The Sun. — London, England, 1859-07-29 00:00:00

MONEY MARKET AND CITY NEWS. CITY, Two o'CLocs. During the last few days the market for Foreign and Colonial Produce has been very inactive, and, with a few exceptions, lower rates have been ac cepted for the principal articles. For tea, how ever, there has been a rather active inquiry, and at public sales higher rates are obtained for the better qualities of both China and Assam descriptions. Sugars have been inactive, and the limited business transacted in British West India has been in most instances at lower quotations. Foreign qualities have also shown a alight depreciation in value. Coffee has been in moderate :demand at about late rates, Plantation Ceylon 'being most inquired for. Rice has been dull, and the inferior descriptions have declined is. to ls. 6d. per cwt. There has been rather more demand for saltpetre at about former quotations, and tallow is a shade firmer. The Liverpool Cotton Market yesterday closed steadily, and prices were without alteration. The sales were estimated at 8,000 bales. In Railway Shares the traxsactions continued on a limited Scale, but a slight; improvement was apparent in values. A steady demand for nzoney is still experienced in the discount market, and :he applications at the Bank are more numerous than ezlr some time past. The rates continue firm, and an up 7rard tendency may be produced by the preparations . for the 4th of the month, and other demands. The City of Baltimore has been announced this morning from the United States with £218,434 1,". 1 specie. The meeting of the shareholders of the Unity Bank took place to-day, Mr. Alderman Mechi in the chair. The report was encouraging, and showed a nett profit of £986 19s. 4d. in the busi ness of the six months. It was proposed that the above sum of £986 19s. 4d. should be taken to the account, and for the liquidation of old liabilities. After some discussion, the report was adopted. At the meeting of the Scottish Australian In vestment Company, also held to-day, a dividend at the rate of 10 per cent. per annum was declared. The half-yearly meeting of the Electric Tele graph Company took place to-day, when a report Vail presented showing a total revenue of £97,906, from which the directors recommended a dividend Q t the rate of 61 per cent. per annum. The report now (2 o'clock) under discussion. There has been very little animation in the mar ket for public securities to-day, and the tendency of f price s h as b een less favourable than might have been anticipated, considering the satisfactory feel ing created by t h e announcement in the Moniteur. Consols have been 95 to 951-, but they are now ? 4 7 - 1, for money, and 941 95 for the account. The buoyancy of the market has been checked by sales of money steek, and the approaching loan for India. .ie N ew _ Three s an d t h e Reduced are stea d y, at Bank Stock is 221 to 223 ; and Exchequer Biller, 28s, tie to 31s. prem. The 5 per Cent. Annui . shave a dvanced to 111 ; I n di a I, oan D e b en t ures , 1858, are fiat, at 931 , andh S• • at 94-k. • t e erg) steady, In the Foreign Stock Market business is rather Tinactive, and Prices exhibit a downward tendency. Loan 6 per Cents. are 79 to 81; ditto New Loan, 703 ;,-, to ceded to 7 11 ; and the 4 per Cents. have re -11:4- ; Venezuelan 1 per Cents., to 149 ; and Portuguese, to 441 -I; Spanish' 3 per Cents. Rriare steady at 44 ; and Brazilian 41 per Cents. are n at 941. Moss'rs. D. Bell, Son, and Co., give the following is the price of American Securities : Redeemable. Prices: unitedo6 States 6 Cents 1867-1868 AdobaPer Cent lonjs IC eet „ ta k a . 5 per Cent, Bonds — 75 77 Itt e ,,,",exY per Cent. Bonds lB6B-72 92 94 lii,;4LTI 5 per Ct. Str. Bonds 95 130 — , nci u s u . s . e . tt . .. . t. Str. str. Ohio 6 100 101 1, e4.118 rr Cent. Stock 1886 98 100 82 . 84 l l en i r e L va ma 5 per Ct. Stock. T en , --, -vonia 5 per Ct. Bonds 1877 83 85 vi r a eBB ce 6 per Cent. Bonds. Divers 80 82 I T ; ,butla 6 per Cent. Bonds "Ili a 5 per Cent. St. Bonds 1888 83 85 p)er Cent. St. Bonds - LIZ: C entral 7 per Cent. entral 6 per Cent. 13O leelands) Central '7 per Cent . el 110_, arcs, 60 dole. paid .... I):TRaii Central 8 per Cent. ' ". shares Pica. la 7 per Ct., Ist mort -1:1/471" St'. Bonds, not cony Ist co : , Ist. do. ork Central 6 per Ct , xpnot convertible . • '" °lv York Central 7 per Ct., co nvertible from June 15, 1857_6 9 .. Ro e . do. share . ; . y York a n d E r i c !, 7per Ct., andAl `iv York and Erie 7 pez. Ct., _convertible New York and Erie, 7 per Ct., sinking fund DO hares . 1875 78 80 1875 . 75 78 1860 86 88 34 32 dis 1869 82 84 40 46 1883 1864 1883 1862 1875 95 71 62 do. Eu ..7 9 A very limited business has been transacted in the Railway Share Market, and, in some instances, less firmness has been apparent. Caledonians, Eastern Counties, and Midlands have advanced ss. ; and North-Western and North British, 10s. Great- Western, South-Western,Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln advanced ss. ; and South-Eastern 15s. The Foreign lines are inactive. Lombardo- Venetian being a shade flatter. The Old Shares are dealt in at 101, and the New at 104 101. In the Colonial Market, East Indian are steady at 981 98k. Great Indian Peninsular hate delined to 96. Joint-Stock Bank and Miscellaneous Shares show rather more activity. Bank of Australasia have Improved Uhl. to 15s. London Joint-Stock, 10s. to 15 2. Union a London, ss. Royal Mail Steam, £l. Bank Stoc BRITISH k FUNDS—.CLOSING PRICES. 223 1 3 ~3 Per C ent. Reduced Annuities 953 3 5 . k ," ) Per Cent'. Consols Annuities 96 i 4151 43 5 1- " Iv 3 per Cent. Annuities 6 per Cent. Annuities lll India Stock Ditto Debentures, 1858 D itto, 1859 Ditto Loa n S cr i p Ditto Bonds, £l,OOO Consols for Account (Aug. 9) , .... 95 4i 5 tLvehequer Bills, Z1,000,43d .. 31 Ditto Small, lid v, lOREIGN FUNDS —CLOSING PRICES. • .. , raziliail 5 per Cent. Ditto 44 per Cent. 1858 943 Gre na d a A 'ow Active, 33 per Cent. Ditto Defe:Ted PMxic an 3 p er k 7ent rtuguese, 185;4 3 per Cent. .. Ditto Account 'Vanish 3 per C0nt..... 44 alirkish 6 per Cent. ...... Bl3 80i Ditto Account ee Bl3 1 D itto New Lo an .. Ditto Account . .. 71 Ditto Guaranteed, 4 per Cont Venezuelan 5 per Cent. . — Ditto 1 per Cent. Dividends on the above payable in London. Ilutch Exchange, 12 ui l. 21 per Cent— D itto Certificate; G 4 per Cent. THREE O'CLOCK. Consols, Money 9 41 5 Ditto Account ZLECTION COMMITTEE'S.—(This Day.) 0 Aylesbury," Huddersfield, and? Gloucester (city) In t commi tt ees resumed thei r s itti ngs t o -d ay. ll he Aylesbury committee it has been decided that the a e ma ged bribery and corruption against Messrs. S m ith and Coatenl had not b een prove d. of the petition refused- Te cros s petition agst Mr. Wentworth has still to be one into. iv .tl Paris moue i s --------- aty • a b un d an t 3 per cent., 1 1 ,44,01 1gh the rate of the Bank of France is 4 per cent. At tarnburg the charge is as low as this cent., and at Am aiterdata, Brussels, and Frankfort 3 per cent. • P ARIS REAPING MACHINES. —The competition lor the prize proelsimed for the best reaping machine came off at Fouilleuse. The Emperor was present, and exhibited the greatest interest in the proceedings. A wide extent of harvest land had been divided in patches of wheat, rye, and barley, all nearly in equal proportions. The machines were catalogued under two distinct heads—the foreign machines and those of French manufacture. The prizes for each division were the same-I,OOOE and a gold medal first prize, 5 001. and a silver wedal the second ; 300 f. and a bronze medal the third. Moreover, a great gold medal had been voted as honorary prize to the machine considered the test of the whole, whether French or foreign. This prize, as well as the first in the foreign division, fell to the lot of Messrs. Burgess and Key. Worked by two horses, its action surprised the assembly. The har vest fell before it a precision and regularity never attained by human hatted, while the quickness with which the work was exe cuted proved an incontestible superiority over manual labour. Moreover, this machine proved itself the only one in the field capable of being worked with the assistance of only one man, and by measurement it was known that the Burgess and Key reaper could clear a hectare of grai n i n a hour and a half. 18:59 100 102 186.5 96 97 SHARE US DAY.) ORDINARY SHARES AND STOCKS. Share Railways. Aral Notting. Bost, and Eastern .Im3Lition Belfast and Baligmena Bir., Wol., and Str. Val Birk., Lanc., and Chesh Junction Blackburn Blyth and Tyne Bristol and Exeter Caledonian Chester and Holyhead Cork and Bandon Cork, Blkrock,&Passage Cornwall Do. A A roves. no div. Do. B until6p.c.per an. ' hasbeen pd.toß. Dublin andßelf ast Juno. Dun.,Perth,&Abr.Junc East Anglian Eastern Counties Eastern Union A Stock Do. do. B Stock Do.Nw.A.(lte.E.U3ds) East Kent East Lancashire East Suffolk .0 _ Do_ _ 12.10 Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stook 10 Stock Stock 10 Stock Stock Stock Lktock St(..ck Stoci, Edinburg and Glasgow Edin.,Perth, & Dundee Forth & Clyde Junction Furness Glasgow & South Westn Great North of Scotland Great Northern Do. do. A Stock Do. do. B Stock IGt. South.& Wstn.(lreld) Great Western k Do,Str.Vl.Rail Gua.St rr,liih South Eastern Lancaster and Carlisle Do. Thii - de D o. N ew Thirds Lancashire & Yorkshire Do. do. F £l6 Do. do. 29 shares Do. West Riding Union Do. Southport London and Blackwail Do.Newiss.at £slosp.sh Lon.,Brighton kS . Coast London & North Westn Eighths IX 4 [40 ,,0n& South-Westn. E.' &IT) & Coleraine vderry 6 - Enniskillen. Man., s he f . , & Lincoln., Metropolitan Midland srbv Do. Birming. & L. Mid. Gt. West. (Irela- `", Do. 4 Shares Newtastle and Carlisle New., Aber., & Herefd Newry & Armagh (def ) Newry, Warpt., & Ros : Norfolk North. Counties Union North British Nor.Dev.Rall.&Dk. Stk Do.A Stk.— Arec.no div until 6p.c.hasbeenpdß Do. B Stock North-Eastn.—Berwick Do. do. G.N.E.Furchase Do. Leeds Do. York • North London N. &S.Westn., Hampstd arid City . Junction North Staffordshire North-Western No. & Sou. W. Junction Oxford, Wor.,& Wolver Peebles Portsmouth Rhymney Scottish Central South. N.E., Aber. Stock Do. Scottish Mid. Stock Shropshire Union Sittingbourne & Sheer South Devon South-Eastern South Wales SoLithYorks.&Riv.Dun Do. do Staines, Wok., & Wek Stockton a Darlington Do. do. 18:;5 Do. do. 1858.: Stockton & ilart;;Toolt 161 1613 4 Stock Stook Sto. ^k Stock Stock stock Stock Stock Mock! Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock 25 Stock 'Stock Stock Stock) Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stook , Stocki Stock Stock' 25 Stock Stock Taff Vale • • Do. Preference, No. 1 .. ThamesHaYenDk&Rail Vale of Neath Waterford & Kilkenny Waterford & Limerick West Cornwall W-end Lon. & Cry. Pal Do.A.—Arecy.nodly.till 7 p.c. has been pd. to B Do. B West London Do. let Class Do. 2d Class , iPaid, 1 Closing I Business Price. all 100 4 100 100 100 100 100 1613 4 100 100 :00 £3 la, 17/1 all all 100 all 5 1 6i 7 1 8 1 71 73 111 121 97 99 83 831 41 6! 8 9 1154 58 594 40 43 28 30 15 5111 9i 9 131} NI 60 1 Si 110 94$ 51 41 3511 i' 1041 6 41 80 03i d 14 I 731 74 13 15 93 95 73 74 26 26! 92 93 14 104 101 102 82 64 130 132 105 107 59 60 55 60 85 90 11 12 p 11 12 p 941 NI I I d 65 67 109 111 91 95 1 1d 94 95& 5 7 35 86 - 104 104} 79 81 9 11 60 62 3 3 / 4 3d 57 3 / 4 58 93 931 11 L d 47 471 75 761. 101 10; , g : 41 d 131 - 6 3 31 32 I 8 5 110 112 25 26 80 82 45 47 4 3 di 42 44 73 734 62 64 60 65 8 ii 36 574 14 100 100 100 100 all all ail 6S 72 - a .64 all 3 31 all 71 71 all all all PREFERENCE SHARES, Railways. Blythe and Tyne 1( per c. pref. (issued at £5O) Brie. & Exet.4p.ct. Stock Do. do. do. Shares Caledon £lO, 45 per cent Do. Quar. Shares, No. 2. Chester & Holyhd, 54 pc Do. do. 5 p. et. Cork & Bandon, 55 p. c. Dun. Perth, & Aber.Jun. E.Angn. Class A 7 & spc Do. do. Class B 6 pc Do. do. Class C 7 pc E. Coun. Ex. 5 pct. No.l Do. do N 0.2 Do. New 6 per ct. Stock Eastern Union, 4 per ct. East Lane. 6 per ct E.& TV. York. Jen. fifths Edin.&Olas. 5 pc shares Edin.Perll3,& Dun. 4 pc. Furness, 5 p,nr cent G 1 as. &S West. 9; a. spc Great Northern, 5 p. ct Do. S Redm.,lop.c.pm pc Do. 45 p. c. do. do. Do.sp.c. Redm.,s pc. pm Gt. Nh. of Scotld, Ist pf Gt. Sn. & W (Ireland) 4 Gl p. W e st.(Beock re at rke and Hants) Ext. 5 p.ct. .. • Do. Redeemable, 4i pet. Do. Redeemable, 4 p. ct. Do. Irredeemable, do Do. sp. ot. Redeem. Pref Do. Birm. Pref. Shares Gt. West. Ches. 8 p.e.pf. - shares Do. do. 5 p. ct. pref Do Binning. guar. stock Do. Chester guar. shares 1)0. do. do Do. do. do. Lan. & York 6 p.c. stock Lon.&Brig.spc. gu. No.l Do. pref., c. ...No. 2 Do. New gua., 6 p. ct. Do. do. 5 p. c. No. 4 Lon. & N. W. Cov. &Nun eaton, 5 p. ct. Lon.&S. W, 7p• stock, late 3d shares L on dondy & Cole, .. shs Londoudy.& Ennis sh Man.,Sh., & Lin., 6 p. ct Do. ....... . Do. 31 per cent ... . Maryport & Car., 4 p.c Do. 4 per cent Do. Mid. Con. 6 p. c. Stock Do.Con.Bris.&Bir. 6 p.Ct no. p. e. pref. stock D. with option till 1860 Do. Leic. & Hit.pref. st. Newport,Aberolto.pret. s p. c. redeem, at 5 p.c.n m Do. Perpet, 6 p. c. with option till 1866 Norfolk Deb. 4 p.c. sh ares Do. 5 p. c. Ext. Stock,lB46 Do. 5i p. c. Pref. do. 1847 Do. Way.Val.E X. Sk 1847 North British, 5 per cent IDo. New, Rua. 5 per cent Nth.Dev.E3il.& Dek.Co. N-East. irrecl. 4 p.c. Deb. Do.Berwick, 4 p. c. Pref. Do. do. do. Do. Leeds, 6 p. c. No. 1 Do. do. Quarters, 1846. Do. York, IT. & S. Purch North Staffordshire . Ox. Wr. & Wol. 6 pc. ls . t . g Do. do. do., 2d gua. Do. 4i p.c. Db. stk.in perp Scottish Central, new Pt 'Scottish N.-Eastern deb Do. 31 per eTprei. stock Do.Aberdeen.gua.6pc. Do. 7 p, c. pref. stock. South Devon, Ann. 10s, Do. Fixed fi percent. South Eastern (J5/fading Ann., 1.0 6 ) Do .4l•per cent Do. Fixed 44 p.c. lst is Do. New do., 2d issue South Wales, gua. 4 p.c Do. 4,1 per cent S.-Yorkshire, 4 p.c. gua Stockton and Dar. 5 p.e Do. 6 per cent Waterford & Kilkenny, 6 per cent. - all 1100 6 100 100 100 100 all 100 106 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 8.13.4. Paid.] Closing Business Price. Done. 124 103 4 49 M 97 99 1103 105 52 61 99 101 112 117 107 111 114 116 113 11.5 129 131 78 82 112 114 120 122 111 113 105 107 85 87 11 111 94 96 86 28 87 89 100 102 9 10 164 174 10 104 74 76 184 19 9i 9 14 14 139 141 1158 162 8 9 120 123 iP 66 68 142 144 105 107 I a 96 91 10 114 ni - - 110 112 98 100 li 113, P iP 22i 23i 124 126 123 125 99 101 72 74 120 124 118 122 10i 11 23! 241 103 105 103 105 29 30 84 36 47 53 LINES LEASED AT FIXED RENTALS. Railways. p aid ' I Leasing 1 Co.'s. Bedford and Bletchley! Buckinghamshire Clydesdale Junction Colchester, Stour VaL E.Lineolnshire,g.qp.c. E Union ,Ilarwich s. Do. - Woodbridge Glq.Barr.SzNeile,Dret Do. New Glos ter& Dean Forest Hartipool.Dek.&RaiL Hull awl Selby Do. Shares Do. Shares London &G reenwich Do. Preference Lon.,Tilby.&Soutend Do. Barking Shares Lowestoft, gua. 4p. et Do. 6 per cent Manc.,Buxtn. & Matk Midsb. & Redcr, g.6p.c g Stk ,BuryEx Northn.,4l; Esistn- 5 P•o• NcN gu vm ar a a r n kt te . ed 5 p, Do. do. 636: cent 5 pes cent Do. Fixed Preston And Wria, Do. Shareg • ••••A-- Roystn,Hitch.,& Shep Shf.Roth.&Gol.g.l.6p.c. Shrowsbry& Hereford South Staffordshire Wear Valley, g. 6 p. c Do. do. Wilts and Somerset Wimbledon& Croydn Do. . Do. . ILn & N.W Ln& N.W ,Caledonin IE.U.&E C Gt. North. lE.Counts. ICaledonin Do. Gt. West. Yk.N,4EBr Yk.N.Mtl, Do. Do. S. East Do. Peto &Co Do. Norfolk Do. LW W&M Stk.& Da , Midland . E. Counts. Do. L.fkN WI L.Yk. Do. Gt.North.' Lan.&Yk T Brassoy 1 31`cleall . tk.lk Dart Do. • at . . West ,L,4134{42 Closing Business Price. Done. I 98 100 102 104 17 18 139 141 12,0 112 - ..., 84 88 115 120 1 VZ pi 24 21 .98 100 57 59 DOCKS. 99 Si Pm [l3B 140 9 10 10A 11 80 91 8 9 Paid Closing Bnaineu iii P"'" Price. I Done. 100 102 Sharel Docks. Stock Commercial Stock Do 4 per Cent Fret .I,lin Stock East and West India ; Stock London Stock St. Katharine Stock Southampton lOO Stock Victoria .............. 100 20 Do New ....... 18 100 100 100 100 100 13.14 Stogie TEE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 29, 18b9, Share! Mines, I Pe d . Closing I Badness Price. Done. Alfred Consols (Philack)l 2.11.10 I 5 6 I 20 Briti.h Iron Condurrow (Camborne) 2O ' 10 Devon G. Cons. (Tavist.) 1 445 455 East Bassett (Illogan). 30 175 180 Great South Tolgus l7s 13 14 G.WhealAlfd.(Phillack) 11.18.8 14 14 G. Wheal Vor (Helston) 94 1 5 Lady Bertha lBs 6d 14 1 North Frances (Illogan) 85 6 7 North Wheal Crofty 7.9.4 7 8 N.Wh'l Basset (Mogan) nil. 74 84 Par Consols (St. Blaxy) 14 12 13 Porkellis Unit. (Wend.) 9 Sortridge Cons. Min. Co. 6s 4 SouthCaradon(St.Cleer) 25 24 5 255 South C. Brea( Illogan). 2 25 24 S :Wheal Fran. (Illogan) 18.18.9 165 175 5 Tamar Silver and Lead Mining Co 45 25 24 10 Tin Croft 9 44 45 UnitedMines(Gwennap) 40 Vale of Towey (Caren. ; 12s 6d I 4 West Basset (Illogan). 14 21 22 W. Caradon (Liskeard): 10 137 1414 Wheal Basset (Mogan). 55 175 185 Wheal Buller (Redruth) 5 95 105 .-- Wheal Edward (Cals.) 55 . 2 25 Wheal Kitty (U. Lela 1.7.2 9 10 Wh'lMaryAnn (Meithe 8 37 39 WWI Trelawney (Lisk. 45 28 30 FOREIGN MINES 20 Australian 1 Bon AccordCopper,Lim lOB par 4 p 85 Brazil. Imp. (is. at 25 p.) 27 4 1 20 Do.St.Johndelßey,Lini. 15 8 11 5 Do. L and and Mimngco. all 1 Clarendon Consols Min ing CO. of Jamaica 40 Cobra Copper all 43 45 Cepiapo l6 9 11 1 DunMoun.Cop.Ming.Co all 4 2 Fortuna 20 General all 23 25 3 Linares all 105 114 5 Lusitanian 1 Mariquita all - f f 1 New Granada all 1 N.RhineCop.of S.Aus.L 10 4 i p 20 Pontgibaud Silver, Lead Mining and Smelt all 3 4 5 Port Philip 1 4 I 30 Santiago de Cuba 164 - 28.2.85 United Mexican • JOINT-STOCK BANKS. Share Joint-Stock Banks. 'Paid. Closin Business Price. g I 1?one. 100 Agra&UnitedServioeßkl 50 70 72 40 Australasia all 83 85 844 4. 25 Bank of Egypt all 21 23 100 Pank of London 5O 48 50 40 Brit. Col. Bk. & LoanCo • all -- 50 British North American, all 20 Chtd. Bank of India, &c 12 14 1 d 100 City 5O 64 66 63 100 Colonial 25 20.11 Com. Bank of Canada all 100 Commercial of London 2O 18 2( 20 Eng , Scot., & Aus. Ch all 154 16 , 20 Gen. Bk. of Switzerland all 20 Lon.Char.Bk.ofAustral. all 205 204 205 60 London and County N London Joint Stook 100 London & Westminster 2O 100 Nat, Prov. of England. 35 20 Do. new lO 50 National Bank 25 20 Now South Wales 25 Orient .Bk, Corporation all -- 20 Ottoman Bank all 174 184 Provincial of Ireland 10 Do. New all 25 South Australia 25 Do. New 175 25 Union of Australia all 47 49 485 8 25 Do. New 2O 5d 'Dion of London lO 244 255 25 100 Unity Mutual 6O . 100 Western Ilk of London 50 d LAW INTELLIGENCE.-(THIS DAY.) HOUSE OF LORDS. GREVILLE V. EROWNE.-FURTHER REARING. The Attorney-General, Sir Richard Bethell, Q.C., re sumed and concluded his arguments for the appellant. Another counsel followed on the same side. The late Mr. BroWne by his will declared the legacies to his wife and daughters of Ll,OOO each, payable out of his real and personal estate, and he gave the rest and residue of his estates to his son, with power of sale, &c. The son mortgaged the estate, and the question raised was whether the legacies were a preferable debt on his real and personal estates. The Commissioner, Lords Justices, and Lord Chancellor of ii-pland held that the respective legacies were a preferable debt on t lie testator's real and personal estates. Their lorcig.hips, without calling on the respondent for a reply, affirmed the decision of the Lord Chancellor of Ire land, and dismissed the appeal with costs. APPEAL.-ADIE AND MILLER V. LENNAN, EX PARTE. This was an appeal from a decision of the Court of of Session, in Scotland, holding the appellants liable in damages for an accident in a coal pit. The respondent did not appear. _ _ Mr. Anderson, Q.C., stated the case of the appellant. The Lord Chancellor said that the law was well settled that masters were not liable for accidents caused by the negligence of their servants. The other noble and learned peers present concurred. The Lord Chancellor reversed the decision of the Court of Session, and assoilzied the defendants (the appellants) from the conclusions of the action of damages. Costs were not asked by appellants' counsel. POLICE INTELLIGENCE.-(71IIS DAY.) MARLBOROUGH-STREET. OUTRAGEOUS ASSAULT ON A FEMALE.—Timothy Craw ley was charged with the following assault on a married female named Deem. The complainant said she was going home that morn ing with her basket of flowers, she selling them for a living, when the prisoner came behind her, tapped her on the shoulder, and handed her a shilling. She asked him if he wanted any flowers, and he said he wanted something else ; and on her telling him to leave her or she would call a constable; he struck her two violent blows—one on the mouth and the other on the nese, covering her face with blood. He then kicked her violently in the side, and said, seeing she was in the family-way, " that he would have the child out of her." The complainant here held up her apron, which was completely saturated with blood. A constable named Wm. Parr said the prisoner was given into his custody by the complainant for assaulting her. He found her face covered with blood, and she complained very much of a kick the prisoner had given her in the side. Several persons were standing round at the time, who said they had witnessed the assault, and that it was a very brutal one. Prisoner said the woman called him bad names because he spoke to her. Mr. Eeadon—And notwithstanding that you see she is in the family way you treat her 'in such a manner. I shal fine you £5 or two months for this very brutal assault. THIS DAYS MARKETS. CORN EXCHANGE. . . The supply of English wheat on sale in to-day's market, coastwise and by land carriage, was very moderate. Per good and fine samples there was a fair demand, at full prices ; but inferior qualities moved off slowly at late rates. The imports of foreign wheat continue on a liberal scale. For most descriptions we experienced a slow inquiry; never theless, late currencies were well supported. Floating cargoes of grain were steady in price, but the transactions were by no means numerous. The few samples of barley in the market changed hands slowly, at late quotations. Malt was very dull, and inferior parcels rather cheaper. Owing to a large influx from abroad, oats were dull, and 6d per qr. cheaper. Beans, peas, and flour:realised very full prices, with a fair demand. ARRIVALS THIS WEEK. Wheat. Barley Malt. Oats. Flour. English 2,310 ( 60 2,520 1,840 930 Irish Foreign 18,8 40 f l 41 2,170 ,680 660 size bls NEWGATE AND LEADENHALL. The supplies of each kind of meat continue on a very moderate scale. Prime beef, mutton, and lamb are in im proved request, at full prices. Otherwise, the trade rules heavy. Per Blbs. by the Carcass. z. d. e. d. i _ Inferior Beef 2 10 to 3 0 Mid. d 0..... 3 2to 3 6 Pm.largedo. 3 .8 to 3 10 Do. small do. 4 oto 4 2 Large pork.. 0 oto 0 0 ; Lamb, 4s 6( s. d. Infr. Mutton. 3 2to Mid. do 3 Bto 4 2to Prime d 0...... . Veal 3 Bto .... Small pork 4 4to Id to 5a 4d. s. d. 3 6 4 0 4 4 4 4 4 10 BOROUGH HOP. Very favourable accoun t s are s till c oming to hand from the plantations; however, the duty has been done as high as £260,000. The bine is now rapidly coming into bur. Our market is heavy, at almost nominal quotations. Mid and East Kent pockets Bos to 140 s per cwt. Weald of Kent do 6ss to 75s ~ Sussex do s6s to 68s ~ COLONIAL. TEA.—The public sales of this article are progressing with activity, and about 15,000 packages, including a con siderable quantity of Assam, have realised slightly higher rates SUGAR.—Little alteration can be recorded in prices. COlonial descriptions have been rather inactive, and the transactions in foreign qualities have been extremely limited. In the refined market the business transacted has been of a limited character, at about former rates. COFFEE.—The market has exhibited little animation. The few dealings recorded, however, have been at about former rates. RICE.—At public sale soft grain kinds sold at a decline of is to is 6d per cwt., but other qualities maintained their previous value. The transactions in the private market have been extremely circumscribed. SALTPETRE.—Rather more inquiry has been experienced for British refined, but the sales reported are unimportant. Wo °L.—The public sales of foreign and colonial are progressing with considerable animation, at the rate estab lished at the oaaning of the sales. TALLOW.—The market has shown rather more firmness, and prices are a shade higher. P.Y.C•, on the spot, is voted 53s 9d, and last three months 55s per cwt. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY). The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. SECOND READINGS. The following bills, on the motion of Lord REDESDALE; were read a second time :—Falkirk Police and Improve ment ; Llanrwst and Abergale Roads; Norwich and Spald ing Railway ; Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton Railway ; Perth, Kinross. and Fife Roads; South Dur ham and Lancashire Union Railway; Cleveland Railway; Colne Valley and Halstead Railway; Lancashire and York shire, and East Lancashire Railway Companies ; Tendring Hundreds. THIRD READINGS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Londonderry and Coleraine Railway; Stokes Bay Railway and Pier ; and Hereford and Brecon Railway. EDUCATION. Lord BROUGHAM complained that the explanation he had made on Tuesday night of what he had said on Mon day had been erroneously reported. He had 'been made to retract his former statement, whereas what he had stated was that he had understated the case of the petitioners. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. Lord T EYNHAM gave notice that on Monday next he should ask whether her Majesty's Government intended to abolish the property qualification for voters in their pro posed reform bill. DICKINSON'S DIVORCE BILL. This bill passed'through committee. DIVORCE COURT BILL. The house then went into committee on this bill. Clauses 1 and 2 were agreed to. The LORD CHANCELLOR moved the insertion of a new clause to the following effect :—That the Judge Ordi nary should have precedence in this court next of the Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer. The clause was agreed to. The Earl of WICKLOW moved an amendment to the next clause, to enable p ersons res idi ng i n I re l and to peti tion the Court. Lord MONTEAGLE objected to the amendment. The feeling,in Ireland was decidedly adverse to the bill. After a few words from Lord Brougham, Lord St. Ger mans, Lord Cranworth, and several other peers, The LORD CHANCELLOR as it aeared to be the feeling of the ho use that the said amendment should be agreed to, he would not oppose it. The clause as amended was agreed to. On clause 3, which gives power to the judge to hear cases in private, The LORD CHANCELLOR proposed to insert the words, "for the sake of public decency." Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY said no doubt it was desirable that a great deal of the evidence given in this court should not be published, but at the same time the closing of the doors of a court of justice was a novel practice, and might be a dangerous one. There was no more reason why the divorce court should be closed than that the assize courts should be closed, many cases in the latter being quite as in decent as those in theformer. He thought they should have the security of publicity in order to prevent injustice being done. The Earl of DONOUGHMORE opposed the olause, and remarked that they never closed the doors of that house, when, before the establishment of this court, they heard such cases. Lord CRANWORTH thought the court ought to have power to shut out the publiCfrom these dreadful disclosures. The Earl of WICKLOW observed that many parties whom the expense did not deter from coming to this court did not come to it for fear of the publicity which would be given to their cases. He thought it well that they should have this feeling, and therefore he opposed the clause. The house divided on the question that the clause be agreed to : Contents Non. contents 9 Majority —l7 Clause 4 was agreed to without remark. On clause 5, Lord CAMPBELL explained that the object of it was to prevent collusion, by submitting the case to the Attorney- General, After a short conversation, in which Lord C ranwor th , Lord Brougham, th e E ar l of Donoughmore, Lord Wens leydale, and Lord Kingsdown participated, the clause was agreed to, and tke bill was reported. DIPLOMATIC PENSIONS BILL. This bill was read a second time. CONSOLIDATED FUND 07,000,000) BILL. This bill was read a.second time. CHIEF SUPERINTENDENT (CHINA) BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY COMMISSION (CONTINUANCE) BILL. This bill was read a second time. CRIMINAL JUSTICE MIDDLESEX (ASSISTANT JUDGE) BILL. This bill was read a second time. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.) PRIVATE BUSINESg: The Lords' amendments to the following bills were con sidered and agreed to :—Brecon and Merthyr Tydfil Junc tion Railway, London, Brighton, and South Coast Rail way, and Tweed Fisheries Bills. The following bills were considered and3read a third time :—Bray Commons, and Ipswich (Borough) Fishery. Leave was given to the select committee on the Thames Conservancy Bill to sit and proceed with their investiga tion to-morrow. THE INDIAN BUDGET. In reply is Mr. BRIGHT, Sir C. WOOD said he would to-morrow (this day) give notice that the house should on Monday next resolve itself into a committee of the whole house for the purpose of en abling them to raise money. He would then make a state ment on the finances of India. FOREIGN AFFAIRS. Lord J. RUSSELL, after having laid on the table some to tinheaksetatthee statement t u e r m f e e n re f i w gn hi e ch ffe l r h e, ave in preference to answering variou s ques ti ons which ar i se f rom day to day, I should wish to h ave pos tp on ed that s t a t ement promisedpapers,sa withkl— reln:irndg to had we not arrived at such an advanced period of the ses sion. I would still have postponed that statement had I expected that before Parliament rose there was a prospect that some definite settlement :would have been agreed to, , either by the other powers cr in concurrence with Great Britain, which I should be able to announce to the house. But in the present state of affairs I think it would not be right to withhold from Parliament a statement on the pre sent state of those affairs ; and, i n b eg inning that, state ment, I am glad to find th a t i n the /f on it eur o f this day there is an announcement that the Emperor of the French is about to reduce his land and sea force to a peace footing. (Hear, hear.) I hope that announcement will be the augury of continued peace. (Hear, hear.) I will not go into any details respecting events with regard to which the house is familiar. The house is well aware that peace was made in a somewhat sudden and unexpected manner. (Hear, hear.) The house likewise is aware that statements were made by the contending parties—by the Emperor of the French on the one hand, to the effect that lie had expected that if the war had continued, its arena would be greatly enlarged, and that he might have to contend on the Rhine as well as on the Adige. The Emperor of Austria, on the other hand, declared that the neutral powers were about to pro pose bases of a mediation, which bases would have been less acceptable to Austria than the terms of peace which he no e a)reent can o s a t h obtained by direct n egot i ation with the Emperor of the Y h — t not be have us e u d i French. Now, though I t hi nk that both these reasons have m a a c u ert i a ) i e n we v r a e l m id i i g t y e t war hat b the ei r e G a enry long time had elapsed; and it was impossible to say that the neutral powers might not agree to some plan of media tion; yet in neither respect were the events thus foreseen and foretold matters 'of .certainty: kith regard to We neutral powers, at all events, that concert had' been agreed upon by, I believe, any of them, certainly not by her Majesty's Government, either with Prussia or Russia, or both. There had been overtures of mediation made on the part of Prussia both to London and St. Petersburg. The despatch of M. von Schleinitz has been published in Ger many, and the papers I have just brought up contain the answer of her Majesty's Government to that proposition. But though these considerations have no doubt weighed with the contending Emperors in favour of peace, yet I be - lieve there is a reason which has not been given in the state papers, but which, nevertheless, had its weight, and I should say considerable weight, both with the Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Austria. I think it was im possible that a sovereign who had never been on the battle field could have failed to have been struck with horror upon being present in a field of battle where more than 40,000—between 40,000 and 50,000 men:most of them in the prime and vigour of life—lay killed and wounded. I believe that sentiment had an effect upon the Emperor Na poleon, and I believe it made an impression on the Empe ror of Austria; and foimy part I think it no disparagement of great sovereigns who have rule over mighty empires, that, while they maintain the policy of sovereigns they have the feelings of men. (Cheers.) The treaty of peace which was made at Villafranca on the 11th of July, con sists of two parts which are very different in their nature. One part is that which made peace between the Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Austria on the consideration of the cession of Lombardy to the Emperor of the French, which was to be imme diately delivered to the King of Sardinia. Now with respect to that matter, I do not think it is for us, who have taken no part in the war, to comment on or criti cise. (Hear.) If the Emperor of the French thought that he had made sacrifice enough of French blood and treasure, and that the further prosecution of the war would lead to an immense waste of life and property, I think he was fully justified and authorised in concluding a treaty of peace. (Hear.) On the other hand, the Emperor of Austria had no doubt a full right, considering the further sacrifice of men and treasure he would have to make, by the cession of a province to purchase peac e . Th at is a matter which was for their own consideration. The cession ofethat province does not make any such disturbance of Europe as to give the powers of Europe a right to interfere with regard to that settlement. But the other part of the treaty is of a very different nature. It proposes an organisation for the future government of Italy. I observe that a noble friend o f wine (Lord Elcho) has given notice of a motion with regard to this country entering int o any conference upon that subject. Now I observe the notice is given in terms which I must say do not at all apply to the proposition that has been made to this house. The p ropos i t i on i s :—" Th a t it wou ld be consistent neither with the h onour nor th e dig nity of this country, which throughout the late negotiations h as preserved a strict and imp ar ti a l neutrality between the contending parties, and which' yours to prevent an outbreak o f h ostilities, to take part in any conference for settling th e d etails of a peace, the of which have b een arranged between preliminaries the Emperors of France and Austria." This is a pro which• everyone will a gree. It is now mere ly position m a queStion of arranging the details of a peace on which these two sovereigns had agreed. There is not a doubt it would not become the dignity of this country to enter into the settlement of these details. But when it becomes a question with regard to the future of Italy—when the whole fortune:of Italy for years to some will depend on may be done either by the sovereigns of Franc') and Austria alone or by the states of Europe sitting in congress, the question is one of a very different complexion. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of Clarendon, in 1856, when attending the conference of Paris to deliberate on the ques tion of peace between Great Britain and France on the one side and Russia on the other, thought it his duty, in con junction with the Ambassador Plenipotentiary of France,to bring the subject of Italy before the consideration of the conference. He did so on the ground that the state of Italy was important to Europe, and be declared that so long as the existing state of affairs continued, and Rome was occu pied by foreign troops, they could expect nothing but revo lution. He said it behoved the wisdom of the Powers of Europe to consider whatremedies they could provide. That was a statement on the part of her Majesty's Government which I have never heard impugned in this house, that the state of Italy was a matter for their consideration, and that the peace of Europe might depend on are solution. On a question which affected the peace of Europe, the opinion of England ought not to be left in doubt. I will now, sir, state what is the proposal which has been made to us on the part of the Government of the Emperor of France ; it is not, as my noble friend the member for Haddington sup poses, thattho Government of Great Britain should enter into a congress 'or conference for the purpose of consi dering the details of the treaty of Villafranca ; it is of a very different nature. Ido not think I can give the house a better conception of the nature of the proposal than by reading an extract from Count Walewski's despatch to Count Persigny, of which he left me a copy. I cannot produce the preliminaries of peace - which he has also left with me ; they are signed only by the Emperor of Austria, and are altogether informal documents, and will require to be turned into a treaty to be hereafter signed. The articles of the treaty are nearly word for word the same as those which appeared in the newspapers, and therefore it is less necessary I should produce them ; but if there is any wish on the part of the house that I should produce the entire despatch from Count Walewski, I have no objection to do so. He says :—" A French and Austrian plenipotentiary are about to meet immediately at Zurich to convert into a treaty of peace the bases decided upon between their Majes ties. You are mien by my former correspondence that the GoVernment has always desired to see the great Powers concur for the definitive settleme at of the affairs of Italy. His Majesty's intentions have not altered in this respect, and we hope that the powers will be able to meet, either in a congress or a conference, to confer on all the questions raised by the actual state of things in Italy, and which are connected with general interests." I will repeat the last words to show what it is we are asked to do. "To confer on all the questions raised by the actual state of things in Italy, and which are connected with general interests." The house will observe the terms are perfectly general, there is no reference to any treaty of peace. He adds—" I need not add that the very nature of the new relations to be created in Italy will imply a preliminary understanding between the different states of the Peninsula, who will ne cessarily be called upon to assemble in order to deliberate upon the bases of the Confederation, whose establishment the two sovereigns have mutually agreed to further." Now, sir, with regard to the course which her Majesty's Govern ment have thought it their duty to pursue, we have not thought it necessary at present to give any precise answer to the despatch. We have thanked the Emperor of the French for the communication, but we have intimated, not in writing, but through her Maiesty's ambassador at Paris, that there are one or two other things necessary to be under stood before a conference is agreed on. One is that we should see the treaty of Zurich, which is also to be agreed on. We are told it is still a matter of doubt whether the treaty of Zurich is to confirm, under the signatures of the .plenipotentiaries, the articles agreed on by the sovereigns, and deal with the details of the general principles they had agreed on. The treaty, however, may contain less than the preliminaries ; it may merely confirm the peace between the Emperors and the King of Sardinia, and not enter into any of the other articles, except the cession of Lombardy. It will depend, of course, on which of these courses is taken, and which - a ill not be known until we see the treaty of Zurich, whether her Majesty's Government will find them selves in a position to advise her to accept the invitation. (Hear, hear.) There is another point to be considered I hold it would be utterly useless to go into any conference unless the Emperor of Austria was a party to it ; it is un derstood he objected, at the time he signed the ;treaty of Villafranca, to any conference or congrese whatever. As to a conference of the, great Powers, from which the repre • sentatives of Austria would be absent, and probably the plenipotentiaries of Russia also, it would be totally useless to call that an assembly of the great Powers, or to attempt to settle the affairs of Italy. On these two questions, sir, depends a third. What will be the points which the con ference or congress would have to consider ? The treaty of Villafranca, I think, with regard to these questions has left the state of Italy quite unsettled. While these are matters of doubt, no advice given by the conference would be of any use, and in order to settle them there must be a community of views between the powers ; it would be just as good not to enter into it at all as to enter it with a view to breaking off on a divergence of view which should arise at an early period. There are three matters of very great importance touched on in the treaty, and in my opinion in any treaty intended to settle the affairs of Italy these should form the foundation of its conception and execution. It is impos sible to say that the treaty itself contains any settlement of those matters which in 1856 raised the anxiety of her Ma jesty's plenipotentiary at Paris, which in 1857 and 1858 have been matter of deliberation among the powers of Europe, and which were the cause of the very short and very bloody war which has just been terminated. 1:119 first question is raised in consequence of the strong opinion of the Emperor of the French in favour of the project of a confederation. The articles of the treaty do not say in terms that a confederation shall be formed, it only states that the two sovereigns will favour or will further the crea tion of a confederation. Now, sir, I believe the conception is a wise one ; it has this foundation—the evil of Italy has been that for centuries she has been a prey to the contend ing armies of foreign Powers, and if she could have an organisation of her own, if the several states of Italy could be united by a bond of union, bound by a federal bond, which is one of a defensive character, such a federation would be strong enough to withstand aggression, and there would be no danger of, and no necessity for, the in tervention of foreign powers. I believe, then, it was a wise conception, but I must, at the same time say, I doubt very much whether the time has come when such a confedera tion can be carried into effect. Let us see what members are to constitute it ; it is proposed to make the Pope the president of it ; the Emperor of Austria is to be a member likewise, the two archdukes, and also the Ki ng o f N a pl es and the King of Sardinia. Now, sir, I own Ido not con ceal my belief that a confederation so formed is hardly for the benefit of Italy ; it is the nature of a confederation that those who constitute it should consider in concert all gene ral subjects. (Hear.) Sardinia, as we all know, and as we have observed with satisfaction, has for some years enjoyed free institutions, and the prosperity that belongs to them. How could it be expected that the Pope, as chief of such a body, and the Emperor of Austria, or one of the archdukes, as a member, could follow such a course or favour such views as would be put forward by the King of Sardinia or his minister? Take, for instance, the question of liberty of worship. a question much favoured in this country; we have viewed with applause the establishment of freedom of public worship at firin and in all the territories of the King of Sardinia—(hear)—in all his states there is now freedom of worship ; in Tuscany there is what is called li berty of conscience; an Italian who leaves the Catholic Church and becomes a Brotestant:will not be allowed to assemble for public worship ; when the confederation come to meet and to lay down rules on this matter, how will it be possible to reconcile the opposite views which the Pope and the Emperor of Austria approve of with the liberty which the Piedmontese enjoy ? It appears to me that, although a confederation would be a good system if established in Italy, yet the proposition made by the peace of Villafranca will hardly fulfil the condition on which we could form a defensive united federal union. Then, sir, there arises another question with regard to the mode in which this treaty is to be carried into effect ; with regard to that it would be necessory to have a full and complete understanding, before her Majesty's Government would be in a position to assent to any reference to a confer ence of the great Powers. We all now that by an article of the treaty, very short and someshat ambiguous, it is de clared that the Grand Duke of Tuscany and the Duke of Modena are to be restored to their states. There is great anxiety to know in what way they are to return. (Hear, hear.) The Grand Duke of Tuscany is in this position, not very dissimilar from one once occupied by a Sovereign in this country : he reigned by virtue of a constitutoin ; he violated and suppressed that constitution; his people made repre• sentations, and called on, him to abdicate ; he did not, but withdrew from the country. He is in the position of a Sovereign who has violated a fundamental law, and with drawn from the territory over which he presided. That is a position very unfavourable to his return ; but it may be that the people of Tuscany, who enjoyed many years of happiness under the mild rule of the Archduke Leopold, may desire to recall the son of the Grand Duke who has abdicated. In quiry has been made with regard to this ; and I may tell the house that, although I have no official assurance, in fact, I feel convinced, and have very good reason to believe that the Emperor of the French has no intention to employ French troops for the restoration by, force of the Grand Duke. (Hear.) I believe likewise from all I can learn, that the Emperor of Austria has no intention—at least, he has not avowed any—of using his troops for the purpose of re storing the two Grand Dukes. I think I may presume that if he did intend, the Emperor of the French would not con sent. This being the case, shows at once, great difficulty in carrying the eaty into effect; it is very doubtful what the result will be. The people of Tuscany are now about to choose representatives according to the constitution which the Grand Duke had abrogated. They will consider for themselves whether they will, as we did in this country once, recall their Sovereign ; if so, her Majesty's Government would not oppose it; but if the representatives of the people of Tuscany, meeting to declare the wishes of the people, declare that under a certain Government, and under that alone, they can live happily, it would be impossible for any representative of her Majesty to go against that declaration. (Hear, hear.) Sir, with regard to the Duke of Modena there is a great dif ference of opinion. Some say he would be received with acclamation by his people; others, that he can never be restored except by force. These are all points on which we must have the clearest understanding before we can go into a conference. There is yet another question the most diffi cult of all in Italy—l mean the temporal government of the Pope. With regard to his supremacy, the declaration of the Emperor of the French and of the King of Sardinia has produced a change in Bologna and the neighbouring pro vinces. For the last ten years they have been kept in obe dience to the Pope by an Austrian garrison, which has kept order in the town and district. Lord Lyndhurst lately stated the number of persons that had been put to death by the Austrians under martial law, I ;la doubt the greater portion of these had committed robbery or other serious crimes ; but no people like to have their criminal justice ad ministered by foreign troops—their own law set aside, and martial law to be applied instead. The consequence was that as soon as the Austrian troops left Bologna, the Cardinal Legate immediately followed them. He went away quite quietly in his coach, no one molested him, but he found he must leave as soon as the Austrians went. The case puts me in mind of a story I have heard of a previous Cardinal Le gate of Bologna. Every one knows they often are the authors of very relined and witty sayings with regard to po litical affairs, of which, however, they are bad legislators and administrators. The Cardinal Legate was asked how the city of Bologna was going on. He said, " Very wel, indeed, Ivery quietly ; b u t as t o p ersons a tt ac k e d to the government of his Holiness, there is nobody but the Vice-Legate and myself, and of the Vice-Legate I am not very sure." (A laugh.) The government of Bologna had since been carried on by the citizens, and when Massimo d'Azeglio, a man re vered and beloved by all Italy, arrived with a commission for the King of Sardinia, it was calculated 70,000 persons attended his reception, and he was received with rapturous applause. How is the government of the Pope to be made palateable to the people of the Legations ? The Emperors of France and Austria say they will recommend the Pope to make indispensable reforms; but the Pope may say, as he has said, " I may be driven from my throne to the most humble village ; even there I will maintain my authority ; but while I am on the throne I must govern according to the dictates of my own conscience." It will be difficult to deal with this. I am told the Pope is not averse to the con federation, that he has even accepted the presidency ; but 'what will then be his position ? He has always said he ought not to mingle in affairs of war, and it is not his part to be it the head of a confederacy which must be formed with a view to kindle warlike operations. These, sir, are some of the difficulties which attend this question. The King of Naples, I am happy to learn, although he has not done all that the friends of popular institutions would de sire, has made a beginning of putting an end to the system which prevailed under the late King. It is said that amongst the institutions of the late King —worse even than the dun geons in which his victims were placed--was a sort of law, which resembled rather the custom of denouncing suspected persons under the . Reign of Terror in France. Under this law it was said there were in Naples 30,000 persons under the constant surveillance of adespotic tyrannical police, and in the provinces so many as brought the whole number to about 'lOO,OOO. These persons were unable to practise any learned profession, unable to leave their towns or dwellings, constantlydodgedby the police, who by the arbitrarypowers vested in them, became more powerful even than the sove reign, more powerful than the landed aristocracy, more pow erful than the Ministers of the Crown. The present King of Naples had made a beginning of putting an end to this. I believe he is sincere in his desire ; but as yet the police have been in a great degree able to thwart his wishes, and in many places have not carried out his desire. He has now however, chosen a minister, the Prince of Satriano, better known to us as General Filangieri, a man of decided views and firm conduct, and I believe that under his advice the state of Naples will be greatly ameliorated. Well, sir, things have now come to this position, that there is a treaty about to be made at Zurich, and a confidential agent of the French Government has been sent to Vienna to settle with the Emperor of Austria what the conditions shall be. As far as I can learn the Emperor of the French is most anxious that the treaty should enable the Italians generally to have the privilege of self-government. Now, sir, whether that be probable under one sovereign or not, or whether the re forms would be more secure if there were two or three powerful states, I am convinced, and her Majesty's Govern ment are convinced, that an independent Italy composed of independent states in Italy would tend to the welfare of Europe, would avert many dangers which have arisen from the contests of foreign powers for its fair land and fertile 1 provinces, and would give security for the future of Europe. I cannot say it is impossible that there may be a conference or congress; but this I will say, that it would not be wise of her Majesty's Government, and would be still less wise for this house to come to any absolute decision on the subject. (Hear.) It would never do for the Ministers of the crown of Great Britain, who have taken a part in every great con ference in Europe since 1815, who took a great part under Mr. Canning in the formation of the kingdom of France— who took a part under my noble friend the Secretary for . Foreign Affairs in the formation of the kingdom of Belgium and its separation from Holland—l say it would never be come us now suddenly, and without any reason, to with draw from any such meeting, any such assembly of the different powers of Europe, if there is any chance that the situation of Italy may be improved, peace confirmed, and the independence of States seemed. (Hear.) At the same time, all the conditions I have menticned must be well considered before any such assent is given. I must say no thing could be worse than to act in the way my noble friend the member for Haddingtonshire (Lord Elcho) supposed a Government could—to sit in a conference to settle the de tails of a treaty which had been agreed on by the other sovereign. No such thing has been contemplated. No such proposal was ever made by the Emperor of the French. He• also said, and said truly, that Italy has been a source of constant danger, and the seat of periodical revolution, and that the danger could not be averted, and revolution stayed, unless the powers of Europe in general then consented to a settlement, to which the people of Italy could give their consent, and which would command the approval of rea sonable and just men ire all parts of Europe. Such being the views of the French, and such being the difficulties on our part, before we can take part in any such conference I will only say that, although th e r i g ht h en , gent l emen op posite that the regeneration of Italy as an illusion, and deem it worthy of a sneer, I must say that if a country so beautiful and so fertile, so endowed by nature, in which have arisen so many men o f gen i us o f every lend—that country which has been the subject of the same melancholy chaunt, from the days of Petrarch in the 14th century, to those of Leopardi in the 19th—if that country can be placed in a position which shall give her some scope for her talents and her energies, and shall enable her to take the place she i ought in Europe as one of the European family, I for one, and I apprehend the whole of her Majesty's Government, will rejoice to see it. (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI—There was one portion of the noble lord's address which appeared to me to be somewhat more obscure than the house will be disposed to deem desirable. I allude to that portion of the noble lord's speech in which he spoke of terms supposed to be offered to the Emperor of Austria by his allies, and by him regarded as of a severer nature than these which were extended to him by his op ponent. Now it would, I think, be desirable that the noble lord, having touched upon that subject, should have given the house, with respect to it, more information than I for one have been able to gather from his observations. The position of affairs is so critical ; so much depends upon the conduct of the Government of this country at the pre sent moment, and the influence of Parliament owing to the period of the year when our attention has been drawn to these important matters is necessarily so limited, that I shall offer no apology to the house for follow ing 'the noble lord through some of his remarks. In dcing so I shall I think be simply discharging my duty to the country and my constituents, for it is but right that the public should be made aware of the sentiments and opinions of the house on this great question. The noble lord stated to the house, though in terms of a somewhat ambiguous nature, that a declaration had been made by the Emperor of Austria to the effect that he had consented to conclude the present peace, which all sides appear to think unsatisfactory, because it was shown to him that he must expect to receive severer terms if he were to have recourse to the mediation of his natural friends and allies. Now, I can. not help pressing . the Government for information on that point somewhat more clear and satisfactory than any which we have as yet received, and I trust they will not grudge the communication of such information to the house. Were there not, let me ask, certain projects of settlement laid before the Emperor of Austria which he found more severe than those which he has accepted ? Nobody can suppose that this matter is a pure invention of so great a personage as the Emperor of Austria. It would, therefore, be ex tremely satisfactory if the noble lord could assure the house that no projects of settlement emanating from the neutral Powers had by their agency, or the agency of her Majesty's Government, been brought under the notice of that Sove reign. The declaration of the Emperor of Austria, how ever, is precise. A very important neutral Power, Prussia, has come forward and stated that she knows nothing of such a scheme having been submittiad to her notice. Ido not collect from the noble lord that her Majesty's Govern ment were equally ignorant of that circumstance. I want to know whether they were in possession of such s scheme. I want to know whether, through the agency of her Majesty's Government, that scheme was placed before the Emperor of Austria. (Hear, hear.) I think that when Ministers come forward upon a critical occasion like this, and wish to influence not merely the opinion but the conduct of this house, we have aright to require from the Government liberal communications as respects their conduct. (Hear.) It has reached me—it may be perfectly unfounded, but it would be a source of satisfaction to this house and the coun try if they were assured that it is unfounded—it has reached me that the scheme for the settlement of hostilities which the Emperor of Austria, comparing it with the terms offered by his enemy, found so repugnant to his feelings and inte rests was brought to his cognizance through the influence and agency of her Majesty's Government. That, surely, is a communication which ought not to be concealed from this house, or treated, if true, in the ambiguous manner in which the noble lord has slightly touched upon it this even ing. It may be said that this plan for the settlement of Italy, which reached the noble lord as the responsible Minister of the Crown, and which he in his discretion took measures to place before the Emperor of Austria, was pre sented without offering any opinion of his own, and that her Majesty's Government were not, therefore, bound by it. But if this be so, I think hon. gentlemen wil agree with me that the very fact that her Majesty's Government were the organs of communication by which propositions of this na ture were laid before the Emperor of Austria is in itself a species of sanction of the plan which was presented. (Hear.) And if my statement be correct—if her Majesty's Govern ment so far agree that what I have stated is not incorrect, and if they defend their conduct on the plea that they gave no opinion of the terms which they were the organ of laying before the Emperor of Austria, it will be satisfactory to the house, for it is of the utmost importance at this mo ment that we should be in possession of authentic and ample knowledge of the subject. *(Hear, hear.) It will be satisfactory to the house if at the same time the Minis- ters assure us that they made no communication to her Majesty' Minister at Vienna nor instructed that Minis ter to recommend Austria to accept those proposals; because let the house for a moment consider, if what I have stated—and I shall be glad to hear that it is utterly unfounded—if what I have stated be correct, what is the probable result ? The probable result is this, — the Emperor of Austria has obtained easier terms from his enemy than he had from those whom he ha s d e.. (Hear, Austrian hear.) At that ti me a Government similar to the terms which have been, through the scribed as his natural allies. • Her Majesty's Governmenthave, in fact, again com mitt ed the same mistake w hi ch p th ro ey pos c i o t m ion tni w tt a e s d made in y l b B4B t . he influence of the French Emperor, accepted. At that time the proposi tion was made to close disturbances in Italy by the relin quishment of Lombardy—the very terms which after this bloody war have become the bases of peace. (Hear, hear.) ear, Her Majesty's Government then was, I may say, this very identical Government, because affairs of this nature are car ried on by two Ministers, the First Minister and the Secretary of State, and the only difference in the two re sponsible individuals is this, that the noble l ord First Minister and the present First Mi n ister was then Secretary of State. (Hear, hear.lLet was then how completely, if this account the fatal blunder of 1848, Then. be true, it is a repetition of propo sition of Austria, and saidthat we repudiated the yenice and the Venetian territory - must be a part of the Emperor of Austria. We territory relinquished by the made that a sine qua non . I n the present in s t ance these propositions, so slightly noticed by the noble l or d , were couched in the same vein, and con ceived in th e same spirit. This neutral power—this natural ally—would not interfere to mediate except as terms of that severe ilaracter. But in the meantime the enemy of the h t mperor of AnstrAa offers himself milder terns : The E m p eror o f Austria accents those t erms . What is our position ? The affair is settled without our interference s and witlitoßt haying obtained those terms which we were the organ of introducing to the Emperor d Austria's notice. But what would our position have bed if when those terms of mediation were offered to us inster of giving them the sanction of our transmission, and i' stead of giving them the greater degree of . sanction mvolvd in or re i‘ c t o i m ni ze e n r din a g t themthrough yiennat o Austrian Government—if free from all prejudice ai the the acTp t t r rce entali of tY ti all passion, which unfortunately, as it appears to in influence the English Government when this question before them—if we had said to France, " Those tern which you offer are too severe ; although in their goner, spirit we agree with you they must be modified, and we wi then recommend the Emperor of Austria to accept them If her her Majesty's Government had done that if tin had been the means of the Emperor of Austria acceptin the terms &which ultimately from the Emperor of ti French- he accepted, in what a different position we shoul stand to France and Austria. We should be in agreat po sition. We should be a powerful mediator between Franc and Austria for the general welfare of Europe, and Austri would not look upon us as one who had deserted her, Aus tria would not look upon us with ill will, though speakin, of ns as her natural ally, but as one to whom she was in debted for the terms which she now only owes to her Brea opponent. _ (Hear, hear.) I thiuk that is a point upor which her Majesty's Government ought to deign to givd more information to the house. (Cheers.) If it be tram that her Majesty's Government, with all the experience c 1848, with the immense advantages which they have ha in dealing with this question which they had not 10 year ago, have repeated the same bl un d er, renewed the gam' mistake, and placed the country with regard to this ques tion in so unsatisfactory a position, they owe much expla nation,to Parliament. (Hear.) Let me turn now to thepress ing business of the moment. No doubt, if not to-night on some other night adequate information will be afforde, th up o on tra th at e y p o o f ffi v t fl o ia n fran whi oa ch an l d h t a h v i e s p to ro u po ch a eg ion, Bu wi t l t e h t u vi s hi lo o t w a: become acquainted for the first time to-night, for Engler:lr to assist in carrying that treaty into effect, because that it the real question. Any conference or congress after articles of peace are concluded, attended by a Power who has had nothing to do with the war either by action or by advice, is in fact being called in to carry a peace into effect with which that Power has nothing to do, and arising out of a war in which she has not in any way been connected. Ido not mean to say that there are not grave circumstances which may justify such a course on the part of the Government of this country. I wish to treat the question with that tempe rateness which it requires, and in which spirit, from its se rious character, it behoves us to approach it. The noble lord says that this Treaty of Villafranca must be considered under twe heads. In the first place, he says there was a con siderable change of territory from this peace, but it was not a change of territory which in any way, or materially, af fected the balance of power. Therefor', so far as that con sideration was concerned, it was unnecessary for England to attend the congress. I think it will be found, as a general rule which should guide us in these matters, that it never is the interest of this country to attend a congress unless what is called the balance of power is materially affected. The balance of power is a phrase sometimeatreated with deri sion by those who do not understand it--(laughter)—l paean, by it a change of territory which might create a pre ponderance of a Power perhaps already toopowerful. I ere& with the noble lord that there is nothing in the fact o f the transference of Lombardy from Austria to Sardinia wkdch at all affects the balance of power, and therefore, on that head, I agree with the noble lord that our interferer.De fcrr the present cannot for a moment be recommended. i main as a general rule that we should attend no conference n here thebalance of power is not affected, and the instances which the noble lord mentioned at the end of his _speech confirm and do not impugn the accuracy of that principle, because the balance of power might have been materially affected by the construction of the kingdom of Greece, and no one canfor a moment c on t en d th at i t was not materially concerned in the settlement of Belgium. (Hear.) But, says the noble lord, although the balance of power is not concerned in this transference of a single province from Austria to Sardinia, there is a second head under which we must consider. this Treaty of Villafranca, and to what it will lead, and Vaat is, what the noble lord calls the future of Italy. Now the, future of Italy is a subject of very great interest. The noble lord says I have treated the future of Italy with a sneer. I have so often had opportunities of speaking on this subject in this house, and I have had the misfortune to differ from the noble lord so frequently upon it, that I will not take the trouble now to vindicate my opinions, as I wish to speak on the points of business before us. But I tell the noble loud this—that it is his misfortune to believe that there exit its throughout Italy a Whig party, and until he gets that id l ea , out of his head he will never be able to consider the quest ion in a manner becoming a statesman of his degree. (He: Sr.) It has always been the fashion of the noble lord, when spa t - k ing of Italy, to speak of establishing a sort of Brooke s' s Club at Florence, and that he calls poetry. (A fang i n ) Whenever he begins to speak of Petrarch I know what it is going to lead to. (A laugh.) Several times he has done this when we have discussed the question before, ain't the noble lord will allow me to refer him to some observe .tions, which a little nettled him some years ago when w e dis cussed this question. I told the noble lord then that tbranourse he was recommending was one which must end in the non fusion of Italy—(hear; hear)—and which would bring into active operation all the secret societies of that country— (hear, hear)—and that, if he thought the regeneration of Italy could be effected by the secret societies of that coun try, he would find that he was only playing the game of some great military despot, who would mean the profit. But now, says the noble lord, we must look to future of Italy. We must look to the future of Italy, be cause, when my Lord Clarendon attended the Conference at Paris, after the Russian war, her Majesty's Government were commit ted to a policy which ac owledged that it was their duty to counsel, and, if possible, to effect changes in that mis governed country. Well, but what was the position of Lord Clarendon after the Russian war? It Is very true that Lord Clarendon, knowing that at that time, as had often. before been the case, but especially so at that time, the stone of Italy was one which might lead to public disquietyle, like a wise man—and I give his colleag-ues credit for shar ing the same sensible views--thought that that wasa period when, generally speaking, something like a wide settlement of the various parts of Europe should be made by the con ference, and that Italy should not be omitted—that that was a moment in which to recommend a course of polioy which would prevent future disturbance and trouble, Ido not, of course, object to the course which he took. As I stated the other night, it was exactly the same vi-ew which induced the late Government to recommend a congress with regard to the affairs of Europe. What you retomrnend be fore a war takes place, and much more whet you recom mend in order to prevent a war, is a very different coursed from what you ought•to sanction and recommend after wr z r has broken out, has been waged, and is conclirded. (Cheel-s.) Why a congress is a very dangerous thing at all times, but it is never more dangerous than, in such a case as *am pre sent. War is a thing which no one in the abstract approves, does and which, general because ly speaking, we endeavour te, avoid, but not follow war is generally to be avoided that you ought not to. go to war if necessary. If a congress was the course which, when there was a chance of preventing war, ought to be recommended, it was the du e Go vernment to recommend it. But the policywhich Lord Clarendon recommended and supported at the Conference of Paris, though to a certaid degree it might involve in terference in Italy, which, considering that at that time there was imminent danger of some distnrbance, offered to assembl e d E urope an opportunity of , preventing it. But, says the noble lord, after offering a great many /arguments gen the eral tend ency of which was to pr ove th at i f we wanted to ep to the con gress we could not go—(a laugh) —a. congre.ss, speaking in the abstract, was the proper mode of settling this matter. The noble lord acknowledges that he cannot accept this in vitation unless a like invitation is made by the Emperor of Austria, and we have not heard that any invitations of that kind have been offered. But if the noble lord interested in the future of Italy were at once, in consequence of the treaty of Villafranca, to attend the conference in order to, advance the future interests of that country, would he not be bound by the conditions contained in that treaty with reference to the future governraent of Italy What was the great object recommended at Paris by the French Gs vernment, and I believe by the English Government ? It was to establish in Italy a secularisation of the Roman States. (Hear, hear.) The great point was virt to reduce the Pope to the exercise of his spiritual power. by the treaty of Villafranca, I contend that the Pope is to. be the head of a great confederation. The two policies are exactly contrary to each other. If you go to this congress, will you deal with the Duchies ? The noble lord says the Duchies are not to be dealt with ; and though he has no authority for saying so, his instinctive feeling is that France will not interfere by force in favour o f th e rejected rulers of the Duchies. H e h as reason to hope and believe that Aus tria also will refrain from using force in their favour, and I think very properly. Well, how is the affair to be settled? Why, it is not be settled by the interference of any Power in Italy. The noble lord says that the people of this germ try would not for a moment tolerate an interference by Eng land in o r der to place the rejected rulers upon their thrown. (Hear, hear.) If that is the case what is the use of goin g to the conference? (Hear.) The noble lord has touched. upon three points on which he thinks discussion will ari se if this conference takes place. First of all, he says there i s . the principle of confederation which he approves of; but he says, practically it would not work well in the presentarietsytaoterf coireflumialyst.anceTshweniththwehincehb,laet present, lord d, aai a variety the principle of confederation would unsatisfactorily cope. But these questions of religious toleration and free worship to which rrpinienot, is Co ad nf a e p d te era d l o on ; the noble lord referred would not come under the control of a confederation. (Hear, hear.) They would b e m a tt er , t o be settled by each separate Gove the idea of which is sound, inn my country if the people of that country could work it out; and the objections which the noble lord urged against a With all his anxiety to confederation would not apply. effect the regeneration of Italy, and with all his equal anxiety to attend the congress for that object, the noble lord, to-night has urged objection.s against that part of the plan which I hope may be practical,, but which at least is recom wifurtatchhcioeirdinsa,thif,geintpoathhpieasltvihiGero_wl mended by many high political considerations. Well, then, if according to the noble lord's views the confederation drawn therer ainstance, w principle sint t i ao s lo bl this o te nh t oa t ot interference e a lo c ft ku t o o w b e l n e d d g e t o h a t D i congress? (Hear, hear.) The state of Italy ';ernmen.t, why, I ask is it advisable that we should be as sketched out by the articles of the Villafranca treaty is. deemed, I kno w , by many gentlemen on both sides of this house to be of an unpromising character. If the congress is to proceed according to the articles of the Villafranca treaty, our Government in accepting the invitation to attend the congress would accept a responsibility which I am sure no one here would wish to sane ion. If we are to enter into conference in order to bring about a state of society in Italy not contemplated by those who have carried on this war, I ask this house for a moment to consider what is to be the issue of our labours. Either we shall fail in our object or we shall not. If failure be the result all will regret our interference ; but if we carry our object into effect—if w e establish in Italy has a state of society at all like the p rogramme of Milan or the programme of Tiverton —we must do so by o ff er i ng inducements to_ the other great P owers w hi ch I am sure Parliament N s v oiilotot not approve of. If, und er a ll c i rcums ta n ces, w chary a b ou t th e engagements which conf e rencesbee should be enanwd waged, of con gresses always lead to, s urely when a war of which we entirely disapprove d, when it has been closed on a sudden, when the responsibility of all that has occurr e d and of all that may occur is one of which this Gove rnment is completely clear, it would be the height of rashn ess and precipitation by any act or anyof a settlement o ccas i onedby advice of ours t o i nvolve ourselves in the responsibility ine •h we are not answerable. (Hear.) I t rust, therefbre, that the feeling of the house will be so di rec t an d a war for which ot feel it their duty to recommend her Maj es t y t o send any distinct upon this subject that her Majesty' s Mi n i sters will representative to this projected conference. I have no doubt there are immense difficulties in consequence of the war and in consequence of the peace. We had nothing to do with the war;, we hid nothing to do with the peace, and if diffi culties arise in which we must interfere, we shall interfere with much greater effect and much more dignity if we are not introduced in the last act in order to save other persons: from difficulties which they had created, and for which we' are not answerable. (Hear, hear.) There is only one ob servation which I would make in consequence of thei nti e mation which the noble lord gave us, that la telegram ' Share' Stock Stock Stock Stock, Stock' Stock - ig 20 Stock Stock Stock Stock Stoek Stock Stock) Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock 12i 25 20 Stock Stock Stock EA Stock Stock Stock Stock 10s. 1.0.6. Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock 25 2 s 1 Stook