The Sun. — London, England, 1859-02-05 00:00:00

/f r • j - • Oier 777 :40/ft_ R . : 11'( ,41 : .• • .u'.43:43 1 4 ,1) L 7 :. „ b ,„„ • 0.171 • - I. ... k\‘ i k• ,• • G, Itt_ A -1 4 ',.; - ,•\ .464. 1/41k• 41111 HA ' I / • ••, . - . • // ' ,JAH. 'V - 4 - •••,..•:,\ • • 11 ' _ •111 , • '-4 000/ 8V - 41 k. DIE I " ,111 4t..Q.. , . , 'Rot •• THE EUROPEAN HOTEL AND DINING ROOMS, 30, Coventry-street, Leicester-square.-3lrs. JENTZEN begs to return her grateful thanks to her nu merous friends for the liberal support she has so long re ceived ; and it is her pleasing duty to inform them that her anxiousness to serve them has been crowned with success, having been in the same establishment for 22 years, when her gracious Majesty was Princess Royal. It is now her sincere Wish to retire into a state of privacy, where the kindness of friends will ever be impressed on a grateful memory. Should this meet the eye of an enterprising_ and industrious party looking for a genuine and steady business, and who would carry it on , for the remainder of the term (18 years) in the re spectable manner which it has ever been her pride, without Spot or blemish, she will be happy to resign i t . Trustin g none but principals will apply, first by letter, which will be answered before an interview. Italian nationality will never be the result cif revolution, and can never succeed without foreign help. "XI. "If the status quo is dangerous, if reforms are impossible, if revolution is impossible, by what combination can the peoples and governments of the (Italian) Peninsula escape from the consequences of the abnormal and menacineposi tion which hangs over them? - "Is Italy to be made into a single kingdom? History, nature itself oppose it. Italian unity cannot be f orme d without immense efforts, by military greatness or by revo -infinnary tyranny. From the Alps to Sicily Italy is dia d. It may be said that absolute unity under the Ro man sway was an accident. " When Napoleon I. made a kingdom of Italy he obeyed a higher impulse than dynastic ambition; he concentrated under his powerful hand scattered agglomerations to form a strong and virile nationality; he thought less of founding a kingdom than of regenerating a people. "No one could now pick up the Iron Crown which fell from his brow; it would be as difficult to wear as difficult to conquer. The question, moreover, is, to restore confi dence to Europe by pacifying Italy, and not tb incite a war of succession. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 5, 1859. No. 20,788. PRICE 4 D . STAMPED, SD. PUBLICATIONS. NAPOLEON M. AND ITALY." Anglo-French mediation could not succeed in constituting itself—the voice of cannon was heard in place of that of diplomacy. -It was the cannon of Novara. Charles Albert, impatient at the adjournments, irritated by the difficulties, confident in his cause, had risked all in that glorious temerity. Italy succumbed at least nobly, and the chival rous monarch, who had dreamed its emancipation, retired, vanquished, and not humiliated, leaving his crown and his cause to his son, who ascended the throne through this field of battle, after having received 16 bullets in his coat. Since that period Italian nationality has only lived in the patriot ism and policy of Piedmont, sustained by the moral sup port of the Anglo-French affiance. The flag of Novara was hoisted in the Crimea, where the Sardinian army had their share in the contests, the trials, and- the victories of menced such as those which have cost so much blood, and gave so much glory to our fathers. " If France, who wishes peace, was forced to make war, Europe would no doubt b e move d by it, but it ought not to be disquieted at it. It is not her independence which is in question. War, which fortunately is not probable, would have no other object the day when it should become neces sary than to prevent revolutions by means of the legitimate satisfaction given to the requirements of populations, and the protection and guarant ee o f th e recogn i se d principles, and of the authentic rights of their nationality. " The Emperor Napoleon I. thought himself obliged to conquer nationalities in order to free them. If ever his successor had to defend them it would be to free them with out conquering them. Thus we might repeat to Italy what M. Thiers said on the 29th Tannery, 1848, from the tribune, and with as muchreason as justice--' When, 50 years ago, we wished to possess Italy, it was a wrong, but an excus able wrong, because to possess it was to save it, and the vast empire which stretched from Rome to Hamburg was but the great reprisal for the celebrated. Convention of Pilnitz. Those times are past. Italy must know that France wishes her to be independent, free, and happy. • V. . MISS JEWSBURY'S NEW NOVEL. Now ready, at all the Libraries, in 2 vols., 215., RIGHT OR WRONG. By GERALDINE E. JEWSBURY, " This story is very interesting and fresh. Once taken up, it will not be laid down. We may quarrel with it, but we must read it."—Athenaeum. " It is replete with exciting interest."—Sun. Hurst and Blackett, Publishers, successors to H. Colburn. The following is a full translation of the import ant pamphlet thus entitled, of which a portion appeared in our edition of yesterday. This pamphlet, probably put forth with a view to conciliate the extreme Italian revolutionary MR. ALBERT SMITH'S CHINA TO-NIGHT. Feb. 5, at 8 o'clock. —Egyptian Hall, Piccadilly. THE SIXTH EXHIBITION of the PHOTO GRAPHIC SOCIETY is NOW OPEN, at the Gallery of the Society of British Artists, Suffolk-street. Daily from 10 till 5. party, will probably excite much interest from the belief that it was composed under the immediate inspiration of the Emperor, and that much of it is actually from his own hand " XII. " "It is not then absolute unity' which ought to be esta • Wished in Italy, but federal union.' This idea presents itself as the expression of a want common to all Italian States; it is for all of them a tradition and a solution. We will prove it. " In Italy confederations seem to arise like the natural produce of the earth. After the Roman Empire, under the impulsion of the Popes, by the initiative of the Medici, those attempts were incessantly repeated. They were often happy and glorious. Th e id ea of confederation having once seized upon the public mind the leaders of public opinion in Italy strenuously endeavoured to carry it out. Pio Nono himself was to put his seal to it. This idea first assumed the form of a customs union, concluded on the 3d Novem ber, 1847, under Papal inspiration. It took a military form when the King of Naples and the Grand Duke declared themselves ready to unite their troops to those of Charles Albert. Finally it was precised and formulated it its full political bearing after the defeat of the Piedmontose army, when, under the very eyes of the Holy Father, the project containing the complete formula was drawn up. " Diplomacy could not remain indifferent to an idea which was to operate so complete a change in Europe. France was at that mom en t a b sor b e d i n civil dissensions ; but Eng land followed with persistent sympathy the movement in Italy. Its representative at Vienna, Lord Ponsonby, sup ported with his influence the project of a Confederation."' [The pamphlet hero quotes a despatch from_Lord.ron aonby.] LONDON CRYSTAL PALACE, REGENT CIRCUS, OXFORD-STREET and GREAT PORT LAND -STREET. SALEi building is NOW OPEN to the public, for the of all kinds of USEFUL , and FANCY ARTICLES. Gen Photogr,raphic Establishment, Aviary, Conserv ator y , n eral Refreshment Room, and Ladies' Private Refresh secvnertalli odoempa,rvrtmitehußtse.tiring Room attached, are replete in their ADMISSION FREE. Now ready, price Is., REFORM - LOOK BEFORE YOU LEAP, " I was well ;—I would be better—and here I lie." 'James Ridgway, Piccadilly, and all Booksellers. "With the earnest pre-occupations of the public mind before us, every one will think with us that the question of. Italy is one of those which it is as impossible to lull as to stifle. The most prudent way, then, is to study it, to mature it, to calm it by means of an impartial and sympathetic ex amination, in place of irritating it by disdain, or keeping it apart in obscurity by.silence. This examination we have just undertaken with the sincere desire of being useful to a cause which comprises . the greatest political and religious interests of Europe.. • - " Italy represents in history something greater still than nationality ; she represents civilisation. It is on this privi leged soil that imperishable principles and the glorious examples which have formed men and societies have taken birth. Italy is more than a sister for other nations; she is a mother. Her genius, her power, her institutions, her conquests, her masterpieces, and, later, her calamities, her ruin, her troubles—in a word, all in ancient or in modern times, her Consuls, her Tribunes, her historians, her Em-' perors, her martyrs, and her Popes, have contributed to endow her with in some sort a generative character. In policy in C ITY PRESS (The) is a source of reliable V..) information on the Laws, Customs, Usages, Rights, and Privileges, Courts, Churches, Charities, Clubs, Parochial Boards, Places, and People of the City. Published Weekly, One Penny, post free 2 stamps. Office, 117 to 119, Alderagate street, London. . . " There are in Prance and in. Europe men of good faith, who ask themselves if there is really an Italian question. It is true that this question haslnot been created in these recent times either by civil war or by foreign war. Must we con clude that it does not exist ? Such is not our opinion. The Italian question is created by the disquietude which it causes to Europe, by the uneasiness it keeps up, and by the false situation in which all the Governments of the Penin sula are more or less engaged under the influence of causes at once common and various. "VI. . _ DR. KAHN'S ANATOMICAL MUSEUM, TICHBOURNE-STREET (Opposite the Hay- Market). Open daily (for Gentlemen o nl y ). ECTURES at Four and Eight o'clock, on important and i nteresting topics in connection with ANATOMY, PRY bAOLO SrY , and PATHOLOGY (vide Programmes). Admission ONE SHILLING. sn DR. KAHN'S NINE LECTURES ON THE PHILO iEET. OF MARRIAGE, &c., sent post free, direct from the uthor, on the receipt of twelve stamps. REFORM MAP.--STANFORD'S NEW MAP of the PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS and BOROUGHS of ENGLAND and WALES ; showing the actual Boundaries of the Boroughs, and distinguishing the Unrepresented Towns having above 8,000 inhabitants ; the Direct Taxes, Population, Inhabited Houses, and Parliamen tary Voters of each Constituency, are also enumerated ; and the present Number of Members of Parliament compared with the alterations proposed by Lord John Russell, M.P., and Sir James Graham, Bart., M.P., in 1854 ; by Mr. John Bright, M.P., and by "The Times' Correspondent," in 1859. Price Bs. in sheets ; 10s. 6d. mounted in ease ; 14s. on rollers varnished. " At Rome the mope is under the respectful and devoted guardianship of the arms of France. That military occupa tion is at once an abnormal and a necessary fact. If it ceased to-day we should see Austria or the Revolution take our place to-morrow. The noble qualities and generous inten tions of Pius IX. seemed to reserve for him an exceptional London : Edward Stanford, 6, Charing-cross. S.W. ' -i t aflrts AR, G y LL - R oOMS, Windmill-street, Piccadilly. These popular and celebrated rooms are open every " e ning, with It R. Bignell ' s Grand Orchestra, conducted by that great composer, Mons. Antony Lamotte, of Paris. ' e ader, Charles Hall. Mons. Boulcourt, the celebrated cornet a-piston player, performs nightly, with other talented artistes. Selections from Rigoletto, Il Trovatore, La Traviata, Il t Vuenots, Robert le Diable, and the new opera Martha. anager, -R. R. Bignell. Doors open at half-past 8, close 'en minutes before 12. Admission, is. to Promenade. b.., 33 : ;--- A4lapplicattong-for the above band for Concern; Roo made and to , be 'mad t Mr. William Price, treasurer, at the 11 °W ES AND CUSFIING'S GREAT The PALACE. ugITED STATES CIRCUS.—The AL,Lecester-square. i Morning' Performances are particularly, recommended, as the Pantomime can be seen with the same effect as at night. „9.'uiser," ~,i2rites of the Silver Shower. ...-,- 1 - , LA, the wonder of the world.—The celebrated horse, will be exhibited, as tamed by Mr. Rarey.— “ - Tack Eagle the horse of beauty.—The educated mules, ;ru;,te " and "Barney."" The Comic Pantomime, entitled each M ISER OF BAGDAD, represented in the circle at Performance. Pit, Boxes, is. ; Boxes, 2s. ; Reserved Seats, 3 5.; St alls, 55. ; Private £2 2s. Children under Nine years of ag e, half- p rice. Gallery, 6d. Two Performances Daily at two and half-past seven p.m. .....____ 11,-" -T, - YMNEY RAILWAY. Notice is Hereby iven, That the next ORDLNARY HALF-YEARLY MEETING of the Proprietors of the Rhymney Rails fay e l PanY will be held at the Offices of the ,Company, No. 28, ...e at George-street, Westminster, London, on MONDAY, t'e T wenty -Eighth day of February, inst., at Two o'clock in !ifteruoon Precisely, for the transaction of the General . _,.usiness of the Company. The Books for the Registration Transfers will be closed on Saturday, the 19th day of February instant, until after the Meeting By Order, JOHN B. SHAND, Secretary. Rh YlnneY Railway, Cardiff, February sth, 1859. Lei ANK OF DEPOSIT, Established A.D. 1844, 3, PALL MALL EAST, LONDON. Capital Stock, £lOO,OOO. Parties desirous of investing money are requested to ex 41:nine the Plan of the Bank of Deposit, by which a high rate of interest may be obtained with ample security. PEposits made by special agreement may be withdrawn without notice. The interest is payable in January , and July, PETER MORRISON, Managing Director. Forms for opening accounts sent free on application. EUROPEAN AND AMERICAN STEAM SHIPPING COMPANY (Limited).—The Directors of this Company (having, under the powers vested in them, re solved, in order to pay off and consolidate their present de benture and mortgage debt, to raise the sum of £160,000 as on the Ist February, by new debentures, at the rate of 7 per cent. per annum, payable half-yearly, and to be secured as the first and only charge upon their splendid fleet of eight ships, exceeding 2,300 tons cach,making a total of 19,022 tons, viz., the Indiana, Jason, Argo, Hydaspes, Queen of the South, Calcutta, Golden Fleece, and Lady Jocelyn, which were pur- Chased,-at a low rate, from the General Screw Steam Shipping Company, and have cost, including outfit and repairs, upwards of £450,000). Hereby Give Notice, That as about £BO,OOO may be considered as already subscribed up to this time, they are now prepared to receive APPLICATIONS from the Public for such NEW DEBENTURES to the extent of the remain ing XBO,OOO, which will be iss u ed f or sums o f £5O, £lOO, £5OO, £l,OOO each, and for fixed periods of one, two, three, or five years, with an extrab onus of six months' interest if paid off by the Company before the period so fixed by the parties taking them. The printed particulars and printed forms of application, and all other information, may be hadly applying to the SSecretary, either personally, at the offices of the Company, or y letter.' 11, King William-street, London, E.C., Jan. 28,1859. UNITED KINGDOM LIFE ASSURANCE COMPANY, O. 8, Waterloo-place, Pall-mall, London, S.W. be The Funds or Property of the Company as at 31st Decem oth' 1 857, amounted to £617,801, invested in Government or other approved securities. Annual Income, upwards of £lll,OOO from premiums alone. CRAIRMAN.—The lion. FRANCIS SCOTT, M.P. JJE PUTYCnAIRMAN . —CHARIES BERWICK CURTIS,Esq. INVALID LlVES.—Persons not in sound healthmay have their lives insured at equitable rates. tEO32.I IO DATION IN PAYMENT OF PREMIUM.—OnIy one half of the Annual Premium, when the insurance-is for life, requires to be paid for the first fi ve years, simple interest be -2g charged on the balance. Such arrangement is equivalent a:„, 11 immediate advance of 50 per cent. upon the annual pre ;:f_u, ll l, without the borrower having recourse to the unplea- E.l.neeessity of procuring sureties, or assigning and th ereby ' r ung with his Policy, during the currency of t h e Loan, anen t. es Pective of the great attendant expenses in such arrange- the above mod e o f i nsurance h a s been found most advan tageous when Policies have been required to cover monetary transactions, or when incomes applicable for Insurance are at Present limited, as it only necessitates half the outlay formerly Tequired by other Companies before the present system was instituted by this Office. r i t t s A:Ns—Are granted likewise on real and personal Secu- Yorms of Proposals and every information afforded on ap- Pucation to the Resident Director, 8, Waterloo-place, Pall-mall, London, S.W. By order, E. LENNOX BOYD, Resident Director. GUARDIAN FIRE AT COMP. No. 11, Lombard-st DIREC' HENRY HULSE BER JOHN G. HUBBARD, John Dixon, Esq. Francis Hart Dyke, Esq. Sir W. M. T. Farquhar, Bart., M.P. Sir Walter R. Farquhar, Bait Thomson Hankey, Esq., M.P. John Harvey, Esq. John Labouchere, Esq. John Loch, Esq. Stewart Marjoribanks, Esq. STD LIFE ASSURANCE 'ANY, . treet, London, E.C. LENS, Esq., Chairman. Esq., Deputy-Chairman. John Martin, Esq., M.P. Rowland Mitchell, Esq. James Morris, Esq. Henry Norman, Esq. Henry R. Reynolds, Esq. Sir Godfrey J. Thomas, Bart. John Thornton, Esq. James Tulloch Esq. Henry Vigne, Esq, AUDITORS. Lewis Loyd, Esq. Henry Sykes Thornton, Escr. John Henry Smith, Esq. Thomas Tallemach, Esq., Secretary.—Samuel Brown, Esq., Actuary. :1 4 11 PE DEPARTMENT.—UNDER THE PROVISIONS OF AN AICT 01' PARLIAMENT, this Company now offers to future In surers Four-fifths of the Profits, with Quinquennial Division , or. a Low Rate o f P rem i um without participation of Profits. The next division of Profits will be declared in June, 1860, when all Participating Policies which shall have subsisted at least one year at Christmas, 1859, will be allowed to share in the Profits. 'At the Five Divisions of Profits made by this Company, the total Reversionary Bonuses add e d to the Policies have exceeded £913,000. At the last valuation, at Christmas, 1854, the Assurances in Force amouted to upwards of £4,240,000, the Income from the Life Branch in 181 was more than £200,000, and the Life As surance Fund (independent of the Guarantee Capital) exceeded 41,700,000. FOREIGN RISKS.—The Extra Premiums required for the East and West Indies, the British Colonies, and the northern parts of the United States of America, have been materially reduced. INVALID LIVES. —Persons who are not in such sound health as would enable them to insure their Lives at the Tabular Premiums, may have their Lives insured at Extra Premiums. -LOANS granted on Life Policies to the extent of their values, provided such Policies shall have been effected a suffi cient time to have attained in each case a value not under £5O. ASSIGNMENTS OF POLICIES.—Written Notices of re ceived and registered. MEDICAL FEES paid by the Company, and no charge will be made fdr Policy Stamps. FIRE DEPARTMENT.—lnsurances rates. Losses effected upon e ver"! description of property at moderate es Losses caused by Explosion of Gas are admitted by this Company. • ON MEDICAL GALVANISM IN THE TREATMENT OF • NERVOUS DEBILITY, ORGANIC WEAKNESS, &c. Just published, price is., post free, 13 stamps, SELF-PRESERVATION : A Medical Treatise on NERVOUS DEBILITY and FUNCTIONAL WEAKNESS, more particularly in reference to the INFIR MITIESt and DISORDERS of the GENERAT IVE SYSTEM; tracing the Origin of these distressing afflictions to causes which vitiate the very fountains of Life and prem aturel y de stroy the vigour of Manhood. With Practical O bservations on the C ure of these Diseases, and on the extrao rdinar y re atorative power of LOCAL GALVANISM in Spe rmatorrhcca, .potence, and Sterility, in which cases it is applied without pain or danger, and is frequently successful without the aid 01' medicine: BY SAMUEL LAWERT, M.D., 37, BEDFORD SQUARE, LONDON, Registered Licentiate of the London Society of Apothecaries, Doctor of Medicine of the University of Erlangen, Honorary Member of the London Hospital Medical Society. &c. An erroneous impression exists that public announcements on these disorders emanate only from unqualified persons, but as the new Medical Act provides that none but registered Tractitioners shall assume any medical title, those that arc e,9;ally qualified can readily be distinguished —a point of great Importance in cases where secrecy, confidence, and skill are 'equally requisite. In the new edition of Sell-Preservation,' facts of para mount utility are brought together—facts appealing to the prudence of all who are suffering from affections which in volve the enfeeblement and ultimate loss of those powers without which than forfeits the dignity of nature, and sinks to the most pitiable depths of physical and moral degradation. in cases whe re th e vital essences have been weakened by the influences of tropical climates, by pernicious habits, indiscri minate excesses, improper diet, hardship, or by iniudicious treatment, the means of cure adopted by the author, in con junction with the application of Local Galvanism, have gene rally been found successful, even in cases where recovery had . 6been pronounced impossible. Publishedby the Author, prioe ls., or free by post for thir teen stamps, and may be had of Allen, Warwick-lane, Pater roster-row, London ; Westmacott, chemist, Market-street, Manchester ; J, Guest, Bull-street, Birmingham; B araclou g h, Fargate, Sheffield ; Rayner, High-street, Southampton ; W. Love, Enoch-square; Glasgow ; H. Powell, Westmoreland . Street, Dublin, or from the Author, who may be consulted .daily, from Eleven till Two, and from Six till Eight, at his tOidelice, 37, Bedford-square, Oncicil I I- 7-- 'guess Rale. IFS Rusineig Do m .3i I Busine o 211 2 11 9841 !ti :4 31 ,uoille oB 4°ll° 2 81 k I i 5 .. Borneo , el° Tryde-Ori‘f Tey, s'46 St. Georg ,L. 8., , daugh" cashire• j ej, St. 141 . 11. 00, n 9, Itosm Woodieyr e gr. y, re sse%, G''''jolit )et, 1 4' 11 P .W. Bel° ovak, 13°P1! I. o° f ; ) t e r, the sd eir• S ir A, V d 55. g als !astlo, v t 0Y 11h, [ice, N °• 0 Iva lie co NEW WORK - ON STRICTURE. Just published, Bvo, in cloth, price 55., by post free, ss. 6d., THE TREATMENT of STRICTURES of the URETHRA. With the Reasons why they so often By F. B. COURTENAY, 31. R C.S.E., And formerly Surgeon to the Metropolitan Infirmary for the Cure'of Strictures of tile Urethra. - - " This work is the production of a surgeon whose special attention has been directed, through a long professional life, to the treatment of strictures of the urethra. The cases which Mr. Courtenay has given suppl 7 ample evidence of his great discriminative power in the diagnosis of the various kinds of stricture, and of the scientific principles upon which their-management is founded, demonstrating his success and explaining the cause of it. By his systematic management animmense mitigation of pain to the unhappy sufferers is attained, and future mischief prevented. The work we can most unreservedly and confidently recommend as a valuable contribution, both to the general and professional reader, and ought to be found in the private study of all who are subject to stricture."—Medical Circular, Dec. Ist, 1858. London : H. Bailliere, 219, Regent-street. PEIST'S RACING RECORD for 1858 , P with Nominations for 1859, is now published. W. Wright, Fuiwood's Rents, Holborn, London. OINOPOLION TAVERN AND HOTEL FOR GENTLEMEN, Nos. 1, and 2, Brownlow-street, High-Holborn. The Best Served Dinner in London for ls. 6d. A Succession of Joints, &c., from One till Seven o'Clock. Henekeys, Abbott, and Co.'s Wines and Spirits. Private and Smoking Rooms. WHO WILL PAY THE CHINESE - INDEMNITY ? Why, the English themselves. An export duty is to be levied, and then not even the East India Tea Company will 'be able, as they now are, to sell 61b. of Black, Green, or Mixed Tea, at Is. 101. per lb., and Coffee, in the Berry, at 10d.—Warehouse, 9, Great St. Helen's-church yard, City. fiRNAMENTS for the Drawing-room, Library. V and Dining-room, consisting of a new and elegant assortment of VASES, Figures, Groups, Candlesticks, Obe lisks, Inkstands, beautiful inlaid Tables, Paperweights, &c., in Italian Alabaster, Marble, Bronze, Derbyshire Spar, &c. Imported and manufactured by JAMES TENNANT, Mine ralogist to her Majesty, 149, Strand, London. Mr. Tennant arranges elementary collections of SHELLS, MINERALS, and FOSSILS, which will Kreatly facilitate the interesting•study-of MINERALOGY, CONCHOLOGY, and GEOLOGY, at 2,5, 10, 20, 50, to 100 guineas each. PRACTICAL INSTRUCTION in GEOLOGY and MINE RALOGY is given by Mr. TENNANT, at 149, Strand. GLENFIELD PATENT STARCH, USED IN THE ROYAL LAUNDRY, AND PRONOUNCED BY HER MAJESTY'S LAUNDRESS to be THE FINEST STARCH SHE EVER USED. WHEN YOU ASK FOR GLENFIELD PATENT STARCH, SEE THAT YOU GET IT, As Inferior kinds are often substituted. Sold by all Chandlers, Grocers, &c., &c. WOTHERSPOON & CO., GLASGOW AND LONDON. BOARD AND RESIDENCE. A Superior Home is offered to a Gentleman of steady habits, en gaged during the day, by a family residing near Regent's- Park. For a young man coming to London for the first time tkis would be found a desirable residence. Terms moderate. References to be exchanged. Address, J. P., Wright's Dairy, Granby-street, Hampstead-road, N.W. mORLEY'S FOOD FOR CATTLE.—Every person having an interest in domestic or farm animals should obtain a supply of this celebrated and economical food, which will prove invaluable during the approaching season. For keeping horses in good condition it is unequal led. Pigs fatten with surprising rapidity upon it, and their flesh increases in flavour and value. Cowkeepers will End great advantage in the increased quantity and improved qua lity of the milk during Rause. All animals are benefitted by it. A pamphlet on this interesting subject, accompanied by Testimonials from the principal Nobility, Gentry, and Agri culturists, forwarded on application. in casks containing 448 feeds (measures enclosed), price 505., carriage paid to any Railway Station in the United Kingdom. Post-office orders payable to Joseph Thorley, 77, Newgate-street, London. N.B.—The public arecautioned against being imposed upon by worthless imitations. SELF-CURE-AMERICAN TREATMENT. TO THE NERVOUS AND DEBILITATED. CHARLES WATSON, F.It.A.S., Member of the Re formed Medical College, U.S. ; the Society of Medicine, Rouen ; the National Academy of Sciences, Paris ; also Fel low and Honorary Vice-President of the Imperial African Institute of France, 27, Alfred-place, Bedrbrd-square, Lon don, continues to issue, on receipt of six stamps, " THE GUIDE TO SELF-CURE." " Those about entering the Marriage State should perufe Dr. Watson's invaluable little work, as the advice he gives on health and disease reflects much credit upon him as a sound medical philosopher."—Critic. " The true Guide to those who desire a speedy and private cure."—University Magazine_ " The ' NEW AMERICAN DISCOVERY' demonstrates the absurdity of the English mode of treating such com plaints, will prove a blessing to the afflicted, who may , safely and easily regain pristine health by adopting the means pre sented."—Evening Sun. For Qualification, vide " Diplomas," and the " London Medical Directory." ON PHYSICAL DISQUALIFICATIONS, GENERATIVE INCAPACITY, AND IMPEDIMENTS TO MARRIAGE. New and improved Edition, enlarged to 196 pages, illustrated by 100 Anatomical Coloured Engravings on Steel, just pub lished, price, free by post, ls. THE SILENT FRIEND : A Medical Work on the physical exhaustion and decay of the frame, from the effects of solitary indulgence, infection, and the injurious consequences from the use of Mercury : with observations on the obligations of marriage, and directions for obviating cer tain disqualifications. By R. and L. PERRY and Co., Sur geons. Consultations as usual (see page 197). Sold by J. Allen, 20, Warwick-lane, Paternoster-row ; Sanger, 160, Oxtord street ; and Gordon, 146, Leadenhall-street, London. The CORDIAL BALM of SYRIACUM is employed in both sexes to renovate the impaired powers of life. Its action is purely balsamic : its power in reinvigorating the frame in all cases of nervous and sexual debility, obstinate gleets, impo tency, barrenness, anddebilities arising from venereal excesses, has been demonstrated by its unvarying sucess in thousands of cases. Price us. per bottle, or four quantities in one for 335., which saves lls. The CONCENTRATED DETERSIVE ESSENCE, an anti-syphilitic remedy, for purifying the system, and is recom mended for any of the varied forms of secondary symptoms, such as eruptions on the skin, blotches on the head and face, en largements of the throat, tonsils, and uvula; threatened destruction of the nose, palate, &c. Its action is purely deter sive, and its beneficial influence on the system is undeniable. Price 11s. and 335. per bottle, also a saving of lls. PERRY'S PURIFYING SPECIFIC PILLS constitute an effectual remedy in either sex forall cases of gonorrhoea, gleet, stricture, and diseases of the urinary organs. Price 2s. 9d., 4s. 6d., and Ils. per box. Sold by Daniel Church, 78, Grabechurch-street, City ; Bart ley-Hooper, 43, King William-street (four doors from London bridge) ; G. F. Watts, 17, Strand ; W. Sutton and Co., 10, Bow churchyard ; W. Edwards, 67, St. Paul's-churchyard ; J. Sanger, 150, Oxford Street; Hannay and Dietriehsen, 63. Oxford-street ; Butler and Harding, 4, Cheapside ; Prout and Harsant, 229 Strand, and all medical vendors throughout the United Kingdom [ADVERTISEMENT.] SIGHT AND HEARING. SPEC TACLES.—POWERFUL TELESCOPES..—OPERA, RACE, AND PERSPECTIVE GLASSES. - Messrs. S. and B. Solomon, opticians, 39, Albermarle-Street, Piccadilly. Observe — opposite the York Hotel, W.—Opera, Race-course, Field, and general Out-door Day and Night Perspective Glasses, very small, for the waistcoat pocket, each containing 12 and 18 lenses, constructed of German glass. Will show dis tinctly a person to know them at two-and-a-half and three miles, and an object from eight to ten miles distant. Her Majesty's Coast Guards are making use of them as day and night glasses in preference to all others ; they are also pre ferred for deer-stalking by sportsmen, gentlemen, and gamekeepers. Telescopes 31- inches long, by which a per 'pidisteetasnemeo;oanns,d m s l at t m.n h an ,s ennx.trgasastanrod son may be clearly seen and kn own a t 31 miles' and an o n b o j ni ect w at ely2etfpiletemil, Jupiter's the double stars aro distinctly seen. All the above can be had of larger and all sizes, with increasing powers, and are secured by her Majesty's Royal Letters Patent. The Royal Exhibition, 1851. A valuable, newly invented, very small, powerful Waist coa t- poc k et G lass, the size of a walnut, by which a person can be seen and known one and a half mile distant. They answer every purpose on the, Race-course and at th e Opera houses. Country similes scenery and ships are clearly seen at ousfur s . They are invaluable for shooting,deer-stalking, ya chtin g , to sportsmen, gentlemen, hoe. game keepers, and tourists. Price 30s.—Spectacle Lenses of the power. The great advantage derived greatest transparent becomino• im aired • from this invention is, that vision r , p is and very aged persons are preserved and strengthened, enabled to employ their sight at the most minute occupation —can see with those len ses of a much less magnifying power, and they do not requir the dangerous the frequent changes to danerous effects . of further powerful assisanc. t e Persons g can be suited at the most remote p art of the world by send n ing one of the glasses out of their spe ctacles d es in a letter, a r int stating the distance from the eyes they can read small p with it, and those who have not made use of spectacles by stating their age. Deafness.—New Discovery.—The Organic Vibrator, an extraordinarily powerful small newly-invented instrument for Deafness, entirely different from all others, surpasses anything of the kind that has been, or probably ever can be, produced. Being of the same colour as the skin, is not perceptible. It enables deaf persons to heal distinctly at church and at public assemblies; the unplea sant sensation of singing noises in the ears is entirely re • moved, and it affords all the assistance that possibly could be desired.-39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly, Observe— opposite_the.York Hotel, W. ;y, in war, in civil •and-pensiskapiestion,iglittfertirts; _ eloquence, in poetry, as in religion, she has been the common country of all civilised States. It may be said that hei influence over the world has never ceased. After having subjugated it, she enlight ened it. When her material dominion fell, her moral do mination commenced. Such is what history tells us. For Europe to forget her would be ingratitude ; for Italy to for get it would be resignation. Can we ask that sacrifice of those who have kept of their past grandeur but the pride of having justified it, and the hope of one day recovering some remnant of it ? And if we did ask it of Italy would she not have a right to answer us with .these words of Tacitus in the Life of Agricola, 'We should have lost memory itself with our voice if it was in our power to forget as well as to be silent.' " IL " There are two elements quite distinct in the question of Italy. The revolutionary element, which corresponds to subversive theories and violent passions, alike incompatible with order in Europe, the laws of civilization, the religious interest and political independence of the Papacy. The national element, which has its origin in the history and traditions of Italy, and which answers to all that is most imperative and most legitimate in the aspirations of the populations of the Peninsula, and in the very condition of the duration and consolidation of Governments. " Revolution would this day be but a powerless and de structive party in Italy. Isolated in Europe, where the spirit of order happily predominates everywhere. Isolated even in Italy, where it would rouse against it conservative and religious interests, it would find support nowhere. It would be reduced to its own resources. Condemned by opinion, vanquished by force, its attempt would be merely an adventure ; it would retreat, it would succumb, it would once more saturate with blood the soil of Italy, and would only render the condition of that noble country still more melancholy. " The national element represents all that is most vital in Italy.. It answers to the common hopes of the population and the Governments of the Peninsula ; far from menacing thrones, it exalts them. It opens to the Papacy an impor tant and glorious part which seduced for a moment the noble heart of Pius IL, and in 1847 it even combined ii one common feeling of patriotism the King of Sardinia and the King of Naples. Moreover, the national element finds in Europe certain sympathies, for it attaches itself to the principles of justice, which are henceforth the objects of the policy of all the Governments. It finds in them the moral support of the Anglo-French alliance formed between two great States, precisely with the object of preventing Euro pean complications, of settling the differences between na tions, and of supporting everywhere the cause of the law of nations and of civilisation. " England, in fact, cannot abandon Italy, for it is she, her Government, her statesmen, her tribune, her journals, that have constantly encouraged and supported her even before 1848. We remember the change effected in the policy of the last regime in consequence of the Spanish marriages. The Government of King Louis Philippe had Committed the fault of sacrificing the Anglo-French Alliance to a family interest. Its isolation in Europe was the consequence of it, and as M. Thiers declared in a memorable debate, 'lt was found at the instant even dependent on Austria, and obliged to follow her inspirations in Italy and Switzerland.' At that moment what did England? She took the part which belonged to France; she took it even in exaggerating it. "Lord Minto fulfilled the mission with which he had been charged by Lord Palmerston with an ardour which went beyond the mark, by exciting impatience and illusion when it was above all necessary to inspire moderation and support firmness. The promise of that protectorate of the Cabinet of London, conveyed to the Peninsula at the very moment the Cabinet of the Tuileries seemed to abdicate that which history and geography gave her, must neces sarily have overthrown our influence on the other side of the Alps ; but it should also have maintained the national impulsion which manifested itself after the accession of Pius IX., and which was so soon imperilled by the revolu tionary spirit. Italy believed no longer in France, and it was to England that she gave all her confidence. " It must be admitted that that confidence was not de ceived. England, as a maritime Power, could not take part in a continental struggle between Piedmont and Austria; but when the revolution of the 24th Feb. caused to prevail in France a policy which ought to be supposed favourable to Italian independence. England did not hesitate tide Clare herself against Austrian domination. Tho entire policy of England on this point was summed up in a docu ment of high importance. On the 29th Oct., 1848, Lord Palmerston addressed to Lord Ponsonby, Ambassador of the Queen of Great Britain at Vienna, a despatch in which he declares that there was no chance that Austria could keep, in a useful and permanent manner, Upper Italy, the whole of whose inhabitants are profoundly imbued with an invincible hatred to the Austrian army.' He adds, that it would certainly be more prudent on the part of the Aus trian Government, more useful to the real and proper force of that empire, to free the population from its domination, which they would ever consider as a yoke.' " Lord Palmerston thinks that that yoke cannot be maintained but by a great display of force, at considerable cost, and he foresees that foreign aid ought to be implored and accorded. What would happen in such case ? Here the Cabinet of London does not leave to the Cabinet of Vienna any illusion as to the feeling of Europe and the conduct of England. We quote the words of the despatch : " Even though the war should become European by the participation of other Powers who might find themselves drawninto it, yet there is no reason to believe that the final result would leave Austria in possession of any territory beyond the Alps. But Austria must consider, moreover, that however disposed the Powers her allies and friends may be to succour her if she was menaced in her own pro per and legitimate existence in Germany, there exists on the subject of her pretensions to impose her yoke on the Italians a feeling so universal of their injustice that this feeling might well have for effect to leave her with very little aid in case of a war such as that I have spoken of.' "Is this clear ? Is it possible, we ask, to disinterest more precisely England, and to isolate more completely Austria, by raising between her and Europe the universal sentiments of the injustice of her pretensions ? " Lord Palmerston does not even admit that, in case of war, Austria could count upon Germany. Is the Austrian Government,' he says, quite certain that even the sym pathy of Germany would follsvi it in its efforts to impose her yoke still more heavily on the Italian nation ?" " This doubt is not expressed lightly, and the eminent statesman accounts for it at once by a reason so politic, so evident and just, that it may be considered as decisive. The reason is, The principle of nationalities, now the rallying cry of all Germany, would it not protest loudly against Austria in such a struggle ?" " The acts of England were in accordance with her words. Her diplomacy so powerful had supported Italy in her pretensions, as it had encouraged her in h'r impulse. There was perhaps a moment of fortune for the Italian na tionality. It was that moment, too rapid, when the Pied - montese, conquerors on the Adige, were masters of almost the whole of Lombardy; when Austria, dismayed at the general rising which forced her to fall back, disquieted at her reverses, and not wishing to play to the endthat terrible game with the despair and heroism of a people, fearing on one hand the revolution in Germany, offered the sacrifice of the final act of the Congress of Vienna as the price of vic tory, and a concession to the re-establishment of peace. Austria proposed the independence of Lombardy, and a se parate Gsvernment for Venetia, on the sole condition of her suzerainty. These proposals were carried directly to Len doit----they were only known in France. It was then be lieved in Louden that Italy might obtain better terms, and the English Oabinq did not use its great and legitimate authority to prevent the refusal which was made to these overtures at Milan. The discouragement of Austria did not last long. In the month of May, 1848, she was disposed to treat on the ba ses j us t s t a t e d. At th e en d o f July Pied mont was already exhausted in that unequal struggle, where her courage alone was inexhaustible. It then made an appeal to the invervention of France. The Government of General Cavaignac replied by an offer of mediation in which England was to join. England and France, com pletely united in the same id ea , assume d f or th e i r starting Point of the new negotiations the bases which had been re jected at Milan, but Austria, victorious, declared peremp' torily that she was no longer disposed to admit that which she had been reduced to propose. Nevertheless, it was decided that a congress should take place at Brussels, where France was to be represented by M. de Tocqueville, and England by Sir Henry Ellis. Everybody knows what happened—the Congress of Brussels was a mere plan—the the French and English armies. In fine, at the Congress of Paris the plenipotentiaries of the King of Sardinia came to take their seats besides those of the first Powers in . Europe, and to. cencur with them in the regulation- of the greatest interests in the world. This rank, which Sar dinia vanquished at Novara in 1849, was able' te conquer in 1856, in the midst of the great Powers, she owes no doubt to herself, but she owes it likewise to the moral and _direct support of the. Anglo-French alliance; she owes it particularly—and nobody in the diplomatic re gions will deny this fact—to the perseyering and marked tendency of England to aggrandise and constitute her importance. The English policy_ has consequently not varied since 1847 with respect to Italy. - It even anticipated us ; -while the diplomacy of the King Louis Philippe sup ported the Austrian policy, thediplomacy of Queen Victoria encouraged ,the Italian policy. The influence of England dianot cease to be felt for a single day during these 11 years in the affairs of the Peninsula. It is to be fouhd in the first burst of nationality which hailed the accession ofPius IX. as well as in the efforts, of independence which at a later period concentrated themselves_ under the Sardinian flag. Her hand is seen in the pretensions inspired by victory, as wellas hi the negotiations which followed defeats. In fine, when at the Congress at Paris Count Walewski thought it his • duty to call to the interior state of Italy the solicitude and - attention-of the plenipotentiaries assembled to settle the conditions of peace, Lora Oarennon, with - autt authority ad"- - guired by his rank and his lofty experience, energetically supported the wishes expressed by the Minister of the Em peror of the French. It is &Lie that since that period the di rection of the English policy, has changed hands, but the English feeling is not changed. England is a liberal nation and her great aristocracy has maintained itself through all our social crises and transformations only because it has always marched at the head of civilisation and progress. There is not a statesman—not a minister—not a parliament, in Great Britain which could support any other cause in Italy than that of which the 'Queen's Government has been for the last 11 years the firm support. This cause responds to everything that England respects, to all that she has a mission to propagate throughout the world. She cannot make fault in it without belying her history and her nature. Ina word, the Italian question cannot but be one of national interest for the English Government as for the French. It is an Italian question—it cannot be anything else. It could not become French without ceasing to be European, but in re maining in its proper character it is certain to find in England the sympathies of a liberal nation and of an enlightened Go vernment. As for England, she responds to true principles to which she is bound by one of those alliances which have their foundatian in the morals of a peOple, and their sanction in its conscience. m. " We have demonstrated the policy of England with re respect to Italy—now what is the interest of Germany in this question ? It is useless to speak of Austria, interested in, maintaining a state of things favourable to her domina tion. There remains Germany, properly so called. Pope Pius IX., addressing himself to the Emperor of Austria, at the time he was maintaining against the Lombards and Venetians a contest doubly painful to the patriotism of the Italian Prince and the heart of the Pontiff; defined in these terms the duties and the mission of Germany :—' We feel confident that the German nation, so generously proud of her own nationality, will not commit her honour in sangui nary attacks against the Italian nation, but that she will rather believe she is interested in nobly acknowledging her for a sister, both our daughters, both so dear to our hearts, consenting to dwell each in its own natural territory, where they will live an honourable life, blessed by the Lord.' Thus spoke the great soul and elevated reason of Pius IX. The spirit of concord which inspired this appeal elevated him to a political view worthy of a statesman. The Emperor Na poleon 1., in one of those glances which he sometimes cast upon the world from the top of his rock, had generalised the same idea by applying it to all nations. One of my , grandest ideas,' said he, ' was the agglomeration, the con centration of the same geographical nations which had been divided and partitioned by revolution and politics. Thus there are in Europe, though scattered, more than 30,000,000 French, 15,000,000 Spaniards, 15,000,000 Italians, 30,000,000 Germans. I wished to make of each of these peoples one single body of a nation. It is with such a cortege that it would have been grand to advance to posterity and the benediction of ages. I felt myself worthy of that glory.' What nation is interested more than,Ger many in the respect of nationalities ? It is justly jealous of its own. Since 1815 it tends more and more to reconsti tute its unity, and we can see with what ardour it claims the Duchies of Holstein-Schleswig from Denmark. Well, German nationality bears in itself a cause of weakness, an alteration of its right and its principle ; it is the element which is foreign to it, which changes its nature by attach ing to the great Germanic body a shred of Italian nation ality. Thus the Marquis d'Azeglio, one of the most emi nent statesmen in Piedmont, was justified when some time since he expressed this reproach, 4Gtevaany is endeavour ing to obtain her independence and to constitute herself into a nation, and at the sametime she is casting herself on Italy to dispute with her the rights she demands for herself. In that there would be an inconsistency against which the good sense and patriotism of Germany would revolt.' In 1848 and 1849 public opinion was not mistaken on the other side of the Rhine, and the immense majority of Germans formed vows for the triumph of the Italian cause—only tile repub lican character of the revolution 0f.1848 justly alarmed the Diet of Frankfort, and rendered the right side of that As sembly particularly circumspect in its sympathy for Italian nationality. The Germanic Confederation believed that it was menaced in its independence; in fine, some German officers asserted that the line of the Mincio was in a strate gic point of view, necessary to Germany, and they had ac credited this opinion, that in any case Austria ought tokeep as a necessary cover the country comprised between that river and the Adriatic. Prussia had accepted this point of departure to propose . to the Diet a species of compromise, which at least manifested its sympathy for the Italian cause and at the same time its solicitudefor German interests. Ac cording to this plan, prepared by M. de Radowitz, Austria was to keep the line of the Miner° as a strategic point, but the country whichremained within the limits of the Austrian empire was to form part of an Italian confederation. This plan was rejected by the Diet, over which Vienna influence prevailed. In Germany, as in Italy, as everywhere, the re volutionary spirit prevailed over the national movement which had preceded,or followed the burst of 1848. The Diet of Frankfort produced nothing. The Germanic Confedera tion Obtained none of the guarantees of unity and liberty of action that it sought; placed under the influence of two great Powers, it has, perhaps, no hope except in their neces sary rivalry. Both of these towers are condemned on their side to that opposition which is the condition of their im portance. Prussia; which tends to become the head of the Germanic body, has an immense interest in keeping Austria in check. By becoming her ally she would make herself the accomplice of her own humiliation, and she would thus disown the work of the great Frederick. " In a word, the Italian question, reduced to a national interest, disengaged from the revolutionary element, limited and tempered in its pretensions by the moral protectorate of Europe, could have nothing menacing for Germany. Far from it. Its solution, if it was possible, would be a new force for German nationality, and a guarantee of security and equilibrium for all the States that compose it. • IV. , "After having demonstrated that England was morally engaged and Germany politically interested in a national solution of the question of Italy, we must examine how this question should be characterised with respect to France. "What doei Franco wish Does she wish, as under the Republic and under the first Empire, to reconstitute Europe, to impose herself on her, to change her frontier, to displace the nationalities, to depose kings, to found dynasties ? or rather does she desire simply to consolidate, to strengthen the present order in Europe, by applying her power to resolve the difficulties which may menace and endanger it ? " We believe the question to be thus precisely laid down. " The first Empire, as the Revolution, had a general ob ject in vie*, in presence of which the interests of nationa lity were merely secondary. Europe was leagued against principles which had just triumphed in France, and Under the influence of which an immense transformation was about to be accomplished. We were condemned, for a long time perhaps, to struggle alone against all, in a double in terest of territorial and political conservatism, and of moral expansion for the benefit of other peoples. We had then to create for ourselves everywhere—on the Rhine, the Scheldt, the Pyrenees, the Alps-L-fortresses or advanced posts, in order to support, acconlingto circumstances, our policy alter nately offensive or defensive. When the Emperor Napo leon I. caused himself to -be crowned King of Italy, and proclaimed Protector of the German Confederation, he de sired rather to protect than aggrandise the French territory, which was great enough in its natural limits not to go be yond 'them. He thus constituted the independence at the same time as the influence of new France, and his victorious eagles carried abroad with them, not servitude but civilisa tion. " In what concerns Italy, particularly tho Emperor ex plained the motives of - his domination over that country in one of the memorable conversations at St. Helena As for the Italians,' he said, the agglomeration was already far advanced. It was only to become old; and each day ripened with them the unity of principle- and of legislation, that of thought and feeling, that cement secure and infal lible of human agglomerations. The union - of Piedmont with France, that of Parma, Tuscany, Rome, had been only temporary in my thought,. Kid had no other object than to watch, to guarantee, and to promote the national education of the Italians. And let it , not be said that that generous thought was in the conscience of the illustrious exile the excuse for his lost domination. It was well and truly the inspiration of his political genius, and what proves it is the official answer which he made in 1808 to M. Melzi, who headed the deputation charged with offering him the crown of Italy. " That reply is a ray of light in this historic question. Here it is :—' I have always had the intention of creating the Italian nationality free and independent. I accept the crown ; I will guard it; but only for the time my interests shall require it. " The campaigns of the Revolution, the conquests of the Empire, were then a violent means, an extreme resource of struggle and of propagandism, but they were not a system. Tho Emperor did net make Germany and Italy French but only to prepare them some. day to be German and Italian. Misfortunes surprised him before this object of European equilibrium could be accomplished ; and what is most re markable is, that to drive him back from the other side of the Rhine and the Alps it was found necessary to excite against him the national sentiment which he understood, and which entered into his vast plan as an element of gene ral pacification. It was by promising their independence to Italy and Germany that the coalition was able to rally them round its flag. " The state of France with relation to Europe is at the present day quite different. The French Revolution has done its work as to institutions, laws, and manners, and its influence is felt beyond our frontiers. The Empire, re established after more than 30 years' struggle, has gained the alliance of some of the oldest monarchies, the friendship of others, the esteem of all. There is consequently no reason to fear that our generation shall see wars recom- Ititirgrigrarril`vi every ain-isilan virtue. 11NN-1;;O;11;;; of regenerating Italy. It was the first inspiration of his ac cession; the ,i, - nrca'ffiess of Rome seemed to revive for a mo ment under the figure of this Pope. Turin, Naples, Venice, Parma, and Milan thrilled with a new spirit at the signal of nationality given by the bell of the dome of St. Peter's. Unhappily, the revolution came on, which drew the popu lation along, caused princes to draw back, leaving him no refuge but exile, and no safety but the sword of France. " It is not the fault of Pius IX. if the temporal autho rity which he- desired -to reform was found again in his hands such as he had received it from his predecessor. Convinced of the necessity of that reform. he has had, doubtless, the regret of having failed in it ; but he never will have remorse before God for having attempted it. 7 his day he bears with Christian resignation the weight of a situation which he has vainly tried to better, and the abuses of which his perfect goodness would have corrected if they could be so. - - " This situation places the Pope in presence of three real difficulties, and ' which, we declare, expose seriously to danger, according to us, the political power of the Papacy —a power necessary for its independence, and the grandeur of its religious mission. " The - first of these difficulties is found in the adminis trative Government of the Roman States, which is but the Catholic authority applied to the interests of a temporal order. The laws of the Church are not proper for discus sion, and merit :-respect ; they must be considered as an emanation of the Divine wisdom ; but civil society claims its legislation as religious society exacts and preserves its own. The Canon - Law, inflexible as dogma, immovable amid the movement of ages, is essentially distinct from legal law, variable as are the requirements and the interests society.of lt could adapt itself to the early periods of Christian civilisation when Charlemagne introduced in his Capitularies the rules and precepts of theocracy ; but the canon law cannot suffice for the protection and develop ment of modern society. " There is, nevertheless, an essential point which must never be lost sight of when the Pontifical-Government is in question, namely, ,the necessity of respecting its twofold character, and of reconciling the regime of the Church and the regime of the Roman nation, which are exercised by the same hand. They must be reconciled without being con founded. There is the problem—a difficult one, we admit, but on the solution of which depends, perhaps, the salva tion of the temporal : power of-the - Papacy. "In fact, real abuses, independent of men, inherent in the nature of things, •spring from this confusion. These abuses excite among, the Roman population a spirit which would easily render them unjust and distrustful, and which is only kept in check by the presence of our soldiers. 'We become responsible for what we protect; and our very oc cupation; from the fact of being prolonged in such condi tions, would be worn out, and would endanger the name and the influence of France. " Thus, in a political point of view, the absolutely cleri cal character of the Government of the Roman States is a centre-temps , an active cause of discontent, and consequently an element Of weakness for the Pope himself, and a perma nent danger of revolution. "The second difficulty for the Pope is that which result from the national question. In this point of view his situa tion is not more defined nor less dangerous. The irritation in the Roman States is still less owing to the absence of legal guarantees and to the clerical administration, than to the antagenisim necessarily established between the mission of the Head of the Church and that of the Pope as an Italian Prince. The cause of the Revolution of 1848 was, above all, the explosion of the national idea. It is from the Vatican that the encouragement as well as the obstacle to the nationality of Italy had to come. " The Pope supported, as Sovereign, the cause of inde pendence ; as Head of the Church, he disapproved the war, and refused to break off with Austria. Placed between a double duty, he was reduced to sacrifice the one to the other. He necessarily sacrificed the political to the spiritual duty. This is the condemnation, not of Pius IX., but of the sys tem; not of the Man, but of the situation, since the situa tion imposes on the man the terrible alternative of immo lating the Prince to the Pontiff, or the Pontiff to the Prince. "Finally. A third difficulty, and this not the least seri ous, is created for the Pope by the absolute impossibility he is of forming, in actual circumstances, an Italian army. All the attempts made with this object have failed. " Thus, in a word, in what concerns Rome there are three considerable difficulties, which correspond to these urgent necessities, viz.:— r• 1. To reconcile the regime of the Church with a legal, political, and regular regime in the Roman States. "2. To . render the Pope independent of questions of nationality, of war, of armaments, of internal and external defence. " 3. To constitute a native army, and to substitute for our occupation the protection of an efficacious and serious Italian force. " This is a threefold necessity, which, under pain of certain and perhaps approaching disturbance, must be satis fied, in the interest of It a ly, o f re li g i o n, and of all the Catholic States. (Triple exigence a laquelle, sous peine de perturbation certaine et pent-etre ylrochaine, it import do satisfaire dans l'interet de l'ltalie, de la religion, et de thus les Etats Catholiques.) " VII. " Piedmont has grown greatly in importance and in glory. She has won a place in the affairs of Europe, and a part in the destinies of Italy. But, in order to establish her power, as yet new, and to guarantee her security at home and abroad, her Government is bound to give satisfaction to two interests which are in a state of suffering—national interest and religious interest. "The Italian idea is, since 1847, the moving cause and the necessary reason of all the acts of Piedmontese policy. It is the passion of King Victor Emmanuel, as it is the flag of the Cabinet presided over by Count Cavour. Now this idea has produced all that in actual circumstances it was enabled to produce with regard to military acts, prepara tion of armaments, systems of defence, and political mani festations against Austria; in this respect it could go no further without encountering war. " Nevertheless, Piedmont cannot remain without great peril at the point at whichit is ; it cannot have taken vainly the head of the Italian movement in order to draw back afterwards. It is absolutely necessary that means should he found of satisfying the hopes which it has excited under pain of losing all influence in Italy, and of being outstripped by the passions which its present popularity keeps in check. "The interests of religion suffer in Piedmont, we have said, like the national interests. It is then urgent, for many reasons, that in a Catholic country should not be pro longed a dissension with the Church of Rome, which is an encouragement to revolutionary passions, a cause of grief and an embarrassment for the conscience, and a serious danger for the' Government. " The Piedmontese clergy have no hatred against repre sentative Governinent. In 1846 and 1847 they were nearly all in the liberal movement directed by Count Balbo and the Abbe Gioberti. Their attitude changed when the law on civil marriage and that on ecclesiastical festivities pro duced a dissension with Rome. It is no part of our busi ness to discuss these laws; we merely observe that all the enlightened Piedmontese deplore that state of things, and earnestly desire to, see the end of them. We have too much confidence in the high i,ntelligenee of the Prime Minister of Sardinia not to be convinced that the obstacle to a recon ciliation so desirable would not be found in him. What proves it is his declaration last session on the secularisation of the property of the clergy, which he energetically re jected for profound political reasons, as he said. " But we must not delude ourselves; that reconciliation is not easy. There are engagements contracted, amour propre excited, and an issue is difficult from this dilemma when the debate is carried on only under the 'protection of some great act which would be a pledge given to the na tional interest and a means of reconciliation with the in terests of religion. " If, in place of that, the static quo be prolonged in Pied mont, it iq fated to end, as the political result in war, and as the religious restatin schism. " These are two great dangers, not only for Piedmont, but for aIL Italy and for Europe, and to which political wisdom counsels us not to shut our eyes. " VIII. " Can the status quo, so difficult to maintain at Rome and Turin for the reasons we have just given, continue at Milan, Naples, Florence, Parma, and Lucca ? " At Milan the Emperor of Austria sent of the archdukes him who had most sympathy for Italy. The good intentions of the Archduke Maximilian are known. He used his power with a moderation which we are happy to admit, but is the domination of Austria in Italy the more solid therefor ? The qualities of a prince—time itself—can do nothing. As Lord Palmerston said, in 1849, in the despatch wo have already qUoted—' There is no chance for Austria to keep in a useful and permanent manner Upper Italy.' Thus on that side, insurrection put down, often vanquished, but never discouraged. " At Naples the Government is isolated, not only in Eu ropo by her position with respect to France and England, but also in Italy, by her rupture with the only st a t e th ere which is seriously organised. The King of Naples, also, and ho more than any other, perhaps, weakened as he is by this double isolation, has to deal with a national opinion which exists in the south as in the north of the Peninsula. Mention has recently been made of a document of great interest, and which explains the resistance of the King of Naples to the combined diplomatic action of the Anglo- French alliance. By the 3d Article of the Convention of the 29th of April, 1815, the two Governments of Austria and the Two Sicilies engaged to conclude a treaty of alli ance, having for object 'to consolidate the state of peace and tranquility, internal and external, of the Two Sicilies and of Italy in general.' That treaty, concluded in the month of July following, stipulates, in a secret article, 'that his Majesty the King of the Two Sicilies shall not admit changes which cannot be rconciled either with monarchical institutions or with the principles adopted by his Imperial and Royal:Majesty for the internal government of his Italian provinces. It is impossible to render more apparent the hand of Austria. Evidently under such a stipulation it may be said that it rules at Naples as at Milan. But will King Ferdinand, who in 1847 freed himself from that domination, always feel himself protected by it? Hit is permitted to be lieve that he feels the humiliation as well as the embarrass ment of it, and that he would be happy to lend a hand to an organisation which, without prejudicing the prerogatives of which he is so jealous, would.permit him to be an Italian prince, and to win back the sympathies of the intelligent men from whom he cannot remain divorced the whole of his reign. "At Florence the Grand Duke Leopold has seen eclipsed the brilliant popularity which encircled him before 1848, and the fruits of which he gathered in his spontaneous re storation to the throne. Between him and his people stand the bayonets of Austria. Austrian domination presses on Tuscany as on Naples. There is also a contract which confirms, it. A treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, between the Emperor of Austria and the Grand Duke of Tuscany delivers this part of Italy to the powerful hand which reaches over her in the north, as in the centre and the south. In order that this situation should cease, that Florence should again become Italian, as - in the times of the Medici, and that her Princes should recover their popula rity, a national Government and an Italian army are as much needed in Tuscany. as in the Roman States. "At Parma the Grand Duchess has resisted better than elsewhere the influence of Austria, which she has not per mitted up to the present to have a garrison in her States. It is a good example; and it is worthy of remark, that this inspiration of patriotism should emanate from the heart of a woman. But the Duchess of Parma, like all the Sove reigns of Central Italy, is bound by treaties and by policy ; she belongs to Austria, and until Italy recover new life she cannot withdraw herself from that yoke. "As to the Duke of Modona, he is the admitted Lieu tenant of Austria ; he has the frankness of his situation. 1841_he did not hesitate t o ca ll u p on th e A ustr i ans to coin - at, not the revolution, which had not yet raised its head, but the national movement of which Pius IX. was the chief. I have behind the Po,' he wrote some time previous, ' a reserve of 300,000 men.' The 24th of Decem ber, 1847, he signed a treaty of alliance with the Cabinet of Vienna, and by the 11th article of that treaty ho granted to the Emperor ' the right of marching the Imperial troops on the territory of Modena, of garrisoning his forts with them every time the interest of the common defence and military precautions should require it. This alliance did not hinder him from quitting Modena on the 21st of March, 1848, after having instituted a regency, charged with granting reforms which might be judged useful, and giving to the Duchy a representative statute on the basis of that of Piedmont. It is thus that at Modena, as in all the States of Italy where it is established, Austrian domination keeps up the revolutionary element, which can only be dominated and annihilated by the national element. "Such is the aetual state of the Peninsula; at Rome antagonism between the Ecclesiastical Government and the interests of civil society, isolation of the Sovereign in the very midst of the respect which surrounds the Pontiff; French occupation indefinite ; at Turin, excitement of the national feeling that may lead to war. and rupture with Rome that may end in schism ; at Milan, universal protest on the part of nationality, beaten down but still living, against the sovereignty of Austria ; at Naples, at Parma, at Florence, at Modena—in every place where Austria governs by her treaties, by her counsels, which are commands, and by her garri sons ; revo lt o f th e Italian feeling ' capable of degenerating into revolutio n ; in a word, an Italy where the greatest recollections of history are effaced or blasted by the greatest misfortunes, where the most essential interests of society, religion, order, independence of people, authority of princes, are endangered or lost, and where rise up as a reproach, and as a permanent danger for Europe and its civilisation, sufferings to which humanity and policy cannot remain indifferent ;—such is the picture presented to our view on the other side of the Alps. In producing it here in its melancholy truth, we accuse no one ; we wish only that opinion shall decide, with a complete knowledge of affairs, not if such a situation is just, but if it is possible. " IX. " At the Congress of Paris France and England perfectly agreed that it was advisable to make Napl es an d Vi enna harken to good advice. That desire, which found nothing but sympathy in the assembly of the Plenipotentiaries, be came the paint de depart of a negotiation which required, as the first condition of success, the co-operation of Austria. Rome was first taken into consideration. The Cabinet of Vienna and that of the Tuileries mutually explained their views on this grave subject, and both endeavoured to come to an understanding to propose to the Pope a plan of reforms the urgency and necessity of which were contested by no one. "The Emperor's Government wished clearly to define its principles in this plan, which may be thus intimated : " Secularisation of the administrative power by the for mation of a Council of Stab, consisting of laymen, charged to examine and discuss the laws; • " Representation of all the iterests of the country in a Consultum elected directly by the provincial councils, or at least selected by the Pope from a list of candidates pre sented by those councils and called upon to deliberate on all the laws, and to vote the Budget ; "An efficacious control over local expenses by provincial councils, receiving their mission from the municipal coun cils, which themselves are nominated by electors, conform ably to the edict of the 24th of November, 1850 ; Judicial reform, by the promulgation of a code of laws on the plan of the Code Napoleon,' or the ' Code Lom bardo-Venetian,' or that of Naples ; " A regular levying of taxes, according to the system adopted in France • " Finally, reconciliation of all classes awl all opinions by the enlightened and paternal exercise of clemency towards all those willing to make respectful submission to the Sove reign Pontiff. Such were the bases of the project sent from Paris to Vienna in the month of June, 1857. The Austrian Gover nment made immense modifications, and submitted, in return, a counter-project where all guarantees of control proposed by France had nearly disappeared. Under the circumstances, France thought, with reason, that it was better not to do anything than to join Austria in blowing soap bubbles and deceivin g the expectations of the populations by sham reforms, when what they essentially required were serious improvements. By refusing her co-Operation to serious reforms, after having frankly admitted their principle, .we admit that Austria obeyed a political sentiment, which we cannot blame, but cannot acknowledge. Not being able to make reforms in her Italian provinces, she cannot allow thein to be made in other parts of Italy. She fully understood this in 1815, when she forbade the .King of Naples by the secret article of the treaty already quoted to introduce reforms which could not be reconciled with the principles she had adopted in the internal . arrangement of her Italian provinces. M. de Metternich, with that keen glance which was peculiar to him, thus laid down the principle of the situation which has since arisen and which henceforth can deceive no one: "To ask Austria to exercise a milder .and more liberal rule in Lombardy would be simply to ask her to commit suicidt. It is evident she cannot maintain her rule in Upper Italy, except by the strong hand ; every atom of liberty conceded by her to that conquered country would be made use of as a 'weapon towards enfranchisement. But this is not all, and this was well understood by M. de Met ternich in 1815. Place the Roman States, Naples and Tuscany, under a better system of government, and the first effect of this change would necessarily be to create a bond between those States and Lombardy the pressure of which would immediately be felt by Austria. " Thus Austria would not be menaced only by the re forms she might introduce into her own provinces, but also by those introduced into these independent States. " She is condemned to oppose a firm resistance to every innovation ; immobility is the absolute condition of her power. It is, therefore, impossible to obtain her co-opera tion, and without that nothing can be. done at Rome, at Naples, in the Duchies, wherever her power is feared and her impulsions obeyed. We must therefore come to the sad conclusion that the wishes of the Congress of Paris for the improvement of the government of the Peninsula are sterile, and that the negotiations in which France took the initiative consequent upon the Congress are powerless. At least, these negotiations without a result will testify to the sincere desire which animated the Emperor's Government to remedy a state of things prejudicial to the quiet of Europe and to tho interests of civilisation. "X "Between the impossibility of a reform and the immi nent dangers of a status quo what does there remain for Italy ? How will she get out of the dilemma ? _ "Will it be by the desperate resource of a revolution? This means would not only be dangerous—it would be of no avail. Let us demonstrate it once for all. "Enthusiastic revolutionists of every country have' common passions and illusions. Infatuated with their ideas, strangers to realities, they naturally substitut e th e i r fan tastic ideas for moro appreciable certainties. Thus, for instance, they have long fancied, and still fancy, that there is nothing so casyas to arouse Italy and drive the Austrians beyond the Alps. This betrays more ignorance than pre sumption. The slightest knowledge of strategical positions would convince any man. We maintain, without fear of denial by any competent authority, that if all Italy were to rise from the Gulf of Taranto to the Alps the Austrian arm y might certainly suffer partial losses, but, in the long run, would be always able again to make herself 'mistress of the Italian peninsula. '" In fact, revolutions produce enthusiasts, but seldom practised warriors, or a solid military organisation, or th a t immense materiel requisite to struggle with a great Power like Austria. Italy alone could not defend her indepen dence, unless capable of bringing 200,000 disciplined men into the field, of which 20,000 should be cavalry, 500 field pieces, and 200 siege guns, which impli es a t l eas t 50 , 000 draught horses. This simple statement shows that it ,would require at least 10 years of a strong and energetic Government to produce such a military power. " It must also be admitted that nature has done much to protect Austrian domination in Italy, and what nature has done has been strengthened and increased by the hand of man. Upper Italy is a large plain, bordered on the north by the Alps, on the south by the Appenines, on the east and west by the sea. That plain is traversed by large and deep rivers, as the Ticino, the Po, the Adda, the Mincio, the Adige, the Brenta, the Piave, the Liirenza, the Tagliamento. All these rivers offer admirable lines of defence to Austria, who has covered the chief passages by forts which art has rendered almost impregnable. "Let us even suppose that by most extraordinary cir cumstances an Italian army should have arrived triumph antly as far as the Adige, and that the insurrection should have spread through the flat country. Let us even suppose — what is scarcely probable—that fortresses like Pavia, Pla centia, Ferrara, Brescia, Bresera, Pizzighitone, Peschiora, Mantua, Milan, Laveno, la Rocca d'Anzo, Feve , Venice, Osopo, Palma Nuova, should have fallen into the hands of the victor. Well 1 the game would not be up Alps Austria; for, if Italy is her battle-field, Tyrol and the of Carinthia aro real fortresses, of which 'Verona, with its immense fortifications, is a retrenched camp, and an outpost capable of holding 50,000 men. " Well I Let us suppose Austria driven back to the Alps ; she may allow the whole Italian arm y to enjoy its momen tary triumph. With her lines of railway which run from Verona to Trieste, and from Vienna to Innspruck, she can forward fresh armies, Alps, an d by the new routes she has traced out which lead to the e ither by Bassano, or Vi cenza, or Verona, or Lake Idra, or Lake Iseo, or the Lake of Como, she can fall suddenly upon the flanks and rear of the enemy, cut off all his communications, and throw him back in the twinkling of an eye beyond the Po, repeating the victorious manoeuvre of Marshal Radetzki in 1848. " From these facts a military man will at once admit that XIII. " French policy has traditions which it never can aban don, because they respond to the permanency of its influ ence. One of those traditions is, that the Alps, which are for her a bulwark, shall not become an armed fortress against her power. Our former Kings understood this, as ir was afterwards understood by the Republic and the first Empire. In that national idea Henry IV. only antici pated Napoleon I. That great King, who was as practical as he was chivalrous, knew that between France and Austria Italy ought to extend freely and belong only to herself." The pamphlet then, dwelling upon the plan of Henry IV., which was to give Lombardy to the Duke of Savoy, Sicily to thenkenetians, and Naples to the Pope, says : " Thus, the same ideas are maintained throughout the space of time when they respond to permanent interests and to a policy as national as it is European. " XIV. "Has the time arrived for forming an Italian Confedera tion ? The most delicate point is Rome." [The position of the other States of Italy is then entered into, and an Italian Confederation declared to be the best possible solution.] "But," continues the pamphlet, "there exists an obstacle beyond Italian and beyond European interests. It is Aus tria's position in Lombardy. Opposition is the basis of Austrian policy ; as Austria opposes reforms so will she op pose everything else." " XV. " What is to be done. Are we to bow to the veto of Vienna ? Are we to discard it ? Are we to appeal to force or to public opinion to overcome this resistance, and effect a solution desired by the general interest ? " This is the last question we have to resolve. " "The treaties which bind Governments are the interna tional laws of peoples, and would be only invariable if the world was immoveable. If the treaties which are to protect the security of Europe place it in danger, it is because they no longer answer to the necessities or to the wants which dictated them. Political prudence counsels to substitute something else for them. A Power which would entrench itself behind treaties in order to resist modifications de manded by general feeling would have, no doubt, for her an acquired right, but she would have against her moral right and universal conscience. If, then, it be demonstrated that the situation of the Italian States is not only a cause of suffering for the country, but even a cause of uneasiness, and perhaps of revolution iu Europe, the letter of treaties would be invoked in vain—it could not hold against the necessity of politics and the interest of European order. What, therefore, is to be done ? To appeal to force ? May Providence keep such an extremity from us ! We must ap peal to public opinion. When the true situation of Italy shall be known throughout Europe, and that everybody shall be convinced that there is in the midst of the most enlightened States on the globe, on that land from which civilisation sprung, a focus of disturbance, disorder, and profound perturbation, which might so readily become a focus of hght and of noble activity, then public opinion may judge, and perhaps impose itself as the pacific justice of right. We have composed this work in order that public opinion may have the means of pronouncing its judgment. We have no hostility to Austria. The question of Italy is the only difficulty which can exist between her and France. "We respect its situation in Germany, which has nothing to fear from us on the Rhine. The solution of the Italian question would have for result to efface between France and AuStria all subject of dissension. These two Powers can approach each other by many common interests, and the union of all the great Governments of Europe is not too nmch to prevent future complications. It is in order to combine their views and efforts in a general interest, that we would remove all present difficulties, and resolve one of the most urgent and most considerable questions of the moment. "To govern is to foresee. The best manner of securing peace is to outstrip complications capable of producing war. There are dangers in Italy—we indicate them ; on this side there are guarantees to give to fundamental i n t eres t s — we demand thm. There are causes which cannot succumb in the world; this is of the number, because it is neither selfish nor exclusive. It is the cause of the nationality of a living people, of the equilibrium of Europe, and per haps of the independence of the Papacy, which France has always defended. God would doubtless reserve a noble portion of human glory to those who would support this struggle. Glory does not tempt us ; we have had enough of it in the history of the past as in contemporaneous events, to have no need of it. We therefore ardently desire that diplomacy should do on the eve of a struggle what it should do on the morrow of a victory. Let Europe ener getically unite for this cause of justice and of peace I It ought to be with us, because we shall be always with her to defend her honour, her equilibrium, and her security !" THE INSURRECTION IN HAYTI. The following 'proclamation has been issued by the Emperor Soulouque to the people and army of Hayti : Haytians,--On leaving the capital a fortnight ago, to stifle the insurrection that has just broken out, I hoped the inhabitants of the North and the Artibonite had been seduced merely by a few seditious persons, the only persons guilty in my eyes. I hoped my calm and peaceful attitude would bring back those misguided men within the pale of the empire. My expectation has been deceived'. The insurgents have on two occasions first fired on our troops. In presence of such a fact, with a heart deeply wounded, I have resolved, by the advice of my generals, and in order to spare the effusion. of blood, to return to Port-au-Prince, there •to take such measures as circumstances may require. Haytians,--Civil war is a source of evils. Re member this. I am ignorant of the future, but whatever it may be, I shall always have the satis faction of saying to myself, that having re-estab lished union and concord among the children of Hayti,l have done all I could to prevent them from following again the bloody path of intestine con tests. For you, my soldiers, who in this short and pain ful campaign have rivalled each other in constancy, courage, and devotion, I cannot sufficiently praise you. You have just proved to me that I can depend upon you ; I hope, therefore, I shall always find you ready to answer my call, should it be necessary. Given at our headquarters at Boisneuf, this 9th day of January, 1859. The foregoing, it will be observed, stops little short of an abdication. Nevertheless, the Paris Pays maintains that the position of the Emperor Soulouque is not so critical as is generally believed. The journal in question says : It is certain that of four provinces which com pose the Empire of Hayti, one, that of Artibonite, has declared for the insurrection, and that Jeffard has established at Gonaives the government of which he is president. It is also true that two towns of the northern province have made common cause with him ; but Cape Hayti, the principal town of that province, has remained fa i t hf u l to the imperial government. The two provinces of the south and west, which are the most imp or t an t of the empire, also remained faithful to the Emperor Faustin. These provinces contain t he fo ur prin cipal towns of the country--Powau Prince, Jacm e l, affa i rs , he ha s re - esta b l i shed Cayes, and Je emie. Since the Emperor Faustin ha s been at the head of order in the empire, ho has treated f ore i gn trade with more favour th an the p r esidents who preceded h rth him, and ro Eu w. ropean commerce has no interest in his THE SPEAKER'S HOUSE, WESTMINSTER PALACE. —The Speaker's house occupies part of the two pavilions, if we may so term them, forming the end of the river front of the Westminster Palace, next Westminster-bridge, and is approached by archways from Palace-yard. It is of con siderable extent, comprising from 60 to 70 rooms, and is finished throughout in the style of the structure generally. The staircase, with its canings, tile paving, and brass work, is exceedingly effective and elegant, and everywhere there is a large amount of painted and gilded decoration. Cloisters, approached from the house,. surround a court, about 20 feet square ; the window openings in the cloisters are filled with stained glass, containing the arms of all Speakers, with the date of election. The 1 rinc:pal floor in cludes the state dining-room ; the drawing-room, 37 feet 3 inches by 28 feet inches ; morning room, 34 feet 6 inches by 23 feet 9 inches; and a smaller dining-room, 34 feet by 24 feet 6 inches. The state dining-room is 45 feet by 23 feet 6 inches. Frames set in the walls will receive a collec tion of portraits of past Speakers. The room is lighted at night by wax candles in corona). To light the four rooms 400 wax candles are employed. Sir Charles Barry appears to have been exceedingly sucoessful in the house he has provided for the Speaker.—The Builder.