The Sun. — London, England, 1869-05-10 00:00:00

SPIBIT OF T: JOURNALS. The Times remarks that numerous anti arrodous as - the •ecent outrages have been, it has yet to be convinced that ,ife and property in Ireland are by any means as insecuro as in 1844-8. At the same time, it should freely be acknowledged that a deplorable reaction has set in within the last two or three years, and that Lord Russell's in ferences from statistics which end with 1866 must be taken with considerable modification. Nor should it be disguised that, with or without adequate justification in fact, an , xtraordinary alarm has possessed Irish landowners and enants of the better class. This, in itself, is a very grave .vil. It is possible that Ireland, like patients under treat ment for diseases of long standing, must be worse before she s better ; it is possible that, before the land question is ettled, revolutionary solutions may be propounded with hreats and violence. All this proves nothing, except hat beneficent legislation must be tempered with index. ale firmness in administration. We have always regretted le release of the Fenian prisoners, not only because they re capable of much practical mischief, but because such I act done at such a time inevitably brought upon the overnment a suspicion of weakness. A few months ago enianism appeared to be at least dormant, but it already ehibits renewed activity, and may need to be crushed gain. What is now wanted, especially as the Habeas 'orpus Act is no longer suspended, is a resolute ssertion of the supremacy of law. We cannot ut down Ribandism as Russia would put down ach an association in Poland, or, perhaps, as we ut down the Thugs in India, but we can make its missaries feel that no lapse of time will ever screen them rom detection, and that no mercy will ever be extended o them. It was long ago pointed out by Sir Robert Peel hat, for detective purposes, the Irish police force is ill rganised. Let this be remedied without delay, and let to shortsighted forbearance be exhibited towards any one zho may abuse his influence, as a priest or otherwise, to helter assassins from punishment. We have undertaken Ireland the arduous, though not hopeless, task of over oming evil with good, but order is the first condition of ational well-being, and it is the paramount duty of every overnment to enforce it, cost what it may. The Herald cannot think that the Radicals have very I ,rong reasons to be proud of their handiwork. We shall et the Irish Church Bill, if ever we get it at all, at the ost of two wasted sessions, and what value will it repre ?nt either to Ireland or the empire? Are we one inch tearer the pacification of Ireland now that " the act of justice " has passed its crucial stage ? Would it not be ruer to say that we are farther off than ever, and that as he bill has progressed disaffection has increased? Of .ourse we do not charge it upon the bill that Fenianism ;as become more violent, and agrarian crime more requent and atrocious, but we have a right to remind hose who have pressed forward and supported this neasure as the panacea for all the ills which afflict Ireland .hat the present state of things is infinitely worse than .vhen they began their attempt at a cure. They are fully aware that they have succeeded in alienating the affec tions of the Irish Protestants, but can they affirm that they are a single step nearer winning the goodwill and confidence of the people ? Is not Ireland less peaceable and less contented now than it was before they began their work of pacification? Is not the progress of the Irish Church Bill associated, even from the mere chrono logical point of view, with the growth of discontent and disorder? This is hardly the kind of result which should justify the exuberant felicitations of last Friday. The Standard thinks that the Irish Church Bill has been very little altered in its passage through committee. go material amendment has been accepted by the Govern ment or adopted by the House, and such differences as may be found between the original and the present edition of the measure are, for the most part, verbal and trivial ones. The bill as amended in committee is the same measure of sweeping spoliation and cruel injustice which Mr. Gladstone introduced on the Ist of March with such vehement protestations of his desire to accept any modifi cations consistent with the principle of disestablishment which might be suggested on behalf of the Church. There can be, therefore, no division of opinion, and no hesitation as to the course which Conservatives and Churchmen must take with regard to this bill. Had the fair and equitable proposals of Mr. Disraeli for facilitating the transition of the Irish Church from an establishment to a voluntary body, and for sup plying it with the means of providing for the teaching of the Protestant faith in those parts of the country in which the Protestant inhabitants are unable to provide teachers for themselves, been accepted, the House of Lords might possibly have been induced, regarding the adoptian of these amendments as evidence of the sincerity of the pro fessions made by the Government of its desire to settle the question justly and generously, to assent to the prin ciple of the bill ; but the bill, as it will reach their lordships, is one of unqualified spoliation and unmitigated injustice. The moment is critical no doubt, and the question is grave, but we have yet to learn that the Peers have no higher functions than to register the decisions of a House of Commons in which Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues obtained a majority by the solemn pledges to treat the Irish Church with justice and generosity, which, under some " deleterious influence," they have flagrantly violated. The Telegraph says that instead of waiting until he should be abolished by Act of Parliament, the Mayor of Cork has abolished himself. He has, we hear, placed his resignation in the hands of Mr. Maguire and The O'Donoghue, and when the Bill of Pains and Penalties shall come before the House of Commons on Tuesday, those gentlemen will doubtless suggest that the act of official suicide has removed all need for the second reading of the measure. But for the moment, at least, that inference would be premature. No one would wish to proceed with a Bill of Pains and Penalties if the measure could be safely set aside. If, with all the facts before it, the Government saw that Mr. O'Sullivan had really and definitively ceased to be Mayor of Cork, with no view to relection, the idea of legislation might stand over for a time. But, even if the bill should be withdrawn, the matter cannot be allowed to end there. The Mayor of Cork has broken the law ; he has been guilty of sedition ; and for that offence he should still be called to account before the courts of justice. Should the resignation turn out to be real, it will remain for the Crown to consider how best Mr. O'Sullivan can be called to account for his words. We do not want to make a martyr of him ; but his fate ought to teach a lesson to loose-tongued men. If he has resigned, he has ceased to be a public scandal ; but the mere loss of his mayoralty may seem in Ireland a penalty so light as to encourage other wild geese to babble as freely and as offensively. We have therefore to con sider, not how any feeling of wrath may be directed against a poor creature unworthy of Imperial notice in himself, but how far misplaced lenity may mislead other Irishmen into similar offences. Should Mr. O'Sullivan have made the unqualified resignation which we have been led to expect, the act might afford time for reconsidering the whole subject with more deliberation. But at the outset, before the Government can think of lenity, the House of Commons must have directly before it Mr. O'Sullivan's unconditional submission. The Daily News declares that the question involved in the O'Sullivan Disability Bill is essentially a parlia mentary one. The Government does not propose to act of itself and by its own authority ; it calls upon the par. liament to use its legislative power. It will, therefore, be for the House of Commons on Tuesday, putting aside con siderations of party character, forgetting that there is in it any such thing as a Liberal majority or a Conservative minority, and keeping in mind only its historic character, and its relation to the other institutions which make np the complex machinery of British government, to deter mine on the course which it shall pursue. Every individual in the United Kingdom who holds, or may hold, the office of Mayor in any Corporation in the United Kingdom, and every such Corporation, is as much, though not as directly, interested in the O'Sullivan Disability Bill as the Mayor and Corporation of Cork. The omnipotence of Parliament, and the claims of a paramount and overwhelmingnecessity, may be urged against the objectors to the bill. But the allegation of necessity, and the assertion of power, are both tyrant's pleas. The Government itself must be anxious that they should not be lightly admitted ; and the House of Com. mons is bound to consider carefully the attitude in which the measure it is asked to pass will place it towards the people and the local institutions of the kingdom. In a free country, where local self-government exists, the most embarrassing questions which can arise often spring from the relations of central to municipal authority. On this head we have warning from Switzerland and the United States. The Post says that it had occasion a short time since to allude to the evident bent of American policy of late years towards identifying the union with the entire of the continent of North America. No one can doubt that the people of the United States are desirous of giving prat tical effect to the Monroe doctrine, of America for the Americans—that is to say, for the citizens of the Union; and the only question is, whether, either now or at some not distant period, those who wield the Executive power in the United States will attempt to realise the scheme. Grant is a soldier, and, it is said, is ambitious cf gaining additional laurels. We can, however, only judge him ar we findlihe, and it must be admitted that he he'4 yet done anythieg to lead us to con el ode that he int,: Bo bold a step. As we cannot believe that the niericar President contemplates—more especially in tie present condition of affairs in America— such a war as au ulti matum of that kind would involve, we are sanguine in the hope that, however unusual may be the language used it the American Senate, or however equivocal the conduct of the Executive in connection with the rescission of the Alabama Convention, no intention exists of provoking England to war. It must be observed that the mon respectable section of the New York press spoke in con lemnation of Senators Sumner and Chandler, and did ut the justice of believing that we would be incapable ce resigning,, without a bitter struggle . , any portion of Ow vosseesions at the dictation of a forentnTower. THE O'SU., OSECUTION. ArtichiA in the -"national" journals of Dublin defend the Mayor of COrk in vehement terms. The News affirms that in his person "the last and most sacred vestige of popular liberty in Ireland is being struck down," and speaks of tho Disability Bill as "another of those invasions of popular rights which mark in dark repulsive lines the course of British rule in Ireland." "We see nothing in Mr. O'Sullivan's words," it adds, "calling for censure or repro bation ; we cannot for the life of us see anything in the re motest degree savouring of culpability' in the expression of an opinion that the miserable man who attempted the life of the Duke of Edinburgh in New South Wales might have had his moral perceptions so perverted as to believe he was doing a praireworthy and justifiable act." The News " 10, , ks to the citizens of Cork for a firm and strong pronouncement of public opinnion" against an act on which the boldest of continental despots would hardly venture. The Irishman is of opinion that the mayor is Leing condemned " in the frenzy of a puerile panic," on an abstract question of politics, a topic of metaphysical inquiry." " Aro we to tole rate," continues the writer, " that bills of pains and penalties—a new penal law—shall be passed without pro test ? Twice fifty thousand Corkmen and a hundred times fifty thousand Irishmen declare that first they shall know the reason why." The indictment, the 12-ishman adds, will become "a certificate of honour to the Mayor of Cork." It complains that " a swarm of ascendency offenders, of far deeper dye," aro alluwed to go scot free. The Nation as serts that " this man of the people" " is grasped for ven geance by a Power that never spared man of his name that dared to cross its path. Be it so. He will confront despotic oppression with calm and resolute defiance. The English Government have this week conferred on him an honour to which no Irishman has attained for centuries." The Flag of Ireland believes that the mayor "may well rest content with the ovation he has received from his fellow-citizens." "No emphatic condemnation was passed"in England "upon the killing of Count Rossi, the Premier of the Pope. We do not justify anything like assassination, but will some one tell us why, after such an historical instance, there is such an outcry against the qualified statements of the Mayor of Cork ?" A telegram from Cork says that on Saturday the mayor held a court at the bridewell, and discharged all the pri soners, seven in number. He has " effectually superseded " the magistrates. The Mayor of Cork has disappointed his friends, who ex pected him to come forward as a candidate for the vacancy in the representation of Youghal. The Hon. Mr. Guest and Mr. Charles Greene only were nominated, and the show of hands was declared to be in favour of Mr. Guest. The poll is fixed for Monday next. There was great rioting at the nomination. LAW AND POLICE. THE KING OF HANOVER AND THE BANK OF ENGLAND.— On Saturday, in the Vice-Chancellor's Court, the case of the King of Hanover was heard. A bill was filed by his Majesty and the Crown Prince against the Bank of England and the Dukes of Cambridge and Brunswick, praying that the governor and company of the Bank of England may be directed to transfer the sum of £600,000 Three per Cent. Consols standing to the credit of "his Ma jesty's Royal Regency of Hanover" into the names of the plaintiffs, the King and Crown Prince, and of the defend ants, the Dukes of Cambridge and Brunswick, to be held by them in trust for the persons entitled thereto. In 1867 the Governor of the Bank of England received a protest from the Prussian Ambassador with respect to the deli vering up of this fund, and finally a convention was made between the King of Hanover and the King of Prussia, whereby it was provided amongst other things that his Majesty King George I. was to retain possession of the sum of £600,000, and all the interest due thereon. The counsel for the bank said that all that the bank desired was to have the security which this court alone could confer in transferring this large fund. Hesuggested that two trustees should be appointed by the court, who should be empowered and directed by the court to transfer the fund to the four personages above named under the Trustee Relief Act. The Vice-Chancellor observed that the proper course would be for these royal personages to name two persons to act as their formal trustees in the matter, and the order for transferring the fund might then be made in the way proposed by the learned counsel for the Bank of England. THE REV. G. M. IRVINE.—On Saturday, a clergyman, resident in Wandsworth, was summoned at Bow-street for having received an insane person into his house without the necessary certificate. The alleged lunatic, a lady, had lived with the defendant eleven years, when, early in September last, she threw herself from an upper window and received very severe injuries. It was admitted that she was then insane, but denied by the defendant that she had previously shewn symptoms of madness. The magistrate committed Mr. Irvine for trial, and accepted his own recognizances to appear. BETTING-HOITSES.—A licensed victualler of South-street, Grosvenor-square, was on Saturday charged, with four other persons, at Marlborough-street, with having used his house for betting purposes. The hearing was adjourned. A NOBLEMAN FINED. —At Brentford Police-court, Lord George Ker was summoned to answer a charge of assault by John Sickamore, a toll-keeper at Kew Bridge. On the 2nd of May Lord and Lady Ker were returning with some friends from Richmond, Lady Ker driving the landau. The party passed through the Kew-bridge Gate, when the complainant ran after them, seized hold of the reins, and demanded the toll. Lord Ker, being irritated, struck the toll-keeper. A great deal of evidence was given, in the course of which it appeared that the complainant was not sober. The bench were of opinion that a deliberate blow was struck and they convicted his lord s hip o f th e assault, fining hip ; 10s. THE EASTERN FISHERIES. —The delivery et mackerel for the season has commenced at Great Yar mouth. Prices have ranged from 525. to 70s. per 120. The spring herring fishery has been prosecuted with increased success by the Lowestoft boats during the past week. KILLED BY KINDNESS. —An old soldier of the First Empire has just fallen a victim to the Emperor's generosity. Sabras Parfait, aged seventy-nine, went to pay his taxes, when the collector asked him if he had heard of the extra pension of £lO a year which was to be given to the veterans of Napoleon's wars. The news had such an effect on poor Sabras Parfait that he let fall a glass of wine he was about to drink and expired on the spot. CABINET COUNCIL.—At the Cabinet Council held in Downing -street on Saturday, the Ministers present were the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, the Lord Chan cellor, Earl de Grey and Ripon, the Earl of Kimberley, the Right Hon. H. A. Bruce, the Earl of Clarendon, Earl Granville, the Right Hon. E. Cardwell, the Duke of Argyll, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Right Hon. J. Bright, the Right Hon. G. J. Goschen, the Marquis of Hartingtun, and the Right Hon. C. Fortescue. THE TOMB OF MENKEN.—At the time of her death it was understood that it was the wish of Adah Isaacs Menken that her remains should rest with a single inscription, the Hebrew legend " Thou knowest." It seems, however, that these wishes have been disre garded; that a number of well-meaning friends, headed by the editor of the New York Clipper, and an English actress, named Rita Percy, have procured the exhumation of the body from Pere la Chaise, where it had been lying since August last, and its reinterment in the cemetery Mont Parnasse, south of Paris, where a splendid obelisk surmounted with an urn, nearly ninety feet in height, and covered with flowers, immortelles, wreaths, &c., has been erected, at a cost of 2,000 f. PREJUDICES OF THE SERVICES.—When the late Captain Moorsom, of live-shell fame, appeared on one occasion at the Admiralty with a profu sion of whisker, beard, and moustache, he was ironically told that he had made a mistake, and that his visit was intended for the Horse Guards. He was accordingly bowed out of the room, took the hint much to his personal inconvenience, and returned with a clean-shaved chin. We believe that, even at the present advanced board, there are inividuals who think that a man with a hairy face is only fit to be a bear-leader, and would as soon think of going to sea without provisions as without a set of well -ground razors. The first Lord of the Admiralty is a very Esau ; and we understand that, wishing to do by others as he would be done by himself, he has sanctioned the prepara tion of an order to the effect that all officers, seamen, and others serving in her Majesty's fleet may be allowed to dispense with the aid of the barber. We hail with pleasure this, another proof of Mr. Childers's common sense. DESTRUCTIVE FIRE.—At an early hour on Sun day morning the paper mills at Ilford, the property of Messrs. Simpson and Co., were discovered to be on fire. mounted policeman first observed a light in the bleaching warehouses, and on examining the premises, he speedily discovered them to be in a blaze. There were no engines in the town apparently, and the engines of the metro politan brigade being out of the radius, the entire de]truction of the mills appeared to be inevitable. A powerful manual engine was, however, despatched as soon as possible from the Flomford Brewery, and subsequently another arrived from West Elam. A strong body of the London Salvage Corps was also speedily on the spot. Owing to the want of water in the first instance the fire spread rapidly, and a large crowd speedily collected. Through the exertions of the Salvage Corps a great amount of valuable property was saved, and all the men present worked zealously throughout the day. The damage done may thus be described : The bleaching rooms were burnt out, the boiling rooms nearly destroyed, and the stores, consisting of two ijoors of waryhouses e NI ES allo Alnico I.ltitt9YElt METROPOL_ 7P—Saturday. the Sultan of Turkey. The Duchess of Argyll means to vie with Lady Northcote by giving a similar magnificent reception to the Nawab of Bengal and his sons. The invitations exceed 1,000 in number, and will comprise the creme de la creme of " Society." We suppose that the India Government will pay the bill as before. That arrange.. meat will not be quite so outrageous as it was on the former occasion—for the Nawab is an Indian prince, whose reception is a matter of Indian policy pure and simple. The reception of the Sultan was an imperial event, and should have been paid for by the British taxpayer. More and more unsatisfactory grows the news froth Ireland. The sympathy sliewn for the Marl Mayor is really a serious matter. It is not surprising that the lower classes in Cork (which is perhaps the most dis affected city in Ireland) should feel this sympathy, for does not Mr. O'Sullivan give a general permission to everyone to get drunk by setting free all the drunkards ? But that the Town Council should take his part is truly lamentable. Still more serious is the fact that Mr. Maguire should have given notice that he will move the rejection of the bill for removing Mr. O'Sullivan from the mayoralty. Mr. Maguire's position with regard to the Government is somewhat peculiar. He it was who in March of last year, by calling the attention of the House to the state of Ireland, compelled Lord Mayo to declare the Irish policy of the Government, and gave Mr. Gladstone the opportunity for making his memorable declaration respecting the Irish Church. Indirectly, therefore, the senior member for Cork was the cause of Mr. Gladstone's return to power. It was, therefore, to be expected that he would receive a post in the present Ad ministration, and there is no doubt that his appointment would have given great satisfaction to the Irish in the South-West, the more so as he is a Roman Catholic. Nevertheless, no offer was made to him, and he was left out in the cold. I do not mean to say that this is the cause of his present motion. Nevertheless, it is impos sible but that he should feel rather sore at his exclusion from a Government which in some measure owes its very existence to him. The debate in the House of Lords last night was inte resting and not untimely. Lord Granville had an awkward case, and he made the best of it by referring to Mr. Bright's inexperience as a Cabinet Minister. But the matter has caused no little unpleasantness, and the gossips say that Mr. Gladstone has resented his colleague's indis cretion with considerable warmth. The truth is, Mr. Bright lost his eelf-control under the fierce and reckless accusations of Lord Claude Hamilton, and in endeavour. ing to put himself right, only put himself in the wrong. In the Lower House there was a great shout of applause as the Irish Church Bill passed through committee. Mr. Disraeli has had enough of this measure for the present, and was not in his place. At the evening sitting there were scarcely a dozen members present. M.P.'s thought that they had earned their holiday, and so " Long Tom," as Mr. Collins, the member for Boston, is called, moved a count, and the House was counted out accordingly. The report of the committee on the Irish Church Bill is to be brought up on Thursday. The third reading will not take place until after the Whitsun holidays. There are several amendments down, occupying more than two pages. Some of them are by the Government. One of them is by Lord Henry Thynne, who will move that the Irish bishops and clergy shall be entitled to sit in the House of Commons as M.P.'s. Should that be carried, the removal o! the disability under which the English clergy labour will not be far off. There are several matters of interest coming on before the holidays. The Budget will, if possible, be discussed on Tuesday. On the same night Mr. Knatchbull- Hugessen, on the part of the Government, brings in a bill to establish county financial boards. Wednesday will see a lively discussion on the Permissive Bill, whose rejection will be moved by its old antagonist, Colonel Jervis, while Dr. Dalrymple, the new M.P. for Bath, will move tD refer it to a select committee. Tile discussion on the law courts does not take place till Tuesday week, when Mr. Gregory will move that the courts be erected on the Embankment, and Sir Roundell Palmer that they be built on the Carey -street site without delay. Mr. Lowe's proposal to build them in Howard-street meets with no favour anywhere. When the Municipal Franchise Bill comes on the women's rights question will be raised again by Mr. Jacob Bright and by Mr. Dilke, the young and able member for Chelsea. The capacity for work shewn by some of our litterateurs is truly wonderful. M. Victor Hugo, for instance, has at least a dozen novels completed and ready for publication. To publish so many at once, however, would pall the public taste, and cause the publishers to drop their price ; so the eminent novelist is holding them over, giving them forth :at intervals, hoping to increase the public appetite by what it feeds on. The length of days of some of our writers is also remarkable. Fr•aser's Magazine for April contains an article from William Jerdan, who has just completed his 87th year. Nor is he restricting himself at that age to magazine articles. He is now engaged upon the manuscripts of Samuel Lover, and preparing some unpublished works of his olcl friend for the press. M. Alphonse Esquiros, the author of many admirable works on English manners and social life, has, after living in banishment for the last seventeen years, during which time he has taught French in English schools,' accepted the amnesty proclaimed many years ago for political offenders,'and has accepted a requisition to stand as a candidate for the department of the Bouches du Rhone. lie will be a loss to English literary society. A new comic paper, the Camera, is about to appear. Surely we have sufficient of these journals now that there are more than enough to give us one for every day of the week. MISCELLAA EO US 1V E WS. TEE STATE OF IRELAND. 3.1 r. O'Sullivan, dressed in the brief authority of the Mayoralty of Cork, is still playing such tricks as make all those who are anxious for the peace and security of Ireland very sorrowful in deed. He has again taken it upon him to set free the captives apprehended by the police for drunkenness and petty crimes. Some there be who ascribe his actions in this particular to a wish to give liberty to all, others think they are caused by a desire to annoy his brother magistrates, and a few uncharitable people suggest that, being " cut "by the higher portion of society in Cork, and being, moreover, in disgrace with the Government and Parliament, he is making friends with the "mammon of unrighteousness." However this may be, he is undoubtedly becoming something more than a nuisance. It is worthy of notice that he is becoming more and more the pet of the lo wer orders in Cork. The Town Council, which may be supposed to represent the opinion of the whole city, has passed resolutions protesting against the Government Bill as unconstitutional, and offers to pay towards the defence of their chairman at the bar of the House of Commons. And Mr. Maguire, who represents the constituency in the House of Commons, is to oppose the bill. Altogether, the quicker the matter is settled the better. The unsettlement in Tipperary continues. Land lords are uneasy, and are only waiting for the slightest unsatisfactory symptom to leave the country. The tenantry are still restless, and feverishly discontented. Though the latter have formed no bond, and there is no exterminating society, yet still there is undoubtedly a community of interest, which makes them sympathetic with one another, the suffering with the avenger, the man who may be ejected to-morrow with the assassin. It seems an impossibility to prove to a tenant that his master has the right of ejection. He refuses to see in the writ anything more than an instrument whereby the landlord gains by the loss inflicted on the occupier. That, he argues, is selfish tyranny. In other parts of the country, too, there are bad symptoms. At Sligo, for instance, a man taken up for drunkenness was searched, and in a partly-hidden pocket,. near the collar of . his vest, was discovered a Fenian oath, running, "In the presence of the Almighty God, I solemnly swear the oath of allegi ance, to be true and loyal to the Irish Republic, and on one moment's notice to be ready to take , up arms and to yield to the simplicity of superior ' officers and kings." Following this was a catechism setting forth the love of liberty and Ireland, the , hatred of tyranny and England. The robbery of arms in Belfast, when taken in conjunction with similar robberies elsewhere, is also significant. THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MAY 10; 1869., cities. Their crime consisted in continuing so to act under a President whose policy they ought to have condemned. Therefore, General GRANT must hold it to be the duty of subordinates keenly to scrutinize the conduct of their chief, and to refuse to obey him, or to serve under him, if his policy does not square with their opinions.' We would like to know what limit the PRE SIDENT applies to this principle. Is it universal, embracing all grades and manner of service, or con fined to particular classes. Must a Postmaster, a Revenue Collector, a United States Marshal, and a Consul throw their appointments in the face of the PRESIDENT, whose political principles they disap prove ? Does this extend to a clerk in any of the departments? If so, why not to the Army and Navy ? Here, then, opens another aspect. A President of the United States is the equal in power and dignity of an Emperor. It is only the heads of departments and great officials with whom he comes in contact. The clerks and other tens of thousands of office-holders know nothing of the PRESIDENT except what the newspapers tell them while they are acquainted with the head of their own bureau ; is the principle to be carried to its legitimate conclusion and the subordinates to strike work because they consider that head " unsound on the main question ?" 'When GRANT commanded at Vicksburg, or at any other great crisis of the war, how would he have received the intelligence that his men considered bis Demo cratic tendencies to preclude them from serving under him ? Any man who offered such a reason for encouraging desertion might very properly be tried by court-martial and shot. But if such a prin ciple as that laid down by GRANT obtained, how could any court-martial in common justices decree what might be a necessary sentence ? Such a theory of Government is radically bad, and is grounded on a pernicious error. Government, the Republic says, springs from the people; the people elect the President, and he, with the consent of the Senate, select the Executive. A private citizen, maintains his right to criticize the conduct of the elected of the people, and to form, to the best of his power, an opposition to control the PRESIDENT'S conduct ; but this does not belong to public servants as such. In accepting their posts they place in abeyance their right as citizens, undertaking to perform certain duties and to obey men holding certain offices to the best of their ability. Of course there is a limit to this as to all things ; but the broad principle remains. Whether the nation was wise in its election is not for the servant of that nation to judge ; enough for him that the PRESIDENT is the elect of the people, and though the policy of that PRESIDENT may not tally with his convictions, he must remain content with the fact that he was the man chosen by the voice of millions. When GRANT'S name was first associated with the'Presidency there were many who earnestly hoped they would get a PRESIDENT above the narrow trammels of party. He was believed to be as lightly bound by party ties and feelings as any one in the Union, and when he proposed to run as a national candidate there were thousands who rejoiced to see his platform. We fear ANDREW JOHNSON did more mischief than the world attri buted to him in driving GRANT from that position, forcing him into the ranks of a party, and generat ing towards himself a bitter personal enmity, which now seems to extend to all whom he terms JOHN soN-men. There is not an American who does not know scores of the truest Republicans, able and honest men, who were public servants of the Union under the last Administration. It is really mon strous to think that because they remained at their posts and did their duty according to their con science while the Legislaturetand Executive went through their unbecoming quarrels, that they are to be styled JOHNSON-men and marked out for Exe cutive displeasure. In so far we thoroughly agree with Senator Ross as a mere question of equity, while as a matter of principle we consider it one as objec tionable as was ever introduced into the Government o f a nation. Nor that only—for it is dangerous. ANDREW JOHNSON more than once said that, backed by the immense power his patronage gave, he could have elevated himself into a Dictator. His practical experience led him to this conclusion, and although he may, and we hope and believe he did, greatly exaggerate, still there is a danger it would be un wise to ignore. Now what is it that must give point to the danger and strength to the PRESIDENT ? Why the fact generally felt by the employds that they are all in the same boat to swim or sink to gether. Permanency to the PRESIDENT is per manency to every official who supports him ; and if they ate all to be styled with his name as JOHNSON men or GRANT-tnen, to be associated with his ideas and linked with his fortunes, they become a band of brothers, compelled to share each other's chances. The position of the men Gen. GRANT would thus knit into a Presidential clique is this. They are the stokers, and drivers, and conductors of the train ; the people are the passengers seated in the cars, who go back wards or forwards, along a branch line, or on the trunk road, fast or slow as the driver chooses, just as if they were a flock of sheep. They may bleat pite ously or profanely swear, but there they go; and even when they stop, if the doors are locked and the key in the conductor's pocket, they are but little better off. We object, then, to this principle, be cause it tends to make a clique of the men in pos session of the Government machinery, bound by the strongest cords to the fortunes of the PRESIDENT. At the same time we are convinced that GRANT did not detect the weight of his words. It is the mis fortune of untrained men not to know nor to see quickly the import of what they say innocently: It may be, too, that he regarded Senator Ross himself as pre-eminently a JOHNSON-man ; that he had in his mind's eye that solemn moment when the voice of Chief Justice CHASE from the President's chair sounded through the Senate Chamber, " How say you, Senator Ross, is ANDREW JoHNSoN, President of the United St a t es , gu ilty or not guilty ?" And with head down, and with fingers nervously tearing the paper he held into fragments, came the low re sponse—Not Guilty! which settled the PRESIDENT'S fate, for then all hung on the doubtful vote of the Senator from Kansas, and the ANDREW JOHNSON he then saved, is evidently General GRANT'S bitter per sonal enemy. BRITISH EMIGRATIOS TO AMERICA. The folly of such bellicose speeches as that of Senator CHANDLER is best exemplified by consider ing the effect a war would have on emigration to North America. It is no exaggeration to say that it would be but employing immigrants to cut the throats of emigrants, sending those who have come in, with powder and shot to deal with those who are coming. To show this, take the 60,000 Michigan citizens with whom Senator CHANDLER proposes to contract to do the Canadian job, and ascertain how many of them were born in Michigan or in the United States at all. He would employ the immi grants who had selected Michigan as their home to rout with fire and sword the immigrants located in Canada, stirring up both countries to waste the national means in destroying the men who are, or make the settlers. But every one knows what a wise man Mr. CHANDLER is, and how strong was the opposition to his dreaded re-election last sum mer, offered by the British, aided with their gold. That detestable people having stigmatised him as a drunkard, and endeavoured to show he was the reverse of sensible, now very properly feel hi s lash, and it shall be no fault of ours if the thin skinned JOHN BULL does not wince under the smart. Our present object, however, is to remark on the flow of emigration now swelling in increasing tide to the shores of America, which such a speech, if it came from a Senator of political weight, could not fail to injure. The Zeidlersche Correspondenz says, " that the unusually large emigration this year from various parts of North-Germany to Ame rica is the result, as has been proved by inquiry, of the encouraging news sent home by relations who have already crossed the Atlantic, and who gene rallyaccompany their letters with a remittance. The confidence confidence felt i n the wisdom and moderation of the present Government of the United States ha given a great stimulus to emigration this year." But great as is the direct emigration from the northern ports of Germany numbers find their way toforLiverp ool yok. I New and join r the t dense i s a noticeable throngs there faet that ship ping .each country which supplies a perennial stream has .9 . 1 Y organized ito own transport from portoof its own. THE LANDED ESTATES COURT. The Freeman announces authoritatively the ap pointment of Mr. Stephen Woulfe Flanagan to the judgeship of the Irish Landed Estates Court. The appointment seems to have given general satisfac tion. Mr. Flanagan has been for several years the master of the Encumbered Estates Court. THE ENDOWED SCHOOLS BILL. The Endowed Schools Bill was referred to a select committee of the House of Commons, and it is expected to report before the Whitsun holidays. The John Bull understands that the bill has been " considerably improved." That is a matter of opinion ' especially w he n w e h av e our co n t em p orar y' s account of the improvements. We are told, among other things, that ancient doles cannot be diverted from their original destination without the consent of the governors. The period during which endow ments are to be considered " safe" is extended from thirty to fifty years —a change of comparatively small importance. l b e i g ll isi b a e t i i n o g n m d a h y ld t e a d ve Should th e H ouse consen t t o t h e e F t o h r is st y er ear is . sanguine that p M I ace THE MONEY MARKET. The Economist has no doubt that the Bank will soon find it necessary to raise the Bank rate again. The savings of the country have been small ; setting losses against gains perhaps they have been nil. " These unincreased savings have been exposed to an increased demand—one for investment in foreign stocks, and another, more recent, for an augmenta tion in domestic trade. Cheap corn has caused the last, and the necessity of ' doing something with ones money' has caused the first. The effect of both has been to entrench on the very small spare capital, and to raise the value of money from 3to 4i." The end is not yet. We must look for a 5 per cent, rate very shortly. A SPLENDID ENTERTAINMENT. Everybody remembers the splendid entertainsaent rktkriligiVink Pit 00 LAI& twasiDzA an to MTLITABS AND NAVAL ITEMS. Lieutenant-Colonel Martindale, R.E., will, accord ing to the Broad Arrow, on his arrival in Canada, carry out the new control arrangements in that country. He will begin by making a thorough investigation of all matters involving expenditure on the part of the Government. The barrack department will be abolished. All military work will be carried out by military artisans instead of by civilians as heretofore.--The Army and Navy Gazette says that the Royal Naval Reserve is becoming- a great fact. One thousand eight hun dred men have volunteered to proceed on the Whit suntide cruise, and the Lords of the Admiralty have been quite surprised at the enthu s ia s tic manner in which their invitation has been accepted.—The United Service Gazette understands that recent inves- tigations into the management of Admiralty con tracts have afforded very serious grounds for further inquiry. —The same paper states that Rear-Admiral Astley Cooper Key will succeed Rear-Admiral Wellesley as superintendent of Portsmouth Dock yard, should the latter officer be appointed to the command in North America. THE ENCLOSURE OF COMMONS. The question " Have lords of the manor the right of disposing of and building on commons ? " is attracting a large amount of attention _ just now, and it is undoubtedly a most important one. It is not a little singular that two cases, either of which would have settled the point, have been delayed by death. The demise of Sir Thomas Maryon Wilson has put off for a time the decision as to whether he was entitled to build on Hampstead Heath; Lord Brownlow's death recently has almost stopped the case as to Berkhampstead Common from coming before the courts at all. But both these matters are likely to be decided ere long. , Meanwhile the rights of the lord of the manor of Chobham Common have been defined by the County Court judge of Chertsey. He has laid it down that a road across a common may not be stopped. It is a right of way over which a lord of the manor has no control. But the lord may grant for enclosure any or all parts of the land. The practical effect of this will be to make many commons private property. Should this position be strengthened by the higher court, it would be wise for the inhabitants of large towns to make agreements which should make their rights indefeasible. A CURIOUS LAW SUIT. Early in the present century a fund . of . several thousand po un d s was forme d t o su pport a minister who should conduct divine service in Gaelic at a chapel in Hatton-garden, London. The first incumbent, who did not have th e G ae li c , wa s the famous Edward Irving, who, h owever, o ff ere d t o go to . Inverness shire and le arn it , i f necessary . At the time of the disruption the Gaelic preacher, a Mr. Lees, who was also secretary to the Caledonian Asylum, got a pre sentation to a Highland parish/ and, in the dearth of Gaelic-sp ea ki ng c l ergymen at that time, no substitute was forthcoming. After a year or two an application was made to the Lord Chancellor, in whom the fund was vested, to transfer the interest thereof to the Caledonian Asylum, which was done, and this really valuabl e c harity has ever since received it. But th e rev i val in favour o f th e ancient language of the Highlands, which has been so marked a feature of A ng l o-Scotticism o f l a t e y e ars, hasstimu lated an in qu i ry i nto the poss ibility of restoring the fund to it s or i g i nal purpose. C ounse l' s opinion is favourable to th e restorat i on , an d the matter is likely to be heard of in a court of CHURCH NEW S. The John Bull states that at the meeting of bishops which took place at Lambeth Palace on. Ascension Day the Irish Church Bill was the promi nent subject of discussion. Every bishop remained distinctly unfettered as to the course he should adopt, but the general feeling seemed to be that if the second reading in the Lords were allowed to pass, and substanti a l amen d men t s not only a dopted but insisted on, the b es t prac ti c al results might ensue. At the sam e time, the danger of admitting the prin ciple of the bill was fully recognised. This course, we understand, may not improbably be adopted by the Co nservatives, though it is almost certain that someindependent peer will divide the House." The Archbishop of Canterbury has invited all the deans . to me e t hi m at L am b e th to-day. Thi s invitation has, no d ou bt, re f e rence to the scheme which is now on foot for creating new bishoprics out of the cathedral revenues. These revenues at present are used mere l y f or t h e paymen t o f s i necure office( and the idea is that they might be more usefully applied in relieving the overworked bishops. There are, according to the John Bull, two plans for the creation of thr ee or f our new sees under considera tion. The one is to make the Chapter funds of some of the richer cathedrals available for a local want ; the other is to suppress two canouries throughout England, forming a general fund which would enable the bishop to have th e anc i en t ecc l es i as ti ca l council to assist him. We do not clearly understand this latter alternative, except it implies the appoint ment of suffragan bishops. Anyhow, as our con temporary points out, the Liberal party is not likely to allow the cathedral revenues to remain untouched unless they are turned to some better use than they are at present. IVITALLEY_ AND NEIVDEGATE. The recent confessions of Messrs. Whalley and Newdegate are too good a theme for the Saturday .Review to miss. Our contemporary compares the M.P.'s to the rival Christy Minstrels who are now singing in London, each invoking the royal patron age, each declaring themselves to be the only original minstrels. Ordinary persons suppose that there is very little difference between them, butr, as a matter of fact, Cesar and Pompey are very unlike, especially Pompey ; the difficulty is that spite of one cannot, in this unlikeness, tell which is Cvesar and which is Pompey. Mr. Newde gate asserts that Mr. Whalley has made Protes tantism ridiculous ; Mr. Whalley asserts that Protestantism has (as he was warned would be the case) made him ridiculous. Apparently Mr. Whalley and Protestantism act and react upon each other, to the promotion of general hilarity. One thing seems certain from these confessions. Mr. Newde gate thought that the chestnuts were warm, and advised that some enterprising person should be engaged to take them off the fire. Mr. Whalley was engaged, and the chestnuts certainly were warm. lIAYNOOTH AND THE 44 ADVERTISER." The Morning Advertiser is sorely out of heart. After instructing the publicans for the last twenty years day by day in the mystery of the Papal iniquity in general, and the wickedness of Maynooth in particular, our contemporary finds the House of Commons determining by a tremendous majority t o it endow" Maynooth with 8365,000. But nil desperandum ; there is vengeance in store. "It is no trifling consolation to us to feel assured that a considerable number of those members who sacrificed their Protestantism to party interests will have to pay the penalty of the loss of their seats for their tergiversation." Does the Advertiser really suppose that the aforesaid members would have ven tured to "sacrifice their Protestantism" if they had not received the full permission of their constituents to do so PRESIDEI\ 7 7IAL PA7RONAGE. (From the Anglo-American Times.) Senator Ross was astonished and pained by this declaration of the PRESIDENT " that where any man bad held office during the past year and a half, it was ►resumptive evidence that he was a JOHNSON man." We also are pained and astonished, though for a different reason, for Mr. Ross only saw in General GRANT'S declaration the dismissal of his friends from office. To him, t 4 it plainly said that notwithstanding the fact that fully one-half the offices of the country wore filled by earnest and faithful Radical Republicans and soldiers—the PRE SIDENT'S warmest political friends and supporters —they must give place to the hordes of bargaining politicians and Place-hunters who for the past few weeks have blocked the balls and swarmed in the avenues of the capital." Gen. GRANT has acted on the old principle, to an extent for which the country was little prepared. The time-honoured story has been repeated, and the play:has been in accordance w Mahe well-known programme " to thevictor belong the spoils." The declaration attributed to General GRANT has, however, a wider bearing than that given to it by Senator Ross, for it contains more than every thing that is objectionable in the American system. Does the PRESIDENT divide all his fellow-citizens into Johnson-men and Grant-men, as Rhode Island is divided into Spragues and Browns. Is America to descend to the faction following of a paltry Italian town in the Middle Ages?—and, if not, why does he, the head of the Executive, use so objectionable a term? Bad as this is, the real vice is not realised therein. ANDREW JOIINSON was the lawful Pre sident of the United States. The men, his suc cessor thus stig,matized, for it is clear he intended it as a term of reproach, were the public servants acting for the country, in their keyeral Official capa- Not long ago Liverpool was the head-quarters, nor that only, but almost the sole port whence steerage passengers could ship in steamers for New York and Canada. Now the Irish go from Queenstown, and Greencastle, and Londonderry direct during the summer months. The Scotch embark from Glas gow; the Germans from Hamburg, Bremen, and other harbours ; from Copenhagen a line now plies, touch ing at Bremerhaven. There are numerous depar tures from Havre and Brest, and it is intended to run steamers from an Italian port straight to New York. From London there is ample opportunity, as well as from Southampton, and recently Plymouth has been added to the list, a boon to the miners of Cornwall ani Devonshire now flocking in thou sands to America. .N otwithstancling these great facilities, the Government emigration officials have lately been more busy in. Liverpool than for many years, superintending what is termed an " enor mous exodus." Although the Irish emigration has there greatly decreased, as they avail themselves of the facilities now afforded by their own h irbours, that from tl.e Continent has not dwindled as anti cipated, through the opportunities of shippiiig direct in splendid st eamers. F rom L i verpool thirty-one ships last month sailed for the United States under the Passmger Act, and of 0:021,566 who took places, over 9,000 were foreigners. The proportion of Eng lish was 7,259 ; of Irish 4,505 ; of Scotch 748. Only eight ships left for Canada with 4,985 passengers, of whom consi lerably more than half were foreigners, 2,055 English, 169 Irish, and one Scotch. The total emigration for the month was 27,038, show ing an increase over that of the corresponding month of last year of 8,168, and it is noticed that the exodus enlarges, April's list being 14,418 in excess of that of March. What we consider the most hopeful sign in these figures is the steady increase of English emigration to the United States. Our idea ought to be, if it is not, known to our readers, for we have repeated it often enough. But as we hold a singular position in England (while as satis fied as of our own existence of the truth of what we assert) we intend to keep hammering away on that line. The effort some good but ill-informed men make to divert British emigration anywhere from the United States is a fatal mistake. Their principle is that emigration strengthens the Re public, and in strengthening the Union it but adds to the power of an enemy. This monstrous blunder, for as such we consider it, has cost both countries enough, and it is about time now that it should ex plode. By carefully diverting British emigration from the United States, while rather helping to drift the Irish emigration there, England has studiously fortified her enemy's strongest position, manned and armed it against herself. By shutting her own chil dren out she has excluded the garrison that would have availed her in time of danger, preventing the fortress from being used by her foes as a base for offensive operations. We would ask any candid, unprejudiced person if we overstate the case, and, if not, if such conduct be not that of the insane ? It is true that in injuring her own citizens by clos ing to them the,finest field for emigration, they have injured the Republic—aye—and to a far greater extent than the United States suppose. Our posi tion on this subject has already been stated, so we geed not here touch further upon it, but we hail the change now so satisfactorily progressing for the first time for many many years, of British emigration to the United States. It will take years for the in fluence to be strongly felt, but if clodhoppers from Irish bogs can so quickly attain the position they occupy in the Union, we may reasonably hope that the Protestant yeoman-emigration of Scotland, Eng land, and from the north of Ireland, freely sent, may still more rapidly, in proportion to number, rise into political importance. Educate the boys and girls to go; send them with a blessing ; let the successful do as the Germans and Irish, save, and remit in aid of the emigration of their brethren, and England will place her garrison within the citadel, practi cally renewing the consanguinity with the great Republic, about which there has beet: so much talk, a relationship which has been dying out, in fact, as well as in feeling.—Auglo-American Times. THE COST OF ENGLISH AND AMERICAN Ti\7llllT Y. I Senator SUMNER, who understands so well how to assess damages, positive as well as undefined, might profitably spend some hours on this subject. As yet his attention has only been directed to a portion, which we will use, and endeavour to fill in the rest. Ever since a stupid king, acting on the crude, ignorant notions of Government then prevail . ing, severed the home country from her American colonies after a war which entailed a heavy burden - on England and sowed over the liberated coloniesthe seeds of bitterness, a feeling of enmity bas been cherished by a portion of the citizens of both coun ' tries. Had the founders of American independence and the upper classes of Britain known the future cost of gratifying this feeling they would earnestly have endeavoured to smother instead of fostering it. It is difficult iu approaching the losses sustained by both nations through enmity, to do more than broadly generalize ; but there are striking facts accomplished and transpiring in our own day too well established to be disputed, and worthy of attentive consideration. Almost from the birth of the Republic to the present time, the parent and child have been engaged in a paper controversy in abus ing, ridiculing, misrepresenting, vilifying each other —attacks better calculated to keep alive irrita tion than to give either side pleasure. Very often the irritability has almost blazed into war, and once hostilities actually broke out. The Canadian re bellion, England bolds, was organized from the United States; the Fenian rebellion was wholly the work of men who called themselves American citizens. Twice they invaded the Canadas; often the frontier was threatened; an Irish Republic was esta blished in New York, and the emissaries sent forth by it landed in Ireland and fomented an outbreak. Their conspiracies ramified to England itself. Ches ter Castle, with its munitions of war, only escaped their hands by an accident, and a street in London was blown up to effect an object of the organization. For a long spell the Habeas Corpus Act was sus pended in Ireland ; the force in Canada had to be increased, and a heavy burden fell on the Canadian Government in preparing to resist the threatened invasions. In every war Britain waged, her enemy, the British assert, had the active sympathy of Ame ricans, even when it was to suppress and punish those who commenced the revolt for the extirpation of Christianity in Asia by a series of massacres so atrocious as to shock the world. American sympa thy, say Englishmen, was given to Russia in the struggle with the Western Powers, because England was on the other side, and it received an illustra tion in the unceremonious disaaiss.al of an officer of the English Consular Service by the Washington Government. It is asserted by those considered good authorities that the fiscal legislation of the United States was influenced by the desire to injure the mother country, and that enmity still gives its chief strength to Protection. It id also said that England's attitude, as well as thatof the Republic to wards foreign countries is modified by the known enmity between them; that England could not take the course she otherwise would, in repelling the invasion of Denmark by Germany ; that the Washington Government is restrained from acting the part most agreeable to the nation towards Cuba by the fear of compromising the position of the coun try on the Alabama claims. What may be Eng land's loss through American enmity we have no means of ascertaining, but the Republic's loss through English enmity is more real and apparent. Taking a tithe of Senator SUMNER'S calculation it must be gigantic in the case of the civil war alone ; but this has been so recently explained that we need not here touch on it. England has successfully en deavoured to divert her emigration in any direction from the United States ; and in doing so both coun tries have sustained an incalculable. loss. Not only the finest field for emigration has thus been barred to th e people who make the best emigrants, but the loss has told most injuriously on the Republic itself. For a period the Irish leaven so fermented as to be felt dis agreeably in the Union, but fortunately the enor mous influx of Germans is over• riding the evil influ ences of Irish emigration in the mass, for it is an Hibernian peculiarity that the sons of the Green Isle make excellent emigrants individually, scattered among other nationalities, but bad settlers when congregated. Had there been less of the Irish and more of the English, it would have been all-the bet ter for the Republic, for the law-abiding, Protes tant element would have been strengthened, nor would wealthy Americans have found so many tools to forward corrupt designs as in the Empire City. In another decade, unless a rapid stream of English emigration flows into the States, the Union will doubtless become German whether New Eng land likes it or not. While most of what the Re public treasures has been derived from England—its religion, its laws, its literature, its language having had their birth in that island—the broad stamp of the inhabitants will be German, and this result, if it follows, will actually be caused by the direct de scendants of the English themselves. This will not be what New England families intended, or the old families of Virginia, Maryland, the Carolinas, and Georgia, or their descendants the early pioneers in the settlement of the West, though not the less will it be so. The old names now so familiar in the Senate Chamber end in the Hall of the _Represen tatives will then give place to those indicating another race, and the eloquence which once stirred Congress will not be after the came model, nor Sue ve its inspirations from the same feelings. The tenacity with which the old families have held their pl :ces in the Union may be seen by those who glance down the names of the Senators and Repre sentatives. That English descended families still rule is apparent from the list, and this should be considered with the fact that for generations Eng lish emigration to America had almost wholly ceased. That these families should encourage the enmity which has barred the influx of their race, and which must eventually make dominant a foreign element, may surprise, though it is not more astonishing than that both nations should have indulged a feeling alike dangerous to each, giving little else than pain, and leading to incalculable in jury. Whenever America conceived a project, the effort of England has been to defeat it, or to substi tute something else. If, for instance, by construct ing railways, digging canals, and boring through mountains, a route could be made shorter to China than that via New York and San Francisco, any amount of English capital would be forthcoming for the work. Whatever is American has always had to fight against the battle of prejudice in Eng land, and American talent recognized here must be so palpably superior that Americans may accept such success as the best proof of merit. There are numberless American inventions which would have been useful beyond description in England, and would have been introduced were this prejudice not so generally believed in. Often, in such ways, losses are inflicted which tell as heavily on the one coun try as on the other ; but great as has been the in jury in the past, it may be as nothing compared with what may accrue in the future. Instead of working together as two sections of one race to whom PROVIDENCE has been very bountiful in be stowing a magnificent domain, each appears to con spire against the power, progress, and tranquillity of the other. It is undeniable that England's legi timate influence in the affairs of Europe is counter acted by the knowledge that under present circum stances she could not go to war. A tiger in a cage is an animal at which a child may snap its fingers, and a powerful nation thus neutralized will be but an object of contempt even to the weak. Arma ments must be maintained where a struggle for life always threatens ; and it is natural to sup pose that England should desire to see the strength of the nation breaking against whom she may at any time be called to fight for her veil existence. Viewed in this light, her course was not surprising during the Civil War, nor the recent unscrupulous attempts of the Times to damage American credit. Supposing that a war did result, it is not too much to say that the national securi ties of each country would be almost worthless ; for two such obstinate nations, once fairly embroiled, would resemble the Kilkenny cats, in leaving little more than the tail of each ere they finished. Sup posing that such a war lasted for years, what would become of the swelling tide of emigration to Ame rica? for that tide once turned into other channels, cannot easily be restored. The nonsense talked by men like Senator CHANDLER may deceive the ignorant, but it is surprising to hear- in the same Chamber a Senator make such a statement as his, almost before the words of another bad ceased to vibrate announcing the astounding damage done to America by the mere sympathy of England. Senator CHANDLER undertakes to con quer Canada from an Empire of unknown power, perhaps the greatest the world has ever seen, with his 60,000 Michigan Volunteers in thirty days, and to conclude a short, sharp, and decisive war in the annihilation of England ! Senator SUMNER, on the other hand, asserts that the paltry supplies fur nished to the Confederacy by England in vessels and munitions of war prolonged the contest for two years, and led to half the blood and treasure ex pendedin its, suppression ; while Senator CHANDLER will contract to conquer 4,000,000 of Canadians, backed by England, with his Michigan Volun teers in thirty days. But the Senator must not thus take the bread out of the mouths of the Fenian agi tators, who will do the job in a shorter time, and on cheaper terms. If England has to pay for the pro longation of the rebellion it is a thousand pities that so doughty a general was not early sent South to finish it off under contract with the English Go vernment, and that a man so useful, discussed too as an earnest patriot,should have carefully abstained from going there, indeed have located himself tenaciously in the safest part of the Union. Such people persuade those as ignorant as themselves that that is easy of accomplishment which no single power in creation could achieve, and thus fortify fools to rush into more ruin which was heavy e,nough , one would imagine, in the case of the Confederate war, to satisfy moderate men. Let Mr. CHANDLER reflect on this fact. The leading statesmen of the Union before the war were Southerners ; with all the knowledge that their official positions could give of the United States, they deliberately pre pared for and entered on that conflict which de stroyed them all. These men were at least as wise as Mr. CHANDLER ; they had far better means of knowing how the conflict would end between their Confederation and the United States, than he has of knowing what England would oppose to' the resources of the Republic. Yet, pitting their lives , their property, their all, on this die, they delibe rately did that, which the few who survived groaned in agony to recall. We can assure Mr. CHANDLER that it is easier to do those shocking things than to escape the consequences, and if the English Govern' went has conceded more than Englishmen approve , it has been because long experience has taught 0 10 almost anything is better than so dreadful au alter" native, and perhaps another great war would teach . , the United States the same lesson, w hi c h would effectually prevent the return to Congre s s of such members as CHANDLER. Both nations have suffere d enough from enmity, and it is not like the east win d : or an earthquake, or hurricanes, that which cantle' be prevented. Though more disastrous far than they , it proceeds from our own vile nature, which foster s evil rather than good, and may, if encouraged, en' in the ruin of one or both countries, and must en tail a loss fearful to contemplate on the worlde-- Anglo-American limes. BIRTII. GILBERT-EAST—On the 7th inst., at Manor Ileum, Ken l l 3B " ford, Fairford, Gloucestershire, Lady Gilbert-East, of 3 ' son and heir. Hien/tuns -On the 4th inst., at Tottenham, the w if e of Basil Richards, E sq . , o f a daughter. MARRIAGES. TOBIN—GOODE—On the 6th inst at Stamford Bar on, Lieut.-Colonel T o bi n to Mary Elizabeth, widow of the late Major Goode, 62d Regt. WALKER -POWELL - On the Bth inst., at Hanover Chard!, Reg , nt-strec,t, Fred. Walker, of 24. Longhorn-Area, Portland-place, to Letitia, daughter of H. Powell, of S wansea. DEATES. GRANT On the 7th inst., suddenly, near Bath, Captain L• S. Grant, aged 32. HENLEY—On the 7th inst., at Brighton, Harriett, Dowager Lady Henley, aged 66. JONES—On the 7th inst., at The Waldrons, Croydon, 3 1 ' 1 ' Sarah Jones, aged 98. London: Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREWS' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SuN Office, N 0.112, Strand, In the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County of Iliddlesex.—!. Monday, May 10,1889. 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