The Sun. — London, England, 1858-07-13 00:00:00

Marvin, the officer appointed to inquire into the Weedon establishment, did, immediately on his arrival at Wee- ' don, order an addition of 10 clerks to the clothing esta blishment at that station I General PEEL said that no doubt the question had been put in consequence of a statement of the gallant colonel (Boldero) the member for Chippenham on a for mer occasion. The statement to a certain extent was true, bat inaccurate in other respects. 74,000, and not 175,000 pairs of boots had been sold since the late war, none of them had been re-purchased and received back into stores, or reissued to the troops, b u t portions of them had been re-purchased by the c olonels of militia and issued to the men, who were very well satisfied with them. (Hear.) With regard to the addition of 10 clerks in the clothing department, Capt. Marvin found on bis arrival at Weedon that an a dditional ten clerks had been ordered for that department, so that it was not correct to say Captain Marvin ordered the addition. Colonel BOLDERO said he made his statement on the evidence that had been laid before the house. He proceeded to read Mr. Howell's evidence that the loss to the country by the sales was 24. 6d. per pair, when he was stopped on a point of order. TELEGRAPHIC COMMUNICATION WITH _ . Mr. BRADY asked the Secretary for the Treasury the following question :—" If it be the intention of the G o vernment to take into its consideration the proposi• tion of establishing a submarine telegraphic line of com munication, as suggested by Mr. Sergeant Glover, and sanctioned by concessions from the Governments of neighbouring States, from Plymouth to Cape Rocco, near Lisbon, thence to Gibraltar and Malta, where it will join the established line from Malta to Corfu, en route to India." The CHANCELLOR of The EXCHEQUER said it was not the intention of her .MajeAy'a Government to take into their consideration tile suggestion referred to. Her Majesty's Government had nearly completed their arrangements for carrying into cilact a plan which they thought preferable to the other. HARBOUR WORKS IN TUB ISLE 07 MAN. Mr. TURNER asked the First Lord of the Admi ralty what impediments existed wly./ch prevented the execution of the various proposed hai•bour works in the Isle of Man, as approved by the Tynwald Court on the 19th day of March, 157 ? Sir J. PAKINGTON, who was inau liblc, was under stood to say that in one case delay had occurred in con- seqaence of the plans being disproved of by the Admi ralty, but that the other delays rested witb the parties themselves. Mr. HADFIELD asked the Attorney-General whe ther he intended to bring in a bill next session of Par liament to relieve trustees from the severity of the pre sent laws, affecting them in the discharge of their duties under the instruments empowering them ? S:r F. KELLY considered it was not desirablelor him to offer an opinion on the subject, or pledge fret Majesty's Government to introduce a bill during th,e sitting of the commissioners on the sabject. _ THE BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Mr. A. SMITH asked if the understanding that opposed business should not be taken after 12 o'clock was to be adhered to ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the understanding referred to was for the general advantage of the house ; but of course it was open to modification, when it was the prevalent opinion of the , n a e ^4 r~ l inn i ' l ereeeeded with after 12 o'clock. Witty respect to the particular motion referred to on Friday night, it was not to be supposed that when a Minister of the Crown proposed by the in troduction of a bill to carry out an award made by a learned judge it would come under the category of op posed business. (Hear.) And that was his reason for bringing the subject forward after 12 o'clock on Friday night. Sir DE L. EVANS asked the Secretary of State for War whether there was any objection to lay on the table of the house a copy of any report which might have been made by the superintendent of the carriage depart ment or ether authority at Woolwich, of the result of the late trial of Bray's improved traction engine, as applicable to the conveyance of heavy siege artillery I General PEEL said he had no objection to lay the report referred to on the table of the house. THE MASSACRE AT JEDDAH. Mr. LIDDELL asked the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs if the attention of her Majesty's Go vernment had been directed to the report of the massacre of English and French at Jeddah, and if so what steps had been taken in reference to it ? (Hear, hear.) Mr. S. FITZGERALD said the hon. gentleman had received no other information on the tragic and unfor tunate subject than was known to hon. members and the public through the inedium of the telegram referred to. He had no doubt the story would be found to be too true —(hear, hear)—and immediately on the receipt of the telegram referred to the noble lord at the head of the Foreign Department sent:a telegraphic communication to Malta, in anticipation of the snivel there of the Indian mails, with instructions to the commander of the Cyclops to proceed to Suez and on to Jeddah, and to use every means in his power to bring the perpetrators of this ter rible outrage to justice. (Hear, hear.) Captain Watson, of the Indian squadron, bad also been sent to to send two of his vessels to co-operate in every way possible with tie captain of the Cyclops, and to use forcible and aggressive measures if necessary to attain that object. THE SLAVE TRADE. On the motion for going into committee of supply, Mr. HUTT called the attention of the house to the report of the committees on the slave trade in 1848 and. 1849 ; and to move, " That it is expedient to discon tinue the practice of authorising her Majesty's ships to visit and search vessels under foreign flags, with a view of suppressing the traffic in sla ves ." The hon. member referred to a similar motion he introduced to the notice of the house about eight years' since, which was negatived by a large majority. Since that time he had not troubled the house' on the subject, but he thought the time had now arrived when be might with propriety return to the sub ject. They had now had eight years additional experience, and the repeated attempts at suppression of the slave trade by an armed force had brought their usual results with them. He believed public opinion had greatly changed within these few years, and he con sidered that many hon, members who were members of this house in 1850, and then opposed him, had commu— nicated to him their intention of expressing regret at the course they then teak, and of their determination of amending their conduct in that respect if they could get an opportunity. (Hear, and laughter.) His object on the present occasion was not to embarrass her Majes ty's Government, er place them in a critical position by calling upon them to adopt a particular plan for the suppression of the slave trade, but to elicit a discussion on the subject for their future guidance. The hon. mem ber proceeded to argue that an armed force could not suppress the slave trade, but that, on the contrary, it aggravated its evils, whilst at the same time it constant'y brought this country into a very difficult and delicate position with America and France relative to the right of search.. In support of his views the hon. member quoted from the report of the slave trade commission at Havana, which went to show that the slave trade in Cuba was never in greater activity than now. (Hear.) Mr. Burke, in his letter to Mr. Pitt, said the slave trade could only be put down by the countries who imported slaves, and not by an armed force. It was impossible, so long as there was a market and the high price of slaves continued, to suppress slavery. The hon. member quoted the opinion of Capt. Hamilton, Sir C. Hotham, Commo dore Anson, Mr. Bandineld, Sir S. Lushington, and Sir F. Buxton, in favour of his views, and referied to the large meeting against slavery held in Exeter-halt in 1851, in which the noble lord the mem ber for the city of London took part, and the result of the accumulated testimony he had quoted was that our system of suppression by the intervention of an armed foroehad failed. He wished it had done nothing but failed —but was the house really aware of what was now going on on thecoast of Africa ? He believed not, for if they and the country did, he felt satisfied they would not rest quiet until the thing was put an end to. (Hear, bear.) He also quoted the late Duke of Wellington's statement to the Congress of Verona in 1822, that armed interven tion relative to the slave trade augmented its evils. (Hear, hear.) If that were the case then, it was tenfold more true now. (Hear, bear.) The hon. member then graphically and feelingly described the horrors of the slaves when confined in baracoons previous to embarka tion, the dangers of embarkation; and the horrors of the middle passage, and added that Mr. Bandineld estimated the loss by deaths, from disease, hunger, thirst, and fatigue, at 25 per cent., and Sir E. F. Buxten at :Ja per cent,, for which the house and the country were respon sible from not having put an end to the horrible system. (Llear, hem.) Ile nixt referred to the difficulties this, country had been. placed. ;with America and France arising from the right of search, which, he said, the Maintenance of an armed force had created. Oar system had done no good; on the contrary, it wal largely pro ductiveof evil, and therefore he would put it to the house earnestly but respectfully whether such a system ought to be continued. Mr, CARDW ELL said the motion of hie hon. friend was not a motion for the withdrawal of the squadron fione the coast of Africa, but it wanted the House of Ouaimons,to pass a resolution which would have the effect of fettering the hands of Government as to the in atruetions which they should give to the commanders of that squadron. Now, that was a proposition which be did not think the house was likely to adopt. His non. friend had reminded them what was instituted some years ago with respect to the efficacy of the squadron ; he bad told them a great deal of the committee of which his was chairman, but he told them nothing of the com mittee of the other Rouse of Parliament, which at the same time conducted a similar inquiry, -and which, upon fuller evidence, had come to an exactly opposite conclu sion. What makes the distinction between the reports of the two committees ? Why, the committee of the House of Lords unanimotedy expressed that the squadron had not been ineffectual in putting down We slave trade, on the contrary that it had cleared 2,000 miles of the African coast from the accursed traffic. Well, and what was the result of the investio,a thin of the other house of Parliament ? Why, after ear. nbetly debatirg the question—after day by day keenly con 4 . testing the point at issue-- -it was determined by the casting . vote of his hon. friend (Mr. Hutt) to adopt the report which he presented. Well, but how was that re port received by the house ? Why, by a very large ma jority it was determined to throw over the report. So that if the hoc. member referred to his committee, be (Mr. Cardwell) would -refer from the committee to the decision of the house. But what was the grand vaticina tfon of the report ? Why, that to put down the slave &ride with Brazil was a hopeless undertaking. It was in 1850 that this debate about the hopelessness of putting down the slave trade with Brazil took place ; and what had become of that: very trade before the year 1851 had citesed ? Why, it was entirely wiped out. Yee, fortified by the resolution of the house in the preceding year, the Government. of the day sent .ont instructions to the squadron of the c vast to act with becoming vigour ; and the consequence was that the Brazilian 14i inister was obliged to appear before the Chamber, and to ) declare it was utterly impossible for the Government to contend against the determination of a country lik. 1 England. And now, to refer to the committee of 1853, , what was the language of that committee 1 Why, in tl ieir report they said it was gratifying to find that the i slave trade on the coast of Africa was in a different stet e from what it was in the year 1848, and that it had b• ion so much reduced ; and they trusted that the efforts for its sup pression would be persevered in. Upon wl nit evidence did his hon. friend rely for the support of his views ? His hon. friend seemed to forget that it was , after hear ing the evidence of Captain Hamilton and i Sir Charles Hotham that the committee came to the co n elusion to which he had just referred. Again, the tes 'idence of Mr. Bandinell had been influenced by the ate tistics of Dr. Clift, who was himself interested in t he slave trade. On the other hand, what were the , results before them ? Why, upon a line of coast of 2,a 00 miles the trade had been entirely suppressed, and in 1 feu of it had sprung up a native traffic in cotton and pr are oil of the most remarkable character. Now that tra %lc must inevitably be destroyed if the squadron was wit bdrawn. Then, again, let them consider what would be th, I fate of the various Christian missions in Africa if the sq undron was withdrawn. Why, even the American missionaries had recognised the vast protection which they derived from that squadron. Well, then, after having paid Sp sin a sum of 400,0001. to induce her to enter into treaties with us ; after having gone out into the world ever v where soliciting allies to our policy, could they now tuns round and say they were ready to dismiss that nation from that contracts No, he sincerely trusted the house would adhere to its opinions of 1849, and give no sanc tion to a retrograde policy. (Cheers.) Mr. S. FITZGERALD said that as the opinions which he should lay before the house were similar to those with which the house had just been favoured, he should have preferred if some one with opposite views had risen to address it ; still he believed they would not los unwillisg to grant him an audience, inasmuch as he had it in his power to lay before them some important facts with respect to the present condition of the slave trade. But in the first place he must be permitted to say that he believed the country would be but little in clined hastily to reverse the policy which had been so considerately adopted. Again, he would ask, did any one imagine that if England had not taken up the firm position that :she did upon this question that Portugal and Brazil would have been induced to follow the same course. The hon. gentleman had called his own policy successful. Now, upon that point be (rlr. Fitzgerald) had come to conclusions entirely different from those of the hoe. gentleman ; and in confirmation of his con clusions he would state in the first place that while 15 years ago the 'member of slaves lexported annually from Africa amounted to 155,900, the numbers imported, . on the average of the iast three years into Cuba were only 15,000. (Hear, hears) While, within the last few years, the value of the experts in articles of legitimate commerce bad increased so esorrnoasly as to amount at j present to considerably more than 2,000,060/. And ' while a few years ago not a single puncheon of palm oil was procurable from the Bight of Benin, the quantity exported last year amounted in value to not less than , 700,0001, Now, what he wanted to impress upon the bouse was, that although they might not have succeeded in putting down the slave trade entirely, yet they had seasneeded in rendering its pursuit so difficult that in an imereense district on the west coast of Africa the people Lae aurrd , r , (l th.rnßelves to legitimate traffic, and he was bound here to testify to the chivalrous eff..] t 3 of tLe Portugueee Government in putting down slavery, and if there was one person of that nation whose efforts were more particularly worthy of recognition, it was those of the Viscount ...laldanha. (Hear, hear.) Looking to the information &at was before them, he must say that it was not to India, it was not to other countries which had been spoken of, that they ought to look for a further supply of cotton, but it was to Africa. One of our con suls there wrote that ?test year the exportation of cotton and cotton goods from eNfrica to Brazil amounted to no less than 7,200,0001b5. weight, so that befeTe many years elapsed England might expect to receive a very large sup ply of cotton . from Africa. ,He had so hesitation in say ing that the French had no intention to co-operate in this traffic. When the emigrants arrived in the Freno:a colony, they were carefully attended to. He had even the regulations which were adopted with regard to them, and he was of opinion that there could be nothing better for their protection, but at the same time her Ma jesty's Government had represented to the French Government that buying men and setting them free in French colonies, must necessarily lead to the continuance of the slave trade on the coast of Africa. It was impos sible to suppose that if the Freaeh purchased from the chiefs those who were, already slaves, those chiefs would not have recourse to war as before, in order to obtain them. He might refer to an article which appeared that morning in one of the morning papers, taken from the Revue des Deu. - e Mendes, which expressed a hope on the part of a very eminent writer that the French Govern ment would at once inquire into the matter, and take care that that whichlwae intended as a benefit, namely, to obtain free labour, should not lead to the continuance of the slave trade, and he thought, therefore, that the hon. member for Gateshead's prophecy woull not be re alised. The hon. gentleman had referred to differences which he had reason to believe would take place between the United States of America and England, and which he thought might throw additional difficulties in the way of our abolition of the slave trade. With reference to that point, he would repeat what he had stated on a pre• vious occasion, namely, that her Majesty's Government bad not cousiJered themselves justified, or that it "was worthy of the dignity of a great nation, to urge a plea which was not warranted in fact. They said, on the con trary, that they were ready to proceed on the plan pro posed, that where the flag of America was not fairly barns on a vessel in which it was seen, that there we should exercise not the right, but that we might take upon ourselves the risk to see whether that ship properly represented itself. General Cass had stated that this was a right that they should not have scrupled to make use of themselves, and that he could not but look upon it as a most satisfactory statement. That morning be bad received an opinion of General Cass, in refer ence to the course which his Government had taken upon that difficult question, and so far from showing that we bad difficulties in our way, the house would be glad to hear that the course taken by her Majesty's Government had been properly esti mated by the Government of America, which he believed would lead to the adoption of some course which would sweep away for ever all those difficulties to which the hon. gentleman the member for Gateshead had alluded. He had received that morning a letter from Lord Napier, in which he said that General Cass stated to him his opinion that the course taken by her Majesty's Government was worthy of a great and generous coun try, which was ready to recognise an error inconside. retely committed. Lord Napier added that General Cass assured him most emphatically of his confidence in the declarations made by her Majesty's Government, and that the Government of the United States would at once give their' earnest and attentive consideration to any proposal which her Majesty's Government might suggest for the protection of the nationality of vessels, and the right of the flag under which they sailed. (Hear, hear.) He thought, therefore, that the hon. gentleman the member for Gateshead might disabuse his mind of their having in view a prospect of difficulties between this country and America, which would prevent the Government maintaining that just and humane policy which had been for so many years the pride and beast of this country. (Hear, hear.) He would only add that a short time ago he informed the house that it had been a matter of consideration on the part of the Govern ment whether it was necessary to withdraw the squa dron from the coast of Cuba. It was obvious that as long as we were on that coast unsupported and uncoun tenanced by the American Government in the highway of their commerce, we might run the risk of detaining some vessel engaged in legitimate commerce. That diffi culty would no longer exist, for General Cass bad informed Lord Napier that ships of the American Government proceeding to the Cuban waters had received instructions of the same character as those proceeding to the coast of Africa, while the present American squadron on the coast of Cuba would be prepared to co-operate with us upon the most friendly footing. He (Mr. Fitzeeral expressed his earnest hope that the house would not sanction the proposal of the hon. gentleman the men: ber for Gateshead, for the Government bad adopted their policy from no sordid motives. It was a policy they lead maintained solely with a view to the maintenance of the rights of humanity and to promote the of jset of Christian civilisation. For himself he might say that it was a gratification to him that thus, on the threshold of pa bi.c life, although in a subordinate position, he was able to express,-on the part of her Majestee Govern ment, their determination not to give up that - policy for which so many eminent men bad struggled, and which he.hoped it would always be the pride of this country to maintain. (Hear, hear.) Mr. M. GIBSON said that jcdging from the speech of the hon. gentleman who had just sat down, he was induced to believe that there was very little difference between the views of the Government and those of the hon. member for Gateshead, who never intended to in• elude in his motion the vessels of those nations who had granted tut a right by treaty to search their ships. With those nations with which we had special rights he did not propose to interfere, but what he did say was, that we should not in an indiscriminate manner authorise our naval officers to search foreign ships with a view to the slave trade. Now that was exactly what the Go vernment was going to do. It seemed that now a rational course was to be pursued, that the Ameri can Goverment were to look after the ships bear ing the American fag, and that England was to exercise the legitimate jurisdiction it possessed over English vessels, but we were to desist from visiting vessels under • foreign flags merely • from speculations on slave traffic ; that was to say, England was to have the right of visiting English vessels to ascertain whether there were slaves on board, and Americans were to have the same privilege. He was gad to see that this policy of visiting, ships in Cuban waters had been discontinued by her visiting ships Government. (Hear.) He felt convinced that such a course could not have been persevered in without leading to most serious cense quences. It was clear that we never bad any right to search or visit ships except they were F.egii.b ves.3els or vessels of countries which had granted us a r ght by special treaty, and he considered that our proceedings in Cuban waters had been a violation of the law of nations'. ; He thought that her Maj , sty's Government deserverkthe. thanks of Parliament and the country for orderiag,our officers to discontioue the course they bad hitherto adopted. The hon. gentleman, the Under Set r..- tary for the Foreign Department, bad told the honse t in reference to the general policy of the Government on the coast of Africa, that he anticirated the best results from it. 'He said that there had been increased trade and increased exportations of various articles. He hoped the bon. gentleman might not discover that all this had been the result of slave labour, and that the slave trade had been by these means increased. The hon. gentleman commerce, and say that trade in goods and in slaves was incompatible. That was an error. The trade in slaves had gone on from the beginning, and the increase in other trades was owing to the increase of demand. Our endeavour to put down the slave trade was no cause of the increase of legitimate trade. It was really a stain on oar name that we had bullied Brazil, and truckled to America. Brazil, though she imported slaves had made the slave trade a piracy. We passed our acts of Parlia ment, which we said should be at an end as soon as the slave trade was put an end to. That had occurred, and we took credit for it, but the fact was the trade went on until the Brazilians themselves put it down, because they found the black population was increasing to an extent that they regarded ae dangerous. It behoved us, by re pealing that act of Parliament, to give that to a less powerful state, Brazil, which we were yielding to a more powerful nation, the States of America. The arguments he had used had not been answered. The right hon. member for the University of Oxford had made a bril -1 ant speech, but had given the go-by to his arguments. (A. laugh.) If it could not be shown that our efforts had tended to put down the slave trade, it was useless to talk about the increase of trade. It was very well to talk of the horrors of the passage, but the effects of our effirte had been to increase those miseries. They were packed in barrels, which would not be done if the trade were left open. This was done at a risk, but that risk was covered if only a small proportion were landed. The motion was a humane one. The failure was owing to France and America, but they were too strong for us. We were wise to yield, for a war with America would be ten times more disastrous than the sieve trade. America did not mean to put down the trade, nor would she give us any right of visita tion. Any slaver would only have to hoist that bit of bunting—the stare and stripes—and we could not search her. The squadron was to be removed from Cuba, and any trader in human flesh need only hoist the flag of the freest country in the world to cover his human cargo. He congratulated our free cousins on that result. We had failed in our efforts to put down the slave trade in consequence of their conduct, and the shame was not ours but theirs. Sir J. PAKINGTON—The speech of the hon. mem ber for Sheffield has formed an exception to the almost unanimity which has hitherto distinguished this debate, and, though it supported the views of the hon. member for Gateshead, it certainly was no answer to the able speeches of the right hon. member for Oxford, and of my hon. friend the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs. (Hear.) As to the speech of the right hon. member for Ashton, though it also was in favour of the motion be fore us, every one must have felt that it was delivered in an entirely different sense front the speech of the mem ber for Gateshead. The house Las a right to complain that the speeeloof the member for Gateshead wa3 not, in accordance with his motion. The first notice which the bon, member gave was to call attention to the continu ance of the squadron ; he afterwards altered his motion to one respecting the right of visit and search, but every one must feel that his speech was mainly directed to get ting rid of the squadron altogether. (Hear.) The hon. and learned member for Sheffield has spoken in the same sense. He tells us that our efforts to pat down the slave trade have entirely failed, and that the best thing we can do is to withdraw our cruisers. I deny altoge, ther that that assertion is supported by facts. (Hear.) We may not have succeeded to the extent that we de sae, ut here enee-eeli• toel ei rer et thi ng e, and if it were not for our efforts the slave trade would nit,vu far more active. (Hear.) In the years 1856.7-8, the Bra zilian slave trade was enormously large, our squadron on the coast of Africa was in consequence very largely in creased, and within a few years after that the Brazilian slave trade was at an end. In giving evidence bef re the committee . ; of 1848 the noble lord the member for Tiver ton said he thought it was sanguine to expect that the Brazilian slave trade would be reduced in 10 years as low as the Cuban slave trade then was, but by the efforts of our cruisers, aided no doubt by circumstances in Brazil, the noble lord's expectations were exceeded, and within two or three years the Brazilian slave trade bad ceased. The Cuban slave trade was then low, but it revived soon after, and that revival was caused mainly by the weaken ing of our squadron rendered necessary by the Russian war. The hon. and learned gentleman says that Cabe, notwithstanding our cruisers, can get as many slaves as ever she wants, but the fact is directly the reverse. From the latest accounts we have received it is certain that notwithstanding the revival of the slave trade, so grest is the difficulty found in importing a sufficient number of slaves into the island to maintain cultivation, they have recently been reduced, as an experiment, to import a considerable number of Indians from Yucatan. (Hear, hear.) I do hope that this house, for the sake of a great policy so long maintained, will unanimously de cide against doing away with the squadron. But the suppression of the slave trade is not the only benefits which will flow from the maintenance of the squadron. If our efforts are continued—if the slave trade is not allowed to revive—Africa is the quarter to which we may look with greater certainty than to any other fur our future suppdes of cotton. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the argument which has been used that the station is unhealthy for our sailors, I can only say that that is not the conclueion at which I have arrived after all the in quiries which I have made. No doubt, to those who go on shore, or navigate the rivers, the climate of Africa is dangerous, but for the cruisers who keep at sea the sta tion is no more unhealthy than many others to which our sailors are sent. lam informed, moreover, that the station is by no means unfavourable to the discipline of the navy. I must say that I think great praise is duo to the officers who have had command of these squa-lronv. They have had a very difficult and delicate duty to dia. charge, and speaking generally, they have performed it with great discretion and ability. Tee hon. and learned member says that her Majesty's Government have truckled to the United States. I give a distinct denial to that assertion. There was nothing in the lan guage used by the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs to justify it. Her Majesty's Government have met the Government of the United States in a frank and conci liatory spirit, and the Government of the United States have respouded in a frank, conciliatory, and generous manner, and we have reason to hope that the result will be that arrangements will be made between the two countries for some definite mode of verifying the flag as sumed by vessels and avoiding the extreme difficulties which surround this question. (Hear.) Should such be the result I think the house will admit we shall have reason to be grateful frr the slight difference which has for a moment interrupted the relations between the two countries. (Hear.) I regret;that the hon. gentleman does not intend to press his motion to a division, for I think it would be satisfactory to the public to see the over whelming majority by which I am sure the policy which England has so long maintained would be supported. (Cheers.) Mr. BUXTON supported the continuance of the cruisers off the coast of Africa. Ile considered they an swered two purposes, one, the suppression cf piracy, and the other the suppression of the slave trade. He denied that the cruisers were the cause of increasing the horrors of the " middle passage." The same horrors that now prevailed eiisted before the establishment of a squadron off the coast of Africa. The slave ship bad now but one deck instead of several, and the passage was completed in a less space of time than formerly, so that to a certain extent the horrors of the middle pas sage had been modified. He proceeded to show that our ships cruising off the coast and at the mouths of the rivers disturbed the operations of the slavers, and when they had those valuable cargoes on board they run the risk of being captured before they arrived at their desti nation. Surely that must check the trade. What would it be if the slavers were free to make their arrangements at their leisure, and arrive and depart at their pleasure. The establishment of •a squadron was an experiment, but it had worked well. It was only during the Russian war, when the squadron was dimin ished, that the trade began to revive and apparently flourish. Our consul at Caba stated that during the flourishing slave year of 1856 he believed there were not more than QOOO or 7,000 slaves imported into that island. Slaves cost about ten dollars, and fetched in Cuba be tween 401. and 801., which showed there must be some official obstacle to enhance the price, and he contended it arose from our squadron being a serious impediment in the way of the slave trade. The squadron had probably not been efficient in destroying the slave trade, but it had had the effect of keeping it down from rising to seven or eight timer; its present amount. The west coast of Africa produc,d articles valuable to this country, and he believed if cotton was to be extensively cultivated there, it would abeerb the African population in free labour, and be a f urth•:r check on slavery. He had read an extract from Lieu tenant May's despatches to Lord Clarendon in November last, speaking in high terms of the industry and intellect of the inhatinints. There was a prospect of a rapid growth on the west coast of Africa of commerce advan tageous to this country, but the slave trade was the death of legitimate commerce. It therefore appeared to him that there was a magnificent prospect for legitimate commerce on the west coast of Africa if they could only get rid of the slave trade. (Rear.) To let loose the slave trade in Africa would be nothing more than letting loose war, havoc, and ruin on that country, and lower ourselves in the eyes of the civilised world, (Hear.) If we pursue our present course it would be found a wise one, but the other couree, if adopted, would be a penny wise and pound foolish one. (Hear, hear.) Lord C. PAGET could not 'understand how it was hon. members urged that the officers of her Majesty's navy considered the slave trade eves to be put down by the keeping up a squadron on the coast of Africa. Ile had his pocket full of letters he lied received Irons offa core on that coast, stating that their efforts were futile for the suppression of the slave traffic. (Hear.) Admi ral Bruce, lively on the African station, stated that the suppression of the slave trade could never be effected whilst America and Spain imported them. He (Lord Pagel) c uuld speak from experienee of the horrors of our se stem. It hail been his lot to capture tso slavers, and although it occurred some years ago he should never forget a scene that was beyond description. Ile on one oecasien chased a slave I rig for 17 hour., and afierwarde captured her, when he found 480 wretched creatures on board. These poor creaturee had been for 17 hours un able to move—they had been without any food and water during that time, and he found 430 raving mad creatures on board that ship, and the scene beggared ail descrip tion. (Hear.) This was not an isolated case, and every officer who went in chase of a slaver involved the poor creature in a similar amount of misery. (Hear, hear.) No gentleman can realise from what be reads the misery her Majesty's officers and men sustained on the meat of Africa. The station was injurious to our own officers and men, and although the majority of them returned aith the ships, nine-tenths of them came home with their constitutions destroyed. He considered they were misleading the public by keeping a squadron an the coast, and if the getien Lad been introduced said the slave trade had diminished, that not so many slaves as formerly were now exported from the coast of Africa, Well that might be the case, and for a very good reason. The demand for slaves in the Brezils had lately ceased, and they did not require that amount of slave labour which they formerly employed, and which was produced on the coast of Africa. All who now carried on the slave trade -were Spain and Cuba, and to a con siderable extent our dear friends the Turks on the IVledi• terranean, and these got as many as they required. He undertook to say that no member of that house would assert that those who dealt in slaves could not easily ob tain as many as they pleased. (Hear.) Then the situation we were in was clearly this—we were paying a million a year, or something like it, to obtain an extension of mari time police to put down the slave trade; and those who required slaves were getting as many as they wanted. (Hear.) There was evidently something wrong there. Either the system was utterly inadequate, or it was an unmitigated evil in itself. (Hear.) What then was the effect of the squadron ? It was this, that Cuba got as many slaves as she required, but in order to supply her demand a greater number had to be exported from Africa, to allow fir that margin which would he occa. sioned by our capturing or liberating any of them on the passage. These were sent in less roomy vessels, lees attention was paid to their health, and various expedi ents were resorted to, fatal to the unfortunate slaves, to elude the English cruisers. So that for the sake of capturing a very small percentage of slaves from Africa to Cuba, a great amount of suffering and death was in flicted upon the great body of those who wore exported. He believed it could be proved that this country was extending the miseries of the slave trade to an increased number of Africans, and we fancied because we captured a few and liberated them, we were suppressing the slave trade. (Hear.) He could not understand why the operations of the squadron had done so mach for Bread and nothing for Cuba. In Brazil the slave trade had been abolished by the force of public opinion, for it was a mistake to suppose that we in England monopolised all the moral feeling of the world, and that no other nations were alive to the obligations of morality and re ligion. Other nations were able to view the slave trade in the same light as ourselves, Brazil viewed it in that light, and the Brazilian government passed a law to cease that trade, elthough it had been untouched by the squad ron. (Hear.) It had been said that the squadron had exercised a very beneficial effect upon the Brazils. He (Mr. Gibson) did not believe it. Ho believed that if there had been French cruisers in the Channel when we had slaves, that fact would not have tended much to pacify as. He believed that the squadron and the Brazilian Act of 1845 tended very much to put off the time when the Brazilian Legislature was inclined to legislate upon this subject, and that the slave trade would have ceased much sooner if it had not been for that offensive act of Parliament to capture Bra zilian vessels, and English law courts to deal with them without any treaty rights to make any such enactments. His principal object that night was to ask the house to repeal the Brazilian Act of 1845. The committee of 1853, of which he believed the present First Lord of the Admiralty and the president of the Board of Control were members stated in their report that the cessation of the slave trade in the Brazile, furnished a reason why the Government should repeal the act of 1845. Now, what was the relation of the Brazils with regard to the slave trade? It was that if any subject of the Emperor of Brazil were found involved in this trade it should be regarded as an act of piracy. That was their engage ment with this country, and it had been fulfilled to the letter. An adequate machinery bad been established in Braza to give .....;._. t,,, t.1..1. 1... v, rnd ' -- s had no cause whatever for maintaining that Brazilian act of 1.64 j which was only passed upon the giound that the Bra zilian Government had failed in fulfilling its treaty obligations to this country. He (Mr. Gibson) was in the house when that act was passed, and he protested against it at the time. Lord Aberdeen, who was at that time Foreign Minister, made a promise to Parliament, which was communicated to the Brazilian Government, that when the slave trade had ceased, or Brazil had entered into treaty arrangements with this country to put it down that act should be repealed. Those events had occurred, and he thought it was the bounden duty of this country to see that its promise should be fulfilled, I and the act of 1845 repealed. The export trade of Brazil with England amounted to between twelve and t iiii:een millions a-year. Englishmen held a large amouu!• of shares in their railways, and interest upon their flat. Under these circumstances, and that the slave trade was suppressed there, it beh'ed Eng land to strike off its statute-book that offensive law, and to place the relations between the t-vo countries upon a more satisfactory footing. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Cardwell) bad spoken of the missionaries, whose advocate he bad become ; but he (Mr. Gibson) had spoken to many missionaries, and he found that univer sally they relied upon the doctrines and the opinions they taught, and not upon the broadsides of our men of war. The same views were held by the British and Foreign Slave Society, whose report spoke strongly upon this matter, and urged the abolition of the Brazilian act of 1845. The report of this society (portions of which the right hon. gentleman read) also showed that the Turks were extensively engaged in the traffic of young negroee, who suffered most fearfully from Oriental cupi dity. This traffic it was alleged had greatly increased since the war. When they considered that the only two countries which carried on the slave trade, Turkey and Spain, both of which were deeply indebted to England, some other Enemas should be taken of reaching them than the miserable little squadron we had now engaged. When the Ottoman Porte and the Government of Spain 'were convinced of the soundness of our moral views, they would no doubt take measures to put down this iniquitous trade. (Hear.) Mr. A. MILLS thought it was very important that it should be borne in mind that Spain had received a large amount of money from us for the suppression of the slave trade, and that it bad violated ,all treaty en gagemente. He shared in the satisfaction which had bee❑ expressed in the statement of the Under Secretary of State for the Home Department, for it showed that the American difficulties were over, and that although in this matter we had two unfaithful allies, we bad entered upon better days. He hoped that upon this subject they would ►have some ex pression of opinion from the noble lord the member for Tiveton• Mr. GURNEY considered our past efforts for the re pression of the slave trade bad been eminently successful. AR agreed that the slave trade and legitimate commerce could not co-exist in the same locality. It was clear that no difference of opinion existed upon that point, and it might be remembered that in his evidence before a com mittee of that house, Sir Charles Hotharo, a high au' ho rity, said the two could not co-exist for any length of time, that the two could not permanently extend them selves, and that where the two prevailed, slavery would beat the other completely out of the market. The honourable gentleman gave a very encouraging view of the export of cotton from West Africa to Brazil, supporting his views by voluminous statistics, The heathen natives had entered into legitimate com merce. He thought all experience was in favour of the system adopted by Admiral Bruce, that of preventing the ensbarkation of negroes rather than trying to capture them after embarkment. There was a very considerable trade carried on by negro traders, who embarked small cargoes. This trade was much checked by the weight of duties, and one great hardship was that a ship break mg bulk at Sierra Leone or 'Bathurst to land a small portion of the cargo paid tonnage on the whole, as if the oargo had been landed. _ _ Sir G. B. PECHELL said that if this motion was agreed to the cotton trade would entirely disappear, falling a prey to the pirates along the coast. To give up the right of search would be to abandon all our treaties with Spain, with the native chiefs, &e., after paying an enormous price, 400,000/. which with the interest would now amount to 030,0001., to Spain for this very right. Sir C. NAPIER recommended the employment of a large number of steamers on the coast of Africa. If that class of vessels had been employed when the squadron was first formed the slave trade would long have ceased to exist. One objection he had to the present system was the mode of rewarding officers and men by prize money. He did not desire to see slavers captured so much as to prevent slavers from leaving the coast. No doubt the officers and seen employed upon that station deserved reeard, and he would give them double pay, but at present the prize-money was an encouragement to officers (although be did not Ray that they acted upon it) to allow the embarkation of slaves, He was informed that the extent of the coast to be watched was only about 1,500 miles, and 15 or 20 small steamers would soon put an end to the slave-trade there. The right hon. gentle man the member for Ashton (IVIr. Gibson) appeared to confoUnd the right of search with the right of visit. We bad never possessed the right of search 'as r ecarded America, but the right of visit was a different thing. A ship might pass ahead of a vessel whose character it was desirable to know, and dropping a boat might send on board and ask- to see .her papers.without at all delaying. her voyage. They bad 'no ri g ht t o open a h a tchway. if England had been allowed to search American vessele, and America to search English vessels, the slave trade might have been soon put down. He was glad to hoar that the Under Secretary of State was about to take a course satisfactory to both parties, and hoped that hence forward England would not be called upon to apologise for every trifling excess of duty on the part ef English captains. All chance of quarrelling with America would be removed if strict orders were given to all cap tains of English vessels to f 'flow suspected slavers, and if they were found to be American nut to interfere with them. Mr. ROEBUCK had often considered this question, putting himself in the condition of the slave, and canal dering what he should do if any ono made him a slave ? -(1 laugh.) His answer was, that he should use every means in his power to make himself so dangerous to his master that he would not wish to have another slave. {Rear, hear.) Let them not then iceagine, from any thing ho should say, that he was a friend to the slave trade. It wee an unholy traffic, not more degrading to the slave than to the master and all engaged in it. it was the greatest stain humanity bed ever brought on itself. (near, hear.) What the question of the hon. gentleman sou g ht w a s, that all our vessels should in future desist f rom exerc i s i ng any right of visitatieu or of search. He differed from the i pia , ari t admiral, who ma d, a distinction between the right of search and the right Of visit, and said We were entitled to one hut not to the other, He held that we had no right to either. We were now about to give up all attempt to maintain a right of visitation of American vessels. Our attempts had bee❑ to prevent the exportation, not the importation of slaves. Those attempts had utterly failed. Cuba ob tained as many slaves as she wanted, and as we had in creased the difficulty of exportation, the effect was that a larger number was embarked to make up for losses. We had, in fact, increased the number ex- ported and not diminished the number received. Our endeavours had been wholly mischievous, our philan thropy had injured mankind. Our loss of money and risk of war had been wholly nugatory. He wanted that . answered. It wasnot enough to point out iticreaco in THE SUN, earlier, he should have been prepared to have eb.ovvn its beneficial working before a committee if one had been appointed. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. PAKINGTON wished, in explanation, to say that he had not represented the station as a healtbyone. What be had said was that the officers on it did not suffer more from ill health than did the officers on some other stations. (Hear.) Lord PALMERSTON said that the object of his hon. friend's (Mr. Hutt'e) motion seemed to be to put an end to all naval operations for the suppression of the slave trade ; and the right hon. gentleman the member for Ashton (Mr. M. Gibson) urged the house to ask the Go vernmente cis podmpnofeel ioncssAßsesuhtrtrifeiiirdadatbizeterelaithe hi.ri roweet t aune o oss:hun; ha:ald, rescind anvdtobevdscuu:tenebtranagtashstedietid t smih h la ey e iehwTdyn l ei :haftnauewlt;: all knew, m( keprb: inb) eeeeteereni applicable owioatdsouwn:mmscooeoecafo mpodbrhan commerce t rsemm. o aechprt t l eosci h artnenew e t . leet s ee f l rtr a oiet v e hant e cdl t cce r owo a uar n d :t v r vm e a t was i t o h n e and said, " Perish commerce ; live the slave trade." (Oh, oh). If mere assertion was sufficient, his hon. friend's case would be unanswerable, because ho had gone on from assertion to assertion ; but unfortunately all his assertions bad been diametrically opposite to the fact. (Laughter.) Hon, gentlemen said our policy had not been successful. Our policy bad been eminently successful. The hon. gentleman had said that oar squadron had increased the sufferings of the negroes. That assertion had been proved to be diametrically opposite to the fact. The hon. gentleman had asserted that as long as there was a demand at Cuba there would be a supply to meet it. Now, it was notorious that the supply at present fell far short of the demand. (Hear.) Within the last four or five years wo had put an end to the slave trade on the coast of Brazil. (Hear, hear.) Oa that coast no less than 70,000 slaves were landed every year ; and the house might conclude that at least three time.; that number bad been shipped. (Hear, hear.) The unfortu nate Africans were now in some instances taken in wars set on for the purpoee. In others, they were captured after the burning of villages, and the massacre of the old people and of infants. Then the horrors of the middle passage ! His noble friend (Lord C. Paget) ascribed those latter horrors to our interference ; but the case mentioned by his noble friend proved the benefit of our operations, for he (Lord C. Paget) rescued those 480 poor people and made them free. Was not that a great act of mercy ? His noble friend had said that officers came home decrepid and disabled ; but he was in him self a contradiction to that assertion. (Laughter.) By pu ting an end to the slave trade in Brazil, we had pre vented the landing of at least 200,000 negroes annually on the coast of that country. (Hear, hear.) It was said that no credit was due to this country for the aboli tion of the Brazilian slave trade, but to the Brazilian Government. He denied that assertion. (Hear, hear.) We cornmenced operations of a very vigorous character on the coast of Brazil in 1850, under an act passed in 1845. In consequence of some representations made* to Sir J. Hudson, our minister, by the Brazilian Govern ment, those operations were suspended, and with what result I—why the renewal of the slave trade, How ever, our operations were recommence.:l ; and, finding us determined, the Brazilian minister went down to the legislature and asked it to adopt the law putting an end to slavery in that country. (Hea7:, hoar.) Therefore, when any man told him (Lord * Palmerston) that the abolition of the slave trade on the coast of Brazil was not owing to our exertions, but to the growth of opinion in Brazil, he treated that assertion with the contempt it deserved. (Oh, oh, and hear, hear.) He did not mean to Rey that there was not, at the time to which be re " • "' rsn•n”fa'ned eene'l l notions on the subject of the slave trade, anti put and end to for the sake of Brazil itself—(hear, hear) ;—but the people rejoiced in their hearts at the course taken by Great Britain, and which led to the annihilation of the slave traffic in their country. The suppression of the slave trade in Brazil, so far from doing an injury to the people of that empire, had led to the development of their resources— the employment of capital on public works of a very j beneficial character. So long as this country had the act of 1845 in reserve the Brazilian government would ad here to the course they had been compelled to adopt ; but if that act was repealed a return to the slave trade on the coast of Brazil would felt° was a certainty. If the slave trade on the African coast were kept down, in a very few years our commerce with the West Coast of Africa would exceed our commerce with Brazil. (Hear, hear.) Sources of commerce of great importance to this country bad been repeatedly pointed out in ground nuts, palm oil, and cotton. They were told that those articles had grown up because the demand for them increased. Why, there was always a demand for them; but how could there be a supply as long as the country was laid waste, and there was no security for life and property ? When the demand was for human flesh there could be no supply of the articles of legitimate commerce. Now, with regard to the supply of cotton, Africa was of the utmost importance to this country. It was nearer to us than India. He believed the cotton districts of Africa were more extensive than those of India ; the access was easier, and he believed that in a very few years the sup ply of cotton from Africa would prove more valuable to this country than that of any other in the world, America alone excepted. 0.1 commercial principles then, ho said it would be the height of folly to reverse their policy. How did the case stand in a political point of view ? 'This country, from 1815 down to the present time, had stood forward among all the nations of the world in its endeavour; not only by its own example, but by inducing other countries to concur in the abolition and suppression of the slave trade. That also had been eminently successful, because several* countries had followed our example in abolishing slavery, and every maritime country, either by treaty with us or by its own law, had reprobated the traffic and endea voured to prevent it. France was at one time a great slave trading country ; it had put down the slave trade, a thatt nge the o the u do r this we must make sacrifices. But what great work was and more recently it had a b o li s h e d s l avery altogether. Portugal was at one tim e a gr ea t o ff en d er ; h e was happy to say that not only bad P or t uea l a b o li s h e d t h e s l ave trade, but that its present gov e r nmen t h a d i t i n contem plation to propose to th e l eg i s l ature a l aw f or the pro spective abolition of slavery in it s co l on i es . (H ear , h eer. ) But the motion now before th e h ouse p ro p ose d t h a t we should abrogate our p rou d p os iti on —th a t we s h ou ld turn round in the mome n t of s uccess an d sa y we w ill re trace our steps, and we will now set an example to the world o ud ed so the very much t opposite uu e r credit. of that Itw whichae trueh ashe hitherto Spanish re- re doundedgovernment whichof w hadhna was not honour hitherto uru t onvery wu shown they e eue a t n i e parudee iitdu indifference tta to themselves, i ts u treatieschival roussense but he had little doubt that the Spanish Government would awake at last to the disgrace it had brought upon itself, and that we should see the slave trade in Cuba vanish like the slave trade in Brazil, and that this country would then have the satisfaction of feeling that her efforts had not been thrown away, and that she had a w o u h r i l e d v e h d a one d ever of mp a the euu nola l thatany !i leissht works Headmitted ed. coat.ffy e u r r t e a c o c fo weremt h ui s is he h ee e e d we af w as i c t te h hr o at a u pi t ne ,u g p r t l e he a a t r sacrifices Id theynwere u now to poll the people of England on this question they wouldtud grudge c It t in o say, "Persevere." (Hear, hear.) Mr. GILPIN complained of the noble lord having entirely misrepresented the views of the supporters of the motion. He objected to the further maintenance of They might have a parti a l success in its object. in suppressing the slave trade, but as long as Am er i ca encouraged it. their efforts for its entire destructi on the squadron, because the squadron had failed to ac complisht.st would be unavailing. Mr. P. O'BRIEN, who had a motion on the paper to somewhat the same effect as the hOnourable member for Gateshead (Mr. Hutt), begged to be allowed to with draw it. General THOMPSON must say an enormous conee mercial fallacy prevailed in the speeches in f avour of this motion. Now, if it was a fact that for every slave that was landed in Cuba four were embarked fr om Africa, that of itself was a circumstance which told very Power. fully against its advocates. (Hear, hear.) Mr. DRUMMOND said, although the hen, m em b er for Northampton (Mr. Gilpin) might whitewash him self, he could not whitewash the h on . gentleman who b ro u g ht forward the motion before the house. That hon. gentleman distinctly laid down the grand idea that the way to govern was by the commercial principle of getting whatever we could no matter by what means. (A laugh.) The great principle of commercial inter course said the hon. gentleman the principle of supply and demand—must override everything. (An hon. member, "lie said nothing of the kind !") There were bon, members now in the house who were not present when the hon. gentleman spoke, but those who were present when he addressed the house w ou ld remember that he said they ought not to interfere with th a t prin ciple, because they would beinterfering with the great principle of free-trade. (Mr. Hutt sa id the hon. gentle• man m isrepresented him.) He would then pass on to ar othi r subject. The ho geltlecral and soma who sup ported him dwelt on the horrors of the middle passage, and imputed them to the policy pursued by the Govern ment ; but the horrors of the middle passage at present were nothing compared with what they were before the Government entered on the p resent course. The hon. gentleman also said that it would be a dreadful thing to incur the risk of a war on thi s subject ; but he (Mr. Drummond) maintained. that th e b loodiest war ever waged was nothing comparison w i t h the daily of this slave traffic and the sufferings of the negroes when they arrived in that country which was often held up as a. model of civilisation and liberty. He happened to be present at that great meeting to which the hon. gentleman had alluded, and he there maintained the argument ho now maintained. He there said that if a man stole anothees watch or horse, and sold it ta A, and A afterwards cold it to 13, did not the owner try to follow Ins property and get it back ? Trio same principle held g oo d with regard to a matter far more important than a watch or a horse Personal liberty was the first right of man ; and if an ' one attempted to make him a s l ave he had a right to kill that person, and kill him he would if he could. (A l aug h.) Hie firm conviction was, as he stated at tee nie.ititag referred to, that this thing would never be got rid of, except by a living on the part of the blacks them selves, and he should heartily rejoice when he heard that they had risen and inflicted some poor measure of short justice on the people who now held them in slavery. The hon. gentleman said th a t t h e English boaste d ex ceedingly of their morals and humanity. Now, he thought that if there w as any part of *the community which liked to be flattered more than another it was the honest old English merch an t an d the honest o ld English manufacturer or trader, who were willing, for profit, to trade with the Devil hi mse lf . ( L aughter. ) I t was his firm conviction that the love of money and trade— carried on under the name of free-trade—really ate out cf the country anything lik e mora l an d religious feeling, and the arguments of the hon. gentleman were chiefly addressed to that point, which he held in utter detesta tion. (" Hear," and a laugh.) Mr. COGAN supported the motion, believing that no matter how anxious England might be for the increase of commerce, she ought not to forget the interests of humanity. The house divided and the numbers were— For Mr. Butt's resolution Against it Majority —l99 The motion was consequently lost. The house then went into committee of supply. On the vote for 11,0501. for the mixed commission established under the treaty with foreign powers for the suppression of the slave trade, there was some con fusion, but it was agreed to. The CHAIRMAN then reported progress, and the house resumed. PUBLIC BUSINESS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, he understood that the Oaths Bill and another bill of im portance connected with it would probably come down to the house to-morrow (this day) and it would be necessary to make some arrangement for the discussion of these bills. In the course of the present week, too, he should ask tho opinion of the house on a bill for securing the purification of the Thames. (Hear.) GOVERNMENT OF NEW CALEDONIA BILL. The house went into committee on this bill, On clause 1, which fixes the boundaries of New Cale donia—on the south, the frontier of the United States ; on the east, the watershed between the streams which flow into the Pacific and the Atlantic and Icy Oceans ; on the north, the 55th parallel of north latitude ; and on the west, the Pacific Ocean, Mr. CHRISTY moved an amendment, making the eastern boundary "the main chain of the Rocky Moun tains," and the northern boundary " Simpson's River, and tlle Finlay branch of the Peace River." Sir B. LYTTON said he did not object to the amend ment. Mr. ROEBUCK suggested that it would be desirable to comprise the whole of the British territory up to the Russian boundary. After come conversation the amendment was agreed to. Mr. HOPE objected to the name by which the new territory was to ba designated. He thought it might with more propriety ba called "Pacifica" than "New Caledonia." Mr. ROEBUCK directed the attention of the right hon. baronet to a proclamation of Governor Douglas, which, it appeared from the papers of that morning, had been issued to the gold-diggers, and expressed a wish to know 'whether any instructions had been sent out from the Colonial-office with respect to that document. So far as he (Mr. Roebuck) understood the proclamation, it referred to the mainland, over which the Governor had no control. Sir E. B. LYTTON said he had seen the proclamation to which the hon. and learned gentleman referred, and that it would appear to be formed upon a misconception of the rights of the Hudson's Bay Company, which did not justify a blockade of Fraser's River. He thought, however, that great excuse should be made for Governor Douglas in the difficult position in which he was placed, while ho could assure the hon. and learned gentleman that the proclamation would receive the serious consi deration of the Government. Mr. CROSSLEY wanted to know whether the right hon. baronet would not accede to the proposition of call ing the territory with which the bill proposed to dial by a more appropriate name than that of New Cale donia? Sir E. LYTTON said several names bad been sug gested, but none had been very favourably received. Tee last proposition to call the territory Pacifica has not with enthusiasm. Respectful consideration woulu, nuwtver, ou .uL.j,:ct, and possibly the name might be altered. Mr. ROEBUCK recommended that the Indian name should be sought out and adopted in a translated shape. (Hear.) _ _ Mr. CURISTY did not see much objection to the name. The whole territory had received the name of New Albion from Drake 300 years ago. The clause was agreed to, as were also the remaining clauses. Mr. ROEBUCK asked whether it was intended to in troduce any provision into the bill securing to the colo nists the benefits of English laws as far as they were ap plicable to the circumstances ? The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said the very fact of establishing the colony would carry by its own force all English laws that were applicable to the state of the colony. The bill also provided that the governor should have power to make laws suitable to the emergency, but it required that those Jaws should bo submitted to Par liament as speedily as possible. The house then resumed. The Clerk of the Petty Sessions (Ireland) Bill passed through committee. RAILWAY CHEAP TRAINS BILL. This bill was read a second time. MILITIA BALLOTS SUSPENSION BILL. This bill passed through committee. BISHOPS' TRUST SUBSTITUTION BILL. This bill pas•ed through committee. Mr. HARDY obtained leave to introduce a bill to authorise the enclosure of certain lands, in pursuance of a special report of the Enclosure Commissioners of Eng land and Wales. The bill was brought in and read a first time. The house adjourned at two o'clock. STATE OF THE RIVER THAMES. PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEE. [The fallowjr& -- appeared iu part of our impression of yes terday] : This committee met this morning, at No. 11 Room, to pursue the inquiry into the state of the Thames. Amongst the members present were Mr. Kendall (chairman), Mr. Roupell, Mr. Ankroyd, Sir J. Shelley, Lord John Manners, Mr. Locke, Sir J. Y. Buller, Mr. Titer, Sir B. Hall, the Hon. Jocelyn Percy, and Mr. Alderman °tibia. The first witness called was Mr. Hawkesley, civil engineer, examined by the Chairman—l have paid special attention to the state of the river Thames. I have made frequent experiments on Thames water—the last took place yesterday, Daring the hot weather I made experiments in company with Dr. Letheby. The general result of the observation is that in consequence of the high degree of temperature, and the small quantity of water corning down—being only six or seven times as much as the sewage falling into the river—l attribute the present im pure state of the river. I found that during the time of the hot weather the temperature of the water was 72, the highest I ever recollect. The water was very much discoloured, and the mud was of a black colour ; the odour was very bad. Having found that the sewage extended from below Woolwich to Chiswick, I made certain experiments to test the state of the Thames at given points. On Saturday fortnight, off W oolwich —coming up from Gravesend—about nine at night, I found the stench greatest in the centre. At Blackwell the smell was distinguishable. Off Greenwich, it was perfectly nauseous. At the Tunnel pier it was less offensive ; at Londonbridge it was scarcely perceptible ; and at Waterloo-bridge there was was no smell at all. This was at low water. On the contrary, at high water I found a very strong stench in the vicinity of the Houses of Parliament. It appeared to me to begin at Blackfrtars-bridge, and to extend to Chelsea ; but its greatest intensity was at Waterloo-bridge. It diminished at Chelsea, and at Chiswick it entirely ceased, Dr. Letheby, in company with myself and Mr. Bidder, during the latter part of June, the 21st, 23d, and 26th, made certain experiments. Mid stream at low water was generally selected. We found the water to be in a most impure state—in a gal lon of the water taken off Greenwich we found 67 grains of impurity. Those 67 grains contained 24 grains of alkaline chlorides. At London-bridge there were 29 grains of impurity, at Blackfriars 27, at Hungerford 281, at Westminster 26, at Chelsea 29, but there it con tained only 1 grain of alkaline chloride. Tha Chairman—From your numerous experiments, can you tell us how soon the sewage is del;vered from the Thames after it has been allowed to enter ? Mr. HawkeJey—About a quarter of a mile in each tide. The CLairn3an—At what point down the river could the sewage be introduced into the river without any danger of its coming back ? Mr. Elawkesley—Below Woolwich. The Chairman—Are ycu satisfied of that? Mr. Hawkesley—Were the sewage put into the river below Woolwich some of it would come back, but not in the same state as it formerly was. On its return it would be no longer sewage. The Chairman—Then when the sewage once passes Woolwich it never returns ? Mr. Hawkesley—lt never comes back as sewage, When it does return it is c9mparatively deodorised. The Chairman—That is your decided opinion ? Mr. Hawkesley—That Is the result of my observa tions. The Chairman—ln the numerous experiments you have been engaged in did you find the evil on the in crease or decrease ? Mr. Haiwkesley—On the increase. Tno Chairman— What means should you raconmand to avert the present nuisance ? Mr. ITawkesley—l know of no other means of pre venting the nuisance except by removing the cause, of not allowing the sewage to enter it excep t at a point at which it could not return. The Chairman—Then your remedy is by intercepting the sewage. Mr. Hawkesley—Yir. Mr. Roupell—Then if the Thames was not embanked, and even the sewage had been diverted, mud banks would still form and give off the offensive exhalations? Mr. Hawkesley—yes. Mr. Roupell—Not only offensive, but injurious ? Mr. Hawkesley—Yes, certainly. Mr. Roupell—Fever in certain parts is mainly to be attributed to organic matter mixed with the water ? Mr. Hawkesley—Yes. Mr. Roupell—Can the water, after being deodorised, safely be introduced into the river ? Mr. Hawkesley—y es. Mr. Roupell—And the inhabitants of the metropolis need not be under fear of bad results following the erect• tion of the deodorising stations, because lush can be carried cut without danger ? Mr. Hawkesley—Ycs. Mr. 'Fite—What is your opinion of the system put sacd at Rugby Mr. Havkesley—The system at Rugby has, commerci ally speaking, been a failure. It covered the expense but thtre was nothing to be got out of it. Mr. Tlte—That system was to distribute the sewage over the land ? Mr. Hawkesley—Yes. Mr. Tite—Do you know of any scheme or system by which the sewage can be deodorised in the sewers on its course before it entered the Thames. In your opinion is such a thing possible ? Mr. Havkkesley—No, I think not, having a proper re gard for expenses. I don't think the sludge could be carried off through pipes, and the removal by barges would be expensive and very offensive. The committee shortly afterwards adjourned. THE LATE FATAL ACCIDENT ON THE SOUTH-EASTERN RAILWAY. CHILHAM, MONDAY. The adjourned inquiry into the circumstances attending the deaths of Alfred Wood, John Chan non, and the Rev. Thomas Wood (a Dissenting minister), who died from the effects of injuries they sustained at the accident which occurred at this place on Wednesday evening, the 30th ult., was resumed this mor n i ng a t t h e Al ma Tavern, before Mr. Delasaux, the county coroner. The evidence taken was exceedingly voluminous ; and, as it turned upon the technical doubts in volved on the immediate cause which led to the accident, it is not necessary to reproduce it. Suffice it to say, that after a careful summing up of the coroner, The jury returned a verdict of accidental death, with a strong recommendation that no train should pass the curve between the whistle board and the Obilham station, at a rate exce e di ng 25 m il es au hour, and that the road should be carefully at tended to and kept in good running order and re pair, especially tile curve. Country Markets, NEWCASTLE—JULY 10. A moderate supply of wheat, which met a ready sale ai 2s to 3s advance on the week. Foreign and south country in limited request, at a small redaction on Tuesday's rates. Grinding barley scarce, and quite as dear. Oats 6d to la higher, but a slow sale. Beans and peas unaltered. COLCHESTER— JULt 9. • A fair supply of wheat ; the prices asked were 4s per qr advance, which checked the trade, bat buyers were compelled to pay is to 23 per qr. more. Beans and other spring corn very scarce, and rather dearer. A great deal of rain has fallen since yesterday. Prices to-daywere as follow :—Wheat, white, 48.3 to Me; red, 46s to 50s; barley, 32s to 363 ; oats, 26s to 30s ; beano, Mazagan, 38s to 40s; middle and small, 42s to 448 ; peas, white, 42s to 44s ; grey, 44s to 463. Official Statemen t of the Quantities of Corn, &c., received in the port of London, from the following ports, irons July 5 to July 10, both inclusive. • la ...., :a CI F g 4 0 f l I d ;:, Colchester Harwich Leigh Malden 105'? 163' 404, 2101 ;1171d --- KIRKALDY-JULY 10. 315 1045 We had fair supplies of wheat and small of oats and barley to-day. Sales ready for'all sorts, at an advance of is to 2s par qr over last week. Wheat. I Barley. I Oats. Beam,. First 49s Od I 28s Oi 29s Od I Od Second 44s Od —s Od 23 s Od r Us 0 1 Third 36s Oct I—s 26s Od lOs Od COAL MARKET.—JULY 12. Prices of Coals per ton at the close of the market s. (1, Wall end, C. Benton West Hartley.ls 0 s d. Huddle W. Hartley 15 6 Eden Main l5 0 llolywell l5 0 Belmont 14 9 Howard's West Hartley Braddyll . 15 9 Netherton 15 6 Haswell 17 6 Morpeth West Hartley 14 6 li e u" . 17 6 North Percy Hartley _l4 0 Elettou Lyons Main l4 6 Tanfield Moor l4 6 Thawld Moor Bute s 14 6 Lambton ...................1 6 9 South Hetton .............. 17 0 Walker Primrose 12 6 Stowirt's. 17 0 ... ............... Wylain 14 0 c assop .. 16 3 ................... .. Hartlepool Hetton 16 3 tit:3llga Hall 15 0 South Kelloe 16 6 West Hettou 15 0 West Kelloe 14 9 Whitworth l4 3 Brown's Moor Haigh Main 14 3 Nixon's Duffryn, 20 9 Wallsend, &a. - - Acorn Close l5 0 Benson 14 t Eden .15 0 Uosforth l4 t Hilda 13 9 Wharnclitre 14 6 Powell's Daftiyn Steam 20 9 Seacroft ......14 0 Ships at market, 124—Sold, 93. LOCAL SHARE M.4RKETB. LIVERPOOL, JULY 12. STOCK EXCHANGE—The market opened very inactive to-day, but closed steady. Closing prices : —Dovers, 20 1-16 —Loudon and North-Western, 89i 90--Sheffield, 361 6 C'nesterand Holyhead, 17 I—Eastern Counties, 12 1-16 8 — Midland, 911 g—North British, 12 3 - 16—Birkenheads, 63/ —Great Western, 49 50—Lancashire and Yorkshire, 90a Great Western of Canada, 17/ 6—Blackburns, 11i 1— Berwicks ' 226 i—East Lancashir e , 906 I—C a l e d onians, 388 i—Leeds Northern, 23 / -Dutch Rhenish, 5 3-16 1-16 dis.—York and North Midland, 35j B—Graz.d Trunk of Canada, 101 6. MANCHESTER, JULY 12. STOOK EXOHANGE.—Prices were rather steady to-day, but not much business done, and the market closed flat. Dovers, 20h—Leeds, 914—Trunks, 10i Shetlialds, 36 36/—Londons, 90—Canadas, 17i—North British, BIRMINGHAM, JULY 12. STOCK EXCHANGE.—There was no improvement in the market here to-day, and business still continues limited. —Midlands closed at 91—South Staffards, 10 to 101—Eir• mingharn and Derby; 63—Birmingham and Stour Val. leys, 81. Five guiceas per cent has been paid at Lloyd's on the insurance of the steamer Royal Charter, which has now been out 92 days from Melbourne, with 405,0001. in gold ; and to effect fresh insurances ten guineas would probably have to be paid. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—The salutary effect of Du Barry's deli. cious Revalenta Arabica Food in removing Indigestion (Dys. pepsia), Flatulency, Constipation, Nervous, Bilious, and Liver complaints, Cough, Asthma, Consumption, and Debility with. out Medicine, is admirably displayed by the following letters: " Ridlington Rectory, Norfolk, June 10, 1850. No. 4,208. Eight years' dyspepsia, nervousness, debility with cramps, spasms, and nausea; have been effectually removed by Du Barry's health-restoring Food. I shall be happy to answer any inquiries. Rev. J. W. FLAVELL." " Bury, Lancashire, Aug. 17, 1851. Gentlemen,--For a considerable time I have pain r i a n b my s e l n e s ft a t s i iodne,ofexhtreeanarto. y d other disagreeable sy mp t oms of dyspepsia. Various suffered b vi y ol a e n n u p t a o i l remedies, bfluatrunl:annc alleged infallible, were tried in vain, and for a long time I was never twenty - four hours without' violent pain; indeed I was unfit for the performance of my daily duties. I was induced to try your food. In less than an hour I found relief, and my recovery was very rapid. The duties which previously had been an intolerable burden became a delight. fcl exercise, and I have since accomplished more labour with less fatigue than I ever expected to be able to perform. I ha\ • never had a return of my co mplaint. —I remain, &c., D.TnomAs. Supported by testimonials from the followin ,, celebrated Pro fessors of Chemistry : D r. A . U re; Dr. Shorland; Dr, Harvey; Dr. Campbell ; Dr. Gattiker ; Dr. Wurzer; Dr. Ingram ;• Lord Stuart de Decies; the Dowager Countess of Castlostuart; Major Gen. Thomas King, and many other respectable per sons, whose health has been restored by it, after all other means of cure had fella'. Suitably packed with full instruo. tions, In canisters, 11b. 2s, 9d.; 21b. 4s. 6d.; 51b. 11s. ; 121 b. 225. The 121 b canisters are sent carilage free on re. ceipt of Post-office order. Barry Du Barry, and Co., 77 Regent-street, London. Important C au ti on aga i nst the fear. lid dangers of spurious imitations.—The Vice-Chancellor Sit William Page Wood granted au Injunction on the 10th Marsh, 1854, against Alfred Hooper Nevill for imitating "Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food." BIRTHS. BIRCH—On the 11th inst., at 27, Park-street, Grosvenor. square, the wife of John William Birch, Esq., of a son. FREEMAN—On the 12th inst., at 6, Camden-square, the wife of Charles E. Freeman, Esq., of a son. GODOLPHIN—On the 9th inst., at Broomlands, Kent, the wife of Captain Henry Godolphin, of a son. HILL—On the 10th inst., at Walthanastow the wife of the Rev. N. Frank Hill, of a son. , MARRIAGES. GOUGH —CLARKE - On the Bth inst., at St. Luke's Church, Cheltenham, Captain Gee. Thomas Gough, 12th Royal Lancers, to Mary Charlotte Stanley, eldest daughter of Stanley Clarke, Esq., of Cotteswold House, Chelten ham. YATMAN — TURNER—On the Bth inst., at Banwell, Somer set, the Rev. J. A. Yatman, of Winscombe•hill, Somer• setshire, to Anna Victoria Bluthley, youngest daughter of the Rev. William Hamilton Turner, vicar of Ban well. DEATHS, BIRON—On the 10th i❑st., at Harold's -Gross, near Dublin, Jatnes Biron, Esq., aged 86. CH _o n the 10th inat., at A c t on, Middl esex, F . Charlton, a i to n Esq., aged 76. BATLET—On the Bth inst., at Harefield, near Southamp ton, Arthur Bailey, Esq., for many years a magistrate for the county of Hants, aged HA3IILTON On the 6th inst., drowned by the upsetting of a pleasure boat, near Eyrie, Major George Hamilton, late of the 10th Regt. MITCUELL—On the 9th inst., at 23, St. Bernard's.crea• cent, Edinburgh, Major-General John Mitchell, aged 73. NEWENHAM —On the 9th inst., at Silche3ter, Hy. Newn• ham, Esq., aged 73. LONDON : Printed and Published by MIIRDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Mee, No, 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in thkoolitir of Middlesex, Toes lay, July 13, MS. TO TIM LECI G r.rtt,txts BE Oath: 1 House of L Will become law b I may, therefor( Iratnlation on thl never forget the g this question, and When you conferr It Is Indeed sari: hand, and that w( delayed instalmer thanks to London Let me here gr Majesty's GOTert entangled subject I rejoice at the subject to any die place my humhle may offer. At w Your borough ma: solicit o renewal e Gr&t Cumberl, rreehi TOBES High Con' Ititlx the approb v tender; the Judg Mr. A. T. CROI I 'ALATINE IN] TITHDAY, the 27t In one lot, a FR E] itiptswearmou liall 6 ol..Wltfith4 • Per mum—Pr be b a d gratis Craven•etreet, 58. Chincery-las, bun, of the Ant F 'Ol R 17121 E E! expectot have reduced thi In 61b. bigs—th, Helen's-chi/ray QCHWEI SELTZEI livery Bottle of cork with their feetionersj end Liverpool, Brist T R ABM Place, London, cans on adviutt N.B. Policies Assured within bola; deducted N oRT: Establl ,Plasmarri Sir ;OR Solicitor, , capital of Os Ro 'rem, froi /line-tenth, divided among All Profit Pc the prom s of S future dtvlslor The Bonus 70 per cent, or 4, Bank Bail T HE Isalc•bul restd. 184 The; busine b aring been p Cott - rata, all the D ee d of T ravellers' m gauss terms s Total 1 Clatnts Amnia Insurances dents, and M with or witl Prospectuses the Chief O 7, Bank Bt INTER MCI/ Ih hedl eat_ km been and Policies of au e arring vent ennui Are, the death b CI trace. T ll ElaPowered win „.. F win. Bad Samuel B John Elll F.H.B. MUM. , The nel Kay, 186 Policy taken ant in tasi The fol National The a Two-t Ltve yea It;st Its in' t) one b Its The / Abort %tee Of three For / OM, I 0 U 1838 1841 1843 1848 FICEI Perfect the or decay, This operal guar& HM I eaYod tioa.— 142, saw Patem TR de of Bold 1 rails consi too li stret tow what ItIA