The Sun. — London, England, 1829-02-13 00:00:00

Power, and talents, had not influence enough to turn the which keeps its own councils was . most likely to conduct tide in favour of their own opinions, the fair inference was . the affairs of the ceeen edese• iee He a dmitted t o that the majority of the county was adverse to the claimsof the Hon. Baronet, ti. it iv heVe b.., n infinitely better the Rom a n C a tholics. He should further observe, that if if be could have ado t• d course which be w as now p ur _ it should fall to his lot to take part in the debates which suing in a private st..tion. He could only s a y, that e, cry may take place on this subject, his object would be to che- thing it was possible 10. min to do he door ; ham when rich the Protestant principle of the Constitution, as upon the question was this.--what advice will you giv ? Will that principle he believed the stability and prosperity of the ' you advise the maintenance of the present sten! of things? country depended.—(Hear, bear. )---The Hon. Member, in Certainly not. Will you advise the formation of an exclu conclusion, begged leave to present the petition. j sively Protestant Government, offering eternal and micom- Lord F. OSBORNE said he did not rice to defend the I promising resistance ? His answer wax; that lie could not, conduct of the Right Hon,' Secretary of State, who had because he knew that such a Government would f a il, an d already performed that task so admirably for himself;, but in failing would render every thing worse than at present. the Ho n . Baronet had said that he saw nothing in the cir- (Hear.) If, then, he could take neither of those attune eamstartees o f the country now which would not also have tives, but one course was left to be pursued—to attempt to justified the Right Hon. Secretary in supporting Mr. Can- make a safe settlement ()lobe question by a united Govern ning when he was Minister. It appeared to him (Lord ment. That course imposed painful sacrifices on him; but F. Osborne), from the progress of the Catholic question in would any one have him personally shrink from sacrifices this Hawk, that it . was one calculated to attract what he which he.advised others to submit to? (Hear.) With ou t might call the mipledged Went of the House. In the the hesitation of a moment he determined, come what come "twee of its progress it did attract two of its greatest and may, to remain and set an example himself of those sacrifices. e btOst powerful advocates, Mr. Canning and Mr. Plunkett. • Lord PAL N IERSTO N said, that if his Ri g ht Hon. If we had been t.,ia during the last debate on this ques- Friend had taken offence at any thing which had fallen non, when it had the support of those two great men, that from him on a preceding evening, he could assure him we should have to deplore the loss of one, and that the that he meant none. other would be taken away to another sphere of action, Sir E. KNATCHBULL, in bringing up the petition, what would have been our expectations with respect to expressed his regret that the Right Hon. Gentleman had this question ? Should we have tl ought that the majority felt it necessary to allude to what had paused in such for it would increase or diminish? This was a consider- warmth of terms. He was aware of nothing that could ration why he should not consider this question rested on have justified such warmth of expression. (Hear, hear.) the power a n d support of eloquent advocates, but, was To the Right Hon. Gent. it belonged to advise his Save rooted on the judgment and reason of the representatives reign as he thought fit, and he doubted not he would ably of the country. To say that his Right lion. Friend was discharge that duty; but to him (Sir E. Knatchbull) Dot to judge and act from the course of events was not al- belonged the right, whenever he felt it his duty, to ques lowing him the power of reason, the results of which might ton the public character of any Minister. (Cheers.) No he tnetitiplied indefinitely . , but only the power of instinct, consideration on earth should prevent him from executing tetieli always remained in the same state. He conera. that duty ; and lie only hoped that when called upon so to tulated the House on the line which the Right Hon. Gen- act, he should ever conduct himself in a respectful manner tletna n was about to follow. Ile was extremely glad at towards the House, and e ven towards the individual whose the course which the Right Hon. Gentleman was about to conduct he arraigned. (Hear, bear.) One word with re- Pursue, f or if l ie had adopted another, though he (Lord F. epect to what had fallen from his Noble Friend (Lord Osborne) should have felt. it his duty to support him, he Clifton.) He could assure the House that he had not could not have done so with the same cordiality he did asked a single individual to sign the petition, which he nrEw.—( Hear. ) believed to express the free and spontaneous sentiments of Lord CLIFTON had a petition from the same county those who had attached their names to it . . (Hear.) 105 that from which the Hon. Baronet was charged with Mr. W. DUNCOMBE observed, that the remarks one, bnt of a different tendency, yet he was willing to bear which fell from the Hon. Member for Kent did not war witnees t o th e respectability of the numerous signatures rant the warmth of temper exhibited by the Right Hon. etteelnel to the petition of the Hon. Member. To the Secretary in reply.—near.)—He must also take leave to C lergy he bore that respect which was due to the sacred observe, that to say that any Member of that House had Profs ion. For the gentlemen and freeholders of Kent not a right to arraign a Minister with respect to any pub- Who signed that petition he had the highest respect. He lie measure which he had thought it his duty to recom was inclined to think, that the number of the signatures mend to Parliament, was a doctrine to which the people of attached to. the petition which he should have the honour England had not hitherto given their consent.—(Hear.) • "f presenting was not to be compared with the number of It was a doctrine to which he, one of the Representatives signatures on the petithoi presented by his Hon. Friend, of a large county, would not consent to subscribe, and he Yet the House should not suppose from that circumstance hoped that during the discussions which would take place that it exprosed the opinion of the county. He wished on this question, he should exhibit every degree ottemper to dram, the attention of the House to the wording of the whilst at the same time he would not compromise his dig. respective petitions. The petition presented by the Hon. nity as a Member of Parliament, by surrendering his right Baronet was mild and inoffensive in its object, and such a to arraign the conduct of any Government, or of any 0 0e as neither lie nor any of his friends would object to Minister. He did not think that the Hon. Baronet meant affix their signatures to, were they not aware of the to impute unworthy motives to the Right Hon. Gentle "haus, and the intolerant spirit with which it was ushered man. Indeed, he distinctly stated that such was not his to the m ee ti n g. There was another circumstance con- intention.' For his (Mr. Dunctenhe's) own part, the wcted with that petition, which gave a material advantage Right. Hon. Gentleman was the last person on whom be to that side in getting signatures, which we did not pos- would cast an imputation of that nature. However much secs, by the residence in every parish in Kent of a clergy.. he regretted that the Right Hon. Gentleman had been in man desirous of promoting the petition, and it is not to be duced to recomuend to Parliament a measure, which he Wondered at that the Poor freeholder, with his clergyman (Mr. Duncomhe) believed would be most prejudicial to one hand, and his 'squire on the other, should consent the country, and injurious to the Protestant interest, n e v er _ ' 4 •affix his signature to a petition which contains not a theless lie gave him credit for the utmost purity of motive, word with res p e ct to Catholic Emancipation. The lion. Mr. PEEL said, that he cordially concurred in every Baronet had s aid, that though the petition was drawn up word that had fallen from the lion. Gentleman who had •hefore his Majesty's speech was delivered to Parliament, spoken last. He admitted the right of any Member to the petitioners still remained of the same opinion. He had attack the conduct of a Minister of the Crown, but he also 51 ° doubt that was the ease with many of them ; hut there claimed for himself the right to defend his own character I sr , 4 s circumstance which be wished to mention to the when it was assailed . The privilege was reciprocal. Once .louse, His Majesty's Ministers had been accused of tak- for all, he had now explained the course which he had tog the Holum by surprise ; if they had done so, they had taken upon this subject. He would now make no more also failed to exer t th a t interest which they might have reference to his own personal share in the question.__ dent in procuring the object they had in view. In the (Hear, hear.)—He would not be betrayed into the mani dockeyard at Chatham, 200 freeholders of Kent, who were festation of warmth, which he admitted was quite incon emPloyed there, signed the petition of the "Hon. Baronet, sistent with the deliberate consideration of the measures which would not probably have been the case had they which were shortly to be submitted to the House. If he kn nwn, the sentiments of his Majesty's Ministers. The bad already displayed any warmth of temper, he bad petition was, h owe v e r, signed openly within the gates of unfortunately been betrayed into a departure from the Pe dock-yard, as if the First Lord of the Admiralty had course which he had prescribed to himself on proposing been most decidedly opposed to the Catholic claims.— measures of such paramount importance. He would in (hear, hear..)—He did not mean to deny that the majority future observe the' recommendation of his Majesty, to enter of the meeting was on the side of the Hon. Baronet, but upon the consideration of those measures with the temper he could not agree with the Hon. Member that the /ne j e _ and moderation which would best insure a successful issue t ity was immense. His party bad the advantage of or d er to the deliberations of Parliament.—(Hear, heate) '‘"d regularity, while the other was all confusion, s c att e red Mr. WELLS made some observations which were quite ni different parts of the heath, and their lines broken by inaudible, after which Intruders, who had no business there. Of all the cir- The petition was read, and ordered to lie on the table, eumstantes which occurred during the meeting,. there was and to be printed. r e whi c h he part i cular l y l emente d— name l y , th a t a N o bl e L or d CLIFTON pr e sented a petition from ce r t a in free d i eud of his s h ou ld have been i n d uce d,. at the close of the holders of Kent, praying that Parliament would adopt to pass, an eulogiura on an individual, who, he con- measures to unite Ids Majesty's subjects of every descrip ed, was the last in the whole multitude who deserved ton in attachment to the Constitution. n ' That individual went there, as he did to other places, DANGEROUS ASSOCIATIONS IN IRELAND SUP- With a mischievous intent; but what had occurred since, PRESSION BILL. had fully convinced those in Kent who were inclined to side Mr. PEEL moved the second reading of the above. with him, of his niiiechievoirs intention, and he (Lord named Bill. Clifton) thought that he would never show his face there Mr. HOBHOUSE said .he understood from the state again. It h a d been ve ry much the fashion to talk lately ment of the Right Hon. Secretary on a former night, that L ttfainst Brunswick dhs. He was disposed to adopt ano- none of the provisions of the Bill were intended to be per- Mier language towards' them. He was very much obliged manent ; but he found, however, •on reading the first pare t° the Kent Brunswick Club; and he thought England had graph, that that part of the Bill which enacted the sup. ''°ne more to forward the Catholic Question by forming pressioa of the Catholic Association was intended to be th e Brunswick Chile. It had opened the eyes of the people, permanent. He wished for some information with respect awl br oug h t t h em to cons id er an d d e lib erate on the ques- to this apparent contradiction. If his reading of the Bill t He felt that the question was founded on justice were correct, he should feel it necessary to oppose the mea -4,d truth, and the more - it was considered, the more was it sure, which however he would be reluctant to do, because likely to make way. he felt, in common with his Hon. Friends around him, a Mr. PEEL wished to inform the Hon. Baronet, that most earnest wish not to put the least obstacle in the way 1 4 the course he should pursue, he should not be influenced of the great measure which Ministers had in contemplation. a reproaches, in his public duty. He would tell the When he was informed that the late Lord Lieutenant of a q O. Baronet that he would not condescend to make any Ireland had declared in his place in Parliament, that though enfligy to him for the nature or for' the time of the advice the Association had been under his nose for six months b ! had given to his Sovereign as -one of his responsible ad- (that was his expression), he saw no danger, be must de :„"!, He had contracted no relations with any man, care, that having always protested against any thing like &nett could prevent him, when he was sent for by his an infringement of the Constitution, which this Bill was on e ''Wereiga, as one of his responsible advisers, giving him all hands allowed to be, he would have strenuously opposed ": 1 .4 advice as to what course, under all existing circum- the present measure, were it not to be followed by another ' l .. ante s , it was best for the country:to pursue. He had of such vital importance. lie differed from the general 'Tontracted no relations with any man or any catty which opinion with respect to the character of the Catholic As ?uld relieve him from his obligations of giving that ad- sociation, and he also differed from the opinion expressed ‘, ie * to the best of his ability, and no Man should charge by some persons with respect to other popular associations, , 0 :1 with dereliction of pri n ciple or inconsistency'.—(Hear, by which it had been opposed. The Honourable Member ~)—He.would not con d escen d t o l oo k o u t for ex c u ses . for Dublin had told the House that very evening that sne 'could claim to be as independent a member of thti the members of the Brunswick Clubs were arrayed in !douse as the Hon. Baronet took himself to •be.—(Hear, that spirit of Christian charity. Ue had read de hear.),--He had given his advice to the King, his sovereign scriptions of the spirit, and had seen personifications of and . master, with reference to the existing state •of affairs, , it, but this wrs the first time he had known the spirit of t 0 the h es t o f his ability, and he would tell the Hon. Ba- Christian charity presented with a pitch-fork in one hand ronet that he hail taken the oath of a Privy Councillor, and a bludgeon in the other. Such was the manner in Which compelled hi m t o give his advic e to his Majesty, which the Irish people were at the present moment ar . and he hoped that he possessed firmness and strength •of rayed one against the other. • On these grounds, and in the mind eufficient to enable him, when in the closet of the belief that something must be done, he was inclined to Ding, to forget his past declaratio" in that House—to overlook the guilt of the present Bill. He believed that forg e t his past courses of' conduct ; and he also trusted that some such propitiation as the Bill was necessary- for the • I t . "old be found he had firmnes s to m e et any insinua , - sake of carrying the great measure which was to f o llow. , 4 nna Which might be levelled against him for so doing.-- He trusted, however, that the measure about to be intro (Hear, hear.)—The Hon. Baronet had said that he duced would be declared a .Government question ; that the ( I fre Peel) might have adopted the course which he was Right Hon. Gentleman, and the Noble Duke at the head of "w pursuing, at a different period, when Mr. Canning the Government, would stake their places, as well as their ty '' '4B at the beed;of the Government, H e would tell the reputations, on its passing. Ile believed that the Noble ""o. Baronet that he had for twenty years opposed the Duke, who had gone so tar, would manfully complete his tit,ett uncompromising resistance to the claims of the Catho- work as he had begun it, and not be turned aside by open was with the utmost reluctance that be now con- opposition or private insinuation. The Hon. Member 4ttited to (weak in on the conttitutional settlement made in then proceeded to argue that the popular feeling was not so 'e yea r 1688 ; b u t he wou ld a lso t e ll th e ni that he was decidedly opposed to emancipation as was represented ; tOO true, mead, he would add, too consistent, a friend of and in support of his argument , alluded to the fact that the ll rrotestient interests and Protestant establishments, to from the metropolis six members were returned who stip ush his - resistance to a point at which imminent danger ported that question. Much had been said about Ministers ~ - °nnenced.--:(Hear, hear.)e—So far from being incon- being intimidated, but he thought they had only feared to t ttent4• he•would say that he was the consistent friend of do what they considered wrong. Whilst, however, his e lgt s institutions when he submitted to personal itnputa- Majesty's Government obtained the praise which they me (114% in order that , he might protect them from injury ._ rited, the House should not forget the great men who had aril the grounds on which he had acted, advocated the ceuse-in times of difficulty, when no sun "Ith •whichhadact. No shone them; 1 them of el ay were grounds on he a right to , v to was worthy of being a Minister who,when his advice The exertions of Gramm, Fox, Windham, and Canning, a ,: °l required upon a measure of great national import- had paved the way for the approaching triumph. If hd shOuldfettered by the declarations I nisters had not been intimidated by the warning voices of t' r u e tt.de; lam not enabled to look at the present state those men, they would be unworthy the situations they held. t e , 4fr airs ; trust consult my friends and party, in order Mr. PEEL said, that a clause at the end of the Bill my way." He confessed that these considerations limited its operation to two years. None of the powers of field te oat a powerful temptation ; hut no man was fit to have I the Bill would continue in operation, with respect to any te Lloe in the closet of his Sovereign who-could not resist association, after one year commencing on the end of the The Hon. Baronet seemed to be of opinion that I present Session of Parliament. . s i ne sort of deception'had been practised by the Govern- A Me , nber, whose name we did. not learn, observed, Pnt, an d t h at h e a nd his f r i en d s h a d b een t a k en by stir- that he gave bin assent to the Bilabefore the House as one 4 - Now, how mild . Government have proclaimed its , vAich he considered essential to the pe'ice of Ireland and a , inte ntions ? Would the 'Hon. Baronet have had it resort the stability of its government. With respect to the other e.O - e , t he' newspapers? Was it possible that Government measure to be brought forward, lie had great confidence in tell the world what course it meant to pursue, government ; but at the same time he wouldowatcliwith h iu rtaraent net being • Sitting ? How many lessons , jealousy any security which might be offered for the Amis. li been read with reference to this very question sion of the Roman Catholics to Parliament. sf l e :n prensature discussion. What had happened at I Mr. W. HORTON said, that he rose briefly to state his to time of the Union? He bad always con ended that I assent to the motion, from a conviction that the state of Pledge had been given at that period which could Ireland was such as that it was impossible a worse could t e ratuY one; but expectations certainly had been enter- exist. The remedy proposed—he meant that before the ed Which were disappointed. Why? Because Mr. Pitt House—he thought was a good one. .It was summary, pelted ee ied himself, before he was zrfectly certain that he but temporary; and, looking at the objects it had in view, : 44 111,1 be abl e t o f u lfil his pledge. In 1806 and 1807 it he considered it founded in justice and wisdom, when. , notorious that the same inconvenience resulted frem coupled with the other measures which were intended. Yet e a ..,_" n ntture declarations. He would say, that not only with though he approved this measure, he should not be in l-rynt Ito this question, but all others, the Government consistent when lie said, that if brought forward, without an understanding that the meaetile of conciliation was to follow, he would not give it his support ; for though there were many objections to the existence of such a body as the Catholic Association, he would never vote against it, unless in conjunction with, or under the assurance of, a measure of concession, believing as he did that concession was essential to the peace and security of the country. In this view of the casee he gave great credit to Ministers for the course which they proposed to pursue. Any measure having for its object the relief or tranquillity of Ireland, must be wholly inoperative, unless it was to be accompa nied or immediately tollowed by the .great measure of con cession to the Roman Catholics. He had little further to offer on the part of the subject then before the House. There was, indeed, nothing in it to grapple with—there was no opposition; for every Member who yet spoke seemed to be of one opinion with respect to it. As to the measure to be brought forward, he did trust and hope that it would be brought forward in a manner which would give content and satisfaction ; for unless it was one of that description, the very mooting of it would be productive of dangerous consequencee.—(Hear.)—He trusted, therefore, that in that House and the other House of Parliament the measure would be carried through in a manner to give satisfaction to every reasonable Protestant and every rea sonable Catholic. For himself he would be perfectly sa tisfied with a simple repeal of the penal statutes; but being convinced that there were prejudices in the minds of many though he did not partake in them, he thought they ought to be conciliated by every reasonable concession, so as not to trench on the general principle of the measure itself.— With this feeling he hoped the whole measure would be such as to give satisfaction to all parties, he meant all rea- , sonahle men, for he knew there were some to whom no modification of the principle of concession would be satis factory. As much had been said 'of the personal feelings of individuals on this occasion, lie felt it due to his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Peel) to state that lie rejoiced at the course which he had adopted. He conceived that that course was not a dereliction of any principles he had held, when be made the manly adalission that be was influenced by his preference of actual safety to contingent danger.—. His Right Hon. Friend had . not renounced the opinion that there was some danger; and in preferring the contin gency of that danger to the risk of present security, and retaining office with that avowal, he conceived that he acted a most manly, honourable, and unselfish part— (hear)—a part which must tend to raise his character and influence in the House and the country, infinitely more than if lie had slunk from office rather than avow the change in his opinion. For that opinion lie was responsible to no man. It was one which he formed after due deliberation in the faithful discharge of the-duty he owed to his Sove reign and the people. (Hear.) When he (Mr. W. Horton) heard several Members declare their intention of opposing in every stage the intended measure of Ministers, founded on ehe recommendation from the Throne, he on his part felt it necessary to declare, that be would be ready to give to Ministers his most cordial support, conceiving as he did that they were entitled to the commendation and gratitude of every well-ineaning man in the country.— (Hear.) —They were entitled to tho confidence of the House and the country, for the opportunity they had afforded Parliament of coming to the consideration of this most important question. •All*who duly weighed the vast interest connected with this important question, must, he thought, come to the same conclusion, unless, indeed, they were prepated to adopt the terrible alternative, and declare at once that the question should never be settled. Mr S. RICE said, that when the House recollected the conduct which he had pursued when a question for the suppression of the Catholic Association was before the House on a former occasion, and the obstinacy, as some might think it, with*WhiCh he opposed it, he trusted that they would indulge him felt It short time, while he briefly stated his reason for no* assenting to the Bill for putting it down. His motive for this assent did not arise from change in his opinions as to the Association itself, or as to the conduct of any of the individuals connected with it; for be thought that- every effort, that they as a body, or any of the individuals composing it, could make, even to the risk of exciting apprehension and alarm, in order to make their grievances known from one end of the king dom to the other, was justified by the very existence of those grievances ; and as long as those grievances re mained unredressed,. Ewe had no right to put that body down. • He meant that no interference for the purpose of suppressing them could be justifiable, unless connected with some measure for the removal of the grievances out of which their existence:- had grown. The measure now before the House he looked upon, and in that view only it . had his assent, as preliminary to the greater and more ine. portant one of contession and conciliation. His Hon. Friend, the Member for Westminster (Mr. Ilobbouse), seemed to .entertain some apprehension as to passing this Bill, as if he thought that it might not be followed by one of concession. He (Mr. S. Rice) had no such apprehen sion, for if no such measure were to be carried, the Go vernment must know "that this Bill would be only as so. much waste paper. Htewould stake his life on the fact, that in such case it wotild be impassible ever to carry this Bill into operation.—(Hear, hear.)—lt would be of no use, for there was not a doubt, that if the grievances were allowed to remain unredressed, they would find some mode of expression, and probably a more dangerous mode than ! any which had yet 'been adopted. As to the Bill . itself, though for the reasons he had stated he would not object to it, yet-• he could wish that the pre amble had been differently worded, and that there should not be such a reference back to the past actions of the Association. Such references could now be of no use, and they would only e tend. to excite unpleasant and perhaps irritable feelings' fpr, let it be understood, that one great object for which 'they were at that moment legis lating bad been already achieved. At the moment be was addressing the House he had reason to believe that the As sociation was dissolved fur • ever.—(Hear, hear.)—That step, he was informed, was already taken—(hear, and taken at the recommendation of the Catholic hierarchy of Ireland. That body, of whom so much had been said had, in a recent meeting at Dublin, earnestly recommended to the Laity to rely with confidence in the promise held out, or implied in the Speech from the Throne, and receive its glad tidings with gratitude ; and it appeared that the Catholic Association, relying on the hopes held out, had been dissolved. This confidence of the Catholics in the promises and good faith of the Government, vas highly ho nourable to both parties. The Bill before the House he considered as a vote of confidence in Ministers. He knew not what the particular character of the intended measure would be, but . he took it for granted that it would be such as they all—he meant all who saw the justice and policy of concession—would approve. He must own that he had in the first instance felt some difficulty on the subject of the penalties, but be was quite satisfied with the explana tions given by the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel), for it )would be absurd to suppose that it could be intended to put down permanently a temporary measure. However, they were legislating for what no longer existed ; and he trusted, that in the farther progress of this measure, every allusion which could tend to irritate would be avoided. Re was, in the abstract, not friendly to assemblies or clubs similar to that ; and he was glad that all cause for their ex istence was about to be removed. On this subject he would beg leave to read to the Rouge an authority which would be considered as of much weight on matters where freedom of discussion was concerned. The ex tract which I,e begged to read was from the farewell ad dress of President Washington. Speaking of party as sociations, that great man said—" All combinations and associations, under whatever plausible 'charaett4e with the real design to direct, control, counteract; or awe the re gular deliberation and action of the constituted authori ties, are destructive of the fundamental principles of go vernment, and are of fatal tendency. They serve to orga nize faction, to give to it au artificial and extraordi nary force,—to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a patty,—often -a small bnt active and enterprising minority of the community, and wording to the alternate triumphs of different parties to make the public ad ministration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incengru- OUR projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils and modified by mutual interests." This was the opinion of a republican, and the sentiments of that good man would not,be lost on the advocates of freedom. In Ireland he was sure we should no more hear of Catholic Associations, ani if other associations, as well as those of the Catho lics, were brought within the operation of this Bill, the people in general would look to the influence of the law, rather than to clubs or parties for protection. He had eio doubt, that in the spirit in which this measure was brought forward, its pou•erswhencver The Hon.calledintAolt:lleibreartiotniiewnouldbe temperately exercised. re ferred to that part of the Bill which empowered the Lord- Lieutenant to suppress the meeting of any association, as sembly, or body of persons in Ireland, which he shall deem to be dangerous to the peace or safety or due adminis tration of the law, and expressed a hope that the power thus conferred would be equally extended to all. In this way 'it would he productive of the restoration of peace and tranquillity, followed isieu o pi f ipado c r o at u ilt rs uod e tehd a e s . B it iu w il,n o d u sea l t d .tits b hfi e ripd b e y tch t i h ai r e c o wu t h h me e ns r t nn passed m easure i et t og a aw v v o he u ich ld his have the effect of neutralizing the objections of many to .the more important measure. • Mt. HUME expressed his assent to the Bill, with the understanding that it was 'to be accompanied or followed immediately by a measure of concession. At the same time he mutt protest against what had fallen from his Hon. Friend on tie subject of associations, for the purpose of complaining end obtaining redress of grievances. The good effect of such public assemblies bad always; I cen felt in this country, and 'were a very effectual check on the conduct of Parliament itself. When be admitted the pi'opriety of this Bill, under all the circumstances, he was far from imputing to the Catholic Association the dangerous tendency which some persons . imagined it to have, for he felt satisfied that to that body might justly be attributed the present peaceable condition of Ireland. They had more effect in producing the tranquillity than the immense army which we were supporting there. Though he cordially approved of the measures intended by Government with respect to the Roman Catholics, he re gretted that they were nut introduced with a better, grace : he regretted that the Association should be specifically named in the Bill, while the name of the Brunswick clubs, which had caused much more violence, had been omitted. He thought they ought to be put down by name as well a. the others. He thought the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel did themselves great honour by the manly course they had adopted. He felt this tribute due to them, and he would not offer it except in pure sincerity ; for he was not much in the habit of concurring with any administea- tion.—(Hear, hear.)—One word as to what had fallen from a Right Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Leuth (Ur. L. Foster) on a former evening. That Right Hon. Gentleman had made a sweeping charge against his (Mr. Hume's) countrymen, by stating that the majority of the Scotch would be opposed to concession to the Catholics. On what ground the Right Hon. Gentleman had thus ma ligned his countrymen, he was at a loss to know ; but in justice to them he must say, that it was like 'most of his other assertions, for aught be knew, unfounded.— (A laugh.)—lf he had judged from a few isolated peti. tions or the opinions of one or two individuals, he knew nothing of the sentiments of the great majo rity of his countrymen; for, with perhaps the exception of some self-elected rotten burgh, the great majority of his countrymen were favourable to concession, and had been so at least, he could say, for the last ten years. They were too conscious of the liberty they theMselves enjoyed in the free exercise of a religion different froM that of the Church of England, and too grateful for that enjoyment, to desire , the continuance of religious disabilities with re spect to others. Such statements as that to which he re 4erred were part of the attempts which had been recently made to terrify Ministers, by endeavouring to impress them with the belief that the measure they proposed was opposed by the majority of the people of the United Kingdom. It was like those stupid appeals which were seen put forth to the public, such as "Englishmen, stand to your guns!" and the like nonsense, , . of which we had lately heard so much. Ministers, however, would not be affected by such silly stuff: they had come forward manfully, and avowed their sentiments and pointed out the necessity of a change of system. He was glad they had so readily an swered the call made on them, and he anxiously wished the approach of the opportunity which would show to the country the small minority in which the advocates of ex clusion and intolerance would be left on this important question. As a proof of the sense of the country, he might allude to one circumstance which had occurred in the last 24 hours. Ile alluded to the change of opinion on this subject in the University.of Cambridge. The example of Ministers had no doubt shown them the way on this occa sion, though he would admit that Cambridge had always . . . shown itself liberal, as compared with the ether Univer sity : still, be could not but think that conviction would not have so readily flashed upon them on this subject, had they not had the excellent example of Ministers before them. However, he was glad to see the change, and it was a strong argument to show the measure of concession was not hated in the country, as some Members would fain have it imagined. In conclusion, the Hon. Member again expressed the satisfaction he felt at an approaching measure which would have the effect of cordially uniting Ireland to this country, and of having her governed without the ne cessity of a military force equal to one-third of our whole standing army. Mr. L. FOSTER rose to correct the mis-statement of the Hon. Member who had just sat down, and who had iu a manner, informal and inconvenient, referied to what had passed on a former evening. The Hon. Member had ut terly misrepresented what had fallen from him on the occa sion referred to. He did not say, but on the contrary he stated the very reverse, that the people of Scotland were opposed to concession ; but he stated that they made a great distinction—a distinction which the Hon. Member did not conceive or could not understand—between the concession of civil power to Roman Catholics and the establishment of the Catholic Religion. Me had, stated that all Protestant dis senters, with perhaps the exception of one sect, would in sist and rely on this distinction, perhaps even more than the Church of England. If the Hon.. Member had at tended to what be did say, he would have seen that the as sertion he had imputed to bins would not have been con sistent:with the argument be used; for he had admitted that the altered circumstances of the country *would render the concession of civil rights- to the Catholics expedient; but that it should be so guarded as to prevent their reli gious ascendancy, and that if the proposed measure should go beyond that view of it he could not support it. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that if the Hon. Member for Montrose had exercised his usual disposition to research, he could not have been surprised at the decision of the University of- Cambridge, for he would have found that this was not the first time it had relused to petition against concession to the Catholics; for that when a Bill for the relief of that body was last before the House, it had come to a similar decision, and when a cry had been raised on the subject of concession, and it was urged in that House as a proof of the general feeling, that the Universities had petitioned, an Hon. Member got up in his place, and indignantly repelled the statement on the part of the Uni versity of Cambridge. Mr. BROUGHAM said, that though he could not sup port this Bill, he felt it to be his duty, under existing cir cumstances, to withdraw his opposition to it. He could 'not vote for it on any other ground than that it was to be followed up by a measure of emancipation for the Catho lics. If it were not for that consideration, he would not have allowed it to go through a single stage without meet ing it with the most strenuous opposition. He objected to the Bill, because it was to put down the Catholic Asso ciation. He objected to the Bill, because it made the sup pression of that Association perpetual, He objected to the Bill, because it armed the Lord Lieutenant with uncon stitutional power, and because it armed the Magistracy also with power which he dreaded much more than that which it vested in the hands of so responsible a Magistrate as the Lord Lieutenant. He had hoped that the Bill would have been free from this latter objection, because, as he had stated upon a former occasion, he thought it much better to vest power of such a description in the hands of a high officer, who exercised it upon his responsi bility to Parliament, than to vest it in the hands of those who exercised it almost without any responsibility all.— He quite agreed with the doctrine that in Ireland it was a matter much to be deplored, whenever it became necessary to vest in the acting Magistrates powers which were 'to be merely powers of discretion ; and for this reason,—that that country was torn in pieces by domestic factions. He looked forward with confidence to the healing operation of the great measure which was to follow this Bill, and which he considered as the price, and the costly price too, which was to be paid for it. But for a time, yes, for a year or a year anil a half during which it was to be in operation, he was afraid that the House must make up its mind to behold the consequences of the past misgovernment of Ireland still visible in the continuance of the fictions divisions which had so long distracted the people and the magistracy. He thought that a country, where use half of the community had been so long taught that the law was not their pro tector but their natural enemy, and where the other half had been so long accustomed to consider it as their exclu sive private property, was not the country in which we ought to invest the local magistracy with any extraor dinary powers. He therefore agreed with the Right Honourable Gentlemen opposite, that the fit course was to vest' such powers, not in the ordinary local magistracy, but in the Lord Lieutenant for the time being, who was at the head of that magistracy, with full liberty to exercise them on his own responsibility, either in putting down the Catholic Association, or in refraining from put ting down other associations. As far, then, as related to the transmission of the warrant of the Lord Lieutenant to any two justices of the peace to suppress any association which he might deem dangerous to the public peace and safety, so far was the principle followed up of vesting ex traordinary powers in hands in which they might be placed with perfect safety. But unfortunately the Bill—and he said this not so much in the spirit of opposition to it as in the hope that his suggestion might lead the House to avoid any departure from its principle—unfortunately the Bill went much further : two justices of the peace were selected by the Lord Lieutenant, and were entrusted with the exe cution of his warrant. They were bound to enforce it to the utmost of their power,, and to prohibit all associations and assemblies which it denounced 'as illegal. So far all was well ; but then the Bill provided that after the rd Lieutenant had armed with power two magistrates whom he bad selected,—and he did not blame the framers of the Bill for giving the Lord Lieutenant authority to make such selection, for the Lord Lieutenant could not be every- Where,• and his responsibility to Parliament would force him to select trustworthy persons,—it should be lawful for the same two magistrates, or for any two justices of the peace who might happen to be present, to proceed to ap prehend and bring before them all persons who should refuse to depart after the first two magistrates had declared the assembly to be illegal. Nay, more, it was made law ful for any two magistrates, within whose jurisdiction such illegal assembly sltould be held, to issue their warrants against such offenders, to proceed against them summa rily, to convict them, either nit the view of one magis trate so present, or on the oath of ere• or more credible witness or witnesses, and to sentence them to an imprison ment of three calendar months for a first offence, and to an imprisonment of twelve calendar months for a second or any subsequent offence, without any right of appeal whatever. What signified, then, the responsibility of the Lord Lieutenant, if any two magistrates who happened to be present, no matter how factious or partial they might be, could bring before them and convict on the view of any one of them, any- person without appeal, whom they might choose to suppose had attended an illegal meet ing, put down, not by themselves, but by the two magis trates selected by the Lord Liateenant? Suppose, for in stance, that a Catholic justice should be present when an Orange Association, or a Brunswick Club was put down as illegal by the two magistrates selected by the Lord Lieu tenant.; and 'Summie that he should have a desire to harass and oppress any individual, who fiyr souse reason or other had become obnoxious to him. All he had to do was, to have that individual brought before himself and another magistrate ; and then he could say, in spite of all the other individual's asseverations to the contrary, " I saw you at tend at such a meeting ; don't contradict me. I saw you there ; I convict you on my own view ; and you shall go to prison for three months, if it is your first offence, and for twelve months, if it is your second ; and you shall have no appeal against my conviction." He had put the case as of a Catholic justice against an Orange associator, for as they had just heard from his Hon. Friend the Member for Lime rick, the Catholic Association was at the moment at which he had then the honour of addressing them, dissolved, and there fore the case of an Orange justice against a Catholic associator could not occur. But other cases of a similar descrip tion might occur ; and he was bound to see that the con stitution was not violated in other Associations. He had put the case, he repeated, of two Catholic Justices, acting either on their own view or on the information of some other Catholic, prejudiced against the Brunswick or Orange Clubs, led away by a zeal which he could not controul, and swearing that he had seen the Brueswieker attending a meeting at which he had never been present. A conviction in such a case must pass against the Brunswicker, and when once passed, as it was without appeal, could rot be re moved. Now this was a proceeding to which he should be loth to give his consent ; and he said this the more readily, as he thought that it might be altered without de parting from the principle of the Bill. He was now argu . Mg on the idea that the measure was to be made effectual ; for if it were passed at all,. no doubt it ought to be made effectual. He lamented exceedingly that it must be passed ; he deni ed that there was any necessity for putting it before the measure which they had been assured should follow it. That measure should have been passed first, and then the present measure would have been rendered unnecessary. But, as his Noble Friend the Member 14 Bedfordshire had observed on a former occasion, in practical politics we must sometimes bend to coniiderations of necessity and expe diency—we cannot pursue our own views as we could wish and we must therefore be content with accomplishing them as far as we can. He must consider this first measure as the price of the greater measure which was to follow it; and, considering it. as such, he would say, "if it he necessary to be passed, let it be passed in such a way, as is least likely to increase the evils which the measure. that is intended to follow it is intended to put down." He had now stated the grounds which had induced him to give his assent, though very reluctantly, to the present Bill; and they were simply and exclusively these,—that he had reason to suppose that it would be impossible to carry the other Bill without first carrying this. In conclusion, he would merely ob serve, that he had no doubt not only that the Catholic As sociation was at that moment dissolved,—not only that it would not be attempted to be revived,—not only that they were employed in legislating against the mere shadow of a name,—not only that the other great measure, which be trusted was to follow this as quickly as possible, and would be carried as securely, would. have the effect of preventing the Catholics front desiring to renew the proceedings against which this Bill was directed, and which the Legislature had now been endeavouring for the last 25 years jra vain to put down,—but that it would also prove the commence ment of a conciliatory system of Government, which in a few years would make it the astonishment of them all that they had so long remained in doubt and difficulty uporsia question, which, after all, was found so easy to settle. Mr. PEEL trusted that the House would allow him to say a few words in answer to the observations which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had made upon the supposed authority, which this Bill gave to the Magistrates of Ire land in general. The object of the clause with which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman found fault was to render the Bill effectual, as it was admitted it ought to be rendered if it was passed at all, and not to place the liberty of the sub ject under the risk of abuse front any of the local magis tracy. He apprehended that under this Bill no magistrate would have power to interfere with any assembly until the Lord Lieutenant had pronounced it illegal. He appre hended further, that no magistrate, even after the Lord Lieutenant had pronounced it illegal, would have power to direct its dispersion, until he received express authority to that effect from his Lordship. The only magistrates who had power to demand admission into any place where there was reason to believe that an unlawful association or as sembly was held, were two magistrates selected by the Lord Lieutenant, and especially appointed by him to dis perse it. ' Now, if it were possible to provide that those two magistrates should have jurisdiction within every part of Ireland, or that they should be present in every part of Ireland at one and the same time, that would be enough ; but suppose that the patties who refused to depart from the meeting which the magistrates ordered to disperse should escape from the place in which it was held, how were they to deal with such offenders? It was easy to sly that only those two magistrates should take cognizance of the offence so committed ; but those two magistrates might be engaged in other dteties at a distance from the spot where such offenders were apprehended, and thus it would be necessary to keep them in custody till those magistrates were once more at leisure to examine them. The reason for granting to the magistrates a power of summary conviction was, to prevent delay in the operation of ,the Bill, and to give it that energy and efficacy which was so material to its success. The Right lion. Gentleman then proceeded at some length to defend the power of summary conviction given to two Magistrates ; but his arguments were delivered in a tone of voice which rendered them very indistinctly audible in the gallery. He concluded by saying that if the Hon. and Learned Gentleman could provide any means of appeal from this summary conviction, without destroying the efficacy of the Bill, he should be most happy to attend to his (Mr. Brougham's) suggestions. Before he sat down, he would call the attention of the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman to the vast difference which existed between the penalties of the present Bill and those of the Bill passed in 1819 for the suppression of these Associations. By the Bill which was passed at that time, the Magistrates had poWer to suppress any Assembly which was sworn on oath to be dangerous. If the patties attending such meet ings, after hearing their order to disperse, refused to depart, they rendered themselves liable to very severe punishment ; their offence was declared felony, which rendered it impos sible for then to be admitted to bail, and their punish ment amounted to nothing lees than transportation for seven years. It appeared to him that a less punishment would meet the object which he had in view on the pre sent occasion. He therefore reduced the punishment from transportation fur seven years to imprisonment for three months ; and as no bail could be given for the felony under the old Act, he did not see objection to making the con viction summary under the present. He was sure that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would, upon consideration, see that there were sound reasons why he should not con fine the jurisdiction to the two magistrates whom the lord-Lieutenant might select to put down illegal meetings. Mr. BROUGHAM, in reply, called the attention of the Right Hon. Gentleman to the words of theclause to which he objected. The clause stated, that if the persons as sembled at one of these illegal meetings should not disperse within a quarter of an hour from the time of the notice given to that effect by the two Magistrates selected by the Lord Lieutenant, " it should be lawful for the same Magis trates or for any two Justices of the Peace then present," to cause such persons so refusing to depart to be appre hended; and such persons so apprehended might be pro ceeded against in a summary way for such offence, before any two Justices of the Peace before whom they might be brought, and were, when convicted thereof, to be impri soned for three or twelve calendar months as the case might be. Now it was clear from this clause that any two Magistrates might convict an individual for an offenca against its provisions, and that, too, without appeal. He admitted that the considerations which he .hadjust urged ought rather to be reserved for the discussion on the Bill in the Committee, than to be made on the second reading of it; but his anxiety to render it effectual must be . taken as his excuse for mentioning the subject now. Mr. PEEL thought, that in all cases where parties were dissatisfied with the execution of this Bill, the Lord Lieute nant of Ireland would be the fittest person. to appeal to. Mr. BROUGHAM again read the words of the Bill, to ~~~~~ •11f '/~'~~ how that they gave no appal from the tairoa iori by two tnigistratts. The A TTORNEY-GENERAL was ahno.t inaudibleitt the confusion of the House. We understood him to defimd the Bill al it stands at present, and to hggest that the pro position of Mr. Brougham would be hest considered in the Committee. The Bill lias then read a second time, and Was ordered ;a he committed to-morrow. The'House adjourned at a qu:irter past Nine o'clock. CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION. Abridged from the Dublin .21fornin . 9 Register of Wed- nesday.) Pne of the most crowded and respectable meetings ever witnessed at the Association took place y e st er d a y. Al though, on account of the present posture of C a th o li c affairs, none but members of the Association w ere a d m it te d, the room was crowded long before the hour of m ee ti ng ; ntu numbers nx e a revv io a u it a to waiting in the l o bb y an d i n t h e learn th e d ec i s i on o f t h e adjoining i g n ia i•engt room, Associati,iti on the questionregatiling its dissolution. The gallery and the seats fitted up beneath it were occupied by as many elegantly attired ladies as could possibly be ac , commodated ; and several obtained places oa the benches behind the chair, On one of the seats in this place, we observed Sir Charles and Lady Morgan. her., ladyship was greeted,..on her entrance, with very flattering detnou • Arations of respect and esteem. Lord Killeen, Mr. Nap per, of Loughcrew, and John O'Connell, Esq. were seated near the Chairman. At three o'clock JAMES O'CONNELL, Esq. was called to preside. , . Mr. MAURICE O'CONNELL read the folloWing letter:— London, 6th Feb. MN. d t cc e i ) d , ed ca ly n s b e r th a e ug C h a t: tholi i c y Association Dear — t o T I d ) Sir,—The policy sov is before now h This would disappoint their enemies—materially their friends, and contribute to a temperate and more fa vourahle discussion on the main question. I seldom write to give advice, but 1 think that if you can at all induce them to this course, the impression here will be most favourable. 'They are to get the substance of their claims, and their best line would now be that which will best conciliate their many opponents and effect the most good-humoured aettlement of the matter. They are bound to give this sort of assistance to the Duke, who has fought the noble fight for them—the difficulties and dangers of which they have been and are very little aware of. Your's affectionately, M. FITZGERALD, J. D. Latouche, Esq. THE ASSOCIATIOX• Mr. Lawi,Ess rose to give notice of a motion regarding the adjournment, sine die, of the Association, and to state his reasons for so doing.—(Leutreries of " Order," _anti " Hear, hear.")—He had no' hesitation whatever in stat ing, that the liberty of Ireland was about to he achieved. Notwithstanding all that had previously occurred, the friends of toleration were under deep obligations to the Duke of Wellington . ; and although it had been so often said that his Majeety was hostile to the Catholics, it no.v: , clearly appeared that he had not forgotten the protniss which he had given his Irish subjects in 1621. He thought, too, that Ireland owed many obligations to Mr. reel, who had frankly stated that it was impossible the maZ , lline " Government could go on unless the Catholic questioi: Wfs settled.—(Hear, hear.)—Mr. Peel did net give up his prejudices, but he stated his readiness to agree to any set tlement which might he suggested by the wisdom of the Cabinet.—(Hear, hear. )—And lie (Mr. L.) felt convinced that regarding any such plan, Mr. Peel would act with candour and honour. Now that he had alluded to the obligations which the Catholics owed to his Majesty, tb Duke of Wellington, and Mr. Peel, he would ask what offef ing of gratitu,l.e could be made to teatify the burning enthti- . siasm of every Irish heart to the magnanimous Anglesea. In the hist..ry of chivalry could there be found any in stance to bear comparison with the nolile disinterestedness of that great man, who, with a constitution broken by his honourable suffering in the defence of his. country, rushed into the presence of his King, imploring him to heal the wounds of this distracted country.—( Hear, bear.) —Now that the consummation of their hopes was at hand, they should not forget their talented and upright advocates, and the names of Burdett, Mackintosh, Brougham, and the phalanx of independent and generous minds who had been their fearless and steady friends in Parliament, wonid long be remembered with gratitude.— (Hear, hear.)--The eminent and talented friends of eman cipation to whom I have alluded, have advised a certain course to be taken by the Catholic Association, and although disposed to accede to their advice, I am not willing that we should act hastily or indiscreetly, or like slaves that lest their chains, prostrating themselves in token of their gratitude. Mr. O'Connell had given an opinion, and if there were no other arguments against precipitatidtii that would he sufficient.—(Cheers.)—l am not in the habif 6't bowing to the opinion of any man—(hear, hear, hear)—' but I assert that homage and respect are due to any sug gestion coming front Mr. O'Connell.—(Cheers. )—On 'this day week (if there should be no motion for homediata dissolution passed this day) I shall move that the Catholic Association do adjourn sine die. , D.SsOLCTIO I4 OF THE ASSOC' ATION-- COMM UNICATION PROM THE k:ATIIOLIC PRELATES. Mr. Foan, in banding in rent from the county of Long ford, would take the liberty of offering some observations on a subject of very great interest at the present moment, and he would conclude by moving, that the Association, at its rising, do adjourn to Thursday. My object in doing so (said Mr. Ford) is to obtain time for deliberation on one of the most important topics ever discussed in any public assembly.—(Hear.)—Surely the intention on our part to dissolve is as good as our actual separation, and the short delay I desire will enable us to say, that we have been the victims ofan unconstitutional law—not parties to it. —From all I have heard, I am honestly and decidedly of opinion that we should act with deliberation, and with this view I move that the Association at its rising do ad journ till Thursday. Mr. SHEIL—I rise for the purpose of proposing a reso lution, which may expose me to some obloquy, but which my sense of public duty in this great crisis of .Ireland, in duces me to press upon you. • I shall abandon all the ordi nary resources of persuasion, and without anyattert.pt by a preliminary winning of your good will .to sway your minds, I shall at once state that it is-my intention to move an immediate dissolution of the Catholic Association. — (Loud cheers from some, and vehement exclamations of " No, no," from a part of the Meeting.) --I come before you with a large credit of Protestant abhorrence standing in my favour—and I, who have been thus the vehement, to fear less, the daring, perhaps, the rash and fierce declaimer,,or satirist,--or call me what ou will —now, in a great change of circumstance, appear before you, with feelings and with convictions utterly different, and am the very first to ex claim—" Dissolve the Association."—(Long-continued cheering.)—There arc many views under which this ad vice should be considered. I shall begin by authority — au hority bas been urged against me :—let me see how au thority stands in my favour—she recommends the dissolu tion of this body. Lord Angleser has enforced the neces sity of dissolving the Association.—(Loud cheers.)—We owe to this champion in our cause, the homage of our corn )—inLbointlll, o n l f lan a d m , t g li r e e k at in F t i o nc i , nt h el a le s c g t i a v n ei d i : e a in C j w u he n eel c irs t as i . on,—(Cheers.) -- Sir John Newport (the N tiPnhi re leah [t es o ac r ert. of Ireland) has thrown in the weight of his expe rience and of his virtue—(Cheers.)—Manrice Fitzge rald, the descendent of men who were more Irish than the Irish themselves, has thrown his name and his talents into the scale, tied, lastly, comes Henry Brougham, (the champion of the intellect of England)—(loud cheers) —who, with abjuration equally eloquent and honest, has conjured us to give up our corporate existence.— (Loud and continued cheering. )—These are Parliamentary authorities. But I come here, sustained by far greater in fluence—l come here with two and twenty mitres.—(Hear, hear.)—You marvel, perhaps, at me—you do not under stand me—l shalt explain myself. The Catholic Hie rarchy are at this moment in .Dublin—the Catholic Bishops have authorised me (I lay an emphasis on the word) to come down to you—(Loud and universal cheering)—and to state their opinions. With this sanction, I bid defiance to all injurious surmise—l do not rely upon Lord Angle s .a,--(though I migl.t re'y upon him alone.) Ido not rely upon Lord Holland—(though I • might rely upon hint alone.) I do not rely upon Sir J. Newport, and upon Maurice Fitzgerald, and Henry Brougham (a name of great preponderance in the political scale). But speaking to Catholice, I appeal to the authority of our venerable I!; .!lops, and I throw their two-and-twenty mitres at oee into the scale.—(Loud cheering.)—l wont ask who d toots me, but I ask, who doubts them ?-_(Loud c.teers.)—l come then with an unpopular proposition, with , immense popular authority.—l stand here the delegate oforour Hierarchy.—(Loud cheering.)— Having thus far spoken of authority on my side, I may justifiably advert to the opinions of Mr. O'Connell. I have :stood beside Mr. O'Connell• at a period, of einerg, ncy. When he was assailed in 1825 I threw myself devotedly into his cause.—(Loud cheers.)—Had I been addicted to b ise envy and miserable jealousy, I should have seized the opportunity of mailing him ; out, instead of 50 doing, exerted whatever powers I have in order to ,ustain him.— Let no man, therefore, tell me, that I disregard his autho-