The Sun. — London, England, 1859-10-19 00:00:00

BENSON'S 'WATCHES. " rerfectlon of mechanism." —Morning Post. Gold Watclies .................. 4 to 100 guineas. Silver W a tches ................ to tO guineas. 33 and 31, Ludgate-hill, London, E.G. Send 2 stamps for Benson's Illustrated Pamphlet on Watches. ROYAL EN6LISIi OPERA, COVENT-GARDEN. Under the management of Miss L. Fyne and Mr.W. Harrison. T lIIS EVENING, D INOR A 11. Messrs. Santley, lI.Val Corri, St. .A lbyn, and W. Harrison. 3113.303 Pilling, wall, and Miss Louisa Fyne. Conductor, Alfred Mellon. DIVERTISSE3IENT. 3ldlles. Lequiue, Pasquale, Pier ron, and Mons. Vandris. Commence at 8 o'clock• TIIEATRE-ROYAL, HAYMARKET. Lessee, Mr. J. B. Bnckstone. TUTS EVF.NI NG the performances - will commence With AN UNEQUAL MATCH. Miss Amy Sedgwick. After which, a new Farce, entitled TIIE RIFLE. AND MOW TO USE IT. Messrs. Buckstone, Compton, Ropers, Mrs. B. White, Ar 4. Wilkins, and Mrs. E. Fitzwilliam. And lIALLOWE'EN. C,ommence at 7. ROYAL P L It ss I ee N 3 C rr E A S I S;S rri.. THEATRE.— THIS EVENING, the performances will commence with LOVE'S TELEGRAPH. To be followed by a dramatic tableau in Wattoan colours, by J. R. Planche, Esq., entitled LOVE AND FORTUNE. To conclude with THE TWO POLTS. NEW THEATRE - ROYAL, Al) ELPHL Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. Benj. Webster. Open for the Winter Season. THIS EVENING will be performed ICI ON PARLE FRANCAIS. Messrs. J. L. Toole , Ch as Selby, and Miss Kelly. After which, THE WILLOW COPSE. Luke, Mr. Ben. Webster; Hulks, Mr. David Fisher; Augustus, Mr. J. L. Toole ; Staggers, Mr. Paul Bedford. Followed by LOVE AND HUNGER. Mr. David Fisher, Mr. Paul Bedford, C. Selby, C. J. smith, Miss K. Kelly, Miss Laidlaw. Doors open at half-past six—Commence at seven. Box- Office open from 10 to 5. No charge for securing seats, nor for bills of performance. All fees to servants of this establishment arc strictly prohibited. Acting Manager—Mr. Wm. Smith. ROYAL ST. JAMES'S THEATRE, King-street, St. James's. Lessee, Mr. T. B. Chatter ton. The nearest Theatre to Chelsea, Pimlico, and West minster, the Park being open to carriages and foot passen gers all hours of the THIS EVENING, Poole's comedy, THEY'RE BOTH TO 81.A31E. Messrs. Leigh Murray, Barrett, Walter Carle ; Mesdames Erank Matthews, Murray, Catharine Hickson. I After which the successful Ballet Farce, by John Oxen ord, Esq., entitled MAGIC TOYS , su pp ort Al by Miss Lydia Thompson, Misa Clara St. Casse, and a numerous Corps de Ballet. To conclude with the New and Original Burlesque, by L. Buckingham, Esq., of VIRGINIUS ; or the Trials of a Fond Papa. Reduced Prices—Gallery, Gd ; Pit, is. The Box-office open. from 11 to 5 daily. Doors open at half-past six; perform ance commences at 7. ROYAL STRAND THEATRE. Lessee and Directress, Miss Swanborough THIS EVENING, THE GOOSE WITH THE GOLDEN EGGS. After which THE GREAT RUSSIAN BEAR; or, An other Retreat from Moscow. And CAUGHT BY THE EARS. Followed by THE VERY LATEST EDITION OF THE LADY OF LYONS. Commence at 7 o'clock: CANTERBURY HALL CONCERTS.- EVERY EVENING.—The Music of Verdi's Opera of MACBETH (now first made public in England at these Con certs). f in a few days will be produced a Selection from Meyer beer's new opera of DINORATI. Comic Vocalists -Messrs. George Hodson (the Irish Come dian and Mimic), W. T. Critchtield, and E. W. Mackney. Several interesting Pictures arc added to the Fine Arts Gallery. The suite of Halls have been re-decorated and beautified, and constitute one of the most unique and brilliant sights of' the metropolis. TUB WEATHER.—SVN OFFICE, OCTOBER 19. THERMOMETER, IN THE NUDE. 58—highest since noon yesterday. 53—lowest this morning and during the night. 50—this day at noon. BARomETEu-29.93. WncD, Southerly; light, with dull weather. lIIGII WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. THIS DAY.—Morning, 6h. 21m.—Afternoon, Gh. 55m, To-Monnow-Morning, 7h. 35m.—Afternoon, Bh. 22m, .%, 3"; p.5.4.Le:011 • -0," THE SUN . WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1859 Additional light is fast falling upon the hitherto somewhat obscured problem of the National Defences. Already, thanks to the energetic awaken ing of the public attention to the extreme urgency of the necessity long suspected, but now quite visible—the imminent and paramount necessity of reorganising those National Defences speedily and permanently—already we have (what we had not two years ago) a Channel Fleet ! We have a fleet in the Mediterranean ! We have the wooden walls of Old England more carefully looked to, with a view to their strengthening and general reparation ! Our dockyards, our arsenals, our seaports , sh i p s, guns and ammunition, seamen and marines, coast guards and coast volunteers—men and materials— the whole naval system, in fact, from the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty down to the poor maimed and weather-beaten Fensioners at Greenwich Hospital we are now subjecting to a careful scrutiny, to an anxious and conscientious investigation. Happily by this time we are all of us pretty well agreed as to the advisability of this thorough revision of our maritime defences with an eye to their more perfect reorganisation. Every one is ready to put his shoulder to the wheel—we are all so painfully conscious that it has fallen so deep into the rut of routine as to require a more than ordinarily energetic effort to secure its complete and rapid extrication. Yesterday we had the satisfaction of giving the latest and not by any means the least important or least valuable evidence of the profound interest this agitation has kindled in favour of the better securing of the National Defences by means of the comprehensive improvement of the Royal Navy, as bearing at once the Sword and the Shield of England. Allusion is made, of course, to the many admirable sugges tions contained in the communication addressed to tho. Duke of SOMERSET, as First Lord of the Ad miralty, by one of our most gallant old tars, Admi ral Sir CHARLES NAPIER, M.P. for Southwark. Sir CHARLES has often blundered before now, both ashore and afloat, and while we have never once failed to do honour to his many brilliant qualities and splendid services, we have at the same time never once hesitated to reprehend his con duct, whether as a politician or as a naval comman der, whenever, in either capacity, he has appeared by errors of judgment or want of discretion to demand reprehension. Sir CHARLES blundered, for example, and blundered egregiously, in his mis taken estimate of the screw propeller as applied to the man-of-war in lieu of the old-fashioned, cum brous, and exposed paddlewheel. lie blundered. again to our thinking, and blundered there most deplor ably, upon the occasion of his last great command First of all, by consenting to take that magnificent fleet of his into the Baltic without insisting upon carrying out with him an adequate supply of gun- boats or light draught suited to the shallow waters of the Neva, and of the Baffle itself around Cronstadt and }lclsingfors! and Secondly, in opening the campaign in those waters with a fire-and-fury signal that had the sorry anti-climax of not even ending in smoke—in the smoke of a daring attempt at The bombardment of the maritime capital of the foe ! Whatever may have been our gallant old tar's sins of omission or of commission previously —he is certainly, however, n.t blundering now as a zweval reformer ! As a reformer of that glorious service of which, in spite of all his faults, he is recognised far and wile as one of the most distinguished among its livin g ornaments. In this his last argument in favour of a better system of manning the royal navy, Sir CHARLES lilts the right nail upon the . head at once, " 41 does so, moreover, with a telling sledge-hammer blow when he maintains that witl inateriel in abundance, what we have to look to now, above all things, is the personalel with which to set the machinery of the former in motion. Hitherto he reminds us that we have failed to solve this problem, though, to the very end of its solution among other things we have an Admiralty costing us £lOO,OOO a year ! "It is admitted," he says, " that when men are voted and en tered there is no difficulty in keeping up the num ber ; the difficulty is to keepunder the vete, but the moment an emergency arrives and some thousands, or indeed hundreds, are wanted, we are all abroad. This is not surprising, as the sailors are employed in the different trades, and they will not leave their employment to enter the navy unless it is made worth their while ; and experience tells us we have never yet come up to their mark." Bow judici ously and accurately to "come up to their mark," Sir CHARLES NAPIER'S letter very lucidly explains. lie recommends a series of improvements calculated materially to better the condition of JACK, when he has once got fairly into the service. Among these improvements, insisting especially upon the advisability, if not the absolute and imperative necessity there is of relaxing somewhat the confinement to which the men are sub jected on board a ship; tie argues forcibly, to our thinking irresistibly, in favour of doing away entirely with the discomfort of the hulks— receiving the men on board the first day the pen nant is hoisted. lie recommends weekly payments, the granting of moderate leave, and the making officers and men at once "as comfortable as if the ship had been six months in commission." Above all things, however, Sir CHARLES NAPIER has his heart steadily set throughout upon the one great want in the service—the establishment of a reserve of disciplined seamen to the number of 30,000 ! Now mark especially what it is Sir CHAS. NAPIER has to say upon this point, as to the reserve of thirty thousand. " Parliament," writes the gallant Admiral to the - Duke of SOMERSET, " Parliament has voted £lOO,OOO to form this reserve. It is proposed' to give each man £5. For this he must be ready at all calls. He must serve 28 days each year, and must know all his drills. During this time he will receive the same pay, provisions, and the same privileges as seamen serving. Now, my lord, to make this reserve effi cient, they must give up all trades except the coasting trade. Now, a sailor in the prime of life does not like to be thus restricted. He is fond of wandering all over the world ; and if he is not in the prime of life, he is not fit for the reserve. Your grace will find that £5 is not a sufficient induce ment for a good seaman to take up such a line. It appears to me the formation of the reserve must be begun with men who have served ten years in actual service. At present those men are entitled to a pension; that should be abolished, and they should only be entitled to enter the reserve. They should be designated the Queen's Naval Guards ; and they should be exempt from corpo ral punishment when serving; they should be men of exemplary conduct, and after having been ten years in the reserve they should receive a good pension, but subjected to be called upon, if fit, and wanted, and then designated the OH Guard, and receive, as they do now, both pay and pension. They should ba eligible to civil situ ations, and care should be taken to employ them if fit. If artificers, they should be preferred to others to serve in the dockyards, which is never thought of; on the contrary, the dockyard officen are generally sgainst them. This ought not to be. Now, my lord, comes the question, what pa) is sufficient to, induce men to join the reserve ? Five pounds will certainly not do. We must be careful not to risk a failure, and we ought to make searching inquiries among the men them selves what, in their estimation, would be suffi cient encouragement to induce them to adopt the coasting trade, so as to be at hand at all calls. Whatever is thought just must be given. There is no help for it, for neither the sailor nor the country will now stand compulsion." Than all this, nothing could well be more reasonable. We liiten, like CoLtraDGE's wedding guest, to every syllable of it. And, while we listen, the Ancient Mariner "hath his will."—We bow to the force and cogency of Sir CHARLES NAPIER'S arguments. We feel some hopes that the revelations of the two Election Commissions, and the honest, well timed remarks of Lord BROUGHAM at Bradford, will not be lost on the GENTLEMEN of the Rouse of Commons. A considerable number will occupy seats on both benches whose sense of honour, and even their conscience, must make them some• what uneasy►. Gloucester and Wakefield would never have been properly known to the country, nor even to themselves, had not the Commissioners shrived them publicly. And lost indeed to all self-respect must the Commons of England be if the really pure will not vote for com pelling all to be so ; and, if those who know, or have the best of reasons for suspecting, that they sit in the house through the venality of electors, do not show themselves in earnest to prevent a repe- tition of such practices. It is but too common to talk only of the de• moralisation of poor electors ; but if we are not mis taken, a sentiment of commiseration for rich can didates and respectable electors must have arisen in many minds, as they have skimmed tedious parts of the painful evidence, and pondered on others with reluctant interest ! When we find in the Gloucester affair even Sir Wm. HAYTER and Mr. MOFFAT aiding and abetting the secret trausmis sion of money from London, and candidates ; and professional gentlemen, and citizens whom we properly deem respectable—handling money and transacting their business secretly through other persons, with every precaution that they shall not, formally and technically, know that of which they cannot have a shadow of a doubt—how can we help feeling for the degrada tion of these gentlemen. " What you doubt, do not," is one of the oldest of moral rules, one, too, which has the express sanction of the Christian revelation. Yet, all these persons, who would have cut off their right hands, probably, rather than be guilty of a doubtful commercial transaction—all of them conspire to pay money, or to be agents in its paymen for a debasing crime—a crime both in law and morality—a crime, which if imputed to them per sonally—they would deem themselves excused in resenting the accusation with personal violence— with the old English law of turning the accuser out of doors, or of kicking him down stairs. At Wakefield the case was in some respects worse. The two candidates were, we believe, for we know neither personally, two as respectable gentlemen as any who could have contested the Borough—yet Mr. LEATIIAM, though annoyed, handed over to his election agent first £l,OOO ; in a few days £5OO ; in less than a week £l,OOO more; and after the election £2OO and £soo,—in all £3,200, and that not all—indeed it did not in clude what was paid through the Auditor, besides outstanding accounts—the whole probable cost of the election to Mr. LEATII.III amounting to not loss than £4,200 ! The money was procured secretly from London; and by avoiding direct knowledge Tilt', SUN, LONDON of how the money was used—by asking no ques tions for conscience sake—Mr. LEATHAM tried to make himself believe that he possessed moral as well as legal innocence ! But Mr. CIiARLEsWORTH, the Conservative can didate's, case is stranger still. He could tell the Commissioners—that he only provided the £025 10s. shown by the auditors account ; that no money was spent improperly on his account, with his knowledge or consent, that he had published that if his election were not won by fair means he would retire, and placard the town to that effect ; that he did not give the slightest authority to any person to provide money for improper purposes ; that it was entirely untrue that the money came from him which was :said to have been spent improperly, and so forth, —but by degrees the strange truth leaks out. It could not be denied that an immense amount of money had been spent—who then did find it? " I believe it was my cousin JOHN BART CHARLES WORTH." Oh, oh ! a cousin one who was just then on the Continent! "But he never had talked with him about it. In fact, he did not mind saying, he did not wish to hear anything about it." And this cousin who are his bankers ? the Messrs. LEATHAM and the Messrs. BECKETT, o: Leeds. And now follows the unaccountable sequel to those statements—two days afterwards. One of the Leeds Bank partners gives in evidence the account of "my cousin" with the firm. It will seem hardly credible that the cousin was introduced to BECKETT'S Bank just before the election by the candidate cousin, J.D. CHARLES WORTII introduced by a note introduced with no money to deposit, but with a railway debenture, the property of the candidate, for £5,000 as a security for the bankers, and that the cousin, J. B. CIIARLESWORTH, rapidly drew from the bank advances to the tune of £4,750 ! Let the reader compare these facts with the slight summary given above of Mr. CHARLES WORTH'S story, his asseveration of ignorance whence the money came, and of the entire untruth of the statement that it came from him. What must be the morally blinding influence of electoral practices on an honourable man, when he can solemnly affirm, that it was wholly untrue that money raised on property of his ow n, and at his own request, was money which came from him. Last Monday the Commissioners felt bound to see Mr. CHARLESWORTH again; and after telling him in plain English that the money must be re garded as emanating from him—asked into whose hands it passed from those of his cousin. Again Mr- CHARLESWORTH did not know ; however he could conjecture, and gave, we are not sorry to see, a Spanish name, M. JOSE FERNANDEZ. But he, it turned out, was at Hamburg; and Mr. - Sergeant PIGOTT had openly to complain that other persons summoned were now in Scotland, Paris, Jersey, Brussels, and Naples ! !—and also, still worse, that though "nearly £5,000 had been spent in bribery on Mr. CHARLESWORTII'S behalf, his supporters came and swore, one and all, that they had never heard of such a thing !" Mr. CHARLES WORTH was obliged to own that it was more than ought to have been spent even if bribery was re sorted to. On which Sergeant PIGOTT replied, " We want some one to come forward on your side and tell us the truth about this matter. It must be from a mere love of falsehood that the facts are kept from us. We have the great broad fact of £4,750 being spent, and to divide it up into de tails is of comparatively small importance." On the face of all the facts which have transpired at Gloucester and Wakefield, we must blush for the demoralising effect of election law and practice, as it stands, on our gentlemen. Setting aside fur a moment the awful fact that they arc as nearly guilty, legally, as they can be, and really guilty, morally, as Lord BROUGHAM showed at Bradford, of subornation of perjury, in regard to the bribed electors—what are they guilty of in regard to their own practices? Here are men, many of whom bitterly denounce secret voting for an honourable purpose, now confessing to sec ,. et paying for votes, to secret remittance and obtaining of money for that purpose—to keeping all the deeds of their agents as secret to themselves even as possible, being ashamed or afraid to know of the secret deeds to which their money has been applied, and then pretending an innocent ignorance, ten times worse than any pre tence which a voter by ballot could make, of hav ing voted for one candidate, while he had really voted for the other. These gentlemen practise concealment and secresy for a purely immoral—indeed, criminal—purpose to corrupt electors. The secret voter would practise it for at least a moral purpose—that of securing his righ t to vote for the man he approved. And yet these men these secret, equivocating corrupters of voters—these suborners of perjury, as Lord BROUGHAM would style them—these are the men who will affect a sanctimonious concern to save the voter by ballot from the temptation to equivocate and dissemble as to the vote he has given ! The CHARLESWORTIIS and CARDENS know full well that secret voting would render useless their secret corruption of voters by the secret flow of gold from them to the poor elector. His Excellency Count d'Apponyi has returned to the Austrian Legation from a tour of visits in Scotland. The Countess d'Apponyi is at present in Hungary. The Duke of Newcastle arrived in London on Monday evening. The. Marquis and Marchioness of Waterford, and a select family circle, are staying with the Archbishop of Armagh, at the Archiepiscopal Palace, Armagh. The Earl and Countess of Eglinton are enter taining a distinguished circle of friends at Eglinton Castle, N.E. The Earl of Elgin has arrived at Fenton's Hotel, from Scotland. --------. Viscount Palmerston left Cambridge House yes terday afternoon for Broadlands. Lord and Lady Lyndhurst and the Hon. Miss Copley have arrived at St. Leonard's-on-Sea, from Cowes, Isle of Wight. We are happy to learn that the noble and learned lord is in the enjoyment of good health. Lord and Lady Aveland and family are pasving the season at Normanton Park, where a succession of visi tors are enjoying her ladyship's hospitality. Lord Cranworth has left Mount Trenebard, where the noble and learned lord hasbeen on a visit to Lord and Lady Monteagie, on his return to his seat in Kent. MARRIAGES IN HIGH LIFE.—WC undelstand that a matrimonial alliance is arranged to take place be tween Lord Cliatles'Bruce, youngest son of the late Mar quis of Ailesbury, and Miss Augusta Seymour, youngest daughter of Lady Augusta Seymour. We also understand a marriage will shortly take place between the Hon. Cecil Duncornbe, second son of Lord and Lady Faversham, and Miss Eleanor Mills, the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Charles Mills, of Camelford House. NEW BATTERY ON 'I lIE CLYDE.—Her Majesty's Government, we understand, have resolved to erect a new battery on the Clyde, on the shores of Itoseneath, nearly opposite Gourock; and this week some offices of the Engi neers have been inspecting the grounds, and holding con sultation with the Duke of Argyll, who is lord of the manor. With this battery at Itoseneath, and the other one already erected at Gourock, both sides of the Clyde will be com pletely protected, and rendered inaccessible to any foe. TILE ARCTIC EXPEDITION.—Lady Franklin has resolved to sell the steam-yacht Fox, which so successfully conveyed Capt. Nl‘Clintock and his brother heroes to the fulfilment of their mission The sale is to take place at Lloyd's, by Rayley and Ridley, early in November, and will no doubt create much interest. ACCIDENT TO ME. SAMUEL WARREN, Q.C.—We regret to hear that Mr. Samuel Warren, Q.C., who with his family has been spending the recess at Lynton, North Devon, a few weeks ago fell heavily on the rocks, while stepping into the water to bathe, and received a severe in jury to the right shoulder, which was violently wrenched. He is now, however, nearly recovered, and is again able to write, though not without some effort.—Ase, jamas Chronicle. WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 19, 1859. LATEST NEWS. ROME, OCT. 15. The Duke de Gramont, French Ambassador, con hues to hold conferences at Castel Gandolfo. It is said that his Holiness the Pope, acting in concert with the Emperor of the French, will ad dress a manifesto to the inhabitants of the States of the Church. MARSEILLES, OCT. 18. Advices have been received from Morocco. The Emperor, having put to flight hiF..; adver saries, made a triumphal entry into Mequinez. The Emperor has granted freedom of trade to the inhabitants. The Dowzger Empress of Russia took her de parture from Genoa for Nice. NEISSE, UPPER SILESIA, OCT. 18. The Emperor of Austria will proceed to Myslo vitz, on the frontiers of Prussia and Poland, there to meet the Emperor of Russia. FRANCE. PARIS, TUESDAY. The Pays, in its edition for to-morrow, in an nouncing the conclusion of the Treaty of Peace be tween France and Austria, adds that the Plenipo tentiaries will sign the two other treaties in a few days. Some formalities in the Chancellerie are now the only cause of delay, the three Powers being agreed upon all points of the treaty. The latest reports this afternoon are that the sig nature of a second treaty, between France and Piedmont will be announced in to-morrow's Illoni teur, and a third, between the three Powers, in that of the day after. According to the same reports, the question of the Lombard debt is settled and included in the treaties, so that there will be no occasion for arbitration. Austria is said to have reduced her pretensions, but not without some corresponding advantage, variously described. Brussels is assigned as the place of meeting of the Congress. Austria, it is related, would have had it at Paris, with a view to gratify the French Em peror, to whom she at present pays court; but the Emperor Napoleon—desirous, say some, to give a mark of goodwill to England, by whom he believed it to be preferred—voted for Brussels. The most prevalent report to-day, respecting the composition of.the Congress, is that it will consist of nine Powers —Sweden and Portugal being the two that are lopped off from the list of 11 circulated the other day. _ _ The 70th Regiment of Infantry, coming from Italy, has arrived in Lyons, and the 71st, forming part of the same brigade, is likewise expected in that town. The return to France of these regi- ments is taken as an indication that the French Government does not apprehend any fresh conflict in Italy. The Journal de Marennes says that the oyster fishery on that coast has been most productive since the Ist of the month. Notwithstanding the enor mous quantity of fish taken, the price is higher this year than usual, 40f. being freely given for a barrel of oysters. Thirty years since the value was only 5f., and even at that price it was difficult to find purchasers. The proposed expedition to China has excited great emulation among the . maritime Powers of Europe. Independently of the squadrons that Austria and Prussia, intend, it is said, to send to the Chinese seas, Sweden and Denmark are stated to be likewise preparing to despatch ships to watch the operations of the Anglo-French forces. A Paris letter in the Nord of Brussels gives a few particulars relative to the late interview of the representatives of Tuscany and Parma with the Emperor :—" The envoys from Parma were the first admitted into the presence of the E\nperor. The audience only lasted a quarter of an hour, but if the interview was short, it was at least highly satisfactory to the deputies from Parma, for when they left their countenances showed marks of perfect content. Next came the turn of the Tuscans, who remained in conference with his Majesty for more than an hour and a half. The envoys from Parma were three in number, ' MM. Torrigiani, Cantelli, and Anguissola ; the 'Tuscano pu deputation and m being at composed of MM. Laja teucci. As the Italian envoys ce r have maintained the strictest reserve as to every thing which took place at the interview, it would be presumptuous in me to give details. The Em peror, however, is said to have maintained the atti tude which he has constantly observed since the peace of Villafranca, and has shown himself faith ful to his feeling of active sympathy La- the Italian Peninsula." MM. Arnstein and Eskeles, the bankers of Vienna, in May last drew two bills to the order of the Credit Mobilcr of Paris on MM. Meyer and Co., of that city, for the sum of 48,000 fr., and they at the same time sent to the latter 200 Austrian rail way shares to be sold to pay the said bills and some others. MM. Arnstein and Eskeles stopped pay ment before the shares were sold, and the syndics of the bankruptcy in consequence demanded that they should be given up to them as part of the assets of the estate, and they contended that, not withstanding the special purpose to which they had been set apart, the Credit Mobilier had no privilege over a portion of the proceeds of them. The Credit Mobilier insisted that as the shares had been spe cially sent to Paris to pay the two bills in question, it was entitled to be paid out of the amount realised by their sale. The Tribunal of Commerce was yesterday called on to decide between these rival pretensions, and it declared that that of the Credit Mobilier was well founded. BOURSE, Oct. 18.—The market has been rather heavy. Threes, after having been done at 69f. 65c., ate now at 69f. 80c.; Mobilier varied from 775 f. to 782 f. 50c. ; Austrian, 515 f. to 547 f. 50c. ; Lombard, 5521. 50g. to 555 f. ; Lyons, 910 f. to 513 f. 75c. ; Orleans, 1,365 f. to 1 , 3 671. 50c. The following were the last quotations : 11 per Cents. .... 95 Credit Foncier 600 Do. end month .. 95 50 Belgian 4% 3 per Cents....-..r —69 -CZ IPietimontesa (5) 85 25 Do. end month.... 69 75 . itoman B3 75 Bank Shares 2825 Austrian Credit Mobilier .. 780 Spanish Threes Do. Account 785 Home Debt 43a Cadorna, a colonel in the Sardinian army, into that of Tuscany, with the rank of major-general. The communal council of Milan has voted 100,000 f. towards Garibaldi's subscription of 11000.,000f. for the purchase of muskets. The Gazette de oS'avoie says :—" We are assured that the lists of officers prepared at the Ministry of War are for an effective strength of 100,000 men, exclusive of the rifle corps and the military marine. In addition to that force, the kingdom will have about 600,000 national guards, completely equipped, a sixth part of which, in case of need, may be mo bilised, as was recently done with the battalions of Genoa and Turin. The military contingent of Cen tral Italy is not included in the above, and its active army is about 30,000 men." NAPLES. A communication from Naples of the 12th says : —" M. Ajossa, formerly intendant of Salerno, is now the influential man of the Minissry. It is he who has brought about the dismissal of M. Go verna, the prefect of police, whose excessive zeal had excited ill-feeling against the Government. The warlike preparations are proceeding with un remitting vigour. The corps d'armee now con sists of 22,000 men, and is to be further increased to 30,000. Placards have been posted up this morning to give a stimuius to the enrolling of volunteers. Gen. Pianelli has removed his head quarters to Teramo. More troops have marched from Gaeta. The new decree which prohibits pecuniary exemptions, and calls upon every Nea politan not legally exempt to serve in person or provide a substitute who has been in the army, continues to excite great discontent. The steamer Hellespont, which went ashore off Pausilippo, and afterwards sold for a mere trifle, has been broken to pieces by the sea on the rock where she struck. RAILWAYS. Cash. Account. Orleans Northern 940 .. 940 ___ kew ditto 825 .. Lyons and Mediterranean 913 75 .. 915 Geneva 5lO .. 535 Southern Western 572 50 .. 570 Eastern Sardinian 413 75 .. 415 Austrian Lombard .. 556 .. 557 50 Exchange on London, at sight, paper, 25f. 121 c. ; money, 25f 11c. ; three months, paper, 24f. 971 c.; money, .21f. 95c. ITALY. The Opinione of Turin, in mentioning the arrival of the King at Genoa, on the 16th, describes the reception which he received from the population as most enthusiastic, not only at Genoa, but also at Asti and Alessandria, where the Royal train stopped. At Noi, two French regiments were drawn up to receive his Majesty. On his Majesty's arrival at Genoa, a deputation of the Society of Ladies, who had attended the wounded, presented the King with a splendid bouquet, accompanying the gift with the following compliment—" Sire, deign to accept these flowers which the City of Genoa offers you—a small tribute to one who reigns over 23 mil lions of hearts." The Municipality of Genoa and deputations from the Municipalities of Brescia and Bergamo were in attendance at the sta tion. During the King's progress to the palace, 1 1 flowersdo ws\v all h e along showtere Via showered upon one of the longest the l w on a g s es m t ue s h tre c e h t e s ere o d f . the: n t c h i e t y. even The. n° h: Empress Dowager of Russia arrived two hours later, and the King visited the Carlo Felice theatr e . Th e public and private buildings were illuminat e d, b u t th e e ff ec t was spoilt by rainy weather. The Tuscan Government has admitted Chevalier AUSTRIA. The Cologne Gazette publishes the following, under date of Vienna, 14th :—" A commission has been appointed at Verona to hold an inquiry into the causes of the defective supply of provisions for the troops during the war in Italy, and a full report on the subject is to be laid before the Emperor. The investigation has already begun, and rumour states that most startling discoveries have been made, which compromise many functionaries, both civil and military. It is certain that all kinds of provisions were abundant enough, yet the troops for whom they were destined did not get them when repaired. There must have been embezzlements on a large scale, and this the accounts appear to prove, for they contain such items as 30,000 z wanzigers (24,000 f.) for matches !" The Union says :—" li. Iranyi, formerly represen tative of the people in Hungary, writes to us to say that it is not true that there are 1,200 Hungarians in the army of the Italian League, as some jaurnals have stated. Only thirty hussars and ten officers, headed by Col.Bethlen, have,' he says, ' entered the service of the Dichies. The other Hungarians, belonging to the legion formed in Piedmont, have been sent home in virtue of the amnesty agreed to at Villafranca, and of the obligation entered into by the Austrian Government with the Emperor of the French, not to enrol the men in Austrian regi ments."' RUSSIA. The following letter has been received from St. Petersburg, dated the 10th instant:-- "The people here were left in the most complete ignorance as to the day and hour of Schamyl's ar rival. The object was evidently to avoid the con gregation of the curious, and likewise ill-timed demonstrations. It was almost by chance that I happened to be at the terminus of the Nicholas Railway, where I observed several officers in uniform on , serNice. I asked one of them _if by chancy he was not expecting the Iman of the Murides, coming from Moscow? He replied affirmatively, imid I placed myself at the gate in such a position as to be able to see everybody alighting from the waggons. Ths train arrived ; Iman Schamyl was in a coupe with his son and four Murides. Ho was received by the officers, who escorted him to the hotel of Znam cuski. He wore the kind of white turban called tcherkenka and a very plain caftan. His piercing eyes surveyed the crowd of spectators, whose curiosity he apparently wished to gratify, for he walked at a very deliberate pace. His pale face flushed for an instant, as if he had yielded to feel ings of pain and regret, but he quickly recovered his tranquil and cold demeanour. After a rest of several hours he proceeded to visit the General on duty and thence to the residence of General Igna tiew, Military Governor of St. Petersburg. He drove round the principal streets in a light carriage, and then returned to his hotel. It is said that he will visit the French and Russian theatres, where the public may gaze at him at their leisure. Prince Alexander Gortschakoff, Minister for Foreign Affairs, sets out to-morrow for War saw to• preside at the meeting of the Russian Ministers accredited to the great European Courts. The object of this meeting is to deli berate on the course to be pursued in a European Congress, of which there is no doubt entertained here. Both England and Austria have finally com prehended the necessity of regulating several ques tions which escape the Plenipotentiaries of Zurich. Russia, I am informed, has not given an opinion for or against the restoration of the Italian dynas ties, but she will not refuse to join in a congress. I believe I may add that she is decided to enter it—otherwise, I doubt that Prince Gortschakoff would go to Warsaw. The Emperor Alexander is expected there on the 15th or 17th. He is now at Odessa." SPAIN. The Madrid journals of the 14th have arrived. Tho Cortes on the preceding day was occupied in discussing the bill for sanctioning a convention with Rome on the sale of ecclesiastical property, and the Senate had had another long debate on the reform of the statutes of the military order of San Fernando. The following is the text of the announcement of the semi-official Correspondancia Autografa relative to. the difference with Morocco mentioned by telegraph :--" It is stated on autho rity of despatches from Gibraltar, that our diffe rence with Morocco has been arranged. We, however, persist in believing that the commu nications received at Madrid do not refer to the ultimatum. It is true that the Emperor is disposed to give every kind of satisfaction that he offers a vast neutral territory, liberal commercial relations, and the chastisement of the authors of the attack on Ceuta. The Spanish Government, however, has refused the mediation of any foreign Power, and we know not what resolu tions it will adopt at the expiration of the delay granted to the Emperor, which takes place to It is probable, however, that our Consul at Tangiers will, on the expiration of the delay, report whether or not he has received a satisfactory com munication ; and that in the event of his not hav ing done so, he will receive orders to leave imme diately with all his attaches." • A letter from Christiania of the 12th sap The sittings of the Storthing have as yet presented but little interest. Twelve permanent committees have been elected, and among them one for the constitution. The Ministers have presented a num ber of bills, one on :bankruptcy, another on com munal schools, and a third on changes to be made in the form of the sentences of the Supreme Court." The Prussian Government has directed the fri gate Gefion to proceed to the coast of Morocco, and to remain there during the expedition of the Spaniards against the Riff. STEPHENSON'S BURIAL—A requisition, nume rously signed, has been forwarded to the Mayor of New castle, which states, "We have agreed to close our places of business and offices on Friday next, the 21st inst., at 12 o'clock at noon, and to keep them shut for the remainder of the day, out of respect to the memory of our illustrious townsman, the late Robert Stephenson, whose remains arc on that day to be interred in Westminster Abbey ; and we reque st that you will invite the inhabitants of Newcastle generally to honour the , memory of the deceased by a similar suspension of business. AUSTRALIA. PLYMOUTH, TUESDAY EVENING. The shiiTDover Castle, Captain John Adams, be longing to Messrs. Green, of London, 89 days from Melbourne to the Start, was off this port to-clay, with 83,000 ounces of gold-dust, 100,000 sovereigns, a cargo of copper ore, black sand, wool, and hides, and 140 passengers, among whom are the Baron and Baroness Lutwiiz, of Prussia, and Commander Jessie, R.N. The Dover Castle sailed July 20, rounded Cape Horn August 24, and crossed the line September 15. In the South Pacific northerly winds were experienced, and some immense ice bergs were observed. After passing the line, calms prevailed. Spoke, lat. 10 S., the ship Wellesley, outward bound; 10 N., the ship Yorkshire, which left Melbourne July 30, with some gold and pas sengers; in the latitude of the Azores, the bark Ben Lomond, of Glasgow, and, three degrees south of the Lizard, the ship Adept, both outward bound. DIPLOMATIC CIRCULAR OF THE PRO VISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF PARMA. The following circular has been addressed by Signor Parini, chief of the Provisional Govern- milt of Parma, to the representatives of that Government abroad : The 'National Assembly of the Parmesan provinces has by its unanimous deliberations joined the political move ment of Central Italy. The decision upon the future des tiny of this country had already been submitted in the form of a plebiscite to direct and universal suffrage. The Assem bly has been convoked for the purpose of adding to the re sult of the popular vote the guarantee of a free and solemn discussion. The elections have passed with the greatest calm and regularity. The Government felt happy at thinking that in the city of Piacenza French soldiers were present at the noble spectacle of an Italian people making use of that liberty for which they had shed so ranch generous blood. The Assembly, having been elected from all that was most illustrious in the land by birth or talent, and even the most distinguished members of the clergy, proclaimed the depo sition of their Bourbon family and the annexation to the con•. stitutional kingdom of the Savoy dynasty. It would be highly unjust to judge of these votes of deposition and all these acts taking place in Italy by deceptive revolutionary analogies derived either from history or from the pro grammes of the parties and political struggles that may have taken place elsewhere in Europe. As better days have appeared to shine on the national cause, it has been found that to the mind of every Italian the supremely legi timate aim consisted in the reconstruction of his native country. We should be mistaken besides were we to evoke as regards Parma those ideas of tradition or of a consecra tion by time which are attached to the historical name of the Bourbons. A dynasty may find its basis in the free choice of a people, or it may derive its moral strength from that historical community which connects the fate of a family with that of a nation, causing them to flourish to gether under tho same trials and with the same remem brances. The dynasty of the Bourbons of Parma has fulfilled neither of these two conditions, and the people of the duchy, exposed to continual political changes, have constantly seen their fate decided by ambitions, diplomatic agreements, and general arrangements completely alien both to their will and their interests. By the treaty of the Quadruple Alliance (August 2, 1718), between England, France, the Empire and the States General, the Duchies of Parma, Pia cenza, and Guastalla were declared male fiefs of the Em pire in opposition to the claims put forward by the Holy See; and the Emperor, in the life-time even of the last Farness duke, conferred the inheritance and investiture on Don Carlos, the son of Philip V. Don Carlos took posses sion of remain 1731, but by the preliminaries of Vienna (1735), confirmed by the treaty of Vienna (November 13, 1738), the duchy fell to the share of Austria, who, by the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748), transmitted it to the Spanish Infanta, Don Philip of Bourbon, and to his male descendants, with a clause of reversibility. Occupied by the French armies in the wars of the Revolution and even tually ceded by Spain to Franco in 1800, the duchy was formally united to the French Empire under the name of the department of the Taro. We have seen what nume rous vicissitudes have befallen the sovereignty of the Bour bons, who have renounced as often as they have affirmed their sight over Parma, considering this right of theirs rather as an appendage, or as an indemnity for more im portant combinations. The Powers themselves, who after the disasters of France signed with Napoleon the treaty of Fontainebleau on the 10th of April, 1814, did not hesitate, at that time, to dispose of the duchy in favour of the Empress Maria Louisa, her son and his heirs. It was only in consequence of the return from the Isle of Elba and from their fear of leaving the Emperor's son upon the throne, that they agreed by the 19th article of the finalact of the Congress of Vienna to give tho duchies to the Archduchess Maria Louisa without making mention of her son. By the treaty concluded at Paris on the 10th of Juno, 1817, the rights of the fourth branch of the house of Bourbon were re-established in the way of reversibility, after being made subject to a suspension duringtheli h life of the Empress oo E b n e ipre m s e s Maria Louisa. This dynasty in expectation more and more a stranger to the country. The remembrance of tho French rule with its strong and impartial adminis tration, it prosperous condition, and military glory, and the tolerably liberal and tolerant government of Maria Louisa, had quite effaced the traditions dating from before the.*revo lution. The prospective view of the future sovereign in creased, it may be said, the regrets caused by the death of Maria Louisa. Is it not, then, natural if this people after so many uncertainties and changes, which have allowed no ancient dynastic faith to take root in their minds, should endeavour to fix their destiny by binding it to a strong and stable kingdom, to a dynasty that has its basis in the tradi tion and love of its subjects, and that is consecrated at the same ttme by ancient and by new right ? The Duke Charles 11. of Bourbon, even during the life time of Maria Louisa, deeply outraged the most respectable feelings of the inhabitants by signing the treaty of Florence on the 28th November, 1844, in which, under the pretext of rectifying the frontiers, he promised to cede to the Duke of Modena the duchy of Guastalla, exchanging that fertile country for a few mountainous communes of the Garfag nana.a By so doing the Duke discharged engagementsiotfof personal kind, but thereby alienated a considerable a diminution of annual revenue estimated at GO , his domain before taking possession, whilst causiongoothopfe.as.taantde u e b j t e h o u t without s by placing fhthisefDtl future s of Modena. aghtyheemehusniddeeir.atithaenhdairslosyseadyoof sooth permitted to see a singular violation of those austere ngudlaor fb An example rather uniqu e than rare, in which we are in by the partisans of di vine and generous principles boaste inviolable legiti matesub-nationali- separate governme nts an right, and a manifest contradictiondof to those ideas of rejected by the will of the nation ties that are invoked in behalf o f the petty Italian princes death of Maria Louisa, in 7, 184 when the Parma on the The Duke Charles 11. took possession . of the Duchy of and thatregard should manded civil and pOlitical reforms, Italian people, with a feeling of their common unity, de tria the treaty of Feb. 4, 1848, in concluding with 'Austria be paid to the national . principle. Charles 11. began by e declared, af ter the example of the Duke of Modena, wh h that his states entered within the defensive lino of the ent, he abandoned his states, after having Aus trian Emperor's Italian possessions. Surprised by the na tional mov.em vainly intrigued to gam the confidence of the patriots. Ile abdicated in exile, and his son was reinstated by the troops of Austria after the reverses of the Italian arms. I shall not speak of the sad excesses of Charles the Third's reign. I shall only cite two facts, which do not concern the man, but his rule. An ordinance ci the Duke's decreed that whenever public d e monstrations of liberal opinions occurred, the guilty party should be punished with the bastinado, according to the discretion of the military commandants. And this punishment, to which the Italians prefer that of death, was often inflicted in the public square. Another law, dated March 19, 1850, after declaring that several landowners were discharging their peasants because these did not share in the revolutionary ideas of their masters, ordained that no dismissal could be given them without a previous law .suit before the tribunals; it con tained threats against the judges, and placed them under the supervision of the police. In one of these trials, the tribunals having declared in favour of the landowner, the Duke, by a decree of January 21, ]B5l, ordered the peasant to remain, notwithstanding, upon the lands of the owner. We see what evil passions it was sought to excite in the heart of Italian society. The crime which put an end to the life of Duke Charles 111. would deprive us of the right of condemning with just severity the acts of that Prince, if ive did not reflect that the perversion of the moral sense which argues for the law fulness of assassination is only one of the numerous mis fortunes for which those governments are responsible who first set the example of violating the moral law. The Duchess Maria Louisa of Bourbon assumed the reins of Government in the name of her son, and dismissed the greater part of those evil counsellors of the throne, who had been the accomplices of her husband. Nevertheless, a short time after that an insurrectio n b ro k e ou t in Pm-ma it was suppressed in blood, with the assistance of Austrian troops, whose occupation had not ceased since 1818. Parma was delivered up to the horrors of an unbridled soldiers-, and the Government declared in an imprudent proclama tion that it might have prevented but bad preferred to suppress. That day was fatal to the dynasty The city, s t i e t l d i placed in a state of siege an d fallen into the power of a rigour a duty a d P \ an Austrian general, was steep e d i n bl oo d b y numerous executions. t c h u o t ons. government, Sueh \s- s which system doubtless of the Duchess to sacrifice her feelings of clemency,e since r. one of the condemned, notwithsta n di ng the recommendation the judges themselves, had th e ca pit a l sentence passed of upon him confirmed. Those act s l e d t o bl oo d y reprisals on the part of this people which now g i ves t o E uropa so admirable spectacle of order and mod era ti on . Th e accused were a trans ported to the prisons of Mantua; the Austrian governed in the city itself,avhere the Duchess reigned still ; the ducal government found itself suspended by this • viola- aof all the rights of the sovereign and the people. The iabitants had once again a proof of how much avail for their own dignity were these petty political circumscriptions and these feeble dynasties, powerless against revolt, power less against the violent acts of the foreigner, and hostile by _ _ _ their hopeless state. to the future hopes of the nation. The opinion of Europe is now enlightened respecting the motives and the character of the political movement in Central Italy. This movement explains itself by the most legiti mate of feelings, the national feeling, which is also a prin ciple of order in the-breast of society. Now, in this respect w hat was the situation of the reigning family at Parma re latively to its subjects ? Since 1848 the dynasty had never Ased making common cause with Austria, binding itself ,o her with bonds of yet greater and greater strictness. By the treaty of Feb. 4, 1848, the Duke had concluded a private convention, which, in contempt of the general treaties, esta blished real relations of vassalage towards Austria, handed over to her on every occasion the territory of the State, and formed with her an offensive and defensive league of a per manent nature. By an article in that treaty the Duke of Parma, moreover, engagqil to conclude with no other Power any military convention whatever without the previous consent of the Impe.tial Government of Vienna. Some have wished to establish a distinction as to what regards the national question, between the policy of the Government of Parma under the Dukes Charles 11. and Charles 111. awl the policy of the Government of Parma such as it was lately constituted. Such a distinction falls before the evidence of facts. When the Piedmontese Government, with a prudent fore sight fully justified by ulterior events, called the attention of Europe to the condition of the Peninsula, and to the en croachments of Austria, it began by protesting against the fortifications of Piacenza and the treaties of 1848 as acts that evidently modified the condition of things such as Eu rope had wished to create it by the treaties of 1815. The government of the Duchess Regent had then an op portunity of disengaging its personal responsibility either by public declarations or by communications to the Piad montese Government. It did not do so. Another and a still more favourable opportnnity presented itself when, in view of the eventuality of a war, the question of the special trcaties was brought forward categorically, and the neces- sity of their abrogation admitted, it may bo said, by all the Cabinets of the European powers, Austria excepted. We can appreciate now the exceptional situation, yet one free from danger, which the Government of the Duchess might have made for it3elf at that period. No thing, however, took place to contradict its entiro acquies- cence in that complete and necessary partnership in which t found itself engaged with Austria. But that was not enough. The Austrian Government was concentrating its troops on the Piedmontese frontier with the aggressive ob- ject that received its explanation by tin, subsequent sending of the ultimatum. The Austrian troops were collected at Piacenza; ithmense stores of war were brought there; the invasion of Piedmont was preparel within the territory of the duchy, and it was from thencethat a part of the imperial troops set forth to invade the Sardinian states. The Go vernment of the Duchess took part in all this, without any communication on its part, such as international duties would otherwise seem to have required, and no explanation of its intentions or cnuluct reached the Government of his Majesty the King of Sardinia. It was only when the for tune of arms turned against Austria, and the protection of the Austrian arms was about to fail her, that the Duchess decided on proclaiming her neutrality. The Piedmontese Cabiaet considered this offer to have come very Ate, for it could not be admitted that a Govern ment should be allowed to declare itself and cause itself to be respected as a neutral whenever fortune might declare itself adverse to its ally, and it might think it expedient to abandon that ally. A strange neutrality in fact ! For if one relies upon preventive engagements that create rela tively to Austria duties of common action and defence, evidently incompatible with the laws of neutrality, one must then submit to the consequences of those engage ments in the same way that one has accepted their aclyan tages. If, on the contrary, it be argued that such was the special situation into which the Government of Parma was thrown by general stipulations concerning the fortress of Piacenza, it is easy to reply by citing the terms of those stipulations, which establish " that the fortress of Piacenza offering a more especial interest for the defensive system of Italy, his Imperial, Royal, and Apostolic Majesty will pre serve in that city the right of garrison, pure and simple, all the regal and civic rights over that city being reserved for the sovereign of Parma." There is a difference, however, between this right of keep ing a garrison, pure and simple, and the creation of a vast intrenched camp beyond the precincts of Piacenza, between the purely defensive object of those stipulations and mili tary aggression prepared in tho territory of the duchy, a nd affected by means of the Parmesan frontier. For the rest, the published documents permit us to appreciate at their true value this pretended neutrality, since a letter of the 26th of May last proves to us that the Minister of Parma residing at Vienna regretted that he could not obtain the succour of imperial troops, and complained of Austria's limiting herself to assure him of her support after the vic tory which she confidently expected to obtain. This neu trality, however, which would have sufficed in so far as re gards the international relations with the Piedmontese Go vernment, and which constituted the last concession of the Duchess Regent to the feelings of hersubjects, could it satisfy the legitimate wishes and the supreme interests of the people ? Were the inhabitants able to declare themselves neutral upon hearing of the contest that decided the fate of the country at large, whilst the French flag joined with the Italian flag was being triumphantly borne across their territory, and the Emperor Napoleon 111. was inviting the Italians all to be soldiers that they might become the citizens of a great na tion ? Had they not clearly manifested their intentions by sending:thousands of volunteers to the war of independence ? The Government of the Duchess Regent, by proclaiming under the pressure of events a neutrality it had not observed, declared that this attitude had become necessary to it through contrary duties which were equally sacred in its eyes. This is precisely what the people of Parma cannot admit, and it is perfectly justified in law when it demands Italian princes, in whose eyes the interests of the foreigner are not so sacreg as those of their own country. By its traditions, its natural and constant tendencies, its weakness also, the reigning fa mily of Parma failed in its duties as a neutral sovereign towards Piedmont, and in the duties of an Italian prince to wards his subjects. The principle and character of our political movement are sufficiently well known at the pre sent time to establish the fact, that any dynasty which has shown itself hostile to the national emancipationhas estrange d from itself all hearts, and is a rotten tree in the Italian soil' The Duchess, brought back to her States, would have to rely on that national opinion, by which the family of her aost is unanimously rejected. An irreparable and mutual distrust would' ender any sel id and durable establishment quite impes sible. The Goveinment, hostile to Piedmont by its traditions , fearing the national party on account of the sentiments of the latter, would only seek more and more every day aid and protection from that Austrian influence which doubtless WO attempt from Venetia to recover its lost ground as much as it can. The opinion of the country for its part, an (vial° common to all cl asses an d s t rengt h ened by the interests , all, will not renounce the idea of Italian unity, its hope O f annexation to the kingdom of the house of Savoy. Th e question of the•deposition of the Bourbons, and that of an nexation to Piedmont, are intimately blended in the mind s of the Parmesan people. The position which Austria main' tains in Italy counsels them by the necessity of defence 0 concur in the creation of a strong Italian State, and Pre serve themselves by the introduction of the new right de rived from the national wish against all those rights of re versibility and military servitude established by treaties whic if they were not abrogated, would lead us here after into as many and as dangeaous complications as thel have done heretofore. This union, rendered necessary bl the Italian idea, is required besides by all the moral en d material interests of the Parmesan provinces. Their in' habitants know from long and hard experience the disad vantage of belonging to one of those petty political aggre gations powerless for good, and yet so fruitfil in evils an d dangers of every kind. That pei-iod of Italian civilisation . which was accomplished by the rise and progress of muln eipal life, nes finished ages ago. Italian society is tics!„ modified by the effect of time, an d see k s , t oo f or l a t e hereon, to return into the way of those great national agglo merations by means of which other peoples have found prosperity and happiness, and have been able to o ut strip us in civilisation and power. Experience ha s proved that without those aggregrations there can neither be those great institutions nor that large deve lopment of action, which constitute the very essence of the modern life of nations. For. the Parmesan Provinces the annexation is not only a satisfaction given to the national feeling, it concerns and affects also in the highest degree the material prosperity of the country. After, the unio n o f L om b ar d y w ith th e S ar di n i an ki ng d om , the , which was a political necessity becomes also an economics' necessity. In 1848 the union with Piedmont was voted 1 1 37,250 :oters. The fortune of armies broke in pieces that solemn compact, but misfortune sealed the concord of ideas and sentiments. Eleven years later, the union with Pied mont submitted, to popular suffrage, was proclaimed hi 63,167 voters. The vote of deposition, the vote of annexation, which are mixed up togalier in the popular conception, cannot be separated in the political realisation. Since the right of the national will has been admitted in favour of Italy, hsw can one of these votes be less legitimate than the other ? The consent of the people cannot be asked solely for negative resolutions, and the administration that is to secure the tranquillity and prosperity of the country has special need of this basis. You will point out, sir, all that such a solution offers in tha way of guarantees for the future, both from the point ot, views of Italy' s m ilit ar y d e f enc e, and for the conditions 01 moral and material order in the Parmesan provinces. It satisfies at th e same time the sympathies and interes ts , of the co un t ry; i t pac ifi es men ' s m i n d s by th e rea li s ation el their unanimous wish, and achieves a great progress 0 ; wards that w o r k o f na ti o nal reconstruction which, aft ° having been initiated by the most generous and glorious , wars, is being followed up by the wisdom and energies the people, and by the sympathies of liberal Europe. Accept, sir, the assurance of my most distinguished con' sideration. FARINI. The Hon. P. Campbell Scarlett, C.B. (her .1 0 ' jesty's Envoy in Tuscany), ancompanie'd by his family, b" , arrived at the Brunswick Hotel, Jermyr.-.3treet.