The Sun. — London, England, 1859-07-23 00:00:00

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE. Under the management of Mr. Charles Kean. THIS EVENING, DYING FOR LOVE. After which, will be revived Shakspeare's Tragedy of HENRY VIII. Cardinal Wolsey, Mr, Chas. Kean ; Queen Katharine, Mrs. C. Kean. To conclude with IF THE CAP FIN. Commence at 7. THEATRE -ROYAL, HAYMARKET. Lessee, Mr. J. B. Bucluitone. THIS ETENING the performances will commence with THE BALANCE OF COMFORT. THE COTESTED ELECTION. Followed‘by HOW TO MAKE HOME HAPPY. To conclude with HALLOWE'EN. Commence at 7. NEW THEATRE - ROYAL, AD ELPHI. Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. Benj. Webster. THIS EVENING, DIAMOND CUT DIAMOND. Mr. and Mrs. Henri Drayton. And (3d time) a new comic drama, in two acts, entitled AN OLD OFFENDER. Mr. J. L. Toole, Mr. C. Selby, Mr. Billington, Mr. C. J. Smith, Mr. Eburne, and Miss H. Simms. Followed by (sth time) THE BABES IN THE WOOD. Messrs. J. L. Toole, P. Bedford, C. J. Smith, Eburne ; Miss Woolgar and Miss K. Kelly. To conclude with the Ballet of LA PERLE D'ANDA LOUSIE, by the Celebrated Spanish Dancers. Acting Manager—Mr. Wm. Smith. Doors open at a quarter-past six—Commence at seven. Box Oboe open from 10 to 5 —no charge for booking. No fees to Siervants permitted. A registry kept of all articles found. ROYAL STRAND THEATRE. Lessee and Directress, Miss Swanborough THIS EVENING, A SCHOOL FOR COQUETTES. Misses Swanborough, Oliver, and Lavine. Followed by THE BONNIE FISHWIFE. Followed by THE VERY LATEST EDITION OF THE LADY OF LYONS. Commence at 7 o'clock. VERDI'S OPERA OF MACBETH. The whole of the first Act of this Opera, now produced for the first time in this country (the remaining three acts being in course of rehearsa,D, is sung nightly at the CAN TERBURY HALL CONCERTS. THE DELEPIERRE FAMILY, • - consisting of three Juvenile Violinists, viz., Jules, Juliette, and Julia Delepierre, aged, respectively, FOUR, SIX, and EIGHT years. The perfect execution by these Lilliputian Artistes of s o m e of the most difficult and brilliant Solos, Duets, and Trios ever written for the violin, has excited mingled wonder and admi ration in Continental Musical Circles, and drawn forth enthu siastic tributes of praise from the Public Journals of France and Belgium. Th e y will perform TWICE EACH EVENING, in addi tion to the usual Entertainments. THE WEATHER.-SIIN OFFICZ, JIJLY 23. THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE. 78—highest since noon yesterday. 65—lowest this morning and during the night. 75—this day at noon. BARomETER--29.90—5ti1l falling. WIND, South-Westelly ; light, with fine weather. A good deal of rain fell this morning. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tins DAY. —Morning, 6h. 47m.—Afternoon, 7h. 9m, To-Monnow-Morning, 7h. 33m.—Afternoon, Bh. Om, The Parliamentary History of the session now rapidly drawing to its conclusion will certainly prove one of the most confused, as well as one of the most melancholy and fruitless, that has for a long while past contributed its quota to the annals of Constitutional Government. From first to last it has been little better than a series of beginnings. It has been the beginning of a Ministerial effort at a comprehensive reform in the popular representa tion. It has been the beginning of a new Parlia ment. It has been the beginning of another Coali tion Ministry—a Coalition Ministry more startling in its way than the most remarkable among all its predecessors—beyond the Fox Coalition in 1806— beyond even the Coalition elaborately contrived in the winter of 1852-1853 under the Premiership of Lord ABERDEEN. This same Parliamentary Ses sion, moreover, has witnessed successively the beginning of a war in Italy and the beginning of a Peace in Europe—for one can hardly help in either instance arriving at any other opinion than that the war has been, that the peace will be little better, when all is said and done, than a beginning. Reverting, however, to purely internal or selfish considerations, as contra distinguished from those of a more cosmopolite character affecting more or less the hopes and aspi rations of all Christendom—the pages of Hansard for 1859 will present a spectacle of debates more than usually fragmentary and interrupted. Com prehensive measures of reform begun—broken off— never brought to a satisfactory termination. A Government bill elaborately pre-arranged for the extension of the electoral franchise by the addition of some 400,000 voters to the already existing con stituencies—a bill carried through a first reading —brought to the crisis of a second reading—but abruptly set aside before it could be subjected to the wholesome scrutiny of a committee. A landed estates registration bill, ingeniously prepared by the then Solicitor-General, and brought by him under the favourable consideration of the House of Commons, only, however, to be eventually allowed to drop through in the midst of all the after con fusions in the Legislature. And so on—and so on —through all the various schemes of prospective improvement andinnovation of which this expiring session has afforded us such abundance—at any rate of beginnings. It is not merely, however, that 1859 has proved fruitful of beginnings in attempt after attempt at actual legislation ; its prevailing characteristic has been exemplified not less strikingly in the mere commencement, one after another, of various auspiciously announced but prematurely and abruptly abandoned explanations. It has been impossible, even during this tantalizing session —which at any rate itself we will hope may somehow or other come to some kind of a con clusion, good, bad, or indifferent—it has been actually impossible even to have a clean breast of it from any one in regard to the merest political explanations. This indeed will shine forth upon the pages of Hansard as one of the most whimsical of the pecularities of 1859 as regards the sayings and doings of the Imperial Parliament. Precisely as in 1858 there was a momentary glimpse of a skeleton through the half opened door of a cup board here on the side of the Opposition there on the side of the Government—the door in each instance being suddenly shut to, double-locked, and the key thrown away somewhere beyond the reach of recovery ! Precisely as in 1858 there was that partial disclosure of a plot or compact overtly championed by Mr. CARDWELL, and obscurely fostered by the Earl of SHAFTESBURY— preciseIy as in 1858 there was that half-and-half revelation begun but never ended, hastily hushed up, and never heard of since, when the Presidency of the Board of Control was independently re signed into the hands of her MAJESTY by the Earl of ELLENBOROUGH! Precisely in that same abrupt, foreshortened, irritating, disappointing manner—have we not had durin g this sessionof 1859 abundance of early - interrupt e d, or some times even of wholly-suppressed explanation s ? Who even for that matter has ever to this UT quite comprehended the circumstances which led so bewilderingly to the abrupt withdrawal from the DERBY Cabinet of those two right honourable gentlemen, the member for Cambridge University and the member for Ox fordshire, the late Home Secretary and the late President of the Board of Trade ? It is incompre hensible to us to this moment why they deemed themselves constrained to withdraw from the Ad ministration—or how it came to pass that their colleagues failed in any way to reconcile d ifferences admitting so readily upon the very lace of them of reconciliation. Mr. HENLEY'S honour an d Mr. 4.- , , .:.-,: ,w,:z7 ---- ,_., ---- i •-r.it „,„ ..,4 - .... 1 , 40 4 1 °÷7z97 ,\‘.-;; .% .117L,"=::,.i..‘ 04,/,,, * -, ,xf , ;6.;;; ; v 7 .-- " ..._ 3 _,,,,' am r ! ",:: .-, • „,, -'* .. = .., 404. - A , - A c t , s. `,""latiegpriol);:i - DRo i r • ,','.,.` , \ 'or , ii, ..".„6 1 bi r m ' "' '' ~‘ ~,,,, 4, 1 . , i4 _.• 1, will% THE SUN. SATURDAY, JULY 23, 1859. WALPOLE'S honour each came out of the ordeal perfectly stainless and unsullied—but why there was any necessity for an ordeal of any kind passes to this instant our comprehension. We can't for the life of us understand the philosophic self-mar tyrdom of those who having clearly before them— well, perhaps, not quite a path of roses, but at any rate the QUEEN'S highway—should voluntarily go out of the straight road before them perversely to walk by a circumbendibus over so many square feet of burning ploughshares ! Then again—Mr. GLADSTONE'S mysterious expedition to the lonian Islands in a superlatively extraordi nary character, as a sort of a supplementary Lord High Commissioner—Mere, surely, to this hou r' remains an unopened mystery of mysteries! The copper pot has been fairly landed—it has been dragged up high and dry on shore—we can hear the geni rumbling within it—but the lid is still close shut, sealed with the seal of the Great SOLIMAN I Perhaps we shall hear the meaning of it all even tually. Perhaps! Possibly—just as we may discover , at last, the nominis umbra of " JuNius "—or learn whose was that inscrutable face under the " Iron Mask "—or understand the mystical konx ompax with which the initiated were dismissed at the close of the Eleusynian Revelations. Consonant with all this official and exofficial re ticense during the lapse of 1859—have been the breaking down, by mere anticipation, of the eluci datory motions announced in reference to the affairs of Italy, or rather, it might be said, to the affairs of Europe—motions announced in the Commons by Lord ELCHO, and in the Lords by Viscount STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE. It is noto rious of course why these were abandoned. They could hardly have been brought forward after the announcement of the preliminaries of peace so very prematurely agreed to by the two Emperors at Villafranca. Their being so brought forward at any rate might have proved untoward in imme diate effect and embarrassing in ulterior conse quences. Therefore out of the most honourable motives on the part of the two noble lords who had undertaken to bring Lord MALMESBURY'S diplo matic correspondence under discussion in Parlia ment those notices of motion were dropped—some more unsolved riddles being thus left to adorn the already sufficiently enigmatical pages of Ransard for 1859. Although these eagerly anticipated debates in the Lords and Commons were thus prohibited, by the force of circumstances, from the opportunity of being even momentarily commenced, it is worthy of special remembrance, at any rate in regard to the one threatened by Lord ELCHO, that the noble lord, in the very act of withdrawing his motion, explained honestly and succinctly the reasons which led to its original announcement. " He proposed this," he said " to bring the question directly under the consideration of the popular branch of the Legislature" out of no spirit of hos tility towards the present Government, but from a desire to do what he conceived was an act of simple justice to the late Government. It was to do an act of Justice, because it could not be denied that an impression had gone abroad that the policy of the late Government was not one of strict neutrality, but one favourable to Austria and unfavourable to France and Sardinia. That was stated in the public journals; it was stated by the Opposition in that house ; and there was no doubt that it had materially influenced the division. He had since, however, heard it stated that if the blue-book had been published previous to the close of the debate it would have made a difference of something like twenty votes. He did not wish to enter into any argument upon the point, but it was un questionable that such an impression had gone abroad, and that when the blue book was at last published, it produced a feeling that the ; late Government had been maligned." Announce ments these, which, it is worthy of remembrance, came from the Government side of the house, and Iwere loudly cheered on the side of the Opposi- I tion. In pursuance of his independent course of pro ceeding, we observe that the noble lord the mem ber for Haddingtonshire, gave notice last evening in the House of Commons that, on going into commit tee of supply on Monday week, he should move the following resolution :—" That it would be consis tent neither with the honour nor the dignity of this country, which throughout the late negotiations has preserved a strict and impartial neutrality be tween the contending parties, and which has used its earnest endeavours to prevent an outbreak of hostilities, to take part in any Conference for settling the details of a peace, the preliminaries of which have been arranged between the Emperors of FRANCE and AUSTRIA." Sincerely do we hope that this new resolution of Lord ELcHo's may not add another " dropped notice of motion" to that monstrous pile which stands cairn-like in the wil derness of HANSARD as the fitting memento of this most barren Session of Parliament. Australia hardly meets with the response that might reasonably have been expected from the Im perial Government. The Legislature of New South Wales, some time since, voted £50,000 for improving the postal communication with the mother country. The old blundering mail contract with our antipodes, it will be remembered, was, about a year ago, cancelled by a stroke of the pen, at a time when a great master of the pen occupied the post of Colonial Administrator. Sir EDWARD LYTTON abolished at once, and for all, a contract that had proved, from first to last, abortive in its operation. He did so with very general concur rence. Australia, as we have seen, responded to this act of vigour, of wisdom, of and promptitude by voting £50,000 to improve the whole system of postal communication. A double route it was felt at the same time it would be the wisest to establish upon the organisation of a new system — here by the Isthmus of Suez, there by the Isthmus of Panama. A new and a better contract was essential. Advertisements were issued under the authority of Government. Invitations were made for tenders to the Admiralty—these tenders it was announced were to be sent in by the Ist of this present month of July. Here we are already ap proaching the end of July—and not unreasonably the Marquis of CLANRTCARDE appeals now to the occupants of the Treasury Bench for some expla nation as to whether anything—and, if anything, what—has been done with a view to the satisfactory organization of one or both lines of communication between England and Australasia. To those in quiries of the noble lord several answers were last evening vouchsafed—though none of them it must be confessed were very satisfactory. The noble duke at the head of the Board of Admiralty replied cate gorically in the first instance—his grace remark ing part the Admiralty had to perform with regard to them was quite subordinate. As to the mail to Australia, via Panama, tenders had been received for it by the Admiralty, and sent to the Treasury for approval ; they were now under the consideration of that department. As the whole question of mail contracts had been referred to a Committee of the House of Commons, the Trea sury would defer its approval of the Panama con tract till the decision of the committee on the sub ject was known. As to the contract for conveying the mails to Australia by way of the Isthmus of THE SUN, LONDON, SATITIMAY EVENIN', JULY 23, 1859. Suez and the Red Sea, it had not yet been' signed, as there was some difficulty about the points at which the steamers were to stop." Afterwards, upon the Marquis of CLANRICARDE remarking, what was sufficiently obvious—but still though sufficiently obvious, well worthy of being pointedly alluded to—that from the answer of the noble duke it appeared there was actually no con tract existing for a mail to the colony of Australia ! Another noble duke, his grace the Colonial Secre tary, entered upon an equally lucid and, it must be added, an equally unsatisfactory explanation as the one already vouchsafed by his noble colleague. The Duke of NEWCASTLE " admitted that there was no Australian contract signed, but the only point that remained to be settled was whether the steamers should touch at the Island of Mauritius or not. Circulars had been sent to all the colonies interested, calling upon them to express their views and opinions. The whole of the answers had not yet been received, and although it was perfectly true that New South Wales had acted much more rapidly than any of the others, and proposed a magnificent subsidy of £50,000 a year, he thought the noble marquis would agree that the important interests of all the colonies should be consulted. If a new line of postal com munication for the benefit of only one or only a portion of the colonies were established objections would probably arise and some other line be pro posed, which would have the effect, as before, of defeating the object, and leaving the colonies with out the desired accommodation." So that—thus the matter rests, in a manner, for the . time being in abeyance. As though it were the merest trifle imaginable! Australia votes £so,ooo—and Eng land waits tranquilly for the decision of a dawdling committee ! MR. BARRY AND THE SAVAGE CART HORSE. THIS DAY. A thousand persons—we should imagine, at a moderate calculation, about one thousand persons —have witnessed this afternoon the extraordinary exhibition announced by advertisement to take place to-day in the arena of the Alhambra Amphi theatre. The spectacle was certainly a worthy sequel to the taming (last week) of the King of Oude, and previously (last year) of the famous Cruizer. After introducing the last-mentioned animal once more to his assembled pupils, and whistling Cruizer after him at his heels like a pet lamb or a lapdog—Cruizer who was once the terror of all the grooms who approached him (at a respectful distance ! and when he wore a muzzle lined with iron !)—Mr. Rarey illustrated this afternoon, his admirable system of horse taming upon an animal he had never himself seen before, and who was described by a letter from its owner as a fit subject for experiment at the hands of the American horsetamer ! Under those expert and wonder-working hands— the little creature hitherto difficult to mount, and remarkable in many ways for its timidity, was in a very few minutes subdued into perfect quiesence, into perfect confidence, and affectionate submission to the horse-tamer—running after him wherever he called it—led about (literally) by a straw passed through the bit, thrown down upon the litter of straw in the centre of the arena, and then skipped over to and fro, sat upon, and laid down upon in all directions ! The Van Amburgh of horses lying down himself, at last, upon the straw beside the prostrate animal, and there tapping his cheek and forehead with a hind hoof—of course with perfect impunity. The conquest of the timidity, until to day said to be so very remarkable, in this quadruped being celebrated at last by a rousing rat-a-plan upon a drum placed upon the saddle on its back. . . Then —after a slight pause—enter the savage Cart Horse! a gigantic animal, whose chief recommendation was —the brutality and stubbornness of his character. Standing beside him, Mr. Rarey—though a good figure enough for a man, rather above than under the ordinary height—seemed in a manner dwarfed. The badness of the character of this huge and powerful cart horse was not only announced from the arena by Mr. Rarey this afternoon— it has been repeatedly of late advertised to the world in our own columns and in those of our prin cipal contemporaries. The brute has " killed one man," we know, to begin with—and he has "seri ously injured" another. Yet there stood Mr. Rarey beside him this afternoon to conquer his brutality, to take the wickedness of his temper out of him, and (in the presence of a crowd of specta tors after he bad been with this cart-horse not quite half an hour) to do with him at last exactly what he pleased! Here—as in many other instances of the kind, the American horse-tamer, being armed only with a little strap in each skirt pocket of his frockcoat—but possessing besides those magical straps, perfect coolness, perfect tem per, admirable courage, and never-failing self-pos session. The preliminary screams of the cart horse —whenever the horsetamer approached him at the beginning of his dexterous manipulations drove several ladies in evident alarm from the Alhambra. Over the rest of the spectators, however, the strength, the fury, and savageness of the animal exercised an irresistible facination. And soon enough their confidence in iqr. Rarey's extraordinary courage and skill was to the utmost degree justified. Strap ping up the near forefoot—looping up the off fore foot soon afterwards—rolling the beast over among the litter after a few minutes' contention with it as it knelt there on its fore-knees in stubborn medita tion—Mr. Rarey had to do battle with it for a long time after it was down, as it lay there screaming and snapping at him savagely ! Until—at last, thoroughly convinced of its helplessness un der his mastery—the Cart-Horse Sire fol lowed in the trail already left by hundreds of previously untamed, and apparently unmanageable, horses—including among them the King of Oude and Cruizer. By the time our aimable friend the Cart-Horse to-day was kicked by the toe of Mr. Rarey's boot, and made to rise from its prostrate position—its huge limbs were literally quiver ing and trembling before him with mingled fear and fatigue ! And, as the horse-tamer called to it—as Mr. Matalini might have said in his memorable words of endearment, " the demmed savage lamb," obeyed the call with something very like an evidence of affection. To-day's incident is not the least remarkable occurrence in the career of the Great American Horse-tamer. SURREY THEATRE. Last evening the representation of " Louis the Eleventh" brought to a close the highly-successful engagement of Mr. and Mrs. Hermann Vezin at this theatre, and the per formance was honoured with one of the most crowded audiences of the season. We have already had to com pliment Mr. Vezin on his masterly conception of the character of the French tyrant; suffice it, therefore, to say that last night it was all that could: be desired by the most severe and exacting critic. At the conclusion of the play Mr. Vain was summoned before the curtain, and re ceived such a complete ovation that a stranger to our manners might have imagined it was a final retirement from the stage of an old and established favourite, rather than the close of the first London engagement of a young, and a short time ago unknown, actor. Such a mark of respect and appreciation was as honourable to the audience as it was deserved by the artiste. CHRISTY'S MINSTRELS. Next week will be the last of the famous Christy's Min strels, who, notwithstanding they have had to contend with a tropical heat that might have spared art the trouble of imitating nature in producing a real South African cow plexion, have succeeded, through the summer, in steadily filling the St. James's Hall with well-contented audiences. Besides the pleasant mixture of fun and pathos belonging to the true "nigger" repository, the part songs lately in troduced reach a high standard of musical excellence. Those who haye not enjoyed the later programmes of the "Minstrels" will thank us for reminding them of the few nights to which the opportunity of hearing them will be now restricted. To Mr. Mitchell, of the Royal Library, Bond-street, and his efficient staff, the g rea t es t pra i se i s due for the admirable manner in which the arrangements for the comfort and convenience of the public have been carried out during the whale series of concerts. LATEST NEWS. The following telegrams have been received at Mr. Reuter's office : TRIESTE, SATURDAY. FIUME, July 21—An English merchant steamer has arrived here tom Lussin, bringing intelligence that the harbour of Lussin was full of French ships, apparentl3 still without orders for their departure. BERLIN, JULY 22. The official Russian Gazette contains the fol- lowing : " The various erroneous opinions which have been of late pranulgated as regards the objects Prussia had in he endeavours for a mediation have induced the Prussian Cabinet to address the follow ing correctional c rcular despatch to the Embassies in Germany : " Count Rechberg, immediately after his return from Verona, said to the Royal Prussian Ambassa dor at Vienna as follows :—'Austria has accepted the preliminaries of peace, principally because the conditions of mediation proposed by the neutral great Powers were less favourable for Austria than those upon whicl. the Emperor of the French de sired to treat.' " The Emperor o' Austria, in his manifesto of the 15th inst., expressed himself to the same effect : "To the cireu[ar of Count Rechberg, recently confided to me, a project of mediation, said to be communicated to France by England, was added, to the conditions of which Prussia should have con sented. The Mainzer Journal of to-day also pub lishes the above project. " You are authoritsed to express most positively, " 1. That on the side of Prussia no conditions of a mediation whatever had been advanced, nor have any such, coming from any other Power, been ac cepted by her. " 2. That the project added to in the Austrian cir cular, and since published in the newspapers, was entirely unknown to us. " VON SCHLEINITZ. " Berlin, July 21." PARIS, JULY 22. The rumour gains ground that Sardinia will de cline to be represented in the meeting at Zurich. M. de Bourqueney has taken apartments in the Hotel Baud, at Zurich. VIENNA, FRIDAY EVENING. In the course of next week the representatives of Austria and France will meet at Zurich. Austria and France will then conclude a treaty of peace, and Sardinia, if she pleases, may accede to it by an additional article. The Paris correspondent of the Morning Post (second edition) says : " I have heard to-day on very high authority that the Emperor Napoleon will ere long reduce the naval and military force of the empire. Count Walewski remains all day long with the Emperor at St. Cloud. The Emperor has sent for Count de Persigny. His Excellency is expected to reach Paris to-night, and will remain some days. Since the proclamation of peace the French funds have continued to fall daily." The Paris Correspondent of the Times' (Second Edition), says : " The stoical calmness of demeanour which once characterised the Emperor Napoleon seems to be giving place to a susceptibility too strong for con cealment. Perhaps the consciousness of certain political faults likely to shake the confidence once reposed in his judgment and appreciation of his own interests may account for the change. Be this as it may, the irritation betrayed in the very first lines of his Majesty's reply to the very brief address of the Diplomatic Body through their spokesman, the Papal Nuncio, as given in this day's Monileur, has excited general attention and regret. This time the reproach apparently is not addressed to one Ambassador, as on the Ist January last, but to the Representatives of almost all European States. The tone of voice was suited to the words ; the manner was brief and hurried. The represen tative of one of the German States was impatiently asked whether his fears were at last dissipated.' On unpleasant whole,gone through like a most of which it might be said t he task, a thing sk was that the sooner it was over the better. The Moni teur has, I am told, inserted a word which was not spoken by the Emperor. His Majesty said Europe has been so unjust,' . &c., and not ' Europe in in general' were added for Prussia and England are be• countries to which the reproach is specially general'—the e n e v e e s r ci a a k t e:o ba f t ed h d l:t rh u ee l s s v s s o elradd.. SARDINIA. A letter from Turin of the 18th, in the Ade pendance of Brussels, says :—" Count Cavour could not honourably remain in power except in realising the programme which he had drawn out. He de fended it to the end, with a perseverance worthy of the object he had in view, and up to the last moment he believed that his hopes would be ac complished. After the signature of the armistice, he is said to have insisted that the treaty of peace should constitute Venetia into an independent State, with a Venetian government and army, under the royalty of the Archduke Maximilian ; that Tuscany, Parma, Modena, and the whole of Lombardy, includ ing Peschiera and Mantua, should be secured to Sar dinia ; and lastly, that the administration of the Legations should be confided to the King of Sar dinia, under the suzerainty of the Pope. On the very eve of the interview at Villafranca, he thought he might rely that France would not sign a peace on any other bases. What has taken place is since known. Count Cavour, the promoter of the move ment, the object of which was the expulsion of the Austrians from Italy, tendered his resignation rather than sign a treaty of peace which would secure to them Venetia. No one can conceal from himself the difficulties which will attend the organisation of the Italian confederation, and many seriously thinking men consider them as insurmountable. What is now to become of the duchies of Tuscany and Modena ? Will the people, after the restoration of the old Sovereigns, forget that those princes fought in the ranks of the Austrian army at Solferino, where 6,000 Ita lians shed their blood for the deliverance of their country ? The King of Sardinia, faithful to the conventions, has recalled his representatives, M. Buoncompagni, governor of Tuscany; M. Farini, governor of Modena ; and M. d'Azeglio, governor of the Legations. Will the constitutional party, whic in those provinces had hitherto energeti cally opposed all attempts at disorder, be, when disarmed by the departure of the commissioners and the Sardinian troops, strong enough to con tinue its work ? This is what many doubt." FRANCE. PARIS, FRIDAY. PARIS BOURSE, July 22.—The market was agi tated at the opening, and Threes, after commencing at 67f. 45c., receded to 67f., but have since rallied to 67f. 45e. ; Mobilier varied from 750 f. to 770 f.; Austrian, 540 f. to 545 f.; Orleans, 1,322 f. 50c. to 1,330 f. ; Lyons, 847 f. 50c. to 852 f. 50e.; Northern, 905 f. to 915 f. ; Eastern, 630 f. to 635 f.; Southern, 500 f. to 505 f. The following were the last quc tations 4' per Cents. .... 95 101 Credit Foncier 640 DO. end montla .. 95 35 i Belgian 41 . — 3 per Cents. 67 15 Piedmonteso (5) B3 50 Do. end month.... 67 20 Roman B7 Bank Shares. 2850 Austrian — Credit Mobilier .. 760 Spanish Threes Do. Account RAILWAYS. Cash. Account. Orleans Northern . • 907 50 .. 910 New ditto BOO .. 800 Lyons and Mediterranean 845 • • 845 Geneva 520 • • 512 50 Southern Western 540 .. 537 50 Eastern Sardinian 402 50 .. 405 Austrian Exchange on London, a t s i g ht, p a per, 25f.. 6c. ; money, 25f 4c.; three months, paper, 24f. 94c.; money, 24E 93c. THE AUSTRIAN ARMY I 2 17ALY. (Feom the Special Correspondent of the Times.) VERONA, JULY 17. I bad some curiosity to • visit once more the battle!ield of Solferino, and yesterday I satisfied that curiosity to the fullest extent. Leaving Verona and passing through Dossobuono, where the outposts of the Ausrian army still stand, I proceeded to Villafranca, and thence by the direct road to Valeggio. Between Dossobuono and Va leggio •he country seemed to be considered neu tral by both French and Austrians. The pea santry were at work in the fields repairing their hedges, moulding their maize, and in general restoring their crops as far as possi ble, after the damage they had undergone from the numerous troops that had overrun them. About a mile from Valeggio I saw the first traces of the encampments of the allies, some red-legged French soldiers were washing in the Chione, and in the plain were traces of recent encampments, huts of boughs and planks and remains of well-picked dinners. A small post of Zouaves and Turcos oc cupied the roads close to Valeggio. The only ques • tion asked was put by a Turco. It was one word only, " Piemontais ?' meaning " Are you a Pied montese ?" to which, on my reply in the negative, I was motioned to proceed in the most good humoured manner. Valeggio was crowded with Frenchmen in every possible uniform—Artillery, Engineers, Chasseurs, Guardsmen, Guides,Chasseurs d'Afrique ; the streets were encumbered with native carts of every kind. Marshal Niel occupied the palace which but a few weeks before was inhabited by Count Schlick and the Emperor of Austria. The Piedmontese flag was to be seen everywhere, on the tops of trees, in the windows of houses, and even on the castle tower of Valeggio, which no Austrian had attempted to climb, because of its height and the difficulty of ascending bare walls, for the tower is high and stairless inside. At Bor ghetto several bridges had been thrown over the stream of the Min cio. A park of artillery lay in the meadows close by. Numbers of Frenchmen were bathing. Otb ers,gifted apparently with indomitable patience, were fishing in the quiet eddies, and catch ing nothing. The roads were more dusty and much worse for wear than they had been a fortnight be fore, but still it was an easy drive to Volta. Thence to Cavriana, there was little to attract attention, except here and there a little earthen mound sur mounted by a cross, indicating the last resting place of some wounded man, who had probably lain down there and died. In Cavriana, where I expected to find traces of the battle, everything appeared in the greatest order. The inhabitants were at their daily labours, the village politicians holding forth in the café. The blood-stained hospital where I had seen so many wounded men taken in was a corclwainer's shop. The houses showed no trace of cannon shot or shell, no signs of musket halls. The Piedmontese flag floated from the windows, the arms of Piedmont were nailed up on the doors, and proclamations innumerable adorned the walls. The people about the streets all wore the patriotic colours, white, red, and green, in their hats or button-holes. One or two French soldiers lounged in the streets. Little blood, in truth, was shed in Cavriana; the last stand of the Austrians hating been made outside the town on the hills of Madonna della Pieve. All the wounded were taken out of the hospital, all the carts were driven out towards Volta before the French came in. Field- Marshal Nugent was the last man to leave that place ; and I from a French officer the follow ing anecdote respecting him :—As the Austrians were seen crowning the heights south-east of Cavriana, preptzatory to their final retreat. Louis Napoleon inquired of his staff whether any one had certain knowledge that Cavriana was evacuated. The reply was that it must still be occupied, because an old and weather-beaten officer, in egiazed cocked hat and military cloak, had just been seen in the streets riding about on a pony, and accompanied by an aide-de camp. At the Emperor's request an officer with an escort went forward to report upon the state of Cavriana. He returned a quarter of an hour after and informed the Emperor that the old General in the cocked hat was still in the streets of Cavriana, but that no one else was visible. The truth is that Marshal Nugent was at that moment perfectly alone in the streets of the N illage. Climbing up the Roccolo hill, which overhangs the village of Cavriana on the left, I saw once more the spot where the Emperor of Austria stood for so many hours. I saw in the hollow on my right the now peaceful village, with the old stone castle frowning on the heights in front of it, and the bold square tower which rises above the mouldering walls. I saw the plains of Medole, Guiddizolo, San Vigilio, and Castiglione, San Cassiano, and the Spia d'ltalia. The day was far clearer than that of the 24th, and objects were more distinctly visible. The distance seemed greater, possibly because they were not now alive with men as they had so recently been. It seemed quite a long way to Solferino. It has been asked since the battle why the Emperor of Austria advanced no nearer to the battle-field than the Roccolo. The truth is that had Francis Joseph been master of his own movements he would have been not only in closer proximity to the enemy, but he would probably have gone into action, whence it is possible that he might never have returned. When he served under Radetzky, it was often the duty of the stern old Marshal to curb his future Emperor's martial propensities, and Field-Mar shal Hess had to use the authority of his age and experience to keep the ardour of the youthful Emperor in check. It was not till the sharp buzz of musket balls over the Roccolo and the cracking of French shrapnel be came more and more dangerous that the Emperor was induced to leave Cavriana, and at a later period of the day Gen. Schlick had to use the utmost per suasion to force his Sovereign from Madonna della Pieve, which at last became the object upon which the whole French fire was concentrated. From Cavriana the road to Solferino runs to San Cassiano on an easy slope, the hills becoming lower as they approach the latter village, which is almost on a level with the plain of Medole. From San Cassiano the highway turns a little to the east ward, running pretty level to Solferino, and below heights which overlook it on both sides. But the heights on the west are low and isolated from each other by depressions, so that few of them are use ful for defence against an enemy advancing from the north-west, their flank being always open to attack, and artillery placed upon them constantly liable tobe turned and taken in rear. This I found to be the case with the high hill of Solferino itself, the southern face of which i s sufficiently abrupt, whileits south-western face is a gentle slope from the plain. The village of Solferino is divided into two distinct parts, one of which lies to the south east at the very base o f th e hill on w hi c h stands the Spia. The tower is reached thence by a steep and winding road, almost impracticable to artillery. At about two-thi r d s o f th e ascen t I ca me to a point whence I could see all the landscape to the north and east. The Lake of Garda and the Alps l a y ma pp e d ou t before me, with the tongue of S er mione jutting boldly into the water. The green mounds and white walls of Peschiera, and the square towers of countless old fortresses lay embosomed in trees, and surrounded by white houses, villas, and steeples of every form and description ; but what struck me most was the peculiar formation of the range north and west of Solferino tower. To the north lay a long spit, on which stood a high stone edifice cut out into squares, separated from each other by high walls, and communicating through each other by arched. gateways. This is the church and Palazzo Com munale of Solferino. Through these gateways runs a road which, following the top of the spit, turns with it to the westward. This spit runs at irregular heights from the west to the south, and forms as it were the crest of a crater, into which the eye plunges with delight, for at the bottom lies a snug little clump of buildings surrounded by trees of every kind. The main road from Castiglione runs round the base of the crater to the nor th and east. The Austrians occupied Solferin o on i ts southern slope, along an undulating lin e o f a b out 200 yards, their faces being turned south-west to repel the attacks made on them from th at quarter by the French advancing up the gent l e ascent. Here, at the foot of a line of cypress trees, was one Austrian gun. The ground is covere d w i th rem nants of cartridges, the cypress trees are riddled with bullets , a cannon ball has gone right through one trunk, two other balls have c arr i e d o ff t h e uppr part of the boughs, which now li e w i t h ere d on t h e ground. The Austrians also held the buildings on the spit, from which there is no descent except by jumping down the precipicesinto what I have called the crater, or those which frown on its outer sides or down the winding road which I have already described. They had also troops further west, facing to the north, and there looking down on the enemy. Solferino village below they also held, but it is necessary to reme m b er th a t the village here lies in rear, that is, south of the heights. This minuteness of detail is necessary in order to explain why the position was a bad ~n e for defence. The French turning round it from the north and fighting for the possession of the streets were already on one flank of the troops on the heights. Th e French ad vanc i ng f ro m the plain on the south west, were on the flank and rear of the defenders of the heights, and the French attacking the hills on the north front, placed the Austrians in the buildings on the spit, already mentioned, in the position of men surrounded on three sides. The safety of Solferino heights was further dependent on the safety of San Cassiano and Solferino villages. Once those were carried, the heights were untenable. It is quite a wonder, under these circumstances: that the Regiment Reishach held its own so long on the heights. They only retired when they were decimated. One Lieutenant-Colonel, whose retreat was cut off, threw himself down the precipice in the vain hope of escaping, but in his fall he broke his leg. The build ings on the spit are still filled with Austrian shakos. These are the only traces I could discover, with the exception of the mounds under which the dead lay buried, that a deadly encounter took place quite lately. There is not a cannon ball, not a splinter of a shell to be found. With great diffi culty and after diligent search, I found five rifle balls on the hill. Even the houses bear no marks of cannon. There is one hole in the dome of the building on the spit. In Solferino nothing remains to indicate that a battle of hours was fought there. The stone houses carry no traces of the fight. In San Cassiano, where the Austrians stood for hours, the houses are all entire. Field-Marshal Hess (the promotion is recent) is still arranging the final movements of the Austrian troops. The First Army, nnder Wimpffen, is under orders to repass the Alps, and will begin to move immediately. The second army will remain in Italy under the orders of Count Degenfeldt. As far as I am able to gather the opinions of the Italians, they look upon the peace with feelings akin to despair. The popular idol of a few 'iays back, the Emperor of the French, is thrown down from his high place. The idea of a new Italian Confederation is derided. People inquire sarcasti cally, is it to be an Italian Confederation like the German Bund, which shall maintain Princes by the bayonet ? They laugh at the notion of the Pope being at the head of the new Confederation. They look into the future with the gloomiest foreboding, and many are already regretting the Austrian rule, which, at any rate, was mild to the peasant, and looking with distrust and dismay upon the uncer tainties of the coming time. FREEDOM OF THE PRESS. (From the Times.) Of all our public men there is not one who does not make the fullest confession of his allegiance to the great doctrine of the Freedom of the Press— " the palladium of our liberties," " the safeguard of our Constitution," " the means of diffusing among the people that knowledge, that enlightenment, which enables them to judge of all subjects with candour, impartiality, and moderation, and thus makes democratic influences permanent by protect ing them from violence and excess." Who does not hold this language ? Yet who, we may venture to ask, really and honestly subscribes to its truth? There are few Englishmen, we believe, who see a newspaper in their own language among the perio dical literature of the Continent, on the table of a reading room in a French or German watering place, without experiencing a certain emotion of national pride ; and yet few of these same persons have probably ever considered, or frankly admitted to themselves, the real condition on which the in contestible superiority of the English Press de pends. The English Press is superior to its foreign contemporaries for the simple reason that it is free —free in the widest and fullest sense of the word ; not only free to write that which is agreeable to men in power, that which suits the popular im pulse of the moment, or that which may most facilitate the operations of this or that Govern ment, but free to utter that which men in power often will not tell or look in the face, which the people at large do not always see, and which the masters of mankind do not often wish to be seen— the bare and naked truth. There is hardly a states man of our day who has been able to form to him self the real and genuine idea of a Free Press. Freedom from vexatious prosecution they are, in deed, willing to conceive, but there is scarcely one of them who has elevated his mind above the idea that the Press should be 4 the representative of par ticular men or particular parties, so as to admit that it may safely and wisely be left to draw its own conclusions and announce its own opinions. It is in vain that one after another the sickly scions of periodical literature—kept in existence to meet no public want, but to serve the purposes of a man or a party—successively droop and die. Experience is thrown away, and the same folly recommences. We cannot wonder that men who seem just as unable to comprehend the perfectly free and self-regulating action of the Press as a blind man is to appreciate the shades of colour should think it necessary from time to time to lecture those whom they would willingly coerce, and to take credit to themselves for superior wisdom by de nouncing any truth which it is inconvenient to them to hear. This distrust and hatred of the Press is peculiar to no party—nay, it probably prevails with more violence among those whose professions are most liberal. There is Mr. Bright, for instance. He has, as we all know, peculiar views on the subject of Peace and War, which render it exceedingly inconvenient to him that the truth should be told. He is a friend of peace to such an extent that he cannot endure that any one should say anything which would show that there is the slightest doubt as to its continuance. To men who write and think without prejudice, the proper way to preserve peace is to state the whole truth fairly and explicitly, that the nation may judge of its real position, and neither be puffed up by overweening confidence nor depressed by unrea sonable panic. This is the course we have ob served with regard to France. Without the slightest enmity, with the best goodwill to our gallant neighbours, but we trust with a true appreciation of the nature of the Government under which they live, we have had to remark that the Empire was not quite so much Peace as the Emperor would have us believe. We have observed that from the ter mination of the Crimean War we have found France uniformly siding with Russia against our selves, and that the whole of her policy with regard to Italy has been in complete contravention of the wishes expressed by England. We have been com pelled to show, from time to time, what formida ble augmentations France has been making to her Navy, and how those augmentations render absolutely necessary corresponding efforts on our part. True, also, to our duty of impartial veracity, we have not hesitated to show how little the treaty just concluded satisfies the wants of the Italians or the pretexts on which the war was commenced. Nobody seriously denies these facts, but it is very convenient for those who affect to believe that perpetual peace is not only desirable, but possible, to ignore their existence. Air. Bright is very angry with us be cause we do not choose to set them aside altogether and to substitute in their place visions of mutual disarmament and treaties of perpetual commerce. No country knows better than England that com merce is a surer road to prosperity, to power, and to greatness than the most brilliant victories, but this is a truth which, though nations may feel it, Kings and Emperors have rarely shown themselves able to appreciate. They are seldom content to lay the foundations of prosperity, and trust to the hap piness of future ages to do justice to their memory. They want ready payment for their actions, some thing on which their panegyrists may descant, something on which their Courtly rhetoricians may harangue. Let France disarm, ant how gladly, how eagerly will we imitate and surpass her example ; but while Italy is left either to be crushed by in tervention or convulsed by revolution, while the termination of one war is accompanied by words which announce the commencement of another, it may befit Mr. Bright to maunder over treaties of commerce and projects of disarmament, but it will hardly become us, who are bound to reason from the materials which we ourselves supply, and not an arbitrary assumptional reticences, to accept his conclusions. No less hostile to free discussion is Lord John Russell. He is a leading member of a Ministry which takes credit to itself for arming the country, and yet he cannot understand why the Press should urge the country to arm. We will frankly tell him why. It is because we have taken our mea sure and formed our estimate of such public men as himself; because we believe that, although fully aware of the danger, they would never put the country in a position of defence unless driven to it by a public opinion which they cannot resist. They would tell us, as they do now, that they have no fears, no apprehensions; they would act as if great dangers could be averted by never speaking of them ; and their deeds, instead of being as now, in contradiction to their words, would be in strict acc ordance with them. Now, Lord John Russell and his colleagues talk peace and prepare for war. Had we adopted that tone they would never have "adopted our recommendations. But Lord John Russell's caution is only one-sided. It is open to him—nay, we believe he would admit it is open to us also—to say whatever we please against Aus tria, or the petty States of Italy. There is no good to be done by such declamations, no evil to be averted, and therefore we forbear from them, though Lord John would give us full licence. It is only when a real and serious danger impends that Lord John Russell would bind us over to silence. Lastly, we are taken to task by Lord Palmerston, who is scandalised by what he calls the tone of hostility which the press has adopted towards France. Of course, there was no hos tility to Austria in Lord Palmerston's declaration that he hoped that Power, his good friend and ally, would be driven out of Italy ; and we are furnished with an exact measure of our own in discretion by knowing what our censor con siders may be discreetly said. For different rea sons it suits the purpose of the Premier, as it suits the purpose of Mr. Bright, that too much light should not be thrown on the present state and posi tion of France, He maintains that the war which has come to such an unexpected end was not of the Emperor's making ; it had his hearty wishes for success, and he is evidently anxious to go into a Congress to rescue the Emperor Napoleon from the innumerable difficulties and dangers which a war begun and a peace concluded in defiance of the en lightened opinion of England and France and Italy and Germany have brought upon him. Lord Pal merston may follow out his objects, but let him not expect that we shall promote their attainment by a wilful mystification of facts, or that the people which once hurled him from office because he con sulted the wishes of the Emperor Napoleon rather than the dignity of his country, will permit him to pledge his name to the fulfilment of the stipulations made at Villafranca, or send Lord John Russell as a plenipotentiary to repeat at Zurich his vagaries at Vienna. Another article refers to the same subject as follows : Much of the advice that one hears lavished on all sides is so totally irrespective of its object, and so purely for the convenience of the giver, or any body but the person most concerned, that one can only class it with the common forms of impreca tion. One understands what a man means when, with various Saxon expletives, he recommends any body to be gone anywhere or nowhere, to cease to exist, and be forgotten. The adviser in this case does not profess to care for anybody or anything but himself and his own immediate occupation or amusement. Of course, he wishes you to hang yourself, or dispose of yourself in any wa y you please, so as you never stand in his way again or interfere with his pleasure. If wishes of this sort had their way, half the world would disappear be fore to-night, and half the remainder to-morrow. We really cannot place under any other category the frequently-expressed wish that we would sal nothing about Napoleon 111. and France and their doings. It is our vocation and our very being to speak truly and freely about all public characters and affairs. If we cannot follow our vocation, we cease to be altogether. Were we to say that we cannot imagine a newspaper containing no personal reflection whatever, we should stand corrected, for some foreign journals lie before us, and we see what we might come to. But we are a Free Press, which is about as distinct a thing from Continental ' journalism as a living man is from a skeleton, or a forest from a timber-yard. The day may come when Mr. Bright, surrounded by the carcases of the London press, permitted to appear under an imperial imprimatur, will deliver himself with his own accustomed energy and freedom against the British Court and all the old Estat"s of this realm. He will affront nobody whose anger can do him any harm, and will certainly please those whom it is de sireble to propitiate. But the moral aspect of political affairs will be a thing of the past. Convenient abuse will then be the order of the day. The unfortunate journalist guilty of an opinion not founded on the justest calculation of prompt advantage, or safety, will hear his doom pronounced by a cautious legis lator, who can equally ascribe the vilest motives to a fellow Englishman and the purest to a foreign autocrat. Censure will th en b e reserve d f or its only legitimate objects,—the honest or the weak ; and, when Emperors and legions have done their fell work, the thundercloud of pent-up indignation will burst on the head of some poor moralist who has ventured to reproduce some trite old truism about wrongful and unprofitable wars. Jf we have said what is not true, that is another question ; but if our crime is that we have some times said that which may hurt the feelings of an Emperor or his soldiers, then we beg to state our case. We existed before either Napoleon HI. or Napoleon I. We are as much an essen ti a l insti tution of this country as they of theirs. We are precisely what we w ere no t on l y w h en Louis Napoleon lodged in St. James's, but when his uncle was a sub-officer of artillery. We are w hat we were before either Mr. Bright or Lord John Russell was born. The era which gave France its Revolution gave England its Free Press. That Press has preserved its freedom by act ing up to itself, and speaking the truth, to the best of its ability and judgment, of every thingland everybody. No one can over-estimate its weight as the auxiliary and mouthpiece of a free Legislature and open justice. But here it exists, one of the chief forces of the country, now also a heritage from our forefathers, to be bequeathed to our children. The Emperor of the French has had it before his eyes, as one of the groat facts of European politics, before he ever fired a gun, made a spech, or solicited a suffrage. What good or what harm we have done him is a matter beyond calculation or conjecture ; but he is now, as we are assured, a cordial ally, and, as all feel, a powerful neighbour. We are spending, Mr. Glad stone tells us, eight millions a-year more than usual in our armaments, against a certain contingency which, there is no disgui s i ng it, i s t h e possibility of either an invasion by our ally or tome Outrage on his part beyond all endurance. Our words have certainly not weakened the French Emperor, either for good or for evil. He can still make a terrible war and a magnanimous peace. He can still punish and propitiate one great neighbour and J. be immediately formidabl e t o ano th er. If there s one point on which we may venture to express a personal opinion, it is that Napoleon 111. is a ma!' of singularly fixed ideas and unalterable senti ments. This is the opinion of his friends, and the very boast of his life. But Mr. Bright affects to believe that he is as irritable as himself, and that we, by occasional criticisms of his conduct, have estranged his friendship and imperilled the alliance. We take this to be a pure imagination, founded on a very superficial knowledge of facts, and a much less respectful opinion of Napoleon 111. than our own. Mr. Bright has undertaken a client who cares little for his advocacy. The Emperor knows us and, our country too well to under ra t e t h at love o r truth and that plain speaking which are to be found nowhere else. In proof of this we can adduce a recent and most creditable example. Much wiser than the people about him, he s aw the interest which he, his army, and France had in all authentic and imp ar ti a l hi story of the war ; an d he therefore approved the presence of our e orre - spondent with the French army in Italy. France has to thank the Emperor, rather than his advisers; that a scientific soldier has described to the world some of the most brilliant exploits of the French army, its admirable organisation, its impetuous spirit, and the cool courag e an d goo d genera l s hiP of the Emperor. The few French correspondents who set out to describe the campa'gn went no further than Alessandria, but the representative of this journal witnessed the first encounter at Monte bello, the attack on Palestro, the bloody combatsof Magenta, and Malegnano, and the crowning,glory of Solferino. Franc e k nows h er own victories principally through his pen and through the journal which is described as her worst enemy. But hol has this alleged enmity been otherwise shown r We clung to peace as long as peace was possible, and, indeed, when it was desperate, because, great as were the wrongs of Italy, we had to set against them the cost of a war, the sacrifices of which would be terrible, the results uncertain. We desired that Austria should be induced, one wa/ or another, to quit the soil where national anti pathy had made her a curse and had brought dishonour on her name ; but we could not share the responsibility of unsheathing the sword. When the Austrians were so infatuated as to cross the, Ticino it was clear th a t peace was impossible, an d their utter expulsion across the Alps seemed th e least prize of the now inevitable war. The En?" peror himself proclaimed this—we accepted his programme—" Italy shall be free from the Alps to the Adriatic ;" his march from the Ticino to the Mincio was one unbroken triumph ; the victory of Solferino cost enough to ply for the independence of all I ta l y ; V en i ce was rea d y to yield ; and the Great Quadrangle, attacked on all sides, might • soon have been reduced, when, on a sudden, with out even consulting his ally in the next tent, the Emperor concludes a peace which leaves Austria still supreme in Italy. We may not yet know a ll that weighed upon him, b u t we cannot forget all we had said at his own instigation only a m onth before. We share the regret of all Italy, o f the French army, and of France herself, that, having paid the price most lavishly both in blood and treasure, he did not w i n a ll I ta l y to independence . He feels this regret himself so strongly that ever' day he explains and apologises. Europe, h e tells the Papal Nuncio, was i n genera l so unjust to hira at the beginning of the war that he was happy t ° conclude peace as soon as the honour and interests of France were satisfied. Here alone in the British Parliament it is held all but treason to feel and express the regret that every party to the war avows to the whole world. But is it true that the Emperor himself cares for our criticism ? Why should he? Napoleon 111. is the foremost ins° of his time ; the most prominent actor upon the great stage of the world. He likes praise, no doubt ; but he takes his chance of blame. The one thing he would not like is to be unnoticed, and that is the treatment prescribed for him by our Parliamentary cens ors . H e can shut out the Times from all France whenever he likes,—his underlings sometimes do so; but he as often overrules thew' He knows better than his officious servants, either here or at Paris ; that we are the friend o f both nations. We deplore our own immense armaments' but they are as n o thi ng compared with those which the Emperor declares to be none at all. W e hal i reason to prote s t aga i nst h i s est i mate of a peaceful security. It c ompe l s on us no small part of the n" conveniences of war; we suffer, and, with the use of our tongues and pens, it is impossible not to cow' plain of a burden which weighs heavily up" France as well as upon England. ~0 E~ ~i~ Dii 1/1 ki, gol kei CI%