The Sun. — London, England, 1829-05-15 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.-(LAST NIGHT.) The House met to-day at Four o'clock, when the Royal Assent was given by Commission to the Composition Assessed Taxes Bill, the Spanish Claims Bill, the Navy Victualling Department Bill, the Naval Officers' Widows' Pension Bill, the Scotch Registration Seisin Bill, the Swan River Settle ment Bill, the Newfoundland Fishery Bill, the East India Writers' Bill, the Dublin Gas Light Bill, the Manchester Railway Bill, Tyrrell's Divorce Bill, the Aberdeen Harbour Improvement Bill, seve ral Naturalization Bills, together with upwards of fifty other Private Bills. The Lord Commissioners were, the LORD CHAN CELLOR, the Earl of SHAFTESBURY, and Viscount MELYU LE. .MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Sir ALEXANDER GRANT anti others brought up the Life Annuity, together with several Private Bills. Mr. Alderman WOOO brought up the London Bridge Bill, the Covent-garden Vestry Bill, and two Private Bills. Mr. DUNCOMBE brought up several Private Bills. Mr. Danvers brought up an account of the Re venue and Pensions granted by the East India Company. The Earl of MALMESBURY moved for certain additiot , a l returns respecting corn, to what he had on a t .ormer night moved for. Lord GODERICH, in presenting a petition from 'Upper Canada, observed that it was not connected immediately with the domestic interests of this country, yet it did not the less deserve the attention of their Lordships. He believed his Majesty's Government was ready and willing to give it every attention. The petitioners, it was true, did not belong to Great Britain, but they were fellow-subjects—they were inhabitants of Upper Canada, and complained of a great number of grievances under which they had laboured for a series of years. It was not his intention to enter upon those points of which they considered they were entitled to complain. The petition was presented, not with any hostile feeling towards the individuals against whom it was directed, but be cause he (the Noble Lord) considered it a duty he owed the petitioners to present it. There were opinions in the petition with which did not con cur. There was one topic whieli he wished to mention. The first complaint related to the recent removal of Mr. Justice Willis, who, it must be recol lected, was not long ago appointed one of the Judges of that colony. The grounds of his removal were stated to be his declining to act unless there were present the Lord Chief Justice and the other Puisne Judges of his Court. It was reported to the Governor that, according to the manner in which justice had always been administered there, it was not imperative upon the Chief Justice to sit. Mr. Justice Willis, however; entertained a different apinion, and in consequence declined sitting in the absence of the other Judges. With regard to the law, he (Lord Goderich) certainly was not competent to form an opinion, but he understood that there was »o imperative necessity for the Chief Justice sitting before Mr. Justice Willis went there, and he should therefore be inclined to say that the law in that respect did not require any such duty from the Chief Justice. It would be necessary, however, to adopt measures for the due ad ministration of justice there, and to adopt the principle of administration as much as possible to the principle adopted here. The petitioners also complained of the power of the Crown to remove Judges, and prayed that the law might be so constituted as to render Judges immoveable by the Crown, ex cept by the concurrence of the two Houses of As sembly there. The Government of that country was managed by two Houses of Assembly, similar to the Houses of Parliament here. The Upper House was denominated the Council, of which the petitioners complained. The Noble Lord thought it would be desirable that some steps should be taken to reform the principles on which that Council acted. He thought the functions of that body could never be i,fictorily performed unless something were tione with respect to it, by which the con \ e!lierlCC of the public would be more considered. The other part of the legislative body was called the Executive Council, in which there were many Members of the other House, and this the petitioners objected to. They also prayed that the Judges might not be allowed to be Members of either House. They considered that they had no effec- tive control over the Executive Council, therefore they prayed that the Lieutenant-Governor and other Officers might be made responsible to Government. They asked for an alteration in the law as regarded Juries; but this the Noble Lord thought they could best adjust amongst themselves. They alluded to something that the Secretary for the Colonies had last year taken occasion to say in the other House of Parliament respecting them, and which they considered they had reason to com plain of. It appeared to them, from What they had been informed - was then stated, that they were not truly represented to his Majesty. Whether this mention of the Honourable Member in the other House, by name and allusion to what he had said, would render the petition inadmissible or not he did not know, but he felt it his duty to present it, and hoped that the condition of the peqile of Upper Canada would receive every atten tion from this Government and Parliament that it was possible to give. The Duke of WELLINGT ON was sure that nothing had fallen from the Noble Lord in which he so heartily concurred as the necessity of meet ing the views of the people of Upper Canada. !laving however seen the petition, and having had in his hands fora considerable time a copy of the petition that was presented to his Majesty, he felt it necessary to say there was but little in the petition that could be carried into execution by the Govern ment or Parliament. Many of the measures alluded to by the petitioners could be carried into execution by the Colonial Parliament itself, and the expediency of the adoption of others of them could not but he doubted. The Noble Lord had stated only a part of the case. Mr. Justice Willis having disap proved of the absence of the Chief Justice from the Court of King's Bench, thought proper not only to protest against that absence, and to state that the absence was improper, and to absent himself in consequence of that absence, but to state that all the proceedings of that Court were illegal, in conse quence of the absence of the Chief Justice. For this he was suspended in the first instance, and afterwards discharged by the Lieutenant-Governor. Mr. Justice Willis then presented a petition to his Majesty against that order. The petition was re ferred to the Committee of the Privy Council to inquire intoond the result of the inquiry was that his Majesty approved of the conduct of the Lieutenant- Governor in the dismissal of that Judge.— This was the fact, and he believed unless their Lordships were prepared to find fault with the Committee of the Privy Council, they would say this was a proper proceeding. The next subject he would advert to was the last referred to by his Noble Friend, namely, the desire which the pe titioners 'expressed, that the Lieutenant-Governor should be responsible to the House of Assembly for the acts of the Government. The persons who made this demand had altogether forgotten that this was a colony situated on a foreign frontier, and that those principles which suited the Government of this country, might not be exactly suitable to them. Under these circumstances, though it might be expedient at some future period to render the officers of the Go vernment liable to the House of Assembly, yet he must say that it would not do to compare their situa tion with that of the servants of the crown in this country. The executive council probably was something in the nature of a Privy Council in this country, and gave advice to the Crown in the same manner as many in this House did. He trusted that their Lordships would be of opinion that there was nothing in the present application ►which deserved the attention of their Lordships. The measure had already received the serious consi deration of Government. Earl BATHURST did not mean to follow his Noble Friend, but only to refer to the ease of Mr. Justice Willis. That gentleman had been of opi nion that the Act required - the presence of the Chief Justice to constitute the Court, and that alien the Court was not full, no busines3 could be done. lie also declared that all the business which had been done for the last thirty years, in the absence of one of the JudgeQ, was null and void, and illegal. The Chief Baron and the other Judges had decided that Mr. Justice Willis was not warranted in the construction he had given to the Act; and let their Lordships consider the consequences of a Judge' declaring, on his view of a Statute, that much of the business transacted in that Court for a period of neatly 30 years was null and void, and illegal. Lord GODERICH preferred withdrawing the petition to having it rejected. The petition was ac cordingly withdrawn. POOR LAWS (IRELAND.) Earl DARNLEY presented a petition from the Members of the Society for the Encouragement of Industry meeting at the King's Head, Poultry, praying that poor laws might be extended to Ire land. In presenting this petition he did not mean to enter into the subject of the petition, though he did not expect, from the motion he meant to make, to escape the censure of his Noble Friend. Though his Noble Friend stigmatised all those who were favourable to the introduction of the poor laws into Ireland, yet he could hardly assert, now that the subject had been brought forward in the other House, and every person who had spoken on it had expressed a conviction that something must be done, that all those were foolish who thought it ought to be taken up by Parliament. He did not mean to submit any proposition to their Lordships, hoping that the Noble Duke, whose wise measures had laid the foundation of a new era for Ireland, would ex tend the superstructure, and provide for the poor of that country. He willingly left the matter in the hands of the Noble Duke, flattering himself that he would take it into his consideration, and that next Session of Parliament it would be brought forward in the most favourable manner by a recommendation from his Majesty's Government. As it had been stated and denied that there were means of relief already pro vided for the poor of Ireland, he desired to learn to what extent that relief was given. He would call their Lordships' attention to the Acts of Parliament for e•tablishing houses of industry, infirmaries, &c. in that country; and he should move for some Returns, to shew how far these Acts of Parliament were carried into effect or not. There was the Act of the 11th and 12th of George the Third—an Act of the Irish Parliament ; the Act of the 46th of George 111., chap. 95; and the 58th of George 111., chap. 47 — all of which related to the establishing infirmaries and houses of industry, and providing relief for the poor. He wished to shew whether these acts had been effective or not ; and he should, therefore, move for an account of all Grand Jury Presentments for 1828, in each County of Ireland, for the support of Infirmaries, Lunatic Asylums, !louses of Industry;' &c.; with an account also, a - . 3 far as it can be col• lected, of all Sums of Money subscribed by indi viduals for these purposes. He moved for these Re turns in the words of the Order of the House of Commons, and he would add a motion for a Return of the number of Houses of Industry established in Ireland. The Earl of LIMERICK observed, that it was not his intention to oppose the particular motion now submitted to the House, because he was anxious that the fullest information should be had. But be was decidedly adverse to the introduction of the poor laws into Ireland. Lord FARNHAM would certainly oppose any proposition to introduce the poor laws into Ireland in the same state in which they existed in England. He did not agree with the Noble Earl who said that the measure lately passed in favour of the Ca tholics had laid the foundation for the tranquillity of Ireland ; for, from accounts which he had received within the last week, he understood that there were riots and disturbances about Longford and other places, where they had not prevailed before, in which one man was killed, and several wounded. Earl DARNLEY hoped Government would take up the task of bringing forward some measure for the relief of the poor—not certainly the poor laws as they existed in England, which were in many respects highly objectionable, but some plan by which relief would be afforded to the really indigent. After a few words from the Earl of LIMERICK, the motion was then agreed to. The Silk Duties' Bill was read a second time on the motion of Lord SHAFTESBURY, and ordered to be committed on Monday. The Earl of MALMESBURY proposed that the Lords should be summoned for the Committee on Monday, as they had not been summoned for the second reading. The Duke of WELLINGTON agreed, and it was ordered that the Lords should be summoned ac cordingly.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-(LAST NIGHT.) As soon as the SPEAKER took the Chair a mes sage was brought from the House of Lords, requir ing the attendance of the Commons in the other House, for the purpose of hearing the Royal Assent given by Commission to several Bills agreed to by both Houses.—(For the names of which see Lords' Report.) A person from the India House brought up some papers ordered by the House. Mr. Crafer, from the Treasury, brought up papers relative to the Light-houses. Mr. PROTHEROE presented a petition from the inhabitants of London and Westminster, in favour of the removal of Smithfield Market. Mr. R. GORDON said he hoped the Report would be brought up to-morrow, and that the City Members would attend in their places, in order that that very ludicrous Bill might then be thrown out. Alderman WAITHMAN brought up the Report upon the St. J)unstan's Church Bill. Mr. S. WHITBREAD presented a petition from the inhabitants of the eastern part of the Metropolis, against the East London Waterworks. Mr. LITTLETON presented two petitions, one from the mine owners of West Bromwich, and the other from the iron masters of Stafford, praying that the trade to India might by thrown open. Mr. KEMP presented a petition from a place in Sussex, complaining of the wool trade. Mr. BARING presented a petition from Mr. William Meadows White, of Great St. Helens, Bishopsgate, containing suggestions relative to the poors' rates. Mr. MOORE moved for a new writ for Wexford in the room of Admiral Evans, who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. Mr. R. DOUGLAS presented a petition from the merchants and other traders of Glasgow, in favour of opening a trade to India. Mr. STANLEY presented a petition from the province of Upper Canada, complaining of the man ner in which the Government of that Colony is con ducted: The Hon. Member stated at great length the particular grievances set forth in the petition. Mr. LABOUCHERE said that he had no hesi tation in supporting this petition, which was well entitled to the serious consideration of the House. After a few words from Mr. HusKissoN against the petition, Sir GEORGE MURRAY regretted that the petition was not more definite than it was, as his Majesty's Government were at all times anxious to afford redress when grievances were pointed out to them, but he did not conceive that it was on the presentation of a petition that the House could properly go into the merits of any great question. Mr. HUME was anxious to make a few observa tions on this petition. The petitioners only asked that the recommendations of the Committee should be carried into effect; but that had net been done. The Government ought to say whether they in tended to carry those recommendations into effect. As the Government had not vet done this, the Hon. Gent. who made the Report before alluded to, ought to give them the opportunity of stating their inten tions before the end of the Session. In his opinion the Colonies had been min -ruled, mis-governed and ill=used for a number of years, and the House ought not to delay attending to their complaints. Mr. -LABOUCHERE intimated that he had a motion on this subject. Mr. W. HORTON was glad that a deliberate and serious inquiry into the state of the Colonies, not a hasty discussion raised on a petition, was to take place in the course of the Session ; for that would shew the people of Canada that the House were in.• terested in their welfare. Mr. V. FITZGERALD trusted the Hon. Mem ber for Preston would withdraw the petition, to which it would be sufficient merely to refer when the discussion should come on. Mr. STANLEY had no objection, after what had passed, to withdraw the petition. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER merely wished to state, with regard to what had been said respecting the conduct of an Hon. Officer, that he had not been removed from Canada on ac- count of any complaints made against him, or on account of any differences between him and the House of Assembly. In that sense of the word, he had not been removed from the Government of Canada; but he had been appointed to Nova Scotia on account of the opinion entertained by his Majesty's Government that he was peculiarly well fitted to administer the government of the latter country. Mr. HUNIE observed, that as the removal had not taken place till after the complaints had been made, the Government had received the credit of having removed the Governor on account of those complaints. Mr. LABOUCHERE was understood to give notice, that he should bring the subject •of the Canadas under the consideration of the House on Thursday, the 21st. CORN LAWS. Mr. HUME presented a petition from the Carpet Manufacturers of Kidderminster, praying for a change in the existing system of the Corn Laws, to which they principally attributed the distress now pressing upon them. Mr. HEATHCOTE thought that the present circumstances of the country, and the present ad vanced state of the session, afforded no hope of any discussion of the Corn Laws being attended with a beneficial result; and he trusted, therefore, that they would not be brought forward. He hoped, however, for some explicit avowal of the Govern ment as to their intentions on the subject. Mr. V. FITZGERALD had no hesitation in saying that it was not the intention of Government 'to propose any alteration in the present laws regard ing corn. Mr. HUME did not intend to desist from the discussion. The Hon. Member who had advised him to do so was one of those who thought Free rade, and not the Corn Laws, occasioned the pre '!sent distress; but he (Mr. Hume) hoped to be able to shake his opinion on that point. Mr. \VARBURTON was of opinion that the Hon. Member for Aberdeen was right in persevering in his motion. Mr. Alderman \VAITHMAN would support the discussion if he thought any good could result from it ; but after what had been stated by the Right Hon. Gent., he thought it could only tend to agitate the country, without affording any relief to the pre sent distress. SUB-LETTING ACT. Lord J. RUSSELL presented a petition from Ballymore, in favour of the Sub-letting Act. TRADE WITH INDIA AND CHINA. Mr. W. WHITMORE rose, pursuant to notice, to bring forward his motion. He said that the time had at length arrived when this great subject must necessarily be discussed; and it contained matter of so much moment, and concerned such large interests, that he feared that he should have shrunk appalled from the consideration of it, but he felt that the subject itself was one calculated to make a deep im pression, that the facts connected with it were astounding in their nature, and that the consequences arising from it were the greatest and most serious that could be considered. It was not to be won • dered at that he apprehended he should not place the question in so clear a light as such an important question ought to be placed in ; but then he hoped that others better qualified to discuss such a subject would take part in the discussion, and that the im perfection which would be found in his statement, and he was aware there would be many imperfections, might be amply removed in the course of the dis cussion by the as-istance he should receive from others possessed of more experience and greater knowledge. Having made these observations he should proceed without further preface to the sub ject of his motion, premising that be would divide the observations he had to offer under three heails, in accordance with the form of his motion, which was for an inquiry into the state of trade between Great Britain, the East Indies, and China. It was absolutely necessary, he conceived, to allude in the first place to Great Britain, because it must be quite clear to every observer that during the last ten years the trade of this country was, to a certain de gree, in a precarious state, and that our manufac turing, agricultural, and commercial interests were all subject to frequent and violent fluctuations. It was equally clear, in his opinion, that by an improve ment and extension of our reso ur ces we might miti gate, in a considerable degree, if not altogether ob• viate, those distresses with which our manufacturing population more especially was occasionally as sailed. It was his full conviction, and he was prepared to contend for the proposition, that if the House met this subject fairly, and looked it in the face, the means might be found in it to al leviate, if not to remove, the causes cf the occa sional distress which affected our manufacturing po pulation. This was not a fit occasion for going into an examination of the causes of those distresses; but he believed they might be traced to the vast amount of capital in this country seeking for employment, and to the gigantic power of production which the country possessed. Both those causes, acting to gether, produced distress, and he contended that he could point out the only mode by which a remedy could be arrived at, if he could show that a new field might be opened for the development of capital, and a new field opened for the vent of the manufac tures produced. If a new field of this description was opened it was impossible to deny that it would produce great national benefit. Looking to the con dition of Ireland too the prospect of a new channel for employment was most desirable. He admitted that, by the measure passed in the present session of Parliament, the legislature had removed the great impediment to the improvement and prosperity of Ireland, but that measure was not the sole means of improving the condition of the population of that country.—(Hear, hear.)—Giving a larger share of employment to the people of Ireland was, perhaps, the most effectual means of improving their condi tion. Another consideration which rendered an in quiry into this subject most desirable at the present moment was the state of the commercial relations of Great Britain with regard to foreign coun t r i e s. Into those commercial relations he would not at present enter fully, but there was one point which he felt he would not be just i fied in o m i tt i ng —h e al luded to our commercial relations with the United States of America.—(Hear.)---It could not be dis guised that by a recent act of the l eg i s l ature o f t h at country our trade with the United S'ates of Ame rica would be placed in a most precarious situation. The restrictions to the importation of British ma nufactures into the United Stat es were so op pressive, and the duties placed on them so high, that the persons engaged in the trade between this country and the United States were placed in a situation of the greatest difficulty, and it was riot easy to say i what might be the end or the ssue of the proceed ings which had been adopted. That some incon venience was at present felt fro m t h e state o f our commercial relations with the Unit e d S tates w a s most clear, and _ that cons iderable injury might be. ‘!*- *•-• • done to our trade through that coNtry was equally obvious. It \vas a most serious consideration that we depended on the United States of America for our supply of a large proportion of the raw material employed in the chief of our manufactures, the cot• ton manufacture. That this country depended al most entirely on America for the raw cotton used in our manufactures was abundantly clear, for three fourths of the entire quantity imported into this country was drawn from the United States of Ame rica. This fact alone, he thought, afforded grounds for entering upon the consideration whether we had not the means in our own colonies of providing our selves with the necessary supply of raw cotton in stead of drawing so large a proportion of that sup ply from another country. He was prepared to show that we possessed in our own colonies ample means of producing the raw material to any extent, and that of the very best quality that could possibly be produced in that article. The necessity which existed for a large supply of raw cotton, and the means which we possessed of producing that article to any extent in our India possessions, was one of the strongest arguments which could be urged in favour of the removal of the present prohibitions. Having stated thus much it was unnecessary for him, perhaps, to state that the trade between Great Bri tain and India was one of considerable value. In deed, every one admitted that the trade with India was now the greatest trade of this country, or of any other country in the world. Nothing was ever more completely disproved than the anticipations of some Honourable Members when this question was discussed on the renewal of the charter. It was not expected that there could be any increase of the trade with England, bat the result fals;fied that notion. When the subjoct was discussed pre ♦ious to the renewal of the charter in 1813 one Hon. Mernb2r s' a' ed that there could be no extenAon of the trade with India, unless, indeed, in the article of glass bottles. (A laugh.) It was very gene rally contended, too, by other Members, that in a country where labour was remunerated with no greater wages than 3d. per day it was impossible that country could become to any extent a consumer of our manufactures. These suppositions now ap peared ridiculous, because they were disproved by what had subsequently occurred ; but it was no wonder that Members of that House should come to the conclusion that India could not become a consuming country, judging from the statements made by the East India Company as to the losses they bad sustained by their export trade. Instead of any profit it had been stated, he believed cor rectly, that the East India Company from 1803 to 1813, suffered a loss of four millions by the export trade, and whenever the question was mentioned it was always stated that there had been a gradual ' falling off in that trade. Even since 1813 there was a loss, and looking to the state of the trade, as carried on by the company, Members were appa rently justified in coming to the conclusion that there never could be any considerable extension of that trade. In fact, whilst the restrictions continued in full force, arid that the East India Company monopolised the whole export trade, there was a great and gradual falling off. The amount of the falling off was in the following proportions. The average amount of the exports From 1790 to 1765 was £2,500,000 1796 1801 2,300,000 1802 1807 2,100,000 1808 1812 1,700,003 During the period from 1814 to 1819 the renewal of the Charter took place, and some of the restric tions were removed, and the exports rose. The average of these years, from 1814 to 1819, was 2,100,000/. In the year 1819 the amount was 4 2,800,000/. From 1820 to 1825 the average was 4,800,0001., and in the year 1827 the amount was 5,800,000/. From these details it would be observed that during the first period, whilst the restrictions were in full force, there was a constant falling off in the amount of the exports; but in the latter period, since the trade had been in some degree open, there was a gradual increase. That the predictions hazarded when the question was under discussion were not justified was to be ascribed entirely to the private trade, and in no re. speet to the trade carried on by the East India Com pany. He would now refer to one or two of the articles in which the greatest increase had taken place. The most important increase, perhaps, was in the article of manufactured cottons. The total amount of cottons exported to India in 1814 was 818,000 yards, and in the year 1828 no less than 43,500,000 yards of cotton were exported to India. The value of the cotton exported in 1814 was 90,000/., whilst the value in 1828 was 1,900,000/, although, as every one was aware, there had been a considerable fall in the value of the manufactured ar ticle. The various descriptions of cotton.had been exported in the following proportions :—ln 1814, the quantity of white cottons exported was 213,000 yards. In 1828, the quantity of white cottons was 2,300,000 yards. In 1814, the quantity of coloured cottons was 608,000 yards. In 1828, the quantity of coloured cottons was 12,060,000 yards. As to cotton twist the increase of exportation was still more astonishing. In 1814, which was the first year of the opening of the trade, only Blbs. of cot ton twist was exported ; and, in 1828, 4,587,0001b5. of cotton twist was exported. He mentioned these facts merely to show that there was sufficient ground for inquiry, and he would not tire the House by continuing those details.—( Hear, hear.)—When the trade had increased to so large an extent it would well become the House to inquire whether it could not be extended still more. The great and sudden growth of the trade set calculation at defiance. He believed that nothing, in fact, was yet known of this trade; and his own opinion was, that no as signable limits could be put to its extension, pro vided only that the means were provided for the profitable investment of capital in India, so that the ability to give a return might be in proportion to the increase of consump tion. There was no prejudice existing in the minds of the people to prevent them from pur chasing the manufactures of this country, and there was no bar or impediment to an immense extension of the export trade, except the difficulty which the inhabitants of India might find in giving a return for the commodities they consumed in the way of imports suitable to our wants. It was only right to state that the increase in the imports had not borne a fair proportion to the increase of the exports. The official average value of the imports from India, from 1790 to 1795, was 3,800,0004, and the official value of the imports in 1827 was 8,343,0001. The growth of the import trade, therefore, was not so sudden or so great as the growth of the export trade. In 1814 the official value of the imports was x,890,0001., and, as he had a l rea d y state d , i n 1827, it was 8,343,0001. The growth of the export trade bad been fourfold; but the import trade had not grown tip in the same proportion, the increase since t h e renewal of the charter being only about 1,000,0001. official value. It was also to be con sidered that the improvement of the articles pro ' duced in India did not bear any proportion to the increased production. The fact was, that no im provement had taken place in any of the articles produced with the exception of indigo. Not many years ago the indigo imported from India was so bad that it was scarcely saleable. It was now the very best of that kind of drug, being of a better quality than that produced in South America. — Forty years ago this country was supplied with this valuable drug from foreign countries ;. but by means of our Indian possessions we were now enabled to supply all Europe. Indigo, however, as lie before observed, was the sole article produced in India, in the manufacture of which an improvement had taken place. This was entirely owing to the permission to expend capital in the cultivation, and he had no doubt that if permission was granted to expend capital on other articles of Indian produce, and that if the like care was taken in the cultivation, the result would be precisely similar. The climate, the soil, and the low rate of wages, were circumstances fa vourable to every article of trOpical•and colonial pro duce. All that was required was the necessary ex ; penditure of capi tal, and the Consequent increase of care \ `• • PN, 106 and sup&intendence. The next article of produce to which he should refer was that- of cotton, on which he had already made some observations. The quality of the cotton imported from India had not improved to any considerable degree, though there was a considerable increase in the quantityimported. There could be no difficulty, however, in devising means for improving the quality of this article of produce if capital was to be applied for that pur pose. In the year 1814 the quantity of raw cotton imported from India was 3,000,000 lbs., and in 1828 the quantity imported had increased to 32,000,000 lbs. To revert again to the quality of this article he might state that the fact was, that the best India cotton was inferior to the worst American cotton, and that in some instances the difference in price between East India cotton and American cotton was as great as 100 per cent. The fact was, that no care was taken in the cultivation of the article, or in cleansing it from dirt, which greatly reduced its value. There was no doubt, however, that the quality of the article would be greatly and imme diately improved if British capital and machinery were employed in the production.—(Hear, hear.) — He had already stated that a very considerable pro portion of the raw material employed in the cotton manufacture of this country was drawn from Ame rica. The whole quantity of raw cotton imported into this country was 197,000,0001b5., and 151,000,0001b5, was imported from America. Considering the present state of our commercial re lation with the United States, to which he had already adverted, it wan most desirable for the future prospects of this country that there should be no impediment to the produc tion of cotton in our own Colonies. The next article to which he should call the attention of the House was that of sugar, in the import of which there had been some increase. In 1814 the quantity of sugar imported was 490,000 cwts., and in 1828 the im portation had increased to 516,000 cwts. It was an extraordinary fact, however, that of this quantity sti large a proportion as 300,000 cwts. was produced in the small settlement of the Mauritius, which was only to be accounted for by the fact that there was not the same impediments to the employment of capital and skill towards the production of sugar in the Mauritius as in the other parts of India. The effect of the absence of impediments in the Maud tills was proved by the fact, that within the last eight years two hundred sugar-mills were sent from this country to the Mauritius, and not one to India. —(Hear.)--Nothing was more rude than the ma chinery now used in the manufacture of sugar in British India. The produce of sugar was not defi cient, but there was a great deficiency in the manu facture. In the article of silk the produce of India was as much inferior as the produce of other articles in that country. The import of this article had not greatly increased. In 1814 the quantity imported was 1,100,00011)s. weight, and in 1828 the quantity imported was 1,417,0001b5. The fact was, that the raw silk produced in India was inferior to that pro duced in any part of Europe. The price given for the silk imported from India was 18s. per lb., whilst the silk of Italy sold in this country for 28s. per lb. He had no doubt, however, that if a settle merit was allowed to British subjects in India, and . that British capital and skill were directed to the pro duction of the article, silk to the largest extent, and of the very best quality, might be produced and drawn from that country. If English subjects were prevented from settling in India his conviction was, that the im port trade could not be extended much further, but would remain pretty much as it was at present. By adopting the opposite and the more generous policy, however, and permitting the subjects of this coun try to settle in India, he was convinced that the trade might be carried to any extent that might be desirable. There was an extent of country of 128,000,000 square miles, and 134,000,000 of in habitants, including the subjects of those Princes who were tributary to the British Government; and therefore he was warranted in saying that the productive powers of such a country might be in creased to an almost unlimited extent. Hitherto, however, it had been the policy of the Government to prevent British subjects from holding or poisess ing land in India, and a similar policy, he ventured to say, had never been pursued by any conntry but this. There was no policy more conducive to the absence of civilization and tknowledge than such a pro hibition, which was directly opposed to the system adopted by all other countries, ancient and modern, having large and distant colonial possessions. He was satisfied that ancient Rome would never have ex tended her empire or held it so long had she not encouraged civilization or settlement in her con quered provinces. The Russian empire, that vast colossus, could net have kept the members of that great empire together if the Government did not pursue a different course from that which England pursued with respect to its Indian posiessions. Looking to the origin of the restrictions to the set tlement of Englishmen in the East Indies it was found to have originated in monopoly. It was now contend ed, however, that the continuance of those regulations was necessary to the happiness of the natives, than which no argument could be more stupid and unfound ed. The only mode of ameliorating the condition of the native inhabitants was by removing the present re strictions and prohibitions. The settlement of Bri tish subjects would at once improve the condition of the present inhabitants, who would acquire know ledge, good habits, and cultivation, and civilization would speedily give place to the state of barbarism which at present existed. The only object hitherto appeared to be to preserve the monopoly. Nobody dreamt of any thing else but to keep up that anoma lous system of rule which made the government partly a trader and partly a sovereign. The very name given to those persons who went to India without a license from the Government was suffi ciently expressive of the light in which they were held—they were called interlopers. With a view of preserving arid extending commerce and benefit ing the people of India, the Government of this country was bound to do away with those most un just restrictions. Unless this was done, it would be impossible to govern the vast empire of India in a cheap and effectual way. The total ignorance in which they now were as to the habits and feelings of the people whom they were called upon to rule over, would prevent them from legislating advan tageously whilst the present system of prohibition was kept up. [The Hon. Gentleman here read an extract from the evidence of Sir Henry Strachey lbefore a Committee'of the House in 1810, in which he stated that the ignorance of the Legislature as to the habits and castes of the people of India must prevent them from knowing upon what principle they should legislate.]—This was the opinion of a most distinguished individual who had been a judge in India, and was well acquainted with the habits and condititions of the people of that empire. This extreme ignorance of the' feelings, habits, and dispositions of the people must necessarily be pro ductive of many evil:, and the only course which they could pursue to obviate it was, in his opinion, to establish settlements of Europeans in that coun try. He was aware that many Hon. Gentlemen thought that this forming of a settlement, would tend to weaken the connection between this country and India; but such would be the mutual course which must ensue that it was his full conviction that it would greatly increase the strength of that convic tion. Ai present they held India by a single thread—they would then hold it by a cable. He knew that either of those ties might, by a sudden effort, be snapped asunder, or in the course of time might wear away; but if the object of the British Legislature was really to make the connection .permanent there was only one course for them to adopt, and that was at once to remove all the absurd restrictions which at present existed. He was told that this system would be injurious to thi people of India. In reply to that assertion he would beg to revert to one fact. The House knew that at the time of the emancipation of South America, there was a very large share of British capital embarked in trade in that country, the greater part of whiCh unfortu natelylc d s e t. wi l t f h India, as with South they had at that time been was allowed t otrade America—unrestricted —that capital would, instead ' of having been thrown away in the lath country, been productive of much benefit here the owners by commerce with the refi ne "' Twenty millions of capital would have been p rod" tive of incalculable good in India, and iustead of P re' venting the improvement of the people, would, be c , !ssarily produce it. Would any one say that to, improvement of Ireland would be prevented hi ? lowing English capital to flow into that count/. The effects in India would be the same. This dei trine was, he contended, a downright absurdityisroi had its origin in monopoly of trade on the P. Le , the East India Company. If the object of thei gislature now was to continue that mOOOPe . 11 ', it one would be more ready to admit than he tlit!' be would be wise—it would be prudent-Lit woule necessary, to pursue the same course which had bee ch adopted when monopoly was the principle on %/Li,' they acted; but they had decided in 181 3, c . they granted the last charter, that monop ol y dw e. not the principle on which they were to act, a" • le thought they were bound to bring this real princi p into effect. A removal of the restriction s w h ich were complained of being the only source who he the improvement of the people could sP ri , t ,l / m its: thought it was the duty of the House to t e per steps for that purpose, He would not dweiy any longer upon that part of the subject buttlne.l.o, to say that, if the Committee which ire slxna t. fg, the honour of moving for should be adopteu?. o; would be their duty to make all the ne cessari_,. / 0 quiries into it, as it was a subject which ii'u' o f . d occupy much time; and, as there were parts it on which full information could not be accelr e ot without procuring it from India, he thought it °di, desirable they should enter upon the inquiry infil le he ate. It was for this reason that he was anx ious.t Committee should be appointed now; for,though -tbe 4 could not carry on their inqniries to any great ext.fdd this Session, they might make a commenceme nt, lay the ground-work for entering on the matter isibe spirit next Session. There were, he thouffht to t g • House would admit, strong grounds for urg le t t ,so . the Committee should be appointed at present. t o came now to the other part of the question fi ' o e • fete was between this country and China. The 1 was aware that that trade was at present a COP-V monopoly in the hands of the East India C° ll . l /I . ll jo No British vessels were allowed to trade there• this coneviyg y the earlier periods of the connection of with the east such was not the case; they 00 then been excluded as they w e re tit present. ,C hing seventeenth century there were four polls it % and . open to them, as well as the island s of Saitt'''' it was only on the introduction of companieS,r:„ii cularly those of this country, that j ea lousies which first restricted and gradually excluded.9eg from commerce with those countries. At P re el # there was only one port open to th e m, that 01, Y .7- ton. From the kingdom of Siam, Cochin Chill' and the entire empire of Japan, they were,Pf li t l o ' excluded, the only port which remained open: h them being a miserable Dutch captive, from I v hd ow‘ no benefit could be derived. The details f matters had been developed in an admirable ina'*;,: e , by a gentleman to whom both India an dthis - coc i t were much indebted—he meant Mr. Craw l ai There was, he contended, not the shadow of 0 11 ;0 for continuing the present system. He would r ,tio the amount of the exports of this country to 4 1 10. for the several years since the commencement e!'„ e ll present century, by which it would appear ho:v t l trade had deteriorated in consequence of that sYsert's From the year 1801 to 1810. the amount of eltto , annually was 1,152,0001.; from the. year 18 ,%; , -it 1823, it was 780,0001,; and from 1823 to 1 8 d was 682,0001.; in the year 1827, 493,0001.„te; 1 " . " in the year 1828, 863,0004 It appeared , t hat fore, taking the average of the last two yeat*l.Ar to' there had been a falling off, since the firstPett"',4, which he had alluded, of ninety per Cent. tl,e' i t e - 0 , that, as the value of the' goods exported had „'l.• there must of course be a reduction . ; . ‘ bOtif e•F__P l,3 ,;'d lowing for that reduction, th would find therL",, a , been a falling off of more than forty per cent. Vv: r c i they reflected that thi whole trade to-which ben, referred was in their h an d s , and when this grell'Alg, ing off, compared with the genera l trade:t o : lll ")., -7 was considered, he must necess ar ily come . to 'conclusion that there was net the facility 01 4 ; ing on that trade which ought to exist. He Ic rie e - 0 that, according to the charter which had' *el.., granted in 1813, unless some arrangement we,t made ith the Company, they could not hope "0 any alteration at present. But he ihotight t itself a strong reason for paying early attentleal M'o t he were subject, and for consideriug whether, wI ae present charter should have expired, there grounds for continuing so odious a, system. Herth w•00 aware that it was objected that the trade could not be carried on by private merchants, re consequence of the prejudices of the people.; but I I had the authority of a gentleman of deep 4 .1 1 1 4 1 1.. and great information OR - thoie matters , (tir ' With burn), for stating that there was no country which trade could be carried on so eaSily.The,ll9.,"l6ll of the people werein favour of it, for they *F re nj j - 50 addicted to trade, their number amouniMit r ded millions, and the climate of their countrl.w e ',7, - Aere facility for trade. They would likewise fin u 'I: . s of interest as well as inclination to take.almes` less produce of this country, and would certainly be, 0 .. mere unwilling to carry on trade with private erobenitii whose interest it would be to secure their trade !I T , a great company whom they looked upon as e 0 conquerors of a neighbouring country. But e l d, n, suppo sing ith there China—supposing were t h they in the .way ool o ig f eu tl : t o o enter the port of Canton in armed vessels,'and ty 0 they should find the people anxious to carry in' iyte 0 trade with the Company in preference,to pr a dividuals—still those objections did not:weig ll .o , feature against his arguments; for they,had,to." 0 e C . peli rr en c c a eo i ed on through countriesfall the tos hatvthatmediumof a trade rally n rium, and t his . emporium at present existed - rot' ibe i ) s uti l: ltca n kr‘ d v, at o iset f absd S rio i dl n uv e gen a rho p ett o g r fo e rrbo . olmlivg With respect to tea, in P to o e a i d u co t n o t shi be ee provincer across the country, and the green teas to , be.7 t- oid ported 700 or 800 miles by sea to CartOni • • • ace' those teas, being produced in maritime Pre/ 1 -. 3 0. might be brought as cheap from those provi' in- oil' conveyed.a be di staof3c6:::::; the island of Sincapore as to the port of 1l the With regard to Sincapore, he wished tOIvC attention of the House to the rapid 101.__,11)- and ment which had taken place in that' isloileity the great increase of population.. Since been troduction of trade in the year 1819, it .h#r i - l ion almost a desert. In the year 1824, e nd , the:POO amounted to 10,000, and in 1827 to 13,009 f o rto including the military, to 16,000. The:o l % tO and imports of Sincapore at present a ni ottat e e ns two millions. He wished to refer to a :staPe z rai which had been made with regard _to .thisib.,_ lo l be the same intelligent individual to - whom-he 'W her e fore referred. (The Honourable Gentletileti , 0 read an extract from a pamphlet in Corrobor4A . h o, - d his assertion of the vast itnprovemeni:.Wk lsw- . re' taken place in the island of. Sincapore.).- o ft peatcd, that, even if they were prevented.frO l tthol rying on trade with the ports of China, tS.ei, A9 r only to direct the produce of the country to. # O P" -, Aot channel. The quantity of th e .p ro duce iir o f country which was imported into England.wo s ' st ot considerable. The imports of. tea alone durin_ fi g ,00 117 year amounted to 31,000,0001b5., and he ' 10, doubt that it would be double, or, perhaps that if private individuals were allowed to 40.164, was with no little surprise he had heard. an ,• Member state the other night that the. price 9, 4 ', 1 0 was lower at present, and the quality superior,nh , if private merchants were permitted to. trade. an assertion he had never before heard inad:Pii.e. he was satisfied that if an investigation took P;l 1 ; and full information be inquir e d on. be' subjeer? i be House would hear no more such assertions. 0 t i b o s n . s There rted, werea nd n i n o the it 0 r y e e d a subject of the price of tea he , had only;4oia t ti7c4f. l l in the year 1814 , there were twenty-sit thirty-one '" millions' of iris., the 'price of whlc l , l B . l 4,2.54,000/. This, according to the prices Care''' . - ) 1 ; 1 ' rher..