The Sun. — London, England, 1829-03-03 00:00:00

SA 111( JO inn Pr, hei dit off, Pet of sai4 the aPI to or atri Lr tin for as ' Bi . L R of eo r b, Ti 114 S la 3 S of Ei at IC C a a I I 0 2 ~,,, cT_---,if,e,- - I ( 4c. /- . :. - • . _ . . . - , ` `rte - -777,4....." . i r'i "':''4o".l • -,' __ _ , ~t V zo . I , : 411111kN i' ~,,,,-, v a t • 4,'" --- ;,_ ~,,,„ , , ttl/e, fry .••••---- ...4 'l. /1:2. 4 5 f - . -,.....,...‘‘, .), / . 4 f /A''''' ~, 5 " / . 0 -• . . --' '..\ ':,,', ' . . 4 5 4- .. . ' I/,, - , s _ , 4 4 , .• . .. . . • ~ e • &, . 4 K........... , ' : ‘ J • •,‘ . ' ''' l - '''. \ ''''',.'... -- ' Pl* ' Z'".lA • ek Al ti 0 .' ' Wk.- • s ' ;,,, • I. , ' :.•• lb. .0.- -- ' ' .•••:- . ,Z (, •-'. .0 . P 1 .f* - = 4111 44111111 ',, ..0 1 101 . 0 1 ‘ . ` C' • \'' . .i t ler S. t " - "V-itt:' , . V Oil'_ii • ~.:-..„ ... .. ...,.. .• '-‘ - - HORRID MURDERS. TWO HUNDRED POUNDS REWARD. VITHEREAS, on the Afternoon or Evening of Sunday, the let of March instant, Mr. SAMUEL LANGTRET, of Prospect-row, PORTS luounr, late Ma , ter,Briehlayer, and Mrs. CHARITY JOLLIFFE, his Housekeeper, %sere MURDERED in the most shocking- manner, in their Dwelling-house, situate in Pr °*Pec+-row,.in Portsmouth aforesaid. A REWARD is hereby offered of ONE HUNDRED POUNDS, in ad dition to the Reward of ONE HUNDRED POUNDS offered by the Parish of Portsmouth, to any person or persons discovering the horrid perpetrator or perpetrators of the above Murder, to be paid by the Executors of the said Samuel Langtrey on conviction thereof, (except to the party or parties actually committing such murder) on applying , to Messrs. T. A. and W. Minchin, the Solicitors to the Executors, at their Offices in Portsea or Gosport; or to Mr. Thomas Minchin, solicitor, No. 15, Harpur street, Bloomsbury, London. March 3, 1829. • This day was published, • PROTESTANT SAFETY compatible with the REMISSION of the CIVIL DISABI LITIES of ROMAN CATHOLICS ; being a Vindica ' tion of the " Security suggested," By the Right Lion. R. IVILNIOT HORTON, ALP., for the Settlement of the Roman Catholic Question ; with as Introductory Statement, and a Dedication to the ' Bishop s of Rochester, Lichfield and Coventry, and Llandaff. John Murray, Albemarle-street. / This day was published, price Is. 6d. ..]E\TGLAND'S ' PROTEST is ENG LAND'S SHIELD for the BATTLE is the LORD.s . , By the Rev. HUGH APNEILE, A. M. Rector of Al burY, Surrey, and Chaplain to his Grace the Printed f or J. Archbi s h o p o f D u bli n . Hatchard and Son, 187, Piccadilly. Of whom may be had, by the sami Author, a Volume of Sermons, in Bvo. price 12s. boards. This day was published, in 12mo. 10s. 6d. boards, ASYNOPSIS of the BRITISH FLORA, VASCULAR according to the NATURAL ORDERS ; containing VASCULAR ES, or FLOWERING PLANTS. By JOHN LINDLEY, F. R.S., L.S. and G. S. Assistant Secretary of the Horticultural Society, Professor of Botany in the University of London, &c. &c. Printed for Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green. - - - Of whom may be had, The ENGLISH FLORA. By Sir J. SMITH, F.R.S. • ke., a new Edition, in 4 vols. Svo., 21. Ss. boards. This day was published, price 3s. THE RAILVIONICON, a Popular Journal of Music. Contents of thi s M on th' s N um b er . Part L—Music.—Thr e , e Songs and a Duet, Composed by William Shield :-1. Song, " Dry be that Tear!"-2. rb get, " The sweet blessings of Love."-3. Song, " The Validering Laddie" 4. Song, " 0 thou that leav'st me lf Rohnera Reart",s. And a nt e V ar i e , f or P. F or t e , b y —43 * Minuet and Trio, from Havdn's 7th Grand I . B3" P h °nYt arran ge d f or Pi ano f orte an . d Flute-7. IPo lonaise,;"' cw nposed purposely for this Work, by JOHN THOMSON, Es q . o f Edinburgh. Shield,fart M.—Mu s i cal L i terature.-1. Memoir of William & 'l.* and List of his Works-2. Present State of Music in Italy -3. On the Instability of Musical Fame. 1:1 Y . G. H. of Edin burgh -- 4. Description of Mr. Wheat stone's new Tuning-springs-5. rin Power of Music-6. Review of New Music — 7. Extracts from the Diary of a bilettante--8. Philharmonic Concerts—P. Foreign Musi cal Report -10. The Drama, King's Theatre, &c. London Published by Samuel Leigh, 18, Strand, and sol d by all Booksellers, Music-sellers, and Teachers, in Town and Country. CONGREVE'S SPECIFIC FOR COUGH, HOOP INC COUGH, ASTHMA, AND INCIPIENT CON SUMPTION. THE Cures that have already been effected by this invaluable Balsam, are of such an extraordi '4l eharaeter as would exceed credibility, were they not !ten authenticated by facts, and these facts within the boundary of inquiry. This Medicine would never hare Introduced to the publie, had not the numerous a Pfications of friends, and a sense of duty to the afflicted, bare imperatively demanded its publicity. .... 6 6!d whole:wag and retail, at the warehouse, 22, Chan ; at Meagre. Butler's, Cheapside ; Barclay's, '. ' ret ; Sanger, 150, O x f or d street ; Ed war d s ' , 8 00 " 414 Church-yard; Bunton, 104, Hi g h -street, °r "gh; and mar be obtained through the medium Of r9!pectable Medicine Vender in tke United Kingdom. • • RING WORM OR SCALD HEAD. TPOWER'S, ALOPECIAN, OR FOX O INTMENT. HE ALOPE CIAN COMPLA[NT, or 'Falling off of the Hair, is thus designated by the Proprietor and Inventor of this Infallible remedy, from the Ring Weir jn the human species so nearly resembling a complaint in Foxes, which occasions their hair to fall off in the same meaner. The inventor of this preparation has for the last ten rears cured several hundreds of persons gratuitously, until . the dem an d s h ave b ecome so numerous, that he feels it a eo l inty that h e Owes to hi mself, his family, and the a ffl icted, to :give it publicity. Letters of thanks, for the cure of several respectable Pelson,, are placed in the hands of Messrs. Butler, and ttlay he seen on application. Sold in Pots at 2s. 9d. and 4s. 6d., by Messrs. Butler, Cheluists,•Cheaps ide, corner of St. P au l' s , L on d on ; Sack „*llie-ttreet, Dubli n; P r i nces - street , Edi n b urg h ; an d the Dealere in Patent Medicines. PATRONISED BY HIS MAJESTY AND SEVERAL OF THE NOBILITY. LIVE-LONG LOZENGES, an admirable ; b • and agreeable Specific for those Dyspeptic Affec r4 in which originate most of the Maladies of the Human r.knie : the unprecedented demand for these Lozenges, z from the valuable Medical Properties they possess, i ls 'ndneed th e P ropr i etor to g i ve t h em genera l pu bli c i ty. all cases of Indigestion they will be found not only the 14 4 e conv en i ent, b ut the most beneficial Remedy offered to k : b lic noti ce . They are carefully prepared from a Pre- Znn of a the late celebrated Dr. Baiilie, whose name thr ee - Wiskes them pre-eminent recommendati o n. Two or t • to th en In the morning, by imp ar ti ng a gen tl e s ti mu lus th e 1 ' Stomach, restores impaired Digestion, invigorates Il e el,rtem) and by that means promote and establish a St. Constitution . Prepared by A. Gall, Chemist, Bury eite h --4 : ;lulls; and sold in Boxes at Is. lid. and 2s. 9d. N u n, - Attars. Butler, Chemists, Cheapside, corner St. stre e t 14n clon; Princes-street, Edinburgh ) Dublin • and the principal Druggists in the United ( "Ingdoin. ' IN th e looming of Life, when the blandish - a Meeks of passion " t a k e t h e reason prisoner, " it is " evil more to he lamented than wondered at, if, in the • Tilez of dereptive pleasure, the unh a p py tra i tor aga i nst . 44 laW" s of nature pay s i n lonely disappointment a fearful Letion for his rebellion in the compromise of his mental Alrtil as bodily powers. To all p ersons so c i rcumstanced te require the professional aid of men of experience, use time has hien for twenty years studiously and sue a7:!li ern te cl to the complai n t s ar i s i ng f rom nervous 1 ) - 4"t1t whether n a t ura l or acqu i re d , GOSS and CO. h a. 'he tue most consolatory assurances. The youth who N t i s ," , 'Tvated his flume by the strangely fascinating sin, w :"eit the poor vioWni of folly will t eo rea dil y compre h en d ,:thout further daseription, may find relief fro m hi s m i ser y, 4 ,, e 11 be iti m tl y taught to regain his lost place in the scale o2f lit l ll ti°4 - The sufferer who, f rom anot h er extreme o f i n- rc i : 4l , co, has with nn b as hf u l f ore h ead, wooed debility, w t „„ 1 "4 , 11 to renovate nature, an d repa i r hi s abused Coll. ft,.. L "7 4 . The man of pleasure exposed to and su ff erin g t11. 71- qe*Venev es , h owever aggravated by malpractice of 4 141 im'c or the concealment from diffidence, may find of rti ln restoration ; an d fi na ll y i n cases w h ere the delay t 4 Lt •° nunibi a l pledge has almost extended disappointment 11,47 Pair, th ey o ff er to the married female those hopes f orty 4 _, I the tan reasonably appreciate. Remedies can be tle to any part of the world; Patients writing for at bow e, will please to enclose a Bank Note. Attendance for consultation as usual. GOSS and CO., M.R.C. Surgessis, , )1 0. 11, liouverie-street, Fleet s t ree t, L on d on . Poislished (Seventeenth Blitiou), 1. The ..Egis of 2. 1 4 familiar commentary on the above Diseases.— kit'Yteiana, addressed exclusively to the Female Sex 1(1 ). ? , be 4 44 at No 2@, Paternoster-row ; 59, Pall-mall ; %rt.% 6 N/it-street, Soho ; 174, Fleet street ; 4, Catherine bse Strand, Londee ; of Porter, 72, Grafton -street, 4 4 ,L ones, 117, Trong, Glasgow; at 9, Ca %1 h • dof all Booksellera.—P r i ce Do.lton- Pg " ate n_ pa k Duke of Northumberland left town early t riorning for Dublin. His Grace will join hir " Shropshir e , an d f rom t h ence proceed b y route Prid 4 7 .7 4 4 and Dublin, where it is exp ec t e d h e w ill arr i ve Or Saturday next. No. 11,380. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRENCH PAPERS. (From the Iffessager dcs Ghambres of Feb. 28.) CONSTANTINOPLE, JAN. 24.—After the first con ference between M. Jaubert and the Reis Effendi, the general opinion was, that the proposals offered by the French Agent had been accepted, and that Turkish Commissioners would be sent to one of the Islands of the Archipelago or to Smyrna, in order to treat of the pacification of Greece. It was soon known that the Sultan had not sanctioned any of the Resolutions attributed to the Divan, and that the Reis Effendi had declared to the Ambassador of the Netherlands that he had received from his Sovereign formal orders to abide by the Declarations repeatedly communicated to the Negociators at Corfu ; adding, that the Porte would never deviate from the line which it had laid down for itself. As for the neutra lity of the Morea, the Sultan consented to recognise it, so long as no troops should be sent there from Europe. Baron Zuylen having desired that this communi cation should be formally given to him in writing, it is said that the Reis-Effendi, dictated the contents to the Dragoman of the Embassy. Others say that the Minister wrote his declaration himself, but did did not draw it up in a diplomatic form, so that it cannot be considered as an official document. How ever, copies of it are circulated in Pera in the fol lowing form : _ _ " the Sultan has taken into mature consideration the proposals of the .Powers, and he has already answered them by signifying his regret at the de parture of the Plenipotentiaries for Corfu, and t y afterwards inviting them to return to his capital. The Porte thinks that nothing can hinder the ac ceptance of a proposal so reasonable; as it cannot discover a well-founded reason for the departure of the Ambassadors from the seat of the Ottoman Go vernment, or which should keep them any longer away from it. " The Porte desires to comply with every reason able proposal. It wishes to see direct negociations opened ; and for this reason, it asks, before all things, the return of the Ambassadors of France and England to Constantinople, in order to restore the friendly' relations with those two Powers, and to resume the negociations. " Should any particular circumstances unknown to the Porte hinder the Ambassadors from resuming their usual functions at Constantinople, they need only obtain credentials as charged with an extraor dinary mission. " As to the declaration of the Powers which places the Morea, its Islands, and the Cyclades under their immediate protection, and proclaims the neutrality of that territory till the fate of the Greeks shall have been decided in concert with the Sublime Porte, the Sultan is willing to admit of this neutra lity so far that he will not send any troops against the Morea." FitExen FUNDS.-Renter, Five per Cents., 110 f. 15c, 30c. ; Three per Cents., 76f. 75c. 80c. ; Bank Actions, 182 or. FOILZIGN FUNDS.-Neapolitan Rentes, Cert. Falc., 81f. 20c. 45c. ; Royal Spanish Lean, 79k; Interminabl e Spanish Annuities, 48i ; flaytian Loan, 525 f. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.-(LAST NIGHT.) The Bishop of MEATH took the oaths and his seat. The Duke of CUMBERLAND presented a petition from the Protestants of the county of Armagh, and another from Ty rone, praying no further concessions to the Ca tholics. His Royal Highness stated that the first petition was signed by 16,000, and the other by 17,000 persons. The petitions also prayed that the elective franchise of Ire- land might be better regulated, and that au inquiry might be instituted into the monastic institutions of Ireland. Lord CALEDON observed, that though they were signed by the numbers which the Illustrious Duke hsd stated, yet he by no means considered them as expressing the sense of the country. The Bishop of LONDON presented several petitions from parishes in Middlesex, against further concessions to the Catholics, Lord DUNDAS presented a petition from the Catholics of York praying fin. a removal of their disabilities. Lord ELDON presented upwards of thirty petitions from different places, praying for no further con cessions to the Roman Catholics; having presented which the Noble Lord (Eldon) observed, that having occupied so much time already, he should not trespass further on their Lordships' attention, but present 25 peti tions more, that he had in an adjoining room, together with 75 which were at home, on some other day or days. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Sir ALEXANDER GRANT, and several other Members of the House of Commons, brought up two Bills of Grants in aid to his Majesty, for the year 1929. The Bishop of GLOUCESTER presented several' pe titions from the Rural Deanery and Clergy of several parts in Gloucestershire. A petition, in the absence of the Bishop of Winchester, from the Rural Deanery of Surrey, and another signed by 1,500 inhabitants of Gloucester, praying no further concessions to the Catholics. The - Marquis of DOWNSHIRE - presented petitions from several parts in Ireland, in favour of Catholic Claims, and against the Vestry Act. A Noble Lord, whose name we could not learn, pre sented a petition from Castle Cary. The Bishop of DURHAM presented several petitions, against further coneeqsions to Catholics. The Bishop of ELY presented several petitions from dif ferent parts against the Catholic Claims, and took this op portunity to state, that he was now 70 years of age, and that his sentiments under all the considerations he could give the subject, remained unchanged and unchangeable. He was decidedly opposed to further concessions to the Ca tholics. FITZWILLIAII presented a petition from the Protestants of a prish in the West Riding of Yorkshire, against Emancipation. One from the Protestants of an other part in York, praying for the removal of all religious disabilities. One from Wicklow, and another parish, to the same effect. The Duke of NEWCASTLE presented a petition from various Corporations in the City of Dublin, against fur ther concess'ons. The petition, at the Noble Duke's re quest, was read at length. The Noble Duke presented an other petition from some persons against the Forty shilling Freeholders, which was likewise read at length. The Noble Duke next presented petitions from the Protestants in Mansfield, and from various parishes in the county of York ; from about three dozen parishes in Nottingham ; from parishes in Darby; from the Borough of Daintry ; from a parish in the county of Rutland, and from Worksop, all against the Catholic claims.—ln all 53 petitions. Lord WINCIIELSEA gave notice, that on Thursday n.xt he should move for a return of all Roman Catholic Clergy in Great Britain and Ireland, specifying the number of Parochial Clergy, as also those holding Titular Bishoprics and other Dignities, and the districts of which they hive superintendence ; also the number of foreigners acting as Roman Catholic Clergy in Ireland, whether regular or secular, the number of houses and seminaries under the direction of the order and society of the Jesuits, the names and number of other religious Roman Catholic orders in Great Britain and Ireland, together with the number of the inmates of the (Efferent convents and monasteries. The Duke of WELLINGTON thought such a return could not be made. Lord WINCIIELSEA had been informed that - a re turn very similar to this, had already been made up to 1915, and therefore, with the Noble Duke's permission, he should persist in giving his notice. The Duke of WELLINGTON observed, that if the return could he made, it should. The Earl of FALAIOUTII presented a petition from the Mayor, Churchwardens, and other Protestants of Truro, against further concessions to the Catholics, and two similar petitions from other places in Cornwall. Lord DE DUNSTANVILLE wished to make a few ob servations on the petition from Truro, which was signEd by about 250 or 400 persons. He had some right to know LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 3, 1829. the extent of the population in that neighbourhood, since his house was only about four miles from the town, The town from which the petition came contained nbout 7,000 inhabitants, and the two adjoining parishes about '20,000 inhabitants, and yet the petition was signed by only 350 • individuals. Looking to the names affixed to that peti tion, which came from a town with which he was in the habit of daily intercourse, he saw but six names of which he knew any thing, and but the name of one person who moved in the rank of a respectable tradesman. When it was asserted by the Noble Earl that the clergy of Cornwall were unanimous against concession, he begged leave to deny the fact; and in support of a contrary proposition, he would read an extract of a letter from a gentleman who was the brother of an individual well known to a great many of their Lordships, as he filled the situation of Pro fessor of Modern History at Cambridge; that individual said, that " since the Duke's declaration on this subject, we have begun to see the necessity of settling the Catholic Question ; and I am conv;nced that every day more con verts will be made, and that the opponents of thesimea ' sure will be greatly decreased.:' He had also received .a letter from a clergyman, containing the same sentiments. . The Earl of. FALMOUTH felt it necessary to offert‘ftifie remarks on what had fallen from his Noble Friend, with respect to this petition. Although it was not signed by any very great number of the inhabitants of the town, 'still, from every thing he had heard, he came to this conclusion, —that the feeling of the people in that part of the country was decidedly against the Roman Catholics ; and he was yet to learn from his Noble Friend that any counter-petition— any petition in favour of the Roman Catholics—had been agreed to, or was in contemplation at this place. He had never said that the Clergy of Cornwall were unanimous in their opposition to the Catholics. His observation was, that such was the feeling of a vast majority of that class, and he believed that that observation wns perfectly correct. Nine tenths of the Clergy throughout the country, and be believed even more, were, he was convinced, decidedly opposed to concession. It his Noble Friend wished to have further proof of the sentiments of the Clergy on this subject, let him look to what had recently occurred at Oxford. All the influence and power of a great and liberal aristocracy were exerted in behalf of one of the candidates; and yet, notwithstanding all that influence, notwithstanding all that power, the poor Clergy came forward in support of-the Protestant Constitution, and were the principal means of obtaining a victory over a gentleman, who, but for the opi nion which lie had expressed on this question, was in every respect, as a man of learning and ability, as woi thy of re presenting the university as any individual could possibly be. It appeared that 9,000 respectable gentlemen and other inhabitants of Cornwall had signed petitions against the Catholic claims; while, on the other hand, no petitions, except the few which his Noble Friend had presented, were laid before their Lordships in favour of concession. His Noble Friend had observed, that the petition which (Lord Falmuth) was now about to present emanated from a meeting where the majority was only five to four. There were 1,300 names appended to that petition, and he had every reason to believe that the majority at the meeting was infinitely greater than his Noble Friend had stated, and it was signed by almost the whole neighbourhood. Ie presenting this petition, he could not avoid noting what was said to have occurred in another plice with reference to petitions which had been sent to Parliament from Corn wall. He understood it was said by an Hon. Gentleman, that those petitions did not speak the sense of the county, because they were signed by improper persons, and be cause improper means were resorted to for the purpose of procuring signatures. A more unfortunate theme that Hon. Gentleman could not have introduced into Parlia ment as the subject of his maiden display (for such he be lieved it was), than that which he had chosen. He was informed, that that Hon. Gentleman had said, that one of those petitions was signed by turnip-stealers. Now,' of that sort of gentry he knew nothing, and he left it to those who did to worm their secrets out of them. If such persons had been induced to sign a petition, he was con vinced that it was at the instigation of some of the radical party. Of these turnip-stealers, he repeated, ha knew nothing, but of the magistrates he knew something; and he could assert that, out of fifteen magistrates thirteen had signed the petition alluded to. That was a fact. He should say nothing with respect to the Hon. Gentle man who made these assertions, but he would apply himself simply to the facts, and it appeared to him that those assertions were as contrary to the truth as they were contrary to those principles which that Honourable - Gentleman and his friends were in the habit of supporting —namely, those principles which induced them to stand up for what they called the rights and liberties of an oppressed and taxed population. All those assertions could easily he contradicted. But with respect to one of those petitions, he thought it due to the credit of his neighbours, be thought it was nothing more than justice to all those who resided around him, to state that the petition was most respectably signed. He caused an application to be made to the Mayor of Truro on this subject ; and he did so the more particularly, because it happened that the Mayor was not opposed to what was called Catholic emancipation ; and as his Noble Friend had read an extract from a letter, he should follow his example, and read an t-xtract from the letter he had re ceived in answer to that application. The Mayor there said, " I was in the hall during the period in which that petition lay for signature, and although I saw a great many persons affix their names to it, I cannot say that I saw any improper persons. Neither can I say that any schoolboys (such was the assertion made) attempted to ohtrude themselves. They could hardly do so, when the gentlemen of the town were present all the morning in specting the newspapers, and when there were four Town Sergeants in attendance." So much for that assertion ; and he believed a great many assertions of the same nature and equally unfounded, were made ; but he would not take up their Lordships' time by adverting further to them. One letter, however, he had received, respecting the con duct of the Representative of the county of Cornwall, which he would shortly notice. The letter came from one of the most active agents at the last election of the Hon. Gentle man to whom he hail alluded. The writer said, " With respect to the petition which was presented the o h r day, signed by upwards of 1,000 inhabitants of the middle divi sion of East,—with respect to that petition, I have since looked over the list of resident freeholders of the middle division of the hundred of East, and 1 find that there are not ten resident freeholders in the division who have not signed the petition against granting any further conces sions to the Roman Catholics." The Earl of CARNAIiVON rose to order. He con ceived it was irregular in the Noble Earl to allude to the line of conduct pursued by a Member of the other House. The Earl of FALMOUTH said, it had devolved upon him to contradict certain assertions which had been made elsewhere; and, in performing that duty, he must say, that he had done no more than had been done in that House for the last fortnight by other Noble Lords, one of whom had referred to the popularity of the Hon. Member fur Cornwall, and drew a certain inference from it. The Earl of CAR - NAM - ON did not, an d cou ld not, object to the Noble Lord's delivering his sentiments, and re marking on what might have occurred elsewhere; but he objected to any attempt to impeach the conduct of a Mem ber of the other House, although he might discuss it. The Earl of FALMOUTH would only further observe that he would not let such assertions as he had adverted to go abroad with correction. He now begged leave to pre sent the petition of the freeholders and inhabitants of Bud min and Lestwithicl, against granting any farther conces • sions to the Roman Catholics. Lord DE DUNSTANVILLE read an extract from a letter, which was corroborative of the statement that two turnip stealers had signed the petition to which allusion had been made elsewhere. The Noble Ear] had alluded to the great exertions made by the Aristocracy at the late Oxford election; but did he mean to say, that very great exertions had not been made for the other Candidate for the University? Did he not know that poisons connected with the Bar here, and with the Bar in Ireland, were sent down to vote for the other Candidate ? Was he not awate that individuals were sent for from Armagh, and even Eons France, for that purpose? And did he think that all this could be done without calling forth exertions on the other side ? (Hear, bear.) With respect to that election, he never interfered—he never spoke to a single individual. A nephew of his did indeed go to oppose a measure which was unquestionably carried by a very con siderable majority; but he did not say a word to his ne phew on the subject, neither did he know Lis sentiments respecting it, until' after he had vote d . The petition was read, and laid on the table. CALL OF THE HOUSE. The Duke of NEWCASTLE said, " I rise, my Lords, to give notice, that it is my ibtension to move a call of your Lordships' House wherever the day may be fixed for 1 Lringing into this House the Bill, which I shall designate a Bill for oppressing and injuring the King, and for in troducing Popery and arbitrary power. I shall do this, toy Lords, in order that every Peer may be a personal witness of the degradation to which it is intended to expose him: and that he may be enabled to judge, on his own responsibility, whether it be wise and fitting that be should tamely or blindly submit to lie led by the inconsiderate or ambitious wiT of any Member of this House, who may seek to trifle wiai our religion, to trample upon our liber ties, and to overthrow our Protestant Constitution." The. Duke of SUSSEX felt himself called . upon to give the Noble Duke who had just spoken full credit for the l sincerity of his mode of treating the question-:.-(Hear) I lint lie thought that the Noble Duke, in throwing out in sinuations as to the principle or motive of any Noble Peer, 'acted in a way that was irregular and almost unconstitu tional, He had heard strong words used liy the Noble [Duke in the House—he had been told of extraordinary actions performed by the Noble Duke out of the Houseand the had seen some extraordinary productions which the No Duke had sent forth ; but be could not bring himself to'Nieve that the House of Lords would sit calmly when .they heard the degradation of his Majesty, and the subver sion of the Constitution, charged as the object which one of its members had in view. —(Hear, hear.)—He was con vinced that the House would net allow the Noble Duke to go on with such an accusation, but would call on the Noble Duke to prove that any such motive existed. He was sure that the Bishops, whatever their feelings might he on this question, would not suffer his Majesty to be thus alluded to: in the House of Lords.--(Hear.)--He should now touch on a point which had been just' noticed—. he meant the recent election for the University of Oxford. —Of the manner in which it had been carried he knew nothing; but this be did know, that when he saw 609 honest men coming forward, notwithstanding ail the efforts which were made to put down free discussion, and voting for the unsuccessful candidate,—when he saw this ' he could not avoid saying, that, in his opinion, they had done themselves and the University honour in the eyes of their country. With respect to the other University, of which he had the honour to be a member, and on the records of which his name was enrolled, its members had the courage and the power to put down the petition which had been attempted to be foisted on them. He un derstood that two gentlemen, church dignitaries, met at the time the petition was in agitation. One said, he never would support any measure of concession—.-the other, with equal decision, declared that he would.' Why, demanded the opponent of the Catholic Question, did you never see so mischievous a book as that written by a bloody Roman Catholic entitled "pilling no Murder?"—a book which almost every one knew, was the production of a strong Calvinistic writer; yet this clergyman wanted, through ignorance or misconception,' to refer it to the Roman Ca tholics. The ignorance of many individuals on this sub ject, andsthe malignity with which they sent forth their opinions, were really eurpiising. They ought not to in dulge in suspicions of the Legislature, but tliey ought to look to the calmness, to the honour, and to the wisdom of this House, for the due support of the Constitu tion. It should be left to Parliament to examine and to see what was best to be done ; but to attempt to cast cen sure on the Noble Duke—to impute mischievous motives to him—was most irregular and most imprudent. The Duke of NEWCASTLE would be sorry to say any thing that could displease the Royal Duke ; but he must, in that House, be allowed the freedom of fully declaring his sentiments. He had never brought before the House any thing that was disgraceful to himself, and -he never would. He had but one word more to say, and it was this—ever since he had heard this recommendation, he had applied his mind seriously to the subject, but his opinion remained unchanged. He would only farther say, that no strong-words, intended to put him down, or to prevent him from doing his duty, should ever succeed ; for he would persevere for the salvation of the country, and to prevent all inroads on the Constitution. The Duke of SUSSEX said, the Noble Duke had mis taken him, and he wished to set him right. He did not mean to interfere with the Noble Duke's privilege to speak his sentiments. All he said was, that it was not accord ing to the order of that House for any one Noble Lord to attribute to a Member or any number of Members of the House, any sinister motive whatever. He repeated, he did not question the right of every Noble Lord to take the widest latitude of debate in the expression of his opi nions; all he objected to was, the imputing of sinister mo tives to those who advocated different views of the same subject. •He might have expressed himself strongly in his dissent from the Noble Duke; if he had,—and he feared he had,—he begged leave to assure the Noble Duke, that it was far from his intention to trench upon the limits laid down by courtesy and the usage of that House to the fres dom of debate. Whatever course the Noble Duke meant to pursue in future, in relation to the great question shortly to be before their Lordships,—which course was, of course a matter of personal taste,—he (the Duke of Sussex) would not contest his opinions but on constitutional grounds alone,—free from all party biasses or personal feelings, save an anxious desire to promote the tranquillity and welfare of the Empire at large. If the Noble Duke conceived that he (the Duke of Sussex) had used a dicta torial manner in suggesting the propriety of moderation and calmness when discussing the intended measures in favour of the Catholics, he begged the Noble Duke to be assured that nothing could be farther.from his intention. All he wished was, to prevent the public mind from being misled by statements made by the Noble Duke and • Other Members of that House, that the intended measures would be a wrestling of the laws, and a sacrifice of the Constitu tion. He wished by constitutional means to allay the pre judice which such statements were calculated to excite and make inveterate, by endeavouring, as far as he could, to induce the calmness of temper fitting to the ,deliberation of a most important question. To this purpose lie felt it to be his duty- to state and prove the manner in which pe titions were got up against the Catholics; but he trusted with all the courtesy due to the Members of that House. The Bishop of BATH and WELLS, on presenting a petition from Glastonbury, against any further concession to the Roman Catholics, wished to state the feelings of the people of England, at least of the large majority, towards Catholic emancipation. The grounds of those feelings were few and obvious. In the first place, the people of this country were strongly attached to the great Protestant principles of civil and religious liberty, and looked back with intense solicitude and veneration to the Reformation, in which retrospect they could not help contrasting and comparing the reigns of the Protestant Queen Elizabeth and the Catholic Queen Mary. This comparison com pelled them to regard the former reign with gratitude and admiration, the latter with alarm and abhorrence. The people of England also looked back with veneration and gratitude to the glorious Revolution of 1688, and there fore were not desirous to give such additional power to the Catholics as might endanger the permanence of the princi ples of that revolution, and thereby the existence of the Protestant institutions of the country in Church and State. In the next place, the people of England were a loyal people, and as such, naturally held the memory of the late illustrious and truly Protestant Monarch of these realms in the most grateful recollection. They justly felt that it any event more than another in George the Third's long reign —one of the longest in our annals—en deared that monarch to his English subjects, it was his devoted attachment to the Protestant interests of the country. They also, for the same reasons, re vered the memory of his Royal Highness the late Duke of York, the inflexible opponent to the' ad mission of the Roman Catholics to full power in the State. The people of England could not consent to the admission of the Catholita; to a political equality with the Protestants, because they would not consent to the exist ence of an imperium in imperio, and did not wish to sanc tion the authority of a foreign potentate in these realms. In the next place the people of England were a religious people, and as such strongly attached to the pure form of Christianity established in this country, to which they looked for the means of moral and religious instruction here, and through that for the reward of good conduct hereafter. These were the opinions, he maintained, of a large majority of the people of England, with which, he begged leave to add, his own entirely concurred. No man more than he did commiserated the unhappy condition of the people of Ireland,—no man more deeply lamented the evils of that ill-fated country. But he contended that that condition would not be bettered, nor those evils re moved, by granting emancipation. He did not mean to say that.circumstances might not occur in the condition of Ireland, which might induce him to acquiesce in that PRICE 7D. measure; but he denied that those circumstances were I then existing, or were likely to be created by the intended coneession.of the Caeholie Claims. Before that concession should be granted, other means should be devised to im prove the state of that country; the minds of the inhabi tants must be more cultivated, their morals iMproved, their habits altered. When these desirable results had been attained, emancipation might peshaps be granted, but not till then. Til! then the admission of the Catholics to the entire political benefits of the Constitetion would be, in his mind, putting a weapon into their hand Which they would turn against the Protestants. Their Lordships had heard much of the dangerous power and influence of the , Catholic Association,—the evils and mischief of that body bad been freely admitted on all bands. Indeed, he had heard admissions of that body having had an in terrorem influence from quarters .whence he least expected seoh. The Noble Duke at the bead of the Government, for example, stated to their Lordships that he had been long aware of the evil tendency, of that Association ; and yet, strangely, had not attempted to pat an end to it, -e-though it was evident, if it were necessary to pat doutn the Association as an evil in itself, the sooner it was'ilone the better. .eime--t44lteilf , (the Bishop of Bath amid Wells), if so humble au individual might he - permitted to obtrude his personal feelings upon their Lordships' notie.a.'e he would only say, that he would approach the discussion of the intended measure free from all prejudice and party him He solemnly declared, that sooner than consent to a measure which he thought would tene! to subvert the Protestant establishments of the country, and fostet the growth of Popery, he would imitate the conduct of a great predecessor of his its the days of Papal persecution, and be committed to the Tower, there to undergo any punishment. As a Peer of that House, he had taken an 'oath, with which the granting of the Catholic claims tip poured to'him to be incompatible. " That oath," said the Right Rev. Prelate, in conclusion, " I will keep, come what may, so help me God !" The Duke of WELLINGTON felt it his duty not to let the last observation of the Welt Rev. Prelate pass un noticed. The Right Rev. Prelate stetted that he had taken an oath with which concession to the Catholics appeared to him to come in collision. He begged leave to assure the Right Rev. Prelate that the Bill to be hereafter introduced into the other House of Parliament, and subsequently to come under the discussion of their Lordahips, would be perfectly free from the least encroachment on existing instie tutions, and would not at all interfere with the oaths taken IT the Right Rev. Prelate and other members of that House. It was not necessary for him to state then the pre cise scope and nature of - that Bill, nor to say more than assure the Right Rev. Prelate and their Lordships, that it would not touch upon the integrity of the Protes tant establishments of the country, nor upon the exist ing securities for that integrity in any way 'whatsoever._ Trme Right Rev. Prelate objected to what was called Ca tholic Emancipation, because ire seemed to consider that measure to be synonymous with the establishment of Po pery in this country. And yet the Right Rev. Prelate ad mitted that circumstances might occur in the condition of Ireland which would induce him to acquiesce in concession. Now he begged leave to ask the Right Rev. Prelate, if he considered that Catholic Emancipation was in other words the establishment of Popery, how he could agree to it under any circumstances?—(Hear.)—lf, he repeated, Ca tholic Emancipation were, under all circumstances, as the Right Rev. Prelate had alleged, synonymous with the esta blishment of Popery, how could he consistently say that circumstances might occur which would induce bins to ac cede to it ?--:(llear.)—Whet were the circumstances in which the Right Rev. Prelate was willing to consent to what he said was the establishment of Popery in this coun try ?--(Hear.)—The Right Rev. Prelate imitated tbe tone assumed by a Noble Duke in talking of the intended measures, as if they were of a nature which every sensible man knew neither he (the Duke of Wellington) nor any man in that House would sanction or consent to e — (Hear.)—He (the Duke of Wellington) contended that when those measures, which would shortly be submitted to the other, and subsequently to that House of Parliament, were before their. .Lordships —nay, he engaged to prove— that so far from tending to establish Popery, they would prevent the growth of Popery, and promote the extension of the Protestant religion.—(Hear, hear.)—He engaged to prove, he would repeat, that those measures would check the increase of the Catholics, while they would tend to add to- the numbers of the Protestants. He engaged, to prove this, if not to the satisfaction of the Right Rev. Prelate to that of their Lordships. He entirely agreed with the sentiments expressed by, , the Right Rev. Prelate concerning the loyal and religious feelings of the people of England. As an expression of those feelings, he rejoiced in the number of petitions that had been presented to their Lordships, from, he Was sorry to say, very - mistaken views of the intended measures of Ministers. Time people were insidiously led to believe that those measures were for the establishment of Popery and the destruction of the Pro testant establishment of the country; and, acting very properly on this most unfounded delusion, petitioned against them. But while he admired and rejoiced in the excellent motives which induced the people of this country, in many places, to protest against the intended measures of the Government, he h'oped that when they saw that those measures were not of the dangerous nature ascribed to them, and that they tended, so far from establishing Popery to check and prevent its growth, and to promote the influence of the Protestant religion in Ireland,—he hoped, he said, the people of England would, in their con duct, evince that loyalty to the Crown whence the recom mendation of the measure emanated, and that confidence in the wisdom of Parliament, which had ever honourably distinguished them.—(Cheers.)—lndeed, he was convinced that when the people of England saw there was no fear of the extension of Popery from the measures which Ministers felt it to be their duty to recommend to time sanction of their Sovereign, but that, on the contrary, they would lead to strengthen time Protestant interests of the State, they would hail those measures as beneficial to all classes. The Bishop of BATII and WELLS, in explanation, begged leave to disclaim having, imputed so absurd a design to the originators of the intended measures as that of wish ing to establish Popery in the country. Nothing could be further from his mind,—in fact, nothing could be more ab surd than stub an imputation. lie was glad to hear from the Noble Duke that these measures would be perfectly consistent with the taking of the oath to which he bad Outlet!. Indeed, if they were of the nature described by the Noble Duke, they would be hailed by him (tlse Bishop of Bath and Wells), and he was sure by the country at large, as a happy omen for the Protestant establishment in Church and State. The Right Rev. Prelate presented six petitions from parishes in Somersetshire, against any fur ther concessions to the Roman Catholics. Lord KING sail the Right Rev. Prelate had earl , pro phesied that he would have to present a petition against the Catholics from every parish in Somersetshire. He cer tainly had verified his prophesy ; but in his denunciation of Popery and the Jesuits, he 'witted to mention the worse than Jesuit arts by which he was enabled to prove himself a true prophet. The Right Rev. Prelate had for gotten to mention the enticing arts practised to obtain anti- Catholic signatures. De had not spoken of the alluring sign of murder by which the no-Popery zeal of his peti tioners was roused and attracted.—(Hear, and a laugh.)— " 'Murder" in letters so large that not only those who ran might read, but those who could not read, might learn to spell by, was the usual sign for the no-Popery petitions. And what murder ? Why the names and numbers of those convicted and executed in 1684 by Judge Jefferies in his celebrated western campaign. Those " murders" of 1684 were quoted as arguments against the intended measures of the Government in 1829. There was something of historical ingenuity in the getting up those " murder" arguments. In Frome, for example, Jeffries had sentenced twelve persons to he executed for aiding in the Duke of Monmouth's rebellion. The names of those convicted were accordingly placarded as the victims of the Protestant religion to the tyranny of the church of Rome; and the yeomanry were asked would they like to undergo similar punishment—if not, to sign the no-Popery petitions.—(Hear, hear.)—ln like manner the same worse than Jesuit arts were had recourse to in Taunton, where six persons had been also in 1684 exe cuted ; in Chippenham where 13 ; * aricLin Yeovil, where six persons had been executed.—(llear, bear.)—He read also in some of the papers other appeals that:had been made with the same view. For instance, the petitioners were told, if Catholic Emancipatien were granted, that they might sing farewell to their Bibles, to their hymn-hooks, and to their books of Common Prayer—(Hear, And laughter) —and prepare for the abominations of the mass, and the Pope, and what not.—(Hear, hear.)—Eve❑ that was not enough, for placards were hawked about with the ' irreakible appeal to the Protestant seal of the men o f 3innersetshire—" No-Popery. Englishmen, remember the religion of the Edinburgh murderer." Thus. the atrocities of Burke' were made auxiliaries to obtaining Anti-Catholic petitions —(Hear, hear.)—Now, he asked their Lord hips, whether the Jesuits ever practised mot e disgraceful arts to'attain their ends, than those which he NEwasthat the R h t lad just p o i n t e d ou t as h av i ng b een successfully used iiit there could Viscount 1 S•imersetshire ?—(llcar, hear.)—Surely, with such - arts I%'elEnoLßlaOckUoßf petitions on surprisedany'subject. Rev. Prelate could have ventured to say that the Catholics invariably employed every civil power intrusted to them to the subversion of the Protestant institutions of the country. Did the Catholics of Irelan.l use the power granted them in 1793 to any other than constitutional uses ? Did they attempt to ovrrturn the Established Church ? When the Bight Rev. Prelate spoke of the feelings with which the people of England regarded the reign of Elizabeth, did he forget that in that reign Catholics sat in Parliament, to which they were not rendered ineligible till the 30th of Charles 11. ? There was no donbt, also, that the Revo • ludon of 1688 was justly dear to Englishmen; but ther e was as little doubt that the intended measures of Minister a were but the completion of that glorious measure. The Marquis of ANGLESEA would take advantage o f that opportunity to repeat, that when he held the Govern inant of Ireland he did not want any additional legal aid to suppt ors the Catholic Association. He felt that if it had been pointed out to him by the Government here that the proceedings of that body were illegal, and that it t*' as ncees.ary to put an end to them, he possessed, sufficient /iterer in the existing law to put it down. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from Brighton, signed by 3,755 respectable inhabitants, against any further concessions to the Roman Catholics. The Duke of SUSSEX bad a counter-petition to pre sent from the same place. It was not so numerously sign ed, but it Wan got up in a less objectionable manner. He had been informed, that the majority of the signatures to the petition just presented by the Noble Duke were con. attpeirit on a no-Popery cry that had„- been successfully raised by stone interested zealots. He was also - informed that many of the petitioners could not write, and were ob liged to annex their cross. Whole schools had signed the petition, and many of the signatu r e s w e re by th e s ame -hand under different names. He was not one to object to the right of petitioning; but lie must object to receiving such petitions as expreasive of the sentiments of the people of this country. The Duke of RICHMOND stated, in reply, that the Wition was put into his hands by the high constable, and had ainOtig its signatures the name of the Vicar of the place, well knoWn to the Noble Duke at the head of the Government. He also wan enabled to state, that there was not a single cross in the whole list of signatures. Therefore the Royal Duke must have been misinformed on that point. He hoped Noble Lords would see, from the number of petitions presented against the Catholics, th'at the feelings of the people of England were hostile to the intended measures of Minister& The Duke of SUSSEX replied, that he had received .re letter, stating the number and place of the cross signatures alluded to, but which, on examination, were not to be found in the petition. lie could only explain this circum stance by the supposition that those crosses were erased, and written signatures introduced in their stead, wLeo is was known that be was acquainted with the fact. tic would decline the challenge of the Noble Duke respecting the feelings of the people of this country on the Catholic question, and with respect to the merits of the question it s-lf ; and for this reason—be had much more experience in that House than the Noble Duke. He had, for 25 years, patiently examined and read the arguments on both sides. The conclusion which be came to, after a sincere and long continued examination, and that, too, on the bed of sick ness, when he expected to be released by the hand of death from a world of woe and misery, that concession to the Catholics was essential to the welfare of the Protestant establishments themselves, and to the tranquillity and prosperity of the empire at large. This, the conscientious result of mature consideration, was not a momentary im pulse with a view to wianing popularity. Indeed, he was growing too old for such a course of proceeding, and had only to repeat that he would give his cordial support to measures which he was convinced would strengthen the Protestant , Church, which, he would add, would be en dangered if the penal laws against which those measures were intended were continued in force. The Royal Duke then presented a petition flow the Protestant Dissenters'of Brikbton iii favour of the Catholic claims. The Duke of RICHMOND presented two petitions from places in Sussex, against further concessions to the Roman Catholics. Lord PLUNKETT presented Svc petitions front places in the Queen's County, also a petition from the parish of St. James, Dublin, in favour of the Catholic Claims, and for a repeal of the Sub-letting and Vestry Acts. Similar petitions were presented by the Marquis of ANGLEsEs from Mohill, Carrickmaeross, and 17 other places in Ireland. Adjourned at Eight o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-(LAST NIGHT.) The Sraaxxa took the Chair precisely at Four o'clock. Sir ROBERT HARRY INGLIS took the oaths and his seat, as Member for the University of Oxford. Lord MANDEVILLE presented several petitions from places i❑ the county of Armagh, against any further con cessions to the Roman Catholics. Lord CHANDOS presented a petition from the junior Members, the Graduates, Undergraduates, and Bachelors of Arts of the University of Oxford, against any further concessions to the Catholics. The petition was signed by upwards of 300 of the junior Members of the University. Mr. BROUGHAM said that he wished to ask a ques tion of the Noble Lord who had presented the petition, but so many observations from that side of the House bad been misrepresented that he' felt it necessary to say that he meant no disrespect to the Noble Lord, and only asked for the purpose pf information. He wished to know what the numbers of that body were of which these petitioners were a portion ?. Lord CHANDOS said that he really could not give the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the information he required. He was not aware of the numbers of the Undergraduates and junior members of the University. Doctor PHILLIMORE said that the feeling of the junior members of the University was decidedly in favour of Catholic Emancipation. lie believed the total number of the junior members was about three thousand. Mr. ESTCOURT said that he believed that his Learned Friend had not over-rated the number, but when he as . serted that the undergraduates were notoriously friends of Emancipation, he would take leave to doubt the correctness of that assertion.—(Hear, hear, hear). But he would ask—where was the proof? The proof was all on the other side.—( Hear, hear.)—They had on their table a petition signed by several hundreds of the junior members against Catholic concessions. If' thought that much better evidence than the assertion of his Learned Friend ?—(Cheers.) Dr. PIIILLIMORE said that the junior members had consulted him as to the propriety of petitioning Par liament in favour of the Roman Catholics, but ite _ . had dissuaded them from doing so, under the impression that a petition from them would have comparatively little weight, and that they had therefore better let the Catbolie question take its course. Mr. ESTCOURT said that that had nothing to do with the question. It was mere advice, which amountA to nothing. Dr. PHILLIMORE, in explanation, said he did not mean to deny that the petition represented the sentiments of the 300 persons who had signed it, hut he meant to contend that it did not represent the sentiments of the junior members of the University. Mr. VILLIERS STUART said that there was a 'lc_ bating society in Oxford, and it was clear that the senti ments of the Undergraduates were favourable to eman cipation, for at that society the question was carried by a great majority.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) General KING presented a petition from the Gentry, Clergy, and Freeholders of the county of Leitrim, against any further concessions to the Roman Catholics. Admiral SOT HERON presented a petition from Work sop and thirteen other places, against Catholic Emancipa tion. The petitions were respectably signed and worthy the attention of the House. Mr. DAVENPORT said no one was Allowed to attend a meeting, where one of the petitions came from, unless was fivourable to the views entertained by those who cared it. The greatest exertions were made to obtain st :•iatures, and he knew one of the petitioners to be a❑ itl.. , t.—(Great laughter.) Admiral SOTHERON said his Hon. Colleague must .acknowledge that the petitioners were as a body very re spectable. The petition was then brought up and read. Mr. DIJNCOMBE had the honour to present fourteen petitions against any further concessions to the Homan Catholics, the first was from the town if Sheffield, aiid signed by thirty thousand three hundred individua's. ((fear, hear.) It was unnecessary for him to say, that he entinAy agreed in the prayer of the petitioners, he w or:!,I I:,,Tv!y recommend it to the serious consideration of tilt. Mr. MARSHALL said, that by the last census the po pulation of Sheffield was only fifty thonaand, and yet the