The Sun. — London, England, 1829-02-24 00:00:00

CLERGY ORPHAN CORPORATION, St. John's Wood, Marylebone. ANNIVERSARY ELECTION OF CHILDREN. Patron—The KING. President —The Mow Rev. Lord Archbishop of CANTERBURY. V ice-Preoident—The Right lion. Lord KENYON. The ANNIVERSARY MEETING of the SOCIETY for Clothing, Maintaining, and Educating Poor Orphan Children of Clergymen of the Established Church of Eng land, until of age to be put Apprentice, will he holden at Freemasons' Hall, Great Queen -street, Lincoln's-ism-fields, 00 THURSDAY, the 26th February next. The Chair will be taken for the general business of the day at Half-past Two o'Clock precisely. Dinner on table at Half-past Five o'Clook precisely. STEWARDS. Most Rev. William Howley, Wm. Astell, Esq., M.P., Lord Archbishop of Can- I Chairman of the Hon. East terbury. India Company. Right Hon. Earl Guilford. Mr. Sheriff Copeland. /tight ReV. Christopher Rev. J. C. Jones, D.D Bethel!, Lord Bishop of Vice-Chancellor of Ox- Gloucester. ford. Right Hon. Thos. Grenville. Rev. G. Ainslie, D.D., Right Hon. Wm. Thomp- Vice-Chancellor of Cam.- son, M.P., Lord Mayor. bridge. Sir Edward Knatchbnll, Louis Hayes Petit, Esq., Bart., M.P. M.P. Sir Henry Halford, Bart. No collection after dinner. Dinner Tickets, 15?,. each, to be taken at the Bar. Donations and Subscriptions will, in the meantime, be thankfully received by the Treasurers, Rev. Archdeacon Cambridge and Rev. Dr. Shepherd, at their Bankers, Messrs. Dtainamonds Charin at No. G 7, Li ncoln' s'g-cross ; and by the Collector, nn-fields. This d a y, 12 m0., 7s. 6d. THE COOK'S ORACLE. By WILLIAM KITCHINER, M.D. A New Edition, being the Eighth, emntaining a complete System of Cookery for Catholic Families. " The Cook's Oracle we consider as the ne plus ultra of the science of eating, and the very acme of excellence In culinary literature."—Monthly Review. TS of a GRANDF A T HER, by S i r WALTER SCOALETT, Bart. Second Series, 3 vols., 10s. 6d. TALES of a GRANDFATHER. First Series, 3 vols., les. 6d. S T. VALENTINE'S DAY; or, The FAIR MAID of PERTH. By " The Author of Waverley." 3 vole,, 11 " 11 s. 6d. C HRONICLES of the CANONGATE. B y t h e same . Author.'l 2 vols., IL Is. Printed for Cadell and Co., Edinburgh; and Simpkin aml Marshall, London. FAMILY SAVED FROM SHIPWRECK. SSR S. MO ON, BOYS, and GRAVES, have the satisfaction of informing Subseribensand the Public, that the Engraving, represent ing a Family saved from Shipwreck, Painted and En graved by JO HN BURNET, is now ready for delivery. This Print, eo characteristic of one of those Scenes which are of such frequent occurrence on our coast, achieved by the intrepidity of British Sailors, is dedicated, by Special Permission, to his Royal Highness the DUKE of CLARENCE, Th e above Print is Engraved in Line, and the size of the Plate is 26 inches broad by 21 inches high, Prints, Two Guineas ; Proofs, Four Guineas ; Proofs cn Indi a P aper, Five Guineas; Proofs, before the Letters, of which a few only are taken, Six Guineas. London ; Published by Moon, Boys, and Graves Print sellers to the King, 6, Pall-Mall, of whom all Mr. Burnet's -0!... ) 2:i•ks may be had. IN T HE MONTHLY MAGAZINE. the }lands of the present Proprietors, the MONTHLY MAGAZINE has always been devoted t° the Constitution. But, with the rise of stronger public eme rgencies, more di rect exertions are called for : if great politiutt hazards are threatened, they are to be repelled only bY increased public vigilance; if the old barriers of the State are shaken by open violence or treacherous friend eahni;P,' the most secure and legitimate defence is in a Press try by Constitutional knowledge, by zeal for the corm -y, end by that British pride of principle which scorns alike th e , frowns and the influence of corrupt authority. tir: "ose declarations have been often made before ; but the - e compels a stern sincerity. Our l are British, in the strong es t sense of the word. e n W have not adopted them for fee g or reward ; nor will we abandon them for fee der re ward. Th e country, at th i s hour, is in imminent an ger. A convu l s i on, that may crush its whole system, Is threatened. A new element of discord is about to be introduced into our Constitution ; and every means—from the hottest corruption of the base, to the most insolent inti midation of the high—is at work. Events are ripening with a tremendous rapidity, that nothing can counteract ndthe bold est reso l ut i on, the most extended fellow-feeling, the most vigorous, straitf orwar d, an d f a i thful fidelity to th• --e Constitution. Let what will come, we shall do our duty as men, while we have the power of speaking to our own fellow-subjects. Chains may be forged for us, we may be tortured and per ttuted by t r i ump h ant P opery —but we shall still put our Inst in th e r i g h teous cause, and still feel that the life of mi cann o t b e more no b ly expended than in the 'service of Lred ora. t , 'file next num b er, pr i ce Half-a-Crown, will be published '1 Whittaker and Co., London ; Curry and Co., Dublin ; a e r Waugh an d I nnes, Edinburgh—and may be ordered all B ooksellers in the United Kingdom. JO 8t Published by Joseph Robins, Bride-court, Bridge street, price 12s. A VEN OPENED ; or, the WORD of GOD, bei n g th e T we l ve Vi s i ons o f is'ebuchad etasr, Daniel, and St. John, explained. taw By ALFRED ADDIS, B.A. Tyrwhitt's Hebrew Essayist, of Trinity College, Cambridge. Rere i s wisdom—here is the mind which hath wisdom." Rev. xiii. 18. xvii. 9. Na pes the discovery of the Name, and the Number of the t h e ' 111 , 3 of the Ap oca l ypt i c S ea- B east, w hi c h h as d e f ea t e d fob in of of near eighteen centuries, the author has phe kl the master-key to most of the difficulties of the pro and what are not solved by it, are solved by zeultthttn:cdett.!hdodbsyequally new and satisfactory. The symbols comparison of text with text and the event; pra p h e _, "ee are settled from the internal structure of the th e i r "e'S from the Author's new discovery, and from i Parti a l fulfilment i A new translation and llustra- Il e , also given of the Seventy Weeks' Prophecy ; and a Ab nieth ° ,l of reconciling the different plantings of the by " ' inat i'm of Desolation foretold in Daniel, is elicited exhibited hitherto, but indifferently noticed phenomena ' te tt io that Prophet and St. John. The result of proereeding com mentators, in many instances, are rendered accurate by a more ' critical examination of the pro- Pottl e I prate than is usual, what was before vague being fine'. Presented in a precise and determinate manner. In 4 e t he Autho r holds forth his exposition as a convincing 4 of the foreknowledge of God, and of the truth of the - ---I:Religion he professes. • `-'REVE'S SPECIFIC FOR COUGH, HOOP iihq COUGH, ASTHMA, AND INCIPIENT CON KE Curess that have already been effected b 4 bY this in va l ua bl e B a l sam , are o f suc h an extraordi welil tharacter as would exceed credibility, were they not botiatithenticated by facts, and tho facts within the he tt ` m qlr Y of inquiry. This Medicine would never have introducedaPPli to the public, had not the numerous 114,,`. 4 t 1 Qns of friends, and a sense of duty to the afflicted, 061 1 , i rd kratively demanded its publicity. . w holesale and retail, at the warehouse, '22, Chan • Ni l* * at Messrs. Butler's, Cheapside ; Barclay's, St, „market ; Sanger, 150, Oxford street ; Edwards', ... (5- e Itu ls Church-yard ; B un t on , 104, Hi g h- s t ree t, ,eveh,i and may b e o b ta i ne d t h roug h t h e mer li um o f Medicine Vender in the United Kingdom. b FOR COUGHS. Oirft? C TORAL ESSENCE OF COLTSFOOT. U l t herb Coltsfoot has long been distill ' COa i guit4led for its excellent properties in the cure of 4 4 , n' and othe r P u l monary C omp l a i n t s ; an d t hi s essence 'l4' 1.. the enu res o f a l ong pract i ce, b een f oun d t h e most 614 1 " effectual remedy f o r Cou g h s , an d a ll Di sor d ers o f ! t gi. It g en tly o p ens th e B reas t, and immediately *Aoki , L 'erty of breathing, without say danger of taking Pleie: time it affords great relief in Asthmatic Corn '*o t ti h i It allay s th e t i c kli ng w hi c h provo k es frequent tiltii; 4 g , cleanses th e sma ll g l an d s , re l axes t h e fib res , and 'pro: eularg es t h e cav i t i es of the vessels. Thus it will 'ger m : Consumpti ons , if ta k en b e f ore t h e L ungs are ul aele : It softens hesky and d r y C o ughs, and h ea l s raw • A serene** of the Chest. Wore ' at~ e 4 Essence is prepared by James Ryan, 64 . laristol ; and sold `-' in Bottles, at 2s. 9d. and 0 1tro, e **hi by F. Newbery and Sans, 45, St. Paul's 29, 142 4 rd; J. Sanger, 150, Oxford-street ;W. Pegg, O te-t treet, Dubli n ; an d i n mos t coun t ry t owns . b-: th e name F. Newbery, 4b, St. Paul's, engraved 4-' ,- '•k _.:-.......„ .. )0 ~..• • 0. , . ... '. '' ~.X ,...‘ k ••4' li ''', N %iinv o llalN \l4 , . .„,,. ' ' - , \4•'`.--' '',,. ,:.,,, -7-- " I N, . , V . .0116. - : ' ----, ' • -' - ' lit .:: 4 • „....ipyi Oa' , Ae l ,, 1 ~. , • 01116 it, 4.) 1 1DROtts"' 1 Ili i . A iii P•lvt , 01 10.11 11 1 s. 4-4. • 1 ot , _.... _ No. 11,374. EAST INDIA AND CHINA MONOPOLY. MRR. BUCKINGHAM t a kes the present . mode of announcing to the Country generally, that in consequence of the powerful impression already made on the public mind by his Lectures recently delivered at Li verpool and Manchester, the cordial reception he has since experienced at Birming,fiarn and Leeds, and the invitations he is now constantly receiving from other parts of the country, be is confirmed in his original intention of extend ing his Tour through all the mercantile and manufacturing districts of Great Britain andlreland. In the meantime he begs to state, that full and faithful Reports of all the Public Proceedings on this subject will be found i❑ " THE ORIENTAL HERALD," a Work uniformly devoted to a continued exposure of the innu me►able evils inflicted upon all classes of people in this community by the Monopoly of the East India Company; and, on that ground, claiming the support of every indivi dual who wishes to see a Free Trade to Indi and China speedily opened for the relief of our unemployi Shipping and over-stocked Manufactories. As the most effectual means of preparing the i4abitants of the different places he intends to visit, and of iriforming even those which he may not be able to include in his Tour, by showing them the nature, plan, and object of these Lec tures, Mr. Buckingham has condensed into a small Pam phlet the Heads of the whole Course, preceded by a Sketch of his Life, Travels, and Writings, price Is. " THE ORI ENTAL HERALD" will be found to add to these the more ample details, as a Number of this Work appears on the Ist of every month, price 55., forming an octavo of 200 pages, and containing more matter than either of the Quarterly Reviews. Each of these may he obtained through any Bookseller; and it is believed that, at the present im portant crisis, there is no Work which has stronger claims than this upon general attention, or which would furnish more beneficial information to every Member of the Legis lature, every Merchant, every Ship-owner, and every Ma nufacturer in the Kingdom. Copies of Provincial Papers, containing any Articles on the East India Company's Monopoly, or private communi cations addressed to Mr. Buckingham, at his Town Resi dence, 22, T avistock-square, London, will be forwarded to him from thence without delay, and will always receive his best attention. TO CHEMISTS AND DRUGGISTS. ®NE of the PARTNERS in an old established WHOLESALE and RETAIL BUSI NESS in the above line, in one of the princip►l cities of England, being about to retire, a very ADVAN TAGEOUS OPPORTUNITY offers for one or two persons who can command a Capital of Six or Seven Thousand Pounds. Particulars may be known by application to Messrs. Harmer and Fawkes, Bueklersbury, London. SALES BY AUCTION. DOVER-STREET, PICCADILLY. Elegant Furniture, Noble Pier and Chimney Glasses, rich Cut Chandeliers, and Grecian Lamps; handsome Pari sian Escrutoire, Bronze Figure Girandoles, Oriental Alabaster Vases, China and Glass, &c. TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION, By JOHN ROBINS, (Of Warwick House, Regent-street) At the Mansion, No. 32, Dover -street, Piccadilly,,on WEDNESDAY, March 19, and following Day, at Eleven, T HE ELEGANT HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, Consisting of Four Post, Tent, and other Bedsteads and Fornitures, seasoned Beds and Bedding, Dressing Tables, Cheval and other Glasses, suites of handsome Drawing-room, Library, and Dining-room Window Curtains, in Chintz Cotton and Morine, Sofas, Couches, Chairs, Ottomans, &c. en suite, noble brilliant Plate, Pier and Chimney Glasses, Marble Slab Pier Tables, rich Cut Glass Chandeliers and Grecian Lamps, handsome Bronze Figure Girantioles, Tripod Candelabras, Parisian Escrutoire and Book Stands, beautiful Oriental Alabaster Vas e s, Eight-day Dials, China and Glass, capital well made Cabinet Articles in Rosewood and Mahogany, Loo, Card, Pem broke, Sofa, Library and 'Work Tables, excellent Dining and Breakfast Tables, Pedestal Sideboard and Sarcophagus Cellaret, Wing and other Bookcases, Wardrobes, Chests of Drawers, Cabinets, Hall Chairs and Forms, Library and Dining-room Chairs, Turkey and Brussels Carpets and Hearth Rugs, Fenders and Fire Irons, numerous kitchen requisites, and various other Effects. May be viewed on Monday and Tuesday preceding the Sale, by Catalogues at One Shilling each, to be had on the premises; at Garraways; and of Mr. Robins, No. 170, Regent-street. MANCHESTER-STREET, PORTMAN-SQUARE. Eligible Family Residence, with excellent Offices, Coach- House, Stable, &c., Elegant Fashionable Furniture, an excellent Six Octave Square Piano-Forte, by Broad wood ; handsome Parisian Time Piece, Linen, China, Glass, and various Effects. TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION, By JOHN ROBINS, (Of Warwick House, Regent-street,) On the Premises, on THURSDAY :March 12, at One, THE LEASE of a Compact and most De sirable FAMILY HOUSE, situate No. 16, on the East side of Manchester -street, at the South End, near Manchester-square, in excellent order, and fit for immediate reception, held for a Term, about Fifteen Years of which are unexpired, at a low Rent. The House contains four neat Rooms on the Attic Story; on the Second Story, an excellent airy Bed Chamber in front, and Dressing Room, Lobby, &c., and two Bed Chambers at the back ; First Floor, two handsome Draw ing Rooms, communicating by Folding Doors, fitted up in an elegant style, and Boudoir; Ground Story, a capital Dining Parlour, with Recess, Closet, &c., a neat Breakfast Room and Study adjoining ; Lobby and Water Closet ; Entrance Hall, with Screen and Folding Doors; Staircase to the Two Pair, and Mahogany hand .rail , Basement, Housekeepers' Room, Servants' Hall, Butler's Pantry, Water laid on, Closet, Pantries, &c. ; an excellent Kitchen under the Yard, Scullery, and open Areas; capital Wine Cellar, Vaults for Beer and Coals, and Steps to the Street. A Coach House and Three Stall Stable, with Loft and Servants' Room over. On the same day, at Eleven o'Clock, will be Sold, The excellent and Fashionable HOUSEHOLD FUR NITURE, comprising handsome Bedsteads and Bedding of the best sort, and Chamber Furniture ; ilorine, Chintz, and other Window Curtains ; well made Cabinet Articles of all descriptions ; Brussels and other Carpets ; fine French and other Engravings, handsomely Framed and Glazed; a fine toned Six Octave Square Fiano-Forte, by Broad wood ; handsome Parisian Time Piece, Linen, China and Glass, good Kitchen Requisites, and various other Effects. The Residence to he viewed by Tickets only, between the hours of Eleven and Four o'Clock. The Furniture on Tuesday aad Wednesday preceding the Sale. Particulars and Catalogues may be had on the Premises ; at Garraway's Coffee-house, 'Change-alley, Cornhill ; and of Mr. Robins, No. 170, Regent-street, of whom Tickets to view may be had. COUNTY OF DURHAM, IN THE PARISH OF NORHAM, NEAR BER WICK-ON-TWEED. Valuable Freehold Estates, very Eligible for Investment, upwards of One Thousand Seven Hundred and Fifty Acres. To be Peremptorily SOLD BY AUCTION, By JOHN ROBINS, (Of Warwick House, Regent-street), At the Turk's Head Inn, Newcastle-on-Tyne, County of Northumberland, On SATURDAY, April 25, at Twelve, in Lots. Lot I.THE VALUABLE FREEHOLD ESTATE FELKINGTON; comprising a capital Farm House, and very complete range of Agricul tural Buildings, recently erected and substantially built, with Stabling, Bullock Sheds, Yards fur Cattle, Barns, Stack Yards, and upwards of NINE HUNDRED AND THIRTY ACRES Of excellent Arable, and Pasture Land ; divided by thriving Quick Hedges, Labourers' Cottages, &c. In the occupa tion of, and on Le,,.e. to, Mrs. Dodds, till Whitsuntide, 1831, at a low Rent. Lot 2. The Valuable COLLIERY of FELKINGTON, and an enclosure of PASTURE LAND, containing near THIRTEEN ACRES, with an immense quantity of Coal of a superior Quality, supposed to be inexhaustible. On Lease to Messrs. Carr, Alurton, and Grey, with Sundry Cottages for Labourers. Lot 3. The Valuable FREEHOLD ESTATE, Grieve Stead Farm, with New Built Farm House, Stables, Cow House, Barns, Stack Yard, Sheds, and upwards of FOUR HUNDRED and EIGHTY-FIVE ACRES of ARABLE LAND. In the occupation of Mr. Steel ; on Lease, with Cottages, &c. Lot 4. The Valuable FREEHOLD ESTATE of EASTER NEWBIGGIN, contiguous to the foregoing Lots, and beautifully situated ; commanding a fine view of the Tweed, and delightful prospects in various directions. A newly erected Stone-built Farm House, capital Agricul tural Buildings, Cottages, and nearly THREE HUNDRED and NINETEEN ACRES of Excellent ARABLE and PASTURE LAND. In the Occupation of Mr. Smith, a most respectable Tenant, till Whitsuntide, 1832. Lot .5. A VERY VALUABLE ENCLOSPRE of RICH FEEDING LAND, the DOVE COTE PARK, situate near the Church of the Village of Norham, con taining nearly SIX ACRES. In the occupation of Mr. Jeffrey. The Estates are situate in the parish of Norham, in the county of Durham, about seven miles from Berwick-on- Tweed ; the Turnpike Roads to Coldstream, Cornhill, and Woolley intersecting the Lands, and contiguous to good Market Town. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.-(LAST NIGHT ) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at a few minutes before Five o'clock. Lord KING presented two petitions from Youghall, in the county of Cork, against the Sub-letting and Vestry Acts. Lord ROLLE, in presenting a petition from the Free holders, Magistrates, and Clergy of Devon, observed, that he did so in consequence of one of the most respectable meetings ever held in that county. The petition was signed by upwards of twenty-six thousand persons, praying that their Lordships would preserve the Constitution of the coun try inviolate, as established at the glorious Revolution of 1688. The prayer of the petition was entirely consonant with those feelings which he had ever held, and which he trusted he ever should hold. He (Lord Rolle) could not but lament the alteration which had taken place in the opinion of his Majesty's Ministers. He trusted that peti tions from every part would crowd the table of their Lord ships House. His opinion with respect to the Catholics had not changed, and never would. Lord KING observed that the Noble Lord had stated, that the resolution for this petition was passed at one of the most numerous meetings he ever witnessed, hut he had forgotten to add, it was one of the most disorderly. Lord ROLLE would venture to say there never was a meeting in any county, where every thing attending it had been so consistently performed, or where there was more attention to every thing likely to quell tumult and support the Constitution. Lord KING observed, that perhaps the Noble Lord might think it right that clergymen, being present at the meeting, should hold up their hands in order to give the word which way parties were to vote. Lord ROLLE explained. Theßishop of EXETER could bear witness to the re gularity of this meeting. He should hold himself ex tremely culpable, if he allowed the Noble Lord (King) to state that Clergymen of his diocese had behaved themselves improperly at this meeting. The clergyman alluded to, so far from putting himself forward on that occasion, did not make his appearance till towards the eud of the meeting, for the purpose of delivering his sentiments on the question : and it was, in his opinion, a question en which that clergyman had a right to speak. It was a question in which the interests of the church were parti cularly involved ; and he could not see why a clergyman should be debarred from giving his opinion on a proposition which affected the Constitution of the country.—(Hear, hear. )—Towards the end of the meeting that clergyman certainly did come forward with the intention of speaking; but, so far from acting as a fugleman, and influencing the meeting, the crowd assembled would not hear him, and therefore he remained silent. He (the Bishop of Exeter) would not have saiel so much with respect to this clergy.. man, if reflections had not, from time to time, been un justly thrown out upon other clergymen of the Established Church. Now he would assert, that the clergy of the diocese of Exeter had not put themselves forward farther than they were justified in doing. Lord REDESDALE said, that even if what had been stated by the Noble Lord were proved, still, in mentioning it, the clergy ought to be spoken of with respect. He would show, when the proper day came, that there were certain persons who went about endeavouring to disturb public meetings, in order to prevent the sense of the people from being fairly brought forward.—(Hear, hear.)—They had done so in this very town ; and the perso❑ who had thus acted was, lie understood, a Catholic clergyman. He did not mean to assert this as a fact, but he certainly had heard it related. He must say, that the attempt to cry down the Established Church of this country, by bringing unfair accusations against the clergy, was to him`extremely alarming ; and when the proper time came he would stand forth as the defender of that much-maligned class of persons. Lord ROLLE felt it ❑ecessary to say one or two words with respect to the Clergyman who had been particularly alluded to, and who had not an opportunity of denying what had been alleged against him. That individual pos sessed property in Ireland, and felt anxious that the Pro testant Church of England and Ireland should be sup ported ; because he conscientiously thought, that if a measure of concession were carried, the Protestants of Ireland would be sacrificed. Such a measure would have a great effect on the lower orders ; and the consequence would be, that Ireland would become altogether a Catholic country. If that were so, he would ask, whether, if the Catholics gained the ascendancy, it would not vitally affect the Protestant Church establishment and Constitution ? He might be an enthusiast ; but this he would say, that as long as he lived, lie would, by the best constitutional means, both in that House and at the foot of the Throne, endea vour to prevent the success of any such measure. If the prayer of the petition were not acceded to, he would call upon the Royal personage at the head of the state (he knew not whether he was disorderly in saying this), but he would call on that Royal personage to act consistently with his Coronation oath, by which he was bound to pro tect the Protestant religion in this country—by which he was bound to protect that Protestant Constitution under which he held his crown. He would advise that Royal personage to act in a manner befitting his dignity, for the security of the Throne, and for the welfare of the country. Lord KING had his information as to what occurred at the meeting from an eye-witness, as well as the Noble Lord. But the Noble Lord stated, as a reason for the appearance of the Clergyman that he had property in Ireland, which circumstance bad rendered him extremely sensitive on this question. Now he conceived that this sensitiveness was the cause of his misconduct; and, with respect to his be ing in the back ground, no place could afford him a better opportunity for making his signals. Lord REDESDALE—What misconduct does the Noble Lord allude to ? What right has the Noble Lord to designate as misconduct the course which this Clergy man took ? The Property presents a favourable opportunity for a highly advantageous investment to Capitalists, being let at low Rents, and capable of considerable improvement ; the principal part is divided into convenient Enclosures with thriving Quick Fences, and plenty of Limestone. The Colliery is reckoned to he of a very superior quality, and an almost inexhaustible Mine, and from its contiguity to the Town of Berwick may be rendered a very highly ad vantageous investment. Particulars may be bad of the Tenants, who will show the Estates; at the King's Arms, Berwick-on-Tweed; Swan, Alnwick ; Bell, Belford ; Bush, Carlisle ; Mr. Brummell, Solicitor, Morpeth ; Mr. Thomas Cheer, Solicitor, at the place of Sale, Turk's Head, Newcastle; Black Swan, York ; 'Waterloo Hotel, Durham ; George, Stamford ; Hen and Chickens, Birmingham ; Messrs. Stephenson and Bateman, Solicitors, Southampton-build ings, Chancery-lane ; at Garraway's Coffee-house, 'Change alley, Cornhill ; and of Mr. Robins, No. 170, Regent street, where Plans of the Estates may be .seeth. The Bishop of EXETER had had an opportunity of inquiring into this affair, and found that the Clergyman to whom allusion bad been made, was at the back of the meeting,--that he took no part in the business, but kept himself away. He would not proceed with a course eel re crimination on the other party, which would lead to end- LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 24, 1829. less conversation ; but, if inclined to do so he had sufficient materials for that purpose.—The petition vas read and laid on the table. Lord ROLLE presented a petition from the Mayor and Corporation of •Exeter, against further concession to the Catholics. He believed that those Noble Lords who were favourable to the Catholic question would find, if a fair opportunity were given for appealing to the real sense of the country, that it was decidedly against granting any further concessions. He should think it right, if that House agreed to further concessions, even though he steod single, to demand an audience of his Majesty, and to call on him, with his latest breath, to do his duty to his country and his God.—The petition was read, and laid on the table. Lord DE DUNSTANVILLE had to present a petition from Cornwall in favour of the Catholic claims. There were, he believed, in that county, a great number of per sons favourable to those measures of concession which kis Majesty's Ministers had in view. The clergy were hostile to such measures ; but very many of the land-owners viewed them with applobation, beciuse they were of opinion that they would do more to tranquillize Ireland than could he effected in any other way. The petition, which was from the freeholders of the hundred of Shalton, was then brought up. Lord ROLLE said, the Noble Lord, when he spoke of the Catholic Claims as being favourably considered in Cornwall, inust.refer to his own immediate neighbourhood. He balieved that it was the general determination of the people of Cornwall to oppose the Catholic Question. He might be deceived ; hut he believed, if a general meeting were called, that the majority would be found decidedly against granting any further concession to the Roman Ca tholics. Such a meeting was talked of, and he should like to know why it had not been held ? Lord DE DUNSTANVILLE said, it was no more in cumbent on him than it was on the Noble Lord to answer the question which had been put. There was undoubtedly some talk of a public meeting, and he had written to a noble friend of his, for whom he felt the highest respect, that if it were his intention and that of his friends, who were so confident of a majority on their side of the ques tion, to convene a meeting, that he (Lord De Dunstan vine) would take care to attend it, Since that time he had heard nothing about it.—(hear, hear.) Lord ROLLE--I should not have said any thing, if the Noble Lord had not stated that the sentiments of the people of the county of Cornwall were in favour of the Catholic Claims, which I do not believe to be the fiet. Lord DE DUNSTANVILLE.—I deny that I said so. I said that the clergy were unanimously against the ques tion, and that the laity were divided. That was what said. 1 also said, that there were a great number of landed proprietors in favour of those claims, and 1 still assert that fact. (Hear, hear.) I did not say that the uma•- jority of the people of Cornwall supported the Catholic question. Petition laid on the table. The Bishop of GLOUCESTER presented a petition from the dean and clergy of Gloucester, against the Roman Catholic claims.—Laid on the table. The Bishop of GLOUCESTER presented a petition from the clergy of Stonehurst, and of another place, against the Roman Catholic claims —Laid on the table. The Bishop of CHESTER presented a petition from a pariah in Chester, praying that political power should not be granted to the Roman Catholics. The petitioners fur ther prayed, that if it were found expedient to relax any of the laws affecting their Roman Catholic fellow-subjects, the legislature would take case to provide full and sufficient securities for the maintenance of the established church. On that point he supposed his Majesty's Ministers would anticipate the views of the petitioners.—Laid on the table. Lord LYTTLETON presented a petition from a body:of Protestant Dissenters at Northampton, pra)ing that every law imposing disabilities or penalties on account of reli gious opinions may be repealed.—Laid on the table. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY, in rising to pre sent a petition from the Roman Catholic inhabitants of a parish in Ireland, said he was desirous to say a very few words on the subject of the Catholic Question. Ile was anxious to do so, because, from peculiar circumstances, he had been precluded from signing the declaration on this subject which had been generally disseminated through the sister country. But though he refused his signature to that declaration, still he had not, even for a moment, swerved or shrunk from the anxious desire he had always felt for the settlement of the Roman Catholic Question.— The declaration to which he alluded had been sent to him by the Secretary of the Catholic Association ; and he con sidered it as an insult to transmit the declaration through such a channel, as if he were an abettor and upholder of that Association. Connected with Ireland as he was, he would say there never was anything so prejudicial to the cause of the Catholics as the existence of that Association. The persons who composed it had, from its commencement up to the present moment, done nothing that was not cal culated to alienate the friends who had been the constant supporters of the Catholic Claims. What had been the course taken by those people in Ireland ? Why, they had not merely debated on the subject of the Catholic Claims, but they had in their speeches declared that they would look forward to radical reform, to the repeal of the Union, and to the division of church property.—(Hear.)—lt was declarations of this nature that had inflamed the minds of men of all descriptions. The bane of Ireland had been the clubs formed there; and, had the Act of 1825 been carried decidedly into effect—had the Catholic Associa tion been then put down—clubs would not have existed. But this was not done; a re-action was the consequence, and the whole country was thrown into a state of effer vescence and agitation, which could not have occurred if the Bill of 1825 had been promptly acted on. He had passed some time in Ireland during the four last months, and he would say that that country was never in a greater state of prosperity. It was under these circumstances that he hailed—he might say with a feeling of gratitude—the measure which now, he trusted, was about to be carried iuto execution—(Hear, hear)—for healing the wounds of that distracted country.—(Hear, hear.)—He felt deeply interested in the success of that measure ; and he hoped that the Noble Duke at the head of the Government would use all his powers to carry the Bill into effect. It was a most extraordinary thing, that this great object was about to be carried by those who had so long opposed it. He quarrelled not with those who had formerly been hostile to the Catholic Question—he merely looked forward with joy and satisfaction to the great result. When they talked of the sacrifices which this man or that man might make, he confessed that he thought there was only one individual who could be said to have made sacrifices—and that was the individual who could not tender his resignation. If that individual took the course which he conscientiously believed necessary for securing .the happiness of one part of the empire, he would be adored in that country hereafter, and he would be described in her annals as hiving achieved her salvation. In the quarter to which he alluded he believed there was a strong feeling in favour of the Irish people; and if the measure to be pro posed by Ministers received the Royal assent, and became a law, it would excite feelings of gratitude from one end of Ireland to the other. His Majesty would be handed down to posterity as the first Sovereign who had ever, in his speech from the Throne, recommended to Parliament the cause of the Roman Catholics of Ireland. Every Noble Lord had an opportunity of stating the feelings, with re spect to this subject, which prevailed in those parts of the country with which he was connected. In the north of England, where it was pretty populous, he had beard no expression of sentiment against it; and in the province of Ulster, in Ireland, there was a general feeling in favour of Catholic Emancipation, accompanied by proper securities. In November last, it was his fortune to visit that county, with which he was intimately connected, and of which he was the representative for fourteen years ; and he found in that county one sentiment of anxious desire to have this question set at rest. In that county, which was, he might nay, the focus of the Protestant party, and the great depot of Orange feeling—(he meant the county and the city of Londonderry)—in that county all the converts that had been made were converts from strong Protestant feeling to a favourable consideration of the Catholic Claims ; while on the other hand, not one person who had been in the habit of supporting the Catholic Question had turned against it. This clearly showed that the question was a gaining one. It was a question which, he was persuaded, must be carried, and therefore he called on the Legislature to look it in the face. If the Roman Catholics were after wards so monstrously ungrateful as to attempt to disturb the Protestant Constitution in Church and State, Protest ant feeling, Protestant energy, and Protestant firmness, would be opposed to any such ambitious project. If he wanted any other arguments to support his .ideas on this subject, he need only refer to the conduct of a Noble Marquis (the Marquis of Anglesea), who not long ago said, that on account of the outrages of the Catholic Association, it would be fit and proper to resist those claims. Why, greater outrages had occurred since ; yet the Noble Marquis, having gone to Ireland--having seen the state of the country—having examined it with his own eyes—had now come forward in the view of the Legislature, as one of the greatest advocates of Catholic Emancipation. This was a strong point, and ought to weigh, and would weigh, with both Houses of Parliament. He would implore those Noble Lords who had opposed this question with so much ardour, to consider the crisis in which the country was placed. In many of their feel ings he participated, and therefOre it was the more painful to him to differ from them on this question. But he would call on them to look at what the progress of this question had been in the last few years, and then to say whether it could remain as it was. His Royal Highness the Duke of CLARENCE rose, on the question being put, that the petition be laid on the table, and spoke somewhat as follows :—My Lords, I rise now to declare my sentiments, though I am aware it is somewhat irregular to do so. It was my intention dis tinctly to state my opinion on the subject when the Order of the Day fur receiving the Report on the Bill for sup pressing the Catholic Assocation should come on. Of that measure no man is more decidedly in favour than I am ; but of that, my Lords, more hereafter. I rise, my Lords, now in consequence of an expression which fell from the Noble Lord, whom, I believe, I may be permitted to call my friend, and one of whose remarks has called me up thus early. The Noble Lord said that his Majesty's Ministers were now united on this question. I am glad, my Lords, to see that they are now united, and that this measure has now received the sanction of a united Cabinet of his Ma jesty's Ministers, when for so many years the Government has been divided in its opinions on the measure. That ex pression, my Lords, made me now rise. It would have been more regular, I am aware, to have declared my sen timents when the measure for considering the condition of Ireland came bet'ore your Lordships, than on the pre senting petitions pro and con relative to the measure to be proposed by the Government, when those who sign the petitions can know no more about it than people not yet born. I rise, my Lords, because it has been remarked there is, among his Majesty's Ministers, new a union of senti ment on this subject. I wish, my Lords, that the Ministers had been so united in 1825, but the persons who were then his Majesty's Ministers were not united, and we have gone on to the present time. If they had been united in 1804, it would have ken a great advantage to both England and Ireland. From that period, my Lords, my opinion has been invariably favourable to what is falsely called Catholic Concession,—(hear, hear)--which is not concession to the Catholics, but rather• an Act for altering their present state of degradation—and nothing else. When the great mea sure shall come before your Lordships, I pledge myself to prove, that it is not concession to the Catholics, but a re moval of degradation and the surest means of cordially uniting together eight millions of people.—(Cheers.) Now that I am on my legs, I shall say, that in reserving myself to state my opinions more at length hereafter on this ques tion, I shall give that support to his Majesty's Ministers which they deserve from every man against so unjustifiable, if I may not say so infamous an attack.—(Hear, herr.) If his Majesty's Ministers are now fortunately united to make some arrangement, I shall help them with heart and hand. The Noble Duke shall have all the support pos sible from me, as I cannot suppose that the measure is not the result of deep thought, anxiously intent on the welfare of the country.—(Hear, hear.) It will be forty-six years, my Lords, next month, since I first had a scat in this House, and I thank God, during the whole of this time I have never given a vote of which I ought to be ashamed; but I never have given—l never shall give a vote with so much pleasure as the vote I shall give in favour of the measure to be brought in by the Noble Duke. It is not England only, my Lords, but all Europe which will be benefited by his Majesty's Cabinet being united ; and every ►nan of common sense must wish that this interest ing question—interesting to England, and whatever is con• nected with the interest of Europe—and every rational man must wish for the prosperity of Great Britain as con ducive to the prosperity of Europe and the world. I also think, my Lords, that nothing could have been more for tunate than that the Noble Duke should have been selected by his 'Majesty to be placed at the head of affairs. I rejoice, my Lords, that he has taken this step ; and so long as his Majesty's Ministero continue their present course, they shall have my hearty and cordial support.—(Hear.) In the only conversation, my Lords, that I ever held with the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack on the occasion of my tendering my resignation to his Majesty of the office I held, and which his Majesty was graciously pleased to accept, I then told that Noble and Learned Lord that I never would enter into a factious opposition to his Majesty's Ministers, and that on any question on which the Government was opposed I should conceive it My duty to support them with my vote. What I say, toy Lords, will be confirmed by the Noble and Learned Lord, who, I have no doubt, remembers lily words. Though I may have wished to be in active life, I never will be in a factious opposition; and I consider that the whole country should stand up in support of the Noble Duke, who, I must state, has come forward with boldness, fairness, and candour.—(hear, hear. )_Under these circumstances I do hold that it is my duty before God and man, to declare my sentiments. Being professionally educated, I know something of the Catholics, and I should be the most ungrateful of men if I were ever to forget the reception I met with from them. I have seen them in many different situations as I have pursued my professional duties, and I have always admired the character, the bra very, and the thorough good humour of the Irish people. If that venerable man, my Lords, who gained for this coun try a glorious victory—if Lord Viscount Duncan—if the Earl of St. Vincent, whose excellent discipline and great energy were second to none ; if Earl St. Vincent, whose exertions subdued is spirit of revolt in his fleet, and kept the seamen in submission, when other squadrons had broken out into mutiny, and who likewise gained the great battle of St. Vincent's ; and if that one man, more dear to me than any other Officer—if my Lord Viscount Nelson, who fell in the arms of victory—if they were now alive —if they, with other gallant Officers, could lift up their heads and see the dawn of the tranquillity and happiness now opening on Ireland—if they could see the justice now to be done to the great body of men who fought with them on the lower decks of their ships, and whose bravery ena bled them to gain their victories—how would they now rejoice to see the petitions of their brave associates granted. Great consideration is due to what such men would say, and they would think it was a debt due to the Irish nation. However I might on one occasion have had the misfor. tune to differ from the Noble Individual at the head of his Majesty's Government, nothing can ever induce nie to alter the exalted opinion I entertain of his great personal worth and high military talent. When I recollect the vic tories achieved by the Illustrious Duke, from as it were the first dawn of his great military talent—when I recol lect the brilliant circumstances attendant upon his first charge at the time he commanded a column in India, and contributed so materially to the destruction of the power of the celebrated 'l'ippo Saib—when I recollect all his splendid achievements, from his first victory of Vimerra down to the conclusion of his labours, and the c‘insumsna tion of his glory upon the bloody and well-fought field of Waterloo—l cannot but add my humble acknowlegment, in common with all my countrymen, of the debt of grati tude which we owe him, and the expression of my unqua lified satisfaction that he is now about to repay the debt due on his part to so many of his brave companions in arms, by raising them from the state of degradation in which they have been so long unjustly held by the operation of the Penal Laws.--(Hear, hear, hear.) — I am convinced, indeed, that every thing which can be done for the good of the country, and the prosperity of the people, will be done by that Noble Duke, and I shall there fore make no further observations at present on this sub ject. I trust, however, I have said enough this evening to convince this House and the country that I am serious in the support I intended on all occasions -to give his Ma jesty's Government, in their endeavours to settle this question.—(Hear.)-1 shall have a great deal more to say, however, when the measure intended by the Noble Duke is regularly before your Lordships. The subject is one to which I have repeatedly turned my mind, and which I have at various times considered for the last ten years in all its bearings, and with reference to England as well as Ireland. It may, I have no doubt, be said . that, if your opinions were always in favour of concession to the Roman Catholics, why is it that you have not before avowed them ? My reason, my Lords, is this—the settlement of the Catholic Question has nut until now been made a measure of Government—(hear) ; and although I bad claricig my opinions. In tepoi consideration produce lynserote, oppositioncistdns. present uniformly :euhaeeslirreete bound, otinlot thtspotnasupportoAnJo uol hhei s i oohd n lcot yeuilei opposition for a long period, and con fleeted in early life with many of the distinguished leaders y of this country, I feiC ituation in tvhieh I was p t moment, I could not, w nion eeld spoused fromthe causee leased the Almighty to he concurrence eo l e l n d r i c: cseoloßjtunefyplirsgacetieriisti circumstances vernmeut; and having co l subject, come forward and express my sentiments in favour of the Catholics, as long as the Members of his Majesty's Government were not united upon the expediency of granting the Claims of the Catholics. I saw, however, that the policy of granting their Chinas was every year gaining fresh advocates—l saw that the disunion existing upon the subject of Concession among the Members of his Majesty's Government was every year becomina of - greater consequence—and I felt that I should do harm, instead of good, by any interference in a point which [nest ultimately be conceded, but which I felt never could be conceded with security or wills propriety, unless through thin mediutn of the Ministers of the Crown. So convinced am I indeed of the propriety of this course, that if the Noble Duke had come down to your Lordships' House, and declared that he had formed a Government unanimous in their opinions that the claims of the Catholics should be resisted, I feel I must have adhered to the slate line of policy. My opinions upon the propriety of concessions to these claims might and would have remained unaltered, lint I should have always felt it to be my duty to resist their being factiously brought forward ; for until the opinions of the Members of the Government were united upon the subject, I could not bring myself to believe that the proper time was arrived for an attempt to ' accom plish the object of our wishes. Now, however, I thank God, the (lay is altered, and I trust we shall all join heart and soul in the furtherance of those measures con templated by the Noble Duke, but which I not being in the secret cannot pretend to describe. I hope, -how ever, they will prove, when laid before the House, to be infinitely less objectionable than some Noble Lords seem to imagine. I trust, too, that in the interval between the passing of the Bill which we are to consider to-night and the announcement of those measures by which the Noble Duke purposes to effect this most desirable object, that the Right Reverend Prelates will apply themselves seriously, deliberately, and without the mixture of any unseemly passion or prejudice, to the consideration of the condition in which we are now placed, and what would be the result of its continuance.—(Hear.)—l trust in this deliberation they will call to their mind that they are the appointed Ministers of peace. I trust they will also call to their re collection what might be the situation of Great Britain it those events which are every day taking place upon the Continent of Europe, and which begin to assume an ap pearance of still greater interest to this country, should, by any possibility, give rise to such difliculties as would involve us in another war. I would ask the Right Rev. Prelates whether they can, conscientiously, bring them selves to oppose that measure which may place na in a situation to avoid all hostilities in the present situation offu rope ; and I would ask them still further, whether, knowing that by opposing it they may be the means of introducing hostilities abroad, and enmity at home—l ask them how they can then dare to call themselves the Ministers of Pecree. (Hear, hear. )—I feel I ought to ask pardon of your Lord- . ships for detaining you se long at the present moment, and the more so, as I shall very often be obliged to trotuble the House in the discussions which must take place uporr measures which the Noble Duke intends to propose. could not, however, avoid congratulating your Lordships upon the prospect before you, and expressing my pleasure and satisfaction that the door of the Constitution is at last to be opened to the people of what ought to be the dearest, as I believe it to be the richest province of our united empire. The Illustrious Duke was heard with pro. found attention, and loudly cheered by their Lordships a' the conclusion of a speech which seemed to make a strong impression upon the House. When silence was in sonic measure restored, The Duke of CUMBERLAND rose, and observed, that after having once before expressed himself clearly, and, he hoped, decidedly, upon the Claims of the Catholics, it had not been his intention to trouble their Lordships with any observations until the measure of the Noble Duke was be fore the House. Painful as it was to him at any time, to differ from those with whom he had been in the habit of concurring in political life, it was still more painful to hint to be compelled to differ from those with whom he was connected by the ties of blood. He felt it, however, to he his imperious duty to express his opinion decidedly upoo this subject, and he hoped, therefore, that his Noble Rela tion (the Duke of Clarence) would not take it unkind in him, when he endeavoured to give utterance to the asto nishment he felt when he heard factious motives imputed by that Noble Person to those who were hostile to the Catholics, and his still greater astonishment at the Unfair attack made upon him personally, and upon others, by the application of the term "infamous " to their opposition. His conduct had been, he thought, always fair aid open, and honourable and candid, upon this question, both in that House and out of it. He trusted he should al ways be found conducting himself as a Gentleman and a Nobleman ought 'to conduct himself; and unless the changes about to take place proved very different from what he anticipated, he was determined to continue that fair and candid opposition which he had hitherto endeavoured to display, whenever the question of concession to the Catholics were brought before that House. Feeling that he had always pursued that course, he could not allow his conduct to be stigmatised by the appellations either of factious or infamous.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The Duke of SUSSEX thought it not at all desirable to prolong this conversation, nor did he rise to do so; but he thought it due to his Illustrious Brother (Clarence) to say that his Noble Relation (Cumberland) had taken the ob servations of his Noble Brother in a sense in which they were not meant to be applied. His Illustrious Brother ap plied the observation he had used to the conduct of all those who had expressed violent opinions hostile to Catholic Emancipation. If his Noble Relative applied these words of condemnation to his own conduct, that was his own taste ; all he (the Duke of Sussex) could say in justice to his Noble Brother was, .that he did not mean any personal offence to his Noble Relative. When, however, a Message came from the Crown, recommending to Parliament the consideration of the Question of Catholic disabilities in a constitutional way, and in such a manner as may be found consonant with the safety and security of the Protestant Church, and the rights and liberties of the people, it cer tainly was not at all extraordinary his Noble Brother should express his surprise at the course pursued by many Noble Lords, in their opposition to his Majesty's declared wishes and intentions, and that he should charac terise that conduct as base and infamous. His Illustrious Brother did not, he repeated, intend to apply these obser vations to any individual; but with a feeling that this was a question upon which the people of England ought not to be misled, and that they ought not to be carried away with the opinion of the only point in contention being whether the country was to have a Popish or a Protestant Parliament, he had designated the conduct of those who endeavoured to mislead by the expressions to which his Noble Relative alluded. His Illustrious Brother felt that such assertions, coining from Noble Lords, were calcu lated to do mischief; that it was not treating the question in that mild and constitutional way, which his Majesty recommended, nor putting it fairly to the country. In o h t is lg ht opinion to obe t c he are No fu r l b ho le ‘l:etehreey, made he ad Members staten, en o ts f , or that u s H ed ouse, lan guage which might inflame the public mind, or raise un founded imputations against the conduct of those who felt the settlement of- the Catholic Question to be necessary to the prosperity of the empire. The Duke of CLARENCE, in explanation, denied that he either could, or did apply the expression which had been alluded to in reference to his Illustrious Rela tive; but the fact was, his Illustrious Relative had spent so much of his life abroad, that he had quite forgotten what was due to the freedom of debate in this country,- --(Hear, hear, hear.) The Earl of ELDON rose to address the -House from one of the cross benches. He proceeded to contend, that thoOgh the expressions used by his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence did not immediately apply to his Noble and Illustrious Relative, it was evident that they were ap plied to those who-thought and acted with that Noble Duke in reference to this question. Now, with all deep humility, and in the presence of that Noble and Illus trious Person (the Duke of Clarence), he (Lord Eldon) would dispute the charge of base," or -infamous; or factious, a- Iplied to his conduct on this occasion. It was not in a i, ,se, or infamous, or factious manner 'that he opposed the measures of the Noble'Duke (Wellington). He (Lord Eldon) would tell that Noble Duke fairly, that - there was no man he should lie more afraid to attack, but that he - would find in him a generous enemy, and_that in opposing din I -c would merely discharge his duty as an independent Peer of that House. It was a mighty . easy thing for Noble Lords to talk of the present situation of affairs; but lie would say, may God grant that the country shall not have to repent of these measures: at all events he (Lord _Eldon) would ( - lo his utmost to prevent this country from sing converted to Popery, and from having, - instead of a-Protestant Senate, a Popish Senate. (Laughter on the Opposition Benches.) Some Noble Lords laughed -at this, and laughter, from that side - of On House PRICE 7D.