated in the House of Commons on his authority) that if the people of Leeds had the fran chise conferred upon them it would not be possible to keep the bank doors open with safety, and that he should remove his business to some quiet place out of danger from . the savage race which peopled that town ? (Laughter.) But now all confess that the people are perfectly competent to have votes, and nobody dreams of arguing that the privilege will make them less orderly. Take the question of colonial government. Twenty years ago the go vernment of our colonies was a huge job. A small family party in each, in connexion with the ,Colo nial-office, ruled our colonies. We had then discon tent, and now and then insurrection, especially in Canada. The result was that we have given up the colonial policy which had hitherto been held sacred, and since that time not only had they gone on pro gressing in wealth and material resources; but no parts of the empire are more tranquil and loyal. (Cheers.) Take, then, the question of protection. Not 30 years ago, but 12 years ago, there was a great party in Parliament, led by a duke in one house and by the son and brother of a duke in the other, which declared that utter ruin must come, not only upon the agricultural interest, but upon the manufactures and commerce of England if we departed from our old theories upon this subject of protection. They told us that the labourer—the unhappy labOurer—such friends as he had—of whom it may be said in this country, "Itere landless labourers, hopeless toil and strive, " But taste no portion of the sweets they hive."— that the labourer was to be ruined ; that is, that the paupers were to be pauperized. (Laughter.) These gentlemen were ove'rthrown. The plain, honest, common sense of the country swept away their cobweb theories, and they are gone. What is the result ? From 1846 to 1857 we have received into this country of grain of all kinds, including flour, maize, and Indian corn—all objects not of absolute prohibition, but which were intended to be prohibited until it was not safe for people to be starved any more —not less than an amount equal in value to £224,000,000. (Cheers.) That is equal to £18,700,000 per annum on the average of 12 years. During that period, too, your home growth has been stimulated to an enormous extent. You have imported 200,000 tons of guano, and the result has been a proportionate increase in the productions of the soil. With all this, agriculture was never more prosperous, while manufactures and goods were never, at the same time, more extensively exported; and with all this the labourers, for whom the tears of the Protectionists were shed, have, according to the admission of the most violent of the , class, never been in better state since the beginning of the great French war. (Cheers.) One other revolution of opinion has been in regard to our criminal law. I have lately been reading a book which I would ad vise every man to read—the " Life of Sir Samuel Romilly. b He tells us in simple language of the enormous difficulties he had to contend with to per suade the. Legislature of the country to abolish the punishment of death for stealing from a dwelling house to the value of 55., an offence which now is punished by about six weeks' imprisonment. Lords, bishops, and statesmen opposed these efforts year after year, and since he commenced them there have been Some thousands of persons put to death pub licly for such trivial offences. Now, every man and woman in the kingdom would feel a thrill of hor ror if they were told that a fellow-creature was to be put to death for such a cause. These are revo lutions in opinion, and let me tell you that when you accomplish a revolution in opinion upon a great question, when you alter it from bad to good, it is not IWe giving a beggar (id. and seeing him no more, but it; is a great beneficent act, which affects not merely the rich and the powerful, but penetrates every lane, every cottage in the land, and wherever it goes brings blessings and happiness. It is not from statesmen that these things come. It is not from them that have proceeded these great revolutions of opinion on the questions of Reform, Protection, Colo nial Government, and criminal law—it was from pub lic meetings sueh as this—(cheers) —from the intel ligence and conscience of the great body of the people who have no interest in wrong, and who never go from the right but by temporary error and under momentary passion. It is for you to decide whe ther our greatness shall be only temporary, or whether it shall be enduring. When I am told that the greatness of our country is shown by the £100,000,000 of• revenue produced, may I not ask how it is that we have 1,100,000 paupers in this kingdom, and why it is that £7,000,000 should be taken from the industry chiefly of the labouring classes to support a small nation, as it were, of paupers. Since your legislation upon the corn laws you have not only had nearly £20,000,000 of food brought into the country annually, but such an extraordinary increase of trade, that your ex ports are about doubled, and yet I understand that in the year 18 56— for I have no later retu rn — were no less than 1,100,000 paupers in England, and the sum raised in poor-rates was not less than £7,200,000. And that cost of pauperism is not the full amount ' • for there is a vast quantity- of temporary, casual, and vagrant pauperism that does not come in to swell that sum. Then don't you well know—l know it, because I live among the population of Lancashire, and I doubt not the same may be said of the population of this city and county—that just above the level of the 1400,0 . there is an equal number who are ever oscillating between independence and pauperism, who, with a heroism which is not the less heroic because it is secret and unrecorded, are doing their very utmost to maintain an honourable and ind ependent posi tion before their fellow - m en ? (Cheers.) While Irish labour—notwithstanding the improvement which has taken place in Ireland —is only paid at the rate of about ls. a-day ; w hile in the straths and glens of Scotland there are hundreds of shep herd families whose whole food almost- consists of oatmeal porridge from day to day and from week to week ; while these things continue, I say that we have no right to be self-satisfied and contented with our position ; but that we who are in Parlia ment and are more directly responsible for affairs, and you who are also responsible, though in a lower degree, are bound by the sacred duty which we ow e our country to examine wh y it is that with all this trade, all this industry, and all this personal freedom there is still so much that is unsound:at the base of our social fabric ? (Cheers.) Let me direct your attention now to another point which I never think of without feelings which words would altogether fail to express. You hear constantly that woman, " the helpmate of man," . who adorns, dignifies, and blesses our lives—that woman in this country is cheap ; that vast numbers whose names ought to be synonyms for purity and virtue are plunged into profligacy and infamy. But do you not know that you sent 40,000 men to perish on the bleak heights of the Crimea, and that the revolt in India—caused, in part at least, by the iniquitous immorality of the seizure of Oude—will tax your country to the extent of 100,000 lives before it is extinguished; and do you not know that for the 140,000 men thus draughted off and consigned to a premature grave nature pro vided in yonr country 140,000 women ? If you have taken the men who should have been hus bands to those women, and if you have sacrificed £100,000,000, which as capital reserved in the country would have been an ample fund for their employment and for the sustentation of their fami lies, are you not guilty of a great sin in involving yourselves in such a loss of life and of money in war, except on grounds and under circumstances which according to the opinions of every man in the country should leave no kind of option whatever for your choice. Now, I know perfectly well the kind of observations which a certain class of critics will make on this speech. (A laugh.) I have been already told by a very eminent newspaper of Calcutta, which, commenting on a speech I made at the close of the session with regard to the con dition of India and our future policy in that country, said that the policy I recommended was intended to strike at the root of the advancement of the British empire and that that advancement did not neces sarily involve the calamities which I pointed out as likely to occur. My Calcutta critic assured me that Rome pursued a similar policy for cen turies, and that for those ei g ht centuries she re mained great. N o w, Ido not think that examples taken from pagan, sanguinary, bloodthirsty Rome are proper models for the imitation of a Christian country, no r would I limit my hopes of the great ness of E n gland, even to the long duiation of 800 years. (Cheers.) But what is Rome now ? The city is dead. A poet has described her as " the lone mother of dead empires." Her language even and a length between the third is dead. Her very tombs are empty ; the ashes of The Jade went next, Orchehill her most illustrious citizens are dispersed, for last two. " Scipio's tomb contains no ashes now." Yet I am asked, I, who am one of the legislators of a Christian country, to measure my policy by the policy of ancient and pagan Rome ! I believe there is no permanent greatness to a nation except it be based upon morality. (Cheers.) Ido not care for military greatness or military renown. I care for the constitution of the people among whom I live. (Cheers.) There is no man in England who is less likely to speak irreverently of the Crown and monarchy of England than I am; but crowns, coronets, mitres, military display, the pomp of war ; wide colonies, and a huge empire, are, in my view, all trifles light as air, and not worth considering, unless with them you can have a fair share of com fort, contentment, and happiness among the great body of the people. (Cheers.) Palaces, princely castles, great halls, showy mansions do not make a nation. The nation of every country dwells in the cottage—(cheers)—and unless the light of your con stitution can shine there, unless the beauty of your legislation and the excellence of your statesmanship are printed there in the feelings and condition of people, rely upon it you have yet to learn the duties of government. (Great cheering.) I have not, as you have observed, pleaded that this country should remain without adequate and scientific means of defence. (Hear, hear.) I acknowledge it to be the duty of your statesmen, acting upon the known opinions and principles of 99 out of every 100 persons in the country, at all times, with all possible moderation, but with all possible efficiency, to take steps which shall preserve order within and on the confines of your kingdom. (Cheers.) But I shall repudiate and denounce the expenditure of every shilling, the engagement of every man, the employment of ever) , ship which has no object but intermeddling in the affairs of other countries, and endeavouring to extend the boun daries of an empire which is already large enough to satisfy the greatest ambition, and I fear is much too large for the highest statesmanship to which any man has yet attained. (Cheers.) The most ancient of profane historians has told us that the. ancient Scythians were a very warlike people, and that they elevated an old cimeter upon a platform as a symbol of Mars, and to Mars alone, I believe, they built altars, and to this cimeter they offered sacrifices of horses and cattle, the main wealth of the country. I often ask myself whether we are at all advanced in one respect beyond these Scythians. What are our contributions to the Church, to edu cation, to morality, to religion, to justice, and to civil government, when compared with the wealth we expend in sacrifices to the old cimeter ? (Loud cheers.) Two nights ago I addressed in this hall a vast assembly composed to a great extent of your countrymenwho have no political power, who are at work from the dawn of day tothe evening, and who have therefore very humble means of informing themselves on these great subjects. Now I am privileged to speak to a somewhat different audi ence. You represent those of your great community who have a more complete education, who have on some points greater intelligence, and in whose hands reside the power and influence of the dis trict. lam speaking, too, within the hearing of those whose gentle nature, whose finer instincts, whose purer minds, have not suffered as some of ours have suffered in the turmoil and strife of life. You can mould opinion, you can create political power, you can think a good thought on this subject and communicate it to your neighbours. You cannot make those points points of discussion in your social circles and more general meetings, without affecting sensibly and speedily the course which the Government of your country will pursue. (A laugh.) May I ask you, then, to believe, as Ido most devoutly believe, that the moral law was not written for men alone in their individual character, but that it was written as well for nations, and for nations great as this of which we are citizens. If nations reject and deride that moral law there is a penalty which will inevitably follow. It may not come at once, it may not come in our lifetime ; but rely upon it, the great Italian is not a poet only, but a prophet, when he says— " The sword of heaven is not in haste to smite, " Nor yet doth linger." We have experience we have beacons, we have landmarks enough. ' We know what the past has cost us, we. know how much and how far we have wandered, but we are not left without a guide. It is true we have not, as an ancient people had—the Urim and Thummin—the oracular gems en Aaron's breast from which to take counsel, but we have the unchangeable and eternal principles of the moral law to guide us, and only so far as we live by that guidance can we be permanently a great nation or our people a happy people. (Loud and continued cheering.) Mr. BRIGHT, in proposing thn health of his col league, Mr. W. §cholefield, eulogised his Parlia mentary conduct in the highest terms, and the toast was received with considerable applause. Mr. S. HADFIELD, M.P., was received with cheers. He said the conduct of the electors in re jecting Mr. Bright at the last general election was a perfect disgrace to them. He was happy to say that his hon. friend was now in his place, and he congratulated the constituency of Birmingham and the whole country upon his return to Parliament. The lion. gentleman concluded by proposing " The Liberal electors of Birmingham." M r . G. DAWSON acknowledged the toast. He stigmatised Lord Palmerston as the greatest im postor that ever existed, and because Mr. Bright had opposed his war policy Manchester had re jected him. He (Mr. Dawson) was called upon to represent men older and wiser than himself, but he notwithstanding accepted the duty imposed on him with the greatest pleasure. Mr. Dawson, after some humorous observations, sat down amid loud cheers. At this period of the proceedings the assembly becameexceedingly impatient, and the concluding speakers were heard with difficulty even at the tables nearest the principal platform. Mr. DUNCAN M'LAREN proposed " The Mayor and Corporation of Birmingham," which was ac knowledged by Alderman Allday. Mr. B. WEBSTER, the opponent of Mr. Bright at the late election, proposed " The Chairman," and Mr. Muntz made due acknowledgment in a very few observations, which were well received ; but, in consequence of the impatience of the assembly, the concluding toasts introduced into the scheme were not proposed, and the meeting separated. tOO SPORTING. INTELLIGENCE. BETTING} AT MANCHESTER.—FRIDAY. LIVERPOOL AUTUMN HANDICAP. 10 to 1 agst Underhand (offered) 12 to 1 agst any other (offered) muti•Y. 12 to 1 agst Promised Land (taken) 15 to 1 agst Marionette (taken) 15 to 1 agst Musjid (taken) 20 to 1 agst Electric (taken) 25 to 1 agst Cavendish (taken) 50 to 1 agst Brother to Sydney (offers to take) Nothing else named. NEWMARKET HOUGHTON MEETING. THE SUBSCRIPTION ROOM-THURSDAY NIGHT, DERBY. 13 to 1 agst Marionette (taken) 25 to 1 agst Cavendish (30 to 1 also laid) 25 to 1 agst Gaspard (take 30 to 1) , 40 to 1 agst Balnamoon (taken) 45 to 1 agst Sehtiloff (taken) 1000 to 10 agst Fyfield (taken) 1000 to 1 agst Stockham (taken) FRIDAY. Match, 100, hft ; owners up. Ab. M. (7 fur. 212 yards). Mr. R. Ten Broeck's Barbarity, by Simeon, lOst 101 b (Owner) 1 Count Batthyany's Olympus. list 61b (Owner) 2 . . Betting-7 to 4on Olympus. Barbarity came in alone. Olympus refused to move, and was pulled up nearly a quarter of a mile from home. Handicap Plate of 100 sovs. D.I. (2 miles 119 yards.) Mr. Eyton's Benefield, by Harkaway, 3 yrs, sst (J. Daley) 1 Capt. Christie's Kestrel, 5 yrs, 7st 131 b .. (L. Snowden) 2 Mr. S. Williams's Rosa Bonheur, 4 yrs, 7st 111 b (Fordham) 3 Sichmus, Mr. Sykes, Worcester, Odd Trick, and Regius Professor also ran. Betting-5 to 2 agst Mr. Sykes, sto 1 each agst Rosa Bonhour and Worcester, 6 to 1 agst Benefield. Won by six lengths; four lengths between the secondand third; the others were pulled up. Free Handicap Sweepstakes of 25 sous each, 15 ft. Winners extra. Last half of R.M. 4 subs. Mr. Greville's Grand Duchess, by Orlando, 3 yrs, 7st 41b (Plumb 1 Lord W. Powlett's Melibams, 3 yrs, 6st 61b ( Custance) 2 Mr. Stamford's Fractious, 6 yrs, B st 7 1 b (Fordham 3 Betting-5 to 4 agst Fractious, 2to 1 agst hleliba us. Won by a length, a neck between the second and third. Match, 300, h ft. T.Y.C. 5 fur. 140 yards. Lord Derby's Birdbolt by Chanticleer, Bst 71b (Ashmall) 1 L or d Glasgow's Coalition filly, Bst 41b (Aldcroft) 2 Betting-7 to 2 and 4tol on Birdbolt, who won easily by. a neck. Before the race sto 1 was betted to money about Birdbolt's winning this match and the Nursery Stakes. Handicap Sweepstakes of 20 sovs each, and 5 only if de clared, &c., to go to the owner of the second horse, T.Y.C. 27 subs., 12 of whom pay 5 sovs ft. Mr. T. Walker's Blackthorn by Buckthorn, 3 yrs, 7st 91b (Bullock) 1 Lord Ribbl es d a l e ' s Gl ees i nger 4 yrs, 6st 131 b (F. Adams) 2 Mr. St. George's Darling, 3 yrs, Set 21b (Madden) 3 Baron Rothschild ' s Mentmore, 3 yrs, Bst 91b (Ashmall) 4 The following also ran :—Theodora, New Brighton, Zuyder Zee, Ancient Briton, Salonica, King of the Gipsies, The Jade, Orchehill, Hydromel, and Wanderer. Betting --3 to 1 agst King of the Gipsies, 4to 1 agst Darling, 8 to 1 agst New Brighton, 10 to 1 each agst Meht more, Zuyder Zee, Ancient Briton, Gleesinger, and Orche hill, 'Won by a head, a neck between the second and third. and fourth. Wanderer and and New . Brighton were the Match, 200, h ft. T.Y. C. Duke of Bedford's Leontes, 3 yrs, Bst 71b . (S. Rogers) 1 Lord Glasgow's filly by Orlando, dam Isy Lanercost or Retriever, 2 yrs, 6st Betting-11 to 10 on Leontes, who won easily by two lengths. Match, 50. Y.C. 2 fur. 52 y ands, Lord Stradbroke's Doubloon, Bst 41b ......... (Fordham) 1 Lord Glasgow's Flutter filly, Bst 41b ........ (Aldcroft) 2 Betting- 1 3 td lon Doubloon, who won. by a length and & half. The First-Class Nursery Stakes of 25 sow each, for 2-yr olds. D.M. 7 fur. 201 yards. 13 subs. Mr. Mellish's Margery Daw, 6st Duke of Bedford ' s Harry, sst 121 b Count Batthyany's Adulation, 7st lib ..... (Misy, - rov e 3 The folloviindalso ran :—Southampton. 7 MaZzini Tanan dra. Widgeon, Farmer's Daughter filly, Birdbolt, Olympias, and Petra. Betting-5 to 2 agst Timandra, sto 1 agst Farmer's Daughter filly, 7to 1 each agst Margery Daw, Birdbolt, and Mazzini ; 10 to 1 agst Petra. Won by a neck ; four lengths between the second and third. Widgeon, Tinian dra, and Mazzini were next. Match, 300, h ft. Y.M.M. 1 mile 7 fur. 178 yards. Duke of Bedford's Pavilion, Bst 71b Sir J. Hawley's Beacon, .Bst 71b (Second Class) The Nursery Stakes,.of 25, sovs each, for 2-yr-olds. D.M. 12 slabs. Lord Bibbesdale's Northampton, 65t........ (J. Adams) 1 Mr. J. Barnard's Pan, 7st 31b • • • (Fordham) 2 Mr. S. Williams's Commodore, Est (A. Edwards) 3 The following; tlso ran :—King at Arms, Broadbrim % Lovet, Etoile du Nord, Contract; Newstead, and Old Fellow-. Betting-3 to 1 agst Commodore, 7to 2 agst King 'at Arms, 8 to 1 agst Contract, 10 to 1 each agst Lovet, Pan, and Newstead. Won by, a lengths ; two lengths between the second and third; King at Arms was a good fourth ; Lovet was next. Sweepstakes of 10 sous each, for 3-yi;•olds 'and upwards ; the winner to be sold for 400 soya, if demanded, &c. First half of Ab. M. (3 furlongs 215 yards). Count Batthyany's Olympus, 5 yrs, Bst Slb . . . . (Wells) 1 Mr. Barber's Albion, 3 yrs, 7st 91b (Snowden) ?a Mr. Mill's Greenwich Fair, 3 yrs, 7st 91b (Pritchard) 3 The following also ran :—Beatrice and Swale. Betting-6 to 4 agst Abron, sto 2 agst Olympus, sto 1 each agst Greenwich Fair and Beatrice, 6 to 1 agst Swale. Won by two lengths ; same distance between the socond and third ; bad fourth. Swale did not get off. Sweepstakes of 10 sovs each, for 2 and 3-yr-olds ; the winner to be sold for 300 sovs, if demanded, &c. First half of Ab. M. (3 furlongs 215 yards). 11 subs. Lord Clifden's Chanoine, 2 yrs, 75t... (Plumb) 1 Mr. Dawson's Mrs. Stowe, 2 yrs, 7st (Bullock) 2 The following also ran :—Nutfield, Basilisk, Coxcomb, The Speaker, Little Agnes, Ambush, My Niece, Balagny, and Vigo. Betting-3 to 1 agst The Speaker, 4to 1 each agst Chanoine and Mrs. Stowe, 6 to 1 agst Little Agnes, 10 to I each agst My Niece and Vigo. Won by half a length ; The Speaker, My Niece, Vigo and Ambush were next, so close. together that the judge did not place a third. The Audley End Stakes of 30 sovs each, 10 ft, if declared, &c. A.E.C. (1 mile 7 furlongs 66 yards). Count Batthyany's The Courier, 3 yrs, 6st 71b (lt. Bradley) 1 Mr. F f . R. Clark's Mr. Sykes, aged, Bst 71b.... (French) 2 Betting-6 and 7t04 on The Courier. Won by three quarters of a length. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL—OcT. 29. The attendance at our market this morning was slender, and a most insignificant business was done. Prime wheat maintained its value, but ordinary and inferior may be quoted ld to 2d per 701bs lower, where sales were made. Flour met with a very slow sale, although offered on lower terms. Oats and oatmeal neglected, and prices nominal, which may also be said of barley, beans; peas, and Indian corn. WAKEFIELD-Om 29. We continue to receive liberal supplies of grain. Wheat meets a. slow sale to-day, and except for a few parcels of white of extra quality must be noted is per qr. cheaper. Barley, unless fine, is difficult to quit, and prices are again Is lower. Beans, oats, and shelling also a dull sale, and. rather cheaper. Averages for the week : Wheat 4,879 qrs., at 43s 101 d Barley 525 „ 33s lid Oats — » --s Od _ _ Rye Beans 39 Peas ... • —s Od 42s 71d —s Od Arrivals this week : 5,234 qrs. Wheat Oats Barley Beans Rapeseed l'3s2Linseed EXETE -OCT. 29. The market to-day contiui week, with a small supply, at - - roes much the same as last the.following prices ; Wheat, white..ss 3d to 5s 6d I Barley.. 4s 6d to 5s Od Ditto red ..5s Od to 5s 3d Oats 3s Od to 3s Flour, fine, 30s to 318; seconds, 28s to 29s per sack. CATTLE.—The market was fairly supplied with stock, but business appeared to be small. Fat beef, p score, 9s to 108 6d Ewes, per lb .... 6d to Od Pork carcases, do 880 d to 980 d - Wethers, bid to Od Lambs, per lb. Od to Od Fat calves, d0....6d to 61d Rough fat,, 4d per lb. RIPON—OcT. 28. The following were the quotations this morning :—Rea wheat, 4s 6d to 5s 6d ; white, 58 6d to 5s 9d ; barley 32s Oct to 353 Od; oats, 24s Oct to 28s Od. BRISTOL SUGAR-OCT. 29. The market continues quiet, but prices are about sup ported in the few transactions recorded this week ; some extent of business, however, in floating cargoes was con cluded early in the week, about 11,000 boxes of Havannah having changed hands on rather easier terms. Refiner? produce sells to a moderate extent, but prices show no signs of improvement. Rum steady and firm. COAL MAR: (Prices of Coal per Ton at ,KET—=ocr. 29. the close of the market.) . . Walls End. • s. d. Davison's WestHartleyl4 6 Gray's W. Hartley 14 0 Haswell Gas. l3 0 Howard's West Hartleyl4 6 Byass's Bebside West Hartley .14 6 North Percy Hartley ..13 9 Walker Primrose l3 0 Lambert's W. Hartley 14 6 Tanfield Moor 12 9 Tanfield Moor Butes 12 9 Wylam Nixon's Merthyr 2l 0 Powell' sDuffryn Steam 21 0 Benton's Wst Hartley 14 0 Cowpen Hartley 14 6 s. d. Northumberland • l5 0 Jesmand l6 9 Framwellgate 17 6 West Stanley l5 6 Bell - l6 9 South.Hetton 19 3 Stewart's ... ... . l9 3 Kelloe lB 6 South Kelloe lB 3 Thorpe lB 0 Trimdon Th . o . rnley. _ lB 0 Evenwood .. .. l6 0 Acorn Close 17 6 Gosforth l6 6 Eden 17 6 Russell's Hetton 17 3 9 Kepier Grange lB Heugh Hall 17 6 Heston l6 9 Wh arn cliffe 17 3 Hunwick 1 4 3 Whit wor th 14 6 Shincliffe l7 3 Lamb ton lB 9 Byron. ;, 113—sold, 67. Walls End. Bradyll's Hett0n......18 3 Belmont l6 9 South Hartlepool 17 9 Caradoc lB 3 Riddell 16 6 Cassop lB 3 Hetton 19 6 Ha5we11...... 19 6 Ships at market, [ADvEßTlstmExrd—Rarey's Horse and Cattle Improv ing Food is equally adapted to improve the stamina of ill conditioned Horses, Cows, Bullocks, Calves, Sheep, and Pigs. It causes no extra expense, as it contains far more and better nourishment than its cost of lid. per feed sup plies in corn and hay; hence ensures an actual saving in the keep. But its principal advantages are a great improve ment in the digestive functions, the stamina and general condition of horses enabling them to perform far more labour without getting distressed. It imparts new vigour to sick, debilitated, or old apparently worn-out horses, and it puts rapidly the finest flesh on cattle generally, and im proves the milk in cows, as it enables them to extract the entire nourishment out of everything they feed . on. Rarey and Co., 77, Regent's Quadrant, . Piccadilly, London. Packed in tins-of about 90 feeds, its. •in caSks of about 450 feeds, 50s. ; of ab ou t 1,000 f e eds, £ 5, 'being about lid. per feed. BIRTHS. HALLAM.—OR the 29th inst., at 74, Wimpole-street, Ca" vendisli-square, the wife of S. J. Hallam, Esq., of * daughter. ' HARRISS.—Ou the 28th inst., at Beulah-hill, Norwood, the wife of J. Fordham Harriss, Esq., of .a daughter. LEVY.—On the 29th inst., at 25, Norfolk-street, Strand, the wife of Mr. Morriee Levy, of a son. VAN DER. BYL.—On the• 28th inst., at 1, 'Oxford-sq!aret Hyde-park, the wife • of Philip J. Van der Byl, Esq.) of a daughter. MAIIIt I A :Gl-,E S. GOULDSMITII—DEVENISH.--On the 28th inst., at TrinitY L , Church, Weymouth, . William Gouldsmith, Esq., 0 Trowbridge, Wilts, to .H anna h , youngest .daughter ,i James A. Devenish, Esq., of the former. place. SCROGGS—STEPHENS.—On- the• 28th inst., at Bishop' 6 Teignton, the Rev. Sydney Malet, son of the late Lieut.- Colonel Scroggs, of Standen, Wilts, to Emma Frances, daughter of the late Henry William and Lady Frances Stephens, of Cocklaven, Devon. DEATHS. BECKFORD.—At Buckingham Villa Ryde, Isle of Wight, Captain John Leigh Beckford,.R.N., aged 67. BRIANT.—On the 27th inst., at his residence, 33, Piinces square, St. George's east, Mr. Robert Frederick. Briant, aged 58. DALTON.—On the 28th inst., Arthur Dalton, Esq., of Swansea, aged 65. ELms.—On the 25th inst., at his privateresidence, Croon' Hill, Greenwich, Wm. Ellis, Esq., of Mark-lane-Charm' bers, city, aged 36. HowsE.—On the 27th inst., Charles Howse, Esq., forucerlY of the Comptroller's Department, Stamp-office, Somerset house, aged 75. TANNER.—On the 25th inst., at Sunderland, H. Tanner, Esq., aged 74. WALKER.—On the 25th inst., at his seat, Gilgarran, Whitehaven, James Robertson Walker, Captain J.." who served under Nelson at Trafalgar, aged 76. LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 112,. Strand, in the P rec i nc t o f th e S avo y, i n the county ,1 ILdedesex, Saturday; October 30, 1858. A: ntlu II that] fere, ti►or] th e tin y and. Ji ~: . , ~ T :~ . _ Wit Cap. Swv fic Re cotta Be, Or t r Fo thin ( to 164 qrac Soch B tan, or fir the !Aye 1 Joh! W. 13 411 , P., ri I n 31 16, 4 ever blvw 144 41 u11 f oot , t but th e the