The Sun. — London, England, 1829-02-14 00:00:00

FROM THE GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT, At the Court at Windsor, the 11th day of February, 1829, PRZSZNT, The King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council ; His Majesty having been pleased' to appoint the Right Hon. Lord Willoughby De Eresby to be Lord Lieutenant of the county of Carnarvon, his Lordship this day took the oaths appointed to be taken thereupon, instead of the oaths of allegiance and supremacy. BANKRUPTCY ENLARGED. Mon. Katherine Monson, Cheltenham, builder, from Feb. 17, to March 10, at eleven. BANKRUPTCIES SUPERSEDED. Joseph Piercy, Shrewsbury, ironmonger. John Lewis, Langibby, Monmouth, dealer. BANKRUPTS. William Robert Turner, Great Dover-road, Surrey, car ver and gilder, to surrender Feb. 20, at one, March 3, at ten, and 27, at one, at the Court of Commissioners. Kear ney and Hughes, Lothbury. Hugh Rowland, Chilworth, Surrey, paper-manufac turer, Feb. 17, 24, and March 27, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners, Hutchinson and Imeson, Crown court, Tl read need le-street. James Brock, St. James's-street, Middlesex, silk-mercer, Feb. 24, 27, and March 27, at ten, at the Court of Com- missionere. Stokes and Hollingsworth, Cateaton-street. Thomas Hurst, Louth, Lincoln, victualler, Feb. 26, 27, and March 27, at eleven, at the Crown and Wool. Packs Inn, Louth. Hicks and Dean, Gray's-inn-square; Louth. Thomas Drew, Exeter, linen-draper, Feb. 20, March 3, and 27, at one, at the Court of Commissioners. Burt, Mitre-court, Wond-street, Cheapside. Valentine Blincow, Holborn-bridge, grocer, Feb. 24, at ten, 27, at eleven, and March 27, at the Court of Com missioners. King, Castle-street, Holborn. _ John Thompson, Fox-Ordinary-court, Nicholas-lane, tailor, Feb. 24, at nine, March 10, at eleven, and 27, at nine, at the Court of Commissioners. Whiting, London be idge-foot. Sarah Clarke and Isaac Clarke, Fenchurch-street, brick layers, Feb. 20, at eleven, 27, and March 27, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners. Laing, Fenchurch-street. Thomas Allen, Mile-end-road, tailor, Feb. 20, at eleven, 27, and March 27, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners. Chilton and SA, Chancery-lane; F,qles, Bedford. Thomas Edwards, Liverpool, spirit dealer, Feb. 27, 23, and March 27, at one, at the Clarendon-buildings, Li verpool. Holden, Liverpool; Ellis,.Wahnsley, and Gor ton, Chancery-lane. . _ _ George Lodge, Tower-street,wine-broker, Feb. 20, 27, and March 27, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners, Hill, Cross lase, St. Mary-at-Hill, Tower street. Joseph Tonge, Grappenhall, Chester, dealer, Feb. 27, March 2, and 27, at eleven, at White's Hotel, Manchester. .Appleby and Charnock, Raymond-buildings, Gray's Inn ; Whitehead and Monk, Manchester. James and Robert Bennett, Cerne Abbas, Dorsetshire, grocers, Feb. 24, at the Antelope Inn, Dorchester, 25, at the New Inn, Cerne-Abbas, and March 27, at the Ante lope Inn. Dorchester. at eleven. Ceckeram, jun. Cerne- Abbas; Warry, New Inn, London. George Henry White, Ipswich, Suffolk, linen-draper, Feb. 17, at twelve, 24, and March 27, at one, at the Court of Commissioners. Jones, Size-lane, London. Patrick Augustine Traynor, Salisbury-court, Fleet-street, feather-merchant, Feb. 24, at nine, Marcii 10, at ten, and 27, at nine, at the Court of Commissioners. Burrard and Neild, King-street, Cheapside. Richard Stanfield and John Gleave Rigby, Ashton under-Lyne, Lancaster, cotton-spinners, March 2,3, and 27, at nine, at White's Hotel, Manchester. Hampson, Man chester ; Ellis, Walmsley, and Gorton, Chancery-lane. John Jerard, Haleswortli, Suffolk, chemist, Feb. 23, st seven, 24, and March 27, at eleven, at the Golden Lion Inn, Ipswich. Brame, Ipswich ; Ayton, Millman-street, Bedford-row, London. Roger Banks and Andrew Richardson, Boston, ship wrights, Feb. 27, 2S, and March 27, at eleven o at the Robin Ilood, Boston. Tuxford, Boston ; Taylor, cle ment's-inn, London. Samuel Braddock, Leek, Stafford, innholder, Feb. 29, at one, March 2, at four, and 27, at three, at the Roe buck Inn, Leek. Jennings and Bolton, Elm-court, Temple ; Cruso, Leek. Samuel Briggs, Grantham, Lincoln, tailor, Feb. 17, at ten, 24, at eleven, and March 27, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners. Young, Great Titchfield-street, Mary lebone, London ; White, Grantham. William Chapman and Tlrmas Flairclough, Liverpool, timber-merchants, Feb. 23, 24, and March 27, at one, at the Clarendon-buildings, Liverpool. Ramsbottorn and Ro berts, Liverpool; Blmckstock and Bunce, Temple. William Powell, Cheltenham, coach-builder, Feb. 20, at four, 21, at twelve, and March 27, at eleven, at the Lamb Hotel, Cheltenham. Clarke, Richards, and Medcalf, Lincoln's Inn-fields ; Walter and Billings, Cheltenham. Joseph Parsons, Leamington Priors, Warwick, vie. tualler, March 2, at seven, 3, at eleven, at Mr. Burbury's of ite, Warwick, and 27, at eleven, at the Swan Hotel, Warwick, Meyrick and Cox, Red-lion-square; Burbury, Warwick. William George Mores, Old Bond-street, Middlesex, auctioneer, Feb. 20, 27, and March 27, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners._ Witby, Buckingham-street, Strand. DIVIDENDS. Peter Fenn, Hyde-street, Bloomsbury, bill -broker, March 6, at ten, at, the Court of Commissioners. Robert Brown, Grondisburgh, Suffolk, victualler, March 6, at ten, at the Court of Commissionere. George Noah, Pall-mall, tailor, March 6, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners. John Neale, Liverpool, merchant, March 7, at twelve, at the Clarenden-buildings, Liverpool. William Thomas Power and Samuel Jackson, Birming ham, silkmen, April 28, at one, at the Royal hotel, Bir mingham. John Slater, Robert Bolton Wykle, and James Slater, Bradshaw, Bolton-le-Moors, Lancaster, bleachers, March 7, at ten, at the Star Inn, Manchester. George Burdy, West Derby, Lancaster, glass-manufac turer, March 3, at one, at the Clarendon Rooms, Liverpool, Charles Conolly, Piccadilly, jeweller, Match 13, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners. James Taylor, Sonter's-place, New-road, baker, March 6, at (mu, at the Court of Commissioners. . - - Benjamin Smith, Birmingham, steel toy-maker, March 6, at twelve, at the Royal Hotel, Birmingham. Robert Burton, Little Bolton, Lancashire, cotton-ma nufacturer, March 7, at one, at the White Bear Inn, Manchester. Samuel Wilson, Liverpool, hosier, March 10, at twelve, at the office of Mr. Peter Woods, Liverpool. Daniel Stalker and Andrew Davenport Welch, Leaden hall-street,' slopsellers, Feb. 20, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners. Wm. Hawkins Cox, Cheltenham, silk-mercer, March 17, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners. Ralph Rossi, Harp-lane, Tower-street, wine-merchint, March 6, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners. Samuel Harding, Oxford-street, jeweller, Feb. 17, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners. William Richards, William's-court, Guildford-street, Southwark, iron-founder, March 6, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners. Jaime; Shew, Theobald's-road, High Holborn, broker, March 6, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners. Christopher Alderson, Lawrence-Pountney-hill-place, Cannon-street, flour-factor, March 6, at one, at the Court of Commiisioners. Frederick Meybruch, Old Cavendish-street, Oxford street, tailor, March 6, at ten, at the Court of Com missioners. CERTIFICATES.—MARCH 6. Lewis Gordon, Westmorland-place, City-road s dealer. George Webb, Threadneedle -street, merchant. John Stewart, Threadneedle-street, merchant. Hartley Packer Gisborne, Manchester, merchant. Thomas Tomson, Cambridge, stone-mason. Joshua Wood, Wakefield, Yorkshire, dyer. Frederick Hennell, Potton, Bedford, linen-draper. William Leckie, Adam's-court, Old Broad-street, in surance-broker. James Fozard, Conduit-ptreet, Hanover. square, mercer, PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. Josiah Merrick and Benjamin Brayshaw, Little Wode house, Yorkshire, cudbear-manufacturers. Ann Stocken and John Jalland, Wandsworth, veterinary surgeons. John Merricks and Henry Coussins, Hastings, Sussex, painters. _ _ _ . John Clarke and Robert Mathews, Upton-upon-Severn, common-brewers. Wm. Walker and Francis Dowling, Macclesfield, silk en an u facturers. James Warly Smith and Richard Bacon, Feachurch street, tea-brokers. Joseph Reddish, Northen, miller, and Joseph Reddish, Congleton, Chester, silk-throwsters. Joseph Austin Butler and Francis Spilsbury Butler, Birmingham, jewellers. Thomas Mainwaring, Richard Cooper, and Jas. Phillips, Charing-cross, drapers. • Hulsey Janson, Thomas Horne Janson, and Joseph Co ventry, Wood-street, Cheapside, warehousemen. William Henry Zulu% William Jenop, Samuel Fox, George Eadon, jun., and Thoniaa Brownell Eat!On, Shef field, merchants. . . and powerful spe a k er , cons tit u t es a c l ose and formidable combination, which is capable of forwarding the views of any foreign and hostile power. Indeed there is no indivi dual—a common observer of the political eventi in that country for the last twelve months.-_who must not have the candour to acknowledge that this is a faithful picture of Ireland, under the influence, as it is, of the spirit of the, Roman Catholic Church. Far different from such a *pith of daring combination, on the one hand, and of mental de gradation, on the other, was that independence of mind and well regulated love of Civil and Religious Liberty, which the supporters of our Protestant Constitution have always exhibited ; and if patriotic individuals in this coun try excluded the follower., of the artful and despotic Church of Rome from political power, arid had the firmness to es tablish, on that principle, the inestimable Constitution, whose blessings we now enjoy; if their successors—well tried adherents to the principles of Civil and Religious Liberty and good Government—preserved that principle of the Constitution--I trust—or, rather, I will assert it as my heartfelt conviction, that the decision of your Lord ships, on this question, will not be a mean and abject sub mission to the usurped power of the spiritual despotism of Rome, and to the tyrannical measures of sedition and re hellion which have been so audaciously attempted in Ire land. A spirit of resistance to this dangerous power ac tuates every friend of the Protestant Constitution from one end of the country to the other ; a spirit which daily displays itself more and more, and which will, lam sure, at once confound the advocates of the Irish Catholics and the treasonable agents of the Church of Rome. It has only to be called into action, which may easily be done by ap peals made to the people by means of county meetings, on the admission of Roman Catholics to Parliament; for it is well known that the advocates of the Irish Catholics have too much reason to find fault with those meetings; for they are conscious that if such an appeal was made to the middle classes, it would be a death-blow to the plots and machinations which arc carrying on—to the gross misre presentations which are circulated concerning the senti merits of the people, and to the daring projects of ambition and insidious attacks on that Constitution which it is the prayer of this petition your Lordships should defend, and hand down unimpaired to posterity. I cannot conclude the few remarks I have humbly offered to your Lord ships, without requesting a few moments More of your at tention, while I submit some remarks in vindication of the proceedings of that part of the Protestant community who, roused by the dangers of the times, and actuated by their attachment to our Protestant Constitution, were compelled by the violence of one party and the apathy of the other, to array themselves under the banners of the Constitution, and declare themselves the firm and uncom promising assertors of its principles. The Protestants of Ireland were not induced to stand forward to declare their attachment to that Constitution which they know is the foundation of whatever civil and religious liberty they en joy, until they had looked in vain for redress and protec tion to the constituted authorities against the long endured oppression and violence of the Catholic Association; nor until they had been told even by a Minister of the Crown, that all the ties of society were broken and rent asunder. The Government were pursuing a mischievous neutra lity—the impartiality of the administration of justice was impaired, and the different institutions of the land were, in the opinions of the mass of the people, under going a revolution which threatened, with one com mon destruction, all the Protestant establishments of Ireland ; it was not, my Lords, I say, till then that the Protestants came forward, as they then did, boldly, to meet and resist the spirit of rebellion which stalked over their ill-fated country. Such were the cir cumstances under which the Protestants of Ireland were compelled to stand forward for their own interests, defence, and protection ; and in no instance have they in the slightest degree gone beyond that object. I repeat it, my Lords, the Protestants of Ireland can, in no one instance, be charged with having outstepped the respect due to, the laws of their country, which, I trust in God, they will al ways have the pride and honour to maintain. They were cbmpelled, I say, to unite in their defence by the pressure, too long borne, of the aggregate evils of the continued and unceasing oppression and violence of their enemies, which they were forced to suffer under the false and mistaken system of conciliation. At last they were obliged to stand forward and endeavour to avert the pending danger, which, as I said, menaced to destroy in one common ruin, every thing that was dear to them—their lives, their property, and, what was above all, their liberties.—(Hear, hear.) — Such were the circumstances, my Lords, which induced the Protestants to stand forward in their own defence; and such will be the circumstances which will call on the whole Protestant population of England to stand forward and unite in defence of that Constitution which has been so long the admiration and envy of the world, and which has raised this country to the highest pitch of earthly gran deur, and given us the possession of liberties which no country since the foundation of the world has enjoyed.— But now this Constitution is to be sacrificed to those who, daring enough to trample on the laws of God and their country, have set at defiance all the constituted authori ties, or who—if they have not done so, let those who vindicate them deny it—have at least transgressed every feeling of respect which should be observed to wards those who filled the employments of Govern ment. It is to be sacrificed by men, too many of whom have, by professions of attachment to it, gained the confidence of the great body of Protest ants, and who are by that very confidence now placed in the situations which enable them to make this sacrifice ; by men, too, who deserted a statesman whose political character I certainly did not respect, but who will always bear a distinguished name in the history of this country, because some of them stated that it was not consisten with their !principles to belong to a Government favour. Charles Dutton and Thomas Buckley, Clayhills, Staf fordshire, canal-contractors. James M'Clue and Peter Smeaton, Chichester, Sussex, tee-dealers. John Jackson and Robert Delves, Bromley, chemists. J. D. Whitehead and Edward Whitehead, Oak Tree NI ills, Saddle worth, Yorkshire, w oollen-d rapers. George Simpson and William Robinson Carden, New gate-street, cheesemongers. George Boulton Poynton and Thomas Harrison, Oxford street, woollen-drapers. John Jones and James Jones, Liverpool, brick-makers. Francis Moss and George Heap, Nottingham, silk throwsters. Charles Mawley, Stephen Trees, and Peter King, Re gent's-dock, Limehouse. James Gray and Andrew Gray, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, merchants. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OI LORDS.-(LAST NIGHT.) The LORD CUANCELLON. entered the House a few mi nutes after Five o'clock. The Marquis of ANGLESEA presented a petition from Anglesea, against concessions to the Roman Catholics; another from the Roman Catholics in different parishes in the county of Cork, praying for the unqualified repeal of the Laws affecting Catholics ; also about thirty petitions from the Ronal' Catholics of parishes in different counties in Ireland, to the same effect. Ten petitions from parishes in different counties, praying for the repeal of the Sub letting Act ; likewise sixteen petitions, praying for the re peal of the Vestry Act. The Bishop of BRISTOL presented a petition from the Clergy of his . tliOcese against the Catholic Claims. petitioners stated, that their opposition to concession to their Roman Catholic fellow-subjects was founded on an anxious wish to maintain the integrity of the Protestant institutions of the country, whch integrity they humbly conceived would be endangered by the admission to political power of those professing the tenets of the Church of Rome. They - considered that the spiritual welfare of their children and their flocks was involved in the maintenance of the existing establishments of this Protestant state; and they implored their Lordships to pause and examine whether the c;iaracter, as revealed in the history of every age, of the Church of Rome was compatible with the secure existence of those establishments. They considered those establishments essential to good order, to loyalty, and the welfare of the State; and, .in strong but temperate language, gave expression to these feelings which the ap- prehension of danger to the established Church naturally engendered. With those sentiments he begged leave, as the Bishop of the diocese whence the petition came, to say he entirely concurred ; at the same time that he would not venture to express an opinion on the intended measures respecting the Roman Catholics of the Government, till they were substantively before their Lord,hipss. The Bishop of DURHAM presented a petition from the Clergy and Deaconry of St. Asaph, against further con cessions to the Catholics. The Bishop of GLOUCESTER presented two peti titiona against further concession. Lord WESTMORLAND presented two petitions ; one from Northampton, signed by 1,400 persons of most re spectable character, and the other from St. Ives. The ob ject of the petitioners was, that no further concessions be made to the Catholics. In delivering these petitions he concurred in the spirit of the petitioners, though he differed in 'curt from the advice they gave. For, in considering the safety of the Protestant Institutions, it was wise and proper to consider in what situation the country was, and whether, by some alteration in the laws, the dangerous power of the Catholics might not be very much restricted, and the Protestant interests greatly consulted. This was net a time for considering the question, and therefore all he would recommend both in this House and in the country, was a temperate consi deration of this question.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Great as was the distress of Ireland the danger was not there, the (Linger was in the increase of Catholic power,not in Ireland, but in the Noble Lords opposite. They had heard that his Majesty's servants were unable to maintain the due authority of the Icing, Such was the dissension of opi nion among Protestants, that they could not exercise the Protestant power, a power of the State, because not only in this House, but in all parts •f the country, the Protestant power was divided against itself, which, but for that, it would be able to do. He begged their Lord ships to u6nsider the subject coolly, and see whether by due exertions they could not unite the Protestants in one cause, and to maintain the British Constitution. His own sentiments on the Catholic qoption were unchanged, but at the same time he admitted that the state of things in Ireland, and the altered circumstances of that coun try, as stated by his Majesty's Ministers, induced him to re-consider that question with a view to its final settlement. It was said by Mr. Pitt that any of these concessions would be most injurious, unless accom panied by the fair conviction of the opinion of the people. He ob,oold reserve his opinions for the pur pose of seeing what was irgended to be proposed, what to be removed, or what substituted, 444 when he saw these things he should give his vote to that measure which would tend to the quiet of the Empire, and to the main tenance and strength of the British Constitution as it now exists. _ _ Lord FITZWILLIAM present,ad hrce petitions from Killala and Wicklow in Ireland, and ong Awn Hull, in favour of the Catholic Claims. Lord GWYDYR presented a petition from Whitby, and another from Ripon, in Yorkshire, to the same effect. The Duke of NEWCASTLE, in presenting several peti tions against the Catholic Claims, said that in his own county the feelings against the Catholics wer e very great, and be could assure the Noble Duke at the head of his Majesty's Government, that by far the great majority of the north of England were against conces sion. Feeling that this was so, he hoped the Noble Duke would not hurry the ,question on to the direful con sequences that might ensue. keeilig the course adopted, and the feelings that existed in . conseq4ence, he hoped the Noble Duke, haying done so once, would feel ni; difficulty in turning again. The Noble Duke then presented a petition from the Barbera and Surgeons of Durham, another from Matlock, Derby, and four from different parishes in Nottingham to the same &Kat. Lord CLARE presented eleven petitions from parishes in Irelanl in favour of the Roman Catholic Claims, and pearly a dozen against the Sub-letting Act. Lord SIDMOUTH presented a petition against the Ro man Catholic Claims, and which embodied the opinions he had long, held and would continue to cherish. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a great number of petitions Imo various parts of Ireland, in favour of the Catholic Claims, fur the repeal of the Sub-let ting Act, and against the Vestry Acts. Lord LORTON presented five petitions from Dissenters, freeholders and inhabitants in eountiea in Ireland, against further concessions to the Catholics, and against the Sub. letting Act. The Duke of RICHMOND pawented three petitions against concessions. The Duke cf DEVONSHIRE presented six petitions from Roman Catholics of Ireland in favour of thseir THE KENT PETITION. The Earl of WINCHILSEA then rose—l rise, my Lords, pursuant to the notice I gave, to present a petition, most numerously and respectably signed by a great body of the freeholders of Kent, praying that your Lordships will preserve inviolate in all its integrity the Protestant Constitution of these realms; but, in justios to my own feelings, not less than to the feelings of the highly respect able body who have entrusted their petition to me, I can not content myself without offering a Jew brief observations connected with the deep importance of the. subject of that petition—a subject which engrosses the attention of the empire at large, and on which, I am rejokeeil to add, the people haie of late so unequivocally displayed a decided and highly constitutional feeling, not only in Kent and Devonshire, but is 'other parts of the country—a feeling which, I am convinced in my own mind, will soon be found in every quarter of this island.—(Hear, hear.)—ln drawing the attention of your Lordships to the prayer of this petition, which was carried by y large and triumphant majority at a county meeting on Penenden Heath, it was not my intention to occupy your Lordships' time oue mo ment longer than may be necessary, while I use my en deavours to assert the loyalty, the sound principles of liberty, and the attachment to our Protestant Constitu tion, which characterised the thousands who were there assembled to give a public expression of their politi ca l sen timents, on a question which they consider involves the existence of their long cherished liberties, and to resist, by the exercise of one of their most ancient and constitu tional privileges, the attempts now ping on to subvert our Protestant Constitution, and to erect nn its ruins that love of slavery and arbitrary power which bas inva riably r e sulted from the political principles dissemi nated by the dupes and agents of the Church of Rose, in order to extend the Papal influence—an influence of a dangerous and fatal character—an influence which has for some years been daily increasing in Ireland, and which, as it now exists, together with the various links of ecclesiastical discipline r it Las been proved by an eloquent ahle to concessions to the Catholics (hear, hear, hear !). There are individuals in this House, to whose desertion of that eminent statesman we may justly attribute the short ening of his life; and if we wished to have the gratification of witnessing the justice of late, we see it now in the condition and feelings of those who deserted him (hear, hear !). Stoongly as I feel, I find it wholly impossible adequately to express the sense of those who have constitu tionally a voice in altering the existing institutions of the country. But Ido entreat the Noble Duke at the head of his. Majesty's Government, as he values the high cha racter he earned in the defence of his country, not for a moment to endanger his own reputation, nor the honour, character, and security of the Crown, by advising it to give its assent to a measure—[The Noble Earl here, us he had very frequertly in the course of his speech, dropped his voice so as to render the conclusion of his sentence . entirely inaudible.] The Duke of WELLINGTON (who was listening at tentively) exclaimed, Speak up ! The Earl of WINCHILSEA continued :—A measure, my Lords, which I do say, if it should he carried now, is against the express feeling of the country. Many of the Members now in the other House, were returned to repre sent places on the ground of their attachment to those prin ciples of the Constitution which all parties up to a certain period agreed in upholding. These Members, by aban doning the principles which they pretend still to maintain, have in fact ceased to be the representatives of their con stituents ; and the franchise should be given back to the people, in order that they may decide this question ; for I boldly state that the voice of the people is against it; and though I am a staunch friend to all parts of the Gnistitu don, and especially to the Crown and this Noble House, I yer will suffer the rights of the people to be despised, or trample.d opon. I say again, my Lords, that the voice of th e p e ople is not fqr the Catholics, and that, if the people are appealed to, they will show it is not. (Hear, hear.) I will further say, that if the Bill pass through both Houses, and an appeal be not made to the country by a dissolution of Parliament before the Royal Assent be given to it, it will be clear that its friends know the voice of time peopl e is against it. I will also explicitly declare, that if the peo ple of Great Britain, by their representatives, returned after a general election, shoidd agree to the change takin g pl ace in the Constitution, however strong my feelings again s t it, and however I may still retain my opinion that fatal co n _ sequences must ensue from it, I shall submit—_-fer I am sure I bear no personal hostility to any member of the Church of Rome; for, with many of them I am on terms of the strictest intimacy and friendship, and I believe they entertain as much respect for me as for many of those who advocate their claims, because they know that I am as sincere as they are in those religions professions, opinions, and principles, which are inconsistent with the exist- ence of our Protestant Constitution. I will honestly s4y that if I were a Roman Catholic, I should entertain the seine feelings, and if I had political power once in my hands, I should never be content until I saw the Roman C Ai th i ai e Church restored to the full elevation and dignity of the station from which we Protestants overthrew it. Such being my feelings, it is no wonder t shool4eccasionally ex press myself warmly ; but I am desirous always to speak with earnest respect of every man's opinion, if it be consis tently and conscientiously entertained. But Ido implore your Lordships, before you agree to any such propositi on as may essentially change th principles of the Constitution with regard to the admission of the Rornan Catholics to political:power, to consider well what you have bef f 3re you, and to examine with scrupulous care the Bill that _ - ---. may be introduced fcr that purpose. I remember that for merly, when I have reproached the freeholders of Kent, at the County Elections, with not taking part in this ques tion, and have said, "Why are you neutral in your . send .... Janata 911 this great political question ?" The answer wail, 1 4,, ,,t1, s-L eeßeca se we confide in the Upper House,,AVOrete pros ft which he clad before alluded, and Welch he held in his fessions we have received from our Represeneetives of their hand. The object of the petition was, not the destruc agreement in those principles in which we all concur." I tion, but the preservation of the Protestant Constitution of confess, for my own part, that after what I have heard, all l the country ; for he must be allowed to maintain that the political confidence is shaken in my mind. But if my best security that could be desired for the Protestant Con opinions be against the express feeling of those who have stitution consisted in the admission of all parties to an a constitutional voice, I will bow to it ; for never will equal participation in its privileges. His Noble Friend I belon g to any factious or frivolous Opposition. will uot, (Earl Winchelsea) tho ug ht o th erw i se ;h e t h ought, that in however strong my feelings may be, do any thing to agitate persisting in the conduct which had hitherto pursued upon or exciteethe public mi n d ; but Ido feel that this question this question, he w as d e p r i v i ng t h e C at h o li cs of power-- is essentially impo r t an t t o th e int eres ts o f th e country, and more properly speaking, preventing them from attaining that its future consequences w ill b e of a most dangerous privileges, the exercise of which, in their persons, would and fatal charact e r. Wh a t ever may be the views of your be dangerous to the State. But was there no dangerous Lordships, and ho wever severe m a y he the animadversions power now residing in the hands of the Roman Catholics,in on my conduct, I will appeal with confidence to the judg- consequence of the very measures intended to prevent its ment of those who have a constitutional voice in the existence,—these unjust measures which it was at length country. The letter of mine to which reference was made determined to get rid of? Could a more dangerous power last night is not perhaps so clear as it might be ; for I reside in the hands of the Roman Catholics than that at have no intention to apply my observations to those who present enjoyed by the Forty shilling Freeholders, as they have consistently advocated the removal of all civil disabi- had led to exercise it in consequence of these unjust mea lities from the Roman Catholics. They are men whom I sures ?By making all ranks and classes of our fellow-sub respect and honour; but, as 1 stated before, my political jests reasonably satisfied, or giving them cause so to he, by confidence is for ever gone, since I have seen the defenders an equal distribution of privileges, the danger would b e of the Protestant Ascendancy desert their principles. I lessened instead of augmented. He could not imagine any will even go further, and say I think the ties of priv a t e real danger to be created by investing Roman Catholics friendship are broken by such conduct : for the man with a fair share of political power. But be did see tre whose public character I cannot respecebecauee he is not found mendous danger in leaving things in their present situation. to be firm and consistent, can never be entitled to my friend- Anxious as he had always been for the consummation of ship or esteem. No confidence or reliance, it seems to me, this great question, he thought it could never have been can now be placed i n an y man engaged in public life, from so well carried as under existing circumstances it was the Crown downwards, unless we have aihorough knowledge likely to be. He would proceed to read the petiti on t o of the individual, and are certain that he possesses sound their Lordships, though perhaps it was not quite regular moral and religious principles. I shall now, my Lords, to do so. It was signed by nearly 2,000 freeholders •of lay b e f ore y our L or d s hip s the petition which I have the Kent; and he . believed, had equal pains been taken with honour to present; and I beg to say, that if I have at any respect to it as were taken in getting up the counter peti time, in the heat of debate, expressed myself too str ong ly tiou, th a t the result would have been still more favour with regard to any individual, either within these walls or able to the cause of liberality. He was convinced, as he without, if he acts with conscience and principle, lam had before stated, that a spirit of inquiry had arisen sorry to have given him offence. on this subject, and that a change had taken place in The petition was read at length. men's minds. The meeting at which the petition was Lord CALTHORPE said, though he was quite unpre- agreed to had been convened by the High Sheriff of the pared to address their Lordships that evening, yet he could county, pursuant to requisition. The petitioners expre sse d not refrain from intruding on their attention for a few mo- their opinion that the general interest of the State would ments, with respect to two points stated by the NoWe Earl be best consulted by a free admission of all parties to civil who had just r e sum e d his seat. In the first place, as a privileges. This question, however, they were content to Protestant of Ireland, he wished to state that he was de- leave to the deliberate wisdom of Parliament for decision ; sirous in his owe name to avoid being mixed up with thos e and they approached the House with confidence on the sub sentiments which the Noble Earl had stated as being almost ject, convinced as they were that the Legislature would do universal among the Protestants of Ireland. He had had its duty. Such were the sentiments contained in the peti the honour to affix his signature to a document in support tion which he had thought himself entitled to read, because of what was in common parlance called 'Catholic Emanci- he himself was the author of it (a laugh),_and because the pation, and among the other names there was a very great petitioners expressed their perfect confidence that Parlia number of Protestants, some of the highest rank in Ireland, ment would adopt such measures as might be most condu and whose landed possessions consisted of vast tracts of cive to the general good. When he (Earl Darnley) knew property. He admitted that a feeling did exist of an anti- that the Noble Duke had expressed a wish to settle the Ca- Catholic nature, but he must say also that there was a atone Question, he could never doubt that his Noble Friend very strong Protestant feeling in Ireland in favour of the would be able to find the means of doing so in a satisfac- Catholic claims. Some Protestants did reside there ; but tory manner. He knew the difficulties which the Noble he felt for his own part that in the present state of Ireland Duke had to contend with, hut hoped and trusted that he they had neither a secure tenure nor a • cemfortable resie would 'succeed in spite of opposition in carrying his mea dence, and that they were driven away and compelled to be sures into effect. He trusted that a majority of their Lord absentees by the state of society, which it was difficult for ships, as well as the other House of Parliament, would stand any man to endure. With respect to the strong animad- by his Majesty's Ministers, and assist them in the accom versions of the Noble Earl on the Catholic Association, he plishment of their 'great work. The Noble Earl (Winchel would only remark, that when complaints were made of sea) had urged the propriety of a dissolution of Parliament immense multitudes they had brought together, for sedi- for the purpose of taking the sense of the country upon this done purposes it was alleged, the charge came with ill grace question, It was unnecessary to say that he (Earl Darn from the Noble Earl, who was boasting that he presented ley) disapproved of the suggestion. Besides; the Noble this petition from an immense body of the Freeholders of Lord could not dissolve the House of Peers, supposing it to Kent, assembled at Penenden Heath. lie would say no- pronounce an opinion favourable to the Roman Catholics. thing against that Meeting,: as he considered the Free- The House of Commons had more than once carried the holders of Kent had only exercised a constitutional privi. question, and it was not to be supposed that in the present lege that belonged to them. But he would hint to the state of men's minds a dissolution would have an unfavour- Noble Earl that when he found fault with the great meet- able effect upon it. So much for the present House of inns in Ireland, he should, on the ether hand, consider Commons. Did the Noble Earl suppose, when the opi the grievances they suffered. The other point related to nion of Government was known on this subject, that any 'the conduct of those who had changed their opinions as to other House of Commons could be found more likely to re the concession of the Catholic claims. He could assure the silt the settlement of the question? He apologized to their Noble Earl that the feelings with which he had heard th e Lordships for the length of time lie had occupied their at announcement from the Throne were those of great and tention, but considering his situation and the relation in muningled gratification ;, and he was the more gratified by which he stood not only to the county of Kent but to Ire finding those Ministers, who had before been opposed to land, be felt it to be his duty to say thus much upon a sub concessions, come forward and avow their conviction that ject of such vital importance. The Noble Earl having it was now necessary. It was aenatter of sincere delight moved that the petition be brought up, concluded by an to him that the question was now in a train to be settled. expression of his confidence in the Noble Duke at the head The Earl of DARNLEY was not disposed to detract of the Government, " who he sincerely trusted, in the ac. from the motives or from the respectability of the great complishment of this vitally important measure, might find meeting of the gentry, clergy, and freeholders of a county that he had secured the first bright civic crown that states in which both the Noble Earl and he resided. He knew man had ever obtained." well the zeal and energy of that Noble Lord, and he The Earl of WINCHELSEA hoped for the indulgence honoured them both as long as they kept within bounds.— of the House while he offered a few observations 'on what It would be the part of a bigot to wish to exclude all but had just fallen from the Noble Earl. First, he begged Protestants from the fullest share of the blessings of the Con- leave to congratulate him on the satisfaction he must have stitution. It was not until last summer, he believed, that derived from reading and referring to his own petition.— amongst the resident gentry and nobility of the county of (Hear, bear.) Kent any thing like a difference on political subjects had Earl GREY interposed. He did not desire to stand in been suffered to break up social ties and kindly feelings.—.. the way of the Noble Earl, if he lied 'anything to say that What had effected this change he could scarcely divine.— came within the understood line of explanation. If he Much had been said of causes of alarm and danger.. He rose in order to make comments on what had fallen from might say nil horum : vellum et grandis epistola vent. other Noble Lords, according to the usage of the House After the receipt of this letter it suggested itself to the the proper time for doing so would be at the close of the Noble Earl to take upon himself the task of enlightening discussion. the men of the Isle of Thanet, and other parts of Kent, on The Earl of WINCHELSEA expressed his readiness political subjects. Subsequently also to the receipt of to give way to the Noble-Earl. this Royal Duke's letter the Brunswick Clubs began to be Earl GREY proceeded. The present is not a fit occa formed. There were many reasons alleged for their crea- sion for debating at large that great question so vitally af tion. It wes confessed that several acts committ e d f rom fecting the interests of the country, which, I trust, at an time to time in Ireland could not be justified; but after all, early period will be brought before us in the shape of a bill there ought to be some allowance made for persons in a to be proposed in the most advantageous manlier, by his state of such constant excitation from political circum- Majesty's Ministers, for the relief of the Roman Catholics stances as the people of Ireland bad for some time been. from the civil disabilities of which they at present com- The Brunswick Clubs, he sincerely believed, had not bee n plain. But although I feel that this is not the prop e r called for in this country as they had perhaps been in Ire- opportunity for entering upon the general subject, I can land. Certainly they could not be rendered necessary here not, without difficulty, avoid touching upon it while atl as a measure of self-defence. His Lordship objected to verting to what has fallen from the Noble Earl who pre the petition as having represented the sense of the county seated the petition, and explaining time course of my c o n . fairly : still less did the meeting fairly represent time per- duct and the state of my feelings. As to the petition itself, I sons of those supposed by the signatures to the petition may say with my Noble Friend, that its terms are per to he concerned in, or expected by the terms of the fectly harmless : putting my own construction upon those requisition to be attendant on the meeting. Many terms—convinced of the importance of the question, and of them were no other than day labourers hired to attend, of the necessity, for the safety of the empire, of bringing it or brewers' men employed in carrying placards and stand- t o a s p ee dy, satisfactory, and final determination, and corn ands in_the train, to put down by their shouts and cia- pa r i ng it w ith the opinions I have -maintained through moor those who opposed the Noble Earl.—(Laughter.)—lt go o d re p or t and throu g h evil report,-1 am not aware that was not possible to deny the Noble Earl and his party had there is a single word in the petition to which I would not a majority, but it was only a clear majority. It must be myself have heartily subscribed. The petitioners state their admitt e d th a t at t h e meet i ng i n quest i on , a ma j or i ty o f " d eep sense o f the bless i ngs they enjoy under the Pro those present appeared to be opposed to what be (Lord testant Constitution as established at the Revolution."-._l Darnley) conceived to be the just claims of the Roman Ca- participate with the people of Kent in their deep sense of tholics. But he could not allow that the great body of the the blessings we enjoy.—( Near, hear.) In the next clause freeholders of that county, any more than those of the they tell us, that " they feel them imperatively called upon country generally, was hostile to the favourable adjustment to declare their strong and inviolable attachment to the of these claims. Thc petition which he held in his hand Prot es t an t p r i nc ipl e s, which have been proved to be the proved that a s pi r it o f i nqu i r y was r aised in Kent with re- best security for the civil and religious liberty of these spect to thi s su bj ec t, an d those w h o we re unfavourable to, kingdoms." I will not yield to the Noble Earl, to the or did not understand the question before, were now in a people of Kent, nor to any man in the empire in a strong different sit ua ti on , Since th e me e ting on Penenden-heath and inviolable attachment to those Protestant principles be was happy t o sa y it h a d come t o his knowledge that -a which have been proved to be the best security for the civil nuinber of co nver t s h a d b ee n ma d e among the freeholders and religious liberty of these kingdoms.—(Hear, hear.)— of Kent, to what h e had always considered, and ever Lastly, the petitioners pray, that " the Constitution of the should continue to consider, the good cause. He called it United Kingdom may be preserved entire and inviolate," the good cause, as involving the best and most important I, too, pray, that it may be so preserved—esto per interests of the country. He was ready to give credit to petua is my sincere and ardent prayer—and, that it the Noble Earl for a desire not to embarrass Ministers in may be perpetual, I wish to see it freed from the danger the course which they had pursued. At the same time, to which it is now exposed ; that it may he perpetual, I in spite of the representations made by those who th oug ht wish to see the people contented and united, and ready differently from him (Earl Darnley) upon this subject, to maintain and defend the Constitution against all assail and notwithstanding the clamour raised by the m ore ar- ants (hear, hear !). For this reason I have long advo dent of his opponents, he himed and tr us t e d th a t th e goo d cated that measure, which Ministers, with manly firm sense o f the country would perceive that our salvation as a ness, and a due reg ar d t o pl a i n dealing, at no distant po state depended not on the Constitution being continued riod are about themselves to introduce into Parliament. exclusive, but in th e success of t h e measure w hi c h it was I have said thus much of the petition, because I think it understood to be the intention o f hi s Majesty' s Ministers material, with a view to answer one part of the question to propose for the adopti o n of the Legislature. The much dwelt upon by the Noble Earl. The Noble Earl Noble Lord was extremely severe on those who entertained stated to-day, and another Noble Earl (Lord Falmouth), different opinions from hi s own. H e (Earl Darnley) could now in his place on the Cross-bench, stated yesterday, not object to this. Convinced as lie was, since he had that the great majority of the people of England (I think first entered upon public life, of the policy and justice of they said nine-tenths of the population) were decidedly emancipating the Catholics, he had not now one doubt opposed to concession to the Roman Catholic's. Both the upon time subject. At the same time he felt that he should Noble Earls took what I considered a most extraordinary tier b e justified in attributing unworthy motives to men, course, when they recommended Ministers, in order to who, like his N o ble Friend, having been bred up in dif- ascertain the real sense of the people, advise his Majesty ferent sentiments, bad formed an opinion that the only to exercise his high prerogative by resorting to a dissolu effectual method of supporting the Protestant Constitution tion of Parliament. Is it decent in debate—is it consti was by means of an exclusive system. He could find ttitional—is it consistent with the rights and privileges of man y excuses for such persons. He also found it easy the other House of Parliament, for Peers to rise in their to believe that politic a l men might conscientiously change places and arraign the blouse of Commons as base and de the opinions which they had long h e ld i n all sin- generate , as too t repres en ti ng th e p eo pl e , an d as ready to cerity with respect to this question. So far from being sacrifice that Quinstitution it is bound to defend? Is it decent disposed to undervalue men on that account, he considered —is it c onstitutional, in any Noble Lord to hold such lan thew conscientious change of sentim en t as an additional guage regarding the other branch of the Legislature, and s till c l a im to Isis esteem, It was invidious t o say t h at hi s M a- l ess t o c a ll on the King to r e turn the House of Com mons jesty's linisters bad acted under th e i n fl uence of fear or to t h e p eo pl e with s t rong mar k s o f th e R oya l di spleasure, the cour se w hi c h they bad deter. i n j ur i ous t o th e character of the Crown and t o th e inte mrests of the State.--(Hear, beer.) I trust suc h expres einiffitinelenrd to t e i n d t a f i r i O nu i l t . t isnu tl e t . that of h is is idea of r ea l courage was perhaps Noble Friend (the E ar l o f Win- 510115 only arose from a temporary ebullition of feeling th e chelsea), and he thought that the worst aed most despic- Noble Lords were unable ko controul, which upon More Ole of all fears was, for a man who thought himself right, calm reflection, they will be ready to recall. Appeal to the who kit strong in the justi ce an d expediency of the course peop l e ! Wh y, h ave t h ere not b een many appeals, and he was pursuing, to be afraie lest he should be thought does not th e N o ble Earl forget all that has passed upon afraid, and thus allow himself to be diverted from his this subject for the last five and twenty years? The ques enterprise. He had no doubt that such was the view tion began to be agitated before 1807, when I was an under which dthos unde r gone his M a j esty ' s Mi nisters w h ose bumbl e an d an unwor thy member of an Ad m i n i stration s e ntiments had an alter a ti on h a d acte d : he which was removed from power because it a tt empted to had as litt le doubt that t hese individuals had changed ' give relief to the Rolnan Catholics. The relief w e con ro their opieion s from s incerely conscientious motives. He templated was afterwards granted,; a n d i n 1 817 a Bill cou ld not conclude without congratul a ti ng hi s N o bl e , his was passed for the purpose, by the very per sons w h o, ten among distinguished, and gallant Friend at the head of the go- years before, had raised all the objectiops to our measure. vernment, on the part he had taken and the p rospect which (Hear, hear , hear.) With us, when the subject came on me was befWg us, He would read the words of the petition •to be agitated, it was discussed,:tinhappily, too much as a party question ; and among all the great benefits arising from this proceeding, from that date to the present auspi cious' hour, at least, it cannot now be said that it is made a party question. I hope that even the ill-judged intempe rance of the Noble Earl, and his over-zealous friends will never be able to make it so.—(Much cheering.) The Ad ministration to which I have' alluded was dismissed from his Majesty's Councils in consequence of having propoied the measure which was subsequently carried by its op ponents, and in consequence of having refused to give a pledge which they felt to be inconsistent with their duty as Privy Councillors, and inconsistent with the oath they had taken to give their best advice to the Sovereign on the Throne. The Ministers of 1807 having been dis missed, an appeal was made to the people, for the Parlia ment was dissolved. What was the result ? Immediately after the meeting of. the two Houses, a motion was made in the Co:nmons for taking the Catholic Question into consideration, and it was carried by a majorityof 129 votes. Such was the effect of the first appeal to the people. Here too, it should be observed, that this Parliament was assem bled after the cry of "No Popery" and " Church and King"—after every expedient had been •resorted to, to in fluence the people and to operate upon vulgar prejudices— after they had been told that liberty, property, every thing was at stake—the bitterest feelings of animosity bad been excited, and yet the House; so constituted, and so convened, had voted in favour of the Roman Catholics, by a majority of 129. Another appeal was made to the people in 1612 ; a new Parliament was then chosen, and the House of Com mons again decided on behalf of their claims, by a majority, if I recollect rightly, of 40 Members. Another dissolution took place in 1818, and after the two Houses had assem bled, I certainly cannot state that a majority was found in favour of the question ; the weight of numNitie was un- questionably the o th er way; b ut t h e prepouder ce was so trifling that I really forget whether it was two or four votes. The House of Commons was nearly equally divided, although all the influence of Government was exerted to de feat the friends of concession. Another appeal to the people was made in 1820, and in that Parliament the Catholic Ques tion was brought forward on no less than three separate occasions. In 1821 a majority voted in favour's:of a Bill, which, in consequence, was introduced, and, in 1822, there was again a considerable majority in favour of a mea sure brought on by a Right Hon. Gentleman, now no more, of whose talents no man feels higher admiration than myself. - The object of that Bill was to enable Roman Catholic Peers to sit in the House of Lords. In 1825 there was another Bill, and another majority. We then come to the year 1826, when the last dissolution took place, and the last appeal was made to the people. In 1826 a ma jority of the House of Commons again voted in favour of concession to the Roman Catholics. Undoubtedly, in 1827, the decision was in a contrary direction, but the majority was slight and narrow ; and those who advert to the cir cumstances under which the question, was introduced, I think will find that the decision was not upon the merits of the claims. In 1828, however,-the subject was resumed for the last time, and the just demands of the Roman Ca tholics were establiihed by a majority of six. I cannot, indeed, call that majority considerable, but, under all the circumstances, it afforded a strong indication of the feeling of the House of Commons. With this evidence before us, then, I ask the Noble Earl what new appeal is necessary to the people?—(Hear, hear.)-1 have already expressed Tay opinion of the propriety of proposing such a measure in this House ; and on that subject 1 shall now say no more than that my belief is, that if a dissolution were to take place, it would not produce results at all more favourable to the views and wishes of the Noble Earl. When, there fore, I look at the assertions of the Noble Earl as to the general sentiment of the inhabitants of the country, and when I look at the known and admitted proofs upon the subject, he must allow me to arrive at a very opposite conclusion. I well know, that on such a point judgments must vary according to the opportunities of information and the particular views of the party endeavouring to ar rive at a conclusion ; but here I am supported by indis putable facts—by the repeated votes of the House of Com mons after appeals had been made to the people by five successive dissolutions. Notwithstanding the two insigni ficant exceptions to which I have adverted, I maintain that, there has existed an uniform disposition in the other branch of tie Legislature to afford relief to the Roman Catholics. As far as the sense of the people could be ascertained by the sentiments of their Members, it is clear that the ma jority was decidedly in favour of an act of justice to their Roman Catholic brethren.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—Sure I am that a dissolution is the most constitutional mode of collecting the opinion of the nation. I know not what the Noble Earl may think of the question of Parliamen tary Reform ; for aught I know he may go the radical length of denying that the, House of C ommons , as a t present constitut e d, does not fitly represent the people of this country. As he is so ready with his advice for dissolution, he may be equally prepared to recom mend Reform. I have been all my life au advu cote for Parliamentary Reform, by applying fit reme dies to obvious, notoriows, and admitted defects ; not aiming at theoretical perfection, but at practical improves ment ; and I, therefore, am of opinion that, to a certain degree; the state of the representation is capable of amend ment. But although I would make some useful changes, I still think that the influence of public opinion upon the Nouse is so strong, as, in many instances, to satisfy the cravings of the most visionary reformer. Seeing, then, that on all those occasions when the subject of the Catholic Claims has been agitated the House of Commons has voted in their favour, in my mind it establishes a conviction that the majority of the people is decidedly friendly to this great measure of national justice and general conciliation. Having said thus much, I am not aware that it is necessary for rue to add more on the question of public opinion ; but when County Meetings are held, there always will be disputes as to the character of the Meeting, and whether the petition speaks more or less the sentiments of the freeholders at large. Many petitions have certainly been presented from different places, but from two counties only have represen.. tations of the kind been brought before the House. The Noble Earl thinks the success of his friends in Kent ,triumphant ; but from all the accounts that have reached me, lam led to believe that the real majority of frees holders was narrow and insignificant. The appears ante of a larger majority was produced by those who were not freeholder:;, and who went to Penenden Heath for the especial purpose of overawing and con t rou li ng those who o n ly h a d a right to vote. My conviction is the same with respect to Devonshire, the only ether county in which a petition has been got np. I believe that a great proportion of the wealth, property, and infiuence of the country was in favour of the great measure soon to be introduced. I can speak from positive information, that the most undue and unjustifiable means - were adopted to procure a colourable majority : persons were brought to the spot whose physical force was intended to keep the free holders in check; and these persons were marshalled and urged on by persons wearing the garb of our holy religion, who did not scruple to mingle in the crowd to cheer andi animate their friends, and to revile and discomfit tbeik, opponents. (Much cheering.) This is oneaaf the cows, ties, be it remembered, in which a Noble Viscount fester, day asserted.that the majority of the inhabitants was deci • dedly hostile to the Claime. The Noble Earl (Winchel sea) declared to-night, and I own the declaration surprised me, that he would be,the last man to endeavour to agitate the public mind. Is that so 9 Have I been under - a mis take ? Is that letter, signed Winchelsea and Notting ham, published in all the newspapers ;the production of the Noble Earl; and if it be so, can he assert that he does not wish to agitate or excite the people against the Members of the King's GoVernment ? (Hear, hear.) It bears, in deed, a very different character to the speech of the Noble Lord ; but I trust and believe, that his invitation will not be followed by the answer he anticipates. Excepting the clamours of the Noble Earl, I perceive nothing but silence • silence, they say, gives consent, and we may interpret that silence into an approbation of the just and beneficent measure to be brought in and supported by . Ministeraes-- Agitation is a word that cannot be too strongly delve, cated in and out of the House ; and I treat that no agitator, whether ISrunswick or Catholic, will be able to excite the people of England, and induce them to reject the controul of that good sense for which they have so long been remarkable. If the Bill be carried, the Noble Earl himself tells us that he will acquiesce in it, and six months after it has been passed, I am persuaded, that men will hold up their hands in wonder at their own foolish and-formi dable anticipations. Let the people be left to the exercise of their own judgment and discretion, and they will chew no violence either in favour or against this measure ; and I am borne out in this opinion by circumstances that occur red at the last General Election. One of the members for Cornwall is a man of the most liberal politics (Mr. Pen darves) ; he is a friend to Parliamentary Reform, on its broadest basis, and a strenuous and enlightened advocate for the Catholic rights, and yet, against all in the influence of the Tories of the county, he was triumphantly returned by an overwhelming majority. I must, therefore, say, that in this instance the selection of the Noble Earl (Falmouth) was a little unfortunate; and it only spews the difficulty he experiences in finding arguments to support his opinions. I therefore contend that the public sentiment is in favour of concession ; and in their endeavours to bestow trust that the King's Ministers will be supported by this as well as by the other House of Parliament, with as much zeal as I shall be happy to display by the devotion to their service in this great cause of such abilities as God has given me. I am satisfied that the people of England is decidedly friendly to this salutary and only too tardy work of benevolence and