The Sun. — London, England, 1859-10-20 00:00:00

SIR E. T. COLEBBOOKE AT LANAI?.K. Sir E. T. Colebrooke, M.P. for Lanarkshire, met his constituents in Lanark on Tuesday, in the Meal Market-hall, which was pretty well filled. Mr. HOPE VERE, of Blackwood, having been called to the chair, expressed his satisfaction at be ing-present at this meeting, and called upon Sir E. Colebrooke to make a statement. Sir E. T. COLEBROOKE then stepped forward and spoke as follows :—Gentlernen, I have asked your attendance this day, in compliance with a request from some of my friends, who thought it would be a proper mark of respect to this constituency if I took, during the course of this autumn, some op portunities of publicly addressing them with regard to some of the important topics of the day, and giv ing them an opportunity of asking for explanations of any part of my public conduct wh ich they might think it right to call for. And I have cheerfully obeyed that request, because it gives me an oppor tunity of tendering my thanks publicly to this great constituency for the honour they did me in elect ing me as their member at a time when I was not able personally to attend. On occasions like pub lic elections electors have advantages and privi legcs, in calling upon their candidate on the public hustings, and asking him for any explanations as to his past or as to his future conduct which they might desire ; and, as you were deprived on that occasion of this privilege which belongs to you, I wish to put you in the same position of advantage that you might have otherwise enjoyed by giving you this opportunity on the present occasion of ask in.. for any explanation with regard to my public conduct. (Applause.) Before doing so, I think I should be complying with the expectations of those of my frietvls whom I see around me, and who have so kindly attended on this occasion, if I made some few remarks on one or two of the public questions of the day which have lately engaged the attention of that short session of Parliament to which you did me the honour of calling me. The first act of that Parliament was to decide a point to which their at tention was necessarily called by the dissolution. My vote was given in favour of a change of Govern ment. Ido not think I stand in need of defence or , apology for the course I took, for the result of that division was the formation of a Ministry so strong in its administrative ability, and in the union of eminent men, that I think it commands now more of the public confidence than the Administration that was displaced; but, as my position was different from many of those who joined in the vote of no confidence, inasmuch as I voted for the second read ing of that bill which gave rise to the dissolution, I wish to say a few words as to the grounds on which I acted. (Applause.) I consider that the great body of the Liberal party acted unwisely in unanimously rejecting that bill, instead of endeavouring to modify its objectionable features in a Parliument in which they commanded so large a majority. But our posi tion was materially changed when the result of the appeal to the country was to add to their strength and numbers, by an accession of Irish Conservatives, and, to a certain degree, English. The appeal to the country was avowedly a party move. There was no measure or principle involved in it, except the simple one whether that particular set of men were to be entrusted with a continuance of the nation's confidence. I considered that I should have put the Reform principles in danger if my first act had been to invite them, so strengthened, to deal with that important question, - w hich must engage the atten tion of the new Parliament. I readily admit that this Conservative Administration had, in the last Parliament, made some important approaches to Liberal principles. They could not have ex isted for a month had they not done so. But this pliancy was avowedly under compulsion, and I should have been very simple if I had relied on their continuing that course if the first act of the Parliament had been to place such confidence in men, all whose sympathies are averse to the princi ples of the Reform Bill. A Government which has the initiative in such a question has a great advan tage ; it has a peculiar one in Scotland, and, above all, in this neighbourhood. I could have no ques tion as to my sympathies, as to whom I would trust in the matter ; and I do not think this con stituency will complain of my giving effect to them. I would only add that I would not, in the existing state of politics, have taken that part to displace that Government, were there not assurances that the Liberal chiefs were likely to act in an accord which had not existed for the previous two years —this accord was the result of the dissolution, and it is one good effect of that act; and se condly, that for this step I think I ought to have the thanks of the Conservatives themselves in having relieved their friends from a false posi tion—bad for the country, for the interests of popular government, and even for the cause of Conservatism.. A Ministry that attempts to govern by a minority cannot act with that high-minded devotion to principle that we expect in an English Minister. We do not expect our Ministers to be stiff and unbending. In Cabinets, in popular assemblies, there must be some compromise, or Government would be at an end ; but a Ministry which is forced to bend to the opinions of a majority from which they differ is but carrying on the Government by shifts and expedients that lower the character of popular government ; and I think I rendered a pub lie service, and a service to that Government, in put ting an end to that state of things. The emsenuence was the adjournment of the question of Reform, and the adjournment of all important business except that which did not admit of delay. I will now only say that you have been called upon to contribute more largely for the military and naval forces this year than ever before, except during war, or in the immi nence of war. I cheerfully accord to the late Govern ment the credit due to them for their exertions in putting our navy on an efficient footing. (Cheers.) I have formerly given votes bearing more to the re duction of our forces than I court do now. I have come slowly into the conviction that for many years to come you must ba prepared for heavy estimates, and I wish to take this opportunity of statidg the ground of that belief. I need not remind you, in the first place, that the great change in the art of war changes the position of this country altogether with regard to foreign Powers. The application of steam to naval warfare, and the improvement of gunnery and all the machinery of war, as well as the great progress of railways, enable great States that have large armies to concentrate and employ those armies with a rapidity never before known. We made use of it first in the Crimea and in India, and we have seen it employed with terrible effect on the plains of Italy. Now, any Power that, in addition to great military resources and wealth and the appliance of railway communication, has, in addition, the means of directing it beyond its shores by the means of a powerful steam navy must be dangerous to its neighbours, and, if its affairs arc not directed by principles of justice and fair deal. ing, must be a nuisance to the world. (Hear, hear.) We know that France has fOr years pat bent the whole of her energies and spent enormous sums to render her navy as powerful as her army. Her fleet is as large as our own—her dockyards in creased, and in full activity; and this was done by a sovereign who has found the art of drawing large sums from the people in the most convenient, but most reckless way, by throwing the whole burden on posterity. Now, I will not attempt to fathom the designs of that ruler. He is said to wish to maintain with us a cordial alliance. He did, indeed, try at one important point in his career to show that he considered his mission was to avenge Waterloo; but he has professed to work out a friendly part, and he has acted with cordiality on important occa sions. But what is his position ? His throne rests for support on the least instructed classes. His system of government is one of despotic repression, and he I has a vast army to employ. He is not a free agent. Again, what is the disposition of the people ? Do not deal with conjecture when we can appeal to fact. There have been occasions when relations were dis• turbed, and when it *required all the courage of Luis Philippe Phii to resist the war foyer when it raged. Would the present sovereign do so ? I believe it would be a mere question of convenience, and it would turn on points whether we were weak and he was s t rong ; . and, lastly,whether we sho u ld h ave th e sup port of allieswhether he could feed the vanity of the renclr employ his troops in a successfal coup dc ntaitz. an i l f is our danger, let us be forearmed, and l e t us not s rest till we have placed ourselves secure against' such dange r . We have with us the feeling of the country and Par liament. With some, however, there is an opl that we may rely en volunteers to a cons i derab le extent. So strong yis this felt that a spontaneous movement has arisen throughout the country to strengthen the defences by the enrolment of volun teers. I do not wish to speak slightingly of an army which may b e ma de most powerful as an auxiliary, and which would start up in myriads were any real danger to threaten our shores. But I see it said that volunteer troops may play a great part in war, and the improvemenrof gunnery gives new advantages to this army. I must here state my opinion that these improvements will give us great improvement in the art of war. Battles may become more short and decisive, the victory may be gained at greater distance; but there is a crisis in all engagements where armies are approaching, when men begin to fall fast, when the victory be longs to the steadiest, and that steadiness can only be attained -when men are knit together by the bond of discipline and training. Do not let us indulge the hope that we can, by reliance on volunteers, or even on militia, safely lower the amount of that farce on which our safety depends. There are diffi culties in keeping; up that force by enlistment, and I have regretted co observe that it has been expe rienced in our own. militia, and sonic say•we must look to the ballot.. Now, before we resort to these expedients of despotic governments, there is a very obvious one that I hope will be tried. Wages are rising, emigration is increasing the difficulty of providing labour for our ordinary industry. . . Let us not hope to escape the necessity of cftering a little more inducement to the soldier to enter his profession. (Cheers.) Combined with this opinion, that it is necessary to increase our defences, and with a readiness to submit to sacrifices for the pur pose, there is another equally strong—that the ex penditure of the country could not have risen to its present height without waste on the part of public departments, or want of vigilance on the part of the House of Commons. Now, then, that opinion has engaged the attention of Parliament, and must un dergo strict inquiry. There is a document recently published, which I have not yet seen, which gives ground for belief that such improvement is required in our dockyards. It could hardly have been other wise. Several of the last years have been years of war—of lavish expenditure—during which great power and trust must be given the executive, and Parliament has not yet recovered its control. With regard to this I will only ask you to place your reafidenee in your reprasentatives. (Hear, hear.) I believe that they are animated by the same feelings, and if they fail it is rather from want of business habits, from your chcosing bad men, or that there are difficulties in the way of great reductions which you must take into account. (Cheers.) It is said by a prominent member of the Liberal party, Mr. Bright, that the attempt to control military expen diture is a hopeless task in the present Parliament —that the army and navy are in the hands of the aristobracy, and a large body of the House of Com mons are bent on maintaining those abuses. My answer shall be short. There was a man, named Joseph Hume, who rose to distinction in an unre formed House of Commons, who devoted himself to the task with an energy and success that have never been surpassed. You will not have Joseph Humes every day. The system of our Government trains up men. They have the public eye on them—a public press to support them—and I think the machinery will be found equal to deal with abuses such as these in the present Parliamentas it did 30 years ago. (Applause.) There is another point in connexion with this important subject to which I would briefly refer. Many believe that great reduction was being effected by the employment of private dockyards. I do not. Vessels can be built cheaper by private enterprise, but nothing can supersede the ne cessity of vigilance, on the part of the authorities. There may be as great abuses in a system of pri vate contract as of public works, and it would be less under the control of Parliament. Again, the employment of private enterprise may answer for a smaller class of vessels ; but the want of this for first class ships would throw the work into few hands, and the Government would be at the mercy of contractors, and there would be great danger of it becoming a monopoly. But there is another con sideration which is all powerful with me, and I think decisive. If the work was carried on in every private yard, and along our whole coast, what would be our position in case of war ? Would not such a state of things justify that which we are now labouring to prevent, viz., filibustering enter prises against all our maritime towns ; and what protection could . we have but hy engaging in a system of public works along our whole sea board, which would be found more costly than the present abuse ? Let me say a word now on China. The public have been shocked by the tidings of a disaster in that country, and the natural feel ing arises in the minds of the people how we could take the most efficient means of re- asser ti ng ou r superiority, and protecting British interests in that part of the world. This is a feeling with which I cordially agree. Dangers may arise which r.quire the presence of a large force. A Government so inflated with their own importance may presume on their success to undo every concession made for the last 15 years. I enter into this feeling with certain reservation. lam not so carried away by it as to shut my eyes to the gravity of the crisis in our affairs, and the danger to British interests (I put aside questions of morality) if there be not a mild ness of temper—and I would add forbearance—in those who have charge of our affairs, both here and in China. Nothing is more easy than to throw up our hats, decide on licking the Chinese, and vote themoney forthe purpose. There are occasions when there is as much danger in success as in defeat ; and this is one of them. We are dealing with a Govern ment unwarlike ; and there is nothing in recent suc eess to alter our opinion. We are dealing with a Go vernment so prostrate and paralysed by internal convulsions that it seems fast falling to pieces, and ap proachingthat state of things we found in India. Lord Elgin describes their poverty, and he says he could not for very shame press them for money to pay the expenses of the war. It is in the power of the European Powers to destroy it, but unless some caution and forbearance are exercised by those great Powers in their demands, we may be incur ring responsibilities by which not only 300,000,000 of Chinese will be affected, by also our own coun trymen engaged in trade in that part of the world, which must be taken into account. There is a strong danger of throwing that country into confu sion, and forcing upon ourselves responsibilities such as we incurred in India, and which I desire to see averted. We have enough on our hands with regard to India without desiring any further em pire, and our policy in China ought not to be one of aggrandisement. (Hear.) But if this is the state of China, and I challenge discussion on this point, what is the value of the policy to which we have attached this ridiculous importance of having an embassy at Pekin ? But there is another considera tion. Civilised governments derive advantages from embassies, but the basis is good understand ing. But if we put ignominious conditions on a semi-barbarous people, that they must accept an envoy, the first consideration is that he must have the support of a British force ; but what would be the position of Mr. Bruce distant from the coast? Would he have weight with the Court? Would he not be in a worse position than at Shanghai or Can ton ? Lord Elgin felt this, and proposed a modifica tion. It seemed like an attempt to back out of a false position. Lord Elgin came home ; Mr. Bruce went out, and a simple question was put, is this an exceptional visit or not ? It will be said that such conditions are out of place now we have committed ourselves and the Chinese have treated us with indignity, and we must fight our way through. Now, on this point I claim for myself the- right of suspending my opinion as to the hostile intention and bad faith of the Chinese, because I observe that Lord J. Russell states that Mr. Bruce was obliged to act upon presumptive evidence, and " in_these cir cumstances," he says, "you had to weigh contingen eies on which no safe calculation could be made." In this remark I cordially agree ; and, having ;read the published papers connected with the embassy to Pekin, I entertain the hope that the Chinese never did wish to carry matters to an extremity, and that if we act wills firmness,'and at the same time with forbearance, we may carry our point better than with a high hand. With regard to the immediate cause of the rupture—that the Chinese had at tempted to re-open negotiations—l entertain the opinion that the simple questions they put to Mr. Bruce, when he arrived at Shanghai, were justified from he imperfect state of things in which Lord Elgin bad left them. With regard to the resistance of an armed progress up the Peihn, I will quote Lord Elgin's own words in his despatch written in November of last year, from which you may form your own conclusion how far we are entitled to as sume that this was an act of hostility on their part, and how far the treaty could be understood as giv ing us a right to send vessels up the river when we please :—(Lord Elgin to Lord Malmesbury, Nov. 5, 1858)—" We know, from the Pekin Gazette, that the Emperor has issued orders for the construction of the forts on the Peiho, and for the erection of other works to protect Pekin. It would hardly, I think, be reasonable on our part to require that the Emperor of China should leave his capital unde fended for the express purpose of enabling us, whenever we see fit to do so. to attack him there. Nor do 1, on the other hand, think that any works which he is likel.y to raise will prevent us from reaching it if we resolve to go thither in pursuance of a treaty right. At the same time it may be a question whether it would be expedient to exercise the option conferred on her Majesty by article 111 of the Treaty of Tien-tsin in such a manner as would force the Emperor to choose between a des perate attempt at 'resistance and passive acquies cence in what he and his advisers believe to be the greatest calamity that could befall the empire." I do not think that any language could be employed more prophetic of what really occurred. Here is the Ambassador who negotiates the treaty warning the Government that any attempt to use the right 1 •of visit b y an armed force mus lead to collision, because it was one which no Government would sub mit to. I ant not careful in in who is to bl an e .Ir. B ruce acted under instructions that he was to go up the river in an armed vessel. lie may or may not have construed these instructions too strictly. I here claim for myself the right ofjudg,- iug. I take this opportunity of warning my coun trymen of the dangers they run if this policy is pur suei. If you give such powers to your country men in distant parts, you will always require an armed force—you will have to pay liberally in money, and you will have the comfort of knowing at last, as 3 . -o-.1 will find out, that you are pursuing a policy injurious to your own trade, and against the best interests of your count: y. Looking to the importance of that question, I have thought it right to express myself thus freely with regard to it ; and having already expressed my opinion as to the prin cipal events of the session, I will only say, in con clusion, that, as one of my objects in asking you to attend was to give you an opportunity of asking for explanations of any part of my public conduct THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVEPING, OCTOBER 20, 185 g. 2,!, which you think calls for explanation, I shall be most happy to give them. (Loud cheers.) The CHAIRMAN then asked if any gentleman had any question to ask of their hon. member, or any remarks to make. _ _ _ _ _ _ Captain MossmAN trusted that Sir Edward Cole brooke would continue to represent this great county in the open, clear, and satisfactory manner which had all along marked his conduct. (Cheers.) He moved a resolution, conveying the thanks of the meeting to Sir Edward for his address, and express ing their continued confidence in him as their re presentative in Parliament. Mr. J. WILSON, Westsidewood, seconded the adoption of the resolution, and alluded to the honourable and straightforward manner in which Sir Edward had conducted his career in Parlia ment. Sir E. T. COLRBROORE returned thanks for the manner in which they had expressed their confi dence in him. He felt most deeply the responsi bility of his position as the representative of this great county, and he assured them that no exertion should be wanting on his part to discharge his most important duties in the most satisfactory way. On the motion of Dr. GRAY a vote of thanks was passed to the chairman, after which the proceed ings terminated. devoutly respected. And not only does ' the Pope assert this claim, but every ecclesiastic is t rained to support it, and to insist upon its recognition as a fundamental principle of unity with thc: Catholic Church. It has thus happened that his. Holiness has in his hands a vast organisation extending to every corner of the Continent, influential with ali classes of society, able to whisper oblige ze counsels in the ears of statesmen, to pervert the conscience:• of monarchs, to tamper with the loyalty o f armies, and to inflame the fanaticism of the people. By this agency in times past the best interest, of States have been set at nought, the best schemes of im provement in government and the best efforts of the intellect of nations have been crushed and kept down. Kingdoms have been laid under interdict, monarchs proscribed, subjects absolved from their allegiance, and rebellion and slaughter publicly approved, and even ble§sed. The rewards of heaven have been promised in God's name for some of the darkest deeds of hell—for treason, assassination, massacre, and prolonged torture. It has thus been at all times a serious thing to provoke the wrath of Rome. Her weapons have been ignorance and fanatical frenzy ; and these she has played off against law and order, public liberty, and national progress. Wielding two swords—the temporal and the 'spiritual—the Pope has never hesitated to use whichever Ni 011111 suit his purpose best. He has curbed the rising liberties of foreign States by the anathemas of the Vatican, and he has held his own people in chains by the bayonets of his soldiers. With instruments that reach alike to body and to soul he has upheld a system which, for boldness of assertion, universality of claim, and mysterious con nection with all the hopes and fears of man, has no rival, and can have no successor. With these he has fought the world, and, when he could, has crushed it. All the good works of the Church of Rome, and they are many—all her monasteries, sisterhoods, schools, hospitals, and means of charity —have been neutralised by the ambitious aims and worldly prizes after which she has struggled; and her moral force has suffered hopeless damage from the crafty, oppressive, and unprincipled means to - which she has resorted. Contrary to the example of apostolic times, the weapons of her warfare have been, not spiritual, but carnal. Blond has been held cheap by her when political or spiritual influence has been the object sought. It is with a power so conditioned, with such in struments, principles of action, aims, and antece dents, that the public opinion of Europe will soon have to deal. In the progress of things the tyranny of the Po-pedom could not endure for ever. With all its isolating properties Rome could not cut itself of from the rest of Italy, nor can Italy be excepted from the law of improvement which is obviously making itself felt among the nations of the Conti nent. By a perfectly natural process a crisis has come. Elements of misery, discontent, yearnings for liberty, consciousness of capability of better things, and a very proper emulation of great and free States, have been seething together in the popular mind in the Papal States. They have now grown to a head. They would have done so long before but for the continual presence of foreign troops. As soon, however, as the necessities of the war compelled the withdrawal of these soldiers, and the people were left with no other tie to the Power that governed them than the sense of outrage and of mock paternity, they asserted their own liberty, as did also the surrounding States. And now it remains to be seen whether this liberty is to be crushed out again, and the people relegated to their old state of bondage. This is the question of the day. "An Italian cause" has been pro pounded to the world by the Emperor of the French, and the sympathy of Europe has been invoked for it. In behalf of that cause he entered upon a deadly war, and on the ground that he had served it, if not sufficiently, at least as far as was consistent with his antecedent duty to France, lie made peace. The conditions of that peace have just been signed ; but the Italian cause is not settled by it. The interests of Central Italy arc still in abey ance, and of Central Italy the Papal States form no inconsiderable portion. These States hava followed the example of those around them, and have all declared against their traditional ruler. The public opinion of a great part of Europe favours their po sition, and thus the temporal sovereignty of the Pontiff is in danger of coming to an end, with the consent of a very large portion of Christendom. This is a crisis to rouse whatever of the natural man can be supposed to exist in a Pope's interior. And now every agency by which Rome can in fluence public opinion, the policy of princes, and the course of events, will be strained to the utmost. All that ramified organisation of which we spoke above is now being played off.. A thrill of danger has run through the Roman Catholic community ; every primate, prelate, and priest is urged forward, and rescripts, pastorals, and fulminations are the order of the day. In Austria, in France, in Bel gium, and in Ireland, the people are urged from the altar to make common cause with the Pope, and by every means to bring public opinion, and if ne cessary the most active opposition, to boar upon the re:subjugation of the Romagnese. This is a cu rious spectacle for the nineteenth century. It is the old story over again. The spiritual power played off against temporal rights. In this way the most industrious efforts are being made to turn the hearts of the people of France, in hope of thereby affecting the policy of the Emperor. Indeed, the Pope by this step challenges Napoleon. He in a certain sv ty dares him to c irry out " the idea" for which he went to war. He does not speak officially, but he speaks through his subordinates, and vir tually says to the Emperor that the tranquillity of France, and therein the continuance of his dy nasty, is in the hands of the Church. It will be instructive to watch the end of this. We shall be able to form some opinion of the reality of the pro gress of France during the last ten years when we see whether she has yet attained to an independence of the priesthood of Rome. If the Government of Napoleon is to be of permanent good—if the Em pire is really to exalt the French nation—if her progress is to be real and beneficent, there must be no truckling to the intrigues of the clergy, whose grand motive through life is the exaltation of the Pope, and who regard the maintenance of his supre macy over the mind, body, and estate of all Chris tendom to be a prerogative of divine right, and a principle to live and die for. ~ I will kty on for Tusculum, And lay thou on for Rome." That is the struggle now pending, and the world awaits anxiously the issue.—Morning Post. SURREY QUARTER SESSIONS.--Oct. 19. KINGSTON. (Before Mr. E. Penrhyn,_Chairman, and a Bench of Magistrates.) The Court was occupied a considerable part o, the day in hearing applications for music and dancing licences. THE LAST OF I'AU.pIALL-GARDENS. Mr. Knapp made an application for a renewal of the licence to the Spring-gardens, Vauxhall. The Chairman inquired whether the application was for a renewal of the licence to Vauxhall-gar den., which he understood were now done away with, and appropriated to other purposes. Mr. Knapp said he believed that the licence was intended to be applied to a portion of the same pro . The Chairman said it appeared to him that the circumstances were completely altered, and that Vauxhall-gardens, for which the licence had been originally granted, had now ceased to exist. He did not see, therefore, how the Court would be justified in granting a licence to a place that no longer existed. There was, besides, no evidence whatever to satisfy the Court to what portion of the remaining property the licence was intended to be applied. Mr. Knapp then called Mr. Ernest, the applicant for the licence, who stated, in answer to questions put by the Chairman, that his object was to obtain a licence for the old building at the entrance of the gardens, to which a portion of the old site would be attached for the recreation of the public. The Chairman inquired whether the whole of the old Vauxhall " properties" had not been pulled down and disposed of. Mr. Ernest said that they certainly had to a great extent, but some portion still remained, and these would be applied to the purpose of amusing the public. The Clerk of the Peace said it appeared by the records of the Court that the licence had always been granted to the "Royal Gardens, Vauxhall," and it was an entirely new thing to ask for a licence for any building. The Chairman, after some f ur th er di scuss i o n, s a id the court were unanimously of opinion that, under the altered circumstances of the property, there was no ground for granting a licence, and the applica tion, therefore, must be refused. 4 The whole of the other old licences were then r,newed without any observation. Henry Alexis Lemaire, a Frenchman, renewed an application he has made at several sessions.for a licence for the Rotunda, in the Blackfriars-road, under the name of the Royal Albion. Mr. Knapp supported The application ; Mr. Joyce opposed on behalf of Mr. W. Cooke, the lessee of Astle3's Theatre ; Mr. Needham, for the lessees of the 'Surrey, Messrs. Shephard and Creswick ; Mr. Utley, for the lessee of the Victoria; and Mr. Cliarnock, for Mr. Morton, the proprietor of Canter bury The memorial of the applicant was signed by a number of the i n h a bi tants of the neighbourhood I n d it also set forth that after the magistrates had refused him a licence on the last occasion, he im mediately closed the premises at considerable loss, and that if a licence were:now granted he would do all in his power to conduct the establishment in an crderly and respectable manner. Mr. Joyce addressed the Court, and said that Mr. Lemaire had made many applications for a licence, all of which had been refused ; and he had taken a defiant course and kept the place open as a "penny gaff," in spite of the magistrates. Three additional places of amusement had been licensed since Mr. Lemaire first applied, and the Rotunda was not only unnecessary, but would be a nuisance to the neighbourhood. Mr. Needham, in support of the opposition by the lessees of the Surrey Theatre, said it appeared to him that the present application was quite un justifiable, and that after so many refusals by the magistrates, the applicant ought not to persevere and put parties to the expense of an opposi tion. He thought it right to state that when Mr. Lemaire applied for a licence last year, considerable surprise was felt at some of the signatures that ap peared in favour of granting the licence, and among them was that of Mr. Pellatt, the late member for the borough. He should not be j u stifi e d i n s t a ti ng under what circumstances that signature was ob tained; but he would inform the court that on the present occasion Mr. Pellatt had signed a petition against the granting of the licence. He said, that although he could not give any evidence with refer ence to the case of Mr. Pellatt, he was in a condition to show the court how signatures to these sort of petitions were obtained in a great many instances. Mr. F. G. Wyan, a tradesman residing in Black friars•road, was then examined, and he stated that last year he signed the petition 'of Mr. Lemaire for a licence for the Rotunda, and he did so under the following circumstances. One morning, when he was engaged in his shop, a gentleman came in and introduced: himself to him very politely, and said that he wanted him to sign a petition for the abolition of the Rotunda. He said he would do so very willingly, and immediately signed the petition without looking at it, and the gentleman went out of the shop evidently very well pleased. (Laughter.) He discovered afterwards, very irdich to his annoyance, that he had signed a petition in favour of a licence being granted. (A roar of laugh ter.) He certainly should not have signed the peti • tion if he had known its real object, because he considered the place was a nuisance to the whole neighbourhood. By . Mr. Knapp—Witness was quite sure he (lid not mistake the)word " application" for" abolition." (Renewed laughter.) Believed the Rotunda had been closed durinc , the present year. Mr. Lilley aneMr. Charnock then addressed the Court, and the last-mentioned learned counsel caused a good deal of laughter by his observations upon the entire absence of the requirement for such a place of amusement in the neighbourhood. He said he had himself seen a lot of little ragged urchins, shoeless and shirtless, rushing into the Rotunda to see "Obi, or Three-fingered Jack," or the murder of "Hamlet ;" and such a place was only calculated to cause the commission of crime, and could not answer any real purpose of amusement or recrea tion. The Court unanimously refused the licence: The Chairman in the • course of the day gave notice that at the next session the rules of the Court, with reference to licensing places of amusement, would be altered in this respect, that in future those persons who desired to take a transfer of a licence for music and dancing would have to give the same notice as though it was an original appli catton. WAKEFIELD ELECTIOY COMMISSION. WAKEFIELD, WEDNESDAY. After the desptach of my parcel last night, Joseph Brear, the agent employed by the Con servatives at the last election in distributing bribes, continued his revelations. He said—l gave money to a man named Beaumont, who is in prison ; I be lieve £l5. Five Beaumonts voted on our side, and I wish there had been more. I gave nothing to David Turner. The " unknown man" had to do the amiable with him. Mr. Sergeant Pigott—Well, now, Mr. Brear, will you tell us how much money you had throUgh your hands altogether? _ _ _ Witness—l cannot tell exactly, but I should think it would be about £1,300. I got it in bags from Mr. Jose Fernandez, and I did not count the contents. Mr. Sergeant Pigott—Did he let you have all that you wanted ? Witness—Knowing much of elections, I told Sanderson that unless something was done we should lose the election, as they were bringing voters in all directions on the other side. Saner son did not say anything to discourage me, but re ferred me to Jose Fernandez. The day afterwards I went to Fernandez. I cannot fix the time. Above all Clings I never keep dates about election matters. (Laughter.) The money was ready for me. Mr. Sergeant Pigott—Who sent the stranger to you P. Witness—l was " up"—(laughter)—l knew a thing or two ; so I knew his business, and I asked no questions. I had interviews with him thre/ times, but I didn't want to have much conversation with him. Mr. Sergeant Pin•ott—Cau you describe this mysterious stranger ?"' Witness—He was a very nice-complexioned man, with very winning ways—(laughter)—and just the man for the situation. (Loud laughter.) He wore whiskers and had a beard occasionally. (Laughter.) That is, he had one of those straight out beards. (Laughter.) His hair was whitey brown. (Great laughter.) He was not particu larly stout, but a very comely, good-looking man. 0, sir, what an accomplished man he was ! (Great laughter.) I don't know that his hair was curly or wh ether he wore a white hat, but his age was about 40 or 42. I will undertake to swear that I don't know what his name is, and that I have no clue to it. I don't know who introduced him into the town, and I never saw him beforein my life. I did not keep a list of voters who were " briberable" I can • not say what money the bags I got contained. I was determined not to count the contents, but, from what I spent, I think I got something to the tune of £1,300 in notes and gold. I looked at the notes very hard, for I thought it " very heard cheese" that they should go as they were going. (Laughter.) After I had paid the voters there was a little money left, which I did not pay back, as I thought it was my turn after the rest, (Laughter.) I have it at home now, having never touched it, but there is only a sovereign or two, just enough to pay for half a dozen of champagne. Mr. Sergeant Pigott—We want to see the bag. You must bring it tomorrow. Witness—Very well ; but I won't bring the money. (Laughter.) Mr. Sanderson never warned me againt bribery. Thomas Alder, jun., deposed to having taken the stranger to Brear's house. He met him near the Bull Inn, and took him at his own request to Brear. Had never seen him since, nor heard his name. The Court then adjourned. When the Commissioners reassembled this morn ing, Miss Sarah Ann Turbill was called. She said she had a cousin named Samuel Richard Green, an iron founder (wh o was previously examined). Her cousin did no t ask her to call upon a voter named Ritchie, but she was in the habit of visiting him and his wife regularly ; nothing particular passed between them about the election beyond mere fireside chat. Green asked her what way she thought Ritchie would vote, but did not suggest to her to ask him for his vote. She knew that Ritchie was a wavering sort of man, and that they we re i n ver y p oo r circumstances ; but they did not ask her what they were likely to get for the vote. Mrs..hitchic told her on one occasion that Barratt had given her husband £4O for voting for Charleswort h. • Mr. Joseph Shaw, spirit merchant, one of Mr. • Charlesworth's active supporters, was next called. He said he had £lO given to him for the purposes of the election by Mr. Fernandez ; that was the whole amount of money which passed through his hands for the purposes of the election. He canvassed about 300 electors, and got about 100 signatures to the requisition to Nit.. Charlesworth. He cal led. with Mr. Charles worth upon a voter named Winter, who begged to be excused voting for theirside. Witness waited upon him subsequently with a person named Stephenson. He (witness) knew that the Liberals had "opened" Winter's house. On that occasion Winter made no promise one way or the other, but Stephenson put down £3 on the table. Some of the Leatham party came in just then, and Stephenson took up the money and put it in his pocket. Winter afterwards voted for Leathern. He (witness) gave a voter named Wilcock £3O to vote for Charles worth, but he did not vote at all. He (witness) nei ther gave nor offered money in any other ease. Of the remainder of the £4O he gave a man named Link £B, who was a " tolerably good speaker," to go about to the public-houses and speak in favour of CharleswOrth. He did not know th e "stranger" who had been sp ken .of by some prey .ous witnesses, who wl.s• engaged in the election on his side, b u t he heard there was " a man in the moon" down, but he never knew who had sent for him. II; made it a point to know as little of these matters as possible. It was generally understood among " elect ion people" that "a man in the moon" meant a person who was engaged to bribe the electors. lie knew that Joe 13rear was bribing voters on the Charles worth side, but he did not know that Mr. Goldthorpe was so engaged. He did not know of his own know ledge of any' other person except WTilcock being bribed. He never heard that the "m an in th e moon" was a relative of one of the prominent mem bers of his party. Ho ( witness) canvassed for Charles werth at the election of 1857. He made no offer to -- - any voter at that election. In fact he was money out of pocket on that occasion, for he lent money to Mr. Charlesworth to pay the toll-bar and for hold ing his horse, and he never had the " good manners" to repay him. Mr. Archibald Crowther, spirit merchant, was next examined. He said Joe Brear gave him £lOO (not £2OO as that witness stated), for the purposes of the election. He gave it to him all in gold in a bag. Brear came into his shop in a great - hurry, as if somebody was after him, and said, " Here's £2OO, do what you can with it." He (witness) gave £4O out of the £lOO to a voter named Speake, and £4O to another voter named Wainwright, a butcher, to vote for Charlesworth. The remaining £2O lie spent in incidental expenses, treating non-voters, &c. lle offered a person named Thomas Wilcock, a tenant of his own, £3O or £4O to vote for Charlesworth. To Mrs. Burnell, a fishmonger, he said he had no doubt he could get h er £5O or £6O if her husband would vote for Charlesworth. The next person to whom he offered money was Samuel Fieldhouse, to whom he said he thought he might get him £4O. Fieldhouse then went away, and witness went after him next day, and told his wife he thought he might get him £5O, and she told him to go to the British Oak, where her husband was. There was a great crowd about the house, and he dared not go in, but afterward 3 lie saw Fieldhouse, who said he would take £5O to go away. He (witness) then said to a person named Richardson, " What do you think this man wants to go away ? He wants £50." Richardson replied, " Why, he has voted ;" and the n he (witness) said to Fieldhouse, "You are a d--d squinting scamp." He offered £5O to another voter, named Lancaster. Brear never gave him money for the purposes of the election except on the one occa sion of which he had spoken. He did not recollect he ever told Brear he gave him only £lOO instead of £2OO until that morning, after he had seen Brear's evidence in the paper. Brear then said he was not sure exactly how much he gave him —he was hurried and excited at the time. He did not ask Brear where the money came from. He "I expected" it came from the committee. He did not recollect " the stranger" and Brear coming to his house, but Brear told him there would probably be " a man in the moon " coming by-and-bye. He would swear he never saw the " man in the moon" to his knowledge canvassing, nor any other stranger. Mr. Henry Brown examined. He said he was private solicitor to Mr. Charlesworth and several members of his family. He was mayor and re turning officer at the election of 1857. He heard there was a sum of from £3OO to £5OO spent by Mr. Charlesworth at that election, but he could not speak from his own knowledge. He was not aware of any bribery going on at the last election (1859) on Mr. Charlesworth's part. He himself never offered any bribe at that election. He contributed to the expense of the petition to the House of Commons against Mr.Leatham's return. He wished Mr. Charlesworth to pray for the seat ; but, from what he had heard since this commission began, he should not have given Mr. Charlesworth that ad vice. He should think, knowing the people of Wakefield as he did, that not above 100 of the electors were likely to take bribes. He had read of the large amount of money which had been spent at the last election, but he did not think it could have been spent in bribery. Mr. Thomas Rennard, innkeeper, examined. He keeps the White Hart. He voted for Mr. Leatham, and got £25 for his vote from Mr. Kenworthy. He was canvassed on the other side by " a stranger." They got talking about racing matters, and the stranger said he could give him a good "tip." The stranger then asked if £2O, or £3O, or £4O would induce him to vote for Charlesworth, and witness replied it would not, that he had promised to vote for Leatham, and he would not break his promise. That stranger was rather a comely-looking fellow, and of genteel appearance. He never heard that man's name, nor who he was, nor that he was con nected with any one. in Wakefield. It was about the time of the Chester races, and the stranger said he could give him a " tip " about the Royal Sove reign, who was then a favourite in the betting. He thought by the man's accent that he was a Yorkshireman ; he wild swear he was, and also that he was a West Riding man. Mrs. Sarah Moron examined. She said Mr. Tomlinson (who was examined yesterday) called at her house before the election and asked her who her husband was going to vote for. She said she be. lieved . for Leatham, and he said it would be worth her husband's while to be neutral and to go away. She told her husband what had passed. She thought Tomlinson meant that her husband should have a sum of money if he voted for Charlesworth. Mr. Thomas Halliday, a publican at Halifax, and also proprietor of a colliery, was next called and examined as to the evidence of the witness Bair stow, who stated he had been turned out of his situation at witness's colliery because he voted for Mr. Lcatham. Witness did not turn Bairstow off for that, nor did he know how he voted until he read it in Bairstow's evidence before the commis / sion. What Bairstow had stated in his evidence was untrue ; he was discharged because the pit was closed for a time. Mr. Joseph Brear, who was partly examined yesterday, was now recalled, and in reply to ques tions by Mr. Sergeant Pigott, said—l gave Archie Crowther money only once. I stated in my evi dence yesterday that I gave him £2OO ; but I be lieve now, from what Crowther told me this morn ing, that it was only £lOO. I looked at the bag last night in Which I kept the money given me for the election, and there is only a sovereign and a half-sovereign in it now. I got this bag (which he produced) at the Strafford Arms. I took it up from the table there, and knew very well what it was for. I gave William Wright, a voter, first £25, and afterwards £5 to vote for Charlesworth. No one suggested to me to take this office. I'm sorry to say I was a bit too forward. The money was there (at the Strafford Arms) when it was wanted. I was not told the "man in the moon" was coming down—(a laugh)—but when he came and was in troduced by Mr. Alder, I thought it,'.,was all right, and did not look upon it as a matter of business, but as a." bit of trap-hand work." (Laughter.) Mr. Slade—Was that " stranger" a Yorkshire man ? Witness—Oh, I cannot say; you can't tell a Yorkshireman nowadays. If a Yorkshireman goes up to London for a week, he comes down again " clipped and heeled." (Laughter.) By Mr. Sergeant Pigott—Of course I mean that the offers I made to Cooling and Mitchell, which I spoke of yesterday, were only in joke. Wm. Williamson examined—He said he got £35 for voting for Mr. Leatham. Mr. Shaw, pawn broker, gave him the money. That was three or four days before the election. Before he got that money, Joe Brear (the last witness) came to his house and put £l5 on the table, saying he left it thei e, and no one could say he bribed him. (Laughter.) Charles Brady stated he got £3O from Brear for his vote, and was offered £3O by Shaw to vote for the other side. Alexander Brady, brother to the last witness, said he got a similar sum. He and his brother both voted for Charlesworth. William Cass also stated he got £25 from Brear for voting for Charlesworth. He was offered £3O by Shaw (pawnbroker) to vote for Leatham, but did not take it ! because he never voted on that side. Tomas Perkin deposed that he got £3O from Brear for his vote for Charlesworth. He refused £4O fromSharploy to vote for Leatham. - James Stead said he took £2O from Brear to vote for Charlesworth, and. refused £5O offered by Sharp ley to vote for Leatham. Wm. Wells stated he received £4O from Brear, and refused offers from Sharpiey and others of the Liberal party. Robert Beaumont said he got £25 from Joe Brear for his vote; he had an offer of £2O to vote for reathana by a man named White. :John Ainley said he got £lO from Mr. Samuel Green fOr voting for Mr. Charlcsworth. It was after the election was over. Mr. Shaw (pawn broker) offered him £3O to vote for Leatham, but he would not take it because Mr. Charlesworth was his landlord. Miss Sarah Rigg examined. She said she knew a man named William Cocker and spoke to him many a time about his vote. She knew he was, going to vote for Leatham, and she asked him to vote for Charlesworth. She offered him £2o—she believed she offered him I:so—if he would vote for Charlesworth. She would swear solemnly no one authorised her to make these offers. She did not mean this when she said it. Henry Taylor got £l5 for voting for Leathern. He was accosted in the street by " the stranger," who said he understood he was poorly off, anZwit ness replied he was. Thereupon the stranger asked him if .E4O, £3 . 0, or £6O would not do him good (to vote for Charlesworth). lie believed Joe 13rear pointed him out to the stranger, for Meer had spies after him for days. The stranger was a very good-looking man, well dressed, a n d apparently a little over 40 years of age. lle (witness) saw him "disappear" very sudde n ly into the Strafford Arms. He asked the s er .. want lass at that hotel who he was, but she said she did not know who he was. • Dlr. John Dobbs Goldthorpe examined—He said he applied to Michael Cox to vote for Mr. Charles. , w orth about a week before the election, b u t di d lot offr him i t ll lat i i ng lie did moreover, told C ox who d not int en d to turn tenant, h him out of the house he rented from hi m on account e was hais singles of the vote he intended to give. After that Joe Brear came to his (witness's) office, and asked him to send for the last witness, Taylor. Ile did so, and when Taylor came he left them t oget h er, e had BIRTHS. • DUNCOMBE.—On the 18th inst. at Leamington the wife of Geo. T. Buncombe, Esq., of ? a daughter. , LoNG.---On the 17th inst., at llounslow, Mrs. Wm. Long, of a daughter. POWELL.—On the 18th inst., at Saxby Rectory, the wife of the Rev. Richard Powell, of a son. Wrixtss.—On the 18th inst., at Leyton, the wife of F. G. Wilkins, Paq., of a :on. M ARRIAGES.' - ' COATPS—CRunisHANK.—On the 18th inst., at St. John's, Hyde -park, W, Burnett Coates, Esq., C.S. to Mary, the eldest daughte r o f t h e l ate James Crufkshank, ' Esq., of Langley -park, Forfarsbire. llENsunw—GßANr.—On the 18th inst., at St. James's, Piccadilly, Clinton Frazer Heushaw, Esq., Rifle Bri gade, to Isabella Jean Margaret, only child of the bits Lieut.-General Sir Lewis Grant, K.C.H., Colonel 96th Itegt. DEATHS. ALLEN. —On the 17th inst., at 12, Richmond-terrifce, Islington, Thomas Allen, Esq., aged 65. ANCELL._On the 10th inst., at John-street, Adelphi, Alfred A nge ll , Esq., aged 57. BEAmoxT.—On the IGth inst., Thomas Beaumont, Esq., of Lama-place, Bradford, aged 05. - C RIPrS.—On the 9th inst., at Stratford House, near Stroud, Joseph Cripps, 11 , 1., aged 72. G AILT--On the 11-th inst., at Icklingham, co. Suffolk, J. Gwilt, Esq., aged 74. LAW. —On the 15th inst., Laurence James Law, of the • Triangle, Kennington. SAUNDERS.—On the 15th inst., at Fulham-real, Thomas 11. Saunders, F.sq., aged 81. WARING.—bn the Ilth inst., at Madrid, Mark Waring, ET:I., Chevalier of the Order of Leopold, fourth son of John' .arino• / Esq . 1„ ef Haworth H a ll, Y or k s hi re , aged LONDO N : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The San Office, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, ts the county of Middlesex, Thursday, October 20, 1859. THE MONTARA CASE. The protest of the English clergy and laity against the seizure and detention of a Jewish child by the Church of Rome on the pretence of a surrep titious baptism in infancy is one to command the respect of any ordinary Power. A stranger might not very readily understand how several hundred names could either represent the public opinion of this country, or amount to a tribunal qualified to pronounce on a legal or a spiritual question. Of course, too, the Church of Rome will easily dispose .of the authority of our bishops and other dignita ries. We, however, know at home, and it is also known by every statesman in Europe at all com petent to advise upon European affairs, that these several hundred names represent just the qualities that make England a great nation. They are the names of men who form their opinions deliberately, without fear, passion, self-interest, or prejudice, and who arc prepared to take their stand on their opinions so formed. England is pre-eminently a school of right. It is not only a place where a man may enjoy his own without molestation, but also a place where he may learn what is his own, how far he ms.y advance his claims, and where he must stop short at the rightful domain of his neighbour. Here we learn to know and respect the rights of con science, the rights of private judgment, the rights of society, the rights of the public, and the rights of every man, whether he advances a humble plea for existence, or demands our surrender to a pre ternatural summons. In fact, we possess among ourselves, and in the Very heart of our society, all the various elements which elsewhere set State against State, and, as each prevails, form the dis tinctive character of Governments and dynasties. So nowhere is it better known and practised what to render to the powers that be, and what to Him who is over all. The men who have subscribed this protest are no more actuated by hostility to the Papacy than they are by any undue tenderness to those of the Jewish persuasion. But they know what is due between man and man. They know on what principles alone either Papists or Jews can exist without an utter disruption of society. They know, also, that there are spiritual questions, and that spirits al claims address themselves to the spirit or inner nature of man. They know, there fore' that all attempts to assert spirftual rights by fraud or by font., by secret conspiracy, by invasions and surprises upon the rights of nature—by cap tures, abductions, concealments, and other acts of brigandage, are as much outrages as the irruption of an armed mob into a quiet household, into a palace, a church, or a Garden of Gethsemane. Probably, however, the last thing that the sub scribers expect is that their protest will have any effect, or that Rome will surrender to the ?naked voice of reason and humanity the prey she has once branded as her own. No doubt, this is all according to the stiffest precedents of the Roman Church. The child was baptised. It is a Chris tian. It is a child of the Church. It owes obedience to the Holy See. It cannot be left in the hands of the unbeliever. By this time,- too, as is asserted, the child itself has become an intelligent and conscientious Christian, and enters .fully and cordially into the train of reasoning which has separated it from its natural friends and pro tectors. Such logic is irresistible, and we have only to wish that no one of the clergymen and other gentlemen who have entered their protest may ever have to argue the question with Car dinal Antonelli and the cells of Sau Pietro-in- Vincolo. We have no doubt whatever that the conclusion of the controversy would be signal and disastrous. The subscribers, however, are fully a.waie of all this. They know that thc:e is no withstanding the logic of Rome. But we beg the partisans and admirers of Rome to observe that this is the very reason why most of them hold themselves bound to do their utmost to strip Rome of every vestige of temporal power. It is because they sec that Rome has a logic, a mode of reisoning, a policy, and a rule of her own. It is because Rome is utterly proof against the principles on which human society alone can exist. They know that, had Rome the power or the encouragement, she wouid at once make preten sions certain to array half the civilised world in arms against the other. In this island we are all of one opinion as to the result of the widest and most formidable struggle ; but we have no wish to see Europe devastated, her fields ravaged, her cities destroyed, and her population brutalised by a Holy War made in the name of mercy and peace for the winning of souls. Hence it is that we resist claims that can only be permitted with such dangerous consequences. The fact that Ro man logic tends irresistibly to such, a consum mation is enough for us. The professors of that logic tell us that we have no weapons that can dint its shield or foil its thrust. They assure us it pursues a course of its own that no art of ours can disturb. We see what it must lead to, so we give it no terms; we resist it altogether. Yet Rome is full of complaints ; no tongue so sweetly pathetic, so tenderly remonstrant. Her cry is always for her children that have been de ceived and seduced, and whom she longs to recall from the precipices they play upon by the most touching demonstrations of her motherly feeling. To read her letters and rescripts, her pastorals and missives, one would suppose her only ill- use d, in sulted, defrauded, and persecuted by all the arts of human treachery or violence. It was difficult to read the Papal lament over the defection and crimes of the .21,.'milian cities without some sort of passive sympathy for the parent deserted by her children. 13ut if one had permitted a mere instinct to carry one further, and even to wish success to the armies in the field against the rebels, it must soon have occurred to the memory that Rome recognises neither natural feel ings, nor political duties, nor laws of G)d or man, when they conflict with her claims. She can secretly stamp a • bond of allegiance on an un conscious babe, and in due time wrest the unwitting convert from the arms of its natural guardians. She can pronounce nature itself in its highest and purest form a crime in the face of her own higher ordinance, and banish father, mother; sister, brother, and all that nature has ordained, if they presume to stand between the priest and—we cannot say the people—the child. Why, then, need we concern ourselves with the spiritual yearnings of an ima ginary parent over her rebellious children, when we see the reality before us ? Like various other potentates more or less deserving of our sympathy, Pio Nono has lost a considerable portion of his tem poral dominions. The Sultan, the King of Holland, and now the Emperor of Austria, have all been suf ferers in this way; and their cases can hardly be thought so bad as that of several other Sovereigns who have lost their thrones altogether, and retired to private life—that private life which affords so many examples of more terrible disasters. None of these misfortunes, however, so that they are con fined to the loss of thrones, cities, or territories, can rank with the grief of a parent robbed of his child. We have only to suppose the case of a devout Roman Catholic whose child has been kidnapped and carried off to Morocco or Constantinople, there to be brought up in the religion of the Prophet, the lord or the inmate of a harem, and we can estimate the sorrow of the Mortaras. It is not for us to say by the light of our own revelation that there is ruin in one case and salvation in the other. That is not the ques tion. This is a case in which our plain duty is to do as we would be done by, and to respect the feel ings which our own hearts teach us to be human and sacred. Rome will doubtless persist ; she always does persist ; but her persistence in what we all believe to be a crime nuinst the first laws of nature comes very opportunely to c/ eck any weak regrets for the general rush of her flock out of her temporal pale.— Times. Amidst all the convulsions which Europe has undergone foe the last thousand years one Power alone has, in spite of some interruptions, held its ground, and never shrunk from asserting its pre rogatives. With a tenacity th a t ha.: no parallel in history, the Pope hasnever ceased to claim supremacy over all Powers in the world, whether temporal or spiritual. lie has not been very successful of late years with the temporal Powers ; for there is not a kingdom in Europe in which his bulls can be rro mulgated without the license of the civil adminis tration. But by all but a few countries in Europe, and those not populous, his claims to be the Vice gerent on Earth of the Most High have been no doubt that Brear's object in sending for Taylor was to "do the amiable" with him, as Mr. Brear expressed it—in other words, to give him money to vote for Mr. Charlesworth. After hearing some further evidence the Com missioners adjourned until this morning. CO UhITRY MAR.K.Er4. NEWARK-OCT. 19. There was a heavy tone in the wheat trade to-day, with a tolerable supply, and prices were at the extreme of last market day. A fair show of oats at late rates. White wheat, new, 443 to 52s Barley, grinding.. XB3 to 313 Red do. 403 to 448 Oats, old, .. —3 to —8 Old white 44s to 523 New do 24s to 304 Red do. ...403 to 44s I Beans. 448 to 488 Barley, malting.... 38s to 46s Beans, new —3 to .-..s BOSTON There was a fair show of w at last week's quotations. A ley. Beans rather scarce. Wheat, red .38s to 45s Oats.... 2Ss to 354 White do .44s to 49s Beans ..40s to 4d 4 Barley .37s to 40s Peas to —a -0 CT. 19. ,heat to-day, with a dull sale good inquiry for malting bar•, lIULL—Ocr. 18. At our market to-day we had a moderate supply of Eng lish wheat, which was taken off slowly at last week's prices for both new and old, with a limited business. Oats continue neglected. Malting barley does not move so freely, but grinding is in fair demand. Beans and peas a slow sale. Wheat.... Old white....per qr ... 46s 0,1 to 48s Od Old red Now white .. „ New red .... „ Dantzic, Konb , &c. old white 48s Od to 55s Od Dutch, Belgian, and French 4ss Od to 47s Od Baltic and Hamburg, red St. Petersburg and Ri ga , o ld. 40s Od to 42s Od Barley.... English malting 36s Od to 408 Od Grinding 3os Od to 32s Od Saal and Oderbruck Holstein and Danish 3OB Od to 31s Od Grinding 26s Od to 29s 'Od Oats English, old . . Archangel and Riga, per st Os 101 d to lii Friesland and Dutch oBllcl to Osllkd Swedish and Danish oBlld to 08111 d Beans ....English, old, per qr. . New pigeon 4os Od to 42s Od New tick. 39s Od to 40s Od Egyptian 375 Od to 385 Od Peas Foreign breakers Grinding Tares ....Winter —s Od to —5 Od Indian Corn Linseed, feeding b . 508 Oct to 52s Od crushing Linseed cakes (Hull) £8 5 0 to £8 10 0 Foreign 715 oto 8 0 0 Rape cakes 412 6to 417 6 Bones 415 oto 5 5 0 CORK—OcT. 18. The following were the quotations this morning : —Re 1 wheat, 21s Od t0 4 21s 01; white, 24s Od to 26s 3d; barley 11s 6d to 12s 6d; oats, 7s 6d to 13s Od. DUBLIN—OcT. 18. The market was fairly supplied. Wheat of all qualities met a ready sale, and fully supported late rates. Barley in limited supply at an advance of 3d to 6d per barrel. In oats a fair business done, at late rates. Indian corn in improved demand, and an advance of 6d to is per qr. may be quoted. s. d. s. d. Wheat, white.. 22 6 to 26 0 Do., red .. 21 0 to 24 6 Do., new .... 21 0 to 24 0 Barley Oats Do., black l4 0 to 15 0 s. d. s. 1. Do., new ll 0 to 12 6 Bere. l3 0 to 140 Rapeseed 20 0 to 22 6 Oatmeal l2 6 to 14 6 Bakers' flour Indian corn BRISTOL SUGAR—OcT. 19. There has been a much better demand for sugar this week, and nearly everything offering in West India has been cleared off at prices about 6d per cwt. dearer Large sales have also been made in floating cargoes at full rates. Rather more doing in rum at former rates. COAL MAR] (Prices of Coal per Ton at LET—OCT. 19. the close of t he market.) s. d. Lambert's West Hart ley 15 9 Tanfield Moor 13 0 Tanfield Moor 13utes 13 • 0 Eden Main l7 3 Ward's - West Hartley ..I4 0 Tonassohn's Hartley ..13 6 Walker Primrose 12 6 Walls End. o. d. Whitworth.. 15 3 Russell's Hetton 18 0 Benson.... l6 6 Hunwick .. 15 3 Haswell .. . l9 0 Cassop lB 6 Hough Hall 17 9 Braddyll's Hetton 18 0 Garway and Duffryn Malting 22 0 Powell'sDuirryn Steam 22 0 Nixon's Duffryn 22 6 Brown MoorHighMainls 9 t, 41—Sold, 39. Walls End. Acorn Close ---- 18 0 Eden 18 0 South Hetton 18 9 Stewart's 19 0 Kelloe l7 6 Ships at marks FOREIGN MAIL PACKET LIST. En the following table E signifies that letters are despatched by evening mails from London, and ➢I by morning mails. Next DESTINATIONS. Despatch' Port of Mail of Mails. Despatch. due. Australia and Mauritius, vir Southampton N0v.12,31 Southamp, Nov. 10 Ditto, via Marseilles Bahamas and Havana Via Nen York Oct. 28, E, Liverpool.. Oct. 27 Canada, &c. (by Canada. pckt )ct. 25, E Liverpool.. Oct. 19 Cape of Good Hope, Ascen sion, and St. Helena Nov 5, E . Devonport Nov. 1 China, Penang, and Singa pore, via Southampton .... Oct. 20, E Southamp. Oct 19 Ditto, via 3larseille3 Gibraltar, via Southampton.. Oct. 20, 31 Southamp. Oct. 1W Honduras and Blewfields .... N0v.17, 31 Southamp, Nov. 16 India (Calcutta) and Ceylon, via Southampton Oct. 20, M Southamp. Oct. 19 Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via South ampton Oct. 27, 31 Southamp. Oct. 25 Ditto, via Marseilles Lisbon, Brazils,BnenosAyres, and F. Islands Lisbon, Vigo, and Oporto Oct. 27, 31 Southamp. Oct. 21 Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Oct. —, M Southamp. Oct. 19 Ditto. via Marseilles Mexico and Havana ........ Nov. 2, SI Southamp. Nov. 1 Newfoundland ............ Oct. 21, E Galway,,,, United States and British N. —, E Southamp. America (by British packet) Oct. 21, F Liverpool Oct. 27 Ditto (by U. S. packet) .... Oct. West Coast of Africa, Ma deira, and Teneriffe ........ Oct. 24, E Liverpool Nov. 9 West India, Californi a , Vene zuela, Chili, Peru, Grey town, New Granada, &c. .. Nov. 2, 31 Southamp. Nov. 1 I' • [ADVERTISEMENT].—HoIIoway's Pills and Ointment.— Debility.—Consumption.—ln no diseases aro the resrlts of the alterative and tonic influence of these invaluable reme dies more apparent or more gratifying than in that feeble condition of the body which precedes consumption. A change for the better is observed ere this treatment has been followed for a week, and the improvement steadily progresses; the melancholy emaciation soon gives place to health, strength, and cheerZalness. The appetite returns, the perspirations diminish, the shortness of breath ceases, and the incessant cough soon vanishes altogether. The Ointment should be rubbed most effectually between the shoulders, on the chest, and left side. Two Pills should be taken nightly; the air should ba sought, solids eaten, slops avoided. [ADV ERTISEMENT.]—It is ever a pleasing duty for $ journalist to introduce to his readers some discovery calcu lakd to benefit 'that vast portion of our fellow creatures which has the strongest claims upon our sympathies. It is with tl.is feeling that we call the attention of invalids to the following extracts from Du Barry's interesting report of cures -without medicine of indigestion (dys pepsia), flatulency, constipation, nervous, bilious, and liver complaints, cough, asthma, consumption, and debility by Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food : Cure No. 52,422-13ridgehouse, Friraley, 3d April, 1854. I have suffered these 33 years continuallx-from diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, deafness, sing ing in the ears, constipation, debility, shortness of breath and cough, which have been removed by your R evalenta Arabica. My lungs, liver, stomach, head, and ears are all right, my hearing perfect, and my recovery is a marvel to all my acquaintances. James Roberts, timber merchant. In tins, at ls. Gd. ; 11b., 3s. ; 21b., ss. 9d. ; 51b., 125.; 121 b., 265. The 101 b. and 121 b. tins carriage free, on receipt of post office order. Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, London' Fortnum, Mason, and Co., 182, Piccadilly ; Abbis, 60 Gracechurch-street ; 4, Ch ea p s id e ; 63 and 150, Oxford , street ; 330 and 451, Strand ; 49 and 60, Bishopsgate. street ; 85, Tottenhara-court-road Also at Dublin, Bewley and Draper ; at Edinburg7i, Raimes and Co. ; at Liverpool, Nixon and Thew; at Manchester, Sharp and Scott; at York, Balms, Blanchard, and Ca.; at South.. ampton, Randall and Son.