The Sun. — London, England, 1858-08-27 00:00:00

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE. Under the Management of Mr. Charles Bean. Last Week but Ole of the Present Season, and Last Nights of " The Merchant of Venice." THIS EVENING will be presented Shakspere's Play of THE MERCHANT OF VENICE : Shylock, by Mr. C. Sean ; Portia, by mrs. C. Bean. Preceded by the Farce of LIVING TOO FAST. ROYAL LYCEUM THEATRE. Manager, Mr. Edmund Falconer. THIS EVENING, Thursday, August 26 th , w ill be produced a New and Original Comedy, entitled EXTREME S ; or, Men of the Day; in which Mr. Emery, Mr. James Rogers, Mr. Barrett, Mr. E. Falconer, Mrs. Charles Young, Mrs. Weston, and Miss Kate Saxon, will appear. After which, the Farce of THE DANCING BARBER ; Fitsfuggle, Mr. James Rogers. Doors open at half-past 6, to cora lance at 7. Box-office open from 'LI to 5 daily. ROYAL STRAND TITEA.TRE. Lessee and Directress, Miss Swanborough. Last Two Nights of the Present Season. THIS EVENING, ASMODEITS : by Mr. Belford and Miss Marie Wilton. After which, A LOVER BY PROXY BO XY . b Messrs. Belford, J. Clarke, Miss M. Wilton, and Mrs. Melville. To conclude with DEA? AS A POST : Miss M. Wilton and Mrs. Melville. CANTERBURY HALL, Westminster-road. OPEN EVERY EVENIN he following company of Vo calists are eagaged for the performance of Seleetions from all the popular OPERAS, MADRIGALS , CHORUSES, GLEES, DUETS, Sze., Miss Ray, Madame viz.; Miss Russell, Mrs. Badsey, Miss Brunell, Bartoletti, Miss Montague, Mrs. Lawrence, and Mrs. Anderson ; Herr F. Jonghmans, Renshaw nes, J. Barker, W. Melling, enor Antonio, E. L. Hime, V Bade, Senor Tiroli, Mr. Cozens, Mr. Bell, Mr. Barnard, and Mr. St. Aibyn. Mr. John G. Forde, and E. W. Mackpey. Pianoforte, Mr. Cecil Hicks ; harmonium, Mr. Courtnay ; Director, Herr F. Jonghmans. Commence at seven 'clock precisely. Suppers, Sze., until twelve o'clock. THE WEATHER—SUN OFFICE, AUGUST 27. THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE. 66—highest since noon yesterday. 58—lowest this morning and during the night. 63—this day at noon. BAROMETER, 29.96. WIND, North-Westerly ; light, with dull weather. 110 . 0 , 111 „,""- THE SUN. FRIDAY, AUGUST 27, 1858. Count PIRSIGNY now regards the relative position of England and France in a much clearer point of view than when making the celebrated speech which cost him his appointment as Ambassador to the Court of St James's. We do not believe that he then expressed his own opinions, but rather spoke in ac cordance with instructions from head-quarters. He was to well acquainted with England and the Eng lish, knew too well the peculiarities of our national character, to suppose that threats or blustering would produce the desired effect. He had resided amongst us as a refugee, had enjoyed that hospitality against which Count DE MORNY had railed, which Count WALEwsm required to be abolished, and the French colonels desired to be permitted to uproot et amis. He was well aware that England would expend her last man and her last shilling before she would abandon the un fortunate exiles who sought a sanctuary on her shores. He knew that he was tossed on the horns of a dilemma, that he should offend either the Eng lish people or the French Government, and he selected the former as the lesser evil of the two. It was ill both for Lord PALMERSTON and himself that he harked in with the French cry of the moment. It upset the Government of the former and consigned him to private life, probably for the remainder of his existence, and it deprived the latter of his snug quarters at Albert-gate, and the liberal means supplied to maintain the dignity of the representative of the EMPEROR. We believe, however, that M. DE PER SIGNY was the victim of circumstances; that no French statesman more fully appreciated the value of the English alliance, or understood the dangerou-1 nature of the course adopted than himself; and it was with profound regret that the English people were compelled to acquiesce in the propriety of his retire meat from the exalted station he had previously occupied with so much credit to himself and advan tage to his country. He has now come forward handsomely to make the oinentle honorable, and to bear his willing and un exceptionable testimony, not only to the value of the French and English alliance, but to the healthy and honourable feeling of the English people, and the manner in which they were led to modify their views. He acknowledges the coldness that sprung up —a coldness that might have led to very fiery results. But he very sensibly remarks—" It is a fact, gentle men, that the interests of the two peoples are at present so closely connected that it would be diffi cult, even for the blindest passions, to cause a com plete rupture between them, Th:s communion of interests has, in fact, become such, that were London or Paris to be burnt to-morrow, the two countries would mutually have to suffer immense commercial losses. Whilst a similar catastrophe visiting Berlin, Vienna, or St. Petersburg,, would only excite our commiseration ; in London, on the contrary, such a calamity would strike almost as heavy a blow at our interests as if Paris itself were destroyed. Now, when two nations are so intimately bound up toge ther, they are evidently destined become even more closely united than they are at present." This is true wisdom. Mutual interest will cement and consolidate friendship, and we shall not feel dis posed to quarrel with those with whom we carry on profitable dealings. But there are other points on which France may desire to cultivate and maintain friendship, and which M. DE PERSIGNY clearly and distinctly explained. He said, " Let us then first examine what advantages France may reap from her alliance with England. With England, we are masters of the seas, and therefore have no aggression to appre hend on our frontiers. No coalition can ever be formed against us, and the peace of Europe is 'assured as long as we have England for an ally. Our country, therefore, may give its undivided atten tion to the development of its internal resources, free frcurn any anxiety, and complete the consolidation of its institutions without any apprehension. Our ma tei'ial rivality with England ceased when she threw op en her immense colonies to our commerce as well as to her own ; it will not be her fault if, by adher in; to our present system of high-priced production, we! show ourselves incapable of availing ourselves of the advantages within our reach." This is so strikingly correct that it requires no argu meats to establish the accuracy of statements that carry conviction with them. Nor is the inte rest of England less obvious. He puts the matter in a very striking point of view when he says—" In 18 14 and 1815 she succeeded in conquering the colo ni:s1 and maritime supremacy which formed the ob ject of her desires, and to which she seemed as it VIE we predestined by her insular position, and by the natural tastes of her inhabitants. That supremacy she. now enjoys without dispute, and she confesses that in the case of a new conflict with us, even if (which GOD forbid!) the fate of battles bad fresh disasters in store for France, the only result for her would , be to retain possession of what E h e is now mistress, that is, her maritime and colonial supremacy. England would, therefore, have everything to lose and nothing to gain by a war with France. By a complete transformation o f h er interests the situation of England at the present day may be said to be th is • that her desire to remain o n friendly terms with Franceequ.als her h is t ostility to- he desire wards us forty years ag ite minim o. S), indeed, o of England not to disconnect fter interests fr m own, that in two grave circ umstances on u-leteriningur she coo cue to join us in making war, and then p sulted our position rather than her own. These are important truths that should be under stood by every straightforward and honourable man in both countries. It is for the benefit of humanity, the progress of civilisation, and the welfare and happiness of mankind, that France and England should remain united — that the entente cordiale between the nations should not be lessened by any unfortunate betiserie on either side. Such, however, did occur, in consequence of what. M. de PERSIGNY terms " a series of misunder standings on both sides of the Channel." But his own statements do not quite establish the conclusion as to there being faults on both:sides. He admits that " On the receipt of the intelligence of the attempt of January 14th, England was unanimous in branding it as a hateful crime. At that period the real Eng- lish public—• Rho in reality govern and rule the state who are used to see order arising from most disorderly agitations, to disdain all the excesses of the press, to beware, in fact, of all the exaggerations of unlimited freedom—the British public, I say, knew nothing of the attempts previously organised in England against the Emperor's life, nor of the doctrines professed by a portion of th e refugees ; the British public was sincerely as ignorant as it was innocent of all those infamou s attempts. It was, therefore, with the most painful as Itonishment that it fancied, assuredly without rea son (1), that it detected in speeches delivered in Paris under the feeling of indignation which the late attempt had aroused, a disposition on the part of France to consider England as responsible for the attempt, and to throw upon her the odium of being a party to the crime. From that moment public opinion in England suddenly came to a stand in the midst of the manifestations by which the crime was being branded throughout the length and breadth of the land." The change in the passport system also caused natural annoyance, for it was felt to be aimed at ourselves—neither more nor less, in fact, than an expression of distrust. It must, at all events, be ad mitted that the time selected for the change was peculiarly infelicitous. We hail the able and truth ful speech of Count DE PERSIGNY with sincere plea sure, convinced that it conveys an accurate view of the feelings of both countries, viz., " That there is no interest, no serious question at issue between the two Governments, that the simplest exercise of common sense cannot satisfactorily solve, and that thus it only rests with us to maintain an alliance so advantageous for the two peoples." Although the satisfaction excited in the minds and hearts of reflective men in these islands, by the suc cessful completion of the grandest of all the grand submarine telegraphic enterprizes, may have been less uproarious than that expressed by all classes in the United States immediately upon the announce ment of the great exploit, it has in no way been less profound, less sincere, or less comprehensive. While Englishmen remained dumb at the first tidings, Americans, wherever the news spread among them, broke forth into instantaneous acclamations. Church bells were rung, cannon fired, flags unfurled—there were banquets, balls, and torchlight processions. Speeches were delivered by heads of corpora tions. Sermons were addressed by enthusiastic clergymen to their flocks. Cousin JONATHAN was half-wild with pleasurable excitement. And no wonder. He had ample reason, in all con science. The intelligence thus welcomed spontane ously by the multitude of free citizens all through the States was in truth, as one of the chief function aries on the opposite shores of the Atlantic said through that magical talking-wire trailed across the unfathomable abysses of two thousand miles of salt water—far more glorious tidings than any ever bruited abroad in regard to some sanguinary victory gained upon the battle-field. The ardour of the United States' men is in truth a thing to be respected—an outburst of feeling in the impassioned fervour of which there is not one generous-hearted inhabitant of Great Britain who has not already sympathised to the very uttermost. Meanwhile JOHN BULL has been quietly enjoying the luxury of an apparently appath etic brooding over his great achievement. Days and nights passed and not a single church bell has tinkled, not a single banner has been displayed, not a pinch of gunpowder has been exploded. JOHN bad actually accomplished what he had been so long anxiously bent upon accomplishing. And having coiled up the end of the cable at Valen tia, and received news, through it, that everything was going on satisfactorily at Newfoundland — having seen all taught, put the entire machinery of the telegraph in gear—he sat down to have a good think over his doings—over what had been done and what there yet remained to do. Both—considerable. The actual achievement certainly immense—scarcely at this moment quite conceivable. The residue of work of the like kind, vast and complicated, to an extent beyond very ready computation. At length we are waking up from our reverie. A con gratulatory banquet is to be given to Mr. BRIGHT, the principal engineer of the expedition, at Dublin, on the Ist of September. A similar demonstra tion is being set on foot at Liverpool. There cannot be much question that another and yet grander movement of the same kind will begin before long to be prepared in earnest by the good citizens of London and Westminster. Atter the exultatio❑ natural under the circumstances has been indulged in—then will come the hard work yet in store fin us in regard to the paying out and laying down of these submarine cables. By the time the last toast has been cheered, and the last bumper quaffed at these banquets of congratulation, we shall hope to see good earnest given of an energetic resolve on the part of Englishmen generally—English speculators, and English merchants, and English engineers, backed by a patriotic English Government—to carry out elsewhere far and wide the magnificent system inaugurated so gloriously and triumphantly by the completion of the submarine enterprise between England and America, uniting by means of the line threading the bed of the Atlantic the two great hemispheres. Literally no impediment whatever stands in the way, in regard to mere distance, in any part of the globe—east, west, north, or south —now that we have succeeded, by one enterprise, in vanquishing an ocean-breath of two thousand miles from point to point, from Valentia to Newfoundland. Nowhere else, either in the old world or the new, i 9 there any such gap as this to be spanned, any such unbroken interval to be traversed. Elsewhere the task, to be sure, is, to all intents and purposes, easy by comparison. Having satisfactorily laid down so many thousand miles of wire in one continuous length under the Atlantic, we may set resolutely to with a heart and with a will—to the gigantic but facile toil still lying before us, that of laying down a whole net-work of telegra phic wires and cables, stretching hither and thither, under seas and gulfs, through straits, across isthmuses, alike over continent and peninsula, and in unseen loops from island to island through the whole chain of a vast and scattered Archipelago. It is not a day-dream nowadays—the notion of the time coming when England may hold instantaneous communication at pleasure with the whole of her enormous and scattered possessions, to t he east with Hong Kong, to the west with British Columbia, nor th wa rds with the Red River Settlement, southwards even to our antipodes in Australia. It has happily become now merely a question of time and money. It will cost so much and so much—directly we can make up our minds about the extent of the disbursements it is done. We have only to manufacture so many hundreds of thousands of miles of gutta percha cable, with a copper core to it—to coil the rope up safely on board appropriate steam-vessels—to pay it out according to an approved system—to keep our eyes open and our wits about us, while we are going through these momentous labours—and the achieve ment, wonderful from first to last, scarcely com prehensible from first to last, is, as rapidly as we please, accomplished. It was whimsically to h retmarked by Boz when he paid his famous all about it States and then came home and told us out it in his Am er i can N the A l c l h r a i r g a h c characteristic s tii in i oetses of fo Britishcoaehmen as of ther General e Yankee nera Circulation—thatla ntth e t he two peoples a r e —i n England— „ America—" Go-a-head 1" It would be well in regar d to the acce l e ration of the mere speed of our d oin g s here in England if —now that (Tons and JONATHAN thrill smpathetically to the same nerve trailled along the be of the Atlantic— the former were to take an obv d ious hint from the latter—linking the incentive to the consolation. A very interesting trial has just taken place in Liverpool, involving questions of the deepest impor tance to the commercial community. It was an action brought against the manag;ng director of the THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, AUGUST 27, 1858. Liverpool Borough Bank by two persons who, on the faith of a report to which he was a party, were induced to purchase shares in that unfortunate con cern, and thus not only lost the amount of their ori ginal investment, but had to pay large calls in order to liquidate the claims to which it was liable, in addi tion to the entire sacrifice of the paid-up capital. Mr. EDWARD JAMES, Q.C., stated the case with his usual felicity, and his powerful and convincing arguments no doubt greatly affected the verdict, which was subsequently unhesitatingly returned for the full amount claimed. Mr. JAMES detailed a series of proceedings calculated to show that the directors must have been cognisant of the insolvent condition of the establishment at the time when they were putting forward a report declaring a handsome dividend out of profits, after applying a certain proportion thereof to the liquidation of bad debts. The plaintiffs, influenced by the false and fraudulent statements contained in that report, purchased ten shares in the con cern. But for that they would have saved their money and been exempted from great vexation and annoyance. They, therefore, sought to make one of the parties who lured them into the trap responsible for the amount of their losses, and a British jury, with the cordial concurrence of a Bri tish judge, have affirmed the justice of the demand. It is impossible to over-rate the importance of this decision. It will act as a warning to the whole coun try, more especially to gentlemen who have taken to the director line. They will learn that they cannot " cook accounts" with impunity, or send forth highly-spiced statements to take in gudgeons, who rise eagerly at the tempting bait. Of course there may be legal points to be argued before the matter is finally decided. One so " cunning of fence" as the Attorney-General may pos sibly contrive to pick some hole in the proceedings. But there can be no doubt or diffi culty in a moral point of view, and every straight forward man of business will rejoice at the decision which declares that Messrs. SCOTT and ROBINSON shall be reimbursed their losses by one (although by no means the most guilty) of the parties to the men dacious report. BIRTHDAY OF HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE CONSORT. Yesterday was the birthday of his Royal Highness the Prince Consort, which was celebrated by the usual ob servances. The tradespeople of his royal highness, as customary on the anniversary, illuminated their respective residences. At Windsor the bells of the Chapel Royal and St. John's Church sent forth merry peals throughout the day. At noon a royal salute was fired in the Long Walk by the royal bombardier. There was also a royal salute fired from Fort Belvidere in the Great Park, which was answered by the Royal Adelaide frigate on Virginia Water. In the evening, the mayor and corporation, with their friends, dined to gether at the Castle Hotel—his worship in the chair—in celebration of the auspicious event, two royal bucks from the Great Park and a handsome dessert from the royal gardens being kindly supplied by command of her Majesty. The wines were of the most choice description; and the din ner was served by Mr. Sheriff in his customary style of excellence. The houses of the royal tradespeople were illuminated in the evening. DRURY-LANE THEATRE. This theatre commenced on . Monday a brief season of six nights, for a purpose which must needs be highly interest ing to a large class of playgoers. Mr. James Anderson, for merly lessee of the theatre, and one of our most favourite ac tors, designs to leave England for a considerable period, and to complete his fortunes in California, Australia, and the Sandwich Islands, where the highest talent has yet an arena open to competition and exertion. Previous to his departure, he resolved on having six farewell nights on the scene of his triumphs, and selected three plays for the occa sion, namely, " Ingomar," " The Lady of Lyons," and " Macbeth." Friendly professionals crowded round at bis summons, and he has been enabled to command extraordinary aid in carrying out his purpose. Miss Elswortby, Mrs. Hugh Campbell, Mrs. R. Honner,and Mrs. T. Dowton, united with John Douglas, of the Standard Theatre, Mr. Barrett, Mr. J. Reynolds, Mr. Mac Lean, and others, in support of his experiment. The series of performances commenced with ‘. Ingomar." For the production of this fine Flay on the English stage we are indebted to Mr. Anderson. To his taste, judgment, and enterprise are due its selections, its illustrations, and its success. Mr. Anderson at once stamped the wild hero for his own, and was so skilful in delineating the progress of love and civilisation in the different phases of the character, that among his numerous imitators since he has not fairly fdt.nd a rival. We can scarcely imagine anything richer in colour, more decided in outline. Last night his acting was full of spirit, eneigv, and fire. He dashed through the part like an untamed horse of the prairie—his neck was indeed clothed with thunder, and he rejoiced at the sound of the battle. But a change comes over the untutored mind. Beauty presents herself, and the charmed animal is spell-bound by the celestial influence, and converted to tenderness, submission, and civility. We have said that Miss Elsworthy was engaged, and to her naturally fell the interesting character of Barthenia. This ' yourg lady has lately made rapid improvement in her pro fession, and now acts with au artist - like finish which is highly commendable. Her performance of the character was throughout excellent—in some points admirable. Mrs. Hugh Campbell, too, as the Massillon Mother, exerted herself to the utmost. She had evidently determined on making a character of the part, and succeeded triumphantly. Oa Mr Barrett's Myron it is not needful to dilate. He was always good as the poor armoureee representative, and now laboured to better the portrait. The whole play, in fact, was well acted. Not content with a peformance like this, Mr. Anderson had provided his patrons fur the same evening —equally first rate in its way—with the nautical drama of " Ben, the Boat swain," with the cerebrated John Douglass for his representa tive; it was a bonne bouche indeed. It is seldom that Mr. Douglass gratifies even his own audience with such a treat, and he has highly honoured Mr. Anderson by coming forward in his behalf. Ask Mr. T. P. Cooke (who, by the by, was in a private box until the finish) of Mr. Douglass' claims as a stage sailor, and you will find him acknowledge the Shoreditch manager as his superior. "Douglass," says he, "Is at the top of the ladder." In their respective ways these two great nautical artists are equal. The sailor of John Douglas is of the rougher order, with a big sea-heart in his bosom—beating like the ocean, as deep, as turbulent, as grand. His first burst on the stage as Ben is astounding. He upsets all that comes before him—over turns all opposition. None is a match for Ben. His hornpipe commencing the second act is literally entrancing. The audience of Monday felt it to be something unequalled. They applauded to the echo, for the wearied performer had indeed to repeat it. The enthusiasm was extreme—it was, as it were, a maddening delight. Then again his fight— wild, prolonged, ingenious, energetic, intricate, marvellous —maintained the house iu a state of feverish excitement, that it wished might still continue. And this state of stimu lated sensation never relaxes, but accumulates to the end of the piece. Whoever would enjoy a thorough kindling up of the animal spirits, let him go and witness John Douglass in "Ben the Boatswain." ROYAL YACHT SQUADRON INTRI.LI GENCE. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) COWES, AUG : 26. ARRITED. 20,h—The Firefly, Sir Henry Oglander, Bart., from Scotland, for the harbour, to lay up. 23.1 Wizard, William Delafield, Esq. ' from the westward. 25th —Tne Eugenie, Richa r d Frankland, Esq., from Torquay, last from Dartmouth; and the Maria, A. H. Davenport, Esq., from the westward ; the C o l um bi ne , Captain R. 11. Smith-Barry, from Brighton, b oun d f or Weymouth. 26th —The Arrow, Thomas Chamberlayne, Esq., from South ampton. SAILED.-Aug, 20th—The Petrel, Philip Perceval, Esq., i a Philip o L I i . R, Sir Powys, for the western ports. 21st—The Cecil, th e M arqu i s of fur Irtele aco Ireland. 25 th—Magnolia, C B o ee n h y e n r g , 11 B arn arl.; n both for the harbour, to lay up ; the Shark, Wm. Curling ' , Essi., for Torbay. YACHTS AT AND ABOUT THE STATION. —The Titania, Robert Stephenson, Esq., M.P. ; the Eugenie, Richard Frankland, Esq.; the Haidee, Henry Thorold, Esq.; the Nymph, Sir John Boyley, Bart. ; the Irene, E. C. Schole field, Esq.; the Beatrice, J. E. W. Rolls, Esq.; the Maria, A. H. Davenport, Esq. ; the Peri, F. Gran t I.umsden, Esq.; the Arrow, Thomas Cbamberlayne , E sq . ; the Claymore ; , the Hon. H. Rowley. The Hon. Mr. Cust has taken the Old Royal Yacht Squadron House for the season, and is expected at Cowes with his family en Tuesday next. Lady Charles Townshend has taken Cambridge-House. The Earl and Countess of Munster arrived at Cowes on Wednesday, and are in treaty for a house for the season. The town continues very full of company. Palace The t o D . d u a c y h f e o s r s RoifchlmnoNn,edr.ness will leave Kensington The Prince Krakinski and the Count de Serenyi have arrived at the Brunswick Hotel, Jermyn-street. The Earl and Countess Spencer have left Paris on a tour in Germany. st.TGheeorczaet,hewdirnadlsosre,rvwienelsbeastustpheendeCdhafrpoe Royal of ml this stime until the 12th September next, in order that the hot-air pipes may be laid down for warming the Royal Closet and d C n b i a Chapel will still i p n e g h this A pe t r o i o o r d n . ing w. s e e b rv el ic ie e ve w t il ti l e b ß e ny h a e l ld in thelibrary be shown to the public. THE PROPERTY OF THE ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH COMPANY OF IRELAND.—Yesterday at the auction mart, Bartholomew-lane, Messrs. Chinnock and Galsworthy, auctioneers, offered to public competition, with the approval of the Court of Chancery, the whole of the line, plant, and materials of the Electric Telegraph Company of Ireland. The eoonm t company company nmieopsv:asnbatysy-oiwfnwtalhersineceldhsaetnadadbi.looinsmnrhedeade thence n 1853 by Act of Parliament, and the line of telegraph as originally projected by the l ete fr i The line from Dublin , om continued DubD ub l i to byD o s n u a b g ni b a n d r Le e , telegraph inf to Port Patrick, in Scotland, to a point near commu nication would have been established between Dublin and offerto w n a Dumfriesds, made tao for r i e s a t tr a h n ep e eoprortfo property Patrick, kw il as i e n as t pml £soo, enteesd whiche' T-dhereadyortnehi only for business. In Scotland the line has been laid do n wnf m auctioneer characterised as a ridiculous offer, and the reserve price fixed by the Court of Chancery being much beyond this al - u, no sale was effected. b ; o r oi n o us o through completed oohm telegraphic .Belfast, elfs t to New LATEST INTELLIGENCE FRANCE. PARIS, THURSDAY, 6 P.M. Some French diplomatic changes have taken place, which will shortly be announced. M. Turgot is named Ambassador for Switzerland; M. de Fenelon, Minister at Frankfort ; M. Barrot, Ambassador at Madrid ; and M. de Montessny, Minister at Brussels. I observe the following wording in the Convention touching the Danubian Principalities :—" Les pro vinces Danubieunes de Moldavie et de Valachie soub constituees sous le titre de Principautes-unies." In point of fact, the more one becomes acquainted with the text of the Convention, the more does it appear that " the union," after all, has been acomplished, at least for all practical purposes. A letter frona Athens of the 20th states that the Porte has demanded the recall of the Greek Consul in Candia. That some active agents are at work through out the East, exciting Mahomedans against Christians, seems to be pretty evident, and every mail arriving at Marseilles brings us a proof of their success. Last night a telegraphic message reached Paris from Mar seilles, which says :—"Despatches from Greece state that disturbances have broken out at Heraclion, in Candia. Ten Christians were massacred. The irre gulars of Dervend Aga invaded the Greek frontier, but were driven back." Greece appears to be the ceitre of the intrigue. It is from that country that two classes of agents are said to be sent into Candia and over the frontiers of Thessaly. The one class is employed in persuading the Turks that the Western Powers want to drive all tlahomedans into Asia, so that no trace of the religion of the Prophet will exist in Europe. A second class of agents appear to be occupied in exciting the fears of the Christians. No doubt the bombardment of Jeddah will be made use of by those who seek to create confusion in the Turkish Empire. The correspondence which has reached me from Constantinople since the treaty of Paris unfortunately contains ample material for proving how many just complaints the enemies of Turkey possess to work on. The Sultan's desire to remove abuses is no doubt sincere, but his High . ness has no energy to set about governing the coun try, and boldly banish from office the corrupt men about him. Whilst he plays with the gaudy jewel lery of Jew dealers, and dreams of fairy palaces, his kingdom is falling into anarchy, and his very throne is being undermined. The desperate condi tion of Turkey has been long acknowledged by thost who know the country, and boldly proclaimed by all who desire to see its existence prolonged. Just now, I am assured, on the highest Turkish authority, a great effort is being made to arouse the Sultan to the dangers which surround him. Two of his most faithful ambassadors abroad have ventured to address his Highness about the financial frauds long practised on the Treasury. The Sultan is declared to have aroused himself from the dreams of a life dedicated to enervating pleasures, and is now employed in forming a new Ministry charged • with the inauguration of a new and reformed policy of administration. It is not too late to save the empire if the rulers of Turkey are sincere in their efforts, and have the courage to persevere against long-standing abuses. There is much to accomplish —the enemies of Turkey are domestic as well as foreign. Despatches which have reached Paris to-day inform us that the bombardment of Jeddah became known with wonderful rapidity throughout Turkey and Greece. It was reported that England and France had agreed to destroy the Tomb of the Prophet. So many absurd reports of this nature are in circulation as to have caused the Government of Constantinaple to despatch messengers to correct the falsehoods. Such events show how many enemies infest Turkey in all quarters of the empire. Some continental journals continue to assure us that indirect overtures have been made, on the part of the British Cabinet, to resume friendly relations with Naples. If true, it is difficult to imagine on what grounds such propositinns could have been en tertained. Does the inhuman treatment of Park and Watt justify an approach ? Does the mode in which King Ferdinand continues to govern his sub jects invite a British Minister to countenance, by his presence, continued acts of injustice and cruelty ? There surely can be no f3undation in these reports. It is to be hoped the Derby Cabinet will be able to satisfy its friends without creating an Embassy to Naples, which, under existing circumstances, would be simply humiliating the country to satisfy the de mands of place-hunters. Lord and Lady Palmerston were yesterday re ceived by the Emperor and Empress. To-day they dine with their Majesties at St. Cloud. I need scarcely add, nothing could be more cordial than the recep tion given to the Statesman who, during the war, exercised so much influence at the Tuileries, by his firmness in prosecuting a struggle from the conduct of which timid men on both sides of the Channel retired at the moment of danger. His Lordship occu pies apartments in the Hotel Bristol. The Duke de Malakoff arrived in Paris to-day. By the way, I learn that Mdlle.Valere de la Paniega is not a lady of 18, as some journals have asserted—" the very youthful bride ;" but a charming personage who must confess to some 32 or 33 years in the marriage contract. PARIS BOURSE. — The market has been buoyant for Rente, but large sales have been effected in rail way shares, and prices have become heavy. Threes have been done at 70fr. 20c. and 70fr. 40c.; Mo bilier varied from 765 fr. to 775 fr. ; Austrian, 647 fr. 50c. to 645 fr. ; Orleans, 1,357 fr. 50c. to 1,352 fr. 50e.; Lyons, 8301 r. to 826 fr. 25c. ; Eastern, 700 fr. to 697 fr. 50c. ; Northern, 960 fr. to 955 fr. ; and Southern, 557 fr. 50c. to 552 fr. 50c. The market became rather heavier towards the close, when the following were the quotations : Fr. Ct. ' 44 per Cents 97 35 Do. end of month Three per Cent. Do. end of month 69 30 Bank Shares 3,125 Credit Mobiller 770 Do. account - RAIL' Fr. CI Credit Foncier — Belgian 41 lOO 25 Piedmontese 5 9O 50 d Roman 9l Austrian 93 Spanish Threes 44 50 Home Debt 39 25 WAYS. Lash—Fr. Ct. Account—Fr. Ct. Orleans Northern New ditto Lyons and Mediterranean 826 25 . • 822 50 New ditto — - - Geneva Midi Western Eastern Grand Central Sardinian ........... ... Austrian. 612 50 550 - 625 - 697 50 445 - 642 50 GERMANY. Accounts from Vienna, says the Post Ampt Gazette of Frankfort, give the following information respect ing the purchase of the Southern Railroad It is intended to form a company with a capital of 2 a0,000,000fr. to purchase the Southern, Sissek, and Tyrol Railways, and to complete the line of Carinthia. It is said that no shares are to be issued, as the operation is to be effected by the Credit Institution of Vienna and the Credit Mobilier of Prance." The two following letters from Berlin, published respectively by the Debats and the Nord of Brussels, testify to the uncertain state of affairs produced by the illness of the King : " The Ultra-Conservative party is employing all its effurts to induce the Prince of Prussia to consent to a prolongation of the existing delegation. They even represent to him that the King can choose any member of the royal family as his delegate, and that he is not bound to select the heir presumptive. Prince Charles, second brother of the King, bas been named as likely to be charged with the Govern ment, and the selection of that prince would be agreeable to the Courts which desire to see the question of the Government regulated as a family affair ; the Courts being those of Austria, Bavaria, Saxony, and, it is said, Russia." The second letter says : " Not only does the King labour under illusions with re gard to his malady, Indulging in hopes of recovery which every one else has discarded, but he also considers governing the country in the light of a duty which he must fulfil to the last. It may therefore readily be conceived that it is not an easy matter to modify the King's opinion on these points. The Queen of Prussia has been applied to in t h is emergency—and the presence of Queen Victoria may also be useful in this case—the Queen of Prussia, I say, has been requested to undertake this delicate mission to her august consort. She alone can succeed, for the counsels which the King may receive from her will not give him umbrage. The Queen therefore will have to open the eyes of the august patient on a hard and melancholy necessity, and in this painful task she will perhaps be aided by Baron Manteuffel, who possesses the absolute confidence of the King." " The electoral movement in Prussia," says the German Journal of Frankfort, " is now beginning in all parts of the country, and manifestoes are being issued by the different parties into which public opinion is divided. The Prince of Prussia is desir ous that the Government should not exercise any in fluence over the elections ; the democratic party will nevertheless hesitate to take part in them, for, with out the vote of three degrees, it will be impossible for it to succeed. It is to the men of Gotha that it must this time abandon the electoral fielal." A letter from Grandeny, in Western Prussia, of the 20th, in the .New Prussian Gazette, says : "Since the first of this month we have had three Jesuit missionaries in this place, who every evening preach sermons and hold conferences in the Catholic church. In one of those sermons the preacher took for his text an in scription engraved over the door of the church :--‘ We all believe in one God, aad love will unite us all.' He explained the weaning of the inscription, and declared it erroneous and damnable. The cure of the church then decided on having the inscription effaced, and by his orders the words were all struck out in the course of the night." The above inscription consisted of words which the King Frederick William 111. addressed to the pre ceding cure while passing through the town. The local authorities have made a report to their superiors on the matter ; and the public are signing a petition for the re-establishment of the inscription. TURKEY. We have received Constantinople journals and letters to the 14th, via Trieste. The Ottoman Go vernment appears to have at last decided on adopting a system of economy in every branch of the admi nistrative services, and important regulations are now being drawn up on this matter. It is said to be in con templation to suppress a number of posts, the utility of which is very doubtful, and which entail a very heavy expense on the country. Among them is that of Grand Master of the Artillery, which is now occupied by Mehemet Ruchdi-Pacha, ex-Minister of War. The direction of the artillery would then devolve on the Minister of War, and the command of the forts on the Bosphorus to the Grand Admiral and Minister of Marine. Reforms in the diplomatic body are also spoken of. The posts of ambassadors and ministers plenipotentiary, except in one or two cases, will, it is said, be done away with, and the Porte will only have charges d'affaires at the courts of its allies. This change is not, however, expected to take place until after the return of Fuad Pacha, the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The war and naval departments, the budgets of which are most onerous to the State, will, it is said, also undergo considerable reductions The accounts which had reached the Government from the upper provinces were more satisfactory, and tranquillity was becoming gradually restored, without, however, the precautionary measures which had been adopted having been as yet relaxed. SPAIN. The Madrid journals of the 21st have reached us The Iberia of the day bbfore had been seized. The semi-official journals assert positively that there is no truth in a report that was current that M. Santa Cruz and M. Roda, two distinguished members of the Progresist party, intend to resign the offices of President of the Audit Court, and Director-General of the Public Debt, which they lately accepted under the O'Donnell Cabinet. It is again asserted that Espartero will very shortly publish a manifesto, but the Ministerial journals declare that his political prestige has fallen so low that it will produce no effect on the country. The Queen and royal family remained at Gijon. MA LTA. VALETTA, AUG. 21. Since writing you on the 14th inst., the fleet sailed for a cruise, having remained in harbour only a week ; they are at present in sight from this island. The Peninsular and Oriental Company's steamer Indus arrived from Southampton, and the Panther, from Marseilles, on the evening of the 14th inst. ; the Indus went on to Alexandria with the mails and passengers. The French steamer Merovee arrived from Alex andria on the 15th, and proceeded on to Marseilles. The Austrian steamer Malta came into port from Corfu and Messina with lonian mails and 84 pas sengers on the 17th, and leaves on the 23d again. H.M.S. Caradoc started for Alexandria on the 17th inst., with despatches ; and H.M. gunboat Vigilant went to join the fleet on the 19th. H.M.S. Vulture, being ready to receive the Maroquin Princes, leaves for Alexandria to-day. H.M.S. Centaur left the Grand Harbour this morning for Naples. The Peninsular and Oriental steamer Ripon, having on board many officers and 219 men of H.M. Royal Artillery, arrived here yesterday, and pro ceeded to Egypt shortly afterwards. The royal mail steamer Wye came in last night, bringing London dates of 16th, and Paris of the day following. The Teviot goes on to Alexandria with the mails brought by the Wye. The French steamers Jourdain and Aventin arrived from Marseilles and coast of Italy on Wednesday last. The following are the merchant steamers come into port during the week : Norna, English steamer, from Constantinople and Smyrna; Cario, English steamer, from Alexandria; Laconia, English steamer, form Alexandria ; Melita, English steamer, from Smyrna ; Araxes, English steamer, from Liverpool ; Andes, English steamer, from Alexandria ; and Indus, French steamer (this morning), from Alex andria. The Euxine, Peninsular and Oriental steamer, due from Marseilles, has not yet made her appear ance; on her arrival, and coaling, she will take on the mail to Alexandria. The Peninsular and Orien tal steamer Indus is expected to-morrow, with the Calcutta and China mails, and goes on to South ampton, after a few hours' detention here. The Vectis goes on to Marseilles with the lighter portion of the mails brought by the Indus. Trade is prostrate here, and owing to the steamers from all parts having no communication with Malta, the shopkeepers and others suffer very much. The quarantine has injured this place tremendously. MOVEMENT OF TROOPS IN GARRISON.—The Royal Malta Fencibles, from Isola Gate Barracks to San Francesco di Paola and Elena Gate. One wing of her Majesty's 14th Regiment, from St. Elmo, to re lieve the 2d battalion 2d Queen's, ordered to Fort Ricasoli. The other wing of the 14th is to be quar tered at Isola Gate Barracks. Her Majesty's 3d Buffs, from Fort Ricasoli to Florian Barracks and Notre Dame Ravelin. EGYPT. "'A letter from Alexandria of the 9th," says the Malta Times," mentions that a young man, the medi cal officer of the French Consulate there, unknown to the officers of the Lazzaretto, had contact with a patient in that establishment, supposed to be attacked with the plague, the servant of a M. Nani, of Ben gazi, and aftewards freely communicated with many parties in the town, and thereby compromised the public health, rendering necessary the issue of a touched or doubtful bill of health. This circum stance had so worked upon the mind of the director of the quarantine, a European, who had held the appointment for many years 'and grown:infirm in t h e service, that he attempt e d to destroy himself by firing a pistol at his head ; but, from the arm having been loaded some time, the desired intent was not imme diately accomplished, though sufficient injury was caused to render it very doubtful whether his life will be spared." TESTIMONIAL TO LADY WILLIAMS WYNN.—We learn from the Chester Courant that the shilling subscrip tion for a testimonial to this highly-respected and amiable lady is expected to reach £4OO, about 8,000 persons having subscribed. SPEECH OF COUNT PERS.IGNE We extract the subjoined from the Memorial de a Loire et de la Haute Loire: — The session of the Council-General of the Departmen of the Loire was opened on Monday, under the presidency of Count Persigny. In taking the chair, Count Persigny made the follow ing speech : " Gentlemen,—Summoned by the choice of the Em peror to preside over the Council-General of the Loire, I feel myself called upon, in the first place, to thank my fellow-citizens for the proof of their esteem which they have just given to me. The more universally true is the proverb, That no one is a prophet in his own country,' the more precious are the marks of sympathy that one receives in it. Personally this senti ment is with me all the stronger, because all here know how, 20 years ago, fresh from my school bench, I was one of the first Frenchmen who went into exile to the nephew of the Emperor, and saluted him with the title of future Emperor of the French. (' True, true '— applause.) It is therefore natural that, finding myself for the first time in presence of the honourable representa tives of my province, I should ask their permission to recall the circumstances to which I owe the honour of of engaging the attention of my fellow-citizens. At the time of which I speak the Duke of Reichstadt had died, carrying with him, apparently to his tomb, the whole Napo leon tradition. The public did not seem to be aware that there existed in exile other members of the Bonaparte family, and it seemed as if the Imperial dynasty had passed away for ever. Nevertheless, in the midst of this general oblivion, some men still dreamed of a return to the tra ditions of the great Emperor; and this was reasoning which was to them, as it were, a revelation. France, said they, is monarchical, by her history, her tradi tions, her manners, her spirit, her whole character, and she can only be a monarchy. Let her try the republic ten times and twenty times—ten times and twenty times she would fail in the unnatural essay. The question is not, then, monarchy or republic ?' but what monarchy ?' what dynasty ?' Now, added they, the time in which we live, whatever regret the past may inspire, how ever illustrious and glorious the House of Bourbon may have been, overthrown as it was by the great revolution, and re-entering France at the rear of foreign armies, it does not represent our new society—foreign, if not hostile, to the new interests and the new glories of France, and unable to count on the sympathy and the love of the people. It is henceforward as powerless to reign over the people as were the Stuarts in old times remaining Catholics on the throne of a Protestant nation. We must have in its place a popular dynasty, springing forth from the womb of the Re volution, embodying the ideas, sentiments, instincts—per haps even the passions of our modern society, and possessing, above all, the sympathy of great popular masses—(loud cheers)—for that which makes the strength of monarchies is not only the support of the opulent classes. If every one had £4,000 a-year the choice of a dynasty would be oflittle consequence. The great problem to be resolved is so to settle it ,hat millions of men liviug from hand to mouth in medic,. crity, in want, and often in misery, may place such con fidence in the Government that they may have no care but to seek and to go to their daily employment. In other words, it is not sufficient for France that the dynasty should be dear to the scutcheoned palaces of the Faubourg St. Ge rmain, nor to the golden drawingrooms of the Chaussee d'An- tin—but above all it must be loved in the cots of the peasant, by the men of the fields and of the manufactories. (Cheers.) Now, what name speaks to the breast of the masses like that of Napoleon—what tradition can, like it, excite confidence ? In it there is the true, the legitimate dynasty of France, and the day when the sentiments of the people shall be called forth will be the day of the re-establishment of the Imperial dynasty. Well, gentlemen, the prophecy is now accomplished. The dynasty of Napoleon reigns over a peaceful people, and that people which seemed ungovern able is now the most tranquil in Europe. A name, a symbol, beloved by the masses, hascalmed all the effervescence of those passions which seemed to menace our country with complete ruin. Far be it from me to detract from the personal merit due to the Emperor for the grand work of pacification which he hes accomplished. Like Augustus, the nephew of Caesar, the nephew of Napoleon I. must have had great and rare faculties to triumph over so many obstacles. But it must be said for the honour of the nation, that if Napoleon 111. so easily succeeded in an enterprise in which so many had failed, it was because his talent was aided by the noble and touching confidence of the people in the name of Napo leon ; and that is the most conclusive justification of the dynastic ideas of which lam about to speak to you. lam not ignorant, gentlemen, of the reproaches addressed by some parties to the Imperial Government. They cannot deny the great services which it has rendered to social order —the calm which it has re-established in men's minds— and the security which it has rendered to all interests. But they accuse it of a tendency to disinherit the country of its legitimate influence in the conduct of public affairs by founding, as at Rome, a sort of Caesarian dictatorship, aided by the prestige of the name of Napoleon. Allow me to re pudiate this analogy. Between Cee.ar and Napoleon there is nothing in common, except the glory which founded the prestige of the two names. But the situations are totally different. At Rome the problem was to transfer a society corrupted and disorganised by civil war from a republic to a dictatorship by the destruction of its ancient liberties— while in France, on the contrary, the task of the Napoleons is no other than to continue our old monarchical state by a fourth dynasty not to destroy ancient liberties, but to consolidate new ones. Thus, gentlemen, the Government of Napoleon 111. is organised in accordance with the principles and ideas of the Revolution of 1789 popular suffrage, the free vote of the taxes, and the irremov ability of the judges are the fundamental bases of the imperial system. It is true that the liberty of the press a modern institution which either vivifies or kills all other liberties, is very materially modified by the sys tem of warnings. But this reserve in our institutions is evidently but an act of prudence—a safety-valve in a steam engine. True liberty remains notwithstanding, and will re main engrafted in our habits and our laws, and will thrive all the more vigorously because it is cultivated in a prepared and temperate atmosphere. I know very well that certain party men cannot forgive the Emperor's Government for not repeating the mistakes of the Restoration and the House of Orleans : these men would see the parliamentary lists thrown open again with all the parliamentary CO7 tege of pas sions and prejudices, at the risk of producing a third catas trophe. But the example of those two Governments will not be lost upon France. In point of fact, gentlemen, these splen did parliamentary struggles which some people now look back to with so much regret were most perilous things; for in a country where people were not agreed as to the principle of government, where there were four or five nations in a nation—a Legitimist nation, an Orleanist nation, a Bonapar tist nation, and a Republican nation—that is to say factions and not parties, the complete enjoyment of public liberty could only have led to the formation of coalitions, and coa litions tending not to the substitution of one set of principles, or one set of men for other men and other principles, but to the overthrow of the government itself, to the immense peril of society. At this day, gentlemen, the most ordinary pa triotism suffices to put us on our guard against such folly. Before putting in motion all the machinery of liberty— before giving free scope to every private opinion, let us first found a government, let us establish a dynasty which—like that in England shall be secure from party attacks, and elevated above the regions of public discussion. All dynasties require the consecration of time. Time alone can complete the reconciliation of the parties which have so long divided France. The day is not, I trust far distant, on which this great malt will be achieved — when there will be but only one nation in the nation under the throne of the Napoleons. On that day the French Revolution will be terminated, and freedom of discussion, being no longer a peril or a threat for any one, will become a benefit for all. Till then, g entlemen, let us patiently maintain in our institutions those elements which it would l b a e w i m s w p r h u i c d n r t e g t o u d l a i s t c e a t r h d— ep l r e us e t ssnotlet u d s e ski keep e e p a tnhyecshaafne safety - v i n a the laws which regulate the press—let us keep the safety-valve, whatever present inconvenience we may find it. Assuredly no one can regret more than I do myself that owing to the present system the influence of the press upon public opinion is insufficient either to enlighten the Government or to pre vent private interests, under the mask of public interests, from taking the name of the Emperor in vain. But we must admit that human things are human things. Good cannot be absolutely separated from evil. The essential thing is that we should not sacrifice great to little things. Above all, I repeat, let us found a dynasty as indispensable to the liber ties as to the grandeur and security of our country, and, for the sake of an immense future good, let us learn to support some present inconveniences. This dynasty, gentlemen, like all others, has its perils, real or imaginary. It was cruelly tried at the beginning of this year by one peril, which threw men's minds into such a state of perturbation that even emi nent individuals uttered words of discouragement. But all these dangers must be looked in the face, and I think it the more useful to discuss with you the particular danger to which I allude, because it is my profound conviction that political assassination, with the view to overthrow a dynasty, defeats its own object. Thus, gentlemen, the murder of Cmsar only served to destroy the republic and found the empire; the murder of the MeAcis rendered that family sovereign in Florence; the assassination of Henry 111. only strengthened the house of France; and that of Henry IV. rendered the house of Bourbon more powerful than ever The history of the Italian principalities of the middle ages furnishes many examples of a like nature. I cite one at random. One day a prince of Bologna was assassinated with his whole family ; the conspirators who took possession of his palace thought that they were masters of the State. But soon the cry of Down with the assassins' was heard in the town. The people rose, massacred the mur derers, burnt their houses, and formed a Government com posed of the best friends of the murdered price ; afterwards one of the members of the new Government announced to the people that the family of the prince was not entirely extinct, and that he had left a natural son of tender age, who had been brought up in Florence under a fictitious name. At this news the joy of the people knew no bounds. A deputation was sent to Florence to find the child ; it was brought back in triumph, it was proclaimed with enthusiasm, and a century afterwards the posterity of that child still reigned in Bologna. Gentlemen, the secret of this historical phenomenon lies in the human heart; whenever the news of a political assassination is spread among a population the same results are invariably pro duced. After a moment of stupor the heart of man aban dons itself to its natural impressions. Horror of assassina tion, detestation of the murderers, pity for the victim, and sympathy for his relations and friends—such are the senti ments which naturally and immediately show themselves. Men, women, and children, the old and the young, all are animated by a common feeling ; and then, as the news of the crime spreads, all are borne down and subjugated by the irresistible current of opinion. When the cry of ' Down with the assassins !' is raised, the terrified mur derers bide themselves or fly ; factions, fearing that they may be accused of complicity, either join in the chorus of public indignation, or seek to shelter themselves from its fury. Finally, the worst elements of society, in whom the secret hopes of crime always place their main reliance, are para lysed by the attitude of the immense majority ; and thus the cause which the assassins though to stifle in the blood of an illustrious victim reigns and prevails more powerful and resplendent than ever. Such, gentlemen, is the inva riable turn given by the natural feelings of the human heart to events of this kind. But how much more energetic than in an ordinary case would be these feelings, if (which God forbid!) the victim should be the elect of the French people; if the assassin's poignard, in striking the Emperor, were to pierce the heart of so many millions of men. Cer tainly, at such a moment, all would do their duty. Our noble and gracious Empress, with that chivalrous courage which distinguishes her, would repress her grief and present her son to the people and the army. Prince Jerome, the venerable brother of the great Emperor, would be by her side to assist her with his counsels. The Prince Napoleon, who now gives such hopes to the country—(applause)— would not fail to provoke the Government, if necessary, to take the measures requisite to ensure the throne to his nephew; and, indeed, the Council of Regency and the entire Government would be equal to the emergency—but all the resources of human prudence would And themselves surpassed by the effects of public indignation. Cries of 'A bas les assassins!' and of Vive Napoleon IV.!' would resound from one end of France to the other—would be more efficacious than all the arrangements of tact—and the shade of the great Emperor then, as to-day, from the depths of the tomb of the Invalides, would continue to peacefully reign over France. (Enthusiastic cheering.) Thus, messieurs, the Napoleon dynasty enjoys in reality the best conditions of power and permanence; strong in the sympathies of the masses, it has nothing to fear for itself from popular convulsions ; defended by our institu tions against the coalitions of internal parties, it is sheltered from those parliamentary intrigues which have caused so many catastrophes; finally, not resting on one head alone, • but being able, if needed, to recruit itself from all the male descendants of the brothers of the Emperor Napoleon—it cannot be imperilled by the success of an attempt at assassination, and we may say of it consequently that, in all that regards its internal prospects, it presents every condition of strength and duration. And, messieurs, the same may be said of its external relations. Long habituated to dread the least movement of France, in turn revolutionary and conquering, Europe at first did not view without in quietude the re-establishment upon the throne of France of the family proscribed by the treaties of 1815. But what ever may have been the true sentiments of the great Powers at the moment of the acknowledgment of the empire, it is certain that all congratulate themselves now upon seeing in France a strong, powerful, respected. and wise government, which, after a glorious war, has been able to make an equally glorious peace. Such is the universal satisfaction, that the re-establishment of the empire has strengthened throughout Europe the principles of order and monarchical ideas, and effaced the impression which the rivalry of the Powers perhaps led them to receive from the first great tidings frogs France. And we may say to-day that never, since 1815, have the relations of France with Europe been at once so honourable and friendly. Nevertheless, a cloud which , might have proved dangerous, lately obscured our rela-- tions with a country whose alliance with ourselves had been:- so happily cemented and so fruitful, and it has required-I nothing less than the wisdom and reciprocal friendship,' of the two Sovereigns to prevent a coolness betweeno the two Powers. Happily, as the Emperor said at: if it was wished to revive the rancours and: passions of another epoch, the attempt would be defeated by? the good sense of the public. In fact, messieurs, the interestwa of the two peoples are now so closely interwoven that ite would be difficult for even the most furious passions t P bring to pass an entire rupture. Such is the solidarity . 4 interests, that if to. morrow London or Paris were burn Iff we should each suffer immense commercial losses; a' ad while a catastrophe falling upon Berlin, Vienna, or ;. st. Petersburg would excite only our sentiments of pity, wt it London, we should be wounded in our interests almost 0 seriously as at Paris itself. Now, when two peoples halt' arrived at this point, they are evidently destined to dr; tW together more closely every day their present unio (' Tres bien ! tres bien !') Let us first consider the intere iC to France of the English alliance. With England we ar masters of the seas, and consequently have nothing to fea r upon our frontiers. No coalition against us is possible, ; general peace is assured. Our country can ge le itself up to all the developments of its activit without any preoccupation, and complete the wor of establishing its institutions without incurring any risk e Elsewhere, we have no material rivalry with England, sine she has opened to our commerce as to her own the access t tlo her immense colonies; it is hot her fault if, continuing ou system of production at high prices, we do not know ho. ' to profit by it. As to England, her interest in the Frenc alliance is, perhaps, even more manifest. She succeede a in 1814 and 1815 in conquering the maritime and coloni; supremacy which was the object of her desires, and to whir 11 she was in some measure destined both by her insult If position and the genius of her inhabitants. England et I' joys this supremacy beyond all dispute to this day; and st says to herself that if she were again to have a strugg with France—supposing (which God forbid !) that tl fate of battles should inflict new disasters upon us—al je would gain no other result than the maintenance of wh she has already, namely, maritime and colonial supremac. dr and, consequently, she would have much to lose at el little to gain in a struggle with France. By a comple change in views and interests, England has now arrived this—that as much as 40 years ago she was hostile to franc 0' so much now is she friendly to her ; and so great is the prt sent disposition of the English not to separate their interes tO from our ours, that on two most grave occasions—i determining first to make war with us, and theta to make peace—they, perhaps, even rather took our position into consideration than their own. (Applause.) ' How then, such being the reciprocal disposition of the two nations, are we to account for what followed the event of January 14? By the commonest of all explanations—by $ series of misunderstandings which arose on both sides of thy • Channel. Already, since the peace, public opinion in Bog.- land had taken umbrage at some diplomatic incidents, but . ' at the news of the attempt of the 14th, England was unani mous in stigmatising the odious crime. At that period the true English public—that public which, in reality, directel and governs the State—which is accustomed to see ord e t proceed from the greatest agitations, to disdain all the f tie ceases of the press, to take no heed of any of the exagget tions of liberty—the English public, I say, knew nothi 00 either of the previous attempts organised in Engle 0 4 against the Emperor, nor of the doctrines professed by a portion of the refugees; it was, in all sincerit 1 1 1 , as ignorant of those infamies as it was innocent 0 ; them. It was, then, with th e most pa i nful astonishment tl 314 t it believed (very mistakenly to be sure) it could see in I b e addresses which were spoken at Paris a disposition on t ti e part of France to render England responsible for the attem ti t of the 14th, and to hold her in suspicion. From that mt ment, public opinion in England, unanimous in stigmatising' assassination, suddenly checked the demonstrations which were being made in every part of the country. Then, whets the change in the regime of passports, good or bad, but so unjustly represented as an act of defiance against the English themselves and the addresses from the army especially, which wrought the irritation to the highest pitch—came, then that happened which always does hap pen in a free country when the national sentiment is in play, the popular passions knew no bounds, and the politic al situation was subject to these passions. So, while we thong' Pt ; that we had to complain of the arrangements of our gib ,g the English people, on their part, believing that they I P I been profoundly injured by France, obeyed nothing' 10 C their irritation. This irritation naturally provoked ig France a similar feeling, equally strong, and which wot ttd , perhaps, have been dangerous without the lofty intelliger tee and the spirit of justice of the Emperor, to appreciate t be true cause of the attitude of our neighbours. But, messieu whatever may have been the nature of those deploral ile misunderstandings, and of which it is at least easy to pr vent the return, the situation of the two peoples has uncle]. - gone no change. That which undeniably remains is tb at ; the new instincts of England carry her as naturally to ; union with France as formerly they promoted a separation ; that ours follow a similar direction; that in spite c the misunderstandings and the little reciprocal difs- • trusts, and in spite of the intrigues of the parties whid take advantage of them, the great English public she. cerely desire the friendship_ of the Emperor and at France—(applause)—that, in fact, there is really no interest, no serious question between the two county/II g upon which the simplest good sense cannot put th. 3 two Governments in accord; and thus that it only depends 4 upon us to maintain an alliance which is so advantageous to b (General sips of tethesien.) I repeat, then,. mes.