The Sun. — London, England, 1829-05-07 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS. -( LAST NIGHT. ) A person from the India-house presented returns of certain regulations adopted in the several presi dencies in India. On the motion of the Earl of SHAFTEsnuRY, the Liverpool and Manchester Railway Amendment Bill and the Swan River Settlement Regulation Bill, were read a third time, and passed!. Lord MAYNARD presented a petition from the Silk-weavers cf Hoxton, praying for relief from the present distressed state of their trade. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY presented a petition from an individual named Barrow, complain ing that he, a resident consumer of coals, its South well,in Nottinghamshire, should have to pay a duty levied for the erection of the New London-bridge. 'The Noble Marquis supported the prayer of the petition, and contended that the duties at present levied on coals were contrary to wise policy and the landed principles of free trade. A similar petition was presented from Lewes, in Sussex, by Lord CHICHESTER.—Referred to the Select Committee on the Coal Trade.—Ad journed. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-(LAST NIGHT.) The Earl of SURREY took the oaths appointed by the Act of the present session to be taken by Roman Catholic Members of Parliament, and his seat for the borough of Horsham. Several Members went tip to the Noble Lord, after he had received the usual congratulations from the Speaker, and shook him warmly by the hand. ORPHAN'S FUND, AND LONDON-BRIDGE BILL. Mr. Alderman Wt )OD brought up a Report on the London-bridge Bill. Mr. TENNYSON suggested to the Worthy Al dt,rman the propriety of postponing the motion for the reception of the report till Friday or Monday, in order that his (Mr. Tennyson's) motion respecting the OThans' Fund, which stood for to•morrow (this day), was disposed of. •Ir. Alderman WOOD did not see that that was any reason why the reception of this report should be postponed. He would have no objection to postpone the third reading of the Bill for some days, in order to afford a sufficient time to those who might be inclined to oppose it. Sir T. FREMANTLE concurred as to the pro priety of pos , poniug the reception of the report turil the motion of the Hon. Member for Bletch ingley was disposed of. Mr. CROKER conceived that the object of the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Tennyson) could be as well attained when the third reading of the Bill came on, and the Worthy Alderman was quite willing to postpone the third reading of the Bill. However, if the Hon. Member was very anxious for the post ponement of the present motion, he was sure the Worthy Alderman would have no objection to com ply with his request. After a few words from Mr. Alderman WAITH UAN, Mr. TENNYSON, General GASCOYNE, Mr. C. BARCLAY, and Mr. Alderman Wool), the reception of the report was postponed till Friday. SMITHFIELD MARKET. Mr. WODEHOUSE presented a petition from certain landowners and graziers resident in the county of Norfolk, against the Smithfield-market improvement Bill. Mr. PROTHEROE supported the petition. The petitioners justly complained of that portion of the Bill which went to throw the whole of the ex pense attending the improvement of the market upon the salesmen and graziers, while no portion of the burden was imposed on the city of London. Mr. Alderman WOOD contended that the small toll which the Bill proposed to levy—viz. 6d. upon every head of cattle, and Sd. upon every score of sheep—was but a trifling tax upon the graziers and cattle-dealers, when the great benefits which they would derive from the improvement of the market were taken into account. However, if Hon. Mem hers were determined to oppose the Bill, the city of London would be quite ready to give it up; and the market-day were changed from Friday to Thurs day, perhaps there would be then sufficient accom modation at Thursday's and Monday's market with out going to the expence of any enlargement of the present market. Mr. CARTWRIGHT supported the petition. After a few words from Mr. Alderman Wood, Mr. Wodelioule, Mr. Alderman C. Smith, and Mr. Protheroe, who expressed his determination to op pose the bringing up of the Report on Tuesday wxt, the petition was read, and ordered to lie on the table. Mr. WESTERN gave notice that he would, on Tuesday, the 26th of May, move for leave to bring in a Bill, explanatory, or rather declaratory, of the Act of the Ist and 2d Geo. 111., relative to the tax on horses employed for agricultural purposes, which :appeared to him to have been misunderstood. Sir C. HAS FINGS presented a petition from certain physicians and surgeons resident in Leicester, praying that greater facilities might be given for the study of anatomy, Sir R. VYVYAN gave notice that he would, o n Tuesday, May 26, move for the appointment of a Committee to inquire into the causes of the pre• sent agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial distress. Mr. G. DAWSON moved, " That there be laid before the House an account of the amount of ' monies received in his Majesty's Exchequer, for the year ending the sth of January, 1829, on account of ways and means," &C. the motion was agreed to, and Mr. G. DAWSON immediately brought up the papers, which were or dered to be printed. Mr. HUME moved for a return of the annual ex pense incurred on account of the Militia of the United Kingdom, from the let of January, 1816, to the Ist of January, 1829; a return of the sums paid for pensions and retiring allowances for officers and men, and a return of the allowances panted to the lieutenancy clerks, and on all other accounts con nected with the militia, for the same period.-- Ordered. Mr. HUME moved for an account of the total expense incurred for the support of the yeomanry corps, from the Ist of January, 1816, to the Ist of January, 1829.—Ordered. SEATS IN PARLIAMENT. Mr. A. BARING said, he rose, in consequence of the notice which he had given some time since, to move for leave to introduce a Bill for the purpose of vacating the seats of persons taking office under the East India Company, and who shall embark for India to take possession of the places to which they may have been appointed. In moving for leave to bring in this Bill, he intended to trouble the House with very few observations on the subject; because he was aware that it would be extremely inconve nient to many gentlemen if he drew on a discussion on the present evening, and it had been suggested to him that all discussion should be postponed to the second reading of the Bill. He understood that no objec>ion would be made to his proposition; and, indeed, he could not suppose that it was intended in any quarter to offer any very serious opposition to the measure. At all events, he did not believe that there wetild be any objection to the introduction of the Bill. But, although lie did not wish to provoke any kiiscussion on this evening, it was due to the House that he should briefly state the object which he had in view. And first of all be would state, what he was sure gentlemen would believe, when lie told them that he took this step without any communicae tion with, or reference to, the city of Canterbury, although that city would certainly be affected by the proposed measure; and that he took up the s=et. with no feeling of hostility to the gentleman whom peculiar case rendered it necessary that an alteration should be made in the law. He alluded to Mr. Lushingtort, who was at present Governor of Madras, whom he liad known for many years, and for whom be entertaated much respect. That particular case, however, had made the necessity of such an altera tion as he meant to propose so perfectly manifest, that he need not expatiate at any length on the sub ject. The House,lte was sure, could not resist the several petitions from the city of Canterbury, com plaining of the situation in which the electors were left. It appeared, that since the year 1827, Mi. Lushington, who was member for the city of Can terbury, had accepted the office of Governor of Madras, and had, in consequence, gone Out to India, leaving the city with only one represeutative. Now they all knew, that in towns, generally, there were two political parties, each of which had its favourite representative. This was tie case in Canterbury, and therefore, by the absence of Mr. Lushington, portion of that city lost the expression of its senti ments, through the medium of one of its representa tives. For though he admitted that no person could represent the place better than the other Hon. Mem ' her for Canterbury,—though he admitted that, in this case, the Hon. Member's great attention to the interests of his constituents rendered the injury sustained much less than it would be under ordi nary circumstances,—still lie could not View the situation of the electors of Canterbury but as a great grievance, and one which they had a right to complain of. He here begged leave to state, that he was not acquainted with a single individual in Canterbury, and he hardly knew one of the electors even by sight. Therefore, in proposing, this measure, he was not impelled by any know ledge of the local politics of Canterbury, or by any reference to the gentleman who might be returned, if the Bill were passed. As he was unacquainted with the feelings of the place, and possessed no knowledge respecting it, be must be acquitted of being actuated by any party motives. As the Hon. Member who now represented Canterbury ordina rily voted with his Majesty's Government, it was clear that he (Mr. Baring) had no political object in view ; and he was sure, if the seat were vacated, and leave were given to elect a new Member, he would sit as close to those benches opposite as the present Hon. Member did. The House would therefore see, that in adopting this proceeding, he was doing a mere act of public duty; and it would be for them to judge, whether they ought to agree with him in the absolute necessity of the case, and allow the Bill to be brought in for the purpose of correcting the evil. As he did not suppose that any objection would be offered to the introduction of the measure, he would not take up their time in explaining why he applied it particularly to persons taking office under the East India Company, and why it would be right, as he conceived it would, to make it apply to the particular case which he had mentioned—that was, to give the Bill not merely a prospective, but a retrospective operation. He should feel it to be his duty to press on the House the necessity of making this an Act that would ope rate on the present state of the city of Canterbury. Ile here wished to observe, that this particular case, in his view of it, rested on grounds perfectly distinct from any supposed influence of the Crown. Parlia ment had repeatedly legislated with respect to specific offices, which allowed individuals to hold seats in that House; and also with reference to those offices which excluded them from sitting in Parliament. He therefore did not mean to venture on that point. Indeed, he was not one of those who complained of any great influence of the Crown in the house of Commons at present; and ti:at being the fact, he did not introduce the MIL with any reference to that influence. It was tine that, in some respects, the influence of the Crown was concerned, as :those situations were filled with the joint approbation of the East India Company and the Board of Controul. But it was not on that ground that he rested the case; but or' the single ground stated by the petitioners—namely, the im possibility of a Governor of Madras, or any other person holding office in India, performing his Par liamentary duties. It was quite clear that the situa tions were incompatible with each other. It might be said, that many Members of Parliament absented themselves voluntarily from the country, and that others were employed by the Crown in the army and navy, and could not attend to their duties in Parliament. But the case of persons ac cepting office in India appeared to him to be dis tinct from both the one class and the other, and therefore it was necessary to make a specific provi sion for it. He should also state to gentlemen, who were fond of precedents, and who cherished affec.. tionately the wisdom of their ancestors, that those ancestors were most particular in insisting on per sonal attendance ; and new writs were over and over again issued, in cases where individuals held offices, which were incompatible with the discharge of thsir Parliamentary duties. He would not trouble the House by enumerating any of those cases, until the second reading of the Bill; but he alluded to them to show that he was introducing no novel principle, but rather legalizing, by Act of Parliament, that which their ancestors had effected in a different way. It was the object of our Constitution, in ge neral, to get rid of the more loose operation of the prerogative of the Crown on one side, and of the privilege of Parliament on the other, by reduc ing to a specific law any particular proceeding which it might be desirable to carry into effect; and therefore, although there were precedents, which would enable the House to cause seats to be vacated in consequence of absence, still he conceived that it would be better to have an express law on the subject applicable to cases where it was to be pre sumed there would be a permanency, or am extended permanency, of absence. There were, undoubtedly, other cases of a more uncertain kind, ill-health, for example, which might incapacitate an individual from attending, but he thought it would be very un wise to attempt interfering with those cases ; and therefore it would be better to follow the piovisions of a specific Act. In this instance the complaint had been made to the House—the evil complained of was notorious, and it was one which the House had formerly attended to, though in a shape different from that which he now proposed. The House, he thought, could not object to the provisions of the Bill. This was no speculative legislation with re spect to what might hereafter arise, but was direct eel to a case which had arisen, and en which a com plaint had been made to the House. He did not intend to have said so much on this Bill; and re serving to himself the right, on a future occasion, to reply to any objections that might be urged against it, he would simply move that leave be given to bring in the Bill. Rut before he concluded, he would just say one word as to the retrospective pert of the measure, lie had not heard any objec tion to the general principle ; but undoubtedly some gentlemen, hp believed, would consent only to ap ply the Bill to a prospective acceptance of office, and would not agree that it should touch any ex isting case; or, in other words, they would not con sent to touch the only case, that of Mr. Lushington ; which at present existed. Now he thought that the Bill ought to touch that case, and that Mr. Lushington should be obliged to give up his seat in that House, he being incapacitated from performing the duties incidental to it, But still, if the measure were brought in, nothing would be more easy, if the House should think proper, than to make the alte ration. The Hon, Gentleman then moved, " That leave be given to bring in a Bill to exclude persons accepting offices under the East India Company, from being Members of the House of Corareems," Co peel LUSHINGTON considered that retroi spective legislation ought not to be encouraged. If this Bill were passed into a law, it would affect only one individual, the Hon. Member for Canterbury, who was at present Governor of Madras. He was. sure that that gentleman would not retain his seat contrary to the wishes or desires of his constituents. But the fact was, that he. had acted with the perfect coecerrence of his constituents. That part of the voters who' elected him did not dis approve of his conduct, which wag censured only by those who had always opposed him. lie cik:d the attention of the House to the Act of the 43ri Geo. 111. cap. 52, which provided for vacating seats in that House, and it would he found that its clauses were all prospective, and did not extend to persons then in Parliament. He thought the Hon. Member was applying the general principle in an extremely partial manner; because officers in the army and navy were frequently absent from Parliament ; and • he believed instances could be adduced where some of them were absent during a whole Parliament, and yet the measure would not interfere with them. Mr. FERGUSSON could see no reason if this measure were adopted, why it should he confined solely to persons taking office under the East India Company. The only possible cases to which the Bill coald apply were these—namely, where . Mem.• hers of Parliament happened to be appointed go vernors to the three presidencies. The Legislature had said that it was fit and proper, as no doubt it was, that persons taking office under the Crown mast vacate their seats ; and they did, by the mere act of accepting office, vacate their seats; but then they might return to their constituents, and be re elected. If the freemen of Canterbury were satis fied with a Representative who took office under the Crown, they might re-elect him but the Bill of the Hon. Gentleman would, in this case, prevent them from re-electing their present Representative, be cause he had taken office under the East India Company. Dr. LUSHINGTON said, that it did not seem to be understood that the measure of the Hon. Member for Callington would apply only to o ffi ces which ex necessitate incapacitate d Members from performing their dudes in Parliament. It was now seven years since this principle had been conceded by the House, in the measure by which masters in Chancery in Ireland were rendered incapable of filling seats in Parliament. As to the measure being made retrospective, he confessed that he felt very great difficulty in that. Before his lion. Re lative went out, he asked him why he retained his seat ? and the answer of his Hon. Relative was, that he had been requested by his constituents to retain it. As to the petition from Canterbury, it was signed by those who voted for the other Mem ber, and against his Hon. Relation. He must say that when a man accepted an office which gave him the power of retaining his sear, it ought to be a very strong case which deprived him of it. Mr. PEEL said, that he was favourable to the Bill, so far as it regarded three offices connected with the Government of India. These offices were of peculiar nature, and not exactly colonial; but as a colonial Governor vacated his seat, and as the Crown exercised a veto on appointment to these offices, he was willing that persons filling them should vacate their sews. He doubted, however, whether they ought to be incapacitated from being re-elected if their constituents chose to re-elect , them. So also he doubted the propriety of making the measure retrospective; for, as it was the uni , form practice of the House not to vacate seats . without proof of delinquency, he did think that it , would seem to imply something like censure if the operation of the Bill were retrospective, and that it would also be a hardship upon an individual who . had !eft the country under the impression that he might retain his seat. He would, however, defer the consideration of these points till the opportu nity which the I-lon. Member for Callington had , named for taking the measure generally into dis cussion. Mr. BRIGHT took it to be clear, that Pa►lia ment had the power already of vacating seats, if it thought proper to do so. The Bill, therefore, could not be retrospective, and the gentleman when he accepted this office, knowing that a resolution of the House would deprive him of his seat, could not be said to be hardly dealt with. The House, then having this power, he thought it would be better to leave such cases to the good sense of the House than to proceed by Bill. As to the constituents of the Hon Member for Canterbury requesting him not to vacate his seat, he could only say that he had al ways understood the principle of representation to be this,--that when a man wus once returned to that House, he became a representative of the people generally, and not merely of his own consti tuents. The assent, therefore, of the people of Can terbury ought to have no weight at all. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he should reserve the observations he had to make till a future opportunity ; but he must now say that he could not consent to the operation of the Bill being retrospective. Mr. HUME concurred with what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Bristol (Mr. Bright), but hoped that if a Bill was to be introduced, ►t would include all offices which prevented a man attending to his duties in Parliament. Lord CLIFTON thought it right to state now, once for all, that in his opinion it would be better for him to abstain from taking any part of this ques tion. . . Dr. PHILLIMORE thought that, from what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Callington, the measure about to be introduced was framed in the best possible manner. As to whether it should be retrospective, that was a delicate question, and re quired deliberation. He confessed that he had heard with the greatest jealousy of the combination between Mr. Lushiugton and a part of his consti tuents. After a few words in reply from 1111.. BARING, leave was given to bring in the Bill. FRIENDLY SOCIETIES' BILL. Mr. PORTMAN said that it had been his in tention to have entered on this occasion at some length into the principle of this Bill; but on a day such as this, and particularly at such an hour on such a day, he should say very few words upon it. It had been his object to leave to these societies the power of transacting,their own affairs, and merely to demand from them those restrictions which every society ought to be ready to submit to, and which the state ought to require from every society. All, thetefore, that he had done was, to restrain the abuse of their funds, and to prevent their meeting for any other purposes than those for which they pretended to meet. He had several amendments to propose, and he should therefore move that the Bill be reprinted, and reconsidered on a future day. Mr. T. P. COURTENAY said that, generally speaking, he approved of the Bill, but that he thought that when the state was called upon to give peculiar sanction and peculiar privileges, it ought to require peculiar security. His Hon. Friend might take his own course now; but at a future op portunity he should take the sense of the House on the point to which he had alluded. The House went into a Committee, and the re port was ordered to be taken into further considera tion on Monday next. SUPPLY. On the motion of Mr. PLANTA for bringing up the report on the Life Annuities Bill, Mr. HUME said that when this Bill was before the House on a former occasion, the Chancellor of the Exchequer promised that certain clauses should be struck out of the Bill, and he should therefore oppose its going through another stage without those clauses were struck out. Mr. PLANTA was not prepared under these circumstances to press the report being received, and it was accordingly ordered to be brought up io,lllorrpw! The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter to Seven o'clock. A farm of one hundred acres, near Michels town, on the eatate of the Earl of KINGSTON, has been appropriated by his Lordship to the culture of the silk worm. The ground is laid out with peat taste and ele gance.— Carlow Morning Post. The following is an extract of a letter, dated Gibraltar, April 16 :—" It appears all is now settled re specting Cadiz being a free port, FERDINAND having signed the final documents necessary on the 6th inst. For this freedom, stun of about 11,000,000 tea l s ve ll on , or 550,000 dollars annually, is to be paid t o th e Govern ment. We therefore expect it will not m a t er i a lly affect us here, and the vario us establishment s which were going over to Cadiz, according to the papers in England, we judge will torn out to be very few, at any rate for some little time yet. These tare not times for people to embark their property in such a country S.B Spain, without first seeing what effect this new measure is likely to have. We certainly want a change here, for business - never was in such a dull state : nothing at all doing in any branch of trade." ' ~ `\• WELLINGTON TESTIMONIAL. .~, Yesterday, pursuant to advertisement, a meeting was held at the LOndon Tavern, for the purpose of considering the best, means of raising a sufficient fund, by voluntary subscription, to erect a statue, in or near Dublin, of his Grace . the Duke of Wel lington, commemorative of• the most glorious of his public services—the intr4ductionand passing of the Roman Catholic Relief Bill. - The meeting was ap pointed to take place at one o'clock precisely, but the Chair was not taken till two. Among the per sons present were the Duke of Leinster, Earl Fitz william, the Marquis of Dow nshire, Earl of Darnley, the Earl of Bective, the Earl of Cork, Lord Shan non, Lord Stourton, Lord Clifford, Lord Dunally, Lord Stafford, Lord Gosford, Lieutenant-General Thornton, the Knight of Kerry, Sir C. Ccote, Bart., M.P., the Hon. George Agar Ellis, the 1-Ton. Mr. Jerningharn, the Hon. F. Ponsonby, the Rev. Mr. Courtney, the Rev. Mr. Wade, the Rev. Mr. Keat ing, Thomas Moore, Esq., Mr. Blount, James Grat tan, Esq., M.P., Joseph Hume, Esq., M.P., James Corry, Esq., Edward Solly Flood, Esq., Messrs. O'Connell, Lawless, O'Gorman Mahon, Steele, Wyse, Henry Hunt, Rosson, and C. Phillips. The meeting was very numerously and respectably at tended. During the greater part of theproceed ings the large ball-room of the tavern was crowded. We should think there could not have been fewer than 500 persons present. - On the [notion of the Duke of Leinster, seconded by Lord Stourton, Earl Fitzwilliam was called to the Chair, and Pierce Mahony, Esq., appointed EC. cretary to the meeting. The Secretary stated, that he had received apo logies from a number of individuals who were un able to attend on account of business or indisposi tion : among these were Lords Glengall, Morpeth, F. L. Gower, Judge Day, Mr. G. R. Dawson, M.P., &c. A list of subscriptions, varying from 26/. to 61., was then read. The Duke of LEINSTER begged leave to read the third resolution, which was as follows : " That we feel it to be our duty to express our gratitude to his Majesty for the gracious assent given to the Bill for the relief of the Protestant Dissenters in the last session of Parliament, and for his generous recommendation that a full portion of civil rights should be granted to his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, in conformity with his Majesty's Royal constitutional declaration, that his power was held for the benefit of his people." Lord STOURTON said, in seconding the resolution which had just been put into his hand, he felt that he ought to state some reason why he, an humble individual, and unconnected by the ties of property with Ireland, had accepted the honour conferred on _him when his name was placed upon the committee. He had accepted it because he fully - concurred in the objects of the present meeting ; because he concurred in the principles of civil and religious liberty, the triumph of which it was now intended to commemorate ; and further, because lie had been long convinced that England and Ireland would be identified in feeling and interest from the highest to the lowest gradations of society by the measure which had recently received the sanction of the Legislature. lle fully agreed in every thing that could be done to testify our love, gratitude, and affection for the throne, in consequence of that measure —(Hear)—and towards his Majesty's Prime Minister, the Duke of Wellington.—(Hear, hear.) He felt convinced that every monument raised to the noble Duke would be only commemorative of the glories of his Majesty's great and brilliant reign. He congratulated the meeting upon this memorable year of grace, this jubilee year of peace, com mencing from the date of the royal sanction being given to the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts, and closing with the passing of the Catholic Relief Bill. This latter measure perfected the policy, and, he hoped, would realize all the expectations enter tained from the legislative union with Ireland in 800 : lie had no doubt it would carry down to posterity the Monarch and his Minister, under whose auspices it had been brought forward, in the brightest page of the most brilliant part of the an nals of the country. There remained but one more triumph for the noble Duke to achieve : he had vindicated the independence of his country by his victories—he bad now promoted peace and tranquil lity by his civil policy : it was only wanting that he who had displaced the bee (the symbol of industry) from the Tuileries and the Louvre, should fix it over every Irish cottage, and thus promote the prosperity as well as secure the quiet of his native country. When that was aeccomplished, the glory of his Majesty and of his Minister would be complete. Lieutenant-General THORNTON took this oppor tunity to say, that be had been an bumble labourer in the Roman Catholic cause during the entire time he had had the honour to sit in Parliament. Since that period, he had not enjoyed an opportunity of de daring his sentiments on this subject publicly. He sin cerely congratulated the country on the successful termina tion of the measure introduced by the Noble Duke at the bead of the Government—a measure of the utmost im portance to the peace and tranquillity, not only of Ireland and England, but of the world. This was certainly among the most glorious acts of the Duke of Wellington, and his Majesty was entitled to the highest praise for adopting so useful a measure, the immediate tendency of which was to render him the father of all his people. M. J. N. MAHON rose, and said, that if he consulted merely his own anxiety, he should sit silent, with rank, and influence, and wealth around him so much more ca pable of giving effect to every object of that meeting ; but he felt an irresistible impulse within him to express his homage and gratitude to the illustrious man who had burst the bonds of his country, giving freedom to millions, and immortality to himself.—(Cheers.) —They were assembled that day to raise a monument of gratitude to the great Minister by whose counsels and firmness a measure of transcendent justice had been consummated, calculated to cement the union of the empire indissolubly—to hind mil lions devotedly to the throne and constitution, and which will hand the names of the illustrious Duke and his col leagues with imperishable honours to a distant posterity. —(Cheers.)—" History, my Lord," said Mr. Mahon, " when it records this act of consummate justice and wis dom, - will not devote fire lines to the efforts of its oppo nents, while the names of its distinguished advocates will pass to successive generations, and be known and blessed in the glorious cause, and sublime results of the deliverance they accomplisher;. It was long the reproach of America that Washington slept in an obscure grave, and that no monument existed in her capital or senate to perpetuate the memory and virtues of her first citizen and deliverer. The fame of Wellington is secure. It will live for ages. His immortality is 64 " Which time doth still devour, but not destroy." Ireland should not be ungrateful to her great regenerator. He bad raised a nation from its knees; and every peasant should contribute to found a monument of gratitude to him who was the emancipator of millions—(Hear, hear.) The pedestal of his glory was deeply cast, and would bear any superstructure. The Duke of Wellington had accom plislital a consummation, to w'aich the genius and efforts of the first statesmen and patriots of England had for half a century aspired in vain. Little more than twelve months in power his decision bad completed a measure to which Mr. Burke could give little else than his wishes and sighs—on which Air. Fox had employed his mighty stores o f argument and reason in vain—before which M - r. Pitt, in the plenitude of power, was powerless—from which Grattan could gather nothing but immortality; while the e loquent Canning, the last of this illustrious band, died, like the leader of Israel, before he could enter on the pro mised land.—(Cheers.)—Th e great work was reserved by Providence for other hands ; it fell to those of Wellington ; arid he has perfected it. Such was the commanding in fluence of a mild but firm integrity, and a glorious name. union otni o n f a t k was the last key-stone made empire"T(vlaiseabr.3,o-reTibientn was now complete—it the arch, and the link that bound both countries was indissoluble. Five centuries of mi.government had rolled over Ireland, but a new day had dawned—the last link of her degradation was broken. And, with equal laws, equal protection, and allegiance, her proud motto now may be that of the French patriot, " din rot, ten lot s stn foi." (Cheerino: L -.)—The Duk e o f W e l l i ngton h a d purc h ase d an e t er nity of fame, and an eternity of gratitude, at the hands of Ireland. Irishmen would point to his effigy who scat tered the Mahrattas on the burning plains of Hiedostan— W ho was the victor of twenty fields in Spain—who crush ed the eagles of France in the bloody day of Waterloo, and consummated the long roll of his triumphs, not with bayonet or blade, with the thunder of artillery or the red hand of war, but by the arm of justice and the weapons of argument ~~ Vb. • 'and trutl ‘ oier li k3ss4st, prejudice, and intolerance.— • (Cheering.)—Such had been the magnificent course of the illNigious chieftain and statesufiti; - Whose name and glo ries they bad met that' day to perpetuate. He had not faltered in hii track, nor tuned to the 'right or left, but went Straightforward to his great purpose. Every expec tation held out to Ireland has now been more than realized, and Ireland will be found devoted and faithful. Should tie trumpet ef hostility sound to-morrow,—come it from Gaul, from Goth, from Scythian, or from Tartar,—her brave and hardy sons will be prompt at a moment's sum mons to form and march upon the foe. We are all mortal, however elevated or however humble, and "having played our parts" (as old Burton quaintly says), we must be gone for ever. Tombs and monuments have a like fate. " Data snot ipsis quoque fita sepulchris." But the great Minister has purchased an immortality of fame, which will endure beyond brass or marble. When the banners he wrested from haughty France have moul dered into dust,—when all records of him by the hands of the painter have faded,—when the labours of the sculptor have yielded to de, ouring time, and, like the works of I Phidias and Appellee, or Zeuxis and Praxiteles, are gone for ev. r,—the immortality of Wellington will only be ma tured.—(Cheering.)—Napoleon, in the pride of his triumphs, is reported to have asked David, " how long a painting would last ?"—" Four to five hundred years" was the reply of the artist. " Bah !" rejoined the insatiate victor, " a fine immortality !" But the historian can defy t'se ravages of time, and perpetuate his records for ever. They wi;l live through the multiplying labours of the press, from age to age, in every clime, and in every soil, until language, civilization, arts, and mankind, shall all perish together. The world is full of the fame of Welingtou. Like Washington, after the glories of foughten fields, he rests his immortality in the freedom and happiness of his country—long may he be spared to that country ! " Serus in ccelum redeat." But when the career of his splendid course is stopped, his short and simple epitaph need only be—" Here liea the great Duke of Wellington, the victor of Spain, the con queror of France, and the regenerator of Ireland." The Resolution was agreed to. The Marquis of DOWNSIIIRE rose to propose the fourth Resolution— " That an Address congratulating his Majesty on the success of his gracious recommendation to Parliament for the relief of his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, which passed through both Houses with unexampled majorities, be now prepared." He begged to say he did so with great satisfaction. It was with pleasure he witnessed the great object which he, as an humble individual, had done his utmost to promote, at length happily achieved. He knew he should be very deficient in proper feeling if he did not lay before the meeting, in a very few words, how grateful it became landed proprietors connected with Ireland to be for its ac complishment. It became such persons (and of them he was one) to be duly thankful for the disposition manifested by the Sovereign with regard to this most important mea sure.—(Hear.)—Without his Majesty's concurrence, this great measure could not have passed ; and to him, there fore, we owed all the blessings which we had in prospect, and all the benefits already actually conferred upon Ire land.—(Cheers.)—The advantages resulting from this measure to Ireland could only be exceeded by those con ferred by it upon the whole empire.—(Hear.)—These advantages, under Divine Providence, we owed to the King.—(Hear.)— To his Majesty's servants, as executing the orders received by them, we were also deeply indebted. In a word, to the King's Prime Minister we owed the warmest thanks—we were under the greatest obligations to him. He was himself nearly connected by the ties of relationship with that Noble and Illustrious Individual, and he felt more deeply upon this subject than he could ex press. He spoke as a possessor of landed property in Ire land, and one well acquainted with the fine character and excellent disposition of the people of that country; and he was satisfied that no greater benefit was ever conferred upon a nation than that which they were ❑ow met to commemorate ; and further, that no people could or would show more lasting gratitude for the boon and blessing they had received than the Irish people.—(Cheering.) Lord DUNDAS seconded the motion, and observed that, from the moment his noble relation (Earl Fitzwilliam) attempted to bring forward a measure somewhat similar to the present in 1794 or 1795, be had felt anxious to sup port it. He supported the measure on the principles of civil anti religious liberty.—(Hear.)—He would not have looked at the Catholic Relief Bill as complete, if it had not been preceded or accompanied by a measure such as that of last Session in favour of the Dissenters.—(Hear.) —He conceived that all honest citizens had a right to civil privilege•, without reference to their peculiar religious opinions,—(Hear.)—Exclusion upon the ground of parti cular tenets might have a bad, anal could never produce a good, effect. It might make men hypocrites, but it could do nothing else. He trusted the measure in question would cause men of all parties and persuasions to rally round the Constitution. Lord KILLEEN, who spoke from the body of the room, said, before the resolution was put from the Chair, he was desirous, as one of the individuals benefited so much by the measure alluded to, not to allow the present opportu nity to pass without expressing the gratitude he felt to wards his Majesty, and his entire and cordial concurrence in the motion. The resdlution having been unanimously agreed to, The Secretary read a copy of the address, which con gratulated his Majesty on the snccess of his recommenda tion to Parliament, for tho relief of his Roman Catholic subjects. Lord CLIFFORD said, it was not till that very moment he knew that he was to have the honour to address the re spectable meeting assembled around him. If he had been previously aware of the circumstance, he would have used hitt best endeavours to hare done so, in a manner worthy of them and the cause in which they were all interested. But that was a cause relative to which it was very diffi cult to say any thing amiss. —(Hear, and a laugh. ) They saw before them one who had been labouring for fifty years in that great cause—(hear)--and he was glad Providence had seen fit to spare him to witness the com pletion of the object for which he had so long struggled. --(Hear.)—He could not but feel that we owed a great debt of gratitude to our illustrious Sovereign, whose whole reign had been such that no monument of history could ever say too much for George IV.—(Cheers.)—The Mo narch had done a great deal for the prosperity and embel lishment of the country, and, last of all, he had given civil and religious liberty to his subjects. His heart was too full to admit of his giving adequate expression to his feelings, when he thought of what had been done in the reign of his present Majesty : it only remained for hint to move " Th it the Address to our Gracious Sovereign now read, be adopted ; and that our Noble Chairman do sign the same in our behalf; and that he be requested either to Present or transmit the same, according to his Majesty's pleasure." Lord DtiNALLY felt great pleasure in seconding the ad dress, which was agreed to by acclamation. The Hon. G. A. ELLIS, in moving the sixth resolution, " That we also feel it our duty sincerely to congratulate all classes and parties in this great empire on the happy ad justment of questions so long sources of discord and weakness to the State ; and we do hope that, as their several preju dices can no longer distract the attention of our fellow citizens, the empire will henceforward enjoy the benefit of their united exertions, without distinction of sect or party, in its support,"-- would only say how entirely he concurred in the sentiments contained in it, and that be felt much gratitude, first as an Irishman, and then as a subject of the empire, to his gra cious Sovereign and the Duke of Wellington, for the ad justment of this question. The Rev. Mr. COURTNEY was an Irish proprietor, the owner of an estate in the county of Wexford, a place once the very focus of rebellion, but now, through the agency of this great measure, restored to peace and harmony. his rent-roll exhibited a mournful picture of times past— ( Hear, and laughter. )—ln confirmation of this, he might refer to a long list of tenants, who were shot or hanged; but all this was now done away with. He had b• en friendly to the great measure lately passed for a space of 40 years. He appealed to a Noble Lord near him (Dun das) as to the truth of this statement: the Noble Lord had himself formed similar opinions as to the question about the same time at Trinity College, Cambridge, and the timents of their common tutor—the Rev. Dr. Jonis— were of the same kind. The worthy and respectable man (between whom and the Noble Lord the strictest friendship and regard subsisted) had, almost with his dying , breath, expressed his conviction of the justice and expe -1 diency of conceding the Catholic claims. He (Mr. Court , ney) had treasured up these sentiments ever since, and never swerved from them ; they lead also influenced the con ' duct of the Noble Lord.—( Hear. )—Altlionith be had long held these opinions, yet this was the first time he bad ever publicly expressed them, for he thought it was not in good taste for a clergyman to put himself too prominently forward in the matter while some high authorities in the church took a different view of the question. He had been among that, he was sure, numerous class of persons de scribed by Dr. Chalmers, as being friendly to the Catholic claims, yet remaining silent, content to leave the subject to the wisdom of Parliament. It would ill become so in significant an individual as himself, to attempt any eulogy upon the conduct of the Duke of Wellington : perhaps were he to do so t his motives might be misconstrued, 1t t, _ was not on aceOunt of any expeetation.he.enteruw•v-`' 4 1 14 ,1 1 that distinguished person, but through a feeling 01 :et til • fur benefits already received, that he expressed 1111 ;:7,41 'limits as to the Noble Duke's' policy. Thin' far he actuated by selfish motives in his 'praises of that _ . ..pouvr that he believed his estate in the county of Wexfokara,di present worth more by ten years' purchase than tf was.—(Hear, and a laugh.)—He belieied'the'tnett all n.re" - cently passed would prove a tower of s te e ngthr - to and a terror to our enemies. —(Hear.)-As , to anrPriee , to he apprehended from it to the 'established cro ne' ' 9e' never could perceive it.—(Cheerl)—He Conclodedln. ' conding the resolution, which was agreed to. Ti e s a The Earl of DAKNLEY observed, a resolution law„:"liir put into his hand, in proposing which he felt lw' ec il satisfaction. For a great number of years; thrssf bi u , b t report and through good report, he had lonnb r i f b i c lt steadilyand sincerely advocated this great questioni .W .g i e , was now set at .rest.—(Hear.)—He had erero3-,tbe public and private, to induce him to feel satisfactiott„%d 1 sentiments contained in the resolution presently move. It contained a declaration that Grace the Duke of Wellington national gratituders'tr, nently due for accomplishing the invaluable work 1 7, i ot a gions peace. He had known the Noble Duke alsaw",„il hie earliest infancy—they were boys together at Et a i. 7 01 he felt pride at seeing the object of his early rega ili t sl ij 1 on a pinnacle of substantial glory, such u bas rg ) other man had had the good fortune to reach.;--( C hi —Df that illustrious persons military exploits it vrnw:id idle and presumptuous in him to speak.. . His lalt transcended all his former achievements : the Nob" epo s, - d could now boast of liberated Spain, conqueied Vit ile*sn thO tranquillized Ireland.—(Hear.)—He had added ~r,•t b it laurels of victory that hitherto adorned his . brawr" ) ,, greatest and most glorious civic wreath.--(Ch i The Tbe Noble Earl concluded by moving the 7th reeolloll " That to his Grace the Duke of Wellington g, gratitude is eminently due, for arcomplishiup a s tole Minister (under our gracious Sovereign) the Wi th-- work of religious peace.'" Mr. R. LEYGESTER, M.P. felt great delight porting the resolution proposed by the Noble Earl. cop always supported the measure of Catholic relief to' the_ ao t most of his power. He looked upon this as the' r' - dat and most beneficial measure that had occurred ' ilice „,, e l Revolution. It was absolutely necessary, to the st t ar . tion of the Constitution—of which exclusion was character. The measure was alike one of policy, P r ; and humanity. It was not a Catholic or a Protel'ilor but a Christian question.—(Hear.)—lts adjusttneo t calculated to raise up Ireland from an abyss of mieeri'die* o / make it contribute to our strength, instead of constti our weakness, and crown the union of the ter° coo the interests of which would be henceforward identifieto Mr. C. O'DwvErt could have wished that some alluely had been made to a correspotplence that had recent•Vio peered, and to circumstances which lately transP i the course of the Parliamentary debates. He di d not to use teat cut respondence for the purpose of erinaioato the Duke of Wellington, but in order to cong ratula te is) meeting on the evils from which (as was apparent fr°lll-01 Ireland had been rescued by the passing of them e asure tte relief. However, according to what had transpired °Deo occasion referred to, it would seem as if it was °ncorf contemplation not only that every Catholic, but that e oes , honest Protestant, should be subjugated. The go', L ice' leman proceeded to deprecate the recall of a Lord"' ore tenant so popular as the Marquis of Anglesea- 4 ° l6llj f isil that appeared to be partly founded upon his payifl o fbY' to a nobleman whose principles were not approve,' per some Members of the Cabinet.—(Hear.)—Thia 4° not solit a ry in the history of Ireland ; he reeellect t the viceroy (Earl Fitzwillion) who had previously °lola affections of the Irish people by telling them they B re' havejustice impartially administered, and he, too) A bt eb called, and his departure partook of the triump h ; s r.) attended that of the Marquis of Anglesea.—(ilea r ',lo3 4 He gave thanks to heaven that that venerable o°'-oett• was spared to witness the consummation of the great „4 , 9 ., sure for which he had laboured, and to take as port to a better world the share he had bad in produ c lr o n (Cheers.)—A Rev. Gentleman had adverted to th e of property in Ireland, and given a disastrous p icto loi the past as compared with the flattering prospect ths 4 o f opened before us. Mr. Leslie Foster—and he bad 'id/ manifested any extraordinary affection for Roo ar d (A laugh)—made a calculation from which i t aPP: ,01 that the Irish people had paid more in the shap e °' I.le, to their landlords than any other people in the w°rijo Much remained to be done for Ireland; the landlords wril drew immen , e revenues from the peasantry! mus t . ret*, 4 to the country and spend a portion of their prope; anti ini) among tdieo gu t: aft oedirardegradation—an n tenants. d. iamnTplei:lerntaitannici emancipation administrationef r x o p m e t t aag of rags, o f ! a il? I this he considered an emancipation real and subatan_ I The question was put upon the resolution, a nd ag in the affirmative. The Earl of BEcnvE rose to propose ks sit 00 That our sincere acknowledgments and than 0 likewise especially due, and are hereby given, taut Right Hon. Robert Peel (Secretary of State for the Department), and to the rest of his Majesty's Milli g t for their support of these great measures." Tht Most cordially did he concur in this resolutiono.dei to Right Hon. Gentleman's late conduct w 55 much more praise than he was able to give' ` • t oe) might have preserved the reputation of political ean'u, o tbt and remained at the head of a considerable party ),,, ol state,--he might have thrown impediments in the 03b, the mecure, although not able to prevent its ac e° tia d ment; but he preferred the interests of his / o '6 a r.) country to the chimera of political consistency. ---( c,tioat The Hon. Mr. JERNINGHAU seconded the 'll' which was unanimously carried. g e 0 11 Mr. T. 11looae rose to address the Meeting. " — T OM' received with the utmost enthusiasm, the whole as°le-lec rising as one man, and many persons waving be s o e. handkerchiefs with every appearance of delight. 111 41 De. plause was vehement, and a considerable time chte - or ed fore silence could be obtained. When order was rest sv i a Mr. Moore proceeded to say, that like many of those 4 ,, had gone before him that day, he migh t sa y with per;', truth he had been taken by surprise when the tatd , ' lit assigned him of proposing the resolution intrusted o , e , care. But taking a strong interest as he did in the 0 , 11 ,,,b of the Meeting, he could not refuse whatever aid he i' t o , have it in his ower to afford. The resolution whic h „ o been allotted to p him expressed how much the great eil";ti religious freedom o w e d to th e living and the dead. it vitshere the dead that lie should first call their attention--- was, he beli e v e d, a su p ers titi ou s notion among the,tia cients, that in their battl es th e shades of the jowl stoo e tv ii side them in the ranks, and helped to achiev e bat' triumphs. Certainly it had been so in this great ce ra t io in it the great and eloquent dead, still living in the s v i , Ar t bd wisdom they had left behind them, were present vr it ", o lo° mighty aid, and the conquerors fought under the s" of their shields.—(Hear, hear.)—lr was pleasant ° m itt back upon past proceedings : still the pleasure vt ° ifriol tiled with a degree of astonishment at the strange s" t el of the political scene which had brought him mai cosl steel —lrishman, its short, (a laugh)—to appear there 2 ;,,te eulogist of a Prime Minister of Great Britain, and A r for a statue. —(Hear, and laughter.)—All knew the '' ° lti , of the Doge of Genoa, who, being asked what it Wa s ba most astonished him at Versailles, replied " Nothinmikb so much as to find himself there." Such, in part , t bt be our own feeling at the position we occupied . di tw(en the feeling of the Doge and ours there was , ° ", -- fee ference,—that his was an unea s y and uncoinfortau" ing, which dictated the famous answer; while on° at, one of satisfaction and gratitude. The Doge svA" a de ' til nished to find himself (who had been hitherto indeP e ' Iva at the feet of a haughty master—we, heretofore e and degraded, were surprised at discovering otirse':tsc the arms of liberators and friends. The day of argn 3° `; o l this subject, thank God, was gone by,—the trite po ° ';,,, persecution,—the tautology of intolerance, whi ch ta g. the necessity of listening to and answering our an t t fists not the least of our penal grievances.—(Lsug A c ,l Luckily these were all gone by, and no longer w 3s , land divided by two theological factions, which , ra ` t" back the (lust of past ages, industriously empkle d selves in discovering therein causes of polemical con' tion, like the Greeks of the lower empire, who, wheye enemy was at the gates, were busily engaged in di , eu ° the light on Mount Tabor. Pope said there was chance that he would never he worth a groat, for he* bon; a Papist and a poet. Now, Gentlemen, this aayii of Pope, with the simple alteration of poet to poe ts will be exactly applicable to me.—(Laughter.) --13u1 add a third office to the catalogue, and so far I have advantage of the Pope. I claim to be prophet also. Mt Years ago, after the great victories of the illustrious D' 1 followed up the conqueror's renown with that 8 04 penny-trumpet eulogium which a small poet—in 311 I spects small—(a laugh)—could contribute. I after Wat regretted that praise, and became for the time an extoni of the truth of an assertion of Dr. Johnson—that Pr°l are generally in too great a hurry; but I note 1 ,13 ' 1 longer at it—(hear)—since the Duke of Wellington i r s , on'y the conqueror of other lands, but the pacifi c3° .,,, his own.—(Cheers.)-1 congratulate you upon skis e' , aad a!s, that it has been att en d e d with no bad conseclube; (in spite of all auguries to the contrary.)—(Hear , ho at —IAA lam wrong. Addi son m a kes his Tory f°,'" t ioi say, there has been no g o od weath e r since the Rev A ': e tI In that respect we also ha v e c ause of complaint min"