The Sun. — London, England, 1860-02-11 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 11, 1860. changeable. There is a power of unbounded supply of wine if you will only alter your law, and there is a power, I won't say of unbounded demand, but of an enormously to creased demand, for this most useful and valuable commo dity. (Hear.) Now, I think cause enough has been shown for an alteration in th e p resen t s y s t em of wins dutios. But I beseech the committee to remember the immense masses of evil which are connected with that system. Look at the fraud and adulteration to which it gives rise. (Hear, hear.) Many of the houses engaged in the wine trade bear as high a character as any in England ; but those gentlemen will tell you of the difficulties they have to encounter in hold ing their ground against persons of inferior character who are brought into that trade. And why do persons of infe rior character embark in it ? Because your law invites them to do so. (Hear, hear.) Because the restrictive operation of your tariff is so severe that it affords tempta tions which they cannot resist to counterfeit the article ou which you have laid such heavy duties. (Hear, hear.) That is the way in which the duties work ; and let me, in concluding my remarks on this subject, ask the commit tee to consider one thing more. We hear of the rich man's luxuries and of contemplated reduction of duty upon articles which the poor man does not consume. Now, I make my appeal to the friends of the poor man. There is a time which comes to all of us—the time, I mean, of sickness—when wine becomes a common necessary. (Hear, hear.) What kind of wine is adminis tered to the poor man in this country ? You have got a law which makes it impossible for the poor man when he is sick to obtain the comfort and support derived from good wine, unless he is fortunate enough to live in the imme diate neighbourhood of some charitable and rich friend. (Hear.) Consult the medical profession ; ask what sort of wine is supplied to bo irds of guardians in this country ; go on board the Queen's ships and see the wine supplied there. Same time ago I had the honour of being on board her Majesty's ship Scourge, at the time when an accident had happened to one of the sailors. I went see the man when he was recovering from the effects of an operation. "What wine do you give him ?" I asked. "We are forced to give him the wine of our own mess," the surgeon told me ; "we cannot give him the wine supplied to the Queen's ships." He insisted on my tasting the ship wine, and certainly it was with great difficulty I succeeded in swallowing part of a glass. (A laugh.) Now, this wine is taken out of bond, aid pays no duty I but your system of duty vitiates the entire trade, and, except with regard to the higher and most expensive class of wines, makes it almost impossible to ob tain a sound or wholesome article. (Hear, hear.) Well, I don't myself think that, under those circumstances, the Government can require much authority for making pro posals which will lead to an effectual diminution of these duties. (Hear, hear.) I believe I have now gone through the principal heads of the commercial treaty with France. I do iot think that the friends of free trade, or those who are anxious respecting the revenue, will find fault with the provisions of that treaty. (Hear, hear.) I believe myself that you never were called upon to make asacritice—that is, an immediate sacrifice—of revenue which promised to be more fruitful of good. (Cheers.) I believe that the trade which will be created will be immense ; and I know very well that the expedition of trade and the economy brought about in the public establishments by abolishing the duties on manufactured goods will form results of no common value. (Hear, hear.) Again, everybody appreciates faci lity of personal intercourse with the Continent, and the changes we propose in our tariff will immensely facilitate that intercourse, by enabling the Customs' authorities to withdraw the greater part of the annoying restraints which . are now found necessary. (Cheers.) Sir, I cannot pass from the subject of the French treaty without paying a tribute of respect to two persons at least who have been the main authors of it. (Hear, hear.) I am bound to bear this witness at any rate with regard to the Emperor of the French—that he has given the most unequivocal proofs of sincerity and earnestness in the progress of this great work, a work not mainly prosecuted fir the purpose of the English alliance, but with a view to commercial reforms at home, and to the advantage and happiness of his own people. (Cheers.) With regard to Mr. Cobden, speaking as Ido at a time when every angry passion has passed away, I cannot help expressing our obligations to him for the labour he has, at no small personal sacrifice, bestowed upon a measure which he, not the least among the apostles of free trade, be lieves to be one of the greatest triumphs free trade has ever achieved. (Cheers.) It is a great privilege for any man who, having 15 years ago rendered to his country one im portant and signal service, now enjoys the singular good fortune of having had it in his power—undecorated, bear ing no markof rank or of title from his Sovereign, or from the people—to perform another signal service in the same cause for the benefit of, I hope, a not ungrateful country. (Cheers.) The point to which I have now brought the committee in this, to them, I fear, laborious inquiry is this --I have asked them to sacrifice £1,190,000 of the existing revenue in order to effect a relief to the consumer of, I think, £1,737,000 by giving effect to the provisions of the treaty with France. That treaty would bring about a great re form in the Customs' establishments of the country. At the same time, it would not effect a reform which would have any pretensions to the character of completeness, and there are many other duties of a description which wo think call for the attention of Parliament, and by the reduction or removal of which immense advantage might be conferred upon the country. (Hear.) I have thought it best to sepa rate them entirely from those articles which we deal with by the treaty, with a view to the convenience of the com mittee and their clearer understanding of the whole subject. But this being the state of the case, and the Government wishing to give, as far as may be, the character of complete ness to their reform of the Customs—which, indeed, is essen tial to the attainment of some of the objects in view—l now come to their supplemental measure of Customs reform. They intend to propose to the committee a further change in the Customs' laws, which will entail at first a loss of £910,000, giving at the same time a relief to the consumer of about £1,040,000 ; but they propose also, in a manner which I will explain to the committeo, to meet the charge of that loss by certain impositions upon trade of a charactr which, I hope, will not be deemed exceptional. I will take these two subjects next. They form the supplemental part of the Customs' reform proposed by the Government. This second portion of the Customs' reform contains many aboli tions and some reductions of the duty. I will read the prin cipal abolitions contemplated. By-the-by, there is ono point respecting the French treaty—l mean the pro posal to give jimmediate effect to the changes on the English aide, and the postponement of the changes intended by France—which I ought to have noticed. The provision:on this subject was not pressed upon us by France; on the contrary, we have reason to believe that she would have given us the time which she was com pelled to require for herself, but the arrangement I have stated to the committee was owing to the deliberate judgment of the English Government that it would be on the whole more advantageous to the English people. (Cheers.) I now come to the abolition of duties which form the second or sup plementary part of the measure we propose for the alteration of the Customs' duties. We propose to abolish entirely and immediately the duty on butter, which yields £95,000 (cheers)—the duty on tallow, which yields £87,000: the duty on cheese, which yields £44,ooo—(cheers)—on oranges and lemons, yielding £32,000 ; on eggs, £22,000 ; o n nu t s , £12,000; on nutmegs £11,000; paper, 10,000; liquorice, £9,000; dates, £7,000; and various other minor articles, the total of these abolitions amounting to £382,000. I pro pose likewise a reduction of duties upon five articles of great importance, one of which strikes at the principal differential duty, except those which we have killed by the French treaty—namely, the duty en timber. (Cheers.) I propose to reduce the duty on timber from 7s. 6d. and 155., lo the colo nial rate of Is. and 2s. (Cheers.) There will be a relief of £400,000 to the consumer, but a considerable recovery by increased consumption. The next article, the duty on which I propose to reduce, with the app r o va l o f the house, is the duty on currants. (Hear, hear.) There is no article of greater importance to the mass of the community. (Hear.) All those of the labouring classes who are in good circumstances are large consumers of currants. The duty on currants ought to have been reduced many years ago, but it was impossible in consequence of the almost entire failure of the crop, which made it impracticable to act upon the consumption by the reduction of the duty. The duty on currants it now 15s. 9d. ; - We propose to reduce it to 7s. per cwt., which will involve a loss of £170,000. This, however, will be compensated by increased consumption. We propose to reduce the duty on raisins from 10s. to 7s. ; on figs from 10s. to is. I also pro pose to reduce a duty with regard to which I shall have to give a further explanation—the duty on hops. I propose to reduce the duty on hops from 455. to 14s. (Cheers.) The total amount of these reductions will be £650,000, and the abolitions £382,000. There will be a small article of black ing, which will be postponed, making a gross loss of £1,635,000, but the increase of consumption will only entail 6 total loss, as estimated, of £910,000. T will presently show the state in which these changes, if they are adopted en tire, will leave the tariff ; but, for the present, I will go on to state the mode in which the Government pro pose to supply the revenue to compensate for the loss that will follow these changes. (Sensation.) lam afraid, from the sensation that is expressed, that I may cause some disappointment, for, in point of fact, I am not now going to fill up the great chasm that lay before us a short time ago, but to deal with the little chasm created by parting with £910,000. (A laugh,) The general principle of the measure I am about to propose will be an extension of a very small kind of taxation, and which may be called a penny taxa tion. The penny taxation has answered and will answer. At any rate there is one kind of "penny wisdom" that is not "pound folly," and that is alike popular and productive 'We propose to levy upon all goods imported and exported, by way of registration foe, a duty of ld. a package. It has often been said and argued that when tho tariff was cleared of so many articles, a small duty ought to have been retained to cover the cost of registration, statistics, and various son vices performed on behalf of trade by the Customs' estab lishment. That is an argument of very considerable force, but there is one argument of conclusive weight. the other way, which has determined Governments conclusively not to retain these duties on the tariff, and that is, if you retain Small duties on your tariff they are attended with all the in cidents of a large duty. It requires the same sort of inspec tion, the same following, the same delay, and the same sys tem of accounts as if you were levying large and valuable duties. But none of these objections appiy to the measure I now propose. It would bo a measure of the simplest kind, l levied to the amount of I ,ld, per packet, and, on goods in Thereamust be g a few cases of raw materials, of salt, of coals acid corn, in which it will be necessary to alter the unit to Prevent the ld. from becoming a heavy charge ; because, hot being entered in small parcels, but by the whole cargo, , 4 ,nd not being warehoused, they give very little trouble to l i n• Custom s . B u t th a t w ill be matter of consideration in `no bill, and it will be for the Executive Government, in the t t 'ljninistration of the law, to place the matter under general : 14 ca. But what an idea it gives of the wealth and power of t s country that to levy a small duty of ld. per package on :I t li 1 foods imported and exported, and in proportion en goods levied bulk, will produce £300,000 a year. (Hear.) That will bo without any reference to goods whatever, and with outany detention or examination. It will be taken off the -hips papers as one of the articles incidental to the receipt r(,),v despach of the ship. The next charge I propose to the use to t enact is the charge upon certain operations now per wl in ware h o uses. Th e comm itt ee are aware th a t th e iN o iasil object ef tho warehousing system was to enable the Norters of goods to obtain two most important advan :.‘o,°3—one the postponement of the payment of these duties, ""eat the other to retain for themselves the option to the ""eat moment between entering the goods for home con -I,ll9lPtion and entering them for a foreign mark e t. With C i lther of these do we propose to interfere, or to saddle them t h any charge whatever. But in consequence of the hi 3 ;!tern of heavy and restrictive duties which has been pur yd in regard to spirits, and more especially in regard to ine, th ere is a most comp li cate d system of operations of every kind performed in bond at a great disadvantage in f rVect to delay, in respect to loss of time, to the risk of terand and the loss of revenue, which is a loss to the coun hie per ' e Bat, gre a t as are th es e evils, they are some of th e s tary results of the state of our law, which is now re itti, g to a low state of duties and a simple arrangement. v i Ztherefere, clear that all these extraordinary operations , Ua lie beyond the proper scope of the warehousing ratf,:ll s'atn atou , and ware of the Borne e m of additional accommoda ld be subje c t to soe charge. We, therefore, pro bottll to lay a moderate suns chargeable on the removal, oh , o g . , vatting, " f or tif y i ng "—l d o no t k now a ll th e jar ha,Zl t the s y s t em — on all . those extra operat i ons, w hi c h tve grown up as e xcrescences on the warehouse system. 40 c ommittee will be glad to hear that we shall find in this eystem of charge a mode of solving a very difficult question, which has excited a great deal of interest in many important communities. It is known as the question of inland bonding. The great inland towns of this country have always complained that they are excluded from the facilities given to almost mere hamlets, and in many cases to places of no importance as measured by population. But under the system we propose certain charges will attach to removals in warehouses, whether they are on the coast or in the interior, which will place the m all on a proper footing. Of course, I do not mean to say that the warehousing system can be applied to every town in the country. The Government will have due regard to the result of such a system, and to the power of accommodation offered for the purpose, but the principle of the plan will be to return to the country the cost of the warehousing establishment, to enable them to deal with equity and justice with those little ports that enjoy these privileges and that happen to be ports within the meaning of the term, and at the same time to enable great communities like Manchester, Birmingham, and other large towns, which are fairly entitled to the demand of a concession of this kind, to obtain these advantages. Upon this I expect to gain £120,000. The next change I am about to propose is one upon which it will be necessary for the house to give a vote to-night, in conformity with our ordi nary practice. I propose to levy a duty of Gs. per cwt. upon chicory or any other vegetable production to be used with coffee, as a protection to the coffee revenue, which has not grown and cannot grow as long as an article that assumes the appearance of coffee is admitted free, while coffee itself pays a high duty. It will be requisite that the Customs shall be iu a condition to give immediate effect to this reso lution, and I will hand the resolution to you, Mr. Massey, as Igo along. I may mention that this will entail the dis• advantage of an excise charge upon home-grown chicory, but that is not a serious matter, because the growth of chi cory in this country has almost died out. Some years ago many thousand acres were employed in the growth of chi cory. but at the present day the whole quantity under cul tivation is under 500 acres. The duty on chicory, together with the improvement of the revenue from coffee, will yield £90,000 per annum, and that will bring ihose minor Cus toms charges to £510,000. I will now briefly run over the changes we would ask the committee to adopt in the in land Revenue. A stamp of 10. on notes of sale of foreign and colonial produce, and on brokers' contract notes, w ill yield £lOO,OOO, A tamp of 3d on stock warrants, a re duction of the agreement stamp from 2s. Gd. to 6d , with the repeal of exemptions, will yield £20,000. The next change which we propose is to give to eating-houses of all descriptions, whether under that name or under the category of pastrycooks, a license, for which they will pay at a very low rate, with the power of taking a license at their option from the Excise, to be had simile , on the pay ment of a certain sum of money, and subject to no other limitation or restriction, for the purpose of authorising them to sell wine or beer. (Hear, hear.) We think it is essential, in giving effect to the changes in the wino duties, that this sort of facility should be provided, in connexion with the sale of eatables, wherever the trade may bo carried on ; and we also look on it as a change favourable to sobriety—(hear, hear)—for the man who can get hit glass of wine or beer at the same time with his necessary food in an easy manner is less likely to resort to places where he would be tempted to indulge to excess. (Hear, hear.) We also propose that the duty should bo doubled upon any house that keeps open after 12 o'clock at night. Then there are a variety of very limited minor changes with which I do not know that I need trouble the committee, such as on heritable bonds in Scotland, &c. One change, however, I will mention. We propose to reduce the duty on game certificates, which it is hoped will be satisfactory. (Cheers.) Only 34,000 game certificates are taken out every year. The price is very high, and no person can shoot for a day at any period of the season without paying the price of a certificate for the whole season. But the immediate and obvious ground for dealing with it is the notorious fact that vast numbers of persons of almost all classes who do shoot at all assume to themselves the liberty of shooting without a certificate. (Laughter.) We are not able to catch some 500 of them in the course of the year, but I hope that so many will not escape under the new system. 'We anticipate that while we shall give relief to those who buy certificates to the amount of £50,010, we shall have no less but even a small gain of something like £lO,OOO a-year. Instead of £4 for a certificate for the sea son, it may be had, if taken out in August, for £3 ; if taken out on or after the Ist of October, £2 ; and if taken out on or after the Ist of December, £l. (A laugh, and "Hear, hear.") As to the measure of the right hon. gentleman opposite which was adopted with regard to stamps on cheques, we have not yet had sufficient experience to test its full effects, either fiscally or otherwise ; but I think it is quite clear that if it continues, as it is likely to d e , a t l eas t till we see our way more clearly, there should be no exemp tion for cheques drawn by the person himself. It is not worth while keeping up the distinction, and a small sum will be gained by its abolition. We, therefore, propose to remove it. (Hear, hear) The stamp on leases will yield £7,000; all personal estate passing by will, under gene/eel appoint ment, will become subject to probate duty, which will yield £30,000, and the repeal of the exemption of the convey ances of building societies will give £5,000. The excise duty on chicory will yield £5,000, and a stamp on extracts from the registers of births, deaths, and marriages, £3,000. I may now sum up. The Customs will give £510,000, which, added to £386,000, the produce of the items of Inland Revenue I have referred to, will give a total of £896,000. The next item will give pleasure to the committee. It is not a tax but a saving, and a saving which of all others will, I am sure, be most acceptable to Parliament and to the people. It is a saving for the year on the Customs Esta blishment of £50,000, which will be the beginning of a greater saving in consequence of the measures we are going to adopt. (Cheers.) There will also be a saving in the Inland Itevenue, if the measures we p ro p ose s h ou ld b e agreed to, of £36 , 000. There will, therefore, be altogether £86,000 in saving and £896,000 in taxes, making together £982,000, which will more than replace the revenue we pro pose to withdraw in the second part of our scheme of amend ment. (Cheers.) Lot me recall to the committee the pre cise point at which we stand. We venture to say that the country might fairly expect under the circumstances of the present year a reduction of the indirect taxes chosen with the greatest care for the purpose, to an extent some thing like that which is represented by the amount of an nuities now falling in, £2,146,000—1 mean to that extent in loss to the revenue, but to a much greater extent in relief to consumers. Of that £2,146,000 we have disposed of about £1,190,000 by the French treaty, so far as the plans of the Government are concerned ; and by way of supple ment to that treaty we have also proposed a further mea sure involving the loss of £910,000, with compensation in the shape of new charges and savings to the extent of £932,000. Consequently, there are still about £1,000,000 of remission, which, in the view of the Government, is due to the trade and industry of the country on the 'principles I have stated. Tho question is, where shall the reduction be made ? As we have frankly admitted, we do not think the greatest benefit would be conferred either on the nation at large or on the labouring classes by an immediate return to the minimum duty on sugar and tea; and though we might take either of the two, we could not take both. As we do not think that is the direction in which relief may be best proposed, I think the committee will readily guess what I am about to propose—the abolition of the excise duty on paper. (Cheers.) There is only ono argument I know against its abolition, and that is, that the revenue derived from it is a growing revenue. The reason why it is so is that we live in a country with a growing literature and a growing trade ' • and, as neither litera ture nor trade can b e carr i e d on without paper, it follows that as long as the bountry grows in literature and trade the paper duty must increase, however impolitic it may be in its operation. But let the committee briefly con sider with me the reasons for the repeal of the paper duty. First of all, I do not hesitate to say that one reason for this repeal, not perhaps conclusive in itself, but ce'tainly far from immaterial ix the view of any British Ministry, is that the duty has been condemned by the House of Parlia ment. (Hear, hear.) And how has it been condemned P Net by any chance majority, not by the Opposition hap pening to overpower the resisting Government, but with the full concurrence of the responsible Executive of the day. (Hear, hear.) On the 21st of June, 1858, my right hon. friend the President of the Board of Trade made this mo tion—" That it is the opinion of this house that the main tenance of the excise duty on paper, as a permanent source of revenue, will be impolitic." The Chancellor of the Ex chequer objected to a second resolttiou proposed by my hon. friend for the purpose of striking the nail a little fur ther home ; and on the second resolution being withdrawn, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the right hon, gentleman opposite (Mr. Disraeli) adopted the first resolution, and said that it required not immediate, but early consideration, and it was adopted unanimously by the house. It is a question whether it is altogether a wise practice to adopt resolutions that condemn duties which cannot at the time be repealed, and I am afraid subsequent squabbling would be apt to grow out of such a practice • but the fact that the Hou se of Commons has recorded that judgment is a material ele ment in the case wo aro now considering. But that is not all. The paper duty is in many respects a bad duty, ; and I will show presently that it is untenable. (rie abl a r r ia he e a the first place, as a uniform duty on a very v how d while o w e s e i fi t n o d p erat e ? that the l td a p t t y •e presses s on fin e the ppapers, p ers, pooreraw owing g r t sand t a , t,he growth of literature, is rapidly increasing, on the eparso sorts it does not advance. Look at its operation on htera. tore. On dear books, which are published for the wealthy , it is a very light duty; on books brought out in large quantities by enterprising publishers for the middle and lower classes it is a very heavy and a very oppressive duty. I think the committee will admit that it is a most desirable and legitimate object to promote the extension of cheap literature. I do not speak of newspapers alone, but of journals and publications which, in common with all other literature we have seen so lately enlarged, rind the ptehnencyhaartaaalp character of which I a m b oun d t o sa y s i nc e on newspapers was removed has been so highly creditable to the conductors of that which is called the cheap press. (Cheers.) It is hardly possible to describe, except by details on which I shall not venture, the manner in which the paper duty obstructs skill and en terprise. But it has this characteristic, which I bog to call to the special attention of the committee. The material with which it deals is a material of almost boundless scope, for nearly everything which is fibrous may in one manner or another be made to serve the purpose of paper. I spoke just now of the production of British and spurious wines. I am told that in an inland town there is a manufacture of British champagne. It is made from rhubarb, and the re commendation is, that after you havegot all the champagne out of the rhubarb, the fibre should be made into paper. (Laughter.) That is a very good recommendation. I be lieve, really and seriously, that whatever is grown with fibre would, by skill and enterprise, be made available for the purposes of paper if it were not for the necessary ob structions offered by the regulations of the Excise depart ment. Ido not think the committee is aware of the enor mous variety of purposes to which the use of this material may, in one form or another, be applied. I have a list of 69 trades, in not one of which any one would guess it is used. It is largely used by anatomical machinists to make artificial limbs, by telescope makers, by boot and shoe makers, by cap manufacturers for the foundation of hats and caps, forming nearly all the peaks and many of the tops which look like varnish (laughter), by china and porcelain manufacturers, by coach-makers, by comb-makers, by doll makers (most dolls being made of a material into the com position of which paper enters), in shipbuilding, in making optical instruments,- in pictures and looking-glasse s , i n portmanteaus, in Sheffield goods, and in teapots. (Laugh ter.) One manufacturer said he had made panels for doors from paper, and he looked forward, above all, to making carriages of paper when the duty was off. Another manu facturer, who is asked into what combinations paper may be made to enter, says—and I think it is a very Just and forcible observation—" Who can fix the limit to ingenious combinations when we see indiarubber, for instance, being made into strong and durable combs and other articles of that sort ?" Only this morning I was informed that paper pipes are made, prepared with bitumen, and capable of standing a pressure of 3001 b. of water to the inch. These are partial but not uninteresting details, and I think that to which they bear witness is the unboundcdexpansion of which this trade is capable, and the way in which it will benefit the working classes by means of abolishing this duty—not only because they will get cheaper paper, which must advantage every man who furnishes a cottage and every purchaser of tea and sugar, into the cost of which it enters when tea and sugar are wrapped in it ; but by putting in motion an immense trade it will give a greater, further stimulus to the demand for the labour of the cowl - try. Above all, let 1310 say the great advantage of this change, in my opinion, and in the opinion of her Majesty's Government, is, that you will promote a diffused demand and a demand for rural labour; that you will not merely stimulate the process of massing people in great centres of industry, but the demand for labour all over the country. Where there are streams, where there are vil lages, where there is pure and good air and tolerable access, there are the places where the paper manufacture delights to rest itself. And there is a gentleman, a member of this house, second to no man in England for enterprise, who did within the last few years illustrate the effect of the paper manufacture on the poor-rate. (Hear, hear.) The paper duty has extinguished all the small paper manufacturers. It has concentrated the trade in a few g reat hands. Village mills are hardly to be found. I wa n t to see these village mills spring up again and flourish. (Cheers.) The case I quote, to show the effect of paper manufacture upon the poor-rate, is that of a member of this house, who a f e w yea rs ago, in reference to the supply of paper to a well-known periodical, established a paper manufactory at Rickmans worth, and within three or four years the poor-rates of Rickmansworth were diminished by one-half. (Cheers.) That is a very telling and a very creditable argument. I must state one other point. I told the committee that this duty was rapidly becoming untenable, and I am bound to warn them, as I did with respect to the wine duties, that such is the state of things to which it tends. It is not only invidious to maintain it when every other duty of the Caine class has been abolished, but the hew is rapidly becom ing untenable. The Inland Revenue Department are com pletely agreed that there ought to be a repeal of the duty. I asked the agitators against the duty to furnish their rea sons in a series of short propositions to see how far they could be admitted by the Inland Revenue. They sent me 15 arguments, and I sent them to the Board of Inland Revenue. The heads of that department said that two of the proposi tions were questions of political economy upon which they would give no opinion, but th a t w ith re gar to all the other 13 they agreed with the agitators. (Hoes, hear.) You cannot undertake to maintain the duty beyond a certain time, because such aro the difficulties raised as to what is paper and what is not paper, as to what are sheets of sub stance and what are not, that not only is there the greatest soreness among the manufacturers, but the officers of revenue ; and the maintainers of the law will soon be placed in the ridiculous position in which they were placed when unable to say what was a newspaper. (Hear.) The paper duty must sooner or later follow the newspaper stamp. We say sooner and not later, and that it should follow now. (Hear, hear.) It is proposed that the paper duty shall be abolished after the Ist of July next, and that a drawback shall be allowed on stocks in the hands of the dealers in the usual manner. There will be a loss by the repeal of the paper duty in 1860-1861 of £1,000,001 The repeal of the paper duty will enable us to take some other measures which are very desirable to clear the tariff of all those articles connected with furnishing paper, writ ing paper, books, prints, a nd engrav i ngs , an d it w ill grea tly simplify the laborious and difficult task which the Custom house officers have to perform in searching the luggage of passengers for pirated books—aff or di ng t o p ossessors o f a particular kind of property a protection which is afforded to no other, and ought not to be afforded to them. Of course, whenever the Custom-house officers observe an illegal com modity it will be their duty to stop it, but an officious and disagreeable description of search will no longer be neces sary. (Hear, hear.) The abolition of the paper duty will save £20,000 a year in theestablishment of the Board of In land Revenue, and will enable us to adopt another measure of some importance which I will in a very few words de scribe, and that is the abolition of the impressed stamp on newspapers, The impressed stamp on newspapers is at tended with difficulties which, if I were dealing with the subject alone, would take a long time te explain. It recog nises the exceptional status of newspapers, and again raises the question " What is a newspaper ?" The Post-office au thorities find it impossible to draw a distinction between publications entitled to the impressed stamp and other pe riodicals. It involves a great deal of unrequited service ; and nothing is more absurd than that when the Post-office carries newspapers, or any other printed matter not exceed ing four ounces in weight for a penny, they should be liabl e after a stamp is impressed, to carry it half a dozen times over for the same money. It requires a distinct code for itself. There are some 20 special regulations which every ene is bound to observe, but which nobody does observe, to secure the condition upon which the privilege is given; and this privilege, as to the mode of stamping newspapers, and as to postage, is a privilege most inconvenient to the parties and to the revenue. You are obliged, on the one hand, to keep up an establishment for no other pur pose than stampins the paper for newspapers, and news paper proprietors are, on the other hand, obliged to cart all their paper to the establishment where this depart ment of revenue is raised, in order to get it stamped. I cannot but think that that is a system fraught with great inconvenience and loss ; it is inconvenient to the pro prietors of newspapers, and involves a l o s s o f p u bli c mone y, and, therefore, it furnishes a strong argument fo r th e abo lition of the stamp. We propose, therefore, that the stamp should bo abolished on the day on which the alteration in the stamp laws takes place. (Hear, hear.) But there aro certain papers that take the advantage at certain times, and among them that great paper, the Tio.es, of a three half penny stamp. It would be a hardship to those papers if we called upon them to pay a twopenny postage, where they now pay only three halfpence, and this difficulty we pro pose to get over in the simple way of introducing a three halfpenny rate on the principle of the book postage, which is four ounces, ld. ; six ounces, ltd. ; eight ounces, 3d. ; and so on. This is a c h ange w hi c h I t hi n k will at once recommend itself to the general favour of the house. (Hear, hear.) I have now stated all the remissions and changes of duty which the Government propose to recommend to the house ' • but in view of th e ''.revenue it is necessary th a t I should still refer to some articles which are connected with the departments of Excise and taxes. I have mentioned the article of hops ; end I have now to state that we pro- I pose to alter the system of hop credits. That system is one that is indefensible in principle, and has nothing to recom mend it in point of convenience. As things now are, the grower of hops who gets possession of his hops in August and September and sells them in ()caber is not called on to pay the duty till next May, where he pays one half, and the other half in November, when he has got in hand another crop. This is a system that is highly disadvantageous, and therefore we propose as a substitute that the hop grower, who as a general rule has parted with his crop in October or November, shall pay the duty on the following Ist of January. As by taking away the hop credits we to some extent put a pressure on the grower, and as we are going to admit the foreign hop'grower to competition with hire, we propose to give a partial remission of the duty, which will stand no longer, at 19s. 7d., but at 14s. 7d. per cwt. I may also mention the change in respect of malt. Malt is at pre sent prohibited. 'We propose to remit the prohibition, and substitute a Customs' duty of 3s. per bushel, being 2a. 9d. and 5 per cent. in reference to the Excise. In consi dering the effect of compensation it is important to consider what will be the relation of the change on the wine ditties to the duty on malt. When the change in the wine duties has taken effect wine of the only description that can compete with malt will pay a tax a great deal heavier, and malt will not be subject to any undue pressure. Let me now brin g into one view the altera tions which I h ave s t a t e d in detail, and in doing so I must endeavour to bring clearly before the mind of the commit tee three separate sums—let, the entire amount of the re mission or relief to the consumers by the adoption of the plans we propose • 2d, the amount of loss to the revenue which they entail; 3d, the amount of compensation which will be derived from the changes in the tariff which we re commend for the adoption of the committee. The Customs' duties under this treaty with France will give relief to the consumers of a sum of £1,737,000, and a loss to the revenue of 11,190,000. By the supplemental Customs plan we will give relief to the consumers of £1,039,000, and there will be a loss to the revenue of £910,000 ; total relief to the con sumers, £2,771,000; total loss to the revenue, £2,100,000. In the Inland Revenue Department there will be a relief on paper of £1,000,000; on hops, £105,000; and on gains certificates, £50,000 ; making in all, £1,155,000 ; and a total loss to the revenue of £990,000. There will thus be a total relief to the consumers in the Customs and Inland Revenue Departments of £3,931,000, and of loss to the revenue of £3,090,000. (Hear.) The amount of compensation by means of increased consumption may be estimated at £841,000, and there will be a further compensation by new charges and savings on establishments of £982,000, being a total of £1,823,000. Taking this computation, there will be a net loss to the rev enue f or 18 60-61 of £2,108,000. I will not enter now more fully into the question of relief to the con sumers, but I believe that the effect of the tariff in 1861-62 will be to enrich the revenue to a much greater extent than, perhaps, many anticipate. (Hear.) I will now state in a few words the effect of those changes in bringing forward that most desired consummation of all Reformers—a simpli fication of the Customs' tariff of the country. The number of articles subject to Customs' duties in 1842 was 1,052; in 1815, 1,163 articles, for I mus t rem i nd the house that the first oper a ti on o f the reform of the tariff was to multiply the csn n n lu u o u u i d ' a l i numb er r t r o h o ipne f o o sfaaweirldaht numberse are au was s d ' eoh i p n t 4 tte 6 e ds s n ifu s iag e ni q a. uenc e of an increase of the ole 15, headings under which they were specified. In 1853 the fg e , or: wine, h ina. n e fet changes hwecaotn,i coffee, tr :withoutallowing ,c B lt s ee 9 sa , ,r 4 e I tin 9 o . ba ai A nc,ic f no t sub divisions, such as the specification of two or throe classes of retained e. will be 48. (Hear.) There are three classes of articles, in ,whichonarethine rteaarliiffty for r e o p n u ly rp a o r s t e i s ele a s f t t i i i m at ber N , vi r l a t isi h n o s, revenue. Besides those fifteen articles there aro 29 which, though yielding revenue, are only re • tained on special grounds. Thus five articles are retained on account of countervailing duties on domestic articles, and 24 on account of their resemblance to the or other of the 15 articles I have adverted to. We could not, for example, admit Eau do Cologne free of duty while there is a duty on brandy. It thus follows that your Customs' revenue will be derived substantially from 15 articles. (Hear, hear.) That is a result which I hope ustom house reformers will be of opinion justifies the changes we have made. (Hear, hear.) There will be a relief from in direct taxation of about £4,000,000. Out of that £1,000,000 paper duty will go directly to stimulate the demand for rural labour, £1,800,000, or the greater part of £2,000,000, under the French Treaty will in every instance strike at differential duties, and will be the means of removing from the tariff its i greatest, perhaps its only remaining deformi ties. There will be on the British tariff, after the adoption of these changes, nothing whatever in the nature of protec tive or differential duties, unless you apply that name to the small charges which will be levied upon timber and corn, which amounts in general, perhaps, te about 3 per cent. With that limited exception you will have a final disap pearance of all protective and differential duties, and th e consumer will know that every shilling he pays will go to the revenue, and not to the domestic as against the foreign producer. You will have a groat extension and increase of trade, you will h ave a rem i ssion o f the principal restraints upon travellers, and a great reduction in the expenses of the Customs and Excise Departments. I told you that those reductions must be brought in by degrees and in detail. They will net appear upon the estimates as they are pre sented for this year, because it is impossible to foresee, es pecially until we know what the decision of Parliament will be, the precise changes which will be made. The imme diate reduction in the Customs department will be £50,000, in the Excise £86,000 ; and the ultimate reduction upon the expenses of the departments I expect will be somewhere about £150,030. That is the nature of the change we pro pose in the Customs and Excise duties. It is certainly time that I should proceed to refer again to the state of the gene. ral account. (Hear.) It would have been possible to come to it, perhaps, by a less circuitous route, and, as I stated before, a shilling income-tax would have squared the ac count without any further trouble. I now come to consider what are the means by which we propose to square the ac count. I don't pretend to 'present to the house a budget which grapples with all the difficulties of the case. I don't propose to provide for the Exchequer Bonds—a shil ling income-tax perhaps would have done that as well. (Hear, hear.) I have called the attention of the house to the fact that we are going to take away the six weeks' credit now allowed to maltsters, which will give us £1,100,000 within the financial year. The hop credit will give us £300,000 more. The two sums together amount to £1,400,000. They don't belong to the year, but they are not borrowed money. They actually belong to the public, and may be said at present to be lent out to the producer without interest, and we propose to take them out and apply them to the purposes of thel ysar. You will not, perhaps, consider that there remains much option te Us. I have pointed out that a one shilling income-tan would completely fill the void, and would enable you to dispense with the remaining part of the war duties on tea and sugar. Without any remission of the duties on paper, and without the slightest attempt to improve your fiscal laws and extend your trade, you cannot escape with an income-tax less than the amount at which it now stands, 9d. in the pound. We have proposed to you a remission which goes to the extent of £4,000,000, and the additional taxation which we have so far presented, falls entirely upon trade, and now I will tell you in what manner we propose to supply the deficiency which remains. (Hear.) The charge lbr 1860-31, as I have stated, is £70,100,000; the income with the tea an d sugar d ut i es at their minimum would have been £60,700,000. Deducting from that the loss by remissions the amount would be £58,592,000. and by retaining the tea and sugar duties at their present rates we shall have an addition of £2,100,000, bringing up the income to £60,692,000. But when we compare £60,692,100 with £70,100,000, there is still a deficiency of nearly £9,.500,000. Against that we propose to take up the malt and hop credits, which will giv e £1,400,000, an d wo pro pose to renew the income-tax at a rate only higher by one penny than that which it would be necessary under any circumstances to propose—viz., at 10d. in the pound. (" Hear, hear," from Mr. Bright.) The assessment will be 10d. in the pound on incomes above £l5O, and 7d. in the pound below that amount. No new returns will be called for under the new schedules, and the tax will be taken for ono year only. Both with regard to that subject and the duties on tea and sugar we wish to reserve to Parliament the fullest and freest discretion. Instead of the old system, under which only half the year wascollected within the year, though by law three quarters ought to be collected, we shall require three quarters to be actually collected. The conse quence of that will be, that the income-tax at 10d., with three quarters collected within the year, will give £8,472,000. There will remain due, after April, 1861, one quarter of the income-tax, about £2,250,000, nearly the same sum as now remains due by law after April, 1860. There is a sliNht change which we propose as regards the mode of assessing railways —assessing them at their head offices instead of at the various districts through which they run. I think the house will now understand how the final balance for the year rests. The revenue, after:the deductions and remissions, without allowing for what may be called the war duties on tea and sugar, will be £58,592,000. I put the tea and sugar duties renewed at £2,100,000, the malt and hop credits taken up at £1,400,000, the income-tax for three quarters of the year at £8,472,300. That brings up the total income to £70,561,000. The total charge is £70,100,000, which leaves an apparent estimated surplus of £464,000: As regards the method of proceeding —as I have already said—f will ask the House to pass the vote relating to chicory to-night, and the order in which we will take the other subjects will be this. We shall proceed first with that portion of the Customs' duties which are in volved in the treaty with France, and we shall begin with the duties on winos. I cannot overstate to the committee the importance both to trade and to the revenue of proceed ing to deal with these subjects at the earliest possible day. We should not like to make an unreasonable demand on the house er on individual members, and as I now speak on Friday, we could not ask the House to take an earlier day than Thursday next ; but I trust that the committee and individual members will allow of our proceeding on that day in a matter where despatch is of so great importance. We should, after that, proceed with the supplementary re solutions, or the second part of our plan, relating to to the Customs' duties ; we should then take the Excise duties, and after that the duties on tea and sugar. Probablybefore we get so far we shall have made some progress in the Es timates, and it will be then convenient to take the income tax. Without seeking to place on the propositions I have made a colour more favourabin than they may merit, I have endeavoured to bring strongly and clearly into view the most prominent features of the plan of the Government. We propose an ample provision for the service of the year. It gives a sanction to the improvement of some subsidiary resources in consideration of the great demands made on the people in aid of the ordinary revenue of the year; it in volves a high rate of income-tax, and it abandons all en deavour to make a financial settlement for a term of years, which we don't think suited to the existing state of affairs. Those gentlemen who may entert a i n a h ope of some mate • rial reduction in our expenditure will be disposed, I think, to agree in the wisdom and propriety of this course. It in volves a great reform in our tariff, it involves a large re mission of taxation, and last of all, though not least, it in volves that commercial treaty with France which, though objections may be taken to it, we confidently recommend, not only on moral and social, but on political, fiscal, and economical grounds. (Hear.) In c onc l us i on, I may say that I feel a hope which amounts to a persuasion, that this house, whatever may happen, will not shrink from its duty. After all it has achieved by resolute courageous commercial reforms en behalf of the masses of the people, and not on on behalf of them alone, but on behalf of every class, on be half of the Throne, and of the institutions of the country, I feel convinced that this house will not refuse to go boldly on in the direction in which it has already reaped such honourable rewards. (Cheers.) By pursuing such a course as this it will be in your power to scatter blessings among the people, and blessings which are the best of all blessings, because you are not forging mechanical helps for men, to enable you to do that for them which they ought to do for themselves ; but you are enlarging their means, you are giving value to their labour, you are appealing to their sense of honourable self-dependence. (Hear, hear.) There were times of old when Sovereigns made progress through the land, and when, at the proclamation of their heralds, they caused to be scattered heaps of coin among the people. That may have been a goodly spectacle, but it is also a goodly spectacle, in the altered spirit and circumstances of our times, when a Sovereign is enabled through the wis dom of her groat Council assembled in Parliament again to scatter blessings among the people in the shape of wise and prudent laws, which do not sap in any respect the founda tions of duty, but which strike away the shackles from the arm of industry, which give a new incentive and new reward to toil, and which win more and more lot the Throne and for the institutions of the country the gratitude, the confi dence, and the love of an united people. (Cheers.) Let me even say to those who are justly anxious on the subject of our national defences that that which stirs tho flame of patriotism in men, that which binds them together, that which gives them increased confidence in their rulers, that which makes them feel and know that they are treated justly, and that wo who represent them are labouring in cessantly and earnestly for their good—is in itself no small, no feeble, and no transitory part of national de fence. (Loud cheers.) We recommend this plan to your impartial and searching inquiry; we do not presume to make a claim on your acknowledgment, but neither do we desire to draw on your generous confidence nor to appeal to your compassion. We ask for nothing but impartial search and inquiry; we knew that it will re ceive that justice at your hands, and we confidently antici pate in its behalf the approval eat) of Parliament and of the people of this empire. (The right hon. gentleman re sumed his seat amid loud and general cheering.) The CHAIRMAN having put the resolution with respect to the reduction of the duties en chicory and other products, Mr. DISRAELI said—lt is not my intention to offer op position to the resolution which the right hon. gentleman has proposed; indeed, I must take the liberty of congratu lating himself and the house on the able manner in which he has addressed it under the painful circumstances with which I can assure him all present sympathise. (Cheers.) But the right hon. gentleman hats placed before us a very large scheme, treating of subjects of the greatest importance and descending even to the minutest detail, and having with proper confidence invited on the part of the house an impar tial and searching examination of these topics, I would venture to say that, as we do net all of us possess abilities equal to those with which ho is gifted, it appears to me scarcely possible that an impartial and searching investiga tion can take place in the very limited time that the right hon. gentleman has intimated. The claims of the trade of the country, no doubt, aro great and urgent, when any al terations of the tariff are co ntemplated —no man hesitates to acknowledge their importance ; but these claims have a limit, and the urgency and importance of commercial inte r, e a cane ,t justify this house in entering into rash and pre cipitate legislation. (Hear, hear.) We are dealing with a very important subject; we are also dealing in the present financial statement with elements differing in very essential particulars from those by which even the most comprehen sive financial schemes have of late years been characterised. We have to deal not only with financial and commercial considerations, but —as the right hon. gentleman has fairly admitted, and as no member of this house should for a mo ment forget—we have to deal likewise with political con siderations. (Hoar, hear.) We are asked to enter into rela tions with a foreign Power, which, having once been adopted, aro not susceptible of those changes which in thoroughly domestic engagements, however important, the omnipotence of Parliament would always be able to effect. And, therefore, I feel that I am but expressing the general sentiments of the house when I state that the proposition of the right hon. gentleman that we should enter upon the consideration of this financial scheme next Thursday is one I think of an unreasonable nature, (Hear, hoar.) I have no wish to interfere with the Government in the conduct of public business, or with the arrangements which have been made for bringing forward the bill popularly called the Reform Bill, but I should su g g es t th a t this day fortnight would be the period at which, under the circumstance, of the case, and according to the proper and usual form, the discussion on this subject might conveniently be taken. (Cries of "Oh 1 " and cheers.) In several similar cases in which the interests in volved were mere limited than under the present financial statement, the house, I remember, requested a fortnight's p interval, and sametimes even pressed tbr th ree wee k s, an d no instance has occurred where interests of any importance were concerned in which a less period than a week has been granted. And now we are called on to consider at such brief notice questions of financial, of commercial, and of political interest, all of the highest sad most comprehensive character ; and not to consider them merely, but to come to a decision, because this scheme'must be taken as a whole, and it is evident that the very first vote which is given upon any portion of it will really decide the fate of tho en tire proposal. And not merely is the convenience of this house to be consulted but our constit uents are deeply affected b y thi s proposition ; they have a right to consider its details and to communicate with their representatives, and many of them are at such a distance as to render it scarcely possible that a communication could be returned. In time. On all these grounds I would suggest to the Go vernment that the postponement of the further considera tion of this question to this day fortnight is a step that would be most convenient to the house, and most condu cive to the interests of the public. (Cheers.) Mr. ELLICE expressed a hope that whatever course might be adopted by the house they would not follow that recommended by the right hon. gentleman who had just sat down. (Cheers.) Interests of various descriptions were con cerned in the decision of the house, and on behalf of one which would be most prejudicially affected by the proposed changes, he was very anxious that the scheme should be subjected to a speedy decision. He did not intend to go into the details of the measure. The right hon. gentleman had stated it to the house with great ability—(hear, hear) — and it was founded on a principle which recommended itself very much to their serious attention. Although the right hon. gentleman had pointed him out as one of those who were most likely to object to the measure, he wished to express his acquiescence in its general principle, though he objected very strongly to its proposed application to the constituency which he represented; and in their name he took that opportunity of protesting against the harsh, peremptory, and inconsiderate manne r in which it was proposed to deal with their interests. The silk trade was that which was most especially affected by this scheme, and of the £300,000 at present levied ou silk manufactures least ono half was paid by the particular species of silk manufacturad by his constituency. A petition had undoubtedly been presented from the silk manufacturers of Manchester, iu which they advocated the removal of the restrictions as calculated to benefit the general silk trade; but they were very little a ff ec t e d b y the contemplated re peal of the duties. The branch of manufacture in which this country was peculiarly interested was that of ribands, which was principally and almost entirely carried on in the city cf Coventry. In 1840, when the first general scheme of reform was introduced, a certain consideration had been paid to this particular trade, and a certain amount of pro tection had been retained in their favour. That protection amounted to 16or 17 percent, The trade, which, was in a state of progressive improvement, was now likely to be in jured by the proposed competition. He was innocent enough in the first instance, to tell his constituents that he did not believe a commercial treaty would be negotiated by the Go vernment. In this time of day he had thought it little likely that the principle of a commercial treaty would have been resorted to. He now asked where the equivalent was to be found in the treaty for the free admission of ribands into this country. (Hear, hear.) If an equivalent had been granted, if the market of France had been opened to Eng lish ribands, at the same time that the English market was opened to French ribands, he should have thought the menu facturers and artisans in this country would have been able to compote with those of France on terms of equality, and that they would have consented to this measure; but when he fouud that the duty on French ribands of from 15 to 16 per cent. was to be taken off, and that they were to be ad mitted freely into this country, while our ribauds were to be practically excluded from the French market, it would re quire greater ingenuity than even that of his right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer to persuade the English workman that the price of his labour was not diminished and his condition deteriorated, or that ho had been treated on principles of equality and justice. (Hear.) The consequence of this treaty had been that the trade of Coventry was now nearly in a state of panic, and that being so he should be sorry to see the discussion on the measure delayed longer than seas absolutely necessary to enable the house to master its details ; because, while the suspense lasted, the condition of the poor people there would be truly unenviable. (Hear, hear.) He trusted therefore, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would adhere to his determi nation to proceed with the discussion on Thursday. Mr. NE WD E GATE said many years had elapsed since a commercial treaty with France was negotiated. Mr. Pitt, in 1787;made a proposition of that kind in the same friendly spirit to France which pervaded that of the present Go vernment; but the substance of that treaty was before the English public six or eight weeks before the Minister pro posed its adoption to the representatives of the people. (Hear.) Now however, the Chancellor of the Exchequer ex pected that House, in less than a week, to master all the details of an elaborate financial statement, which had been propounded with an ability to which he (Mr. Newdegate) rendered his humble tribute, but which involved more com plicated calculations than any exposition of the kind he had ever before heard. The key of the whole scheme of the right hon. gentleman was the treaty with France. He (Mr. Newdegate) warned the committee that if they sanctioned the provisions of that treaty they could never again retreat franc its obligations without the concurrence of France. (Hear, hear.) He besought the committee not to commit itself to an engagement which involved such vast conse quences without asking for at least a fortnight or three weeks to deliberate on a step which they could never retrace without endangering the good understanding which sub sisted between two great nations. The secrecy with respect to this treaty had been so jealously maintained that the whole of the people engaged in the silk trade of this coun try, amounting to nearly 150,000, according to the census of 1851, were up to that hour in total ignorance of its pro visions. (Hear, hear.) H e su b m itt e d t h at the committee would do well to follow the example set in 1787 by the House of Commons, who allowed six weeks or two months to elapse before they ratified a similar treaty with France. Mr. BENTINCK said he, in common with the rest of the committee, had listened with the deepest attention to the brilliant speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He would go further, and sa y h o h a d never h eard in that House any attempt equalling that which the right hen, gentleman had - made to gloss over a scheme, the tendency of which was de structive to some of the most important interests of the country. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gen tl eman, w i th considerable emphasis, was pleased to say—triumphing in his new Free•trade aspirations—that Protection for some time past had been lurking in holes and corners. As one of those who had never deviated from the opinions, whether they were right or wrong, which he had held on the subject of Free-trade, he (Mr. Bentinck) ventured to say that when he saw the kind of honesty and consistency which was now rampant in high places, Protection might well take itself into those holes and corners, where, at least, it might find better company. (A. laugh.) He had hoard with satisfaction the right hon. gentleman the member for Coventry urge the necessity of giving ma t ure cons id erat i on to all the dtails of the financial scheme propounded by the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; but it was not in the power of man to be able to form a sound opinion as to the probable effect of so comprehensive a measure within the limited time which was to be allowed to elapse before its discussion by the house. He thought they ought to have more time to con sider the question. He hoped the right hon. gentleman would adhere stoutly to the line he had laid down, and he was quite sure he would receive the support of every man who wished to consider the subject dispassionately, and not make it a mere party question for the sake of ensuring a party triumph. Mr. BAXTER hoped the Chancellor of the Exchequer would not yield to the suggestion of delay, but take the dis cussion at the earliest possible moment. Every member of this house would have made up his mind by Friday next. The hon. gentleman who had just sat down had made up his mind already. He begged the right hon. gentleman on no account to fix a distant day for the discussion. Sir S. NORTHCOTE asked the Chancellor of the Ex chequer to explain more fully the intentions of the Govern ment as to the drawback en wines that had paid duty. The CHANCE LLOR of the EXCHEQUER would state the intention of the Government more at length on another occasion. But that intention was quite distinct, and founded on a clear principle. They would adhere strictly to the terms of what had been construed to be a compact, and give a drawback to those who had complied with the Treasury minute of 1843. Mr. HORSFALL hoped the consideration of the Budget would be postponed for at least a fortnight. He would not N enture to express any opinion for or against the views pro pounded. It was quite impossible the treaty could be in the hands of hon. members before Monday, and Thursday next was too soon for the discussion. Mr. PALK thought the members of the house ought to have an opportunity of laying all the facts and alterations involved in the Budget before their constituents. At the same time, he hoped the Government would not be induced by any delay in discussing the financial statement to defer the introduction of the Reform Bill, as it had been advised to do. Mr. ALCOCK expressed his satisfaction with that part of the Budget referring to the commercial intercourse between England and France. It was a stigma on both countries that their intercourse had not boon much greater. But he regretted that no promise of a reduction in the malt duty had been made ; nor had justice been done to the consumers of tea and sugar. The working classes of London spent one-eighth of their wages in tea and 'Sugar, yet he did not hear of any alteration in the duty on those articles. Mr. GLYN, as a commercial man, felt bound to repre sent the great i nconven i ence that would arise if there was any postponement of the discussion upon the financial state ment. (Hear, hear.) A whole week was to be given for consideration, which would be ample ; and when the dis cussion commenced he trusted it would be continued de die in diem. Lord C. HAMILTON, as the representative of a consti tuency largely interested in the linen trade, thought, in fairness, further time should be given, that he might ascer tain the feelings of those whom he represented. Lord PALMERSTON—It is quite impossible for the Government to eoncede to the proposal of the right hen. gentleman to postpone the discussion for a fortnight—(hear, hear)—because, for the reasons which have been clearly stated, it would be exceedingly inconvenient and injurious to various trades, bat if Thursday be too early, we have no objection to fix the discussion for Friday. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) Th ere will be then an entire week for con sideration, but upon the question of any further postpone ment we must take the sense of the house. (Hear, hear.) I hope if we take it on Friday that the house, feeling that these aro matters of most pressing interest, will consent to continue the discussion from day to day. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. PAKINGTON said, the hon. member for Kendal (Mr. Glyn) had truly stated that it was important to trade interests not to have unnecessary delay, but, on the other hand, it must be remembered when the House of Commons was called upon to decide upon proposals of such magnitude in such a startling manner, that there were other and very large interests throughout the country involved, and it was important that sufficient time should be given for the consi deration of details so complicated. (Hear, hear.) He could not suppose that the right hon. gentJenian after proposing so vast a scheme would be so unfair as to press it with un due haste. (Hear, hear.) The delay arising from the right hon. gentleman's illness was unfortunate, but could not be avoided, but there was a delay which the Govern ment could have avoided,—viz., in the production of the treaty until that very night. (Hear, hear.) It had been suggested that when once commenced the discussion should continue de die in diem. That was a matter for the consi deration of the Government, but they could not expect that the first discussion would pass off without an adjournment, and he would suggest whether it was desirable to begin a debate on a Friday, that could not be continued until the following week. With respect to the Reform Bill, of course, the Government could please themselves. (Hear, hear.) Mn - . SLANEY hoped there would be no further delay upon these important matters. He regretted the right hon. gentleman had not felt able to reduce the tea and sugar duties, even if he had raised the Income-tax to Is., as was sure the rich would willingly have borne that increase to contribute to the comfort and necessities of their poorer fellow-subjects. Mr. BALL thought the right hon gentleman was con sistent in not showing any particular favour to the agricul tural interests. In his first budget he had made an increase in the malt duties, and he (Mr. Ball) had failed by a small minority to procure a reversal of that policy. Tho right hon. gentleman, he was sorry to say, although he had dealt in a cosmopolitan spirit with other interests, and had looked about on all sides to see to what classes he might extend relief, yet had added to the burden of the maltster by short ening the period which had been so long allowed him for the payment of his duty. That, he thought, was hardly a fair course to pursue. He should not, however, enter fur ther into the question upon that occasion, but should beg the right hon. gentleman and the Government to put off for a more lengthened period than they proposed the further consideration of a statement so important as that which he had just made, and embracing subjects so complex in their nature. Mr. HORSMAN said hon. gentleman on both aides of the House had a common interest in having the most con venient day fixed for the discussion of the proposals of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and he did not think the ques tion of time, therefore, was ono on which it w ou ld b e cre ditable to the Committee to come to a division. He would, under those circumstances, suggest that the f ur th er consi deration of the statement of the right hon. gentleman should be postponed until Monday next, before which day hon. gentlemen opposite might come to some agreement with the Government as to the course which it was advisable to take. He had, however, risen principally with the object of asking the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, it being his in tention to extend to other countries the similar changes to those which had been made in the case of France, it was intended to make those changes the subject of a treaty. [The Chancellor of the Exchequer intimated that it was not.] That being so, be should also wish to know whether the right lion. gentleman had made allowance in his statement for the loss to the revenue which the change in the tariff in the case of those other countries would occasion. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER replied in the affirmative. _ _ Mr. CROS§LEY was desirous that the discussion of the Budget—which he charactotised as the best that had been introduced since 1853—should be proceeded with as soon as poss:ble, in order that the introduction of the Reform Bill might not be unduly postponed. After a few words from Mr. KENDALL, Mr. RIDLEY bore testimony to the ability which had been displayed in the framing of the financial scheme which had that evening been submitted to the notice of the com mittee, and dwelt upon the adv..ntages which were likely to result from the increased commercial intercourse which was about to take place between this country and France. In its leading features he believed the budget would receive a very cordial reception in the country, and he believed the important interests affected will be much indebted to the House of Commons if they suffered no unnecessary delay to intervene before pronouncing their decision on the great scheme which had been laid before them. Mr. R. W. CRAWFORD had taken the means of ascer taining what was the state of feeling in the city, and he found that trade was in a state of paralysis, embody wait- ing to know what would be the decision of Parliament on the bniget. Take the silk trade, for instance—there was no period in the whole year when changes of the character proposed were se likely to affect that trade as the month of February, during the first and second week of which the great transactions in the silk trade were carried on. From the communicaticna which had been made to him, he could state that the indecision affecting all transactions in the silk trade naced all parties engaged in it in circumstances of great disadvantage. The same might be said of the wine, and indeed of every other trade. He therefore hoped that no unreasonable delay would be allowed to take place. Mr. E. C. EGERTON could confirm the statement made by the hen. member for the city of London. He deprecated any delay in the settlement of this question. His consti tuents, the silk merchants of Macclesfield, were anxious to know at once what was awaiting them. They were alive to the benefits of free trade and not afraid of the result. They only wished to start on the same footing with their foreign competitors.. The great operations in the silk trade, as the hon. member for the city of London had stated, were carried on in February, and it was most important that there should be as little delay as possible in coming to a final decision ii regard to the propositions which . had been submitted to the house. Mr. J. E WART entirely agreed in the views of the hon. member for the city of London. It was most important to the commercial interest that this question should be sett led as soon as possible. It certainly should not be delayed for a fortnight ; a week, as proposed by the noble lord at the head of the Government, was quite sufficient. So far as he knew the feeling of his constituents he'was quite sure that the great and comprehensive measure of the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer —one of the greatest ever in troduced into that. House—would meet with the meat cordial approval. Mr. NEWDEGATE could not agree in what had been said as to the favourable feeling with which the budget would be viewed by those engaged in the silk trade. It was proposed to admit silk free immediately, while what ever was given in compensation by France was to be de layed for a long period, and then the terms of reciprocity were to be 30 per cent. in France as against no duty here. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY put it to the Gcvernment whether they would not adopt the suggestion of the right hon. member for Stroud (Mr. Horsman) and take Monday week for the discussion of this subject. Lord PALM ERSTON.—As I understood, the right hon. member for Stroud proposed Monday next. (A laugh.) Mr. G. W. BENTINCK wished to know front her Majesty's Government whether, in the event of Parlia ment not thinki ng it right to confirm this treaty, the friendly relations between the two Governments would be in any way interfered with. Mr. HORSMAN explained that he had suggested the committee nominally for Monday, that an understanding might then be come to as to when the discussion should be taken. His object was to avoid a narrow division one way or the other. Lord J. RUSSELL—I cannot think the arrangement suggested by the right hon. member would be convenient. It would be much more ad vantagesus that the country should know at once when the discussion will really take place. (Hear, hear.) Sir,. the hon. member for West Norfolk is quite mistaken in supposing that the treaty is imposed on this country by France. Indeed, it has been long a matter of discussion whether any ruler of France would be bold enough to propose to diminish the protection which many Interests in that country are combined and organised to uphold. However, the present Emperor, see ing the Feat advantage of free trade, or, at all events, of a change in the French prohibitive and protective system, authorised his Ministers to negotiate a treaty on the subject. The fact is, that some months ago, when Mr. Cobden was going to Paris, he had a conversation with me, in which he informed m e th a t h e h ad several friendsin France—onel of them a person well known throughout Europe, M. Michel Chevalier; that he was anxious to converse with them in order to see whether there was any chance of a eommercial treaty being entered into by France. I told him, on the part of the Government, that if he found there was such a disposition I was sure her Majesty's Government would be quite ready to empower their representative to negotiate such a treaty. The treaty itself right hon. friend has explained in a manner which must have made its object clear to every one who heard him. (Hear.) But when the hon. gentleman asks whether the rejection of this treaty is to be followed by a possible disturbance of the friendly relations between this country and France, I must tell him our argument is, that the tendency of the treaty is to pro mote friendly relations between the two Governments. (Cheers.) We believe it would work gradually, but surely, in improving those relations, and that the benefits both countriee would derive from an exchange of each other's productions and manufactures would form such bonds of amity that it would be found more difficult to create ill feeling between them thanhad been the ease in past times. But, as to whether the rejection of the treaty would pro duce any disturbance of our friendly relations, why the hon. gentleman and every other member of this honee are quite as capable of forming an opinion as we are. That any threat or intimidation of that kind has been made is untrue. But, as to what effect any angry speeches in this House against France, followed by the rejection of the treaty, might have, the hon. member must judge for himself. The right hon. member for Buckinghamshire /mid it would be highly convenient if we postponed this subjeet for a fort night, and if I, in the meantime, would introduce the Re form Bill. Well, that is not the course lam going to pursue. (A laugh.) However anxious I may be to bring in that Bill, it will be my duty not to submit it to the con sideration of the House until we have gone through at least all the principal measures indicated by the budget. (Hear, hear.) The only point at issue now is the difference between the Friday and Monday. This question has so many branches, so many members are interested in the various articles affected by the proposal, that it is quite im possible we can get through the discussion in one or even two nights. I think, therefore, the Government could not properly delay the matter later than Friday next. Mr. T. BARING - It is very unfortunate that the Govern ment should appear to press their proposal forward with un necessary haste. Such a course must be unfavourable to its success. It will not facilitate its adoption, but must in reality retard its progress, because a feeling will be excited in the House, and perhaps in the country, that Ministers are anxious to force their measures upon Parliament. (Hear, hear.) Ido not believe there has been a case in which proposals of such importance made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer have .been submitted for our approval within a week after their first explanation. Recollect that the secret of the right hon. gentleman's budget—and I praise him for it—has been very well kept. (A laugh.) Recollect, also, that the secret of this treaty—and I cannot equally praise him for that—has been kept till this very day, and yet It is only next week that its provisions can be canvassed by the country. (Hear, hear.) The budget is very large and affects a great variety of inte rests. I should be ashamed to hazard any opinion either in favour of or against it without giving it the consideration which its importance demands. Comprehensive as it uo doubt L, I must be allowed to say that a more complicated proposal was hardly ever made in this House. It has been introduced with that rare ability of which the right lion. gentleman has given so many proofs. We all admire the talent which he has displayed ; we all caagratul ate ourselves on his re-appearance among us ; and we must all have wished, while listening to him that he may long remain an ornament to this assembly. (Cheers.) Permit me to say it is not just to this House to force the measure upon our immediate consideration. It may be politically, it may be commercially right—it may be finan cially expedient. On the other hand, while, perhaps, finan cially inexpedient, and commercially dangerous, it may yet be tolitically right. We have to view it in various aspects. Do not compel us to pronounce a hasty decision. If it be what we hope, what the Government say it is, and just what the country wants, it will lose none of its recommendations by the delay of a week. (Cheers.) From what the noble lard has told us, there is evidently no hurry in bringing in the Reform Bill. Why not give us sufficient time to consider the budget —to say whether we can or cannot give it a conscientious sup port. (Hear, hear.) The Government, commanding a ma jority, may say they will give the House and the country no opportunity of examining their proposals, but in pursuing such a course I am convinced they will gain neither in time nor in credit. (Cheers.) Mr. BASS was surprised to hear so eminent an authority in commercial matters urging the necessity for delay. Many branches of trade had been suspended for weeks, owing to the uncertainty that had prevailed as to the intentions of the Go vernment. Sir .1. PAKINGTON— Since we understand from the noble lord that the discussion of the financial scheme is, under any circumstances, to precede the introduction of the Reform Bill, we are relieved from any practical difficulty as to Monday week ; and, as it is very unpleasant to commence a discussion of this sort with a dispute as to the time at which it should commence. I would suggest to the noble lord at the bead of the Government, as an arrangement likely to be acceded to by all parties, that he should name that day for the conside raldioornolf,the budget. ("No, no.") A LAIERSTON--We are very unwilling to make any change in the day named for the further consideration of this subject, but, as there is an advantage in making an arrange meat which is unanimously approved, we are willing to make the concession st. ,, ,,rested by the right hon. baronet, on the understanding - , of course, that we shall then go on with the debate day by day. (Hear, hear.) The resolution was then agreed to, and the House resumed. SUPPLY. The House having resolved itself into a committee of Sup ply. On the motion of Mr. HERBERT a vote of £407,C99, to cover the excess of military expenditure beyond th e est i mate for the year 185 S-59 was agreed to. • PROBATE AND ADMINISTRATION (INDIA) BILL. This Bill, as amended, was considered. ATTORNEYS AND SOLICITORS BILL. This Bill was read a second time. PACKET SERVICE SECURITIES. Mr. LAING obtained leave to bring in a Bill to transfer to the Postmaster-General . securities entered into with the Commissioners of the Admiralty in relation to the packet service. The Bill was introduced and read a first time. The House adjourned at half-past 11 o'clock. M r. ....ong• was prevented by indisposition from voting against Mr. T. Duncombe's motion on Thursday last. BANKRUPTS. George Daft, lace manufacturer, New Lenton, Feb. 21, and March 13, at half-past eleven, at the Shirehall, Not. tingham. Stephen Lampard, plumber and glazier, 15, Queon-stroat, Portsea, Feb. 24 and March 21, at half-past twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Benjamin Green, corn (haler, Fillingham, Lincolnshire, Feb. 29 and March 21, at twelve, at the Leeds District Court. William Miller, coffee and lodging house keeper, Dept• ford, Feb. 23, at two, and March 22, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Thomas Lee Story, tailor and draper, Thrapston, North amptonshire, Feb. 24, and March 21, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. James Morison and Lars Oscar Abelin, ship chandlers, Liverpool, Feb. 21 and March 16, at eleven, at the Liver pool District Court. Edward Glenn, grocer, Rotherham, Yorkshire, Fob. 25, and March 24, at ten, at th e L ee d s Di s t r i c t Court. Thomas Irving, travelling draper, Nottingham. Feb. 28 and March 13, at half-past eleven, at the Shirehall, Not tingham. Charles Wilkes, miller, Boxwich, Staffordshire, Feb. 24 and March 16, at eleven, at the Birmingham District Court. William Hoyle, jun., cloth manufacturer, Holnitlrth. Yorkshire, Feb. 20, at eleven, and March 19, at half-past eleven, at the Leeds District Court. William Bracewell, cottonspinner, Coates, Yorkshire, Feb. 24 and March 23, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. SCOTCH BANKRUPTS. William Darby, otherwise known as Pablo Fanque, equestrian, Glasgow. Joseph Reid, now deceased, late farmer, Mains of Cake, Aberdeenshire. George A. M`Gregor and Company, pastry bakers, Glas gow. Daniel Mathieson, lime merchant, Glasgow. BANK OF ENGLAND. An Account, pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth Victim* cap. 32, for the week ending on Wednesday, the Bth day of February, 1860 : FROM THE GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT WAR-OFFICE, FEB. 10. The Queen has been graciously pleased to give orders for the appointment of Rowland Hill, Esq., Secre tary to the Post Office, to be an Ordinary Mem ber of the Civil Division, of the Second Class, or Knights Commanders, of the Most Hon oura bl e O r d er of the Bath. _ _ _ FOREIGN-OFFICE, JAN. 24. -- The Queen has been graciously pleased to appoint Edmund Yates Peel, Esq., now British Vice-Consul at Oran, to be her Majesty Consul at Mahon. FEB. 9. The Queen has been pleased to approve of Mr. Hermann Quosbarth as Vice-Consul at Dundee for his Royal High ness the Grand Duke of Meeklenburgh-Schwerin. W AR-OFFICE, PALL-MALL, F.En.lO. Military Train—Brevet-Colonel John Clark Kennedy, C. 8., Lieutenant-Colonel upon half-pay of the 18th Foot, to be Colonel Commandant, vice Brevet-Colonel M'Murdo, C. 8., appointed Inspector of Volunteers. COMMISSARIAT DEPARTMENT. The undermentioned officers, about being placed on re tired Pay, under the Roy a l W arran t o f 28th Oct., 1858, to have a atop of honorary rank : Assistant-Commissary-General Stephen Owen to be De • puty Commissary-General, his commission to bear date lit December, 1859. Assistant-Commissary-General Chas. Thomas Malassez to be Deputy Commissary-General, his commission to bear date Jan. 20, 1860. COMMISSIONS BY LORDS-LIEUTENANT. County of Stafford- -The Right Hon. Carnegie Robert John, Viscount St. Vincent, to be Deputy Lieutenant ; Richard Bird Levctt, Esq., to be Deputy Lieut enant ; Benjamin Haigh Allen, Esq , to be Deputy Lieutenant. County of Forfar—The Hon. John Carnegie, R.N. to be Deputy Lieutenant; the Hon. Charles Carnegie, to be Deputy Lieutenant; Colonel William Maule Ramsay to be Deputy Lieutenant; Thomas Frederick Seryinsonre Foth ringham, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant; Major Thomas Ronny Tailyour to be Deputy Lieutenant ; William Gray, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant; Peter Bairnsfather, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant ; John C. B rodie, Esq., Writer iO the Signet, to be Deputy Lieutenant. County of Monmouth—The lion. Godfrey Morg an, M.P., to be Deputy Lieut enant; the HWilliam Hon. Poua 11 Rodney to be Deputy Lie u t enant ; Samuel Richard Bozan - quet, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant; Edward Mathew Curre, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant; Henry Morgan Clifford, Esq., M.P., t o b e Deputy Lieutenant; Charles Edward Lewis, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant; William Hunter Little, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant; the Rev. Thomas Prothoro to be Deputy Lieutenant; John Allen ISSUE DEP 411TMENT. Notes issued £28,803,400, / Government Debt X 11,015,100 Other Securities .. 3,459,90 u lold Coin & Bullion 14,328,400 Silver Bullion .... -- V 5,503,400! BANKING n: Pronrietors' £2003,400 , EPARTYNNT. Goyenuaent Setu titles _(includiu.„T tal £14,553,000 Rest Public Deposits (in cluding Exche quer, Savings' Banks, Controls tnissioners of Na tional Debt, and Dividend Ac- Dead Weigh tAn: nutty) .C10,171,190 Other Securities 21,061,216 Notes Gold and Silver Coin 618,917 counts) 6,301,217 Other Deposits 14,301,686 Seven Day and other Bills 7:0,173 .£34,3;i0,023 M. 3 .£39,330, 0 2 3 RSILILL, Chief Cashier. ►ated Feb. 9,1860. AVERAGE PRICE OF SUGAR. The Average Price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, sent. puted from Returns made is the week ending the 7th day of Feb., 1860, exclusive of the duties of Customs paid or payable thereon, on the importation thereof into Great Britain: — Per cwt. From the British possessions in America 27s 9 Muscovado, the produce of the Mauritius 3os 0 d Muscovado, the produce of the East Indies 30s I d Average price of the foregoing 2Bs 7 I —We quote some interesting Cline of ndigestion (Dyspepsia), Flatulency, without Medicine ous fon and Debility by Du Barry's an Liver complaints, Constipation, [ADVERTISEMEN T. Nervous, d Food. C • Revalenta, Arabica tire No. 4 9,832.-- delicious Wortham Ling, • near Diss, Norfolk—Fi ft y years indeserit• Cough, Asthma, Consunl able agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness at the stetnach, and v omitings, have been removed by Du Barry's excellent Revalenta Arabica Food.—MAnta JOLY. Cure No. 3,906. —Thirteen years cough, indigestion, and general debility have been removed by Du Barry'sexcellent Revalesta Arabica Food. Athol-street, Perth. James Porter. Cure 47,121.—Mi5s Elizabeth Jacobs, of Nazing Vtoarage, Wal tham Cross, llerts, a cure of extreme nervousness, indiges tion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies. Cure 48,314 Miss Elizabeth Yeoman, Gateacre, near Liverpool, a cure of ten years dyspepsia, and all the horrors of nervousirritability. In tins, at Is, 6d. ; Ilb., 3s. ; 21b., ss. 9d. ; 51b., 125.; 121 b., 265. The 101 b. and 121 b. tins earriage free, on receipt of post office order. Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, London' Fortnum, Mason, and Co., 182, Piccadilly; Alibis, 60, Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 63, and 150, Oxford. street ; 830 and 451, Strand • 49 and 60, .13ishopsgate. street ; 85, Tottenham-cour t-road. Also at Dublin. Bewley 'and Draper ; at Edinburgh, Raimi3s and Co.; at Liverpool, Nixon and Thew; at Manchestz, Sharp and Scott; at York Raines, Blanchard, and (los ; st . Soutbe ampton, Randall and Son. [ADVERTIS EMENT.]— Holloway's Ointmito t and Fills.--• Female Complaints.--Climate, fashion, and neglect hurry thousands of our daughters prematu re ly to he tomb ; each and all of whom would still have been their par ante' pride had Holloway's remedies been applied withoet delay. Os them all may rely for restoringhealth whdin v.atural lune• tions are suspended or morbidly sluggis h. Under the genial influences of Holloway's prepart.‘9"Ens, beauty, vigour, and vivacity are re kindled. The o intavnt should be well rubLe over the kidneys and bottom of tit a stomach._ every night on' going to bed. The effect w ill 13, j marveL!, lons. Eight or ten pills should be taken nightly for some little time while using the Ointment, in order 1 o purify the blood, cleanse the system, and correct all °bet) uctionee Rolls, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant; William Richard Stretton, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant ; John Francis Vaughan, Esq., to be Dep u ty Li eutenant, Royal North Lincoln •Militia—Ensign Walter Jame(' Tweed to be Lieutenant, vice Owaton, promoted. let East York Artillery Volunteers—Burlington Com pany—The Rev. James Thompson, elerk, to be Honorary Chaplain; Edward Samuel Brett, Esq., to be Honorary Surgeon. Bungay Rifle Volunteers—John Margitson, EN., to La Captain ; William Mann, Esq., to be Lieut enan t ; P h ili p Salter Millard, Esq., to be Ensign. West Kent Regiment of Yeomanry Cavalry—Lieut. and Adjutant Thomas Royall Silver to serve with the rank of Captain, 4th or Royal South Middlesex Regiment of Militia— John Cooper VitzMaurice, Captain, Bengal Army, to be Captain, vice Blencowe, resigned. South Middlesex Rifle Volunteer Corps—Major the Viscount Ranelagh to be Lieut.-Colonel. London Scottish Rifle Volanteer Corps—Major the Hon. Francis Charteris, M.P., commonly called Lord Elcho, to be Lieut.-Colonel. Queen's Rifle 'Volunteers—The Hon, llugh Luling Grosvenor, M.P., commonly called the Earl Grosvenor, to be Lieut.-Colunel. ißoyal Glamorgan Light Infantry Militia—Lieutenant Henry Adrian Burrowes to be Captain. Glamorganshire Rifle 'Volunteers 12th Company— James Ward Russell, Esq., to be Captain ; .:obert Jona, Gent., to be Lieutenant; Richard Ball Collins, Gent., to be Ensign. 13th Company— Thomas William Booker, Esq., to be Captain ; Evan Williams David, Gent., to be Lieutenant; John Partridge Booker, Gent., to be Ensign. Cambridge University Rifle Volunteers —Edmund John Mortlock, Esq., 8.A., t o b e S upernumerary Lieutenant ; John Frederick Hardy, M.A., to be Supernumerary Lieu tenant. 10th Surrey Rifle Volunteers —Marcus Sharpe, Esq., to be Captain C omman d ant; Benjamin Glover, Esq., to be Captain; Henry H ersee , E sq., to b e Lieutenant ; William Darnell, Esq., to be Ensign ; Robert Knowatub Richmond, Gent., to be Ensign. 7th Surrey Rifle Volunteers—Sir Charles Tilaton Bright to be Captain; Edward Moseley, Gent., to be Lieutenant. Durham Artillery Militia.—Thomas James Cuninghame to be second Lieutenant, vice Quayle, resigned. West Essex Militia.—Harry Charrington Fisher to be Lieutenant, vice McKenna, resigned. 6th Essex Rifle Volunteers—Charles Capper, Esq., to be Major Commandant; George Raymond, Esq., John H. Gordon, Esq., John Hawke, Esq., and George Corby, Esq., to be Captains ; Richard P. Drew, George E. Banes, A. Chalmers, James Buckle, Richard T. Barnett William Anderson, Alexander Stewart, and John H. Thurgood, Gents., to be Ensigns ; Philip H. Banks, Gent., to be Surgeon. West Essex Y eomanry C ava l ry—Major George Palmer to be Lie u t enan t-C o l one l ; Captain John Watlington Perry Watlington to be Major, vice Palmer, promoted; Lieu , tenant George Palmer, jun., to be Captain, vice 'Tat - Ping. ton ; Charles L awrence I n d , G ent., to be ornet. let Regiment of the Duke of Lancaster's Own Militia— Charles William Powis, Gent., to be Ensign. - : - - 2d Regiment of the Duke of Lancaster's . Own Militia— Ensign Henry Currey to be Lieutenant. . - 15th Lancashire Rifle Volunteers—John Baron the younger, Gent., to be Ensign. 31st Lancashire Rifle Volunteers—John George Black burn°, Esq., to be Captain ; Hilton Greaves, Gent., to be Lieutenant; William Blackburne, Gent., to be Ensign ; Samuel Harris Armitage, M.D., to be Honorary Surgeon. Haverfordwest Volunte er Rifl e Corps—Xavier de Cas tanos Royds Peel, Esq., to be Captain. Fifeshire Militia Artillery—Thomas M'Kinlay, Gent., to be Second Lieutenant, vice Stamford Robert Lumsdaine, promoted. Renfrew shire Rifles, 3d Company Ensign James Anderson Mac Kean, to be Lieutenant, vice Carlile, re signed ; Robert Bowman Stewart, Gent., to bo Ensign, vice Mac Kean, promoted. 9th Company—John Stirling Napier Gent., to bo Cap tain; John S a l mon d , G ent., to be ' Lieutenant ; John Starke, Gent., to be Ensign, 14th Company—Lieut. Wm. Carlile, of the 3d Company, to be Captain; Andrew Millar, jun., Gent., to be Lieu tenant ; Robert Peacock, Gent., to be Ensign. 18th Company—J ames Miller, Gent., to be Captain; Duncan M'lntyre, Gent., to be Lieutenant ; Andrew Dunn, Gent., to be Ensign. Lanarkshire Artillery Volunteers.-6th Company.— William Helms, Esq., to be Captain; Duncan McFarlane, Gent., to be Second Lieutenant. Bth Company.—William Houldsworth, Esq., to be Cap tain ; William Brand Field, Gent., to be First Lieutenant . ; James Gilchrist, junr., Gent., to be Second Lieutenant. Lanarkshire Rifle Volunteers--14th Cempany—George Guttridge Gunniss, Esq., to be Captain ; Thos. Reid Kerr, Gent., to be Lieutenant; Robert M'Lean Black, Gent., to be Ensign. 33d Company—Thomas Wingate, jun., Esq., to be Cap tain ; John Pinkerton Frazer, Gent., to be Lieutenant ; John Heugh Hewitt, Gent., to be Ensign. 39th Company—John Burns, Esq., to be Captain; Robert Duncan Skeoch, Gent., to be Lieutenant; John Hatt Noble Graham, Gent., to be Ensign. • 43d Company—John Aexander, Esq., to be Captain; John Campbell, Gent., to be Lieutenant ; Daniel Cun ninghame Warnock, Gent., to be Ensign. Glasgow Northern Battalion—Lieutenant George Ander son to be Captain, vice J. F. Jamieson, promoted ; Ensign William Simpson to be Lieutenant, wee G. Anderson, promoted ; Patrick Thomas Hendry, Gent., to be Ensign, vice W. Simpson, promoted. 19th Corps (Glasgow 2d Northern Battalion)—John Auchinvole, Gent., to be Ensig n. Ayrshire Artillery Volunteers-2d Company—Henry James, Gent. to be Captain ; Al exan d er F u ll er t on, G ent., to be First Lieutenant ; William Macrorie, Gent., to be Second Lieutenant. Ist Company of Inverness-shire Artillery Volunteers-- William Fraser Tytler, Esq., to be Captain ; Donald David son, Esq., to be First Lieutenant ; Robert Carruthers, Esq., to be Second Lieutenant. 2d Company of Inverness-shire Artillery Volunteers— Eneas W. Mackintosh, Esq., to be Captain ; John B. Fal coner to be First Lieutenant ; John Rendrie to be Second Lieutenant. rlisk iddlo , en re is t is ad • like not you duce the TOW look 'hat for a at ioda :on- ?~ 111