The Sun. — London, England, 1858-02-19 00:00:00

facts. First, as to the revenue of India. In 1809 the revenue 0 f Ben gal was 7,1 01 , 0001 . , and the total revenue of th e three presidencies was 11,238,4201. In 1850 the revenue of Bengal had risen to 13,740,00)1, and the whole millions and a half. Surely that r e te r e e w n e u d t benefito nineteen becomingto the country. (Hear, hear.) In ten years the exports from India had increased 182 per cent., and the imports 227 per cent. (Hear, hear.) Did such a result justify the taunt of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the imports to India had not benefited England? But this improvement in imports had given a great impetus to labour. (Hear, hear.) Then there was the article of cotton. It had been charged against the , company thatthey had not developed the growth of cotton ; but during twenty years the cotton imported to England had increased from 38 millions of pounds to 170 millions, or 346 per cent., whilst that imported to all other parts of the world had increased from 93 millions of pounds to 237 millions, or 141 per cent. (Hear, hear.) The honour able member for Shrewsbury had thought fit to say that the population of India was highly taxed ; but what were the figures ? In the regulation districts in the no , T . th i - h w i t tem provinces the pressure of taxation was 3s. 3 1 pound per annum ; in the non of payment -regulation dis t ricts it was 21. 20. (Hear, hear.) The relative per centage on account of wages in India, as compared with England, was largely in favour of the former; an d ße t . heland-tax was mh ay. (Hear.) in the proportion of ls. 6 d. per sore n„ With regard to the relative comfort o f the pop ulation, he would undertake to prov e that there was more squalor and misery to be found in one street in Loadon than in a whole district in India. The tenure of land, also, was much more favourable to industrial development than it was in this country. He would now touch upon the question of the double go vernment. The noble lord the First Minister of the C ro wn, in proposing the bill, had made merry with hie branch of the subject, and had compared the course of despatch in its circulation between the various depart ments of the Government to the " adventures of a guinea." That description was quite an ideal one ; but he (Colonel Sykes) proposed to give the house a real one. The hon. an d gallant member here gave an explanation of the actual stages through which a despatch passed be fore it attained maturity, and stated it as his belief that the great error committed in the management of such a document was its previous transmission to the Board of Control, a course of action which involved a prej udging of the subject, and the tying-up of the hands of the Bo ard of Directors. The functions of the recent chmmritciteeeirewdetree simply ministerial, their signatures only bein g declarations of war, and the home Government r e quired en tirely responsible for the dedarat responsible nof head of the war itself. The bill proposed that there should be e new government for India ; but a consideration of the ac tual, amount of work done by t he Board of Directors would show that the physical p o wers of a single in dividual would During be %ult e unequal to the task. t h e last year the India House received 2,516 letters, and the number of col lections or data on which those letters were founded reached 16,950. There were despatohed to India in the same year 1,833 despatches. To show the diligence of the board he might state that out of 1,651 despatches, 1,151 were approved of on the day on which they were brought before the court, 1,481 were approved of without any alte ration at all. It was diligence such as this which the noble lord who " complimented, smiled, and slayed," charac terised as dilatory. But if delay occurred at all it should be remembered that the interests of millions were con cerned, and precipitation might involve their destruction. Unlike the billof Mr. Fox, which contained a long preface of the alleged misdemeanours committed by the committee, that of the noble lord began by praise. But look at the dif ferent spirit of the two measures. Mr. Fox's bill provided for seven directors, to be named by the Government with out limitation. Their names were inserted in the bill but they were to be assisted by nine assistant directors, to be appointed on the popular elective principle from the pro prietary body. (Hear, hear.) There was no attempt in the former bill to abolish the East India Company, and it was a mild measure compared with the present one. A majority of votes was to be decisive without delegation to the Board of Control, whereas the nominated members of the new board had no further power than to record their objections, and the President of the Council would in fact be a despot. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Fox's bill, again, was liberal in respect to allowing the members of the board to sit in Parliament. Tho present measure denied any such privilege to the members of the new council. He again asked whether a single man was physically capable of performing one hundredth part of the business which it was now sought to impose on him ? Hehad himself occupied the post of chair man of the Board of Directors ' and such was the strain onhim that for two years he had to take his breakfast every morn ing at the East India House, where he remained until six, and rarely got home during that period until two o'clock in the morning. (Hear, and a laugh.) With all the labour implied in this attendance, he was unable to attend to a hundredth part of the correspondence. But he could rely upon assistance which the new despot could not have at command. Under the present system reliance could be placed on the various committees—(hear)—but the new despot must rely upon a staff of clerks to assist him. But was the house prepared to delegate the government of India tea body of clerks ? (Loud cries of hear.) The Board of Directors had also been charged with inefficiency in the matter of sending out troops to India. What again were the facts ? The Government had called upon them a short time ago to send out 30,000 troops to India. In two months the Court of Directors had despatched sixty-seven vessels, steamers, and clippers of the first order, containing the whole of that number of troops, who bad arrived in India without incurring a single accident. (Hear.) Was this a sign of dilatoriness? But again, between October and November, on the re qu i s iti on o f the Government, the Board of Directors had despatched to India, for conveyance by Sir James Outram to Persia, 768 packages of clothing and boots. He had so recently expressed his opinion upon the cause of the mutiny, that he should not detain the house at this moment by dwelling upon it. That mutiny was a military revolt, arising out of a panic on the part of the sepoys of the Bengal army, who feared they were going to be degraded by the Government from their caste. Some thing might be said as to the course which might have been taken after the breaking oat of the mutiny at Meerut. If there had been a Gillespie at Meerut, as there had been at "Vonore, events might have taken a different turn. Much had been said with regard to the lukewarmness of the Go vernment in expressing sympathy with the Christian movement taking place in India. To his own personal knowledge this charge was not true of India for the last 20 years. Why, when a bishop arrived out in India, his ad vent was proclaimed at the cannon's mouth, and the sepoys, on hearing the boom, naturally asked what was the matter? The answer to this was, " Why, the Lord Bishop has ar rived." This was no denial of Christianity at all events. To show that they had not failed in giving proofs of their anxiety to promote Christianity in India, he hal had re turns produced, showing the expenses of the bishop's visi tation, and showing that the expenses of the Church Esta blishment had risen during the last few years from 3,4201. to 6,4071., while the Catholics had received instead of 5•30 l. 2,5701. From these facts, and from the increase of chapels, it was clear that the Company had done all they could. They had also given grants to missionary schools. To show what the real state of religion in India was, he would read - an extract from a work published by the Rev. Joseph Mul lens, of Calcutta, showing that native churches had sprung up in all directions, together with,vernactdar native schools, and schools of every possible description. From other pub lications he read extracts showing that the murderous practices which preirailed at the commencement of the pre sent century had now been interdicted ; that Thuggism had been abolished, that the connection of the company ' with idolatry in its worst forms had ceased, that the pro ceedings in courts of justice had been thrown open, that - hospitals, colleges, and schools had been established ; that the electric telegraph was in operation, and that railways had been commenced. This extract was from the journal of the Indian Christian Association, and showed that reli gious people were not of opinion that the company had ne ' glected their Christian duties in India. He contended that missionary enterprise was very valuable in India, on account of the establishment of schools which it encouraged but it was of still greater advantage on account of the ex ample which Christian missionaries held out to the natives in their purity of their lives. There were many cases in which Christian converts had been placed on an equality with Europeans, another proof that the company had not neglected their Christianity. Another proof to the same effect was, that converts bad been granted a right to share in all family property with the Htndoo and Mahomedan from which he was necessarily excluded by losing his caste. What would they say of a great historical family in this country, the Talbots and Shrewsburys for instance, if the estates were left to them on the sole condition of their remaining Roman Catholics, and yet if the youngest son became a Protestant, the house should pass a law that he should take a share. That was exactly the feel ing of the people of India as to what had been d one by the comp an y w ith regard to Christianity — w hether rightly or wrongly he would not say. He conaiderel that • in dealing with India great cant' pru dence , and circum spection were needed, and that they always have before their minds the inflammable m a aails with which they had to contend. No w w h a t effect wo u ld ster this bill have on patronage ? The bill ma d e t h e min pot in India. All the great offic es o f St ate would be i n l his hands. Many of the military and ci v il o ffi ces which had been hitherto in the hands of the governors-general and the governors of the respective presidencies had been checked, but whenever there was a minister without any check, would there not be some influence or appointment, for reasons of which nobody would know. Military patro nage was to be given to the council, but the appointment of these persons was to be in the hands of the Minister, so that military Emtronage would ho really at his disposal. Who was to determine the relative claims of the appli cants? Unless they tossed up for it, or determined it by ballot, they could not do it at all. The number of cadetships given during the last 17 years was 5,477. Of these there had been given to sons of military and medical officers, chaplains in the East India Company's service, sons of cl i .M °M r, e . LW . t • o sous of officers in her Majestv'i — classe a s e 'of i ; etr, son' sof clergymen, 580. To the widdla , —and he did. n v the number of cadetships given was 2,315 one had been j v t hesitate for a moment to say that not The curse of In.: away for party purposes. (Cheers.) offices in Inc 'ia, ana had been the appointments to high would be when the i t was impossible to say what these single minister, eriZeMntmeats were in the hands of a meats of the Goven_ any check. The military appoint when siLer Job of the worst possible de scription. Crr e ad . o o f ek th w e ent to India he knew nothing of the habits or w r is e h h iman de P ; r iVe a lli a e n f d at h te e n so d o ed n created a revolt. Another at the East India House .° not rise from his seat with o u tworn in, and could then, on leaving the room, Wa r ao ~ , ,n a latauce . aga i ns t the edge of a scre en , and would oonnig thatbhej r r n e a o c ni Jared had it not been for the exertions of an ha m ve 'been in ter. Next came a most amiable, loveable man a entirely ignorant of the country and people, and ' who t il° co w. " ',fluently ought never to have bsen put at the head of a n i; army of 120,000 men, whom we could scarcely touch with safety upon some particular points, but whom they might knock about in any way as fa r a s the publi c serv i ce was concerned- His failures were no fault of hi s , b ecause he knew nothing. Some provision should be made that the officers sent out should be free from physical infi rm ity, an d should hav e some knowledge o f the habits and customs of the people. It would be impossible to control India with out a native army, and a native arm r u i o v u e ld never be main tained unless the prejudice of the autrloewr?spected. There had been a great deal of hanging from guns. Much irritation had been cansed,lanifdarhay state of things must consequently subside. In a couple that years they might properly attempt a change, and the firs t thing should be to do away with the Board of Control. A Minister of the Crown might be placed over a sufficient council, and to that council should be given an assurance of independence of action. (Cheers.) Above all, Liberal gentlemen should take care to preserve the elective prin ciple. (Hear, hear.) If their professions to their con stituents were worth a rush they would bear that fact in mind, and then the patronage would be free from party spirit. (Hear, hear.) Such being his views, he should conclude in the words of a , d resol at ut e i , on passed at the East wh w conducted India House after fou r days e b with an ability, eloquence, hprudence,ich and son nd judg ment which would have done honour to any debate in that house-e." That the proposed transfer of the governing Powers of the East India Company to the Crown it opposed THE Si7N LON DON, FRIDAY' to the rights and privileges of the East India Company, is fraught with danger to the constitutional interests of Eng land, and is perilous to the prosperity of the Indian Empire." Sir C. WOOD commenced his remarks by referring to India, been which made h thethe changes m a :e g r e n which hads e b by characterisedt he act o f lBase the 3 in greatest that had been made si nce 1784. In that y ear an on t end was put to the elective and independent condition of the council of India by the introduction into it of the nominated members of the Crown. It was said that those members who were nominated by the Crown would lack that independence which was necessary on the part of the directors of the company, but he challenged any hon. member of that house, or director of the East India Com pany, to show that the directors nominated by the Crown had not discharged their duties as ably and as independ ently as those who were elected by the proprietors in the usual mode. He regretted exceedingly that c i r cumstances bad occurred which had induced her Majesty's Government to put an end to the state of things as settled in 1853. The Government, however, brought in the bill in tha t y ear on the express understanding that probably at some future period a further change might be made in the government of India, and that the measure then proposed would facili tate such further change. He was anxious that her Ma jesty's Government should stand fairly with the house in this matter, and he proceeded to refer to the speech which he had made in introducing the bill, to the effect that it might be necessary at some future period to take the Government of India entirely into the hands of the Government of this country, and to carry on the adminis tration of the country in the Queen's name. On that occa sion the Government of which he was then a membar re fused to agree to any fixed time for the duration of the bill which was then proposed. The right hon. baronet the member for Carlisle had also expressed an opinion to the effect that at some short period the government of India must inevitably be placed under the direct administration of the Crown. The Government of 1853 had left it de signedly and avowedly open to the Government at any future time to assume thedirect government of the country. Thus circumstances had arisen which, in the opinion of her Majesty's Government, justified them in adopting that course which had been contemplated in 1853. It must be open to discussion whether these circumstances were sufficient to justify the government acting in this manner ; but, at all events, there could be no doubt that, in the course pro , posed, they were not acting inconsistently with the inten tion of the Government in 1853. What was now proposed was, that the government of India should be entirely go verned by the responsible advisers of the Crown. He bad never conceived it possible that any plan of government should be proposed as had been intended by the hon. mem ber for fteflield, which would leave the whole administra tion in the hands of one Secretary of State, without the advice of a council. It was indispensible that while there should be a responsible minister connected with the Go vernment, there should also be a council of able and expo , rienced men to guide and check such minister. It was impossible to suppose that any one person who might be elected by the Government would be able to manage the affairs of India, or to bring to bear upon the subject a sufficient amount of knowledge and experience which would justify the removal altogether of a council such as that proposed in the bill, or which had always existed in connection with the government of India. In one shape or another they must have a government for India consti tuted of a responsible Minister of the Crown and a council of advice. For the period of two years, during which he had held the office of President of the Board of Control, he had received the greatest assistance from the Court of Directors, and he had always found them able and willing to give the best possible information upon all subjects upon which their advice and opinion were sought. He had con sulted with four different chairmen of the court at various times, and had availed himself of the information which could be afforded by any of the other directors-- just as he would have done of any of the persons connected with the Board of Control, and he must do them the justice to say that they were always able and willing in the most ardent manner to give him theirassistance and advice. , The Board of Directors formed, no doubt, as good a court for council and advice as could be found. But if the gov ernment of India were to be carried on in the name of the Queen, the members of the Council must be independent, and appointed in some other form than that by election of persons who happened to be holders of East India Stock. The substantial change which was proposed to be made was therefore really much less than it appeared to be, but a more absurd mode of electing a council for advising a responsible Minister of India could not well be conceived than that of the present Court of Proprietors of the East India Company. He was utterly at a loss to con ceive why, seeing the character of the members who had been nominated under the act of 1853, the whole council which are now proposed to be nominated should not be equally as efficient as the existing court. Since he had been connected with the Board of Control in 1853 he had always felt the deepest interest in everything connected with India, and had carefully watched the progress of events which were going on there, even when fully occu pied by the business of other important departments. He implored hon. members, therefore, to decide the question submitted to them according to the best of their judgment, and as a matter of such vital importance as the Govern ment of India—looking to the millions under our rule and the great responsibility which we had taken upon our selves—to throw away party feeling of every kind and vote honestly and uprightly for that which they believed to be the best form of government for the people of India. Mr. WILLOUGHBY felt most reluctantly compelled to oppose the measure of the Government ; and he would do so principally because it would directly tend to draw questions with reference to India within the area of party politics and party discussions, from which, under the present system, they were happily shut out. They were about to legislate for an empire, and not for a colony ; and through what agency had that magnificent empire been created ? Notwithstanding the high autho rity of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he must presume to assert that that empire was acquired through the medium of the Company. It was true, indeed, that they were assisted with the troops and ships of England; but it must also be remembered that every farthing of the ex pense was defrayed by the Company—(hear)—and not only that, but the revenue of India had been frequently applied for imperial purposes—witness the attackon Java, on Bal laria, the war in Alfghanistan, and lately the wars with Persia and China. (Hear.) The bill was ill-timed and inopportune, and even the most perfect measure could not ' fail of producing pernicious effects if enacted at such a , juncture. He could say with all sincerity that he had not fallen in with a single member of the civil or military service of India who regarded the bill with any other feeling but that of dismay. Bat he principally had had regard to the effect of the passing of the measure upon the natives of India. The people of India were a sensi tive people, and, above all, they were apprehensive of change. They would remember that the Government of 1853 was partly composed of the members of the Govern ment of 1853, and they would then ask most naturally how came it that that which was regarded as such a mas terpiece of wisdom in 1853, when the Parliament of Eng land had legislated for India, was regarded as weak and. foolish in 1858. They would , therefore, come to the con clusion that the destruction of the Company's authority was connected with the outbreak of the mutiny, that a new policy was about to be inaugurated for India, and that they must forthwith expect the invasion of some of their most cherished privileges. The effect of that would be more injurious on the minds of the population than was the greased cartridge question upon the native army. In deed, he was not aware that a desire for a change in the form of government had emanated from any party in India, except it be from a small section of the Anglo- Indian community at Calcutta, whose demand was prompted by the refusal of Lord Canning and his council to adopt a policy of indiscriminate vengeance. (Hear.) It was said that the double government was cumbrous and irresponsible ; perhaps on the other hand, it might be urged that the importance of the promptitude described by those hon. gentlemen would turn out to be exaggerated. The fact was, the duties of the controlling authorities in England were deliberative and not executive. India, to be governed well, must be governed in India—(hear)—and ii was therefore necessary to entrust vast, nay, even des potic powers to the Governor-General, and to the antlar.ri ties who acted in conjunction with him. But in conse quence of that very necessity, so much the greater was the necessity of their acts and proceedings being scrutinised by an independent body, not in a spirit of captiousness, but out of a generous consideration and with a due apprecia tion of all the difficulties against which they had to con tend. (Cheers.) He maintained that hitherto those duties had been most efficiently performed by the Company, under the supervision of the Board of Control. It was said, indeed, that a greater responsibility would be exacted under the new system. Now his impression was that the House of Commons would not, could not, and ought not to attempt to exercise the control now exercised over the affairs of India. They might depend upon it that as soon as the present excitement had passed over, their old apathy with reference to Indian affairs would return upon the House of Commons. The fact was, that when a Minister was backed up by a strong party he was no longer respon sible. He rather inclined to the opinion of Lord Metcalfe, that if ever England was destined to lose India, it would be through the House of Commons. He did not think that a greater trust could be confided to man than the proper distribution of patronage ; and he had no doubt that feel ing was embedded in his mind from the admirable manner in which he had seen patronage exercised in India. Indeed, the patronage of India had been distributed by merit to an extent which had no parallel throughout the world. And were they not at that moment reaping the effects of the system in India ? for what other system could have produced an equal number of men fitted to cope with a vast emergency ? (Hear, hear.) In making his ap pointments the Governor-General was checked by his council ; but they would lose that check when the control ling power was handed over to the House of Commons. His great objection to the new measure was, as he candidly ?Omitted, founded on the probable distribution of the patronage of I,,dia. With roga.rd to the bill, he felt assured that at the present moment we were only on the threshold of our difficulties. Standing out amongst these difficulties were the military and financial questions. He feared that the difficulties in the way of the Chancellor of the Exche quer would be much greater than he anticipated. People who had lent money and had entered into contracts with the company would look to them for payment, and they might object to have the liabilities which had been con tracted shifted upon other shoulders. He believed that the judgment of posterity had already been pronounced upon the proposed change. (Laughter.) What he meant to say was, that historians, foreign, English, and Ameri can, had spoken highly of the East India Company, and one had described it as a miracle of government. In con clusion, the hon. member desired to express his thanks to the Government for paying him the compliment of nomi nating him to the proposed council. After such a step had been decided on he had no alternative but to remain silent o a r ra ?_!a s k_out ; and he could . only , say, . 4 Amiens Socrates, 34 7 . .Z 1 .,..t0, sad magic yentas.' (Cheers.) to hie."~ J. 11. CAMPBELL thought it due to the house, o f h"' s "if, and his country, to lay before them the result titled andl„.,Perience ars a resident for many years in India, iwn i t i ni iih , otl tin gh_ t t h t i h n a k t io i g n t t h h a e t ir t g h o o o s d e s w e h n o se po tl: s e e y ss w ec o l u p ldj p ag ei r .t a y e that the the mor to t,e listened had a stake in that country, were more en of. eis.ltnetneeldligteontthpoanrtoitohnerosf. the e t n w at a i s ve th p e op o u p la in ti i o o n n ime had come for a change, as the East India the protection of !if C had failed in the first duty of rulers, which was who thought that as the com pany the continuance of the i r capon ti at Delhi and other in continuing their rule and was not likely to be the authority, as evinced already done much in restoring t r e d K llaperty. 7,..; There were others moor had secured the plpaceressemnicgebtofp r charter, the vast treasures h ro e v r e tr e o ffi op ea s 4c , ei h e l : that au thority in its reality, ._ If restoring confidence ; but that case. The shadow of the Q ' by the the people of India had been C lcu tol d i t . ofa limn: csitt 114{:iofwhtehne wanting was to es tabli t "nifidence, and all that was the army wax sent out to company has ceased, and that missed, there would be now no necessi ' t ' y g e "en had corn. 10,000,0001. Within the last 20 years the t erritor y oan of country and the native troops had been doubled , wh ereas the the number of European troops had not been increase end the most important fortresses had been left with an insufficient European guard. The hon. and gaunt seem. ber f:Or Aberdeen was chairman of the company at the time that the troops were returning from the Crimea, but he did not avail himself of the services of any of them, al though they were much required in India, while Govern ment, with more prudence, sent out 21,000 men, and also the German Legion, to the Colonies. Had 10,000 or 12,000 men been sent to India we would have been spared the recent disasters. With respect to the colonisation of India, notwithstanding that we have had possession of India for 100 years, there were not 10,000 European settlers .1n the whole Peninsula, although there were parts of it, especially the country around Sindah, well adapted for colonisation ; and there was a marked contrast in the fide lity of the natives to the independent settlers and to the servants of the company. The company has laid claim to great improvements, but they had been forced upon them by public opinion, and so unskilfullydid they manage financial matters that the rate of exchange with India increased from 6 to 12 per sent., involving a loss of from 200,003/. to 300,000/. to the revenues of India. He would like to know what steps had been taken since 1837 to improve the means of communication in Lower Bengal? (Hear.) Sir E. B. LYTTON said the right hon. gentleman the First Lord of the Admiralty had complained that his hon. friend the member for Huntingdon (Mr. T. Baring) should have rested his objection to this bill on +: he ground of time. With regard to the measure itself, which he (Sir E. B. Lyttton) was riot disposed to discuss at any length, he thought it audacious, incomplete, and ill-considered. It was audacious, inasmuch as it affected the conversion of an administrative body, which, whatever might be its faults, provided a check for every hasty or unwise proposition on the part of the Imperial Government. It was ineom plate, mit did not afford a single restraint upon the preci pitate or despotic enactments. It was ill-considered, as upon so simple a point as the mere number of the council it proposed to create, there was not a single gentleman practically acquainted with the affairs of India who would not tell them that that number was preposterous and inade quate to get through the amount of business which would fall to its share. It was ill-considered, because the Govern ment asserted, and no doubt believed, that it would in crease their patronage. The patronage by the Minister would be enormously increased, and in that direction which would be peculiarly dangerous in that house. The noble lord at the head of the Government said that there was always a cry that this was not the right time for change. The noble lord was unquestionably the highest authority of any man living as to the right time for changing. (Cheers and laughter.) He (Sir E. B Lytton) was surprised that so acute a statesman could not distinguish between a hollow cry and that which was real and true. With regard to the question of delay, what was the noble lord's reply to the noble lord the member for London with regard to the Reform Bill ? The noble lord said it was not the right time, because of the war with Russia, and now the noble lord said this was the time for dealing with India now that we were at war there. He (Sir B. Lytton) objected to legislate for India in a time of war. We should not always be at war in India, although, if it depended on the ;noble viscount, we always might be. (Cheers.) With regard to the proposed council board it would be composed of young men, who would be imbued with a lively sense of further promotion in the hands of the Minister of the day. The next two months might determine our peaceful occupation of India, and how was it that the noble lord proposed to pass those two months ? Why, by listening to diatribes against the rapacity of the East India Company —diatribes that would be published from one end of India to the other. What would the Orientals say when they read them? The Orientals were always averse to change, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer told them that our empire in India had been acquired by unparalleled rapacity and violence. How would the natives of India construe such language when the time came for treaty with the re bels ? Mr. Samuel, in his despatch which had been laid before the house, stated that everything that appeared in the English papers that could be construed into being favourable to the rebels was easily translated and dissemi nated. During the long course of the noble lord's career did it ever ocour to him until now that there was evil in the system of double government for India ? The noble lord now said that more responsibility was required. But what said the First Lord of the Admiralty ? He declared that when he was President of the Board of Control his authority was as absolute as that as the Secretary for the Colonies or any other secretary. What particular had the company foiled the Government in their endeavour to put down the rebellion. On the contrary, had not the com pany supported the Government in every particular, and yet this was the time selected to destroy that company and fix upon it the opprobrium of dismissal. And that was by a Government which had plunged the country into a war with China, of which no one could see the end, and few could see the object. (Cheers.) This was the time selected to crush that body which had proved itself so stanch, and which was now surrounded by so many difficulties. The First Lord of the Admiralty had dwelt upon the advantage of establishing the name of the Queen in India. No doubt that would be a great advan tage, but nothing could be more obvious than that the com pany were then trustees of the Crown, now all the aots had to be ratified by a Minister of the Crown. So that if they framed an act to-morrow that the Government should be carried on in the name of the Queen, that would not alter the relative position of the Board of Control and the company. Admitting some of the inconveniences of the existing system, could they not remedy those inconve niences without destroying the company ? But, supposing that the company ought to be destroyed, and even that this was the right time to destroy it, was that a reason why they should accept the proposition of the Govern ment ? It was held that, in the council that was to be created, they would be enabled to appoint soma of the most efficient of the Court of Directors, and yet it was proposed to destroy that company. He doubted, indeed, whether the Court of Directors would consent to be nomi nees. The right hon. gentleman the Secretary of the Board of Control shook his head. He (Sir E. B. Lytton) did not think there was much in it, but he shook it. (Laughter.) The noble lord at the head of the Govern ment desired the absolute authority to be placed in the Crown. What would be the position of the House of Com mons then? If any young member were to ask a question as to what were the intentions of Scindia, or what was the meaning of Holkar, the reply might be that, without meaniug anything personal, the question was an extremely absurd one. (Laughter.) Before that house could mako themselves competent to judge with diPcrimination of an Oriental policy they must learn to orientally° themablvey. They might pass a law which they might think was ex tremely mild and conciliatory to the Hindoo, and yet that Hindoo might consider it the most exquisite torture that could be inflicted, because its penalty might be curried into the next world. Hitherto the discussion in Parlia ment on India had been productive of good, because they seldom acquired the warmth and colouring of party. Pass this law and it would cease to be so. Pass this bill and he believed that they would never actively interfere with the affairs of India unless in the interest of party to serve some Government, or, perhaps, to imitate the example of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to cast a stain upon some illustrious name. This was not the moment to legislate, but to arm. (Cheers.) This was the moment when they should not damp the ardour of their countrymen as they had been doing by stigmatising their own rule as that of perfidy and rapine. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had told them that the empire of India was no boon to England. Whatever opinions might be held with regard to that empire which had passed through the perils of a mutinous army was now to be exposed to the much more dangerous ordeal of an organised favouritism and jobbing. That empire was won by the valour and intellect of the middle classes, and it was for the members of that house who avowed themselves the representatives of that class now to determine whether they would allow that empire to be governed by official imbecility and ministerial corruption. ( Cheers.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL—The hon. baronet who just gat down added, by his eloquent speech, another illustra tion of the strange nature of this debate. The hon. gen tleman the member for Huntingdon, who moved the amendment, says that this is not a time to legislate for India, and, in enforcing hie views with his usual ability, Confined himself to the topic of his own resolution. Now I must say fairly, that if he had gone into the Cabinet with his reasons, and was successful in persuading the Minis ters of the Crown that it would be better to defer for another year the consideration of the Indian question, when they could enter upon it with more knowledge and calmer minds, the house would sit down content. But the position of the question now is, that the Ministers of the Crown having proposed the question, and having had now three night's debate upon it, during which very feat speakers urged his views, it was entirely a different mat ter. The supporters of the hon. gentleman's motion urged that the present form of the government of India was not very desirable, that however it should be kept as nearly as possible to the form in which it now exists, and that the greatest danger may be apprehended if any great altera tion took place. The question, then, was, what will be its position if the house should agree with the hon niem ber for Huntingdon? Will the house, or anybody out of the house, be satisfied if no alteration should take place ; would it be wise to leave the question in such a position ; and would there not be the greatest doubt, both here and in India, as to the meaning of the resolution proposed ? Would not all men's minds be turned to the question, whether the House of Commons meant to alter the govern ment of India, or whether it would be deferred ior this year, or many years to come? I could understand a reso lution come to by the house that they were content with the government of India—l could understand the wisdom of carrying out that resolution, if the noble lord at the head of the Government had leave to bring in a bill. Bat I cannot see the wisdom of adopting a proceeding by which the whole question will be bound up and allowed to remain in suspense and doubt for another year, when no man could see what would be the issue of our delibera tions? I hope, therefore, the house will net agree to the motion of the hon. gentleman, the member fur Hunting: don. (Hear.) I confess, however, that I am not much struck with the statement, however plausible, that legisla tion willbe'useless and dangerous white the revolt continues in India. We legislated for Catholic Emancipation when Ireland was on the verge of a civil war ; we legislated for reform when the whole country was in a state of tumult and confusion ; and on the corn laws when the public mind was far from being tranquil. The house hes at all times been equal to any crisis that may arise. It has always le gislated with prudence and wisdom, and proved itself equal to the emergency. I will, thereiore, sir, now;address myself to the question really before the house, whether we should or should not [make a change in the government of India. I think we may conclude, if it should be the opinion of the house to carry the resolution, that, setting aside the pro posal of the Government, the whole question will remain in abeyance for some time to come. What is the petition of the East India Company? I am quite ready to admit their merits, that they accomplished great things, rind con ferred lasting benefits on the country. I remem ber hearing a gentleman say, who went through all the vicissitudes of the first French revolution, that men always guarded against the dangers which wore past and never to what are to come. Now, what is our present position with regard to the East India Company ? It is quite true, though toe Chancellor of the Exchequer was much blamed for saying so, that all parties in the house wero indignant at the ag gressions ma le in India, and carried on by the then Go vernor-General. Mr Dundas brought the question on, and after a three hours' speech, moved that Mr. Hastings be recalled. The directors of the Company, however, thought one way, and the proprietors another—the whole thing was in confusion, and Mr. Hastings remained. Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox then endeavoured to remedy the evil, and it was at last agreed on that the power of appointing the Governor-General should be vested in the Crown, as en effectual check to the directors and proprietors. From 1781 to the present day there was no reason to complain of th 3 aggressions of Governors-General. The danger they bad now to meet was not that precisely which they had in 1784, and I do, therefore, say, do not apply a remedy which would be fit only for our ancestors 70 years ago. T i e :te r zi: r r d o , t n he a r . p o iint ti c i d view in which this que stion . ma y be loss of authority on the y part of the East India Y jo g mp a any. They were formerly a great and of.monopoly. They with great polit' a factory, and i Powerful Company. Th•y had, in fact, powers hat the trade of the East, coupled anotherhaving here a fort and thole , tory combined. t*e place perhaps a fort and a fac "4"l., hear.) What has been.done since EVENI NG, FEBRUARY 19, 186$ then ? In the year 1813 the question was debated between Lord Wellesley and Lord Grenville. Lord Wel lesley said that the monopoly ought to be maintained and Lord Grenville that the monopoly should be destroyed. But upon one point they agreed that the authority of the company was not maintainable unless the monopoly of the trade was maintained with it. " Therefore," said Lord Wellesley, " as 1 wish to preserve the company, I shall maintain the monopoly." On the other hand, Lord Gren ville said, " As I wish to destroy the monopoly, I will do away with the company." Both these able men saw the close connection which existed between the power that exer cised privileges, and the exclusive exercise of those privileges. In the year 1853. another blow was struck at the authority of the company. They were divided a'together from trade ; the trade through China was abolished, and their forts and factories were taken at a fair valuation, and paid for to the company, who were from that time deprived of their func tions. Another important change occurred in 1853, when a certain number of directors should be nominated by the Crown. In 1853 another, and a still more important change took place. Whereas, in the years 1793, 1813, and 1833, successively the company's charter had been renewed for a period of twenty years; the Government of Lord Aberdeen resolved to leave the whole question open for the resolution of 'alinement by declaring that at any time after a short in terval the Crown might give notice to the company t sat its authority should cease, and that its territory might be taken under the active administration of the Crown. The hon. member for Huntingdon therefore is notauthorised in saying or supposing that there was any kind of deceit, or any stratagem concealed under the proposition of the Govern ment of Lord Aberdeen The general opinion was that it was not wise to disturb at that time the authority of the company—that in a few years the Government might be bet ter conducted in the hands of the company —that the Govern ment of the company should not be permanently maintained, and that they wished to reserve to Parliament the full power to deal with the question. Then, sir, I coma to that which is the great question of all ; are there any reasons at present why it should be thought desirable that this au thority should be taken out of the hands of the company and brought into the hands of the Crown. I speak upon this subject with the deepest sense of its importance; with a feel ing of the great and inestimable value of our Indian empire, wish the dread of disturbing its security, and with the wish to provide everything that can be done for its maintenance. Still I cannot but see that there was in the constitution of the East India Company itself, as regards the government of In dia, sources of danger which were seen by Lord Metcalf and Sir John Malcolm, and even I should add a'so by Lord Wil liam B ntinek, and by others. I mean with regard to the sepoy army—the army of Bengal. Now, many hon. gentle men have discussed what were the causes of the mutiny, and the hon. and gallant director (Colonel Sykes) who spoke to night, and that it arose from a fear of our interference with their religious feelings. It may be so. I am not prepared to dispute it ' • but what I ask is, what was the cause of the existence of this great Bengal army itself ? If you look through history, there is nothing s all resembling it. The great Roman Empire ruled Spain with a single legion—ruled Africa with a single legion—ruled Egypt with a single legion, and auxiliaries were attached to these legions. The real armed body was the groat Roman nation. They never dreamt of a native army on which to rely in cases of emer gency. Look at your colonies. Treating, for a moment, the East India Company as a private body and apart from its po litical influence, consider the position your empire, made from time to time, cemented with our blood and fortified by the wisdom of those who have governed this country. Had our various colonies anything like the Bengal army ? Consider what would have been the difference, if at one time when the nationality of Canada was roused and endangered by the acts of an aspiring and artful demagogue who rose up against Brit ish power—consider the effect if a large French army had been at the beck of that demagogue. As it was, Lord Seaton had nothing to do but to scatter a force of unarmed pea santry, and all the insurrection was at an end. Or consider the case of Sir Henry Ward, in the lonian Islands. Suppose. instead of a single regiment, he had had a very largo body of Zautiotes or natives of Corfu, armed and disciplined, and drilled in order. What would have been the aspect in Ceylon if, in 1848, there had been in that island a numerous body of Cingaleso ? If that be the case, let us look at the position in which the Bengal army was. Lord Wm. Bentirck said that most certainly it was the most inefficient army he was ac qnainted with. Lord Metcalfe says, " Your situation is pre carious' but as long as th e army i s fa i t hf u l , you are secure. If that army is not faithful your empire may be at an end in a day." Sir J. Malcolm says, " Your position is so precari ous that no man can tell at any moment whence danger may arise." What is the cause of this precarious power This army, though it wis faithful for a very long period, and an parently contented with anyt hi ng, ye t I remem ber hearing from officers of hi g h authority that there were four or five things that a sep o y army would not do. One was that they would not endu re th e l east suspicion o f any i n t er f erenc e with their religion. A no th er was that they wou ld no t b ear the least want of compliance with their demands for pay and al lowance. Then again the Bengal army never would embark on shipboard or go to sea, Even you find, from the testimony of your officers, that this admirable army will not go into the trenches and dig for fear of violating their high caste. On the , other hand, works are per f orme d un d er a b ur ning sun by the British soldiers, who are t o ld b the natives "You are not fit to associate with Bengal sepoys,y a nd must be degrade 1." Is it not obvious that whil s t you h ave an ar my of this sort you are not safe The question wls whether, during every year that passed over our heads, it was fortunate we had not a mutiny arising from some trifling cause which established naive su premacy ,vithout the means of putting a stop to it. What was the cause of having this army? The cause was a part of that system which Mr. Pitt es . ablis ed. Mr. Pitt raised to power, deferred in every respect to the East India Compaey. He would allow no man to touch what he called the chartetad rights of the company. It would be robbery, spoliation, and destruc tion of the constitution to interfere with them. But after the Board of Control was established, Mr. Pitt and Mr, Duedas wished to govern India themselves. In 1798 Mr. Pitt desired to send out to India six regiments which had been raised in this country, though n 4 required here, but were w aged in India. The East India Company protested against this. Mr. Pitt had no power, according to the act of 1784, to send out those troops. Aceordinely he introduced a declaratory act, which was a clune*y mode of endeavouring to gain his object. He said that by means of such a declaratory act he might send out troops to India, and he carried the question. But the Mast India Company, when Mr. Pitt was at the summit of his power, had sufficient infinenco to secure the introduction of clauses into the bill which placed a limit upon the number of troops to be sent to India. From that time I have heard on the testimony of officers high-in command, that the greatest jealousy was caused in consequence of the increase in the number of the Queen's army, and there was always the greatest preference shown for the native troops. The mutiny then took place, and the army which they had petted and spoilt, broke out into revolt, massacreing their officers, wives and children. This required something on the part of the Government, and of this house to be done for the future. We cannot, even if it wore desirable, expect to raise up such a Bengal army again, portions of which are still in open revolt. You must have in India an army of the Queen. It must be a European army, a British army, an army of her Majesty the Queen. When you have made that change you will have broken down the foundation of the power of the. East India Company purytro; andtroops c an be placed at the disposal of the East I n di a I cannot see that an army of 50,000 or 60,000 Queen's Company. We must use the name of the Crown, and inter pose the authority of the Cro wn , political and civil power necessarily b e i n g vested in th e C rown, as well as the military power. Wear, hear.) Th a t appears an urgent case for legislation, and whether we legislate this year or next year, we cannot c lose our e y es t o the necessity of legis lation. I must decline to follo w the example of the hon. baronet, who discusse d the details o f t ie bill introduced by my noble friend, th e First Minister of th e C rown, for I defy any man to argue on the provisions of the bill without seeing the bill itself, aed the connection of the clauses oue with the other. There are some things, however, if the proposed change of Government be made, which I wish the house to keep in mind. lam free to allow that oenefits and advau atkeeeeepetuedneasil sb tle u fa i t t u b r e e advan tages resulted from the independent character and position s a character e r b i e n of the gentlemen selected as directors of the East India Com pany ; but I do not see howtiaiabtoifdythoisf epoanrsttoitfu,ethnetsbliiikleofthmay's of the Court o foundation for the governing council of India. it can hardly be expected that such a basis will be or indeed can be main choicththe Wiled ; but everything that can be done ought to be d me to members of council. (Hear, therefore, t atPidorebospleettefvdrei.eaundlissnhadyoeu,Plent ' 1 ; :e found . 0 contain clauses which do not sufficiently provide for the. objects I consider essential, I shall join any hon. gentleman in of the that security be pro f Properuiettcobr serviceswl wish to keep in view is the • • 7 and civil which have been performed great military the most noble in India. They are and the most successful which have ever appeared on the face of the globe, (Hear. hveicaleri..l)forAtnhoetihnedreopbe juedeetne - should be kept up with bear.) Tiny with the all heir rewards and emol u ments, and I trust, same benefit to England and India which they have already conferred. (Hear, hear.) The question is whether those men of th e middle classes have se • not done everything in our service that we wished done whether they have not faithfully, zealously, and laboriously, like other men raised to high positions, statesmen and gene rals, p er f orm ed their dut ies. If mesh be the c a s e , nothing will ever ma k e me co nsent to any provisions of the bill pro- Posed to be introduced which in any degree may injure or depreciate those eelrice& (Hear, hear.) There is another point on which I should wish to see security, but it is one on which wo must make up our minds to encounter danger. I wish it could be said that by means of the Ministerial plan questions of Indian Government would be saved from be coming matter of party debate in this house. (fleet%) There are gentlemen in this house who no doubt decline to place confidence in the Government for the time being —they dis trust either their competency or their honesty—(hear)—or perhaps both. (Laughter.) It cannot be expected, that there wilt be an absence of all bias on all motions or debates in that house on the affairs of India ; altinugh nothing can be more injurious to ourselves than to make subjects of the utmost delicacy matters of popular debate and the theme of ang ry party conflicts. But that is the condition of our very existence. We must bear with it in India as we have borne with it elsewhere. I see how mach deliberation it will take in order te avoid as much possible these dangers, and yet I see no alternative but that of looking the question in tho face, and endeavouring with all the deliberative wisdom of Pal-dement to come to a proper solution as to the future fate of this great empire which is entrusted to our hands—(hear, hear)—which we are to hold for the benefit and happiness of millions and millions of people, and I trust we shall perform that duty well. I feel sure we cannot avoid it. (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI— Sir, the noble lord concluded a his tory of the Sepoy at nay with an emotion which must have been shared by eve r y member i n thi s h ous e, and no ono could have listened to his narrative without feeling the sincerity of every sentence he had delivered respecting the danger we had incurred from that force. But what sur prised me most was, that with so full an acquaintance with this subject, and so profound a conviction of this im minent peril, the noble lord in 1853 had not thought fit to call the attention of his colleagues to so serious a state of affairs. (Hear, hear.) And, sir, I agree with the noble lord that it is very —difficult; and certainly it is not my task, to vindicate the e l ements of the constituent b o d y b y w hi c h the directors of the East India Company may be chosen. It is very possible that the constituent body can be justly describ3d only by the epithet used by the noble lord : but surely in the yea r 1853 the noble lord, called upon to con sider the whole question of our Indian empire, and the means of administering the government by which its affairs should be conducte 1, must have been equally sensible of what he now styl es the " ab nrd i ty " o f th ose e l em ents. Nor do I feel that the noble lord was particularly happy in the argument he urged and the illustration he offered to show that this is the time for legislation respecting India. According to the noble lord the matter will run thus :- - We legislated in favour of our fellow-subjects professing the Roman Catholic religion in Ireland when we were in fear of insurrection in that country, and, therefore, why should we shrink, when there is an insurrection in India, from doing the Paine thing? (Hear.) But, with great sub mission to the noble lord, there appears to be between the two cases exactly that difference which destroys all the force of his reasoning and all the appositeness of his illus tration. Because I can easily conceive that a statesman might propose to legislate for a country where he was afraid of insur.eection if he thought that he could thereby prevent it—(hear)--but surely when insurrection rages no identity of circumstances exists which would justify the inference on which the noble lord laid such stress. Nor, when the noble lord enters into the causes of the In than revolt, and finds arguments in it in favour of legisla tion, can I forget that when last year I asked the house to inquire into this subject no one was so strong, I might even say so violent, as the noble lord in impressing upon the house that until the insurrection was completely put down it was idle to investigate its causes, and that all the energy of the country ought to be devoted to its suppres sion. Sir, I have long been of opinion that it was a mat ter of high policy that the relations between the sovereign of these realms and the inhabitants of India should be drawn more nearly and rendered more direct. I have for a long time been persuaded that by such a consummation the administration of India must be greatly improved, and that such a change would be the precursor of benefits to the population of that country, and indeed to the popula tion of our own, which it would be difficult to exaggerate. In examining the 'question that is now brought before us, and in bringing my powers of investigation to the measure of the Government; I at least am influenced by no preju dice, because the bias of my mind—and none of us can consider a question of such magnitude free from bias— would rather be in favour of the object sought to be ob tained by the proposition of the Governreen le Nor, Sir, as we have heard a great deal of patty feeling, could Ibe at all influenced in considering this question by any such feeling in regard to the proposer of the amendment. It is an honour that I deeply appreciate that I enjoy the ac quaintance, and I hope I may add the friendship, of th e hon. member for Huntingdon (Mr. T. Baring). It was, however, only recently, at the end of the last session, that my hon. friend informed the house, and not for the first time, that he regretted to say, upon the subject of India, that my views and his own sex loin agreed. Therefore, when I come to ask myself what course I ought to pursue upon this question, I feel that I am approach ing it without prejudice, and until the arguments that have satisfied my mind are answered I shell believe that the coarse which I shall take is also the most prudent for the house to adopt. If I had thought that a change in the direction recommended by her Majesty's Ministers was one that would draw the relations between the inhabitants of this country and India nearer—if I thought that it would greatly improve the condition of the inhabitants of that country—l must still express my opinion that the operation and result of the measure of the Government would produce is both instane.s quite a contrary effect. Before we come to the vote I must ask the house to con sider the influence which the vote they are asked to adopt will have on the finances of this country. I have not heard that question clearly put in the course of this debate, but it appears to me to be one, not only of the greatest import ens; but also extremely pressing and imminent. We have had on several occasions a controversy on the identity be tween English and Indian finance, and I believe the gsneral opinion is, that although it will not be possible ultimately to disconnect them, yet that the means by which they will 1 be inseparably united will be a gradual and slow process. Let me remind the house of the bill now on the table for , raising money for the service of India, and of the effect op our finance and upon Indian finance of the proposal of the Government. It is idle any longer to distinguish between English and Indian finance. If the President of the Indian Council—a Queen's Minister in Downing-street—should find it necessary to raise money by a public loan to pay her Majesty's troops in India, it will be idle, when the divinends are due upon that loan, to pretend to assert that he will be able to say, if the means are not at hand, " The exchequer of India is empty, and the revenue of India is alone liable." (Ile ar.) Every gentleman will feel in his own mind, that such a distinction as this between the finances of India and England cannot be retained for a moment, and titat a blow upon British credit at its very source, and where the tide is highest, will be infallible and in evitable, if such a plan can be urged by a British Minister. (Hear, hear.) Before we agree to the in troduction of this bill I ask the house to consider what are the financial relations at this moment between England and India. Sit, we have official documents upon the table that show at this moment a chronic deficit in India of about 2,000,0011. sterling per annum. We have a paper—l do not know whether it is official, but it is au thentic, and it is generally circulated—which shows that next year there will be in India 92,000 of her Majesty's troops—that is to say, 52,000 of her Majesty's troops in excess of the estimates to which we are so long accustomed and which we may consider the routine finance of India. You can't on an average put down your reeiments of artil lery, cavalry, and infantry at leas than 90,040/. a-piece, and you must estimate the cost of these 52,000 troops at a sum of between 4,000,0001. and 5,000,0001. sterling. Of course, you are to deduct the expense of your Bengal Army, which is now abolished, but that expense is only one moiety of that sum of 4,000,0001. or 5,00 000/. Therefore, when you are adopting the government and the liabilities of India, which you are now asked to do without consideration, you are adopting a chronic deficit of at least 4,000,0001. ster ling. (Hear.) I beg the house to observe that I have put the case without reference to the consequences of the late and present disturbance to the revenue of India. The defi cit of the Indian revenue will be 10,000,0001. this year. I am throwing this extraordinary influence and result out of the estimate, but I take the clear deficit which for several years has regularly accrued. lam adding to it the inevi table increase of expenditure caused by this force, which must maintain your authority in India, and I tell you you will have to deal immediately with an Indian deficit of between 4,000,0001. and 5,000,0001. What, then, is the position of this country ? Have we a surplus 'avenue of such an amount that we can look forward with calmness and composure to a proposal of this kind, and a to policy that entails such responsibility ? The Chancellor of the Exchequer has not yet told us the state of our finances. It is a communication that cannot be long delayed, and will be an addition to those nights of interest which the present session promises to produce. I do not presume to form an accurate estimate of that statement, but I would not take 7,000,0001. to pay the British deficit that will be introduced to us by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the course of a month. (" dear, hear," and a laugh.) You are not, therefore, merely doing a sentimental act, and changing the Govern ment of a country by an aye or no, but the question is, are you prepared to entail upon the Minister of Finance an immediate deficit of 11,000,0001. or 12,000,000/. sterling ? (Hear.) The House may rely upon it that this will be the consequence of the act which it is so lightly called upon to sanction, and which so many of its members are so care lessly prepared to ratify. Before the Horse !of Commons, before the people of England incur such a responsibility, they ought to make themselves wasters of the resources of India—(hear, hear)—they ought to make themselves mas ters of the means by which the revenue of that country is raised and the expenditure controlled. That shows how completely we have in this business begun at the wrong end. (Hear,) India is not governed in Cannon-row or in Iseadenhall-street; it is governed in Calcutta. (Hear.) If you pass an act of this kind which, by a phrase, seems to change the Government of India, you will, without acting upon the more distant and real Government, entail upon , this country all the consequences of the policy and the engagern• its of the Government in India, while, in fact you will have no control whatever over the system which prevails in that country. Yon will find that when you have passed this bill you will have less means of governing 1 India than by the somewhat roundabout system which exists you even now obtain. (Hear.) What is the real Government of India? If you were to form your opinion from the bill which the noble lord has described you would imagiue that the Government of India depended upon a few individuals living in England, receivingpnblic salaries, and obeying the dictates and commands of a Minister of State ; but the Government of India is something vary dif ferent. The Government of India has, in the first place, to deal with the rising of an immense revenue, which is not a !e -quate to the expenditure,and unless, when you take u on yourselves the pecuniary responsibilities of India, you at the same time take measures by which you can appropriate and prudently manage the resources of that country, all that you will oMain by the bill which the GOvernment now asks permission to introduce—all that you will obtain will be that you will have to supply the deficiencies of a distant Government over which you will have no control, and the course of whie, as I shall show you, will inevitably aggro,• vote all those injurious consequences which you imagine that by this you are going to terminate. What you want is a total change of the system of administration in India. You want to put an end to the expenditure which pro duces deficits. You want a power that will examine your relations with native princes ; you want a power that will examine the means by which your revenue is raised, which will examine into the tenure of land, and which will bring native capital, which is abundant, to the cultivation of that laud. You want all these things, and without them the ' revenue of India cannot expand. Remember what that revenue is. You have heard it before, but it was not a matter of the slightest interest to the House of Commons or to the country, because they were not responsible for the engagements which upon that revenue were entered into by the persons in pow'er. The revenue of India is princi pally raised from the land by a means which pauperises the country, and under which all those who are acquainted with it agree that that revenue cannot increase. That re venue is also made up from a precarioas and not very hon ourable source. These things, managed with great talent and discretion by a particular service organised for that object, and whose existence depended upon the raising of the revenue, have with,great occasional disadvantages and deficiencies worked pretty well ; but it will bo quite diffe rent when the credit of England and the credit of India are perfectly identical. If once the deficiency in India is to be supplied by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the House of Commons, no one will have any great interest in the prudent ruauagement of the resources of that country. (Hear, hear.) I say again, you are beginning at the wrong end. You ought to have adopted the course which I took the liberty of recommending last year. When you had put down the Xabellion you ought to have sent to India a Royal commission with plenary powers. It would have been for that connnission to investigate the great questions to which I have referred P • it would have be en f or th a t com mission to revise and establish your relations with native princes, and to organise and construct your forces which never can be formed of the crude material to which the noble lout has referred. You will have to raise a large native force, and upon the manner and upon the system in which that force is raised the pecuniary disposition of India will mainly depend. That commission ought to have inquited whether the 'tenure of land, upon which all de pends, might not be modified beneficially for all parties ; and then when you had made yourselves, when the coun try had made itself master of the situation, then it would have been high time to consider whether formally and completely in the metropolis the change should not have been carried out which would transfer the supreme autho rity in India to her Majesty. At present we are undertak ing an immense liability ; we are entering into engagements which will some day make us tremble, and we have no security whatever that those who really possess power in India, who really manage th e resources o f th a t coun t r y, will be in the least controlled for our benefit, or will so manage those resources, or exercise that authority, that the proposed arrangeuient shall not produce increased evils. Let me ask the house to consider how this measure, if carried, will act as regards the real government in India. Let us for a moment assume that this bill, as de scribed by the noble lord, has passed both heusas of Par liament and received her Majesty's assent. We shall have a president of India, and a council of eight nominees. Now, sir, when in 1853, I, in company with my noble friend the member for King's Lynn (L'rd Stanley), im plored the house not to hasten to a settlement of this question, but to enter into a full examination before they decided upon the government of India, we had before us e proposition that one-third of the directors should he Government nominees. To that proposition I raised au objection which I thought was never answered. It ap peared to me that if there were to be directors or members of council nomin 'led by the Crown, they ought, above all things, to be independent— (hear, hear)—and I could not see how that independence could be obtained unless they were permanent. There seemed to be for independence and knowledge two qualities which were indispensable, no se curity but permanency. (Hear.) That I thought a vital objection to the Bill of 1853, and if it were a vital objection I to that bill by which only one-third of the directors or councillora were to be Government nominees, what shall we say of a proposition according to which all the members of the council are to be nominees ? (Hear.) How will this work? What will be the inevitable course, the influence Which it will exercise upon the real government, of sad the fatal reaction which it will have upon the fortunes other side of the table took up the debate we found it ag e this country ? The Government nominees, according to surne a shape of the most animated and acrimonious party the plan proposed by the Government, cannot be indepen- spirit. We remember the speech of the hen. member for dent. Far from independence, there is every element of Enniskillen. W e h ave " seen" the speech to-night of the dependence provided. (Hear.) We do not even see them in this house. They are secluded from the constitutional hon. baronet the member for Hertfordshire, of which I will criticism of Parliament. What will be the influence of the only say, whether it excited conviction in the minds of they nominees will have upon the hat influence up o n th e i r su p er ior whic President of the Council ? WhY, h s in ir, I those who heard it I k now no t, b u t l am sure it exc i te d feriors generally exercise. Th e y w ill h ave n o influence t deep envy in th e m i n d o f the hon. member for Enniskillen, unless they pander to his inte res t s —(h oar ) — an d none will (Laughter and cheers.) No d ou bt th e h on. mem b er f or be commended, none will be looked upon as assiduous end Enniskillen, when next he rises to address the house, will energetic except those who are his assiduous supporters, , feel that he will have to put forth, not his m ntal, but his physical exertions, for the purpeoe of .equalling, for he and those who are active and accomplish the purposes of the Government. It requires no argument to prove that, cannot surpass, the exhibition we have seen. (Laughter.) so far as influence is concerned they will sink into that in- . . . But the right hon. gentleman who has just sat down has significant position which is the inevitable let of persons placed in such circumstances; they will become completely come to the real point of the case. He, throwing aside the creatures of the Minister, who will be able to rid him- everything connected with the mere abstract question, has self of them whenever he likes. A plausible Minister stated the question in his opinion as this, that we who sit could get rid of all the eight Government nominee coun- on this side of the house are not worthy of the confidence cillors in 24 hours. Let there 'be another cry for adminis- which the Crown and the country have r e posed in us, and trative reform, let there be anotber demand for economical that we are unworthy to continue to exercise that power, reductions, and I can imagine no Minister more which he says will be augmented by the bill under censi popular than a Chancellor of the Exchequer who, in mak- deration. Sir, if that be the opinion of hon. gentlemen ing his annual statement, should dilate upon the reductions opposite, why do they shrink from putting that question in the public service, the large amount bayed to the nation, to the house ? (Cheers.) Then, foisooth, the right bon. and the diminution of expenditure by a patriotic Ministry. gentleman taxis us with our policy in regard to China, He would enter into all the details, give us aca alogue which he knows received the full and entire approbation of all the salaries diminished, and the places abolished, and of Parliament and the country. He has also endeavoured would wind up by saying that he had the greatest settsfac- to frighten the members of this house with a financial bug. tion in informing the House of Commons that his right bear. He says, it you pass this bill you will have a oorn hon. friend the President of the Council of India, wish plate identity between the finances of this country and that public spirit which had always distinguishecl.him, and the finances of India. Nothing can be more contrary to that devotion to public business for which be was remark- the real fact than the statement that this bill wile make able, had found out that the 8 members of the council were no difference between the ripeness of England and those of of no use whatever, that he could do all the business him- India. On the contrary, it will sender that division more self, and that B,OJO/. a year might be saved to the public clear and more precise, and will put it more in the power service. (A. laugh.) Where would be your nominee coun- of Parliament to control the expenditure. The most curie ciders ? They would have as little influence as a lay lord of ous thing has been the way in which those who have sup the Admiralty, who, without dis 'barging a single known ported the motion of the hon. member for Huntingdon duty, disappears from the scene of active life. (A laugh.) have endeavoured to make that motion square with the Now, when we get the Minister, we shall have him practi- opposite opinion on which that motion is founded. The wally a single solitary Minister. I will admit, whoever he greater part of those who have sp. ken on the other side may be, that he has eminent talents, great experience, and have admitted, and none more strongly than the right unrivalled energy; but with all these great qualities, what hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire, that will be his position? With all the demands thet will be it is highly expedient that the Government of India made upon him, and those will be the greater in proportion should be adiniuistered in the name of the Queen. But, to the lefilliaecy of his qualities and the energy of his mind says the right hon. gentleman, you should continue the what will be the position of thi s p r , sid eu t o f the Indian present systeer, and yet you should have the administration Council when he has to transact the business of ;5 nations of India carried on in the name of the Queen. Why are n Hiudostan ? hy, sir, there is no intellect that will not the East India Company to carry on the administration of sink perplexed and overwhelmed under the burden. And India in the natee of the Queen ? Are they to be converted what will be the consequence ? Everybody in this house into officers holding office under the Crown ? How is it pos must know. He will have to trust eetirely to the Governor- Bible you could have the administration of them in thename General. It will be impossible for the English Minister to of the Queen ? They possess an Indian Council, of which a grapple with the details of Indian administration, and what certain number of members are nominees of the Crown, and then will bo the position of the Governor-General ! You which has no direct communication with the responsible think you will have obtained Indian reform by this bill ; advisers of the Crown. We propose to abolish the Council, while, in point of fact, it never touches Indian admiuistra- an r transfer the power to another Council, with the addition tion on the other side of the ocean. The Governor-General of other nominees of the Crown, and to place the Council in may be an able and ambitious wan, and may be desirous, as direct personal comiuunication with the responsible advisers most men are, that his name should be talked of and remew- of the Crowe; but th right hon. gentleman who, in 1853, bend. He will embark perhaps in conquests or in great said he did not know who was the Indian Government or works, and take care that his administration is brilliant who was responsible for it, appears to-night at last to have and famous. Tho expenditure of India will increase every found that out. He says it is the Governor-General. He year, because the Governor-General will d e p e nd upon the says you may do what you like at home, but it is the Go almirably conceived and highly g ift e d l a b ours o f th e c ivil vernor-General of India who has the ruling authority ;it is servants in India, and they will support and assist him he whom you ought to control, and it is in India, therefore, as long as he supports and assists them, an d so l ong as h e th a t you ought to make your alterations. Sir, that opinion depends on the revenue raised by the proconsular system is diametrically opposed to the opinion on which the hon. which they uphold. They will support th e G overnor - m e, h e r for Huntingdon has founded his amendment, He Gilmore] so long as he carries out the system of govern- says it is inexpedient to disturb anything relating to Indian wen. now established in India—a system which may have affairs until the mutiny is over. But eupposs, you were really been admirably devised and admirably suited to the con- ' to send out a Royal Commission to India to supersede the dition of India, but which if adopted by this country w ill G overnor -G enera l a t a momen t w h en you require all his soon have su c h au effect on our finances that I believe it energy and experience, are you to sent a roving commission will not be a question whether we shall rule India,_ but t o i nqu i re i n t o a ll th e procee di ngs o f th e G overnor-General whether we sh a ll ru i n th e coun t r y. (H ear , hear.) But is and the officers under him ? I sty that no course could be that all? May we not have a Minister at borne, who, better calculated than that to defeat your purpose, though not able to grapple with the details of Indian ad. and to prevent the tranquillisation of India. If it be ministration, an no one man can, will be an able man, true, as 1 think is admitted by a l mos t a ll t h ose w h o h ave capable of t a k ing genera l v i ews , an d w ho w ill no t a ll ow spoken upon this subject with any weight or authority— the Governor-Gene ra l t o p ursue his career without some barring those who, belonging to the Court of Directors, notice being taken of it in a fi ne historical despatch such must naturally have great difficulty in arriving at the as no one could write better than the noble lord the mein- conclusion that a change ought to be effected—that her for London.? (A laugh.) How will the Governor- grea t a d vantage at home and great benefit in India would General, in such circumstances, manage a suspicious ad- arise from governing that country by the direct authority ministration in London ? He will place at the disposal of of the Queen, then I say you ought to begin at home, and the Minister the p .tronage of Indis. (Cheers.) Whenever not commence by any local change in Lelia ; and the rues there is one to be rewarded or got rid of in a moment of sure which we propose is well calculated to produce the de emergency, in such exigent circums ances the Government sired result with as little derangement and alteration of will know there is an all-powerful friend who will assist machinery as is consistent with the accomplishment of the them in the person of the Governor-General of India. object of view. But it is said that the members of the Coune (Hear.) But when the Governor-Gener.l has favoured all cil will not be independent. lam at a loss to understand your creatures • when in'hundrede of cases you ar e pl ace d w h at th ey mean when. they use that a r gumen t. If t h ey in difficult and dangerous circumstances, and his power mean that you are to have associated with the President, and patronage have always been ready to save you, can who is charged with the administration of India, a Council you call that Governor-General to account ? (Cheers.) who are to thwart him, who are to be antagonistic, who are Will he not be the possessor of a supremacy of power to overrule his decisions:, and who are not to be responsible such as I should be sorry to see any English sub- either to Parliament or the country, then I say that is a ject command? (Hear.) The consequence will be that, sort of council not likely to conduce to harmonious action instead of a change which would draw nearer the rela- er beneficial results. What would hoe. gedeemen have said tions between the inhabitant s o f Hindo s t an and England, if we had proposed, as they have suggested, to appoint a you will have slaw that will produce exclusion andestrituge- Council the members of which should be for life? Would meat upon a great scale. (H ear , h ear .) I ns t ea d of a law any one of them have acquiesced in a proposal by which that will allow you to breathe a new spirit into our Indian the Government of the day was to appoint perpetual corm administration, and offset wholesome and regenerating cillors, who were to control met overrule those who might meaoures, you will have an abyss established between this hereater, by a change of political parties, become respon metropolis and Calcutta that n o men will ev er b e strong Bible for the administration of India? Responsibility in enough or bold enough to pass. It is a wise policy to this country can only rest in one quarter, that quarter `establish the name of the Queen in India,—(hear, hear) being those persons who, by the confidence of the Crown but if you want to establish th e name o f th e Queen. in anti the choice of Parliament, are for the time being answer- India,—if you want t o t rans f er thith er th e a utn e rity of able for the conduct of public affairs. Moreover, the pro the natural functions of the Sovereign,—it is ire India you posed Council must be a council of advice, not a council of must 49mmence the chan g e. It i s i n I n di a tho se changes control. It is said that the persons who may be charged must be effected that are necessary for the good govern- with the management of affairs 'will choose those who are meat of India. (Hear, he a r.) A n d you roust a t th e ver y most o b sequ i ous, and most disposed to yield to the passions outsetmeet the financial question. You can no longer, and prejudices of the Government of the day. That is not now that an inevitable conne x i on is to be established be- the principle upon which any sensible man would select tween English and Indian finance, allow a blind deficit to his advisers. We must suppose that the Government be created in India any more than in England. (Cheers.) would wish to be advised by those most competent to give And by what steps. will y ou e ff ec t this great object? A ' advice, and so f ar f rom c h oos i ng ae councillors t h os e council of insignifi can t men , w h o may b e swept o ff t h e most likely to be subservient and flexible, they would no scene in a moment, will b e usel ess for such a task ; and doubt deem it their duty as well as their interest to select even the most distinguished men that ever ruled in Eng- those who, by their knowledge, experience, talent, and land could no more in Engl a nd d ea l with th e gr e at question capacity wore mist certain to prove useful assistants ie the of Indian administration than they could deal with the ad- management of Indian affairs. It appears to me that the ministration in some distant l en d with whi c h they had no arrangement which we propose is that which is most con connexion. I won't go into those questions that have been I ducive to the end which we have in view, 1 ca n quite un touched on by so m a ny gen tl emen . I w ill not enter into derstand those wh o sa y th a t t h ey are oppose to any the effect upon our Parliamentary life of the increased cbange. I may hold a different opinion, but I can see a pat snags that will accrue to the Government ; I will after lo g ical process by which h on . gen tl emen m i ght arrive at all that has been s a id, confine myself to the fina nc i a l ques - :the conclusion that the present s y s t em i s b est, and ought tion, which has hardly yet been touched upon, but which to be continued. But that which I cannot understand is is of all questions the most important. Twelve months has that gentlemen who think the present system is not the not elapsed since you felt yourselves compelled to put an best, and ought not to be continued—who think, on the end to increased taxation caused by the war, on a consider- contr.r3 , that it is defective in principle, and thatgreat ad able scale. (Hear, hoar.) Remember the impatience vant age mast, arise from transferring the government of with which whon the war was concluded the country India to the Crown— should pronounce that opinion ill regarded the heavy ameunt of taxation they had Parliament, dooming the Company by their condemnation , been called to be ar . (H ear , h ear .) Thi n k what and yet should wish to continue the government so doomed the present state of our finances is. lam not certain that for an indefinite period, and under circumstances in which the Chancellor of the Exch e quer is not no w passing many the administration of In da requires unity of action, vigour anxious nights in preparing the ways and means for the of execution, and singleness of purpose. (Cheers.) I trust. present year to meet the wants and necessities of our do- then, that the house will not be led away by any of the minions in Europe; but when we reflect that the def sophistries we have heard. I trust it will not be daunted may in a year or two be doubled by the steps you are uow by the phantom which the right hon. gentleman the mein. taking in regard to India, I beg you to consider what then h e r for Buckinghamshire has endeavoured to raise of some will be the effect on the purses of your constituents. How imaginary call upon the public revenue of this country fur are we to meet the constituencies when we have a deficiency the purposes of Indian service. If it be true that the local ot a much greater amount than we have ever 'seen in the government has it in its power to increase unnecessarily ti m es that are past? I entreat the house to consider seri- the expenditure of India—if you have reason to distrust ously this question of finance. That is the way in which the Governor-General for the time being--why the * I would read the amendment of ma fri en d (Mr. Baring), strengthen your home government, give it greater powers who, I need-not say, so far as I aware, gave notice of of control, and place it in direct contact with Parliament , that amendment without consultation with any one. It is so as to enable the House of Commons to interfere whenever nut time toe legislate for India till we have had a much necessary. What conflicting opinions we have heard more matud plan of legislation before U 9. Ido not place Some gentlemen say there is not sufficient control over the lay argument. though it might be p aced triumphantly, on local government of India. Well, that control would be the condition of India itself. I do not place it on other furnished by b r i ng i ng the responsible advisers of the grounds that have been stated. I put it on a more soMeh Crown in regard t o I n di an a ff a i rs i n d i rectcontact with Par footing. I take a lower tone, but one which I find must liameete But then those whore I should have expected to be urged and pressed on the attention of the house and the be embued with constitutional principles say, " for country. lam asked to take a step that will involve this heaven's sake let not the House of Commons meddle with country in pecuniary einbarassments th a t ar frightful to Indian affairs ; there i+ no tellin to what degree faction lull contemplate. Till we have cefmplete possession of the res pervert these questions to the public injury." I bow wills sources of India in India—till we have the means of avail- deference to opinions from the other side of the House as r ing ourselves of its resources—till we have taken the steps the extent to which faction may be carried. (A laugh.) In • that are necessary to increase those resources, and place not pros-:me to question the assertions made upon that head; them in a sound and healthy condition, do not let us take but, in spite of the feats entertained by hon. gentlemen that a course which is not transferring the government of India an Opposition may from factious motives injr re their county!' from the Company to the Queen, but is only transferring f or the purpose of weakening their opponents, and notwith` the patronage of the Company to the Government in Down- ate ding, also, what I know to be the play of parliamentarY: ing-street. I won't say that is their object, but I will say tactics, I feel assured that the good sense of the House Uft that it can have no other effect. (Hear, hear.) I lament Commons would 'prevent any attempts of that kind, and that that this question has been brought forward. at this moment. groat benefit would arise to the interests of our 'adieu (Hear, hear.) lam no t sur p r i se d th a t th e Hous e of Com- empire from the - vigilant supervision of Parliament. I trust; inons is at this period of tbe year involved in Indien therefore, that the House will not be led away by either t h ,. debates. No one could suppose th a t we cou ld mee t with- eloquence which we have he trd to-night, or the more 80 out out our time and our thoughts being called to this question, argument of the lion. member for Huntingdon. Belie v e l ye that we should meet without inquiring into the causes of , as I do, that the great bulk of the people of this country have the rebellion, into the conduct of the war, and into the settled the question in their own minds, and have come t o ee policy of those Ministers who, with India in the position the deliberate conviction that the present complicated system in which they tell us it is and has been for years, could of government ought not to continuo k — in (h g e t a h l e ", have embarked in a war with Persia and the empire of as I do, that now is the time for change — that h° China. (Hear.) That we should have inquired into all delay ought to take. place - that you ought not to continue irt these circumstances I can understand ; but strange indeedar)—be u n c i is the different lot which is awaiting us. The proposition opinion and by Parliamentary discussion—l trust that this action a government at borne which is doomed by public that we have before us is this—that we are to increase the House will give us leave to bring in a Bill, the general out power of those who we believe have exercised initylicioude li ne o f whi c h I have explained, and wilt bestow their n 2O l the power they possess, and that we ar e t o transfe r autho- serious attention upon its provisions, not for the Pur pose 0 rity to those who have p r ov e d by th e i r con d uc t th a t they d (eating a measure which is calculated, as we think, to pro.' are not worthy f the authority which they elrea ly possess. mote the public good, but for the purpose of passing it in 212 (Cheers.) Sir, I hope the house will hesitate long leder it effective shape. Let that course be adopted, and veto! e sanctions this innate e. It is possible on ade eate of this to say the change which we propose, should Parliament; ii ! 0 ",! kind, originating with an independe n t member, that a wisdom think fit to accomplish it, will dce more for thi..ta, majority at this stage may be obtained; but I take it for rests of our great ern, ire in the East than granted that the member for Huntingdon wanted discus- could be suggested.. but Was sion—that he wanted the public att e nti o n t o b e roused to Mr, NEWDEGATE rose to address the House, , the immense stake now at issue, and the: efure very rightly, received with such loud and general cries of "Oh !' and arid in th a t sense ver y wisely, he has lost no opportunity " Divide ?" that, after making a few remarks which yi r° by which this attention should be attracted. We have totally inaudible, he was obliged to desist. be heard over and over again in this house that India never The House then divided upon the question that leave could commend attention here—that so long as there was given to bring in the Bill, when there appeared— a debate on India it was impossible to keep a - house, and Ayes 3lB that it was a subject however great its magnitude and vast Noes . and varied its details, in which Englishmen would never Majority any other that —445 take an interest. I think, sir, there is a very simple and The ann ouncemen t o f t h e numbers was received wit h loud satisfactory reason for conduct which I cannot say is much cheers, to what our humilia honour, ting. and for c E irc nglishmen utustaneehavee whicn ever h I own yet had aro somto e- The House adj o u rne d a t fi ve m i nutes past 1 o ' cloc k. pay for India. (Cheers.) That is the secret why India has never produced any interest in this house. Ques tions ot conquest, questions of annex .ti,-n, and even questions or rebellion, the greatest rob 'llion that has ever happened in this empire r 4st year hardly c omman d e d attention because hon. gentdmen, full of confidence in the Ministry and in their good stars, went out into the 'lobby and said, " Never mind, the Comeany will h ave t o pay for it." (A laugh.) Sir, I think 'bat delusi on is gone for ever. I don't think, after this bill shall have passed, that there is one among us who will fail to see that there is a complete identity between India and Englishmen. 01 all the delusions ever practised in Parliament was that arrangement of 1853, which afforded the House of Com mons an opportunity of hearing an India budget. (A. laugh.) An Indian Lu , get detailing the furtunas and pro gress of the empire was a subject not likely to c mtribute touch to the edification of the house, and who could be surprised that the Minister could not cornrow:ld a house to listen to the lucid narrative ? (A laugh.) But what I want to impress on the house is, that those days of Paradise are over. We may in future misgovern India, bat in futui we shall have to pay for it. (Hear, hear.) We have been discussing these affairs for throe or four nights, but what hon. gentleman has descended from the high Empyrean of politics to touch on this vulgar point. Depend upon it, however, it will more and more develope itself until it acquires colossal proportions, and, if you wish to take a prudent step and seize the opportunity of examining your position before incurring fresh responsibilities, I recom mend you to wait till you have seen the budget of the Chancellor of the Exchequer before involving yourself in the Indian expenditure. (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON—Sir, there is nothing more curi ous sometimes than the progress of a debate. This debate began by the hon. member forHuntingdon moving a modest amendment, professing that the question was not one that zgagm BIRTHS. RIDDIILPII On the, 16th inst. ' at 8, Chester-plac e ' it i e : gent's-p ar k, th e w if e of Lieut.-Colonel M. A. BiddulP Royal Artillery, of a son. Af LONITTHER--- On the 16th inst., a t Ampthill•park, B•--° fa' shire, the• Hon. Mrs. W. Lowther, of a son. .rett• LOWRY—On the I.t inst., at V on t nor , th e w ife of tenant-Colonel Lowry, 47th Regt., of a daughter. , ROBINSON—On the 14th i ns t ., a t 23, Bronipton-crescent' the wife of J. C. Robinson, Esq. ,of son. MARRIAGES. M`SHANE—MORRI SsoN —O n t h e 16th inst., a t St. P ,13 1; lebone Church, John Al`Shane, Esq., of Bright °l3 ',.. Lina Ann, fourth daughter of Robert Morrisson, ssil" of the Audit Office, Somerset-house. ThURNALL —HOWES -On tho 16th inst., at Irth,,li l3 „ ' : borough, N or th amp t ons hi re' Willi am Thurnall, 014 0 t of Bedf or d, t o Katherine Rawlins, second daught er Thomas Howes, Esq., of Northampton. DEATHS. • BENNETT—On the 16th inst., at Hastings, the Re v. g i r l: Bennett, M.A., evening lecturer at St. Michael! , aged 53. BAINBRIDGE—On the 17th inst., at Trinity Cottage, 14 herhithe, Mr. Joseph Bainbridge, late of Li nst°° Cuinbeiland, aged 68. EDWARDS—On the 17th inst., at 3, Canterbury Maida-vale, Gilbert J. Edwards, aged 70. 10;00' FITZROY—On the 16th inst., in Half-moon-stroet , dilly, Sir Charles Augustus Fitzroy, $ C. 8., oged - - - LONDON Printed and Publish e d by MURDO of Noh 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun 01iice , • L ‘ • 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the coin of Middlesex, Friday, Febru a ry 19, 1858. ought to be traced in any party spirit, that it was simply a matter of opinion, and that upon that ground ho called for the decision of the hone J3ut when the gentlemen on the