The Sun. — London, England, 1860-04-17 00:00:00

• [Continued from our first page.] totally insufficient to meet the ordinary demands of the ser vice, to say nothing of those extraordinary demands which might arise from losses by sea, or in time of war from dam age if not loss by the enemy—(hear)—and which did arise from the more rapid decay of the timbers of steam-vessels occasioned by the heat which was within them, and by the vibration occasioned by their machinery. The Storekeeper- General had furnished them with areturn of the supply and consumption of timber in the navy from the year 1830 to the present time ; and they also possessed information as to the number of ships and men in the navy during the same period. From these facts, which furnished the only elements for coming to a sound conclusion upon this subject, it was demonstrable that a store of only 60,000 loads was not suffi cient to keep up a supply of timber properly seasoned and fit for conversion. (Hear.) In 'the period from 1830 to 1844—which included three of the periods of five years into which the Storekeeper-General had divided the consump lion—the greatest number of ships in the navy was 620, the average number 589, the greatest number of steam vessels 112, the average number of men 33,000 (om itting the odd figures). The permanent establishment of timb . er was 53,000 loads, and the average yearly d onsumption 16,200 ; so that the establishment containe c rather more than a supply for three years. Between 1845 and 1854 the greatest number of vessels at any time in the navy was 690 ; the' greatest number of steamers 205 ; the average number of vessels of all kinds 655. The number of sea men had increased to 43,000. The permanent establish ment of timber remained the same as during the previous 15 years, but the average annual consumption had risen to 25,000 loads. He was not seeking to cast blame upon any particular Board of Admiralty, but only endeavouring to show that since the necessity for creating a steam navy had arisen, the stock of timber had not been kept up in propor tion to its consumption. In 1845, the consumption of timber being 25,000 loads per annum and the establishment only 53,000 loads, it was clear that the timber, instead of being in store between three and four years, could only be there, upon the average, for a little more than two years. During the 14 years from 1845 to 1858, both inclusive, the greatest number of ships in the navy at any time was 927, the ave rage number 720, the number of steamships 478—a vast in crease in the number of that class of vessels which caused the greatest consumption of timber—and the number of seamen 48,000. The establishment of timber up to the be ginning of 1858 was, as he had said, 53,000 loads; it was now 69,000. But what was the annual consumption ? 28,000 loads. Therefore, the stock was still only equal to a little more than two years' consumption. Nor did that repre sent the whole of the case—not by a good deal. The late First Lord of the Admiralty, when explaining the navy estimates last year, stated that in the last ten years, though three line.of-battle ships and a fraction had been ordered by successive Boards, two and a fraction only had been produced. Something ought to be allowed for that deficiency ; and, moreover, if ships were built of green time ber they could not be expected to last very long. He might mention another fact. The whole quantity of timber re ceived from 1830 to 1858 was 631,000 loads ; the quantity used in the same period was 636,000 loads ; and in 1859 the storekeeper had 65,000 loads in hand. It was clear, there fore, that in 1830 there must have been a stock of timber larger than the establishment. But the case did not end here. Among the papers recently presented there was an account by the present Surveyor of the Navy of the amount of timber required to build three line-of-battle ships, one frigate, and two corvettes, sailing and steam vessels respec tively of the same rates. The sailing vessels required 15,700 loads, and the steamvessels 22,000 loads, being a difference 4 0 6,300 loads. Seeing, therefore, how our steam navy had increased, .and what would be the probable expenditure for the next few years, there could be no doubt that if the sup ply of timber had been short hitherto, it would be still shorter in future. No amount of money, said the Store keeper-General, could procure large supplies, consisting ex clusively of timber of the largest dimensions, and undoubt edly the present wants of the service were not easily met. England, he added, could not supply them, and cargoes of shipbuilding timber imported from foreign countries could not consist only of the largest sizes, even if such timber of hard and durable quality and unobjectionable weight was forthcoming in abundance at the ports of shipment. That was a most important and suggestive statement. We might get metal to any amount, shipwrights to any num ber, but seasoned timber could not be got at all, and the sup ply of raw timber was not over-abundant. A gallant Ad miral bad said that England might lose the command of the Channel. Suppose our supply of timber from abroad was interrupted even for a few months. That was a con tingency which ought to be guarded against, and we could guard against it only by having in stock a supply of timber sufficient to meet, not only the ordinary demands of the ser vice, but any extraordinary demand which might suddenly come upon us. He did not think that 60,000 loads would make a proper establishment of timber, especially when dis tributed among six dockyards, for if the aggregate supply was insufficient it would be still more so when divided into half-a-dozen parts. There was another point to which he wished to direct attention. It appeared from the Parlia mentary Paper No. 174 of the present year4.hat the average expense of repairing 203 steamvessels in commission, ex cluding labour, was £325 each, while the cost of maintain ing 211 vessels in ordinary was £449. That showed the necessity of keeping up an ample supply of timber in stock, whether our ships were in commission or in ordinary. By putting the figures together the average might be found, and it showed that even if this country should be fortunate enough to be able to dispense with having so large a number of ships in commission, it must not be concluded that the vessels not in use would not be the occasion of great expense. (Hear.) He had the figures with respect to sailing ships, but as they were not accurately given he was unable to draw any conclusion from them ; but the figures in respect to the steam vessels were quite enough to show what the fact was, and that even if the number of men were reduced to the average of the last few years, it must not be supposed that the expense of maintaining the vessels would bo got rid of. (Hear.) The whole expense of putting the establishment of timber in a proper state would be simply an expense once for all of about £300,000 or £400,000. But, whatever might be the cost, the country would be secure, with a proper store of timber, of having well -seasoned materials for the werk to bo done. (Hear.) • Mr. W. WILLIAMS thought the house should bo dis tinctly informed by the Secretary to the Admiralty what course the Admiralty intended to pursue in reference to the very important report made by the commissioners appointed to inquire into the dockyards. Those commissioners stated that 10 per cent. of tho expenditure in building new ships might be saved. No one was more anxious than he to see the navy maintained in au efficient state, but nevertheless he considered it high time that the expenditure incurred year after year for the navy should be inquired into. From 1832, the commencement of the reformed Parliment, to 1838, the average expenditure on the navy in those seven years was £4,770,000; the expenditure on the navy in 1858-9, only two years ago, was £8,800,000, and in the pre sent year the expenditure was estimated at £12,800,000. It seemed as if they were preparing for war against some nation, and he k new no t w h at nation that could be unless it were France ; yet the French naval expenditure during the last seven years had been much less than the English. The two countries were carrying on a sort of contest as to which Of them should have the most efficient and the largest num ber of screw ships of warrand yet the French had placed us in fear by a navy which had cost just one-half of ours . What was still more extraordinary, the of the French navy in 1858-.9 was i esti mates for the present , ye ar th e wages and victualsa in our lon amounted to £4,900,000. The ga ll ant admiral (Sir 111.1. Seymour) had spoken in high terms of the character of the shipbuilding carried on in our yards ; but how was it that the cost of building varied so much at these establishments ? • By returns which had been published it appeared that the cost of shipwrights' labour upon vessels of precisely the same tonnage and character was at Chatham £4 Bs. 2d. pe r ton ; at Devonr ort, £4los. ; at Sheerness, £6 2s. 7d. ; and at Woolwich, £6 18s. How did this arise ? Not, he pre • fumed, from higher wages paid ; but, at any rate, the fact „remained, and monstrous it was, that at Woolwich ship imilding cost 50 per cent. more than at Chatham. There must evidently be something wrong somewhere. With regard to the timber, it quite puzzled him to account for the vast quantity which had been paid for by the country. At the termination of the French war we had 240 sail of the line, while now we had only 59 afloat and on the stocks, and yet in the interval, notwithstanding this vast diminution, £88,000,000 had been expended upon timber and wages for the construction of ships in our dockyards. He thought there must have been gross mismanagement. No attempt, however, was made to check the system until tho late commission ; and he thought, after the disclosures which they had made, it was high time that this house should interpose to prevent the mismanagement which [prevailed in our dockyards. A commission of efficient men, who thoroughly understood every branch of the subject,would probably do more effectual service with this view than even a committee of the house. (Hear.) Sir H. LEEKE urged the necessity of having efficient fpla ships in our ports, these vessels being the groundwork ofa r fleet. At every port there should be two, and these would form a fleet ready for any emergency. With regard to corpo ra l punishment, he had lived much among seamen, and took - a deep interest in their welfare, but he did not think that the use of the lash oug ht t o b e a b o li s h e d, nor was this the wish of the° men themselves. Being i n c onversa ti on with some of them wee r r eeently, they gav e hi m c l ear l y t o under stand that th e y favourable to th e re t en ti on o f corpora l punishment, and he was desiredto express thei r v i ews u p on believed the point. For him se lf , he that the abolition of flogging would be fraught with danger. On b oar d a 90-gun s s hip recently the crew we re made so uncomf o rtable that ncomf or table by the e . f the some of them m isbehaviour of the newly-raised m came aft and complained to the offic er watch, stating that they should never be comfortable until those men were man, and the punished. The captain was not a flogging m thing went on, until at last the captain declared that the next offender should be severely punished. The man was flogged accordingly, to the great delight of the crew gene rally—if a punishment so barbarous could over be witnessed with delight; and the consequence was that the vessel was now one of the best-ordered ships in the service. He was not a punishing man, and his experience taught him that corporal punishment might almost be abolished. With respect to captains on the reserved list, he thought they were entitled to progress in rank, and to an increased half - pay ;but, according to the letter which had been signed by the Secretary to the Admiralty, those officers were to remain in their present position. Many of them were most distin guished officers, and some of them he would selact for his flag captains if he had the opportunity. As the whole cost to the country of granting to those officers the justice they sought would be under £2,000 a year, he hoped their just claims would meet with due consideration. - Admiral WALCOTT agreed with what bad fallen from the hon. member for Portsmouth (Sir 7 ,Elphinsione), and in advocating the claims of the reserved captains he was en. couraged by the statement of the right hon. baronet (Sir F. Baring), who had said that in drawing up the minute affect ing those officers he did so with the clear understanding that he confined the reserved list to simply advancing them to the rank of captains, and allowing them to receive the gra duated pay of junior captains. That class of officers, how ever, accepted that promotion in the firm belief that they would receive an increase of pay agreeably to seniority, though they were aware that in being so advanced they gave up all hopes of good-service pensions, and of ever being called into active service, except in times of emergency. He had heard it stated in the course of the discussion, with some regret and astonishment, that in the United States there were no less than 150,000 seamen in employment, of whom only one-fourth were American subjects. He was one of those, however, who firmly believed that in the event of this country being, unhappily, involved in a war we should find the same loyalty and devotion among our sea faring population as had been displayed throughout the'rest of the community in the formation of volunteer corps. We had 180,000 seafaring men, 23,000 of whom were mates, 60,000 were able seamen, and a considerable number were ordinary seamen. In the event of a war a great number of the merchant seamen would be prevented following their ordinary calling; they would therefore be available for the navy, and would flock to the national standard with alacrity in ease of need. Nevertheless, he would wish to see an efff cient reserve maintained ; but still, let the Government offer what temptation they might, the result would always be limited, for merchant seamen liked to rove about the world, and were averse from the discipline of a man-of-war. In 1853 he impressed upon the Govern ment the necessity of having ships stationed at all our mercantile ports, under the command of officers of high character, for the training of men for the navy ; and if that suggestion had been adopted we should now have had between 20,000 and 30,000 young able seamen in a high state of efficiency and discipline, on whom we might have relied as a reserved force in an emergency. He would now suggest to the Admiralty the necessity if urging the whole service to become familiar with the new modes of naval warfare. (Hear, hear.) Numbers of the lieutenants in the navy had unhappily lest heart, so few were their chances of promotion. It had been said that the list of officers had become crowded in consequence of the unusual longevity in that department of the service. It should, however, be borne in mind that the time was when this country was in volved in war, not with one but with several nations, when there were a thousand pennants in the service, and when a corresponding number of officers was required. But in 1815, when peace was established, three-fourths of them. were placed on half-pay, and there they had remained. Mr. BENTINCK, before adverting to the subject under discussion, wished to tender his thanks to his hon. friend the member for Portsmouth (Sir J. Elphinstene) for the graceful and feeling allusion he had made to a recent me lancholy event. (Hear, hear.) He believed there was no member on either side of the house who would not readily acknowledge that the amiable qualities and the great ability of the late lamented member for Berkshire (Captain Lei cester Vernon) were such as to render his untimely end a source of the deepest regret. (Cries of Hear, hear, from both sides of the house.) He (Mr. Bentinck) could not forbear reminding the house that the Government had inaugurated a now financial policy, the obvious result if not the avowed object of which must be so to cripple our financial resources as to render the maintenance of the national defences next to impossible ; and he asked how they could reconcile the conflicting positions of in all probability decreasing re sources with an increasing expenditure. Reference had been made during the debate, by a gallant admiral, to recent disturbances on board some of her Majesty's ships. He (Mr. Bentinck) believed the real cause of those disturbances was referable to the tendency of the existing state of public feeling to resist authority. In the navy dis • graceful occurrences of that kind were constantly occur ring, and he believed there was no member of that house who would not say that when discipline ceased to exist in the navy the navy itself might as well cease to exist alto • gather. In the case if the mercantile marine the tendency of their legislation had been that, in the ease of disputes between masters of vessels and the men, the former were sometimes compelled to have recourse to what must be re garded as ve unjustifiable acts. (Hear.) The gallant admiral opposite had referred to the subject of bounties. There might no doubt be cases in which a system of b3un ties might be beneficially resorted to, but he believed those cases were of an exceptional character. In most instances where bounties were resorted to the fault lay with the Ad miralty in not providing the means of keeping up a regular supply of seamen for the service. But here, again, ho be lieved the origin of the evil was to be found in that house. There was a constant struggle between the Board of Admi ralty and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who was al ways making use of every expedient to make the two ends meet„ and driving the Board of Admiralty to practices of which they were ashamed. (Hear.) The system of bounties was one of extravagance in the long run, and he believed that if they were to pay their seamen well, so as preserve them to the navy, they would not only add to the security of the country, but effect an actual saving of money. (Hear, hear.) Complaints had been made of the enormous cost of building, and the large outlay of public money at the docks. He agreed with those who thought it desirable to reduce the expenditure ; but contended that it was impossible in the present state of things to have any efficient reduction of expenditure. He attached no blame to any board past or present for this. The cause lay in the system— (hear, hear)—in the fact that they placed men in respon sible positions, who could have no possible knowledge of their business—(hear, hear)—and, above all, because they made the Board of Admiralty a political jobbing office. (Hear, hear.) If they wanted to have efficiency and eco nomy they must have at the Admiralty a continuous sys tem, managed by persons continuously responsible and wholly independent of political movements, and they must place at the head of it a man who, by profession and repu tation, was admitted to be thoroughly competent to under take the whole management. (Hear.) They had heard sometking about the price of anchors ; and he had no doubt the Admiralty paid twice as much they ought to do for their anchors ; but this arose from the same cause. Wear, hear.) His right hon. friend the member for Oxfordshire (Mr. Henley) had brought before the house the important question of timber, and he impugned the figures and calcu lations of the noble duke at the head of the Admiralty. His right hon. friend made out his case with that clearness and force which always distinguished him; but he could not agree withhim when he impugned the conduct of the noble duke. He believed the noble duke was as, good a man for the position he held as could be got, and he knew that his noble and gallant friend (Lord C. Paget) had worked hard to remedy the abuses of the Admiralty. But it was impos sible fully to remedy those abuses under the present system which his noble and gallant friend knew to be perfectly in. defensible. (Hear, hear.) They had been told time after time that if any private building yard was carried on upon the system pursued by the Admiralty, the Bank of England would not be able to keep them going:six months. (Hear, hear.) He believed that the great body of officials at the Admiralty time after time had been doing their best to remedy abuses, butfound them beyond their control. (Hear, hear.) The expenses ofthenavy were likely to increase year by year, and it was of the utmost importance that they should watch with the utmost vigilance the expenditure of every shilling for ee Lambeth eman w cheered,erwere very y differentb ut h s in the dockyards. (" Hear, hear," from Mr. Williams.) chose e h e o n f that m mhboenr.viewsuon thisand subject. (A laugh.) He would not grudge the most liberal outlay for the navy, and all he asked was that the money should be judiciously applied. (Hear, hear.) Till the ho use was prepared to grapple with the • great evil of the system all committees of inquiry were waeless, an d discussion in the of details they were on l y wasting their time, millions of the public money. (H ear , hear) and wasting Lord C. PAGET said he would not then make any re marks, but when the house went int o comm i ttee h e would take the opportunity of answering the v ar ious statements that had been made. The house then went into committee on the NAVY ESTIMATES. Mr. MASSEY in the chair. The first vote moved was a sum of £160,280 to defray the expenses of the Admiralty-office. Lord C. PAGET said, before referring to the vote which had just been brought under the notice of the Committee, he was desirous of replying to statements that had been made on various subjects connected with the navy. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY rose to order. He wished to know whether the noble lord was entitled to make a general statement in committee when a particular vote was before them ? The CIIAIRMAN said it was not usual or convenient to make a general statement in committee, but the noble lord would no doubt exercise a sound discretion, and limit his explanation as much as possible to the particular vote be fore them. Mr. LOVAINE said that several questions were put to the noble lord before going into committee, and it was unfair to hon. members to make his answer in committee. Sir J. PAKINGTON thought that no exception could be taken to the manner in which the Chairman had explained the rule of the house. At the same time, as a matter of pre cedent, he remembered none worse than that set by the noble lord, who had taken a most objectionable course. A long debate had taken place, matters of serious importance had been discussed, and it was the duty of the noble lord, as the representative of the Admiralty, to give a frank and fair answer to the questions put to him ; instead of which the noble lord had completely departed from the rules of , the house. To his extreme astonishment, the noble lord said he should offer no answer, but that he had a statement to makewhich he should make in Committee of Supply. The noble lord, deviating from the established and recog nised ram 91 tba 4911501 IQW ProNNOCI tc) AA Now THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL' 17, 'lB6O. and explanation to that which had been stated in another debate. (Hear, hear.) Lord PALMERSTON' said he could not concur in the objection which had been taken. If the strict rules of the house were enforced when an hon. member moved the ad journment of the house, in order to discuss some topic un- connected with that motion, he ought to be stopped and told to confine himself to giving reasons why the house should adjourn. The vote before the house was for the Admiralty office, and it was competent for his noble friend and for the house upon that vote to discuss everything which could be said for or against the Admiralty and the manner in which they conducted the affairs of the navy. His noble friend might, it was true, have made his statement before the Speaker left the chair, but nothing was more common than that a person charged with the conduct of a department defer his reply until the house want into committee. No one who had sat long in that house bu t must have observed that frequently, upon the Army Estimates and other mat- tern, that course had been pursued. So far from being in convenient, it was rather an advantage, because, before the Speaker left the chair, the mouths of members who had previously taken part in the debate were closed. Lord I:OVAIIsiE said that if the noble lord was right the Chairman was wrong, because the hon. gentleman in the chair had limited the explanation of the noble lord (C. Paget) to the subject to which the vote referred. Sir A . WILLO UGHBY remembered that alate Secretary of the Treasury (Mr. Wilson) had deferred his reply in a debate on the Civil Service Estimates until the Speaker had left the chair. The consequence was a general debate, which continued all night and ended in an adjourned debate. Did the noble lord (Palmerston) consult the interests of the Government in the doctrine he had laid down ? Was it not wiser to have a matter discussed and disposed of ? If mem bers were to go on talking in committee de omnibus rebus et quibtesdam aliii, some one at 12 o'clock would move an ad journment. It was the duty of the house to adhere to the strict point before it, and he trusted that this rule would not be departed from. Lord PALMERSTON said it had been his duty for many years to move the Army Estimates. What was done on those occasions ? On proposing the first vote the practice was to go into detail and explain everything connected with the army. The present vote, being for the Admiralty, would justify his noble friend in defending the manner in which that department conducted the naval service of the country. Sir C. NAPIER wished to remind the noble lord that the Secretary to the Admiralty had, on Moving the first vote, made his statement relative to the navy. (Hear.) After a few words from Admiral D UNCOMBH, Lord C. PAGET said that his only object was the conve- nience of public business. He did not want to shirk aay ex planations of the various matters which had been brought under the notice of the house. If he had erred, it was from ignorance rather than any bad intentions. (Hear.) , His first duty now was to notice the remarks; of his hon. friend the member for Portsmouth relative to the reserved captains of the Royal Navy. Lord LOVAINE again rose to order. He could see nothing in the vote before the committee which in any way related to the subject referred to by the noble lord. (Hear.) Lord C. PAGET said he would defer the explanation he had to offer in regardto the case of the reserved post-captains, although he regretted to do so, as many gentlemen were naturally anxious to hear it. (Hear.) He hoped he would be in order in replying to the observations of the right hon. member for Oxfordshire (Mr. Henley). Lord LOVAINE remarked that the subject of timber came under vote 10. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Lord C. PAGET—Verywell, then I will confine myself to the vote before the committee. (Hear.) Sir C. NAPIER drew attention to the fact that the vote for- the Admiralty-office was continually on the increase. This year it was larger than it was the year before by £143,230. His great objection to the vote, however, arose from his conviction that the constitution of the Admiralty was incompatible with the proper management of the naval business of the country. As long as the Admiralty was presided over by a man destitute of practical experience of naval life, the same absence of order and economy would be observable as at present. The First Lord had to discharge duties which as a civilian he could not possibly know any thing about. The professional man who acted as a sort of " dry nurse," being generally selected by the First Lord himself, was as likely to be inefficient as not, and even if fit for the post his advice was often disregarded, or perhaps not asked for at all. Each member of the Board had a pa* ticular department allotted to his charge, but very often the First Lord gave orders which his colleagues blew nothing about. When Sir J. Graham was First Lord, and assumed the responsibility of acting in that manner, Sir J. Pechell, a very conscientious officer, protested against it; but all mem bers of the Board were not equally independent. The per petual changes in the Board which took place under the pre sent system could not fail to be prejudicial to the service. (Hear, hear.) He believed that one of the chief causes of the discontent which had prevailed in the navy for some time past was that the sailors were confined too closely to drill at Portland, and debarred from the privilege of going ashore, which they used formerly to enjoy. Drill was always irksome to a sailor. When carried too far it in variably produced discontent ; and when the men were called off from "leave" the irritation was sure to be in creased. The patronage of the Admiralty was practically in the hands of tho First Lord, and it was not easy to see how that was to be prevented. The First Lord claimed a certain share of the promotions and appointments as his own private patronage, and indeed seldom asked advice as to the disposal of any of it. Tho Duke of Somerset was the present First Lord, and how had he distributed the patronage ? He had bestowed a command on Admiral Milne—a very excellent officer, certainly, who, while captain, had been in constant service, but had been,for 11 years a Lord of the Admiralty. Admiral Milne was a canny Scotchman—(a laugh)—and bad retained his scat at the Board under both Whigs and Tories. He was now despatched to the North American station. Then there was Admiral Bruce, a very excellent officer too, who had had three commands running. He had commanded on the coast of Africa, was removed thence to' the Pacific, and was now installed at Portsmouth Dockyard. Admiral Bruce was a very good officer, as he had said, but then he was not the only good officer in the service. The next was Admiral Fanshawe, who had held four previous commands, and had not,remained in any one of them long enough to complete his time. He was, no doubt, a very ex cellent officer ; but he was not the only good officer in the service. They were doing everything they possibly could to prevent the Commander-in-Chief or the Secretary at War constantly keeping the same officers in each department of the army, and the same thing ought to be done with regard to the navy. The next appointment of the present First Lord was Admiral Elliott; who was removed from the Channel squadron to Portsmouth, then to the Admiralty, and now to the Mediterranean. He had not the least ob jection to any of these officers, but it was very hard that officers who were equally as good should not have a chance of gaining experience. It might be necessary to change the First Lord with each change of Administration, but the other Lords should be put in for a certain time—say five years, and one changed every year, so as to keep up a con stant supply of experienced men. It was not his intention to oppase the vote, but he should take an early opportunity of submitting a substantive motion upon the subject. 4 Lord LOVAINE said that some explanation was also needed of the increase of charge for clerks, from £18,732 last year to £19,210, when it was remembered that the packet contracts had been transferred to the Post-office. He took the opportunity of stating that Mr. Clifton, the head of the steam department, brought under his notice the whole of the documents relating to the Churchward con tract, and that he was not amenable, to the censure which the right hen. member for Portsmouth had passed in the course of a recent debate, under the supposition that he had not done so. He believed Mr. Clifton to be a most active and intelligent public Servant. Lord C. PAGET said that the gallant admiral seemed to find fault with the Duke of Somerset for appointing proper men. Sir C. NAPIER said he found fault with the constant continuation in commands of the same officers. Lord C. PAGET said that if they had a good man he thought it best to give him another command as soon as an opportunity occurred ; but all the appointments of the Duke of Somerset had been made after consultation, and with the unanimous approval of the professional members of the Board. The increase of charge for clerks partly arose from promotion of third-class clerks to second-glass clerks, and partly from the progressive increase of salaries. There had been no reduction consequent on the transfer of the packet contracts to the Post-office, because an immense increase of work had been entailed by the augmentation of the service. It had been necessary to appoint temporary clerks, and they had preferred to do so because they hoped the necessity was only temporary. Admiral DUNCOMBE believed that it would be more economical to make permanent appointments, and that the work would be better done. d Naval After some furth er conversa ti on t h e vote was agreed to. On the vote o f £287 , 000 f or the salaries of the Coastguard an A R P es l e E rve, Sir C. R asked whether the 9,000 men figuring t v :o c n e o o f n bthoaordAadmm w t o a r r , p and o o w h t h e a t whether ro i s t o n w t a e s o t a h s e t ginutaernd on this vot e as C oastguard'a Reserve were fit for actual ser ianralt°;- ships by efficient vessels ? Sir J. ELPHINSTONE advocated the placing of the re serve under a separate staff department, and recommended to the attention of the Admiralty and the house a pain_ phlet lately published by Admiral Martin, which was a most useful compendium of the whole subject. The duties of the Coastguard, whether officers or men, were extremely ardu ous, and the only advantages which that serv i ce offered were those which arose from enabling them to live with their families. In order to render the Coastguard thoroughly efficient as a naval reserve, he recommended that a large addition should be made to its numbers, and that the men should be thoroughly trained and drilled, so as to lit them for the position of captains of guns, in case they were sud denly required to embark. Admiral WALCOTT inquired whether he was correct in believine• that out of 7,200 Coastguardsmen 1,500 or 2,000 men had no pretension to the character of seam en , an d could not be relied on in an emergency ? Sir J. PAKINGTON hoped the noble lord would also be able to state how many naval coast volunteers were now enrolled, and to what extent they had come forward for drill during the past year. 1,001 g, Liwgl said QA the I§t Ware woo sal board Coastguard ships and tenders 3,206 men, which, with 3,438 serving on shore at the different stations, made a total of 6,644 seamen available for the fleet. Besides these, there were 1,386 landsmen, whose places would, however, be filled by seamen as rapidly as they were pensioned off. He did not mean to deny that there were able points in the pam phlet of Admiral Martin, but he should like to ask what additional security could be provided for ascertaining whe • ther a man was really an able seaman—the point on which Admiral Martin found so much fault with the Present scheme. The man on presenting himself was first examined by the shipping master, and as an additional security he could not be admitted without being taken before the naval officer for the district, who put such questions with regard to reefing and steering and the marks of the lead as rarest sufficiently test his ability as a seaman. In fact, if a defect existed in the scheme, it was, as had been pointed out by the right hon. gentleman the member for Oxfordshire, that tile pre liminary examination was too searching. (Hear, hear.) Admiral Martinwas a most excellent and efficient member of the commission, but he maintained that the statement in which he took pains to show that the men who were being entered could not be depended on, was, as regarded the Ad- miralty, very unfair and unjust. Without incurripg the risk of being called to order, he could not refer to the case of the commanders of the coastguard, but he might state that they wore included in the scheme pf the retirement of officers Which he was most anxious of having an opportn nity of laying before the house. Sir C. NAPIER complained that his question still re mained unanswered, and that the Secretary to the Admi ralty had given a very poor account of Admiral Martin's pamphlet. The noble lord represented that there were G,OOO men ready to go on board ship, whib Admiral Martin li- mited the number to 3,200 ; and he further stated that there were only 1,300 landsmen in the coastguard, while Admiral Martin held that there were 4,000, mho ought to be got rid of as quickly as possible. The noble secretary further in formed the house that nothing could bo done by the ship ping master in reference to the arolment of volunteers without consulting the naval officer, but in a letter which he had received from an officer will acquainted with the nature of this reserve, it was stated, " The sailors complain that they do not understand the regulations—that the ship ping master tells them one thing and the naval officer another." (Hear.) "When men come forward to volun teer they wish to be drilled at once, and not to have it hang ing over their heads. Many now regret that they have joined the reserve, and prevent others from doing so, while efficient sailors are often turned away by the foolish ques tions which are asked." The noble lord the Secretary to the Admiralty might be a very good sailor, but if he were to put before him the shear-block of a line-of-battle ship, and ask him what sized rope he would strop it with, he might feel equally at a loss with Jack to give an answer off hand. (Laughter.) The fear of punishment by the lash without previous trial by court-martial 'likewise operated injuriously on the volunteer force. (Hear.) Lord LOVAINE wished to know whether any disincli nation to enter the coastguard had been manifested from a belief that the retiring allowance was not as attractive as in former years. Mr. LINDSAY hoped some explanation would be given of the discrepancy between the statements of Admiral Mar tin and the noble lord the Secretary to the Admiralty. It was very desirablo to ascertain whether those 6,000 men were all really able seamen, or whether any portion of them were mere landsmen, whohad been put into the Coastguard through favour or patronage. As to the mode of entering seamen for the navy, if they were to be obtained from the merchant service the usual shipping masters were more likely to get them thannaval officers. He believed one of the greatest discouragements to entering the naval service was the objection seamen felt to the present form of the Articlep of War, that inflicted the penalty of death for com paratively trifling offences, though, of course, the punish ment was very rarely carried into effect. The Admiralty would not obtain sailors freely till the Articles of War were, modified. He wished to know what had been done with the £lOO,OOO voted last year for the Coast Volunteers; and what would be done with the same sum asked for in the present estimates P Mr. HENLEY thought the regulations under which sea men were required to enter the navy should be simplified ; as they stood, no one could understand them. Why could not the Admiralty allow a man to enter for a month, and then rate him an A.B. if capable, or send him about his business ? At the utmost they could only lose the few shillings they might pay the man more than he was worth, and they would have the advantage of a month's trial, in stead of first'aeking a series of questions that real sailors disliked and resented. Mr. W. WILLIAMS ascribed the unwillingness to enter thenavy to the continuance of the punishment of flogging, and hoped the Admiralty would find some substitute for it. Admiral WALKER asked what were the ages and quali • fications foPtntering into the Coast Volunteers ? Lord C. PAGET, in reply to the question of the hon. member for Sunderland (Mr. Lindsay), said that of the £lOO,OOO voted last year for the Coast Volunteers only a small part had been expended; the rest would fall in to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Of the present vote of the same amount a portion would be immediately expended in fitting up two training ships in the river for the volun teers. The number of the naval reserve entered was, he might add, about 800. Mr. LYG ON complained of the large amount which was set down in the vote for lodging accommodation. Admiral DUNCOMBE, adverting to the difficulty of procuring an adequate number of men for the naval reserve, expressed it to be his opinion that the cause was to some extent to be found in the fact that the value of the article required was not given. Sir C. NAPIER said that, as there seemed to be no dis position on the part of the Admiralty to provide efficient ships in the place of the block ships, he felt it to be his duty to move that the vote for the coastguard be reduced by £4,000. Lord LOVAINE feared, whatever bounties they offered, they would not get the number of A.B.'s wanted. They were not to be had. It was in evidence before the Mer chant Shipping Committee that the number of A.B.'s in the merchant service had within the last 20 or 30 years diminished beyond all precedent. The advantages offered in futuro might, however, do much. Sir C. NAPIER withdrew his amendment, thinking it better to bring forward some specific motion on the subject. Sir J. ELPHINSTONE recommended smaller vessels to be employed as school-ships than the line-of -battle-ships now used. It was not convenient to congregate together 2,000 boys in one ship. Lord C. PAGET replied that the block ships were quite unfit for school ships, there being no room below. They did not mean to place more, probably, than 500 boys to gether. A vote was then agreed to. On the vote for the scientific branch being proposed, Mr. B, JOHNSTONE inquired whether it was true that at one of our largest dockyards an immense number of ar tificers and shipwrightshad been discharged, and that they were going over to France ? The CHAIRMAN said the question was not relevant to the present vote. Mr. B. JOHNSTONE would then move that they re port progress, in order to have an answer to his question. Lord C. PAGET said he had not heard that any arti ficers were going over to France, but a number had been discharged at the end of the financial year in consequence of the reduction of the estimates. In reply to a question from Admiral WALCOTT, Lord C. PAGET said there would be no objection to al lowing officers who had retired from the malice the value of their chronometers as determined by the Astronomer Royal. The Board of Admiralty had framed an order—to which he trusted they would soon obtain the sanction of the house—for granting three chronometers to line-of-battle ships, frigates, or troopships, two chronometers to sloops, and one to gunboats. It was only fair that officers should be relieved from the expense of providing their own chro nometers. The vote was then agreed to, and the chairman ordered to report progress. ADULTERATION OF FOOD OR DRINK BILL. This bill, as amended, was considered. CENSUS (ENGLAND). Mr. CLIVE moved for leave to bring in a bill for taking the census of England. The motion was agreed to. The bill was then brought in and read the first time. The house adjourned at a quarter past 12 o'clock. [AnvElmsnmENT.]—Holloway's Pills and Ointment.— Irresistible Remedies.—For weak or diseased lungs, drop sical symptoms, and chronic rheumatism, Holloway's oint ment and pills stand unrivalled. Mr. Turner, chemist, of Banham, Norfolk, wr it es th a t J ames T urner , o f Kenning hall-Heath, was g r i evous ly afflicted for many years by a complication of such di sor d ers . Thi s p oor m an was quite incapable of any e xer ti on , Th e b es t procura bl e medical ad vice gave no relief, when fortunately Holloway's prepara tions were recommended. Considerable ease was obtained immediately on their use, and the power of motion returned, while every untoward symptom gradually departed. By persevering friction with the ointment over the affected parts the patient was soon enabled to resume his usual em ployment, and gratefully testifies to the efficacy of Hollo way's purifying remedies. [ADTERTISEMENT—Fiftythousand cures without medi cine, by Du Barry's delicious Revalenta Arabica Food, of indigestion (dyspepsia), flatulency, constipation, nervous, , bilious, and liver complaints, debility, cough, asthma, con sumption, &c. C ure No. 71 of dyspepsia, from the Right Hon. the Lord St uar t de Decies,—" I have derived consi derable benefit f rom D u Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, and consider it due to yourselves and the public to autho rise the publication of these lines.—Stuart do Decies." 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Also at Dublin„ Bewley 'and Draper ; at Edinburgh, Raimes and Cc., at Liverpool, Nixon and Thew; at Manehester, Sharp an. Scott; at York, Raimes, Bl anc hard, and. Co..; ate South WO% Udall and Sea THE SARDINIAN PARLIA2IIENT. TURIN, APRIL 12. By way of a prelude to the debate which we are to-day to attend at the Chamber, arising from Gari baldi's question on the cession of Nice, the follow ing particulars will be read with interest in England:— The Governor of Nice, Lubonis, author of the famous proclamation which has shocked the very Ministers by whom that worthy functionary was ap pointed, is actually terrorising the people into com pliance with the French Emperor's wishes. The journal 11 Nizzardo, which had ceased to appear on the first invasion of the county by the French troops, took courage to print a few more numbers upon the announcement that a free appeal was to be mode to public suffrage ; Lubonis had the paper seized and its editor threatened with imprisonment. All the Sindaci, or Mayors, have been served with a notice, to inform them that France will hold the municipal authorities accountable for the vote the people under their jurisdiction may come to. They (the Sindaci) are to hand over to the central autho- rity the names of those who may show any zeal in their opposition to French annexation-. The Bishop has issued a circular enforcing a vote for France as a " duty." The Governor has sent agents into the rural and mountain districts to "organize" the vote, granting them full powers even to dissolve the Mu nicipal Councils who may happen to have another mind than that of the Sardinian Governor, athirst for a French Prefecture. Here in Turin, and throughout Italy, the loss of Nice is both galling and humiliating to the national feeling. The stanchest partisans of Count Cavour are willing to allow that his late transactions have sunk his popu larity a hundred per cent. Even, the city of Pavia, one of those so lately rescued from the Austrian yoke, cannot freely rejoice at its own deliverance, saddened at the thought that Nice is to • be made over to the French domination. An address from that town to Garibaldi invites him to bear up the courage of his townsmen, so as to induce them to resist to the last. The house met soon after 1 o'clock. All the de puties present in Turin wore in their places. Eight of the Ministers attended. There was a crowd and intense expectation in the galleries. The new President, Lanza, for whom room was made by the Senior Vice-President, Zanolini, read himself in in a long written speech, which will ap pear in the official reports to-morrow. Even Italians begin to look rather blank at the sight of a MS. in Parliament, and they are by no means pleased to see a bad example set by a President, who, if be is not here called a '' Speaker," neither should he be styled a " Reader." Count Cavour then rose, and laid on the Presi dent's table two bills, which he begged the hoase to declare of urgent interest ; one referred to the treaty with France, the other to the decree of annexa tion of the Central Italian Provinces, both of which the Minister hopedwould pass through all the stages of dieeu.stioa in both Houses between this and Saturday, Sunday being the day appointed for the King's journey to Tuscany, which will bring about a Parliamentary recess. Garibaldi then rose. With a firm, clear voice, he began by reading the fifth article of the Constitu tion, by which no sale or barter of any part of the State can take place without the consent of Parlia ment. He said— " The vote which has now been put to the provinces of Savoy and Nice is neither legal nor valid without the sanc tion of the Chambers. Nice came into the power of the House of Savoy in 1388, and in 1391 came to a compact with Count Amadeus VII., by virtue of which the Count could not part with the city or any part of the territory or people ; but, in the event of his releasing his Nizzards from their vote of allegiance, the latter were free in their choice of a new Sovereign, without being therefore amenable to the charge of rebellion. The treaty of the 24th March, by which Nice is ceded to France, is not only an infraction of "he old charter of Nice, but also a violation of the right of nationality. We are told that the exchange of two small Transalpine provinces against the YErnilia and Tuscany is a desirable bargain ; but the sale of a people is always a deplor able transaction, and the Italians of the Centre have but a poor earnest of the account into which the rights and wishes of a people are taken. If the Government reckons on the vote of the pepulation, why should the vote of Nice be appointed for the 15th, while that of Savoy is to come off on the '22d. The moral pressure now exercised upon Nice by the French police rendersan appeal to universal suffrage a mere deri sion. He spoke of the intrigues of the French police, of briberies and threats, of Lubonis's manifesto, by which it seemed as if a connivance existed between the French agents and the King's Government, and ended by moving a resolution—that the vote of the people of Nice should be put off till Parliament had fully deliberated on the subject. Cavour rose to answer : " The treaty of the 24th of March is not an isolated fact ; it belongs to a series of great political transactions, some of which have been accomplished ; others are now in progress. To give the honourable general a satisfactory answer, I should have to enter into explanations as to she whole of our political system. This I must beg to postpone till the treaty with France comes on for discussion before the house. I may then. lay the state of affairs before a committee of the house, and give all satisfactory information. The house knows I have invariably wished to have our policy freely canvassed before the house. What I have to declare at this moment is simply that this question of Savoy and Nice is merely a continuation of that uolicy which led us to Milan, Bologna, and Florence. Had wo refused the treaty, we might have imperilled all our most glorious results. For the present this is not a discussion to be brought before Par liament. The vote of the provinces is no unconstitutional proceeding. Parliament cannot be bound by the vote of the population. That vote can always be rescinded by Parlia ment. The sanction of the Chambers has always been one of the foremost conditions stipulated in the treaty. A clause of the same nature was introduced into the treaty of com merce lately concluded between France and Great Britain, and the freest Parliament in the world has been satisfied with it. Our national representatives ought not to be more jealous of their paramount authority than the Lords and Commons of England. The Government is not accountable fur the intrigues of the party agents. They will see that the vote is given free from all undue pressure. The appeal to the suffrage in those provinces is made on the same prin ciple adopted for the States of Central Italy. Sonie of the acts of the provisional rulers in Nice aro greatly to be re gretted. The Governor Lubonis not only exceeded but alto gether departed from his instructions. The man enjoyed a good character as a fair and impartial magistrate. All his previous conduct authorised the Government to expect a different behaviour on his part. lie has been gravely re primanded for his conduct.' The Minister concluded by again begging for the postponement Of this discussion. Laurenti Robandi said:— "Nice cannot be sold or given in exchange without the consent of Parliament. I accept the Minister's promise that there will be an open discussion in the Chambers and a free vote for the people. This is no political question, it is -mat ter of honour and morality. While I consent to the adjourn ment of the question, I must beg leave to produce some documents proving what freedom of vote is allowed to the Nizzards. (He then read Lubonis's proclamation, then the address of the Mayor of Nice to the citizens, and other offi cial papers proving that a vote for France is enforced by the King's officers almost in the King's name. He showed that the French party settled all the proceedings of the vote, so as to have all their own way.) Only five days were allowed for preparation. Frenchmen:of Nizzard extraction were ad mitted to the suffrage, whether or not they could prove their descent. There was a French committee taking upon them selves official authority. Tho priestsprayed ' Dwane salvurn fec Napolconem,' &c. The Bishops declared a vote for France to be matter of Christian duty, &c. There were French regiments, not passing through, but actually occu pying and garrisoning Nice; a cavalry regiment; three Berznch frigates, with their sailors landing and setting up clamours of Viva la France,' &c. The impression has gone forth among the people that all is over—all is settled ; that France expects every man to do his daty, and will reward according to merit. There is a circular issued from the official press to that effect. " Cavour—By whom signed ? "Laurenti Robandi—This copy has no signature. I came to it by the merest chance, as I receive no letters. I accuse no man ' but the post never has any letters for me. The circular, however, is published by the Government printer in Nice." He then gave the names of some members of the French committee—Bruni Martini, and another Martini, a notorious swindler. Ile alluded to the seizure of the Nizzardo newspaper, whose only crime was, under the present circumstances, to dissuade the people front voting. "Is this," he now exclaimed, " freedom of vote ? 'Why should not the Nizzards be treated with the same fairness as the Tuscans or Romagnese ? Have they not shown themselves Italians ? Have they not fought for the common cause? Have they not shed their blood ?" He then referred to Cavour's note to Thouvenel, purposely garbled in the Noniteur ' to the King's speech in Parliament, to his proclamation to the people of Savoy and Nice. He insisted that freedom of vote had been promised to them by all that was most solemn and sacred, and that the promise should hold good. He asked that a vote of censure should be pronounced ore the Provisional Government of Nice, as having violated the freedom of vote. As Cavour's speech was received with great ap plause, so those of Garibaldi and Laurenti Robandi were often interrupted by enthusiastic cheers, which were severely rebuked by the President Lanza. Mellana, of Casale (Extreme Left), said,— " The Minister puts off this discussion ; but he may as well say at once that the vote of Savoy and Nice is a viola tion of the Constitution. A vo te of this nature might be proposed in the ,Emilia and Tuscany, countries which revo lution has deprived of all le gal gove . rnment, but Piedmont is a firmly constituted Government , no vote the people without the sanction of Parliament.. Even with the consent of Parliament , the proceeding would be illegal ; for where is there any mention of universal suffrage in our laws ? Cavour says the question of Nice is bound up with that of nationality ; this is an appeal to the principle of ex pediency ; I stand on honour h an e d right. f I also turn round upon this house, cro wdedwit ell d o le e u l F .d es I r n om lB4 th a e w n e e h w e l d y athne nexted provinces, and I will t Austrians west of the Ticino; wo a . _ _ them on the ram parts of Alessandria. Yet we were bidden to sign a treaty derogatory to our honour ; and what answer did we then [Hero the orator was overpowered by ch o ki ng reminded of the gratitude. wo owe to make ? emotion.] ere 'that nature France, but no fueling of should interfere with what we owe to oz - ir honour. The bon, depui then proposed that the vo t e c f :v precede all appeal s t o t h e popu• Parliament should lar suffrage. Farini, Home Ministei',. said,— " Parliament will not be biase'ed by the popular veto ; on the cop,trgrhthiv remit of tin itppe4,l ty 11,44'004 sAttrage will enlighten Parliament as to the real views and tendon- cies of the people of Savoy and Nice. I regret that the provisional rulers of Nice should not hare followed instruc- lions. The French troops are not permanent in Nice ; they go past one regiment after another, day by day. The cir cular of the Committee was printed by a printer who serves the Government, but cannot strictly be called an official person. On the voting- day Nice shall be free from all sol diers. There will only be the Royal Carabineers. The Government wish they might trust the National Guards : but there are party divisions among them, and public order would not be safe with them." Mamiani, Minister of Public Instruction, whose faculties seem to be impaired by age, and who was never powerful in debate in his happiest times, detained the house with no very efficient speech : " This is no time," he said, " to subtilise on points of legality. The treaty is dictated by necessity ; we must be resigned. In all sublunary matters, but especially in poli tics, we must all always look to thg end. It is sometimes necessary to lop off a limb to preserve a diseased body; Nice must be amputated. The ,Nizzarcls have great sympathy with France; that nation attracts them as a strong Ama zon, whose charms aro irresistible. Italy has numberless enemies. Should she part with her only ally, and follow a policy of isolation ? Read Lamoriciore's order of the day. Do you wish to undo all that has been done? Shall we suffer Central Italy to fall under the Pope, the Austrians, and Neapolitans ; fill the prisons, drench the scaffolds with blood, rather than Nice should follow the destinies which a great number of her population deem most propitious for her ?" Mamiani's speech was received with an attempt at applause, which was immediately hushed. The house was then addressed by Sineo, a mem ber of the Left ; Boggio, a Ministerialist ; Count Cavour ; and again by Cavour,. Better°, a Nizzard, and subsequently again by Laurent Robandi and Garibaldi. Mancini, a Neapolitan, and a friend of the Go vernment, stated that he mild, on personal obser vation, assure the house that nothing could be more evident than the strong attachment of Nice to its Sovereign and to Italian nationality. Nothing like a fair vote could be obtained under the present pressure. He moved that the vote for Nice, no less than for Savoy, should be postponed to the 22d, and that two commissions of three deputies for each should be sent to see that the vote should be carried on in a fair manner. Cavour, with great vehemence, rejected this mo tion. He said he had enjoyed great popularity, and saw the present crisis would deprive him of it. Ile nevertheless wished all the responsibility of the present transaction should rest on the Ministers alone, and would neither screen himself behind Parliament, nor let the responsibility weigh on it. The different resolutions were then put to the vot4, and the house decided in favour of that moved .by, the Ministerial member, Boggio, who only " re solved that the Ministers should see that the vote of Savoy and Nice was given in all sincerity and freedom." The house adjourned at a quarter before 6. Gari baldi was received with the greatest enthusiasm by the vast crowd assembled outside the Palace, and actually carried away in triumph. Yet he had not been very happy in his second Parliamentary attempt, and he ought to have been satisfied with his first appearance in his new character of au orator. He said himself, with great aptness, that" he might perhaps better trust his powers in handling a rifle than in addressing a house filled with some of the greatest literary celebrities in this country." APRIL 13. Yesterday's sitting in the House of Deputies left a deep, sorrowful impression, from which I really believe not one of the thousand persons present has yet fully recovered. The Government gained but too easy a victory, yet a victory on which they have but little reason to congratulate themselves. That pres sure which Count Cavour is obliged to exercise both on the Parliament and on the population of Savoy and Nice, weighs on no man so heavily as on the Premier himself, Had he at least been free to speak out, and to acknowledge the straits in which, the overbearing arrogance to his " magnanimous ally" places him, he would easily have turned the oppo sition of his most inveterate adversaries into cordial sympathy. Not being able to speak from his place in the house, or even in the columns of the Gazette, he gives vent to his own feelings, and appease the angry feelings of his countrymen, in a short article in the semi-official Cpinione, from which I extract a few sentences. " The discussion arising from Garibaldi's question," lie says — "Was a prolonged outcry of grief, which broke forth from every Deputy of Nice, and was echoed by the heart and soul of all the representatives of the nation. Let not a word be said about compensation, exchange, or bargain ; let the act be described for what it is, a great, a sorrowful sacrifice, to which the nation submits for the welfare of all. This will account for the large majority which voted yester day for the Government. It was a painful but inevitable duty that was to be fulfilled ; and let the Opposition refrain from boasting. They might safely enough wage war to t best of their powers ; but they were too glad, as they were certain to be in the minority. So it is. The Government must feel bitter about their triumph ; the Opposition would have been too utterly undone by success. The Minister Mamiani blurted out the truth with more than Arcadian sim plicity. "France is an Amazon, a terrible Amazon, which inspires terror, even when she allures you with her smiles." Pity Cavour attempted to coquet with this dread virago! Mamiani's theory about legality and expediency no longer, one would fain hope, belongs to our age. We are sick of the old definition, describing a diplomatist " as a man sent abroad to lie for the benefit of his country." In the same manner we must protest against Mamiani's notions of a political man. Whoever hesitates to walk to his goal from fear of the sorrows he may have to tread upon, may be an excellent person, but he is not a political man. He is but a craven who end ingers life in his reluctance to submit a diseased limb to the surgeon's scalpel. " The law of necessity is paramount over all considerations." Surely there is a limit to this somewhat free-and easy,theory. Had it been in the power of Count Cavour to foresee not only that he was to lose Savoy and Nice, but also that the sacrifice was to be at tended by the violation of all the laws and statutes of the country, by a breach of all the commonest rules of equity, truth, and honour, he would not be entitled to the name of man—say nothing of the character of statesman—if lie had deliberately in volved himself in his present difficulties. But it is in the nature of this great and good man to play a high game. The stake was great, the prize tempt ing, and lie is accustomed to rely on his 99 chances of good luck. His achievements in Lombardy and Central Italy justified his overweening confidence, but now he is called to the reckoning. He must not only pay the stake, but pay it in the very coin which the croupier calls for. He must not only give up Savoy and Nice, but he must bear a hand in all the fraud and violence by which those two provinces are made to change masters. Would, at least, that he was sure his present countenance precludes future demands ! No one could hear without a shudder Mamiani's assertion "that Italy must choose between French alliance and complete isolation." And Mellana asked with good reason, "Where is there to be the end of these French slopes ? Did they not, under the first Em pire, extend to all Liguria, and even to this sacred land, from which, at least, our speech is now em powered to go forth freely ? Give up principles, and then tell us where you will find resolution to say to an encroaching neighbour so far and no further ?' " Mamiani threw out a hint that Italy needed the aid of France for the deliverance of Venice, Rome, and Naples. Is it quite so certain that Napoleon 111. will never at any time join Austria, the Pope, and Bourbon to the ruin of Italy ? Time will show. In the mere display of Parliamentary eloquence the ever-memorable sitting of yesterday did not strike mere spectators as giving evidence of any extraordinary powers on either side. Count Cavour spoke under restraint, and his temper never fails to get the better of him whenever he has to contend with difficulties which place him at a manifest dis advantage. Yet even in the little he had to say, and in his peculiar frame of mind, his transcendent logical gifts were evinced with sufficient clearness ; and he displayed enough of that ability which dis incline him not only to admit a rival, but even a sharer of his power. He is an inelegant speaker, but the closest, clearest, readiest reasoner that ever was. Yesterday's debate fully justified his reluct ance to trust either his colleagues or his partisans with the advocacy of his principles or conduct. He was yesterday rather feebly seconded by the Mini sterial Board, or the benches of the majority. Parini is a highly polished writer, a copious, and sometimes even happy speaker. He is one of the most upright and generous patriots in Italy, and the page in Italian history he has lately acted in the tEmilia will read more glorious than any of the volumes he has written ; but yesterday he would better have consulted the interests of the Cabinet and his own fair name had he simply held his tongue. His very fairness and honesty, his best feelings, were against him. The quibble " that the French were only going through, not staying at Nice," should have been left to the 111oniteur. As for his disapproval of Luboni's manifesto, " least said soonest mended." Is he not the Home 111ini iter ? If he was disappointed in the man, why not at least remove, or even prosecu t e hi m ? Surely if there ever was a case of laze majeste, no less than leze nattonalite, it was that of this magistrate, who , in the nam e o f impartiality, exhorts the Nizzards to fall off from King and country ? The Opposition easily earned the honours of the day; for, as I said, their own hearts, that of their hearers, and even that of their opponents, were with them. Garibaldi's brave bluntness, Laurenti Ro bandi's passionate tones, Mellana's tribunitiatt de clamation, Mancini's earnest truth—everything told. But these men are, after all, only the " small fry" of their party. The " grent guns," Cabella and Sistori, only allowed themscives a few remarks. The still greater champions, Cattaneo and Guer razzi, have not yet made their appearance. A mistake occurred in my yes terday'e hurried report. Count Cavour laid upon the table both the treaty with France and the decrees for the annexa tion of Central Italy, but only the latter were pre seated for immediate deliberation. The discussion of the annexation of lEtnilia and Tuscany, which comes on to-day, will not occupy the Chamber many 1 Minutes. The measure came before the house in two sePa" rate bills. Last evening these were taken into con sideration in the different sections of the house, and then by a commission consisting of members chosen by each of the nine sections. The commission then appointed a reporter, who was to inform the Cham ber as to resolutions of the different sections and of the commission upon the bill. These are the suc cessive stages through which every bill must PaSSP corresponding to the first, second, and third read ing of a bill in the English Houses of Parliament . On this occasion all these idle forms were hurried through at a tearing gallop. The reporter (Saracco) made an appropriate speech, celebrating the hapPY series of events by which 12,000,000 of Italians were brought to constitute one family ; and the President proceeded to put to the vote the few words by which the house expressed its approval of the King's decree. As the question was put, all the members rose at once with a loud shout of exultation, which wss still more loudly re-echoed by the galleries, and a loyal cheer of " Viva it Re !" again and again broke from the hearts of all persons present. Notwith standing this hearty, spontaneous, and universal acclamation, it was necessary again to put the question to the vote by ballot. Two hours were thus lost in this mere dull piece of formality—sura: moving the members by the appel nominal, a s a bidding them deposit their white or black balls in the respective urns. The results were : For the annexation of the "Emilia—members pre sent, 215 ; voters, 214 ; for the bill, 214 ; aga inst, 0. One deputy, Chenal, a Savoyard, abstained f rom voting. For the annexation of Tuscany—deputies pres ent* 213 ; voters, 212 ; for the bill, 211 ; agains t, 1. Chenal again refused to vote. The result of the ballot was again received with prolonged applause. Bertani, a Lombard, wished to put a question to the Ministers on the late events in Sicily. Count Cavour somewhat tartly replied that he would vouchsafe no answer to questions addressed to him without the formal courtesy of a previous notice. The matter before the house was of urgent importance, and he would call upon the hon. deputy to put off his intarpellanza till to-morrow. Massei, a Tuscan, addressed the Ministers on the subject of the " autonomy" or separate administra tion of Tuscany. He valued, he said, the honour conferred upon his native province by sending & Royal Lieutenant, a Prince of the blood, to reside at Florence. He was glad his country was placed under the rule of Baron Ricasoli, a man whose wisdom and firmness had so ably steered the State in days of great difficulty and danger. Still there were drawbacks to all these signal advantages' The stateta, though long since promulgated, was not yet carried into effect. The Sardinian law eu th e National Guard was not yet applied to Tuscany' and the law of "suspects,' empowering a prefect a the police to proceed " economically "—that / 0, secretly and summarily, against the citizens, inflict' ing even a penalty of three years' imprisonmen t ' was not yet abolished. He was aware that not s little of the Leopoldine laws, which were the heart of Tuscan civilisation, might with advantage be eV tended to the whole of the new Italian monarchy Still, he insisted that the present provisional eon; dition of Tuscany was injurious to her welfare, an d hoped the Ministers were earnestly thinking of cessation of the evil. Farini, the Home Minister, rose to reply. He W si; under a strong impression that the statuto was l a full activity in Tuscany as in the other provinces 0 the realm. He thought all exceptional and arbl' trary measures of the Tuscan police had come to au end. He was almost sure of it ; but he would le: quire and ascertain. The Government was mo st anxious to bring about a real fusion of the Toes! with the Sardinian and Lombard laws, and "mule' see that the advantages which were hitherto COl' fined to one province should become common to all. Garibaldi left this morning at 10 o'clock O f Nice. a A Tuscan regiment, the 3 6 th, was recei ved i t Turin yesterday with enthusiastic acclamation. was the first corps from Central Italy that has yet been seen in the capital. he GOU.Ar TRY MARKETS. COLCHESTER—Arum 14. A tolerable supply of wheat, and for the best satin; led 2s advance freely obtained on last weellt's prices. Batl e y comes scarce, and dearer. Beans and p eas were the taw in favour of the seller. Wheat, white 4Bs to 54s Beans Mazagan..32s to 361 red 46s to 52s Middle & small 36s to 41. Barley 36s to 50s White peas Oats 2os to 25s Grey.. 3 36 2 s s t t o o 3338: CHELMSFORD—APRIL 13. There was a fair supply of wheat ; generally the 11161.: was good at a rise of is per qr over late prices for the be; sorts ; inferior at late rates. Oats and barley fully 1014. Beans and peas firm at last week's prices. 4 16 Wheat, whito 43s to 56s Peas, Partridge .. 40s t• m red 42s to 50s White 40s tO ",•,$ Barley 3:, , s to 42s Boiling 4os to % Chevalier .... 36s to 46s Dun 35, 3 to Grinding Malt 26 6 0 s s t t o o 6 3 6 1 s s H Beans, arr Tick Harrow Ticks i c . k s . . . 4 4 3 0 s t o to o It Chevalier ....63s to 68s Mazagan 37s tO (' Oats 26s to 31s KIRKA] Here to-day we have I kind of grain. Sales brisl Y—APRI L 14. • of el very small supplies t fully is higher. Wheat Barley Oats First.... 45s Od 38s Oct 24s Od Second.. 59s Od 43s Od 30s 04 Third .. 52s Od —s Od 32s 6d COAL MARKET-APRIL 16. (Prises of Coal per Ton at the close of the market.) s. d. I Walls End. di a. 6 IHeugh Hall .............. 5_ Keiper Grange fo Cassop .••• •16 6 0 North Hartlepool.... • !i n South Hartlepool..... . ,;7 1 Braddyll's Hetton .... . . I'6 Wharncliffe ......... : 6 Woodhouse Close ..... Trimdon Thornley.. • .• ; . g Eden Main.......... Hetton.... . ......... Thorpe Carway and Duffry o .o 3 Malting . ......... v Liangennech ....... :et, 30—Sold, 27. Byass's Belaside West Hartley . 15 6 Davison's West Hart- ley ....16 0 Howard's West Hart- ley 16 0 Tanfield Moor 12 6 Tanfield Moor Butes l2 6 Wylam l6 0 Lambert's West Hart- ley 15 6 Walls End. Fothergill's Aberdare..2l 0 Framwellgafe l9 6 Shineliffe 19 0 Ships at mark FOREIGNABIAIL PACKET LIST. En b t y h e e v f e o n l in low g i ni ng ai t l a a b f l r e nm E signifie s , t a h n a d t m let b t y er m s o ar rn e iri d g es o P , _.....--.‘p i DESTINATIONS. Despatch Port of p' of Mails. Despatch. ____----- 0 Australia and Mauritius, via 3094 Southampton May 12, M Sontharap Di al Ditto, via Marseilles AprillB, E ............ io Bahamas and Havana via New . 1 0;0 York May 12, E Liverpool. Apt,. Canada, &c. (by Canadn. pckt ) AprillB, E Liverpool. • 3 Cape of Good Hope, A.soen- gal sum, and St. Helena China, Penang, and Sings- ril '6 AP r o I May 5, EiDevonport pore, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseilles 'April 26, Et.. .......••• o r! i i Gibraltar, via Southam p ton April2o ,11 SouthaniP• ApiP Honduras and Blewfields ri,lB India (Calcutta) and Ceylon, t ivi o via Southampton April2o,M SouthaMP. Apr Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via South- AP r oi 0 P i v ampton April 27, M SouthaM i Ditto, via Marseilles AprillB, E ............ Lisbon, Brazils,Buenos Ayres, 0;0 and F . Islands May 9,M South aMP• ApP' . Lisbon, Vigo, and Oporto Aprill7 ,M SeuthamP. ( li b Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via AP r r li Ste Southampton April2C ,M Sonata/1P . Ap . Ditto, via Marseilles ..„ Mexico and Havana April 24, Newfoundland United States and British N APj -•*, America (by British packet) April2l, E Liverp ool''... Ditto (by U. S. packet) 'April 18,E Southan 2 Y 10 ; West Coast of Africa, Ma- WI. AY ' t dcira, and Teneriffe April 23 B LiyerP West India, California, Irene- E Se iv n e th r r oo t . . 406, .i , . x ) zuela, Chili, Peru, Grey town, New Granada, &c. ,April—,lll,SouthatoP• BIRTS. a re, 116 FREEMAN.—On the 16th inst., H at 6, Camden-00-,btor. wife of Charles Edwards Freeman, Esq., of a da:(.atpir JENNER..—On Low Sunday, at the Vicarage, ..r,-c-ellO4 noxt-Wingham, the wife of the Rev. lierirY -`'.- Jenner, of a daughter. the Vil PETRE.—On the 15th inst., at 57, Portland -pla ce) Ettoßnl the lull at La il Petro, of a daughter. CONSTABLE—RIDD X Robert o a b d e d r i t n g t Riddell, onsh i r o E , a Mayne ed s y 0 Charles Ca p t r o a. Drake e Cally, Perthshire, to Jane Anna, the eldest daugm Devonshire, Johns:a.-Po'nVj'' SHEPIIERD—BRADFORD.—On the 12th inst., at - 1 biP Coo° sChoenrshtae br,ll,e2c:sucl: Fishacre House, to Blanch, eldest ohter of the -,, dau b John Bradford, vicar. DEATHS. the Ile BOSTON .—On i . n the 14th inst., atßelgrave-square, Hon. L ady BUNBURY.—On the 13th inst., at Barton, B u ry .v . ..., 10 14 . mund's, Lieut.-General Sir Henry E. Bunbutly D K.C.8., aged S 2. at 51, Cum be r f VEI , NoN.—On the 14 th in st., su ddenly, land-street, Hyde-park, Captain Leicester Ardington House, Berks, and M.P. for the county. LONDON : Printed arid Publi o . - 1,2 , 1 by A111111)0 1.-OLTT,.II: of No. 112, Strand, Print er, at The Sun office, No• Of Strand, in the Preoinot of the Savoy, in the ,Oottitti Middledat Tuesday, April 17, 1860. --Ae r app, JO Post of a arE "on! Ind resu Oqr