The Sun. — London, England, 1860-12-29 00:00:00

under which we wore: now acting. We therefore dismounted, in order to cross to him, and directly we did so the soldiers fell upon us, tore off several of the things we had on, dragged us across the canal, and hurled u 43 prostrate on the ground before the Prince. The moment the Prince gave me ;an opportunity of speaking to him, which he did by asking me my name, I at once clearly informed him who I was, and of the whole claaracter of my mission to Tung chow, adding that I was returning to my Ambas sador when I was stopped by his troops. I was proceeding with a remonstrance against the treatment I was receiving, when the Prince interrupted me by4aying, " Why did you not agree yesterday to settle the audience question ?" " Because I was r lot empowered to do so,"I replied. The Prince thee, continued in a very forbidding tone—" Listen ! - You can talk reason; you have gained two victories to our one. Twice you have dared to take the Peiho forts; why does not that content you ? A.nd now you presume to give out" (the Prince here alluded to the proclamation of the Commander-in-Mien "that you will attack any force that stops your march on Tung-chow. I am now doing that. You say that you do not direct these military movements, but I know your name, and that you instigate all the evil that your people commit. You have also used bold language in the presence of the Prince of I, and it is time that foreigners should be taught respect for Chinese nobles and Ministers." I endeavoured. to explain the mistakes of the Prince; told him. distinctly what my functions were; that I had come to Tung-chow by express agree ment with the Imperial Commissioners, and solely in the interest of peace ; and I again begged him to show the same respect to an English flag of truce that we had always paid to those so repeatedly sent in by the Chinese. The Prince, however, simply laughed at all this, and, going towards a house that was close by, directed the soldiers to bring me after him. On arriving at the house I was again thrown on my knees before him, and the Prince asked me if I would write for him. Having asked what it was he wished me to write, he said " Write to your people and tell them to stop the attack.' " It would be useless for me to do so," I replied, " as I cannot control or influence military move ments in any way. I will not deceive your High ness by leading you to suppose that anything I might write would have such an effect." " I see you continue obstinate," he said, " and that you will be of no use to me." I then heard him give directions to take Mr. Loch, the sower, and myself to the Prince of I, but to conduct the escort into Chang-kea-wan. While the necessary preparations were being made, two high officers in his suite wearing red buttons took me aside into a tent, and told me to sit down and talk with him. " Follow our advice," they said, "and don't think of denying that you can do this or that, or you will get into trouble." I again explained to them who I was, and how far my powers extended, but they replied that they did not believe me. Having expressed my surprise at the engage ment then going on, and inquiring how it had com menced, they observed, " It does not matter how it commenced ; perhaps you began it, perhaps we did ; but you have at last gone too far, and will now get your deserts." " But we have not gone too far," I replied. "It has been agreed between our Ambassadors and your Commissioners that we are to occupy ground up to five le south of Chang-kea-wan." " Oh, we are not particular to a few le," said the officers. "It would have been quite the same if you had come within five, ten, or twenty le of our army. Yon have gone too far, we tell you." The cannonading now became heavier, and the two officers had to follow Prince Sang, who rode away to the front. Mr. Loch, the sowar, and my self were ordered to get into an open cart of the roughest description, and two French soldiers, whom we had not before seen, were put in with us. A few moments before I had observed a French offi cer, whom I knew to be the Commissariat Inten dant, being led up to the house; he had evidently been ill-used, but. I could not see to what extent nor had I any opportunity of speaking with him. We were conveyed to Tung chow, seeing nothing of our escort on the way, and were taken through the city to the temple in the western suburb, where I had seen the Commissioners in the morning. They had left, and our guard (consisting of fifty horsemen) followed the Peking-road, inquiring for the Commissioners as they went along, and enjoy ing the sufferings which the severe shocks occa sioned us when the cart was driven along the dilapidated stone causeway at a rapid pace. After retracing their steps in more than one direction, they at last took us into an encampment, and threw us on our knees before a mandarin, who they told us was the General and Minister of State, Juy-lin. To avoid another painful and useless examination I feigned faintness, and in reply to his inquiries called out for water. He then directed that we should be taken into the air, but we were so pressed upon by a disorderly mob of soldiers that we had to be removed into a house, where we were searched by a military officer of the rank of Tajin, and every thing that we had in our possession was taken from us. Again we were removed to a temple, and a mandarin on the suite of the Prince of I, named Tsing Tajin, who had behaved with marked rude mess to me at the morning's interview, came in and directed that we should be brought before him for examination. He asked us our names and who w e were, and then insisted upon my telling him where I had obtained a paper that had been found in my pocket in which prominent mention happened to be made of several Princes and other important per sonages who are believed to be among the leading advocates of the war policy. Fearing to criminate the native writer of the memorandum (which was nothing but a list of names), I replied that I had obtained it in a Canton yamun. He declared this to be false, demanded why I presumed to make in quiries about Chinese Princes, and said that force should be used to make me divulge from whom I received the information. At this moment he was suddenly called away : we heard a stir outside the house, and a number of soldiers with drawn swords rushed in, dragged us all out, and bound our wrists tightly behind us. They were much excited, and called out that death was o urtonlyldesert, as our soldiers had been killing their People. After a short delay, during which Mr. Loci and myself took, as we thought, a final leave of each other, we were seized by the soldiers and run out of the house at a swift pace, exactly in the way in which I have observed the Chi nese conduct their prisoners to execution. Again we came together 'qua" some trees, and all five of us were put once more into a cart. All was confu sion around us ; the camp we had previously ob served was being struck, and I could see that some advance on the part of the allied force was evi dently:causing a retreat on that of the Chinese. Soon we found ourselves again on the Peki n g. road, and suffering m uc h more t h an before from hands or j jolt ing of the cart, a s we cou ld not now u se arms to ward off the shocks. The cart bein g too heavily laden to proceed at the desired pace, anoth er one was called, and the Sikh and one of the French.. men were transferred to it. We passed numerous bodies of infantry in position along the road, and were met by a considerable force of cavalry going in the direction of Tung-chow. The road was so much blocked up by men and vehicles retreating while others were advancing, that we were often obliged to halt. The Prince of I, Muh-yin, his fellow Commissioner, and Hang-ki, passed us in large sedan chairs, but would not deign to notice us. We could see that we were in the charge of Tsing Tajin, the officer already described as being on the suite of the Prince of I, and our first solici tations for relief from pain and thirst afforded him so mach cruel gratification that we made no second appeal to his humanity. Fortunately one of the four soldiers in the cart with us was less relent less, and gave us a little water. It was about half-past two o'clock when we were put into the cart, and the sun was setting as we reached the Chao -yang, or eastern gate of the city. The streets were crowded with people, and our captors made the best use they could of us, to give their return the character of a triumph. We continued to be driven through street after street, passing through the eastern and southern, and into the western quarter of the city, until we entered, at about eight p.m., a large court, an I saw with a shudder that we were in the hands of the Board of Punishments. After we had been kept waiting in a dense crowd for half an hour longer, I was taken from the cart, and carried before a tribunal composed of examiners ' of small rank, who made me kneel, and after treat ing me in a very tyrannical manner, and question ing me on a few unimportant points, they loaded me with chains, and gave me over to a number of ruffianly-looking gaolers. These men conducted me through several long courts, and happening to halt for some purpose, I knew by the clank of chains that another prisoner was approaching. It proved to be Mr. Loch, but they would not allow us to converse, and hastily sent us away in different directions. At last we stood before a building, which I could see was a common prison, and as the massive door opened and closed on me, I found my self in a throng of 70 or 80 wild-looking prisoners, most of them offensive in the extreme, as is usual in Chinese gaols, from disease and dirt, and who were naturally anxious to gaze on the new-corner. I was again carefully examined and searched by the gaolers, who also saw that my chains were pro perly secured, and bound my arms with fresh cords, not so tight, however, as to prevent circulation, or to occasion serious inconvenience. At the same time however they removed, to my intense relief, the cords from my wrists, which being very tightly tied, had caused my hands to swell to twice their proper size; and were now giving 'n o great pain. They then laid me on the raised boarding on which the prisoners sleep, and made me fast by another large chain to a beam overhead. The chains con sisted of one long and heavy one stretching from the neck to the feet, to which the hands were fast ened by two cros s c h a i ns an d handcuffs, and the feetin a similar manner. Being exhausted with fatigue and want of food, which I had not tasted for upwards of 24 hours, I fell asleep, but was soon m a d e sens ibl e o f my position I by being called up, and again carried before the same Board of Inquisitors. It was then about midnight, but the hour did not prevent the collec tion of a large crowd, composed however, in this instance, of police-runners, gaolers, lictors, and the other numerous myrmidons of Chinese law. The mandarins, as I was placed kneeling in my chains before them, warned me that they would force the truth from me if I did ; not give it willingly, and in proof of their earnestness, they ordered four tor turers to seize me, even before they began to put their questions, by the ears, and the hair of the head and face. They first asked ma if I were a Chinese. I told them they had only to look at my face and hair to see that I was not. Their next questions related to my age, length of residence in China, how and where I had been employed, &c. They then proceeded as follows : Inquisitors—State the name of your headman, Answer—Which do you mean—the Ambassador, General, or Admiral ? Inquisitors (angrily)—You have no such func• tidnaries. Don't presume to use such titles. Here the torturers suited their action to the tone of the mandarins, by pulling simultaneously at my hair, ears, &c. Inquisitors—Now give the name of your head man. Answer—Which one ? Inquisitors—The hcad of your soldiers. Answer (in English)—Lieutenant-General Sir • Hope Grant. Inquisitors—What ? Answer (in English)—Lieuteno,nt-General Sir Hope Grant. Inquisitors--Say something we can understand. Answer—l am obliged to use the English terms as you will not let me give you these in Chinese. They attempted to writedown, in Chinese sounds, " Lieutenant-General Sir Hope Grant," but not succeeding, they asked the name of another head man. Answer (in English)—Ambassador Extraordi nary the Earl of Elgin. Finding it equally impossible to write this down in Chinese, or to get on with the examination, they told me I might revert to Chinese names and titles, and I then gave them those of the Ambassa dor and the Commanders-in-Chief. Inquisitors—How many soldiers have you ? Answer—Not less than 20,000 fighting men. Inquisitors—That is false. [Torturers clutched me.as before.] Repeat how many. Answer—Net less than 20,000 fighting men, in which Ido not include followers, &c. I have stated that once to you, and have no other answer to give. Here I was again threatened, both by mandarins and torturers, but deeming it dangerous to swerve from any statement I had once made, I adhered to that which I had already given them, and it was taken down. Inquisitors—How many soldiers have the French? Answer—l am less acquainted with their force, but they cannot have less than 10,000 fighting men. Inquisitors—You are lying again. The same question was repeated and enforced by torturers ; I returned the same answer, and it was noted down. I then explained that being myself a civilian I could not be expected to be familiar with military matters, or to know all the particulars of so large an army as the present combined force. Inquisitors—So large an army, do you call it ! What are 30,000 men ? They are a mere nothing.. They then proceeded to examine me in the. same strain as to the number of our cavalry and artillery ships, steamers, horses, Chinese coolies, &c., and, in particular, of the range of our field and siege guns, which I gave them at three miles and. upwards, to gether with other particulars of their destructive properties. Hearing that the horses of the force came from India, they questioned me as to the re sources of that country, and were much displeased with my statement that it was within 20 days' sail of China, and had an army of upwards of 300,000 men, and a population of more than 101,000,000. They also equally disapproved of my estimate of the population of Great Britain, which I stated at about 30,000,000. But the remark which probably gave them most displeasure, and caused me some pain at the hands of the torturers, was the use, on my part, of a term for her Majesty denoting equa lity of rank with the Emperor. They inquired after our " Prince," to which I replied by stating that we had many princes, both in England and India, but that they were all under one Sovereign, as in the case of the empire of China. " What do you mean by using such language," they said ; " you have yourself shown that you have been long in China, that you can speak our language and read oar books, and you must know, therefore that there is but one Emperor, who rules over all lands. It is your duty to communicate your superior knowledge on this subject to your countrymen, in stead of encouraging them in their extravagant ideas." They then insisted that I hadoften been in Pekin; that I had confederates here, and that they would. force me to reveal their names. I firmly denied all this, and told them that I knew but three persons in Pekin. Inquisitors—Name them. !_ Answer—The two I mper i a l Commissioners— pence of I and Muh-yin, and the Assistant Com missioner Hang-ki. I In ade this rep l y i n the hope of disarming their suspicions on this , whi c h I could see were very strong Point ; and the idea that through our g treason Chinese coolie s , er in some other way, we had at work within the walls of the capital set , was o rehensne which evidently gave th em conside:Able appion. They Were also de manding information as t o the Pa.rtieulf: a i n nuP.aber and names of our interpreters. I complied ),_ . 0 1 giving them the Christian names and surnames several of these 1 gentlemen in full, knowing, as the event proved, that they would be unable to take down. intelligi bly the lon g English words, and they soon relin qu;shed the inquiry. They made pointed inquiries, ho,wever, after Mr. Lay, and when I told them that h e was now engaged by the invitation of the Chinese Authorities in managin; their foreign revenue, i which had nearly doubled since the collection of it had been placed in his hands, they reproved me for using such language, and called out that Lay was nothing else than a native (Chinese) traitor. Towards the close of the examination, throughout which I was compelled to remain kneeling upon the stone floor, I obtained their permission to make a statement on my own account. I then told them why I and the other gentlemen of my party had come to. Tung-chow ; that we were all employed in the cause of peace, and not of war ;. but, although acting under a flag of truce, and admitted to inter,. views with the Imperial Commissioners, we had been seized and were now being treated, not even offenders against Chinese law, I was urgin g th at as prisoners of war, but as c o mmon fellons, and as this great and to me unaccountable mistake should not be persisted ia, when they interrupted me by saying " That is your account, but we ha ve ano th er story.if, as you state, y ou are a civilian, and h have v Be nothingesd es, to do with soldi ers or the i r move ments, why are you always seen with the advance?" To this I answered that we always kept an inter preter in the front to be ready to receive overtures or communications from the Chinese authorities, and to look after the interest of the people. The examination ended, I was ordered back to prison. I have thus given a full recital, my lord, of the occurrences of the 18th of September, the day on which we were seized; but I shall endeavour to avoid similar detail in the account I have now to add of our subsequent 20 days of imprisonment. On the 19th and 20th a great number of Manda rins visited the prison, and those whose official position entitled them is make the demand, ordered me to be brought out, that they might have the satisfaction of seeing me kneeling before them. Among these were the highest authorities of the Board of Punishments, including, as I now know, the President himself, who abused me in a very bitter tone, laughed at my statement, and appeared as ignorant of foreigners, and as much prejudiced against them, as his subordinates who had conducted the examination above described. Several Censors and Vice-Presidents of the other five Boards of Government were also pointed out to me by the gaolers as being among the visitors. Whenever brought out before Mandarins of rank, I lost no opportunity of protesting against my treatment, and of pointing out that in wronging me they were injuring themselves, as it was im possible that peace could be made if they seized and imprisoned the instruments of negotiation. But it was only from the prisoners tillat I ob tained sympathy or a hearing. Many of these un fortunate men were glad, when ,so permitted, to come round me to listen to my story, or any de scription that I would give them of foreign coun tries and usages. Instead of following the example set them by their authorities, and treating me with abuse or ridicule, they were seldom disrespectful, addressed me by my title, and often avoided putting me to inconvenience when it was in their power to do so. Most of them were men of the lowest class and the gravest order of of fenders, as murderers, burglars, Sec. Those who had no means of their own were reduced by prison filth and prison diet to a shocking state of emaciation and disease, but those who could afford to fee the gaolers, and purchase such things as they wanted, lived in comparative fulness and comfort. They explained to me that their prison system cost the Government nothing more than the pay of the gaolers, and the supply of two bowls of boiled millet per day to each prisoner. All other ex penses, such as water, lighting, fuel, tea, salt, vege tables for the prisoners, and good meals for the gaolers, &c., are defrayed by some one among the prisoners who voluntarily undertakes the charge in redemption of a certain portion of his term of im prisonment. The mandarins of the Board having ordered that I should be supplied with food that I could eat, my maintenance, which cost, as I was told, ls. a-day, was carried to the charge of the man who held this position, but instead of taking a dislike to me on account of the increased expense which I occasioned him, he was one of the foremost in showing me kindness or consideration. My meals consisted of two meals a-day boiled rice, or a kind of maccaroni, seasoned with a very sparing allowance of meat or vegetables ; also cakes, or the bread of the country, and a little tea and tobacco. In the prison roll, which was hung up on the wall, I found myself returned as "a rebel," and that I was one of five, out of a total of seventy-three, who were ordered to wear the heaviest chains, As I grew more intimate with the inmates of the prison, I cautiously endeavoured to obtain informa tion from or through teem of the movements of the allies, or the intentions of the Chinese authorities ; but the gaolers were always on the watch to pre vent communication between me and the prisoners on these subjects, nor would they allow themselves to be drawn into conversation respecting them. Two of these men remained always beside me, both by day and night, and although they occasionally answered by inquiries respecting Mr. Loch and my fellow-prisoners, they defeated every endeavour I made to get a message or note conveyed to them. On the 22d of September I was removed from the common prison to a separate ward about eight feet square, on the opposite side of the court, the four gaolers appointed to watch me crossing at the same time, and putting up in the same little room. This was scarcely done when I received a visit from the inspector of the prison, who, instead of making me kneel before him, as he had done on previous visits, desired me to be seated, and introduced another mandarin of small rank as his relief. The latter said ho had come merely to pay me a friendly and a private visit, and to suggest in an equally private way whether I could not do something by writing a note of some kind, or in any way that I might suggest, to bring about a settlement of the present differences between our respective nations. I said that, when two nations at war wanted to come to friendly understanding, the first thing to be done was for one or the other to make overtures for peace; negotiations, either by writing or by con ference, would follow, and if these were carried out to the satisfaction of both parties peace would ensue. The difficulty in the present case was that the Chinese had made prisoners of the very persons —although essentially non-combatants—who were required to conduct these conferences. Here I gave them a recital of my own story, but after hearing this they simply came back to their first proposal, that I should suggest some mode of arrangement, and said they would shortly repeat their visit to hear what had occurred to me. They would give me no information as to the occurrences of the last five days. Shortly after they had gone the head gaoler asked me if I knew a mandarin named Hang-ki. He would like to sae you, he said, but cannot come into the prison on account of the stench, and I do not see how you can be allowed to go out to him. I told the gaoler to act as he pleased, and a few Minutes afterwards Hang-ki entered. I have by me the following note of our conversation, which I succeeded in making shortly after he had left me : Note.—Hang-ki assumes a look of pity for my condition, though apparently without thinking that it is undeserved. He asks how matters are to be arranged, and I inquire for news. Skirmishes, he says, occasionally occur between San-ko-lin-sin and our troops, who have not yet passed Chang-kea wan. The Prince of I and Muh-yin have been recalled to Pekin, and the Prince of Kung, a younger brother of the Emperor_a very able and amiable man—appointed in their place. Perhaps Kweilang will be his colleague. How can nego tiations be set on foot ? I say that they have increased their difficulties by their wrongful treatment of me and my party by their violation of a flag of truce and the rights of an envy,and I also complain of the deceit practised in my case. - Hang-ki at first professes surprise at hostilities of the 18th. Had he known that these were going to occur, he would have gone to see Lord Elgin. Came back because he thought Lord Elgin would not see him, and because he found Lord Elgiu a long way off (Correcting himself) Came back because the Baron de Meritens had told him that it was useless trying to see Lord Elgin before I had re turned. The Prince of I had told him that I had been taken prisoner because it Wits war, and not peace, and bect:LLsel had admitted to him—Hang-ki On thr: evening of the 17th of September, that we Kne'or of the arrest several days previously, by our military, of the Prefect of Tien-twin. I reminded Hang-ki of all the business we had transacted together the same evening, as showing that the Prince o f I h a d qu it e g i ven me to beheye that he considered hostilities at an end. Certain officers had wen appointed to Atli: with me the position to be taken up by our force; other offices had been appointed to furnish supplies; a proclama tion making known the cessation of hostilities had been agreed to, and was being printed under his (Ilang-ki's) superintendence; and yet the Chinese attack our tr oo p s th e next morn i ng when proceed lag to take up the ground agreed on, and seize me when engaged in the transaction of the above busi ness. Either the Prince of I had grossly deceived Ino ©r S ang - ko-lia-nin had acted independently of the Prince. In a word, the Prince had either played false, or he had no power over his own people. How could business be transacted with such Corn, missioners ? Hang-ki evades explanations, and suggests that I should write a letter, but to whom or to what pur pose, he does not seem to know. They want a let ter, he says, that wibrin; about a settlement of affairs. I tell him that such a letter should come from them. He still presses me to write, but I decline to do so, as apart from the vagueness of the requisition, I can see that he has some con cealed object in view. He leaves me and says he will shortly pay nee another visit. The 23d and 24th passed without my seeing Hang-ki, and as an interview with any officer was a relief to the monotony of my imprisonment, and afforded me a chance of gaining some information, I requested the gaoler, on the 25th, to inform Hang-ki that I should be glad of another visit from him. The gaoler returned and told me that the message could not be forwarded unless I wrote the usual red card in my own handwriting. I com plied on being furnished with writing materials, and I find that the card 1 then sent is the one for warded to your lordship in Prince Kung's despatch of the 27th September in proof of my being well in health and comfortably put up. On the 26th Hang ki came to the prison, and I quote from a note made at the time the following summary of our conver sation : At about 2 p.m., 26th September, received a visit from Hang-ki, attended by two prison inspectors, Gan and Choo gays. I first spoke about being put in the same prison with Loch—a email request, and easily granted if they wished to show us any humanity. Hang-ki followed with a long speech. Grand councils had been held, he said, on the subject of foreign relations. It was considered that the hosti lities of the allies are very different on this to all previous occasions, as by advancing on Pekin they are attacking the Emperor himself, and not e as heretofore, the Emperor's viceroys. The Emperor is therefore on his defence, and must fight for his throne and dynasty. He has therefore determined to retire to the Hunting Palace at Sehol, in Tar tary, and to call in the aid of the 48 Mongol Princes, each of whom can furnish probably 20,000 men. But supposing that all is lost—that is, Pekin taken—and the Imperial forces retreat, fighting, be yond the frontier, the dismemberment of the empire will follow, and all trade will be at an end. Is this the course that must be adopted or not ? The majority of Princes and Ministers are for it. The Prince of Ching,Prince of I, Sang-ko-lin-sin,and others say that peace cannot be made with the Allies, because they always make negotiations an opportunity for put ting in fresh demands ; also that commercial rela tions are far more costly than profitable to China, for, although some 4,000,000 of taels are received from foreigners annually as duties, the claims for in demnities—first, 21,000,000 dollars in 1842, then 6,000,000 taels in 1858, and now 10,000,000 taels more—almost eq ".al the amount that has reached the Imperial Treasury from the same source during the above period. The personages just named, to gether with a large majority of their advisers, urge war. The Prince of Kung, the brother of the Emperor, who has now the direction of the foreign question, would be glad to see some other course; but unless I point one out, no alternative presents itself. If I will not do this, and affairs continue to go wrong, I shall make myself a mark for the public fury, which cannot be restrained at a moment of extremity. I reply that the conclusion of peace is a very simple matter, and may be managed at any moment. Ail that is necessary is, that both parties should sincerely wish for it. There can be no doubt as to the desire of Great Britain to be at peace with China. What has Lord Elgin come all this great distance for but to make peace? But any peace that we conclude must secure to us our rights and our national honour. The refusal of China to admit the principle of equality in herrelations with foreign countries is the source of all the foreign troubles ' that have come upon her. Had it not been for those unreasonable pretensions to which foreign Powers will no longer submit, she would not have seen foreign armies within her borders, and would have saved the large sums paid as indemnities. I cannot understand the singular distinction which he draws between former wars and the present one, or why the Emperor should still persist in fight ing. But if Pekin be taken, and his Majesty should fly, I do not see how he is to take the population of the 18 provinces of China with him, and it is population that makes trade. But to the question of peace, why do they not make peace—or why do they break it as fast as they make it ? Can it be that they really have no sin ' cere wish for peace ? At Tung-chow the other day they made peace on one day, and then fought us the next. They certainly cannot say that the Eng lish hadany share in causing the war to break out again on the 18th of September, or I should not have been in their hands. Is this double dealing the result of bad faith or of divisions in their coun t oils and Government? I again go into the story of the 18th, but Hang-ki, whose manner on this occa sion is abrupt and unfriendly, stops me by saying that it is useless to refer again to that affair. The question is what can now be done ? Have I, - or have I not, anything to suggest ? I point out that, being in ignorance of all that has occurred since the 18th, I am not the pereon to apply to for suggestions. Hang_ki is careful not to supply information, but admits that a corres pondence is going on between the Prince of Kung and Lord Elgin. He seems to say that nothing conclusive is yet arrived at or immediately expected. T again observe that differences can only be settled by negotiations, and negotiation, to be effectual, should not be confined to correspondence, but should be conducted by conferences, either between the Plenipotentiaries themselves or their deputies. But after what has occurred to you, Hang-ki said, your deputy, Mr. Wade, will not come to see us. You certainly cannot expect, I said, that Any one of our officers should again place himself iu year power, and it is for you, who have violated a flag' of truce, to come forward now and send deputies to our side. But will you guarantee their safety ? he asked. Yes, I replied, if you send Mr. Loch and myself with them. Haug-ki answered this remark with a smile of derision. .That will not do, he said ; we want you to gurantee that your people will make peace without any more fighting. You have a better guarantee for peace, I said, in your own sincerity than any that I could give. If you really wish for peace, you have only to send out your deputies to open negotiations, and con vince the Ambassadors by your proceedings that you regret all pass acts of bad faith. It is of no use, said Hang-ki, for me to return to the Prince of lung with a set speech of this kind. Business presses, and I doubt whether I shall be able to see you again. Have you nothing else to say ? Do you still refuse to suggest a plan ? Here the Prison Insuector, Gan-Laou-yay, interposed the remark that I ought to write a letter. Yes, said Hang-ki, write to your Ambassador or to Mr. Wade, engaging that the mandarin who takes the letter shall be well treated, and that there shall be a ces sation of hostilities. . I replied that it was quite out of my power to say anything about the discontinuance of hostilities, and that were I to make such a proposal it would be wholly useless, as it would have no effect upon the proceedings of the English Ambassador. I have suggested a plan, I added, that you should send out your Deputies, and return Mr. Loch and myself with them, in which case we would be answerable for their safety, and they could make any representa tions or overtures that you might desire. I cannot undertake to do more. As to your menace, I know that I am ix danger as long as I am in your hands, because it is no uncommon thing for the Chinese to deal cruelly with their prisoners, or even to take their lives. But while I should prepare for the worst, I know also that my fate will be determined not by your will, but by that of God. On the other hand, it is for you to bear in mind that, although you would do the allied force but little injury by killing the few prisoners who have fallen into your hands, you would by such an act bring down upon yourselves a terrible vengeance. I also reminded Hang-ki of the different treatment he received when detained as a prisoner by the allies at Canton in 1858 ; and I again begged that, in view of what ever might happen to us, Mr. Loch and myself might at least have the satisfaction of being put into the same prison. Hang-ki replied that his imprisonment and mine were not parallel cases, that he could not say whether Mr. Loch and myself could be allowed to be together, and that he felt he was returning to the Prince of Kung without having anything to tell him. You will be in no danger, however, during the next two or three days. Two days afterwards, the 28th of September, Hang-iii again appeared, accompanied on this occasion by a mandarin named Sung, whom he introduced as an officer attached to the Prince of Kung. The Prince Hang-ki said, had heard of the private visits which he had paid me on the 22d and 26th, and had sent for him in order that he might hear Ilang-ki's own account of all that had passed between us. The Prince wholly disapproved of the manner in which I was treated, and attri- buting this injustice to Sang-ho-fin-sin and the Prince of I, declared Ilis intention of HI wing a very different policy to that of the latter. Having no ; the direction of foreign affairs, said the Prince, I shah take my own course, however open it may and however people may say that I am encouraging be to attact', the extravagant pretensions of 1., •qt foreigners, by treath. them well' • " . I shall adhere ice in my treatment of strictly to court esy an d • -n• foreigners, and if they d j o not ti• ^ wrong, while way they place the mse l ves in tut, -neet Me in the same whatever may happen I shall, at least, have the consciousness of having acted rightly. Therefore go to Mr. Parkes and tell him that he shall be removed to good quarters, and that he shall not have to complain of his treatment now that he is in my hands. Let there be no delay, no, not even to write orders, but take the officer Sung with you in proof that yon are acting by my direction. Hang-ki followed up this speech with a longer one of his own, the tenour of which was that I should mark my appreciation of the Prince's good ness by persuading the Allies to observe the same high principles as those which actuated the Prince. I replied that I had no difficulty in assuring the Prince that justice and courtesy would continue to mark, as hitherto, the action of my own nation. It was the absence of those principles on the part of Chinese officials, as shown in their discourteous and unjust treatment of foreign Governments, by refus ing to hold intercourse with them on terms of equality, that had been the cause of the present troubles. 'With justice and courtesy on the side of the Chinese, I had no doubt accommodation could be arrived at. "Listen," said Hang-ki to the three mandarins who were with him, "he declares that his nation will act according to justice. Take off his chains." This having been done, Hang-ki again resumed the conversation. Ile told me that affairs remained in a doubtful state; that correspondence between the Prince of Kung and Lord Elgin continued; but that it was still impossible to say whether the re sult would be war or peace. He thought, however, that in the course of the negotiations an opportu nity would be afforded me of rendering the Prince some assistance in return for his kindness to me. I thanked the Prince for his good intentions, but pointed out that, so long as I remained a prisoner, I could be of very little use in promoting the set tlement of differences ; and I begged, therefore, that he would form no high expectations of my assist ance, as, in the event of matters going contrary to their wishes, they might visit their dissatisfaction upon me. Hang-ki assured me that I need not apprehend danger in my own case, except in the event of a great emergency, say the assault of the city, when the foreigners would be killing Chinese, and it was only natural that the latter should take revenge. This led me to remark upon the more humane practices of Western nations in regard to their treatment of non-combatants; and those protected by flag of truce, &c.; but Hang-ki met my obser vations by stating that the customs of all nations could not be expected to be the same on these points. Hang-ki having told me that I should probably be taken out of prison to-morrow, I stated that I hoped Mr. Loch would have the benefit of this ar rangement, as, if not, I could not avail myself of it. We had been sent away together under the same flag of truce ; had been seized and imprisoned together; and it would not now do to take one of us out of prison and leave the other in. Hang-ki replied, that I was raising a difficulty which he could not - elect without further instruc tions from the Prince of Kung. He then took leave of me, but returned in a quar ter of an hour to say that he did not see how he could brine. up the subject of the removal of M r . Loch to th%:Prince, unless I gave him a note stat ing that the latter had been exceedingly kind to me, and was also very able and intelligent. I said that it was quite impossible for me to express any opinion as to the Prince'scharacter and attainments, as I had never seen the Prince, nor had I ever heard anything of his highness besides what Hang ki himself bad told me. Neither could I conscien tiously declare that he had treated me with extra ordinary kindness, seeing that I was still detained in the common prison into which I had been at first thrown, and that I had only that moment been re leased from my chains, although this privilege was enjoyed by nine-tenths of the felons who were my companions. It was not favour, but justice, that I sought at the hands of the Prince. To be detained as a prisoner at all was in itself an injustice, but if so detained I ought not to be treated as a criminal and an offender against Chinese law, but as an officer and a prisoner of war. I was certain, I added, that the justice and courtesy of the Prince, of which Hang-ki bad said so much, w ou ld i n d uce him to relieve Mr. Loch and myself from our pre sent ignominious position, if the matter were pro perly represented to him. Hang-ki urged that if I furnished him with a paper to the effect requested, he could do more than if he went to the Prince empty handed. Not will ing to lose the advantage which this demand gave me, I again replied that I could write nothing of the kind as long as I remained in prison, and that I would not leave she prison unless I was accom panied by Mr. Loch; but that as soon as we were taken out of prison, and were treated properly, I should be ready to note the fact in writing, and also to state, if he wished it, that I had been told that the Prince was an able and intelligent man. Hang-ki then left me, and returned in the after noon of the following day (September 29th) with an order for the removal of Mr. Loch and my self from the prison of the Board of Punishments to a temple where quarters had been prepared for us. I need not here dwell upon the satisfac tion Av e both felt as we met each other again in one of the outer courts of the Board. Having been put into separate vehicles we were conveyed, in the charge of Hang-ki and a strong escort, to* the temple spoken of. Here we were placed in a room about 20 feet by 10, which was e ntered by another room of the same dimensions, in which eight of the jailors of the Board were stationed. These rooms looked into an open court, about 40 feet sqdare, in which we were allowed to take exercise; but a strong party of soldiers guarded the outer entrance into this court, and we soon became aware that\ military were put up, in and about all pasts of the building. Hang-ki explained the presence of the jailors, by saying that they had been brought here to act as our b: ervants. With a degree of conside ration for our comfort, not usually shown by man darins, he had supplied us not only with such essen tials as good food, beds, &c., but also with the jo:uries of writing materials, soap, and towels, s ce . He left it to ourselves to order our meals w h eneve r we chose, and these, I may mention, were abundant ai2d good during the time of our stay in the Kaow- rn owu temple. As soon as ho had seen us located in owe .new quarters I gave him, accord ing to m , prom i wi the following note : "The ' Chinese au thorities are now treating Mr. Loch and myself well, :Ind we are inform e d th a t this is done by the direeio,a of the Prince of Kung. We are also told by their his Highn ess i s a e , . man of decision and great ioteL l igence, and I trust that, under these circumstances', h,, , ,stilities may be temporarily suspended to give owortunity for negotiation." September 30.—One of Han; -ki , s head Nt wants delivered, in th e name of th e Prince of Kting,- levee present of fruit and confectionery. Hang-ki followed himself at 2 p.m., and talked at consider able length without having any apparent object. He maintained that the invasion of a country and a march upon the capital was altogether contrary to justice and reason, end that was what we were now doing. I held that the justice or injustice of in .vasion depended upon circumstances ; if one Power were wronged by another Power, and could not obtain redress by fair means, force was the only resource left. We knew from history that China had been invaded about 200 years ago by the Manchoo Tartars, who, when once they had taken possession of the country, never quitted it, but founded the present dynasty - , and yet I presumed that he, as a IVlanchoo, was quite prepared to defend that course. He then argued that, if we captured Peking, we should have to contend against the viceroys of all the provinces, who would, of course, march upon us. I said I thought not, as many of these ♦iceroys were already unable to hold their own against rebels and banditti. Instead, however, of wasting time in arguing upon the degree of mischief that would ensue upon the capture of Peking, I advised Hang ki to avoid that contingency altogether, by effect ing a timely settlement of affairs, instead of con tinuing to, indulge in delays which, under present circumstances, must prove particularly dangerous. Hang-ki went over a good deal of old ground, and defended. hesitation on their part, on the ground that we put difficulties in their way which they could not get over. Among these he enume rated bringing up a large escort to Peking ; the demand for immediate indemnities ; the presenta tion of the Queen's letter, &c. As Hang-ki insisted in keeping me in the dark as to the movements both of the Ambassadors and the forces, I . could not give a more practical form to my suggestions. I had gathered from a conversa tion with one of Hang-ki's servants, previous to the arrival of his master, that our army had advanced to and continued to halt at Pa-le-cheaon, and when I assumed this as the fact, Hang-ki's equivocations convinced me of its truth. I advised him, there fore, not to lose what appeared to me their last chance of negotiation, as one more march would bring our army under the walls of Pekin. Hang ki having again put forward the old plea that their fears for the safety of their deputies prevented the despatch of these officers to our camp, Mr. Loch volunteered to escort them out and to return with them again. Hang-ki -mid he would submit this proposal to the Prince of Kung. October I.—Hang-ki called at 11 a.m., and was accompanied by Lau, formerly Naoutai at Shanghai and a high literary mandarin. Lau had been sent by the Prince of I to Ho-se-woo with despatches for the Ambassadors at the same time that Mr. Wade and myself had visited the Prince at Tung chow. In a half serious tone I compared the diffe rent treatment in the two cases. On the 16th September I had carefully escorted Lau past our lines, and on the 18th 1 had been seized and brutally treated by the Chinese in theirs. Hang-ki came forward in defence. The seizure of myself and party was almost a necessity, he said, arising out or the exigency of the moment : hostilities had been resumed, I was in their hands at the time, and it is contrary to all reason, he added, to put a sword into the hand of your enemy at the very time when you are going to give him combat. True, I had at one time to complain of ill-treatment, but that had been corrected, and I was now well taken care of. They all blamed Sang-ko-lin-sin and the Prince of I for fighting at Chang-kea-wan instead of concluding peace ; but, although they admitted that my detention was an act of treachery, they would not see in my presentdetention acontinuation of the injustice. The Prince of Kung does not approve, Hang-ki said, of Mr. Loch going out with the deputies; but we wish you to write a note to Lord Elgin, proposing that your army should retire for 10 or 20 le, and that deputies from both sides should then meet upon some neutral ground. I pointed out that such proposals should be made by them to your lordship direct, and not through me. and that I could not lower myself in the eyes of my own people by proposing that our troops should fall back previous to negotiation. I consented. however, to note the proposal they made as to a meeting on neutral ground, and accordingly wrote your lordship the annexed letter. Mr. Loch and myself also prepared private notes to be used in the ' event of Prince Kuug allowing these to be for warded with the former. The 2d of October passed without a visit, but on the 3d Hang-ki and Lau called in the afternoon The Prince of Kung, they said, had kept back all the letters we had written on the Ist. Again, they seemed disposed to limit their conversation to gene ral subjects, and to deplore the existence of present differences without making any real effort to settle them. They stated that Lord Elgin had started a different proposition to theirs, namely, that depu ties should meet " before the armies," instead of at. "a neutral spot." I pointed out that this was a distinction without a difference. They then showed me a paper, purporting to be an extract from one of your lordship's despatches, on the subject of the presentation of the Queen's letter, and wanted me to declare to them whether this meant that your lordship had no intention of insisting 'upon an audience with the Emperor. They also produced another extract, and desired me to inform them whether that meant that your lordship demanded nothing more than the execution of the Treaty of Tien-tsin. I declined to give an opinion as to the meaning of any isolated passages in your lordship's communication, unless they showed me the original letters ; these they always declined to produce. They then delivered the following note, which had been sent by Mr. Wade, in reply to the paper I had written on the day we were removed from prison, and which I now learned had been forwarded by them to the English camp : "My dear Parkes,—We are glad to hear from you at last. I have written you a note in Chinese, and take my chance with this in English. Ever since the Prince Kung has begun to write, Lord Elgin has been writing to say that if they send an officer to get the treaty ready for signature, and send out the prisoners at the same time, peace will be made. He adds no conditions to those he in sisted on before, and if the Chinese had had any sense they would have made peace a week ago. As it is, they have delayed so long that we have been obliged to move on the force; and if they do not make peace now, we shall be obliged to attack Pekin. Our shell will easily destroy the city, and if any harm befal you all, it will be burned from one end to the other. Every one here wishes you well ; if the other fellows want anything, try to get the mandarins to inform us." The Chinese version of the above note, which had been forwarded open, had, of course, informed them of its contents. It gave us the information we had so long been wishing for, and enabled me to point out to Hang-ki and Lau that it was use less for them to ask me any longer for suggestions, as it was quite clear they had only one course to pursue. Again I urged on them the great risk to which they exposed their Government and city by indulging in further delay; but they did not appear much concerned, and said that they had heard, through the French, that there was to be no more fighting. I then wrote the following acknow ledgment of Mr. Wade's note, in English and Chinese, and bagged them to deliver it My dear Wade,—We have received the clothes and your note of the 2d, acknowledging mine of the 29th of September. I see that subsequent notes (one public and two private) of Ist October have not been delivered to you. I find that such arguments as I have been able to use to the Chinese authorities are in complete accord with your own, and my only hope is that Prince Lung is a man of sufficient intelligence and weight in the councils of his Government as to ieduce the latter to follow, without further hesitation, the course marked out by Lord Elgin," In one respect Mr. Wade's note gave us con siderable concern, as it seemed to infer that several other persons were in the hands of the Chinese besides the Sikh and the two Frenchmen who were sent to Pekin with us ; bat though we often tried to learn from Hang-ki and the other mandarins the fate of the other gentlemen and men from whom we were separated on the day of our seizure, they al ways insisted that they knew nothing about any other prisoners, and had only accidentally heard three or four foreigners were detained in Sangeko lin-sin's camp. Having imagined from casual re marks let fall from time to time by Chinese about us, that Mr. Loch and myself, with the Sikh and the two Frenchmen, were the only prisoners in Pekin, we had hitherto hoped that the larger por tion of our original party, numbering no less than twenty-three persons, had escaped capture. October 4.—Lau called to say that all our notes had been sent to the English camp with another despatch from the Prince of Kung to your lord ship, upon the answer to which peace or war de pended. He would not, however, tell us the tenor of the Prince's despatch, October s—Hang-ki and Lau called in the after noon. As usual, their conversation was at first desultory, and they pretended to want to discuss with me certain provisions of the Treaty of 1858 and the Convention of Tien-tsin. To our inquiries as to whether they bad any letters for us, they at first produced only one newspaper and a packet of medicine, but on my insisting that they must have received something more, they delivered us Mr. Wade's note of October 4, informing us, in very decided language that your lordship had determined not to open negotiations with the Chinese authori ties until the prisoners seized under the flag of truce had been given up ; further, that as the Chinese had not complied with this demand, although often repeated, hostilities would at once bo. resumed. As reference to this letter may be cerm enient in this place, I beg to annex a copy. I readran i t , over to Hang-ki twice, a n d th e uneas i ness read he and Lau had, till then, been trying to be ,...eme now mor e an d more apparent. conceal, They again e n,:leavoured to l ea d me i nto a l ong discussion as to the rightfuln ess o f our procee di ng, reply to give them—" You but I had only the one have to choose between' , destruction of yo ur capital or the unconditional surrender of your prisoners." Th e y cou ld not agree, tt./..1.ey said, to th a t mode of proceedi ng , and thingsmn' therefore, take their course. Twice they went rnseq, and twice they returned to ask if I could not pare: out some other mode of meeting the difficulty, In reply I simp;y quoted from Mr. Wade's letter. " But if you are released," they e aid," before the Convention is signed, and peace concluded, you will want to retaliate upon us in some way for what you have undergone. Mr. Loch and myself very distinctly as sured them that we had no wish or intention of the kind, and they had it yet in their power to atone for the wrong committed, by immediately releasing all their prisoners. They then urged that the Prince of Kung wanted to see me be fore we were returned. They could not say when, perhaps in two or three days' time, I warned them against incurring any delay on this account, adding that, although it would be gratifying to me to see his Highness, such an interview could not have any influence upon your lordship's actions. I then wrote and g ave th em i n English and Chinese the following reply to Mr. Wade " My Dear Wade,— We have received your letters of the 4th, and I read the contents of yours to Hang-ki (who brought it to me), in order that he might see that the only way of adjusting difficulties is the one which you point out. The Chinese, if they are sincere in their wish for peace, ha ve t h e means in their own hands of bringing about a set tlement at any, moment, and if the destruction of Pekin or any great calamity ensue, it is the conse duence of their own conduct. October 6.-11stag.ki called at noon. He had been up the whole night, he said, with the Prince of Kung, discussing the provisions of the Treaty of 1858, and the proposed Convention. The Prince of Kung had determined to accept both, and to give up the prisoners in three days' time, on condi• tion that both the Allied and the Chinese forces should fall back a few miles, and thus place some distance between each other. The Prince now wanted me to write to your lordship to this effect; and he also wished explanations from me on seve ral points in both Treaty and Convention, particu larly in respect to the Resident Minister, the pay ment of indemnities, and the evacuation of the places held by the Allied troops. I again pointed out how useless it was for me to continue to write notes to your lordship, and repeated my objections to being made the medium of proposing that our troops should fall back from any position they now had before or near Pain. It was equally useless for me, I also said, to discuss the Treaty or Convention ; but, in order to gratify the Prince, I gave such explanations on some points as I felt at liberty to make; while on others I merely referred him to your lordship. I then wrote a note in Chinese to Mr. Wade, stating that I had been informed by the Chinese authorities that they intended sending back the whole of the prisoners on the Bth inst. ; that their troops had already been directed to fall back ; and that I trusted there would no longer be occasion for ours to advance. I also gave Hang-hi, at his particular request, a note stating, "If Mr. Loch, myself, and all the other prisoners, are sent back in a proper manner, the English Government will take ne revenge. As far as I understand the present posi tion of affairs, the British Governm e nt do not intend to make fresh demands upon the Chinese, if the latter agree, without any exception, to the provisions of the Treaty of 1858, and the proposed Con ven tion." October 7—At daybreak this morning we heard the sound of a cannonade, which lasted for a few minutes and then ceased. It seemed to come from no considerable distance, and, as the information conveyed to us, both publicly and secretly from our friends in camp, had warned us that an attack might take place at any time, we thought that this critical moment had arrived. At a quarter to eight Hangki came in to learn from us the meaning (of the firing. He could no longer conceal !rout us that our army Was before Pekin, and at!mitted Yarn-Ming-Yuen —the Emperor's summer palace---naci been taken by the• allied troops yesterday afternoon. The Prince of Kung, who bad been staying there all .long, had managed to escape; but he, Hangki, had been nearly taken as he was going out to the palace yesterday afternoon. Returning to the city in the evening, he found all the gates closed, and the walls manned, and his only means of getting into the city was by being hauled up in a basket. B e feared that my note, stating that we should be sent out on the Bth, and the official note of Prince Kung covering it, could not have reached the English camp. I told him that, during the whole time of our confinement, both in the prison and in the temple) we had never ceased to warn them against the danger of delay, and all that we foretold seemed now to be coming to pass. Their only chance of escape lay in the immediate surrender of their prisoners. How is that to be done," said Hangki, «in the face of firing, and how can I now get the authority of Prince Kung for your surrender ? Your imme diate departure would also interfere with the inter view he intended to give you to-day." The interview, we replied, was of little importance, and danger to the city, in case of delay, was immi nent. We advised him, therefore, to arrange for our being sent away at once, regardless of whether we had to go out in the face of fire or not, as we were very willing to risk that danger. He left us, promising to return shortly, and we counted the minutes, until these became hours and the day began to wear away. We did not again hear the sound of attack, but detected now and then ' some stir, as of the movement of troops in our vicinity, and could observe looks of concern on the faces of our guards and gaolers. We sent to Hangki's house, to inquire about his movements, but all we could learn from his servants was, that after leaving us he had been lowered over the city' wall, and had gone as they supposed in quest of Prince Kung. It was impossible to tell when he would return. We anxiously looked for the next morning, and felt some relief when no cannonade was heard as daylight broke. By sending to Hangki's house we learned that he had returned home at 3 a.m., and would be with us shortly. He came at nine, and the glimpse obtained of his countenance, before he had put on the look he wished to assume, showed considerable dejection and anxiety. He explained to us why he had not returned yesterday. I left you full of concern, he said, as I knew that the city and your lives were both in danger. Had the city' been assaulted, the first cry raised by the soldiers would have been " Away with the foreign pri soners." When I inquired for Prince Kung, I found that he was too far off for me to hope to reach him I therefore despatched a note proposing that you should be given up at once, on condition that the foreign troops should retire from Yuen- Mihg Yuen, which they had begun to plunder. At the same time I received an invitation from Mr. Wade to meet him outside the Tihshing-gate, at four o'clock in the afternoon. I went, and we had a long discussion. He demanded not only the immediate surrender of the prisoners, but also one of the city gatee, and he handed me this letter, in which you see he states the same in writing. It is quite impossible to comply with such a demand, and what, therefire can be done under sucti circumstances P I read the note, which ran in the names of the Allied Commanders-in-Chief, demanding the libera tion of all the prisoners who had been seized, and the delivery into their hands of one of the gates of the city, as a precaution against further acts of perfidy on the part of the Chinese. I could only . tell Hangki that this step was rendered necessary by their previous acts of bad faith, and that the Allies could no longer put any trust in them. It was useless to hope that the Allied Generals would alter their determination when they had once taken it, nor did I see any course open to the Chinese except compliance. At this moment the prospect before us seemed darker than ever, bnt Hangki, aft er some hesita tion, relieved us from our suspense, by remarking that he had agreed with Mr. Wade that we should be given up to-day as already promised, and that we should be sent out at four o'clock in the after noon. Unable to rely upon the assurance of any' mandarin, we anxiously awaited the hour named, and could 'see that considerable uneasiness was evinced by Hangki, who visited us several times in the course of the morning. At one time he whispered to me, " I am particularly anxious to get you away for reasons that I will tell you of at a future time, and I will not wait for the hour named to send you off." He was now willing to give us some information respecting the other prisoners. Upwards of twenty had been taken, he said, but with a view to their safe cus tody, they had been divided into small parties and sent away to different district cities in the interior. It would take some days to get them all back, and he had heard that four or five of them had sickened and died. Those in Pekin numbered eight in all, inclusive of Mr. Loch and myself; and we were all to be sent out together. At last, at two o'clock, he told us that all the pri soners had been assembled, and that we could take our departure. We were placed in covered carts, without being allowed to see each other, and were escorted by a large party of soldiers and mandarins through streets which wore a deserted appearance to the Se-che, or north-western gate of the city. We soon saw, with thankful hearts, as those great portals opened, and then immediately closed behind us, that we were already free men, for our guard, not daring to follow us out of the city, had left to ourselves the pleasant task of finding our own way to the Allied Camp. I must not close this report without endeavour. ing to express my gratitude to your lordship for the firm and uncompromising manner in which you insisted, from the first, upon our surrender, and which, under the blessing of Divine Providence, has mainly contributed to our liberation. Nor should I omit to acknowledge the great debt I also owe to my fellow prisoner, Mr. Loch, for the warm sup part I invariably received from him whenever a Wment of t r ial or o f danger presented itself. I have, & el HARRY S. PARKES. [ADVERTISEMENT.] Pills and medicine invariably ag gravate and perpetuate disetates i their annoyance, dis appointment, and expense may be avoided by persons i n indifferent health Bending only their address to E. S- Bar r y , Es q. , 7 7, Regent-street, W., London, and they will receive gratis and free by post the " InvA.ups' Ows ziuinE," or N a t ural Restorer, without medicine or ex rnse, of perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, and r , ireshing sl eep, to the most enf e ebled, insuring the removal of indigesti on (dyspepsia), constipation, liver complaints, nausea, epilep s y , para l ys i s, d e bilit y, nervousness, palpitation, cough, asthma, consumption, dropsy, flatulency, diarrhoea, dysentery, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, catarrhs, colds, noises in the ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, eruptions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, palpi tation, heartburn, headache, despondency, cramps, spasms, sinking, fits, bronchitis —"Unouestionably the safest Guide to health.' - BIRTHS. BOORD.—On the 28th inst., at Verulam House, the wife of Joseph Boord, Esq., of a daughter. LAWRENCE.—On the 27th inst., at 32, Gloucester-gar dens, Hyde-park, the wife of Alfred Lawrence, Esq., of a daughter. __ MARRIAGES. BRADY—HATCHELL.—On the 15th inst., at Rathfarham Church, county Dublin, the Right Hon. Maziere Brady, Lord Chancellor of Ireland, to Mary, second daughter of the Right Hon. John Hatchell, of Fortfield Houee, co. Dublin. CABBAN—JEANS.—On the 27th inst., at Beckenham, Thomas, eldest son of Mr. Cabban, of Greenwich, to Sophia, third daughter of Mr. Jeans, of the same parish. DEATHS. CONNELL.—On the 28th inst., at Highbury-park north, John Connell, Esq., aged 49. CAMPBELL.—On the 25th inst., a t Cheltenham, Major- General A. Campbell, late and of Auchman ' nock and Avisyard, county of Ayr, aged 77. TIERNEY.—On the 28th inst., at 20, Chapel street, Bel grave-square, Lieut.-Col. Sir Matthew E. Tierney, Bt., late Coldstream Guards, aged 43. LONDON : Printed and Published by MUMDO YOUNG, o f No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tim SUN Office, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County of litiddlepex, uturtlay, December 29, 1800. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY E'V'ENING, DECEMBER 29, 1860. M ~~ Tt km , tde Prop Tt 13 Pail th o 4 /P ith( afire, Tb tik , 411134 ~C wZ ,~~ ~► ~;~r - .p .: . ~' c t