The Sun. — London, England, 1829-03-19 00:00:00

" CONTRACTS FOR SLOPS... VIOTUALLINII-OFFICE, MARCIE 9, 1829. Commissioners for Victualling his Majesty's Navy, &c. do hereby give Notice, That on TtrzseAr, the 24th Instant, they will be ready to re etiVe Tenders in writing (sealed up), and treat for the following Articles, to be delivered into His Majesty's Vic %tiling Stores at Deptford, viz. I T Ten Thousand BLUE CLOTH JAC .KE I'S, No. 2. Pifteen Thousand Pairs of BLUE CLOTH TROWSERS, No. 2. Ten Thousand FLANNEL WAIST COATS. Toi Thousand BLANKETS. Ten Thousand BLACK - SILK HAND KERCHIEFS. Two Hundred Thousand Yards of BRI TISH DUCK CLOTH. Siz Thousand Yards of HESSEN, 40 inches wide. 8 4 Thousand Yards of HESSEN, 36 inches wide. ChM Thousand Gross of BUTTONS. Ten Thousand Yards of CALICO. Jelyfollowing. Patterns and samples of the above mentioned Articles vtill be exhibited at this Office. The Condition s of the Contract may be seen at this Office. Each Tender must s p ec if y t h e pr i ce i n words length, and be t dlimed before O ne o'clock on the day aPP011.104; anl th e Person who makes the Tender, or soptia_,Pieson on his behalf, must attend to answer when calles for. 'AL WALLER CLIFTON. AD MIRALTY -OFFICE, MAR -NOTICE is hereby gl , 7en, at a Session of Oyer and Tel miner and Gaol Delivery for the Trial of Offences committed on the High Seas, within the J urisdiction of the Admiralty of England, will be held at the Justice Hall, in the Old Bailey, London, on MONDAY, the 6th of April next, at Eight o'clock in the Morning ; and CI Sheriffs, Gaolers, and Keepers of Prisons, in whose euetody any Prisoners, charged with Offences committed nu th e High Seas, sr within the said Jurisdiction may be, 5 4 hereby required to transmit a Copy of the Commit. in ert of every such Prisoner to Mr. CHARLES JONES, the Solicitor of the Admiralty, at his Office, No. 10, Lan eseter-place, Strand, London, in order that the necessary measures may be taken for removing all such Prisoners t ° his Majesty's Gaol of Newgate, for Trial at the said i4te ndeil Session : and all Mayors, Justices, Coroners, and other Officers before whom any Inquisitions, Informations, /Eli minations, or Recognizmces, may have been taken touching any such Offences, are required to transmit the me forthwith to Mr. THOMAS SHELTON, the Clerk of Arraigns of the High Court of Admiralty of England, Il L it t l on O . f 6 ce, at th e S ess i ons H ouse i n t h e Old B a il ey, J. W. CROKER. BANK OF ENGLAND, 111 ARCH 10, 1829. 11 1 HE COURT o f DIRECTORS o f t h e -111- ENGLAND GOVERNOR and COMPANY of the BANK of give noti That a GENERALce, COURT will be held at the Bank on TUUESDAY, the 19th inst., at Eleven o'clock in the Forenoon, to consider of a Dividend : and also that ano ther General Court Will be held at the Bank, on TUESDAY the 7th April next, from Ten o'clock in the Forenoon till Four in the Afternoon, for the election of a Governor and D eputy -Governo r for the year ensuing (which will be de clared that evening) ; and the same Court will be conti -1..411d, by adjournment, and held at the same place, and dur tcrahe same hours, on WEDNESDAY, the Bth April next, for the election of Twenty-four Directors (which will also 're on e of the Quarterly General Courts appointed by the „ , ,, Illt er), and the election of the Twenty-four Directors " 14 be decl are d as soon as the'scrutiny is over. P rinted Lists of the Proprietors having Votes will be Aure rea dY ii. to be delivered at the Bank, on Tuesday, the 24th JOHN KNIGHT, Sec. th ,! 4 . 11 . • By an Act passed passed in the Seventh Year of relgn of his late Majesty, no person will be entitled to v ote st th e said Election, who shall not have been six ca ltr,dtr months po s se sse d, i n hi s own r i g h t, o f t h e S toc k f or gic h he shall then give his vote, unless the said Stock shall : 11.4 been acquired, or shall have come by bequest, bY marria ge , or by success i on to an i ntestate ' s estate, °I. by the cust o m o f th e City o f L on d on , or b y any deed of settlement after the death of any person who shall have been entitled for life to the Dividends of such Stock. EAST INDIA HOUSE, Martell 4, 1529. T HE COURT of DIRECTORS of the UNITED COMPANY of MERCHANTS of ENGLAND Trading to the EAST INDIES do hereby tiverNotice, • That a GENERAL COURT of the said COMPANY mill be held it their House in Leadenhall-street on Pia blor, the 20th instant, from Nine o'clock in the Morning %atil Six in the Evening, far the ELECTION of a DI AEOTOR of this Company, in the room of Sir GEORGE 411ERCROMBIE ROBINSON, Bart., who hath PETER AUBErt, Secretary. THE MARKETS. COAL MARKET.—March Is. enter 28s. 3d. Walls End Newmarch,.. 30s. 3d. primrose 28 0 Ditto Jesmond 31 3 27 6 Ditto Northumberland 30 3 t t icr4ev a gteam Coal .26 0 Ditto Perkins and Co. 30 0 30 0 Ditto 31 3 rid oryt or `4leld 'n orth ---- r 6 Tae t yoPWir, t 29 0 nfl to sor .......- 30 0 :tv „ iey 33 0 29 6 30 3 Ditto Walker 32 0 Neshani Dlain 30 0 Walls End Hetton—,—,.. 34 0 Walls End Lyons 31 3 Walls End Stewart's 34 0 Russell's Hetton's 41/.E. 33 6 29 6 Cowpen, 29 9 d ßewieke&Co. 33 6 Hartley :31 0 bitnDitilsell Hobson& Co. 32 0 Siikstone Field and Co. 27 . 0 bit? B rown's.- - 30 0 Smithson Old H. Moor 22 6 1.? R urratois 30 Walls End Elgin 33 0 4, 0 c 1)44) atr and Co. 26 9 Wylam Trader 29 0 Ntto Lake and C 0.,. 29 6 Walker small IS Di tto ar.aMlington 26 6 Old Etherley small IS 6 6 " ilda • 6 Willington small 18 at Market, 96Y. 29 bo.L, _l/8 1 4 -1 ' -Unsold, 4914. COUNTR Y CORN 141ARKETS DUIIING THE WEEK. Wheat. Barley. 1 Oats. Beans. Abingdone ,Quairr -----.. to s. . 37t0 S. S. to s. r. s. Andover 6B 84 35 42 35 42 - 56 11401160 r ----- m 74 - - 32 - 23 - - acid - d - ."......... 72 82 32 36 24 36 - 46 Cirencester rt , 56 74 32 39 26 34 - 54 pa._, 64 88 29 36 22 25 - - Guildford ' l 9/ 010 ..........- 4 86 36 40 26 38 - 46 Henley ....„ 48 74 30 36 24 35 - 43 r........---- 55 80 34 43 28 34 - 48 efokd, -64 84. 38 45 36 40 - GO . ii?w0rth............., 02 80 32 42 28 34 ...,- 56 4 -- mt X e. nhead---- 60 84 24 31 28 38 .-- - Slnghant ......... 56 76 30 36 18 32 - 44 Irlg .........,-. 58 68 29 39 21 23 - 38 ,_iiry.................... 76 86 32 36 22 32 - 52 att o aMPtoli ....... 54 '7B 37 40 28 32 - s(i I tw e --.....,..:„.; 60 80 34 38 22 32 - 40 1 3 4,.,‘ e sbury ......- 65 87 40 42 30 38 -, 56 Wa - luge 55 St 32 35 20 31 - 4 8 NV 8e -"-"*" 52 81 26 34 19 30 - 44 VI/17:1 13 / 4 4ter .......... 57 94) :2 44 24 36 - 50 VizNsor..-..„ 64 80 32 37 2:1 30 - 56 -,.. weest 80 88 36 44 27 30 - 58 Cr ---- BLTENHAM M t hel. s. d. to s. d. 16,pitt usi ............ ... J 0 J 6 Beef.... 0yZY . ............ . 4 6 5 3 Mutton ................ .. 4 0 5 0 Veal ikZ" .......... . ..... 4 9 6 6 Louth..., 5 0 8 0 Pork a ss. to 4/. A RKET: —March 17. 'et lb. d. to d. 6 8 6 7 1 1 6 8 0 0 6 7j -Is. per Lou, b he voi eNVES MARKET —March 17 ito Aatie t (per quarter) £3 12 oto £3 14 0 3 12 0 3 13 0 '''' T. • S 0 1 0 Itse 1 2 0 1 4 0 Utl c. ke`N ew ++•• 118 0 22 0 13 0 0 per thousand. __... - . I' fu r HLL AKET.-March 17. et ad • 4 van Sri the duty on R Foreign Wheat, and the certainty _,ltt it _,. er nse, has given a firmness to the trade, and a fair 'L r ovi n ,u h.usiness has been transacted during the week at im -o,,,Nitrotrnces. We had a fair show of farmers' Wheat, the f c : , 4t an °. which was pretty good, and the samples were taken iiroth advance of 2s. to 3s. per quarter, with a more free sale Ziv!2;:7 d escriptions at better prices. The best Malting Barley - .n.., ,0 33 ~" .7.4% 0, • .--r quarter dearer. In other things no alteration. n ,1,1 ............... 665. 725. -s. New -s. 60s. 70s. ...Atli, p ... ( )reign -s. 70s. 735. -,,eland .. ~ ...... -s. 20s. 24s k na ll or Feed..., -s. 12s 188. --ct te °kip, ...._ 3', 1,/,,.. jrlj,.., ,„. 11 : & Sut ... -s. 2ils. 325. Line. & Wold -s. 28s. 38s. 4) 1 , . °rei gn -s. 30s. 38s. T ette 4.o: , . ,w, zt .. ............... 368. 281. 40s. Foreign -s. 365. 38s. " S te ... -s 425. 46s -s. 38s. 40s. 11,14 1 ............... . . Grey :, ........ 31 , 15. 41)s. Foreign ... '-''' ' 4 bond none. Free, per last... -1. 321. :GI . IMJMFRIES MA g i :,eat. / (I. s. d. 0 4 4 eY., In B• Bush... 8 0 to 8 6 Butter, l6oz 0 0 to 0 7 } -, 1 ls ... • .................. 3 8 4 0 Eggs, dozen ' 0 0 0 9 oZZ, . j'ip..-. ........... 2 9 3 3 Beef, per lb. ii r aeal"... ............. 2 4 3 0 Mutton ........ 2 3 2 4 Veal 0 4 0 0 C 4&, Z ........ 0 0 1 0 .Q.uattern Loaf 0 8 0 9 Wont.; BA 9.: .• .„..,_—% 6., - •4:ne sn . ar to-day was not so good as we -expected it """lin•Cle been, and the whole, viz. 303, were sold at the -. - 75 as list week. .K ET s.—March 11. PERIODS OF D ELIVER V. One-half of each by the 31st of July next, and the re mainder by the 31st of Au gust follow ing. By the 30th June next. 2,000 yards thereof by the Ist of May next, and the remainder by the 31st of No. 11,394. LONDON, THURSDAY he found another question put to the proposers of con cession at that period, which he (Mr. Bankes) was not about to put, but which it might be fit to re peat—" But (said Lord Lyndhurst) I will answer that question in my turn, by asking another; and I ask, what are the securities which the Roman Catholics propose to concede for the concessions which they re quire from us ?" Since that Noble Lord left the House of Commons (continued the Hon. Member), he does not seem to have set the same value on securities to which he then attached so much importance when lie made that speech. I very much wish that Hon. Members would take the trouble to read it, because it contains a great deal of curious matter relating to the subject generally, and to the Noble Earl particularly and personally, who is now elevated to the Woolsack and to a seat in his Majesty's Cabinet. The sort of question I should ask is this Ministers see the dangers of this subject in a different light to that in which they viewed them last year and thq year before? If they do not, then they mast allow me tc4ollow up my first inquiry, by asking whether, by the 'esent Bill, they would possess greater facilities than were given by former measures in meeting and obviating thoseilifficul. ties? • These appear to me the points to which it i>t a sary to direct special attention."' The di V re' either the same as they were - in 1827, or they are greater; 4f Way are die same, the answers made by the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel) on former occasions satisfy me, and ought in my humble opinion to satisfy the House, that there is no occasion for him and his colleagues to take a different course, or for Parliament to follow them.—(ldear.) If, on the other hand, the dangers are greater, then I say that they are greater owing to the supineness and indiffe rence shown by Ministers with reference to that monstrous and illegal power which has recently grown up in Ireland. I have asked at different times, though I have never re ceived a satisfactory answer, for what reason they suffered this morbid iinrosthutne, if I may so call it, to grow up in the Constitution ?—(Hear.)--Why were no effectual means employed to put it down or destroy it ?—(ll ear .)._ The Government, indeed, denounced it, and used harsh expressions regarding its proceedings, but they did nothing, or rather they nourished it, aud, by their inactivity and criminal negligence, allowed it to arrive at that dangerous point when to attempt to cut it off would perhaps have been fatal. By this power they have been driven forward ; and that now is their excuse. The Right Hon. Mover put it so on the first night ; be admitted that with him and his coadjutors it was not a matter of option ; they did not con cede it as an act of right and justice, or even as an act of grace and liberality, but as an act of expediency—as a choice of evils, as a mode of escaping from difficulties, and as a course that was attended with less danger than any other they could point out. I have said before, and I say again, that there has been no reply to the question—Why did you allow this necessity to arise? And I maintain that the Bill we are now considering has entirely been oc casioned by threats and intimidation. In this view it is not the work of Government, but of another power, which has been allowed to undermine the public authorities in Ireland. In this House, and elsewhere, we have heard the Duke of Wellington lauded and magnified, and I should be the last to object to almost any degree of praise applied to him ; no man has ever deserved it more—for many great and glorious acts; but this measure, whether it be evil, or whether it be good, is not the work of the Duke of Wel lington and of the British Government, but of the Member for the county of Clare.—(Hear.)—The blame for this most fatal measure must rest with him, and the Noble Duke will perform but an inferior part in the pageant of the Catholic Association. " The World's Great Victor" will " pass unheeded by ;" the hero of Clare will take the first place in the triumphant procession. "Nobili ()naafi' lauro collega secundo." It may be a question whether our liberties are more likely to suffer under a Popish Prince with a Protestant Cabinet, or under a Protestant Prince with a Popish Cabinet. To this I must reply fairly, that in the situation in which our Constitution stands, in my opinion, it would be less danger ous to have a Popish King with Protestant advisers, than a Protestant King with a Popish Ministry. It is now universally admitted, that the Constitution, properly under stood, rests the acts of the Crown entirely on the heads of its responsible servants ; and it would be much easier (as indeed it would be their duty) for Popish Councillors to operate on the conscience of a Protestant King, than for the Sovereign on the Throne, if he were a Catholic, to in fluence his Protestant Ministers. I come now to that part of the subject which it is also fit that I should touch— What are the dangers, real or apprehended, whiCh may threaten the country if the Bill now upon the table were to pass ? Upon this point the Honourable Member re ferred to a passage in a speech of Mr. Peel, in the debate of 1827, which, he said, expressed his sentiments in clearer and stronger terms than any he could employ. There was nothing in the various Relief Bills brought forward upon this and former occasions to which he (Mr. Bankes) so much objected to as the admission of Roman Catholics into Parliament ; and as soon as lie found that Mr. Canning made it a sine qua non, he had been obliged to leave him, and from that time he had constantly opposed all concession of the claims. The Right Hon. Gentleman, in the debate of 1827, had stated that " the consequence of admitting Roman Catholics into Parliament would be to bring the Protestant and Catholic religions into collision in.such a way as in the course of a few ages, perhaps, to lead to the destruction of the former." He (Mr. Bankes) agreed in this opinion in all respects but where it was said that the contest might continue for ages; in his view, the march of Catholicism would be much more rapid ; and even the Right Hon. Gentleman, if this Bill were passed, as he was at present in the prime and vigour of his life, might perhaps witness the early fulfilment of his prophecy. This effect followed regularly from the cause ; and how it happened that Members who had once so clearly foreseen this danger could not now discover it, Ile was at a loss to imagine. Two points were to be considered. First, in what man ner the danger was to be avoided. He apprehended that no man would deny that danger existed in the Roman Ca tholic religion itself ; and to say that it was not political as connected with a sect which had obtained political power,. was unintelligible. It was a religion of encroachment and usurpation ; and if Roman Catholics were introduced into the Legislature, what was to prevent them from subvert ing the Church of Ireland ? Secondly, he would inquire what were the means by which they might accomplish tkis object ? In the first place, an indefinite number of Catholic Members would be returned from Ireland. He supposed that there would be fifty or sixty, and that it was not too much to calculate upon half the hundred Irish Representatives being Catholics. Neither was Ireland only to be looked to ; in this country there were many noble, wealthy, and ancient families of that persuasion ; and when seats in Parliament were to be the means of gratifying am bition, by procuring elevation, it was only natural to sup pose that they too would use their influence to return Members. Seats in Parliament were procured in a thou sand ways—nunc prcemio, nunc pretio, nunc vi—and of these ways wealthy and powerful Roman Catholics would avail themselves on the first opportunity. Something also might be done in Scotland, although he believed that the Roman Catholic religion was not very prevalent there. What might be the general feeling in Scotland upon this Bill, he did not pretend to be informed; but he knew that its sweeping enactments violated one of the articles of the Union with that country, for the purpose of laying every thing at the feet of the Catholic Association. Besides, was it not likely that the Protestant Dissenters would lend their aid to the purposes of th,?. Catholics I Were they so enamoured of the Church Establishment, that they would be ready to support it at all times, and at all risks? The petitions on the table gave some indica tions of the state of their feelings, and without being obliged to complain of religious disqualifications, they might be anxious to be exonerated from the expence and the burden of an establishment to which they (lid not belong, Very lately opinions had been broached, that it might in expe dient to reduce the choreh at oppc to its pristine purity and to its primitive poverty. At this moment popular writers of strength and intelligence were advocating the cause of the Catholics, not because they thought, as the Right Hon. Gentleman and others contended, it would support, but because it would subvert the establishment. The House could not have forgotten, that in 1824 a mo tion was brought forward to bring the Church property Ireland in aid of the wants of the State, and, on a di-isicn . about eighty Members voted 'p its fayoul. These plight be added to the CathgliP * Atetpbers from Ireland ; and with such a force combined, marshalled, and arrayed, lie begged to know for how many ages it?zwieannstml.ik_ye(lynt:artotl±eAstsrtuogtghlte, le3aarrt.lholics seats in Parliament, lie opinion, it will not coulde the danger strugglei, o e f pi g a i t v r i ( )g . f t e an d s . oi7mga ( l begged again to quote a passage from the debate of 18 9 i 7 - ‘, If ( sa id the R i g h t l o p , 91e 4 t1Sr1 3 0) 114 - i . . . r. . . . ,; ,.... i k. , : 1 , - 1 35 . ..:0) c,,,10 , 8r ::* ' .t. ; Si' :1,- --5 ,1 11: :- ss _ ..... . . . . , • -,. g7 , ----‘ , l- -- - , - - 7. • - -- "+"""fti....." , A 1 .01. CP:Vig ,i 7 1 .1 5te.." . - ( -lltsir . du i: - 44-_".1400 ,, , t ff -...,. _ ' i,`;:•-. ,', O , • 1 <: 1 .- kl / --, 4 4 ' \ \. , 1 I s :: --,-- -, - -it ... \ ;Cdr ,'..- KO ,•:,,, 4 • ~, - :-. s. ri ---Aillik - -- i 9 S Y ,W, .s - ~%,, /,, 4 - , . ' , DA Sar e ti4,_ ,i. 4 1, ' " - ‘4,3 4 1 i 1b,e`P . ,7,11 111. 'I rigigNi -I t° 'C'' X_l , ilL 7iiiimw lik: • IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-(LAST NIGHT.) The SPEAKER. took the Chair precisely at Four o'clock, at which time there were a great number of Members pre sent, and every seat unoccupied had a ticket on the back. The galley was much crowded. Sir RANGLIS presented a petition from Edinburgh against the Catholic claims. The Hon. Baronet said it was signed by 13,000 of the inhabitants, who expressed the greatest alarm at the Bill introduced by the Right Honourable Secretary cf State, for the purpose of ad mitting the Roman Catholics into high offices of State. The Hon. Member then presented petitions from Black burn and several other places, of a similar nature. The Marquis of CHANDOS presented a petition from the town of Buckingham, against further concessions.— The Noble Marquis said, a Right Hon. Gentleman had stated last night that the House could appoint an hour after which no Member had a- right to present 'any petition, but the Right Hon. Gentleman should also recollect that every Member had a right to move, as claim is he pleased, an adjournment.—(Hear.)--He did not mean to say that such was the intention,—(Hear,),.-- but he would here give notice that when the Bill wad , in: Corninittee he should propose a clause to exclude Roman Xfitholifs - frout the offices of Prime Minister and Privy Councillor.-o(Hear, 'hear.) , Mr. WYNN could not duty the right of Members mov ing an adjournment, but the-House would not suffer public business to be neglected by such manoeuvres.—(Hear.)— If the privilege of petitioning was abused the House had also the power to correct it. The Noble Marquis then presented twelve other petitions of a similar nature from places ha the county of Buckingham. Colonel PEEL presented a petition from Swalhngton and several other places in the county of Norfolk against the Catholic claim. Mr. LAMBERT presented petitions in favour of Ca tholic emancipation, from several places in Ireland. Colonel SIBTHORPE presented a petition frem Tam worth and several other places against further concessions. Colonel SIBTHORPE presented a petition from a pa rish of Lincoln, against concession. Mr. DICK presented similar petitions from Mulls worth and other places in Suffolk. Mr. WARD expressed his intention to vote against con cession, as he always had done. Alderman WOOD presented a petition from the Uni tarian Chapel, Canterbury, in favour of the Catholics. Sir E. KNATCHBULL presented several petitions from places in Kent, against concession ; also from Dundee, the Kirk Session of Dundee, and the town of Ramsgate, in favour of the claims. Mr. B. COOPER presented a petition from Rod borough, against the Catholics. Mr. O'HARA presented petitions from Galway and another place, in favour of the Catholics. . Mr. W. DUNDAS presented a petition from the com pany of Goldsmiths in Edinburgh in favour of, and from the Company of Tailors against, concession. Lord DUNCANNON presented a petition from several Catkolic gentlemen against the Disfranchisement Bill, which he considered was both unjust and uncalled for by the pre sent state of Ireland. He could not conceive why the franchise should be taken from the Catholics and left to he Protestants. Lord ALTHORPE agreed with his Noble Friend in dis liking and objecting to the Bill in question. He had voted for the measure to that effect in 1825, but he had only waited till the election of 1826, to be fully convinced of his mistake. Linked as it was with the measure for Catholic relief, he could not take upon himself any share of the responsibility of rejecting it ; taking the whole measure together he considered it would be of great benefit to' Ireland, as the Relief Bill would do them snore service than theloss of their franchise would injure them. He should have had greater satisfaction, however, in voting for the measure for relief, if it could have been passed without. _ _ Colonel DAVIES remarked, that even if the Disfran chisement Bill had been Lrought in by itself, he should have considered it his duty to have voted for it, as a benefit to Ireland. Sir C. BURRELL presented a petitioa from Hurst against concession. Mr. P. MACQUEEN presented a similar petition from Dunstable. Mr. HURST presented a petition from Horsham, in favour of concession. Mr. STANLEY presented a similar petition from Blackburn, Garstang, Ormskirk, and other placed in Lancashire. Mr. LOTT presented similar petitions from places in Tyrone. Mr. WELLS presented a petition against concessions from the Protestant Dissenters of Alaidstone;—also si milar petitions from two parishes in the county of Nor folk. Mr. DICKINSON presented petitions from places in Somersetahire, against concessions. Lord TULLAMORE presented a petition from a pa rish in the county of Waterford, in favour of the Catholic claims. Mr. CHAPLIN presented petitions from two parishes in Lincolnshire, against further concessions. Lord UXBRIDGE presented a petition from Dullen, in Caithness, against further concessions ; and another• to the same effect from the Protestant Dissenters of Holyhead. Lord JOEIN RUSSELL presented a petition from Bethel-green, Kent, in favour of the Catholic claims, and another to the same effect from the Protestant Dissenters of Olney. ADJOURNED DEBATE ON THE ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL. Mr. PEEL (at Six o'clock) moved the Order of the Day for resuming the Adjourned Debate on the Roman Catholic Relief Bill.—The Order of the Day having been read, Mr. BANKES said, he had so often troubled Houses of Commons during the last twenty-five years on this sub ject, that he should not have now risen, but for the par ticular circumstances under which it was this year brought forward. The novelty of the question at this moment was the position in which he, and. many of those who still continued to think and act with him on this subject, were placed with reference to his Majesty's Government. To that point lie should chiefly direct the few observa tions lie intended to make, although not in the hope of adding any thing new. In the first place he would say, that be was not one of those against whom any reasonable complaint could be made that he had deserted Ministers on previous occasions when this question was decided ; but he might fairly accuse them of having deserted him upon this occasion. —(Hear, hear.)—They had endeavoured to press upon the opponents of concession an alternative, and it had been so strongly urged, and so frequently re peated, that he would advert to it in the commencement. The alternative was this—" If you do not concur with us in these measures, what do you advise ?" This dilem ma was stated not merely by the Right Hon. Mover, but it had been employed in almost every debate, but especi ally by Mr. Canning and Lord Plunkett, who always en deavoured to put their antagonists in the predicament, by asserting, " You cannot remain as you are, and if you do not accept our remedy, what do you recommend in its stead ?" One of the Colleagues of the Right Hon. gen tleman, who had now risen to one of the highest offices of the State, exactly two years ago, when speaking in op position to the Roman Catholic claims, adverted to this alternative. He believed that many were now present who -would recollect that in March, 1827, the present Lord Chancellor was in collision with his Right Honour able Friend, now no more, on this question, and in answer to the proposed dilemma spoke as follows :—" I am asked, if I object to the measures now proposed, what I would substitute for them ? Ido not know that I ought to be required to answer such a question ; but my reply is, that I am not a Member of the King's Government—that I am not one of the Ministers of the Crown, and it might be not only idle and vain, but mischievous for me to say what is my opinion as to the measures that ought to be adopted." This certainly was very high authority, and he (Mr. Bankes) also thought it very good cause ; for of what use would it he for him, or others, to trouble the House with projects, and hypotheses, which, of course, would never be carried into execution ? A trial of any one of them could not be made; and were he to hazard them they would only divert the House from the real point in issue, to which he wished to fix the attention of Hon. Members. Referring again to the speech of the then Master of the Rolls and the present Lord Chancellor, VENING, MARCH 19, 1829. lies had seats in Parliament, no doubt they would confede rate in order to attain their object : sometimes they may act on one side and sometimes on another, as their inclina tion may lead them ; but where any question occurred re lating to their Church they would be found united. They would act, too, let it be remembered, with greater force than their mere numerical strength ; and Govern ment knew how much small knots, not of hundreds, but even of tens, were able to accomplish, under ex perienced and able leaders. A reference, with some ap pearance of novelty, bad been made to the period of the Wvolittion in the distinction taken between the inten tions and the actions of King William and hi s Ministers. It had been said, that all he and they did was to fix that the person wearing the Crown of these realms should be a Protestant. This might be true ; but Roman Catholics were already excluded from Civil and Corporate offices, and King William and his advisers could be no more the authors of those measures than of Magna Charta. After contending that the Penal Laws of that day were neces- sary for the existing state of society, and the circumstances under which the Protestant Establishment was placed, the Hon. Member proceeded to observe, that although tolera tion had been lauded, and most justly, by all the great men jof all, countries, yet still there were some peculiar doctrines which even the most tolerant and the most liberal were disposed to reject. Mr. Locke, the great advocate of to leration, and one of the most amiable and liberal and be nevolent men who ever existed, was not disposed to extend toleration to the Catholics, and even declared he thought their doctrines to be such as excluded them from the bene fits of toleration. He mentioned these things, to shew the falsity of the construction put upon the settlement of the Revolution, and the erroneous opinions formed upon the conduct of King William and his advisers by those Hon. Gentlemen who wished to alter the nature of the Constitu tion. If, however, the opinions of King William were not likely to be received without exception, he would trouble the House to listen to the declarations of another person upon tbe subject of the admission of Catholics into Parliament. He would call upon those who rejected the opinions of King William with reference to a Popish Parliament, to listen to the declaration of no less a person than King James 11. The Hon. Member then read an extract from a letter, dated the 22d of September, and taken from some lately published correspondence upon the subject of the events preceding the abdication of King James, " in which his Majesty declared his determination to preserve the rights of the Protestant Church inviolate, against all the inva sions of Catholics." This declaration was also pub fished, as the writer observed, in the Gazette, for the purpose of removing the fears which were entertained by the people, upon the subject of the admission of Catholics to Parlia ment. This declaration too was made during the last days of that troubled reign, and just at the time when that Prince began to perceive that if he did not abandon the course lie had pursued he was likely to forfeit his throne. In another extract from the same papers, he found it stated that his Majesty, still further to allay the discontent and quiet the minds of the Protestants, had sent for the Bishops, and that after the audience they went away well satisfied. This, be thought, proved pretty plainly the opinions that Monarch himself entertained for the consequences to be drawn from the admission of the Catholics to political power. How far the Bishops were satisfied with that an swer may be drawn from the articles which they set forth in a few days afterwards. What answer the Bishops of the Established Church of the present day may be called upon to give to assurances of a similar kind that the rights of that Church are to be preserved at the moment when they are upon the point of being sacrificd, a very short time would, perhaps, give them an opportunity of showing. If they were subjected to the same alternative as their illustrious predecessors, he trusted they would fol low their memorable example, and neither surrender their rights to power nor consent to sacrifice them to expediency. —( Hear, "hear. ) Mr. WILMOT HORTON said that he considered he had Nothing to do with the first part of the Honourable Member's speech who had just sat down, namely as to whether this measure ought to be carried into effect in past times or not, because the question simply was whether it should be carried into effect now or not. I shall, therefore, (continued the Honourable Member) advert to that part of the Speech of my Hon. Friend, in which he tells us the Catholics and Protestants are to come into collision if the Catholics are admitted into power. He seems to be of opinion that the moment a Catholic enters the House, his object will not be to enjoy those pri vileges which the tardy justice of Parliament has conferred upon him, but immediately to combine in attacking the Established Church of this country. Will the Hon. Gentleman take the opinion of a Roman Catholic upon the subject? If he will it is in my power to let him have it.—(Loud cries of hear, bear.)—The Honourable Gent. is aware that a proposition made by me went to the extent of depriving Cotholics from legislating upon matters that related to the Church of England ; consequently what injury could arise to it by the admission of Roman Catho lica, I cannot conceive. I can conceive many objec tions to my proposition, but certainly none to be raised by the advocates of the Church against it. An answer to my proposition I received from a Noble Relative of mine in Ireland, a Member of the Catholic Association ; and that answer stated that the proposed disqualification of voting in concerns affecting the Established Church would be no sacrifice, but a relief from a delicate duty ; and were it possible for that Noble individual to take a seat in Par liament unfettered by oaths, he should act upon such a feel ing whenever a question of this nature came under dis cussion. Mr. Blount, secretary to the Catholic Associa tion, had also declared that there was no necessity for this provision. If the inequality of the laws were re moved the security of the Church would be ensured, though some Protestants should be of a different opinion. (Hear.)—We are dealing with two classes of persons. There are some that consider religious exclusion as the most advantageous principle of the Legislature ; there are persons who look to exclusion as if it were to secure their very existence, and who cannot breathe the air of heaven, unless it is tainted with the poison of political degradation. If men placed any weight upon the necessity of an oath, they were answered, the Catholic is not to be believed upon his oath. If that be the case, then they would be justified in arguing that all the Penal Laws ought to be revived, rather than that restrictions should be removed. This, however, was not the feeling of the liberal minded portion of the Protestants; and, indeed, he thought the peculiar advantage possessed by the Bill now introduced under the auspices of the Right Hon. Gentleman was, that it made the question of concession to the Catholics, not an ecclesi astical but a political question.—( Hear, hear. )—This, he contended, was the peculiar advantage of the present Bille•-•-(ilear.)—It was said the Catholics were anxi ous to to seize the tithes of the Church. He would - take leave to tell the Hen. Member for Dorset (Mr. Bankes) that the Roman Catholics bad no Buell desire. They knew that upon the principle of reciprocity, they must abandon their independence for such an acquisition ; and he must say, that looking at all these considerations, it was very improbable they should ever make the attempt. But did the Hon. Gent. suppose that even if the Tithes of the Church were to be abolished, the people would be exempt from the payment of that burthen ? The Church property was the property of the State ; and when a man made a•purehase of property subject to th e paynlent of tithes; lie' purchased it with the understanding that It Was diminished in value accord irm to the amount of these tithes. As long as the illusion could be kept up, that the destruction of the Protestant Esta blishment would exempt the people from the payment of tithes, it was natural that there should be an anxiety to pro• duce such a result; but he repeated, that those tithes were the property of the State ; and that, even supposing they could be converted to the use of the Catholic.l,l that object was not to be effected witliont a iepe:li of the Act of Union. l~oec the Non. Member think that in the next 50 years the Union will be repeated, and the Church property be transferred to the Catholics? The Hon. Member has said that the Catholics of the present day have the same objects, motives, and intentions as they bad in the time of the revolution, and that the same danger was to be apprehended 4' 1 :(:)m Is there, I ask, any lior=; - , - 4,i s e Menit)er this House o l, f ee S p t 3 tta:49 i *tuber asserts that he ha l the people or .t..bg -14n4 hut if so ) their approbation it s l u a t fr Fe — c n t d (eod on f oaths, tl e ed, that if the Catholics ignorance of the real merits of the nuns- Hear) and disapprobation.)—Recurring to the l e i c s 1 ve re Honourable not t o I) e Gentleman b ee d. contend. t t e h n e d i r oaths, that House ought at °Jaye' ttt ix-enact all the penal larva, and manfully declare the nature of the opinions .hey en !r . ta,,jtled• The best refutation of such calumnie s v(43 to be found in the declaration put forth by the Ca- PRICE 7D. tholic Bishops in 1826. Being charged with holding opi. nions ani professing tenets inconsistent with their duties as British subjects, they took the opptiaunity of stating the nature of the doctrine which they do profess, and they ex pressed themselves upon the sultject of the obligation due to an oath. " Catholics are charged with holding that they are not bound by any oath, and that the Pope can dispense then from all the oaths they may have taken. We cannot suffi ciently express our astonishment at such a charge. We hold that the obligation of an oath is most sacred; for by an oath man calls the Almighty Searcher of Hearts to witness the sincerity of his conviction of the truth of what he asserts, and his fidelity in performing the engagements he makes. Hence, whosoever swears falsely, or violates the lawful en gagement he has confirmed by an oath, not only offends against truth, or justice, but against religion. He is guilty of the enormous crime of perjury. No Power in any Pope or Council, or in any individual or bat , of men, invested with authority in the Catholic Church, can make it lawfnl for a Catholic to confirm any falsehood by an oath ; or dispense with any oath by which a Catholic has confirmed his duty of allegiance to his Sovereigia r tsr-any obligation of duty or justice to a third person. He who takes an oath is bound to observe it, in the obvious mean ing of the words, or in the known meaning of the person to whom it is sworn." This was the declaration of the heads of the Catholic Church; and he would now take leave to ask, what was it except an oath which kept the Catholics from the enjoy ment of all the privileges of the Protestants, and brought them as supplicants to that 'douse ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) Well, indeed, might the Catholics say, in the beautiful lan guage of the Noble Poet— " Were my bosom as false as thou deem'st it to be,' I need not have wander'd from far Galilee; It was but abjuring my creed to efface The curse which, then say'st, is the crime of my race." The attention of the sacred obligation of an oath was the crime of the Catholic; and yet, because he acknow ledged its force, he was to be taunted with the imputation of being utterly unworthy of confidence.—(Hear, hear.) They had been told, on the evening before, by an Hon. Member, that this Bill would not prove a remedy for the evils of Ireland. He did not mean to say that the mere passing of this Bill would have the effect of putting an end to the miseries of Ireland; but he contended that it would go far towards the commencement of reformation. They had heard a good deal about securities in the discussions upon this Bill. He was one of those who b e li e v e d th a t none of those Hon. Members who declaimed so much about securities were sincere in their demand for them ; but still he had been of opinion that something in the shape of security was calculated to allay the apprehension of the timid, although he did not think that any measure of that kind could add to the security which they already pos sessed in the honour of the Catholics, and in their common interest for the preservation of the Constitution of the country. As long as he saw that the timid were disposed to place their trust in securities, he was disposed to sup port them on the principle of conciliation, and in order to secure their concurrence; but the great value which the measure of the Right Hon. Gentleman possessed, in his eyes, was that it appeared to be wholly free from the tram mels of such securities.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)—lle repeated, its merit was in being free from securities, and he said so because he knew there was no prospect of any Minister being able to devise such securities as would prove saeisfactory to those who demanded them.—Hear, hear, bear.)—ln his opinion, the Right Honourable Gentleman displayed wisdom and sound policy in having kept his Bill free from all such incumbrances.—(Mear, hear.) — Turning to those arguments which were drawn from the state of Ireland, and observing that it was impossible that country could remain as it was, and that they must either advance or retrograde, the Right Hon. Gentleman contended that no argument had yet been offered in support of the proposition that Government could carry on the affairs of Ireland on a system opposed to that of an arrangement of this question. If the Protestants were satisfied to remain under the protection of five-sixths of the infantry of the Empire, rather than under the protection of taws administered with impartiality to all classes of his Majesty's subjects, then the question must rest where it is ; but if they wished to put a termination to such an un natural state of circumstances, they must consent to the arrangement now proposed. Sir HENRY PARNELL denied the assertion of the Hon. Member for Dorsetshire (Mr. Bankes), that the Catholics would, in the event of the passing of this Bill, be enabled to send fifty Members to the House of Com mons. He believed that if all the counties in which Ca tholic voters predominated were to succeed in sending Ca tholics as their Members, they would not amount to that number. He was'aware that it had been argued by some Hon. Members that the concession of the Catholic Claims was not necessarily connected with admission to seats in Parliament; and, therefore, that it might be avoided. But he would refer the Hon. Gentleman to the benefit that would be derived to Ireland, to prove the truth of the pro position he maintained. Why was it that since 1793 so little advantage had resulted to the Catholic population of Ireland from the concessions then made to them, though they were rendered eligible to such a large range of offices? It was owing, he would say, to the want of connection with their admissibility to Parliament, which rendered those other concessions nearly useless to them. It was true that those concessions had never been received with that degree of gratitude which some had thought the occa sion demanded ; but the reason was, because they were of no real advantage to the Catholics. Neither did lie agree with regard to the danger apprehended from the possession of seats in Parliament by the Catholics. The Hon. Gent. had quoted several specimens, to show how this danger would work. Now, he would request the House to at tend to an authority as to this point, which he conceived would be of some weight with the House, and indeed with the Hon. Gentleman himself, namely, the authority of Mr. Burke. That great man stated it as his opinion, that the capacity of sitting and voting in Parliament was one not worthy of dispute on the part of those who oppO'sed its concession." And he added afterwards, "'lf I were to form a judgment on this subject from experience s tiral also from theory, I should doubt greatly wheth e e the ea, pacity for, and the possession of seat; ig ltlarliament, do really convey much political porev, j kat for twenty-nine years in Parliament, and 1 &think the power of a Member is rather in opposing than in supporting the measures of Government; and I do think that a clerk in office ilYe nuently possesses far more influence thadninestentha of the Members of the House of Cornmous. the exclusion of the Catholics is only a mark of jealousy and suspicion, and will not provide any soft of security." This was the de liberate opinion of the highest possible authority to which any matter of a constitntional nature could be referred, and would be, he bad no doubt, of great weight with that House and the country, in respect to the arguments of those who were trying to impress on the minda the people that the admission of Catholics to Pat:liarnent.iyonlel expose the Constitution to dangers whicb:wo'rild cert.; n ly lead to its destruction. Ha wished' to make some obser vations on tyhat bad been repeatedly said by Hon. Gentle usCn the . other side of the question, as to the f u t ure pro bableCorriduct of the Boman Catholic Clergy of Ireland. Every Hormur,,ble Gentleman opposed to this Bill ven tured to declare a speculative opinion, that as soot as it was passed the power of the Catholic Clergy wogld ue directed to the aggrandizement of the Catholic R e li g i on , and the raising of it to alacondancy , on 'the ruins of the Protestant Church, it harralsO. been stated that the influenq. which the Roffman Catholic Clergy exer. cised over. the. People, through the Association, was still exercised as effectnally as heretofore, to forward purposes inconsistent with the pea ce an d tranquillity of the CO" Ca tholic Ch.tweli Irek.qa did think, he owned, that these opinions, copingirOL such quarters as they did, were but of 11,ttle Value indeed;, because the House must be aware that it Would'reon'r. great deal of local kecese, a , l- e , amt., lone a c a • 1- ", d to 4lt44\ with the people of lAretan en le any person to, rm an opinion ;ilia especially to come to an of ...'''‘v4:7ll:tr.fiac:ee as to l ine motives that govern that l , a‘kx reeire..?ting. the pisrsons 't,lic , :tictical offices of the accurate ITIg:- ( - 0 4 the pains general co t n o d t u i ;t k :ad t b e ee w n o j o s ; ect t' , h y x. ; He womb! take on himself to say that if any I-lo a n. uld lie man and as a representative .?.part of the I;reland, he would also tr - ; . ie on himself to say thrq he4rould place every confidence in the CritholiC elegy as to their future con the a l a a W d a l h t e he p p r o re; e e r r v g a t a i v o e n rn o m f e t n l h a o t f r a t ux i p l I e i t rs y o (4 duct; especially as it related to the due observance of the clerher charg e , i n a way that. would give thi greatest possible sa tisfaction, to every body. Vntioubtedly this measure of W.ai4l eapp or t s 'Olthei r power, and diminish their in- Emancip a ti on woul d take from the C atholic clergy one of the . • • • fiaenee Over the people of Ireland. The Hon. Gentlemati had even agreed that this must be the case; and he would go fnrther and state, that in consequence of the commu nications he had had with a great many of the Catholic Clergy, he believed they would find great difficulty to maintain the Catholic religion to the extent it now ea - - isted in that country, after this Bill was passed. He felt confident that the competition between the' Ministers of the two religions, under the circumstances of equal, full, and perfect toleration in which they would now embaik in the discussion, would be entirely favourable to the growth and spread of Protestant principles.—(Hear.) —Th e Ca tholic Clergy would find themselves in a new situation, when they had to contend before a people not inflamed by long-endured grievances that theirs was the religion of reason and the Gospel, and that it was every way superior to the Protestant doctrines. So far from being likely to enter upon so difficult a task—and he was strongly of opinion that a very difficult task it would be —they would rather confine themselves to preserve their own religion in its pre sent state. With regard to the influence of the Catholic Clergy over the people, he believed it was greatly exagge rated. He could say, from his own knowledge, that dur ing the first an d secon d y e ar after the establishment of the Catholic Association, the Catholic Clergy abstained from becoming patties to its proceedings. They disclaimed any disposition to embark in political affairs, a n d they adhered to that resolution until the state of the country reached such a crisis that the Association succeeded in making the Irish people believe that any body who did not take a part with them was an enemy to Catholic interests and to the Catholic religion. It then be- came a question, whether the Clergy should follow the stream of public opinion, or take an opposite course, and run the risk of losing all their influence over the people. In support of his statement he could refer to a speech made ed to.Derthrffitetrattd - which would also sh ew a li tt l e very recently, and since the me a sur es of re li e f h a d b een proof of the influence of the Catholic Clergy being turned • tr very good account. He alluded to the speech of Dr. Curtis, the Titular Archbishop of Armagh, who, at a meeting of the Catholic Clergy at Newry, on 'the 18th of February last; had remarked that " the Bishops of the Ca - tholiC Church had lately taken a Considerable share in po litical affairs, a great deatinore perhaps than was con- sistent with the condition of retirement in which they had hitherto lived. The cause of this interference with their duties as ministers of the Catholic religion had, however, altogether ceased in consequence of a communication made by his Majesty at the beginning of the present session of Parliament." The Catholic Archbishop went on to say That being the case, it was, for the future, his deter mination, so far from continuing to take part in political : affairs, wholly to withdraw from them, and at the same time to assure the public that this was the course most suitable to the occupation he filled." He (Sir H. Parnell) was aware that a Catholic priest who had taken a very active, and even a fatiguing part in the business of the As sociation, had, at a meeting lately held, to take into con sideration the Bill for regulating the elective franchise of Ireland, refused to agree to that Bill ; and had stated, that as the grievances osi the Catholics were likely to be re- dresse4, he would take no part in the proceedings, but would exercise his judgment as to the Disfranchisement Bill. This was almost a single instance of the sort.' The influence of the Clergy had formerly, in many instances, been exercised against the feelings of the country, and against its best interests; but he trusted it would now ro ceive a new direction, and be brought into action to sup. port the laws, and establish the tranquillity of the land. He thought also that the greatest possible change for the better would result to the people at large; for it was the vice of the particular system of government until lately pursued in Ireland, that it generated a feeling of hostility among the people in the administration of the law—(lleac, hear !)—and this to such a degree that it was almost im possible to obtain evidence against the criminals when offences were committed, and it was commonly known . • that no person was willing to give information for their detection; and that even when detected, and put into gaol, ' there was great difficulty in convicting them, and there was in every stage of their administration great difficulty ; in carrying the laws into effect. lie trusted that when • this Bill was passed the feelings that had hitherto prevailed among the Catholics would cease, as Aley were evidently • injurious to the vital interests of,society, an d th a t t h e l aw i would have full effect, without. any of those disthrbances 'which had rendered the state of that country such as it had • been unhappily for too many years. The principal effect on which he placed his hope of security would be the re sult that would ensue from the improvement of the condi tion of the people. As this took place, those interests es sentially connected with order and justice would extend themselves through the community, and produce an accu mulation of profits, which would increase the wealth of the country, and give general employment to the people. In this way, he looked to the future improvement of their condition ; for when with the wages of industry they could earn their subsistence, better habits would spread among them, and the progress of civilization would be ex tended nearer to the degree in which it existed among the labouring classes in this country. From this improvement of the Irish people, great advantage would also follow to the interests of the working classes of England. For at present the Irish labourers, not being able to earn even a scanty subs;stence at home, were necessitated to come over to this country in great numbers, and by their competi':ion the rate of labour was greatly reduced. This w' au ld be put an end to as soon as the Irish people coal maintain themselves in their country. He would sleA tros.hle the House at any greater length, but he bad felt it 'As duty to make these observations—particularly those with regard to the Catholic clergy, because he could not tit silent and hear with satisfaction their character and conduct cen sured, knowing, as he did, that their time and efforts had to promote and pre itt every p uillity of th o e s i s r ib c le on wr n a tr y y. AMORE apologised for presuming to ad dsbeerreec'eso:ttdmhhepaTtltoljr)a'HLen'Lqlouse, but he felt so strongly on this ques tion that lie must throw himself on their indulgence. He had risen in the discharge of a painful duty which the De.. cessity of the case had imposed on him. He was sassailalo that no support of his could do justice to thak cause of which he was a humble and sealous, but inelicient &Ives cate. But still he should think himaelf unavorti l s elf h seat in that House if he gave avote, on, the. couastai au) ~ warning voice when he consider e d, the Constitu of that immense imp or t ance , an d (Aid, noti;,. 4 *) '' - e't!"" tion to be both in danger.--(Chew. to toilots. the advice given It was his wish SPlech from the n Thre " his M a j es ty' s grac i ous into the discussion " " . tid he sho u ld th ere f ore enter because, with tempera nce an d mo d erat i on, " . a me opinions lie did of the measures of his Majesty'' dovernment, he was desirous, in justice to him and to those who did him the honour to sit with him, to spew how undeserved were those epithets which had been used so freely with regard to theirconduct in opposing thc,se measures—he referred to the terms " base, infita Luaus, and factious," which had been applied to thorn ; and they had been also described as " bigots," and mess "who had not the common feelings of Christians, but, who would gloat their eyes with delight in seeing the Wood of their Roman Catholic fellow-subjects shed, and who would look with complacency at the prospect of rt civil war, to which their efforts were directed." " Falsus honor jurat et inendax infm - kia terret Quern nisi mendosum et iasseadamm ?"—(Cheers.) If those (continued the Noble laord) who spread such fal. sifying calumnies, tltiajc to intimidate or deter us from 70 Coe purer religion of the Reformed Establish pursuing tlaa duty forced upon us by those measures, they will 4,.d themselves mistaken.—(Cheers,) It is not my in!et?-tiOP to compare the doctrines of the Church of Berr a , i have no wish to say any thing to, offthe f those who teach or profess the. en. emings religious s entimlents. I have known many %Matt Cathol:, 17,1.ent. for I have lived on twee Of the greatest very sineera isa their re withigiox; many followers c 4 chure)%, and •":"eve n trat ac trie are many I?aiesta of that church, to',, and I must say that *Y . are mesa of the naost charltable benevolent, and de vout character. But th ou g have the greatest respect foZ them personally 3 it is another question whether I shall intrust theta with the direction • • of political powes If I feel myself eompelled to oppose Majesty's his Govern. meat, I do so, 'with great regret; and if I should express myself a',,-eao,gly, it will be because I feel bitterly at time re !neßl,4lll?ce of the deceptive practices followed isy his Ma-. joy's Ministers, and especially by the Right Hon. Gent. the Secretary of' State, which has cause;l a, general expres sion of`the feelings of the country, when, tlaey came forward with these measures.—(FlearThe Right Hon. Ger,e, made a triumphant progress, through the northern parts of the country, and hegdseeeches delivered in support of INT, testant priaci* s , and gave no hi n t as to his intausios. must 1 9;4 to, a__Reman Catholic P oe t f or a passage which, test of §erittture, tray ser ve as a motto to the m o d * of his progress,- " Dknnk at a Borough ; cj' At a Ball, kaithful at Lancaster, fabte4 Whiteliall—( Loud cheers.)" If the Right lion. Gent., had come to this House, and sail that his opinions, k been_ changed, from the knowledge ‘C. the affairs pp the country Which he had gained offici a lly or otherAK:aa, anti therefore that he bad fou n d it nemsary as adopt opinions different from those he before. held.. that would have heel. 4, fair and intelligible course,— But I own that ssix coentlence in the Right. IJon. Curet.. was mach shaken by the course whirls he. adopted; foe he tees us that his opinions re/Asia unchanged;, that he now sees all the dangers attending concessions, to the Roman Catholics which he ever law, but that he now pee-