The Sun. — London, England, 1860-04-06 00:00:00

BENSON'S WATCHES. “ Perfection of mechanism." —Morning Post. Gold Watches 4 to 100 guineas. Silver Watches 33 and 34, Ludgate-hill, London, B.C. end 2 stamps for Benson's Illustrated Pamphlet on Watches THEATRE -ROYAL, HAYMARKET. Lessee, Mr. J. B. Bnokstone. On Easter Monday will be performed THE OVERLAND ROUTE. Messrs. C. Mathews, Buckstone, Compton, Chip pendale, Mrs. C. Mathews, Miss Weekee, and Mrs. Wilkins• To conclude with a new fairy romance, THE PILGRIM OF LOVE. .% k DELPHI, NEW THEATR E -ROYAL. Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. Benj. Webster. ant powerful attraction for the Holidays. Adelphi Drama and Grand Extravaganza. On Easter Monday, April 9, will be reproduced the popular anginal Adelei drama of THE DEA D HEART. Robe rt rt Landry Mr. . Webster (who will make his first appearan Since his return from his greatly successful provincial to C. ur) ; Messrs. P. Bedford, J. L. Too le, David Fisher, Stuart, J. Smith, Billington, Eburne , Powell, Romer, Page ; MissWool gar, Miss K. Kelly, Miss Laidlaw. Alter which (first time at this theatre), the Grand Musical Fairy Extravaganza, by J. R. Planche, Esq., of THE FAIR ONE WITM THE GOLDEN LOCKS. Bedford Visco King Lachrymoso, Mr. U. L. Toole ; Cou nt Pleniposo, Mr. P. unt Terysoso, Mr. C. J. Smith Graceful, Miss Woolgar ; Queen Lucidora, Miss Emily Thorne (her first appearance at this theatre) ; Mollmopsa, Miss K. Kelly. BoSaturday thx-office e 7th. open from Private 10 boxes, ti £2 2s. ; Fall 5 on Thursdaymil the y sth and on Boxer Xi ; :Orchestra Stalls, ss. ; Balcony, 4s. ; Front Circle Stalls, 3s. ; Tit Stalls, 25.; Pit, ls. 6 d. ; Amphitheatre, Is ; Gallery, 6d. Acting Manager—Mr. Wm. Smith. CANTERBURY HALL CONCERTS.- THIS EVENING, LIJGREZIA BORGIA, (Donizet ti). Donna Lucretia Miss Russell. Msffio Orsini Mrs. Anderson. Gennaro Mr. Henry Herbert. Don Alfonzo Signor Tivoli. Conductor—Mr. Jonghmans. Comic Vocalists —Messrs. George Hodson (the Irish Come dian and Mimic), W. T. Critehfield rg , and E. W. Maclmey. Several interesting Pictures are added to the Fine Arts eallery. The suite of Halls have been re-decorated and b eane, and constitute one of the most unique and brilliant Sights of the metropolis. The gallery is open from 5 till 11 on Sunday Evening. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tins DLY.—Morning, lh. 50m.—Afternoon, 2h. 10m. ir 0-x ca ut. ow . -31 ornin g, 2h. 32m.—Afternoon, I2h. 54m. THE POST-OFFICE AND NEWSPAPERS. Scarcely a day elapses that we do not receive complaints of newspapers missing, being toe late, or arriving several posts be hind time. This is an intolerable nuisance to our subscribers, and is, besides, highly prejudicial to ourselves. Where rests the evil ? It is idle to complain, for polite answers and promises avail nothing. Surely Sir Rowland Hill will have some merciful consideration, and endeavour to redress the grievance. It is a double griev ance, for we are made to pay for not send ing the paper, which is often kept back till next morning, which loses a day to our subscribers, who truly say that old news is no news, causing anger rather than benefit. If the General Post-eice be not large enough, then extend it, or build another capacious enough for every purpose, be the cost what it may. It will serve for all time. W e make this suggestion in a spirit of good-will, and hope that good may come of it. . _ _ Sun Office, April 4, 1860. THE SUN. LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 1860. No constituency has perhaps ever so egregiously stultified itself as the constituency of Stroud. It had the distinguished and (at this time) the some what exceptional honour of being represented in the House of Commons by one of the most truly consistent, thoroughly independent, and entirely outspoken men within the walls of Parliament. That honour, that credit, it has now taken—as the French EMPEROR (let us say) has taken his famous Milan Proclamation—and torn it into ribbons and scattered it to the winds of heaven. The Stroud electors, the so called " liberal" and " enlightened" electors of Stroud, assembled as we know the other day in solemn and most sapient conclave, in which —without asking the right hon. gentleman for one syllable of explanation, without for that matter paying him the ordinary compliment, or offering him the customary courtesy of an invitation to attead—they deliberately passed a resolution condemnatory of that very conduct on the part of Mr. HORSMAN, during this present session of Parliament, which, in point of fact, reflects upon him peculiar honour ! And would, but for this absurd and ridiculously ill-timed resolution, have reflected peculiar honour also upon themselves as his constituents ! We have here spoken of the resolution, it will be remarked, as "ill-timed." And we are bold enough to assert most absolutely that, perhaps, never was any resolution so ludicrously and preposterously ill-timed. The proposer and seconder of it, the whole assembly, in fact, of electors who voted for it almost by acclamation, might have exclaimed then and there, in reference to the absent Mr. HORSMAN, as DOGBERRY ex claimed, in reference to the absent Sexton—" that he were here to write me down an Ass ! Adding, even as they might have done also quite truthfully as DOGBERRY himself adds, at the end of his ejaculated lamentations—" But though he be not here, don't forget that I AM an Ass !" For what was actually the literal fact in regard to Mr. HORSMAN, the electors of Stroud, and that memor able resolution, in which the latter condemned the former, upon the score, as the resolution intimated, of his inconsistency ? Why actually the literal fact was simply and absolutely this, that the noble lord the Foreign Secretary was formally—upon the evening of the very day upon which this ludicrous resolution was passed at Stroud —Lord JOHN Rus- SELL, we say,was then officially justify ing, amidst the cheers of the House of Commons, every syllable ut tered during this session, upon foreign affairs, by the right hon. gentleman the representative of the Stroud constituency !! It will be enough, however, upon this point, if we refer directly to the irrefutable logic of Mr. HORS MAN'S own masterly self-vindication. Elsewhere in our impression of this evening will be found the whole of this admirable document. It is worth perusing from the first word to the last. It is one of the most delightfully lucid and unanswerable state ments ever put upon paper. And certainly if the sexton never did as DOGBERRY wished him to do— Mr.HonsmAN has carefully satisfied the kindred aspi rations of his constituency. He has written it down quite plainly, so that those who run may read. There is no mistaking the conclusion at which he arrives, at which we must all arrive in regard to his constituents ; and really the echo of DOGBEERY'S last wish is also (in our own regard) perfectly satis fied—for we don't think we can by any chance very easily contrive to " forget it !" At the commencement of the very second para graph of this admirable and delightf u l communica tion addressed by Mr. Hoßsm N - Ato his is ono manly and sagacious vindicator upon the occ asion of the Stroud meeting, the right lion, gentleman ob serves very forcibly and very sarcastically, " I can _not but think it was a somewhat novel proceeding for constituents to meet and pass judgment on a representative without formally apprising him that t he meeting was to take place and inviting him t o at, tend, and still more strange was it that the chair m& n of the meeting should not have the courtesy or fair, !less to communicate to me the resolution that had been come to, but should leave me to get my information from the newspapers or any other accidental source." But put ting aside as a matter of very secondary cons id er ation this little evidence of provincial discourtesy, Mr. HoRSMAN hastens at once directly to the point—he comes at once to the subject of co ntention. " I am accused , " h e sa y s, " of having acted inconsistently with the principles on which I was elected." He puts the charge quite di rectly, and he repels it with equal explicitness. " No accusation," he writes, " can be more entirely confounded." That—it may be objected—is mere assertion. But it is an assertion that Mr. HORSMAN at once proves beyond the possibility of contradic tion in the manner following. " The two questions," he remarks, "on which I had to express my self most frequently and publicly at the election were Parliamentary reform and foreign policy." He first of all takes the subject of Parlia mentary Reform into account, and he says— " On Parliamentary Reform some of my consti tuents were dissatisfied with my recent vote on Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S abstract resolution, and my answer to them was this :—' Whether I have been right or wrong must at present be a matter of opinion. We must wait till this time next year. If you have then the large and comprehensive mea sure that has been promised you I shall own I have been wrong. But, as I predict, you are offered a measure no better nor more satisfactory than the one now rejected, you will own I have been right, and that it would have been wiser to have settled the question by amending Lord DERBY'S bill with out the turmoil of a dissolution and the loss of a year." Mr. HORSMAN adds—" This issue [be- tween himself and his constituents] was universally accepted [namely by his constituents]. It was raised in March, 1859, and the new bill has been discussed in March, 1860. With what result ? The dissatisfaction felt with the bill of Lord DERBY was as nothing compared with the contempt and ridicule that from every side are poured on the bill of Lord Jomi RUSSELL; and while last year's measure had at lease the merit of exhibiting much thought and pains bestowed in its preparation, this new one is universally condemned for its careless and slovenly character, and no one suggests how, by any number of amendments, it can be made as good a bill as Lord DERBY'S, with very few and simple amend ments, might have become. Moreover," continues the right hon. gentleman " the reluctance shown by the Government to introduce their bill, and the indifference with which they have postponed its progress, discredit the whole proceeding as ema nating from the necessity to redeem a pledge rather than a desire to reform Parliament." So much for Mr. HORSMAN'S inconsistency in regard to the question of Parliamentary Reform. Now, in reference to his views in the matter of our foreign policy. " On foreign policy," he writes, "my views were as clearly expressed, and my course hasbeen equally consistent." Assertion, again, it may be said—mere assertion—yes, but assertion thus supported by facts. " For years," says Mr. HORS MAN, "I have warned my friends at Stroud, at every annual meeting, that the aggressive policy of France was a storm a-head, and that increased armaments and augmented income-tax would be forced upon us ; and I concluded a speech two years ago with the expressions I see you quoted at the meeting— ' Put not your faith in the Emperor of FRANCE, but keep your powder dry." Speaking of things more within their immediate recollection, Mr. HORSMAN adds, for the refreshment of the memory of his somewhat obtuse constituents—" Towards the close of last session of Parliament (on the 9th of August), I protested against the English Minis try becoming so much the French EMPEROR'S par tisans in Italy. I warned them that he had ulterior designs of French aggrandisement, and that they would find themselves deceived and embarrassed by complicity in his acts." And further, he writes : " In the first week of the present session the Chancellor of the Exche quer, when announcing the treaty, asked the House of Commons if under any conceivable circumstances the alliance between France and England could be too close ? I replied immediately, ' That our alliance with France could be too close when it separated us from the other Powers of Europe.' This was on the 27th of January, and on the 14th of March I again urged on the Government the neces sity and the duty of drawing closer to other conti nental Powers, and especially of combining with Prussia against the common danger from France. There seemed at that time ao hope of such a policy, yet, within a fortnight from that day (on the 26th of March), Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in answer to another appeal from me, announced, amid the cheers of the house, that the eyes of the British Ministry were opened at last to their grievous error, that they were now freeing themselves from that special alliance with France which the Chancellor of the Exchequer had vaunted, and were seeking those other European alliances that I had ventured to recommend." Mr. HORSMAN'S remarks might very well have ended here. No one, however, can wonder at his adding immediately :—" Yet, while all Eng land is applauding this change of policy which gladdens the heart of every Liberal in Europe, there are speakers at the Stroud meet ing, differing, I venture to say, from the senti ments of electors of every party in every other constituency, and censuring me for my distrust of France." Than this nothing could be more ad mirably or more forcefully put. In disproof that the course pursued by him was in any way calcu lated to excite war with our French neighbours, Mr. HORSHAM quotes the remarks uttered by him in the Rouse of Commons on the 13th ult., when he spoke thus :—" The whole question is this, what is the policy that leads to war ? Is it a policy of firmness ? Because I cannot but recollect an occasion, not very long ago, when divided counsels, leading to compromise and tending to weak ness, did drift ns into a most disastrous war ?" And he asks, " Was I singular in these views ?" Answering his own query by saying, very truthfully," There is now a very general opinion in the House of Commons that if Lord JOAN RUSSELL had delivered a month ago the speech that he delivered last week ; or if the w' N° all Ministry at an earlier perihaddetcrlaearetyd, Savoy for France, or no commercial England; no Savoy for France, ornowsopuelcdial halli ance'—the Savoy difficulty never arisen. And I am informed that this is also the language of the Emperor of FRANCE, who complains that the English Cabin et have misled him, as they misled the Emperor of Russia into the Crimean war, and as they misled the French Em peror himself on the Conspiracy Bill." We cannot possibly refrain from quoting the next two sen tences, where Mr. HORSMAN writes—" The resolu tion of the meeting condemned my votes and speeches on the commercial treaty and the budget; but, so far am I from regretting them, that I have now the satisfaction of seeing opponents in all directions coming round to my opinions. There is scarcely an independent organ of the press that has not modified its approval both of the treaty and Budget." We at any rate have had nothing w H h o a ß t s e m v eArwto modify. Our opinion has, like Mr. througho s : been entirely and absolutely consistent ut We can refer as confidently to the ffies of our journal in proof of this—as confidently as Mr. HORSMAN has done to his speeches both in and out of Parliament. The whole position assumed against the Government of late by an independent member like Mr. HORSMAN, and by an independent organ like The Sun, is expressed epigramatically in that one alliterative sentence, in which the right hon. member for Stroud, speak of Lord PALMERSTON, observed that he (the Pre mier) was "doubly disqualified" (from the conduct of affairs)—" from having trifled with .Reform and truckled to France !" Enough. The truth, the whole truth, has been spoken, now, right out—and Mr. HORSMAN stands forth perfectly vindicated — even (we cannot but think by this time), upon second thoughts, in the estimation of his own constituency. At a time when our system of Parliamentary representation is under discussion and dissection it may not be without advantage to ascertain how similar matters are arranged elsewhere. They certainly manage these things differently—if not better—in France, though we should hardly advise our Reformers to take a lesson from that school. The vast advantages which some claim for universal suffrage, even when the voter is unprotected, receive some curious illustrations, and we may obtain addi tional evidence, if we choose to go so far for it, of the utter futility of giving votes to men who are bound by their circumstances to vote only one way. In the current number of the Revue Independante' a serial of much ability, to which we have before had occasion to refer, we find an article headed " Un Election de Depute au Corps Legislaqf en France;" and although we must bear in mind that the journal in question is emphatically and decidedly opposed to the Emperor of the French, and the pamphlet of which it treats is from the pen of a defeated candidate, still there is little doubt that a good deal of truth may be found in its strictures. The information which it gives us is derived from a curious brochure recently issued in France, con cerning the elections of Fougeres and Vitre, in the department of Tle et Vilaine, which embodies the protest of M. LEBESCHU against the election of his rival. M. LEBESCHU, it appears, is a justice of the Imperial Court at Rennes, and has filled the honorable office of magistrate during a period of thirty-five years ; consequently we can hardly suppose that he would lightly put forward a statement he could not substantiate, or stoop to a tissue of deliberate falsehoods in order to depreciate his rival. In his pamphlet he offers proofs of the assertions he has made, and from the fact that none have been demanded we may infer that they are only too credible to make further in quiry desirable on the part of the authorities. According to M. LEBESCHU, the election for a Deputy was to take place in the united districts of Vitre and Fougeres on the 18th and 19th of De cember last. On the 22d of November, nearly a month previously, the Prefect of the Department issued a circular, in the name of the EMPEROR him self, recommending to all the mayors the election of M. DE DALMAS, the second clerk of the EMPE ROR'S Cabinet. They were ordered to support his election, and were further called upon to forward to the Prefect a detailed account of the electoral posi tion of their communes. By way of encouraging their efforts, they were reminded that the election of a candidate who had such opportunities of access to the EMPEROR could not but be most advanta geous. A few days later another circular is addressed to these unfortunate mayors, calling upon them to forward to every elector a voting paper with the name of M. DE DALMAS, at the same time as the official ticket giving them the right to vote. A public proclamation, inviting the electors to espouse the cause of the Imperial candidate, fol lows, while confidential circulars again appeal to the mayors, desiring them to take note of those perverse voters who support his rivals. At the bureau only voting papers in the name of DALMAS are to be had, and in the immediate neighbourhood intel ligent persons are charged with the distribution of similar papers. The virtues of M. DE DALMAS are painted in rosy hues, while his opponents are, of course, described as proportionately evil, abettors of anarchy and factious democrats. This, we should think, about enough of Government interference on this side of the Channel ; but it seems it does not ye. infringe the liberty of the subject according to the Imperial code. M. LEBESCHU, a magistrate, and therefore an authority, divides the doings of which he complains into different chapters ; and the acts hitherto referred to do not come under the head of his second chapter, " Acts exceeding the limits per mitted by the electoral law." Among these latter offences he ranks the personal presentation of the Imperial candidate to the authorities by the Pre fect, and the liberal promises made by that gentleman according to the wishes of each locality he visits. Thus one commune has its commissary of police withdrawn, that it may be relieved from paying that functionary. Also the votes of the worthy class,whom we should style licensed victuallers, are secured by permission to keep their houses open an hour later. After this tour, which occupies ten days, the Prefect and his protege continue their efforts, ably seconded by the Sous-Prefet. The postmen, the gendarmes, the sellers of tobacco, all whose employments bring them in any way within reach of Government influence or authority are pressed into the service. On the day of election a body of agents is specially sent from Rennes by the indefatigable Prefect, to direct affairs. One of these heroes, not being sufficiently active, is dismissed on the spot, as the national proverb has it, "pour encourager les autres." Those who distribute other bulletins than those of M. de DALMAS are arrested. The withdrawal of licensee is freely threatened if their holders vote the wrong way. Gendarmes enter the voting room and insist upon seeing the bulletins used. They impose upon timid electors those with the name of M. de DALMAS. In one of the communes 780 votes were mysteriously found in the ballot-box, when there are only 771 electors. In one case a mayor slipped in votes for absent parties, asserting that he knew they would vote for M. de DALMAS. In such a good cause we cannot suppose that the clergy would remain idle, and, consequently, some of the curs did not scruple to recommend to their parishioners from the pulpit the election of the Imperial . candidate. The complaint of M. LE BESCHU is summed up in two points :-Ist, That violence and intimidation were employed against the electors who supported him ; 2d, that gifts, promises, pressure, and fraudulent maneauvres were used in order to procure suffrages for the Imperial candidate. In conclusion, he appeals to the Corps .Legisktqf to ann u l an as election so may be un fairly brought about ; but, imagined, the Corps Legislatif has turned a deaf ear to this request. It is also not astonish ing to find that the activity of the Parisian police has done its best to exterminate the dangerous pamphlet in the capital. Universal Suffrage con ducted on this fashion must certainly be be dam moresaptiesd factory to the Governm ent than to the voters, and e b v y e ns such . revelations.Coß pE N' s T he enthusia smiraigb maintenance of an irre sponsible dictatorship is assuredly an arduous task, since it involves the exertion of the Government influence, and the setting in motion of all the . Se ts',e, • `,/ - ) !t a' . . '7 A v . mappipmr>lory., D RO T ,N"" ; v ' l ! ll !"„,,•Nno..".csi. 4 4011 THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 6, IE6O. elaborate machinery we have been describing, to secure the election of a single candidate. There are few of our members we should fancy, out of the Cabinet, whose return would be considered so indis pensable to those in authority. Perhaps, however, the object to be attained is not so much to get one in as to keep the other out. A man of the courage and character to expose his electoral grievances in a public pamphlet would certainly be an awkward customer in the Chambre des Deputes. LATEST NEWS. The following telegrams have been received at Mr. Reuter's office : TURIN, APRIL 6. The Opinione of today states that in 8 or 10 days the inhabitants of Savoy and Nice will vote by universal suffrage on the question of annexation to France. MADRID, THURSDAY EVENING. The Official Gazette publishes a decree degrad ing General Ortega. Elio had been captured by the Alcade of Vinaroz. Tranquillity prevails everywhere. GENEVA, APRIL 5. Professor de la Rule has been appointed Minister Extraordinary at London for the Swiss Confedera- tion. The Federal Council has addressed a circular to the Powers who signed the treaty of Aix la Cha pelle, demanding the convocation of a Congress. To-morrow fresh troops will arrive at Geneva. PARIS, THURSDAY. The Patrie of this evening publishes the follow lowing telegram : " NAPLES, APRIL 4. " Seditious persons have attacked the troops in Palermo. The soldiers, shouting, ' Viva it Re !' bravely repulsed the insurgents, of whom a great number were killed. The population took no part in the movement. The city is tranquil." The Patrie also, in prominent type, publishes the following article, signed by M. Tranchant : " The news from Sicily announces that the coun try was tranquil, notwithstanding the attempts of the English to create agitation, and which are too evident not to be noticed. " It is asserted that foreign agents are endeavour ing to organise a party demanding the annexation of Sicily to England. The party is making an active propaganda, and is employing every means in its power, all of which, it is expected, will fail, because Sicily has the example of the lonian Islands before her eyes. " All the Powers ought not to be less vigilant in order to prevent the repetition of so deplorable an act." 3.25 P.M. The Bourse has again been steady at higher prices. The last quotation of Rentes was 69 90, or 15 centimes higher than yesterday. FRANCE. A person who has just come from Nice, - where he was present at the entry of the French troops declares, that with thb exception of the French Consul's house not a flag was to be seen, nor any other sign of rejoicing. When the troops retired to their barracks, which they did amid general silence, the Nizards, who had remained in their houses while the cortege passed, then made a de monstration, but it was crying repeatedly,—" Vice P Italie," " Vice Victor Emmanuel!" BOURSE, Aprils.—The market has been buoyant, and the rise is favoured by an advance of 4 on English Consols. Threes have been done at 69f. 90c. to 70f. 40c. ; Mobilier, 790 f. to 801 f. 25c. ; Austrian, 530 f. to 5.32 f. 50c. ; Lombard, 540 f. to 543 f. 750.; Lyons, 925 f. to 927 f. 50c.; Orleans, 1,427 f. 50c. to 1,432 f. 50c.; Northern, 955 f. to 960 f.; Eastern, 627 f. 50c. to 622 f.; Geneva, 425 f. to 420 f. The following are the last quotations :- 41 per Cents. .... 95 60 Credit Fonder 7.0 Do. end month I Belgian 4f ' Austrian spanis 3 per Cents 7O —lPiedmontese (5) .. 81 50 Do. end month 69 9 6 litoman B2 7 . 5 Bank Shares 2810 h Threes .. 46 80 -- 787 50 Ho me D e bt 441 D Cr o e . d A it e l‘ c l e o un bi t lier .. 793 RAILWAYS. Cash. Account. Orleans Northern New ditto Lyons and Mediterranean 930 .. 925 Geneva 420 425 Southern Western 590 .. 595 Eastern Sardinian 4lO Austrian Lombard .. Exchange on London, at sight, paper, 25f. 13c. • money, 25f. 120. ; three months , paper, 24f. 85c.; money, 24f 821 c. SARDINIAN PARLIAMENT. (From the Correspondent of the Times) TURIN, APRIL 2. Parliament in Turin is made as attractive as the Carnevalone, or Arcb..Carnival, in Milan. An apart ment bespoken by telegraph five or six days ago was not to be had, the hotelkeeper assures me, be cause the application came too late. A hundred de puties and senators from the Tuscan and /Ernilien provinces were wandering about yesterday in quest of lodgings, with about as much success as provin cials in Paris at the time of the famous Exhibition — notwithstanding, and indeed in consequence of, the praiseworthy endeavours of the municipal authori ties, who undertake to supply new corners with suitable house accommodation and establish order and method in a branch of industry, every inter ference with which, as with all other trade, only makes confusion worse confounded. If, however. our prospects are not very cheering in our dining rooms and dormitories, we have no lack of objects of consolation abroad. You have had already ex cellent descriptions of Turin as it looks when all pavoisee for a national festivity ; even that notable cradle of art, Florence, is not so tastefully tricked out. Mere contrasts of colours and effect of light do not suffice the perhaps less fanciful, but more earnest, Piedmontese. Here we have the records of the past, the emblems of the present, and hints of the future. The fusion of the Italian " peoples" into one people is here blazoned forth in a hundred stands and coats of arms, banners, streamers, triumphal arches, &c. This day, the 2d of April, 1860, is for Italy a second Pontida, with this difference only, that at Pontida, in the middle of the twelve century, only the cities convened, and for a temporary confederacy. Here we have town and country—an annexation, and not a league—a bond of union meant for eternity. Even in its palmy days the Lombard League never num bered one-third of the Italian communities here re presented. Towns which joined at Pontida for the first and only time in Italian annals, which have gone asunder for ever since—towns which had borne the deadliest enmity against each other, and ruthlessly and relentlessly conspired to each other's destruction—Pisa and Genoa, Milan and Pavia, Parma and Piacenza, the cradle of Dante and his tomb— Italian genius in its various development, the various schools of Italian art—all is gathered here. With the exception of Mantua and Padua, Verona, Vicenza, and Venice, the very soul and population tahs oinnl Southerna heart of Italy i s h ere ; f or , a lth oug h th e new king dom acknowl e d g i ng th e sway o f Vi c t or E mmanue l 11. does not ma k e up even one -h a lf o f th e l an d an d othe glorious Peninsula, t traditions, d s i t t i 0 1 n there o fitsy ch n a od i o e u v bt m ll Italy is isals culture, andtal they presents n m ob o r le a r l o worth, nlei.ttoleu t m h t this e upper tha,t portioneat ,m fßome and achieve ments, Naples in poin t o ttt f a to a Fa d wn r no e s a : r p y etornawito,s sameness of dull, backward provincial a nlike ever Taranto, many R eggio others, fCa whichl Calabria, r n i o a t , only are nothing at the present time, but have no traces of ever having been more than nothing in days of yore. I embarked on board the Royal screw frigate Maria Adelaide, commanded by the Admiral, Persano, and conveying from Leghorn to Genoa the flower of the Tuscan senators and deputies. The night, Saturday to Sunday, was calm and balmy, light as day with the moon, and so summer-warm that we sat un deck with all our wrappings off till a late hour. Several of the honourable gentlemen had their ladies with them, and the talk was warm and genial, such as became people bent on a great mis sion, going to meet an eventful, but as yet dark and perplexing future. The Admiral is also returned to the House of Deputies, and his attention to his future colleagues would have been but natural even in a man whose character for the most high-bred courtesy, no less than for the most dashing gallan try, was less firmly established than that of Count Persano. We landed at Genoa in the morning, and reached Turin at 3 in the afternoon. What man, who has been absent from the Sardinian capital for the last nine months, would have recognised his sober and even somewhat dismal acquaintance of former years ? The streets were crowded with peo ple moving about with one object—to view the preparations for the festu ; to•day the business of the same multitude is to see the festa itself. There is no lack of grumblers, indeed, who profess them selves sick to death of this perpetual holyday, " this eternal waving of banners, this patriotism of demon strations, this enthusiasm of the lungs, which keeps 12,000,000 of freemen perpetually . bawling and singing and rollicking about, turning both triumphs and defeats, marches and funerals, n Deuins and Misereres, into rareeshows—into as many occasions for shirking work, and loitering about. Are charters and constitutions, freedom and annexation, ()Ill s ) , granted to the Italians to make up for the masses nd processions, the pomp and circumstance of which begin to pall on a priest-contemning if not God-forgetting populace ? And is Italy so rich in gunpowder that she can afford to waste millions in tin flowerpots, silk rags, and oil lamps ?" Patience, good friends ! Christmas comes but once a year ; the gathering together of a people once only in many centuries—a fusion of races effected by love and sacrifice, by political wisdom, and per severance, is an event the world never produced be fore, and may, perhaps, never exhibit again. Ex citement and elation are but too natural to the Italians in this present crisis ; it is in the nature of these people that their feelings should thus mani fest themselves, and it is, perhaps, the duty of their rulers thus to minister to their tastes and pleasures. The eve of the festa was already a great Jesta, hardly to be outdone by the grand day itself. This morning we were all up betimes—some hundred thousand of the natives of Turin, and at least half as many of its floating population. The King had to open Parliament. In order to open Parliament the King has only to issue forth from the quadrangle, encompassed on three sides by the Royal Palace, and opening on the fourth side into the broad square called Piazza Cas tello, in the centre of which, to the left hand of the King as he rides forth, rises the Palazzo Madonna —that quaint edifice with a French front of the 17th century, and Italian turrets at the back of the 14th—a part of which is occupied by the Senate or Upper House of Parliament. The whole of Turin and of its foreign visitors, all the gay trappings and tinsel and frippery with which it decks itself, must be condensed in this its central square, and the stiff, straight streets open ing into it at right angles. The whole of Turin is in the square and streets, save and except those whom either business, or favour, or a good pair of elbows brings within the precincts of the Palace itself. The Palace itself is a quaint and almost grotesque medley outside; inside it has a magnificent, truly Italian, giant staircase, and a still more gigantic hall, which was once meant merely for a vestibule, or anteroom, and is now turned to purposes of a chamber, or, as the English would say, a " house." Within this hall, which is nearly twice as high as it is either long or broad, an amphitheatre has been erected ; on the steps are the senators' seats, above these the galleries for the diplomatic and fashion able audience. In a solemnity like the present one —" a Royal sitting," as it is called—the throne is reared up in the inside of the arena, on the right of the King as he enters. Soon after daybreak, as I am told, ladies and gentlemen began to take their seats in the tribunes, or galleries, as their tickets entitled them. When I entered, at 10 o'clock, it was difficult to find even standing room. Half an hour later the place was " cram-full." By this time the senators began to enter pell-mell; with them the deputies. Towards 11 they had all taken their seats, without distinc tion, when a clapping of hands announced the arrival of the Royal family. Two young Princes, one on each hand of the Duchess of Genoa, sat on the front seat of the central gallery ; behind them was a numerous staff of bestarred Court grandees. Almost instantly afterwards the hall shook with a thunder of mingled cheers and plaudits. The King walked in, crossed the hall with his firm step, and took his seat on the throne. His Ministers stood around and behind him ; as the shouts ceased, a voice—that of the new Minister of State, Count Sclopis, I believe—called out—" 'Signori Senatori e Deputati, it Re v'invita a sedere." The same Minister proceeded to administer the oath to the senators, reading the _form, and calling out the senators by an appel nominal, upon which every man, as his turn came, rose and spoke the word " Giuro !" The same ceremony was gone through with the deputies, the Home Minister, Farini, administer ing the oath to the Lower House. As the names were called in alphabetical order, a man familiar with Italians of distinction in the dif ferent provinces could not help being struck with the juxtaposition of names and persons, many of whom, though known by reputation to each other, some to all Italy, and even to all Europe, had never, perhaps, held any intercourse with each other, and had, indeed, nothing in common but the language of which their respective dialects are so many branches, men of all parties, men of all professions, of all ranks, and, indeed, of all character, met here —old, stubborn, Piedmontese pig -tailed gentlemen, young, hot-headed Lombard and Tuscan democrats, the blood of Strozzi and Pepoli, the literary genius of Manzoni and Tommaseo, the scientific learning of Panizza and Lanetti, the military valour of La Marmora and Cialdini, together with the intel lectual and moral worth of enslaved Ttaly, repre sented by illustrious exiles from Venice, Rome, and Naples, such as Tecchio, Mamiani, Sforza-Cebuilui, Poerio, Scialoia, Tommasi, Imbriani, and many others. 'I he appel was over ; the King's speech was handed to him. In despite of irregularity, and even oddity and wildness of features, the King has it in his power to be very dignified no less than exceed ingly gracious ; he reads with ease and composure, with a wonderfully clear, manly, mellow voice, with an accent which is certainly not Tuscan or Roman, but neither is it harshly or unpleasantly Piedmontese. In spite of the vastness of the hall and multitude, I do not think one word of the speech could be lost by any person who had ears to hear. There was enough almost in every sen tence to sink deep into the hearts of all assembled, and give . rise to a deep an i lasting emotion. The speech was such as one might expect from the logic of a Cavour fashioned after the rhetoric of Farini. 1 believe this latter historian for some time has had a hand in the drawing up of documents of this na ture, but in the present instance there evidently were phrases which so strictly belong to the con. ventionalities of the written language that the good King, who is so much more of a sportsman and war rior than of a scholar, would hardly read them without wincing as at something he was unused to —something the exact bear ng of which he must take on trust. tary men and civilians. Commercial affairs are in a state of stagnation ; there is no money current, and the attacks of the journalists against the directors of joint-stock com panies are not calculated to restore credit. To add to the distress we are suffering from the severest winter experi enced by the oldest inhabitant. The railways are in some places covered with snow to the depth of 10 feet. The con sequence is, that the trains are frequently stopped, and the engineers think themselves happy when they can return to the point from which they started. The extraordinary number of robberies at present noticed is attributed to the prevailing poverty. A few evenings since the Grand Duke Michael quitted the Winter Palace on foot, to visit a mili tary establishment on the other side of the Neva, and while crossing the river on the ice he was stopped by two men, enveloped in the caftan, who deliberately stripped him of his pelisse, and told him with the greatest effrontery to hasten his pace, or he might suffer from the cold. The Duke returned to the palace, and informed the director of police of his mischance. Police agents were despatched in every direction to search for the highwaymen, but without success. The adventure has caused much amusement among the middle classes, as the Duke is supposed to be very penurious, and to be much grieved at the loss of his cloak, composed of rare fur, and ♦alued at £500.' RUSSIA. The following letter is dated St. Petersburgh the 25th of March : The entire attention of this country i s di rected towards London, Paris, and Turin. The population appear to have forgotten their dearest interests, to look for news from Great Britain and France. Telegraphic despatches ro• ceived from : these quarters are eagerly read both by will- * St, Paul, Ep. ad Rom., c, xiii, v, 1, et 88ci. of those acts themselves, as well as those who have been their warranters, supporters, helpers, counsellors, followers, as well as those who connived at executing the above-men tioned deeds under whatever pretence, and in whatever manner, or who perpetrated them themselves, to have taken on themselves the atonement of the major excommunica tion, and religious punishment as they are determined in our apostolic constitution, and by the decrees of the general councils, especially that of Trent (sess. 22, chapt. 11, on reforms), and if necessary we excommunicate them again, we anathemise them, further declaring that they are to lose all privileges and graces and indulgence which they enjoyed until now from the Papal predecessors, and that titey cannot in any manner be released or absolved of these censures by any one except ourselves, or the Romish Pontiff then reigning, except at the moment of death, but not in the event of their recovery', when they are again subject to the above punishment, and are unable to receive any absolution until they have re tracted, revoked, and annulled, and abolished in public all they have committed, and have brought everything back fully and effectively to its former state, and have given complete satisfaction to the Papal power. Therefore, all those who in the remotest manner have participated in those deeds, and also the successors in their offices, gig liable to such revocation, retraction, abrogation, and aboli tion of the above-mentioned sins, to do so personally, 51 1 reality, and in truth, and to give the full satisfaction the,' owe to the Holy See, and under no pretence to be releases and freed, but to always remain bound by it until they IV worthy to obtain the benefit of absolution ; thus we declare by the present letter. "But in being obliged by sad necessity to fulfil this part of our duty we do not forget that we represent Him on earth who wishes not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should be converted and live, for He came into the world to seek and to save those who die.' Therefore, in fervent prayer we implore and we ask unceasingly, in the meekness of our heart, the mercy of the Almighty to enlighten by the light of His holy grace, and by His Almighty virtue 0 lead back to the path of salvation all those against whom we have been obliged to employ the severity of the religious punishment. Herewith, by this letter and all its contents, and all that has been said above, we order all who have par ticipated in any way or in any manner, of whatever rank, dignity, or class they may be, or whether they are indivi dually mentioned or not, for whose sake the present letter has been written, and who are not sufficiently designated, or who for any reason or pretence whatever should doubt the signature or the value of this letter, or who should be brought before justice and should appeal against it, or who should ask for grace, that this document is, and shall al ways remain and be considered valid, and shall be invari ably and incontestably observed by those to whom it referet they shall be responsible before every judge or deputy, also before the auditors (canditores) of the apostolic palace, and before the cardinals of the Holy Roman Empire, and before the id lators legatuni and nuncios of the See, and before all who possess or will possess similar power and they shall be deprived of all faculty and authority of judging or interpreting, and that if they do, it shall be de' dared invalid. As the present letter, as is well known► cannot be safely published everywhere, and especially such places where it would be most required, we will that this letter, or copies of it, shall be posted on the doors of the Lateran Church, on those of the Church of the Prince of the Apostles (basilica Principis Apostolorunt), on those of the apostolic chancery and general curia (curia generals) , in Monte Citatoris, and at the corner of the field of Flora of the city, (in acie campi Flrce de urbe), as is usual, and the so posted and published letters, and each of these letters shall have the same power upon every one whom it co' cerns as if they had been presented nonainatint and pe sonaliter. We order that translations as well as copies of the printed letters shall be signed by some public notarb and sealed by some person who holds an ecclesiastic dignity; their testimony shall be receivable in every place and in every country, as well in courts of justice as in any other place ; they shall be as valid as if they were presented 0 4 delivered personally. " Dated at Saint Peter, Rome, under the ring of 0 2 . fishers, 26th day of March, 1860, in the 14th year of O r popedom. (L. S.) " PIUS P. P. IL " In the year of Our Lord 1860, Indict. 111., the 29th day of March, the 14th year of the popedom of our WO Holy Lord and Father in Christ, Pius the Ninth, the Pre' sent Apostolic Letter was published, and affixed to the doors of the Lateran and Vatican Churches, the Apostolic) Chancery, the Great Church of the Innocencia, and a t the top of the field of Flora, by me, ALOYS SERAFIXO, Apostolical Curse. " PHILIPPI'S OSSANI, Magister Cursor." PROTEST OF THE GRAND DUKE Of TUSCANY. The protest of the Grand Duke of Tuscan/ against the annexation of his dominions to Sat' dinia is published at length in the French papel* Its sense is as follows : As long as he hoped that respect for treaties and 00 6 ; ments of justice might still prevail against intrigue I° , o ambition, he had maintained 'silence, but recent even t tending to the destruction of this house and the happin7, of his people, render it his duty to speak and appeal on "•"- Italian sovereign to the justice and loyalty of the Eli pean Powers. When in the beginning of 1857 the dissensions betwe ell France and Sardinia and Austria made war'seem imminent' the Government of Tuscany hastened to announce its Ile A ll ' trality to the Power s o f E urope. Thi s proposition,, ogre: to in Vienna, was ab ou t t o b e accep t e d b y th e other Poviel":, when, in consequence of the events of the 27th of APT diplomatic gave way to revolutionary action. The ron v.l ment was long in preparation by the Pielmontese Gover i ment, and its e m i ssar i es arr i ve d a t Fl orence on th e 26t t ; and 27th, and at once took the direction of the insurrt .tionary movement, and the command of the Grand *fops. The conduct of affairs was then entrusted to the Mar4n io of Lajatico, but he, on repairing to the Sardinian Legat_ v i°l3 ' the headquarters of the insurrection, found that the IM; cation of the Grand Duke was under discus s i on , and, befit : unable to defend his authority, h e hi mse lf presented '- sovereign with the act of deposition. In presence of this outrage the prince, whose genet ° intentions were so cruelly mi sun d ers t oo d , was forced to cv-i suit his personal dignity, and refusing to submit to the dication required, he prot es t e d aga i nst the violence to he was subjected, and withdrew from the coup• The war soon led to th e arm i st i ce, and the preltryiraillaro of Villafranca, which specially provided for the restore, to their States of th e S overe i gns ex i led by the resrololij; and for the formati on o f an It a li an C on f e d erat i on. At I moment Leopold 11., wishing to remove all traces of suck disagreements, abdicated the crown, and the Grand Ferdinand was recognised by almost all Europe as the le ° timate Sovereign of Tuscany. The treaty of Zurich, signed by the King of Ss,- t o consecrated again the rights recognised at Villafranca' a new event had intervened. The revolutionary authorti% " o f of Tuscany, docile slaves to the government to which te ci owed their existence, had convoked an assembly and 1,11 their annexation to Piedmont. Thus, by a disregard ° t ,oe public law, a government, bound by the word and sign it t of its king to preserve a strict neutrality towards, if n ° ,of support the Grand Duke, so far neglected its sacred ‘;,; as to excite a factious manifestation against his autho rP : o , and while the Emperor of the French, faithful to hi s P O Noises, was advising moderation, his ally, profiting byv of presence of the French army, was pu rsu i ng the poli c y invasion, the last phase of which is annexation. TO, Before facts like these silence is no longer allovieu' Grand Duke protests against acts, th e very princiP'"„ of which make them null and v o id, aga i ns t the vielfi ti° lo r treaties, against unworthy manoeuvres, against the elePopo. went of these new means of usurpation of the votes of P„ to lar assemblies. He appeals to the sovereigns of Eur °l3 eo ei the justice of the Emperor of the French, and to the I° ool themselves, who have enjoyed a prosperity of which ill , were justly proud for more than a century under his ftt de• If they have been deceived into believing that their 100 pendence will be ensured by union with Sardinia, he _ c „01/ on them to undeceive themselves. Italy has none but ;14 strength to defend her against powerful neighbours , b t of uniting with a central state they are exciting the dist- 11° 01 3 parts of Italy and creating a dangerous antagonism ; d al when the ambition which has succeeded in the centre 11'60 an attempt upon the south, Italy will be again torn by the war. If the Italian Confederation had been form e po' lead would have devolved upon Tuscany ; but as it ist_ t oo rence will be no more tha n th e c hi e f town of a PiedOwtio; department. The Grand Duke concludes by 11 °1'1 0 0 the reason of his people may not remain perve rted. ° vio tio day may come whe n the injustice of which I a n ' reec t i shall have reach e d it s end, and that day will fi nd In to devote to you all the power of my existence." Founi ° ' (Signed) Dresden, March 24, 1860. ----- bolt FIRE AND LOSS OF LlFE.—This tnorn ingE gee' 3 o'clock a fire broke out in the bed rooms of Dir t. •I_P o Coffeehouse keeper, No. 9, Upper WellingtonlL,rabrietie, Chandos• street, Holborn, and other engin.es or '',tirell, t ,to Nvo e .n re e se:liffott bee were st re y a s j o n Theon t hwehsepl whole spot of but th e the in remises m p at es exception, escaped through the great exertion sfo l g i a fe d e h and as b fire-escapeeen sacrificed ln enw.as,Twhee nunndfeorrstturniandr%eoo7stioved the landlord's. The adjoining premises hav e much injured by fire and water, TEE PAPAL EXCOMMUNICATION. The following text of the excommunication has been received at Mr. Reuter's office:— Apostolic Letter of our Most Holy Master Pius IX.. Pope by the grace of God, by which the punishment of major excommunication is inflicted on the invaders and usurpers of some of our Pontifical Provinces. PIUS P. P. IX. " To the Eternal Memory of this Matter. "As the Catholic Church, founded and established by the , Lord Christ for the everlasting salvation of mankind, has acquired the form of a perfect society by its Divine charac ter, it ought, therefore, in the fulfilment of its sacred minis try, to possess that freedom by which it may not be sub ject to any civil power. And furthermore, in order to ob- , tain that the Church required those guarantees which were in accordance with the conditions and necessity of the times. It was, therefore, in accordance with Divine Pro vidence that, after the fall of the Roman empire and its consecutive division lute several kingdoms, the Romish Pope, whom Christ has established as the chief and the centre of his whole Church, obtained temporal power. Therefore it has been ordered by God in the wisest manner that, as such a great number and variety of princes exist, the Holy Pope should enjoy that political liberty which is so much wanted in order to exercise his spiritual power, authority, and jurisdiction in the whole world without any impediments. And therefore it was necessary that the catholic world should not have any reason to suppose that the Romish Pope is subject to any influence of temporal powers, or biased in the exercise of the religious powers which the Holy see has to fulfil over the greater part of the Christians. It is easily understood that the dominion of our Roman Church, although having the appearance of something temporal, nevertheless is really of a spiritual character, by the holy destination which it enjoys, and by the close ties by which it is connected with all Christian affairs. But this does not prevent that all those things which conduce to the secular welfare of the peoples may be obtained by the Church, as the history of the temporal reigns of the Roman Popes during so many centuries shows most clearly. The general good and welfare of the peoples being increased by the temporal power which we are allud ing to, it is not astonishing that the enemies of this Church endeavoured to weaken and to embarrass it by many in trigues and all kinds of attempts. " In these impious attempts they were vanquished sooner or later by God, who always defends the Church. The whole world knows already how during these sad times the adversaries of the Catholic and Apostolic See have made themselves detestible by their attempts, which were cha racterised by their lying hypocrisy in trying to deprive the Holy See of its secular power. They could not obtain their end by an open attack, and by force of arms, but only by false and pernicious principles, by cunning dissimulation in their conduct, and by maliciously provoking popular risings. They did not blush to counsel the peoples to sedi tion against their princes, which is clearly and distinctly condemned by the apostle, when he says : Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers, for there is no power but of God ; the powers which are ordained of God : whosoever, therefore, resisteth the power, resisteth the or dinance of God, and they that resist shall receive to them selves damnation.' These wicked innovators, in attack ing the temporal power of the church and its temporal do minion, and in despising its venerable authority, go so far in their impudence as to feign esteem for the church and obedience to her commands , and it is the most to be de plored that some of those on whom, as sons of the catholic church, the duty was imposed to protect that church and to maintain its power, have sullied themselves by their wicked acts. In these mischievous and perverse intrigues, which we deplore, the Sardinian Government has the prin cipal part, as it is generally known how much in that king , dom the church has suffered injuries and restrictions which we have already vehemently lamented in our consistorial allocution of the 22d January, 1855. The Sardinian Go vernment has until now despised our just reclamations, and has even dared to inflict on our church great injury and to attack its secular power, while according to the will of God the Holy See of St. Peter's, as stated above, ought to be protected in the liberty of its apostolic office. The first evident signs of the hostile attacks were seen at the Paris Congress of the year 1856 ; when that power, among other hostile declarations, proposed to weaken the temporal power of the Pope and the authority of the Holy See. But last year, when war broke out between the Emperor of Austria and the Emperor of the French and the King of Sardinia, no fraud, no sin, was avoided which could excite the inhabitants of the States of the Church to sedition. Hence instigators were despatched, a great deal of money was spent, arms were supplied, excitement was created by bad pamphlets and journals, and fraud of every kind was employed, even on the part of those who were members of the embassy of that country at Rome, without any regard to honesty and international right, as they pretended their dignity, in order to be enabled to misuse it, to pursue their dark projects for damaging our Papal Government. When, then, in some of our provinces the sedition, which for some time had already been entertained clandestinely, broke out at last openly, the agitators directly proclaimed a royal dicta torship, and commissioners of the Sardinian Government were immediately appointed, who then, in assuming other titles, undertook to govern those provinces. During these occurrences, we, remembering our serious office, did not fail in our allocutions of June 20 and September 26 of last year to complain loudly of these violations of the temporal power, and to remind the violators of the punishment and atone ment which are imposed by the canonical laws, and which they become liable to. It might have been expected that the origiaators of these violations would, in consequence of our repeated admonitions, abstain from their unjust projects, especially as all the chiefs of our holy church, as well as the faithful believers of every rank, dignity, and class, joined their own protests to ours, in order to defend unanimously the rights of the Holy See and of the Church in general, as they very well understood how much the temporal power, which is nn this occasion, is necessary for the maintenance of the Papal power. But —we shudder in saying it—the Sardinian Government has not only de spised our admonition and complaints, and our religious resentment, but, by persevering in its wickedness by force, money, threats, terror, and other cunning means, they ob tained the universal vote in their favour, and dared to in vade our provinces, to occupy them, and to subject them to their power. This is a great profanation, as rights of others have been usurped against the law of nature and of God ; every law has been overthrown, and the bases of all temporal power and human society have been undermined. We perceive on our side, with the greatest grief, how useless would be all further complaints against those who, like deaf adders, close their ears, and who do not listen to our complaints and ad monitions ; and on the other side we feel what the cause of our Apostolic See and the whole catholic world requires, for stigmatising the attempts of those wicked men in order not by tarrying to prejudice the dignity of our grave office. It resulted that, faithful to the examples of our illustrious predecessors, we exercise that authority which gives us the power to loosen and to bind, in order to employ the neces sary severity against the guilty, and to give a salutary example to others. " Having invoked the light of the Holy Spirit in private and public prayers, and having taken the advice of the reverend brothers, the Cardinals of our holy Romish Church, we declare, in accordance with the authority which we hold from Almighty God and the most Holy Apostles, Peter and Paul, and also is accordance with our own autho rity, all those who have taken part in the sinful insurrection in our provinces, in usurping, occupying, and invading them, or in doing such deeds as we complained of in our above-mentioned allocutions of the 20th June and 26th September of last year, or those who have perpetrated some - Con Ind Rae Litt Ditt Date Dit Dit Mum Frani View Tried Peter Mad e ; Cadiz Con P a Begat Thi Ileats, 13 ,1ir ," I,r it 14 w orl ed a. 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