The Sun. — London, England, 1860-03-31 00:00:00

[Continued from our first page.] were only two noblemen proprietors in the county of Lon ' donderry, one of whom was not resident in the county, and the other had not yet come into possession of his property. - With regard to the commissioners - of the county ho thought the selection of- the gentleman in questionlor the office of Lord-Lieutenant most justifiable, for he believed that he was possessed of large personal property in that county, hat he resided there, took a great interest in the local busi mess, and was generally respected. With regard to the statement of the hon. member (Mr. llennessg, he did not think that hon. member was as well informed on the subject as he thought. Experience showed that, at the end of the session, the house was encumberek - with Irish business, and Irish bills had to be postponed b6eause they could not be properly discussed or considered. lle could assure the hon. member that he would have been most happy, and it would have been more convenient to him (3 r. Cardwell) if some bills on Irish affairs could have been introduced at an early period of the session, but that was simply impossible in the state ofgene • ral public business. With respect to the que st i on of informed the education in Ireland, he had already the house, that he would make a. statement when the matter came to be considered in the estimates. With reference to the question of the poor laws in Ireland it had already been introduced to the attention of the house, and as related to the registration of births, deaths, and marriages in that country a bill had been prepared, which he was prevented from bringing forward at presait, but which he would submit to their consideration at the earliest opportunity thAt presented itself. He assured the hon. member that there was every desire on the part of himself and. her Majesty's Government generally to afford • every facility for th e . consideration and se ttl emen t sa ti s f ac t or ily of Irish business in the house, and that when delays oc curred th ey . arose entirely from the state of p u blic business. Some further discussion ensued relative to the appoint ment of Mr. Lyle. THE ELECTORAL CORRUPTION AT WATCE- FIELD. Mr. E. ELLICE inquired what were the intentions of Government with reference to the report of the commis sioners appointed by s b.er Majesty to inquire into corrupt practices at elections in the borough of Wakefield ? This: report had been lying on the table of the house for the last two months, and yet no steps had been adopted with reference to the statements it contained. He thought it was the duty of ber Majesty's Government to take" up this matter, and see that the report of the Wakefield Bribery Commission was acted upon. Sir G. GREY said the report had been referred to the law officers of the Crown to consider whether, havinc , re gard to.tlle fact that much of the evidence was given by b the parties themselves, and would not therefore be available in ,a court of law, it was expedient to institute a prosecution. THE COST OF THE COLONIES. In reply to Mr. ADDERLEY and Mr. MAGurur, Mr. S. HERBERT said, with regard to the request made by his hon. friend opposite (Mr. Adderley)' who wished to see a copy of the report of the committee appointed in re ference to the expense of the colonies, as a general rule there was an objection to publish the report of departmental committees, but it was also true that when the hon. mem • ber brought the question forward he (Mr. S. Herbert) stated that he disapproved of the capriciousness with which these payments were distributed, and that the committee were pursuing an inquiry. He had no objection whatever to this report being produced. It was a very able docu ment, and two of the members of the committee had made reports in an opposite sense. With regard to the question of the hon. member for Dungannon, the case was certainly one of charity, but not of justice. He believed he could not overrate their destitute condition. They entered the Tur kish service most of them in the division known as the Cossacks of the Sultan, and were subsequently taken into British pay. It was a question simply of contract. The English Government, through its agents, engaged a cer tain number of men. Those persons had no bounty, but they were allowed a certain sum to purchase an outfit on their arrival at Constantinople. These persons, most of them, joined their regiments under different circum stances; some were deserters, and some were prisoners taken at Bornarsund. Their contract was, that the officers were to receive the pay of France, and the men were to re • ceive the pay of the Turkish privates. They went out, and at the expiration of the service they were given, in addition, a certain gratuity; those who re- Mained in Turkey were paid a certain sum wad dismissed. Those who came to England received a further sum, and until last autumn they made no complaint whatever. Their dissatisfaction was caused by finding that persons enlisted at a distance had received more, on account of the greater expense they would be put to in travelling home. - With regard to the officer the hon. gentleman had referred to, he believed that he had been dismissed for misconduct. SWITZERLAND AND FRANCE. Sir It. PEEL,—I rise, Sir, to call the attention of the House to the subject of which I have given notice, and I trust that, under the circumstances, the house will kindly bear with me in the statement lam about to make. Nay more, I believe the house will concur with me in thinking ' that, looking at the embarrassed state of foreign affairs at this moment, it is desirable before we adjourn for the Easter vacation that some expression of opinion should be made with reference to the position of Switzerland—(hear)—and that we should have an opportunity of considering and weighing the immense and immediate danger with which the neutrality, and independence of that country are now threatened by the annexation of Savoy to Franee. My object in rising to-night is, I may say, to endeavour to save Switzerland by a generous expression of sympathy on the part of this house and this nation, for I de think that she is greatly menaced by the position of affairs in her immediate neighbourhood: Individually I own I take a lively and very natural interest in the Welfare of that country, having lived there for seve ral years - in a very impressionable period of my life. (A laugh.) But I put that on one side. I come here as an Englishman, the• free Parliament of a free people, to advocate the principles of liberty wherever it may concern this country, and to maintain those principles - wherever imperilled—(hear, hear)—and i shall be satisfied if, when I resume my seat, I shall have contributed, in however humble a degree, to elicit a discussion that may serve the cause of that country whose rights are now imminently en dangered. At the outset I must say that the repeated in sinuations of the hon. member for Birmingham against those who have advocated the interests of Europe in oppo sition to the aggressive 'policy of France are most un founded. That hon. gentleman is very severe in his cri ticism of those who venture to differ from him on political questions. We know the candour of his censures ; but I am convinced almoit every member of this house dissents from the nn-English policy which the hon. gentleman would recommend her Majesty's Government to pursue at this moment. (Cheers.) That hon. member repudiates the opinion of,my hon. friend the member for Bridgewater, as well as those which I and abler members of this house have expressed on several recent occasions on this question. Brit,. mark yOu, those opinions are now the opinions of her Ma- jesty's Government, (Hear, hear.) The hon. member lift Birmingham the other night said he repudiated those views because he represented a great English constituency; but, remember, we all of us form the collective representa tion of the entire constitnent body in this country; and I say the hon. gentleman, in disowning our views and the' views of her 311jesty's GoVeinraent, disowns the sentiments of nine-tenths of the town which has sent him here. (Cheers.) That, however, is the hon. member's own affair, and he had better look to it. (A laugh.) I venture to tell him thaf if the new Reform Bill passes he wilffind himself very much in the position of the right hon. member for Ashton, the late member for Manchester. (Laughter.) But when the hon, gentleman endeavours to persuade us that we have no direct interest in this great question, I believe he grossly misrepresents the general feeling of this coun try, and egregiously undervalues the depth of that feeling (Cheers.) I wish also now to state th a t l am certainly not . actuated by any unfriendly feeling towards her Majesty's GoTernilient. I only desire, as was said the other night by my hon. friend the member for Horsham, to strengthen their handi in the present emergency, and to see them pur suing a policy worthy of this country and the grave respon sibilities under which they are placed. They have show n much hesitation on several occasions in answering questions' relating to foreign affairs ; but I believe they could lose no thing by a generally diffused knowledge of what their policy has been within the last few weeks. Certainly, I think the opinions expressed the other night by the noble lord the Fo reign Secretary have had a very great effect in this country. . (Cheers.) Those opinions have immeasurably enhanced the confidence of the nation in the straightfoiward course which that noble lord will unquestionably take in the conduct of these affairs. But why not let us know what has been the answer made to M. Thouvenel ? It was promised to be laid on the table the other day ; but we have never seen it ? It is said in the streets that it is very spirited. Let us see, then, what your spirited answer is. Observe the difficulty-in which members of the present Government are placed by not in forming the couiltry what their policy has been- When in 18:57 Mr. Cobden proposed a vote of censure on the Govern ment, I think his expression was that their foreign policy had been "turbulent and aggressive," They were turned out of office in consequence. The year following Mr. 31. Gibson, who was member for Manchester then—(a laugh)' —moved another vote of censure against the Government for not haVing been, as he called it, sufficiently prompt in vindicating our national honour. That is to say, in 1857 the Government were too turbulent ; and in 1858 they were net turbulent enough. (Laughter.) All this comes of the country not knowing what your policy is. But the word ing of Mr. Gibson's memorable motion is really worth re calling when we are considering the Government's hesita tion to show us their despatch. The then member for Man chesterer —(a langh)—declared:—‘, This house regrets that h Majesty's Government have not felt it their duty to make some reply to an important despatch received from the French Government on Jan. 28, 1858." (Hear, hear.) Here we are in almost the same position. The right hon. member for Ashton, sittingon his present comfortable bench, may, perhaps, not like to take the matter up now. (Laughter.) But this important despatch has not been pro duced, and we are ignorant of its contents. I dare say it is " spirited," if it accords with the tone used the other night by the noble Foreign Secretary. But of this there can be no doubt, that a wanton outrage, fraught with the gravest consequences to the peace and happiness of nations, has just been offered to the Powers of Europe and the principles of justice. (Cheers.) With in the last three days I think that last act has been signed, the effect of which must be, unless this country and the rest of Europe protest against it, to- subvert the indepen dence of Switzerland. What have been the assurances of France all this time ? We all recollect the famous decla ration, " L'Empire, c'est la paix I " The French Go vernment had over and over again solemnly declared that it aimed at no personal objects—that it sought no territorial aggrandisement. In his proclamation issued at Milan the Emperor told the peeple of Lombardy, " Vos ennemis, qui sent lea miens, ont tents de diminuer la sym pathie universelle qu'il y avait en Europe pour votre cause, en faisant croire que je ne faisais la guerre slap par atabi tion personnellc, 014 pour aggrandir le territoire de la France." In his speech from the throne, on opening his Chambers, on the Ist of March, the Emperor said, "La France ne menace personae ;" and then went on to avow his hope, by the expansion of the resources of France and by the extension Of liberty, "to console and reassure huma nity." And this is tie way in which he "consoles and re assures humanity." (Cheers and a laugh.) I think we have too long and too credulously listened to his good as surances ; that we have too ingenuously accepted the good faith of his intentions. (Hear, hear.) Whatever may be the consequences —and grave, I fear, they may be—of the present complications, certainly, as far as is consistent with the honour of this country, peace must be maintained. The house, I am sure, would be sorry to urge her Majesty's Government to adopt a policy involving war, and all those painful concomitants of war with which, alas ! too many of us are familiar. But whether it be necessary by peace, or by a firm and vigorous attitude to encounter a policy on the part of France which is producing distrust tending to war, I think we all ought, as far as possible, consistently with peace, to strengthen thehands of the Imperial Government, which is responsible to Parliament for the safety of our in terests and the maintenance of our honour, (Hear.) Nay, I go further than the hon. member for Birmingham went the other night, and say that, whatever may be the particular interest of Russia, of Austria, of Germany, or even of Swit zerland, I should be very sorry to see the Government of England adopting a policy calculated to plunge us into a war for no object of general interest. But is there no prin ciple of common interest affecting this country at stake in what is now going on? I believe there is. (Hear.) Many hon. gentlemen, here and out of doors, think her Majesty's Government have connived in some way or other at the aggression and annexation now being pursued by France. I do not concur in that suspicion, and I have said so from the beginning. Appearances have been strongly against them, I admit. (Hear, hear.) I think they have carried forbear ance to its extreme limits But I believe they have been grossly deceived. In fact, they have confessed as much themselves. But, mark you, they have been deceived by a Power whose good faith and good intentions they were bound to accept after the repeated assurances they had re ceived. (Hear, hear.) I ask the house to observe the po sition in which Europe is now placed. Is it likely that the Emperor, having rejected all the friendly remonstrances of this country and of others, having by his desperate policy plunged France into a system of aggrandizement and terri torial aggression, will now stop and be satisfied with what he has obtained, even if he be able to curb the further pro gress of the revolutionary—for it is revolutionary—(hear, hear)—policy which he is pursuing ? It is the revolutionary policy of 1848, which was adopted by M. de Lamartine and by M. Louis Blanc, and I ask you, as we know that ce nest qua le premier pas qui mate, whether it is not most probable that, having tasted the pleasure of ambition, and witnessed " the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war," the Emperor will take the first opportunity of pro ceeding to some conquest which will more materially affect the interests of Europe. If that be so, we have at this mo ment the great and important duty to perform ofendeavour ing, with the assistance of the rest of Europe. to check his progress. What is the feeling of Europe at this moment? Does Europe feel with us ? The hon. member for Birming ham thinks that it does not. The other night he said, to my astonishment, " Russia. takes no interest in this miser able question." The hon. member for Birmingham calls that " a miserable question" which concerns the liberties of half a million of people. (Opposition cheers.) lie said " Does Russia take an interest, does Austria take an in terest in it? Austria won't join you in a quarrel about Savoy or Switzerland when not one word has been said about her own dismemberment." lie must not think that every Power has that feeling of jealousy and nasty spitefulness—(a laugh)—and that Austria, although she has suffered, will not come forward in the interest of the rest of Europe, to endeavour to vindicate the right, and to de fend the principles which she has herself sworn to adopt. The hon gentleman says that you can't get up any interest in the question in this country. In answer to that assertion I may appeal to the state of the house at this moment, I may appeal to this crowded assembly, called together 1)5 , no words of mine, but by an active and determined interest in the welfare of Switzerland. (Hear, hear.) Yet the hon. gentleman says that you can't get up an interest on this subject, adding that there is some little attention paid to it by one newspaper, but that it is a newspaper notorious for a mixture of piety and ruffianism. (Laughter.) That is the way in which the hon. member for Birmingham speaks of a free press. (Cheers.) He says that day after day thatenews paper endeavours to stir up the passions of the people by vituperations—l am referring to what I have read in the newspapers— The SPEAKER—I must request the hon. baronet not to refer in detail to a past debate. Sir It. PEEL—Of course I bow with submission to the chair. I was merely alluding to what I read had taken place. One thing I recollect having seen in the newspapers, and that was, that it was insinuated that the guilty authors of these vituperations were princes of the House of Orleans. Now, I do think that that was a most unjust and ungenerous imputation for any man to cast upon a family like the House of Orleans. (Cheers.) The princes of th3t family, weighed down as they are by the bitterest visitation with which Pro vidence could afflict a family, have, during all the time that they haveresided in this country, conducted themselves with a nobility of character—(gteseral cheering)—and more than a nobility of character—with a dignity of demeanour which has gained for them the sympathies of every one—(renewed cheering)--except the hon. member for Birmingham, who, coupling them with the Savoyards, is so ready to cry down and afflict them. I only hope that the hon. gentleman him self may never be placed in such a position as to learn what it is to be deprived of his home and of the country of his birth. (Hear, and a slight laugh.) I do not mean to say he is ever likely to become a sovereign. (Much lattghter.) Let me now call back the attention of the house to the inquiry, " Is the feeling of Europe opposed to the consideration of this question ?" Russia, they say, is cool about it. Why, Russia is at this moment occupied with a great question of domestic policy, and of course she is more ready to turn her attention to that than to war. But take Prussia. Take Prussia with her well organised army and her loyal people; what are the feelings of Prussia ? Were they not nobly ex , pressed in that despatch of Baron Schleinitz which was quoted the other night? I have not it by me, but it was a generous and noble expression of feeling on the part of that country. Recollect that that is a country which has never forgotten, and I hope never will forget, the injustice and in dignities which were heaped upon it by the first Napoleon, until the genius of the Duke of Wellington and the sword of Blucher vindicated its national honour. The Prussians must feel very deeply when they are told that the Rhine is threatened now. Don't tell me that the whole of Europe is perfectly indifferent to what may take place. Above all, don't tell me that Prussia, with its devoted army and its loyal people, is contented to assent to the aggressions of France. (Hear,hear.) Well, then, I come to Austria. They say Austria won't make any move with regard to Switzer land because nothing was said when her own territory was dismembered. It is true that Austria has had to suffer a very heavy calamity, but I believe that any one who studied the campaign in Italy will admit that nothing could have been more her'oic than the way in which the Austrian sol diess fought throughout that campaign. Of course our sym pathies were with the Italians—(hear, hear)—but at the same time we admired the way in which the Austrians fought under the direction of men who were unequal to the emergency. The Austrian army showed itself worthy to be the army of a great empire, and I am satisfied that if it bad been better organised it would have contended with greater success even against the forces of France. But what is the condition of Austria at this moment? There are two causes which prevent Austria from taking any active lute rest in this question, religious discord and financial em tbrairra kennto*wAthny at o e n v e er wh s o in h ce as I w B a 5 t s c , h e w d h i e h n e a th ff e air e s o o n f eo A rd u e s e - t with Rome was concluded, there has been much religious dissension in that country. The Austrian empire contains a population of 35,000,000, of whom 3,000,000 are Protest ants, and they conceive that their religious feelings and religious rights have been very much compromised by the concordat. That is an element o f di scord against which it is most difficult for any power to contend ; but there is an other embarrassment, which is still more important, because it concerns the supply of the sinews of war. Every one knows that Austria is at this moment labouring under the greatest possible burden of financial difficulty. s b e l ieve that I am correct in saying that within the last 11 years the public debt of that country has increased 150 per cent., and at this moment it amounts to more than eight times the annual revenue. Nay, to show the difficulty which Austria has in raising money, I believe that the last loan she attempted to negotiate failed upon every bourse in Europe. I ask you, then, is it likely that she should take any active part in as sisting us to arrest the aggressions of France ? But this I will say, that I believe her sympathies, that I believe the sympathies of Germany, are entirely in our favour. Let us see for a moment how it is that all these difficulties have fallen upon Switzerland. Just consider for one moment what it is that presses down that country. It is this un happy policy of France. I, in common with everybody else in this country, hoped that France was acting a noble part towards Italy, that she was acting disinterestedly, that she was really desirouS to free that country ; but there has been this arriere pease'e all throupla her transactions. From - the very beginning she has been seeking to obtain what she calls an territoire de tres peu d' (Venda°, but what is both politically and strategically of great importance to Europe. France has always been desirous to obtain possession of that. Her expression was that she wanted nothing that need alarm Europe, nothing but an territoire de tres peu d'eten due; and that neither by military operations nor by insur rection would she seek to acquire these provinces. These are the provinces which abut upon Switzerland, which are absolutely essential to the salvation of that country, and which for 230 years have been considered absolutely neces sarysrlhe ao h gu y hl t o a s nn i its r od , t ‘ ch ' this p of:eri have. France : IF t S s h a rt e ra v in t o a e y e rr lve u e i l d t r i o ee t r a s y bi r ro s e t t :h h i :a l d :t r oe a t i ie n a i l ar n e l l: lo B r : n l c 4 9 eh P da L e b z t o ‘ hi r d (r aait e , l C e w a s n d h titlel France eeh:f d abuts upon Switzerland, in order that she might gain a footing upon the Lake of Geneva, Russia and England, re- presented by Capo d'lstria and Pozzo di Borgo, by Lord Clancarty j and Lord Castlereagh, prevented her from ac quiring that territory, but she has now taken it without asking. I wonder whether the Emperor of the French ever reads his Bible. (A laugh.) It is a very serious matter. If he does, I wonder it does not recal to his recollection that small territory which Ahab the King wanted to take from Naboth the Jezreelite. That was un territoire de tree peu (1' etendue. Ahab wanted it for money and took it with blood, _ _ and what was the consequence ? The cry of the weak rose like a sacrifice to the Almighty, and the expectations of the rich man were blasted with disappointment. Such, I believe, will be the case in the present instance. We do not live in a period when miraculous interpositions take place, but I hope that the cry of the weak will still find an echo with the Government of this country ; sure I am that it will find an echo in this House of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) You ought not to disregard national feeling. This country never has disregarded national feeling in Europe. i I well recollect having read in the speeches of a great Par liamentary leader, when some members of the House of Commons were urging the Government to adopt a policy of cowardice and cringing towards the first Emperor of the French, of which I hope we shall have no examples in the present day—(hear, hear) —.I well recollect that when those members of the House of Commons were attacking the Duke of Wellington, and arguing that, after all, Napoleon would govern the Spaniards a great deal better than the Spaniards governed themselves, Mr. Canning, with that magnificent elan of character which always distinguished him, said, "National feeling ! National feeling is prior to and para mount over every consideration of political convenience." 1 think the national feeling which has been aroused not only in Switzerland but in every country of Europe by the aggres sive policy of France is worthy of the attention of this house. What are the reasons which M. Thouvenel gives for the annexation of Savoy and Nice ? At first he said the people would be consulted—the people are against annexation. Then he said he would consult the municipalities—the mu • nicipalities agree with the people. Then he promised to consult the Powers of Europe—the Powers of Europe are of the same opinion as the people and the municipalities ; but before they have had time to return an answer France has accomplished the annexation. The conduct of M. Thou venel has been marked throughout by a duplicity unworthy the Minister of a great empire. He says in a despatch to the French Minister at Berne, " Historical traditions favour the annexation of Savoy to France." I should have liked to answer that despatch. (A laugh.) It is a total perversion of the truth. The conduct of France towards Savoy has been the very reverse. Charles Emmanuel was Duke of Savoy when Henry IV. was King of France, and Richlieu was his chief Minister. (Cries of "No I") Perhaps lam wrong. When Henry IV. was King of France the Minister may have been some other gentleman. (Laughter.) Charles Emmanuel, seeing that difficulties were about to arise with France, wantedlo extend his coun try. Henry IV. attacked him, and took the whole of Savoy; but what was his policy ? He was generous and' politic, and returned. Savoy to its duke. How can M. Thouvenel say that "historical traditions favour the annexation of Savoy ?" Louis XIII , in 1628, also took Savoy; but he, too, gave it back to the duke—another conclusive proof that historical traditions are not in favour of the annexation of Savoy to France. It is only since the dynasty of Napoleon has arisen that any attempt has been made to take permanent posses sion of that which has for so many centuries belonged to the dukes of Savoy. (Hear, hear.) In a despatch to M. Per signy the French Minister says that the annexation of Savoy and Nice has always been considered by several of the principal Powers of Europe as a compensation due to France. That statement is also without foundation. Cas tlereagh and Clancarty, Capo d'lstria and Pozzo di Berge, were all desirous of preventing Savoy being annexed to France. Here I may ask how the King of Piedmont could - have been induced to part with those provinces which abut upon Switzerland, and which he was bound either 'to keep or to return to Switzerland ? He has no more right to part with Savoy to the Emperor of the French than the Sove reign of this country would have to part with Gibraltar, or than Charles 11. had to part with Dunkirk. It was given to him as a defence against France, and he was paid 10,000,000 f. as an inducement to keep it. Count Cavour hopes the declarations of M. Thouvenel will be satisfactory to the Powers, as they are satisfactory to the Savoyards. What is the truth ? I hold in my hand a protest against the annexation to France, signed by 12,000 inhabitants of the neutralised provinces. There are a few avocats, but they are chiefly small landowners, and they demand an nexation to Switzerland. The names of the Savoyards resident in Geneva are not included. A more remark able manifestation of opinion never occurred, and its importance is increased by the fact, which has been communicated to me from Chambery, that the French agents are doing everything in their power to get up movement in favour of France, and have bought nearly all the newspapers, which, consequently, give a very false idea of the feelings and wishes of the population. (Hear.) I cannot understand a policy which gives liberty to Italy and destroys it in Switzerland and Sawiy. It is impossible not to contrast the conduct of the King of Piedmont in 1814 with that of the present sovereign. In 1811 the Powers had the greatest difficulty in inducing the King of Pied mont to give up a portion of his territory, even upon the understanding that it should be comprised in the Swiss neutrality, because he said he could not think of separa ting himself from old, faithful, and loyal subjects. The Victor Emmanuel of the present day is ready to make any sacrifice in that respect, and I cannot help thinking that his conduct shows he is little worthy to reign over a brave and attached people. (Hear.) The House of Savoy should have one resemblance to' the glaciers of that country. As the glaciers take their form from the womb of the moun tains out of which they burst, so the House of Savoy ought to bear the stamp of the people among whom it sprang' into existence, and over whom it has reigned for so many centuries. But the hon. member for Birmingham ex claims, "Perish Savoy I" and he says to the Savoyards, "The industry of Lyons will double your incomes, and therefore you can easily shunt your loyalty." (Cheers and laughter.) The hon. member must have been thinking of the loyalty of the House of Savoy and not of the loyalty of the people. (Hear.) " Perish Savoy I" I should rather say—Perish the power which seeks to enlarge its bounds. ries by sacrificing the liberties of half a million of people who for centuries have been the mainstay of its existence and the rock of its defence ! Savoy has been called a barren rock. The ,people are poor, but the very rocks among which they live make them place a higher value upon liberty and independence than upon the industry of Lyons and the duplication of their incomes. (Cheers.) I am almost afraid it is all over with Switzerland, and Savoy is already gone. (Hear, hear.) A deputation from Savoy went to the Emperor to offer him the country, and it is quite amusing to read how the Emperor received this de putation. I do not know where the deputies came from, but they arrived in cabs at the Place Vendome, dressed in the national costume. Having dined with the Emperor, they received a photograph, signed in memoriam 24th Starch, and since then they have not been heard of. (Laughter.) It is a.very curious thing that the Emperor, when he received them, made a most striking remark to one of the deputies from Chablais, which is close to Switzerland. He said, "By the way, D6pute Savoision, are there any barracks in your country ?" "Yes, Sire," replied the de puty ; and then the Emperor exclaimed, ".h je vais vows envoycr des troupes, dent-la prdsenee donne tau jours de la vie et de l' animation a un pays." That is charming— that is the way in which the liberties of these people are going to be got rid of, and the manner in which they are to be deprived of what they at present ;enjoy. I am afraid that they would have but a slight enjoyment of the liberty which they expect to receive from the Emperor of the French. I recollect a famous letter of the first Napoleon, which was published the other day, and the present Napo leon is following precisely the policy of the dynasty. (Hear.) It is , only surprising that we cannot be on our guard against what must be the infallible consequences if we allow that policy step by step to advance. There was a letter, which the first Napoleon wrote to his brother Joseph, who was a quiet man—(laughter)—and nq in favour of violent measures. In this letter the first Napoleon wrote :—" Mind your favour national feeling." But in a private letter he' "Crush national feeling; ettfin faites piller quatrs on cinq grog bourgs pour efrayer les habituns et pour doiiner de la gaiete aux soldats" (Laughter.) These Savoyards will have to undergo the same consequences, and the people of Switzerland are in the same danger. La question Suisse is a different thing from la question Savoisienne. The question of Switzerland is one of the greatest aggravation. From the earliest time the President of the Swiss Confederation impressed upon Captain Harris that it was of vital impor tance to the independence of Switzerland that Savoy, and especially " Haute-Savoie," should never be annexed to France. (Hoar, hear.) The hon. member for Birmingham has said that Savoy is politically worthless, That expres nion shall not go forth without correction, and so I have quoted what the President of the Swiss Confederation says with regard to the annexation of Savoy to France. Louis Napoleon in one of his writings says, "Not only will Savoy augment the French territory, but it will open the great Simplon road, and give to France la liberle des Alpes, et en eas de guerre an incignifique champ de bataille pour aim lutle offensive et defensive." (Hear, hear.) When the first Napoleon annexed Savoy, did he think it unimportant ? This only shows how the hon. member for Birmingham makes statements without the slightest foundation. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) The first Napoleon, directly after he took Savoy, considered the occupation of Switzerland as a thing absolutely necessary on military grounds, end lie came to the same ettnOusien on political grounds; and when he took Geneva ho procured two military roads, one through Constance and the ether by the Simplon, and robbed Berme of no less than 42,000,000 f. Switzerland has not yet forgotten the horrors inflicted by the troops. The President of the Swiss Confederation told Captain Harris that there was groat danger for Switzerland, but Captain Harris, on the other hand, replied that there was no occa sion for alarm ; that no change would take place of a neu tral territory without the entire consent of the parties to the treaties. The President of the Swiss Confederation, however, insisted upon , the danger, and sr :id that without consulting the Powers these important pro vinces would be annexed. (Hear, hear.) Very great satisfaction has, indeed, been afforded — by the answer giN ten by the noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs to a questio n I put to him the Other night. I asked the noble lord wb ether the Govern ment were prepared to abandon the net itrality of Switzer- land, as guaranteed by Great Britain in common with the other Powers, and the noble lord.rppliedin language worthy of himself and his country, " Tat the Swiss Government have asked us Whether, in case of such annexation (of Savoy), we are prepared to maintain the neutrality of Switzerland, and to provide in such a manner that the neutrality should in no way be injured, and we have always replied that we have determined to do so ; that Chablais and Faucigny were parts of the general arrangements for the guarantee of Switzerland; and that if separated from Sardinia they ought to be annexed to Switzerland." (Hear, hear.) It is a curious thing that M. Thouvenel at one time made the same assertion, for he told Lord Cowley that if Savoy should be united to France the provinces of Chab lais and. Faucigny should go to Switzerland. But the French Government and M. Thouvenel have strangely changed their opinions, and in point of fact it is impossible to expect them to abide for one week by their declarations. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) One of the most unworthy documents I ever cast my eye over is the answer of M. Thouvenel to M. Turgot at Berne, and it broaches the most extraordinary doctrine that a Sovereign might shift his people from himself to another. In fact, this is the esta blishment of what is called the " divine right of kings," and I never could have believed that it would be maintained in the 19th century. So the Savoyards are to be shifted from one monarch under whom they enjoyed liberty, to another under whom they would suffer the consequences of a severe despotism and an overbearing ambition. (Hear, hear.) 1 don't like interference when the interests of this country are not concerned. For instance, there was recently an attempted interference between Spain and Morocco. Ido not approve that. (Hear, hear.) Again, there are some passages in the despatches of Mr. Elliot from Naples which I think are far from satisfactory. (Hear, hear.) On one occasion Mr. Elliot tells the King that such and such a thing has occurred. The King says that his Ministers have told him just the contrary, upon which Mr. Elliot replies in the most overbearing manner, that what the Neapolitan Ministers say does not matter to him, the King may believe that what ho has told him is the case. Into the Neapolitan question Ido not wish to enter, but the position assumed by our representative cannot, I think, be altogether justified. But the hon. mem ber (Mr. Bright) says that England has always ignomini ously failed in the exercise of its influence with foreign countries. Ido not agree with him. Did Mr. Pitt igno miniously fail when he endeavoured to use the influence of this country in Europe ? Did Lord Castlereah, did Mr. Canning, did Lord Aberdeen, did Sir Stratford Canning ig nominiously fail ? (Hear.) In 1830 Lord Palmerston was Foreign Minister. I allude to an historical circumstance, and therefore mention the noble lord's name. He did not ignominiously fail in making the influence of England felt in Europe. The question of Belgium had then to be treated, and, through the influence of England and of Europe, Be. gium has for 30 years enjoyed the blessings of constitu tional Government, under a wise and liberal sovereign. (Hear, hear.) Again, did Lord Palmerston fail, during 1838-9 and 40 in making the influence of this country felt as regards the affairs of the East ? (Hear.) Then, I say, that what we want now is a generous and a vigorous pro test on the part of the British Government. I recollect, in 1817, when the question of Cracow arose, the noble lord (J. Russell) made a protest, from which I wish to road a sen tence. He said : " I consider that in the late transactions in Europe, al though on more than one occasion, and by different Powers, our wishes have not been complied with, our desires have not been listened to, our protests may have been disre garded, yet there does remain with us a moral strength nothing can take away. We are ready in the face of Europe, however inconvenient some of those stipulations may be, to hold ourselves bound by all our engagements to keep the fame and the name and the honour of the Crown of England unsullied, and to guard that unsullied honour as a jewel which we will not have tarnished." That ,was the protest of the noble lord against the conduct of the three Powers in 1847 with regard to Cracow, and I hope to see that the English Government has not re trograded since then. I hope also to see a vigorous pro test from this house. We are not, as the French paper said, the nominees and the chambellans of an Imperial Court, but we are the free Parliament of a free people, (Hear.) This house is a great assembly, and ought to exer cise the rights which belong to it as the representative of a great country. (Hear.) We have always been battling against France. It has been the policy of this country to counteract the policy of France, and we have done so suc cessfully. We checked the aggression of Louis XIV. and of Louis XV. ; we curbed the ambition of the First Napo leon, and are now called upon to check the unhappy policy which the present Emperor of the French seems desirous of inaugurating. (Hear.) I hope the Emperor will not, like his uncle, curse Europe with the destruction and the desolation which swept over its face in the last great war. If he does, and if we resist him, our quarrel will be a just, our cause ,a good one, and worthy of this country. (Hear.) Shakspeare says— " Thrice is he arm'd who hath his quarrel just, And he but naked, though lock'd up in steel, Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted." I believe that to be the corruption which now infects the Imperial policy ; and that injustice sooner or later will bear bitter fruits in the condemnation with which it will be met. (Hear.) This very night I have been told that perhaps there may yet bo some hope for Switzerland, and that the union of Chablais and Faucigny with France is not yet ac complished. If that be so, I ask the house to join we in a protest which shall vindicate the interest and liberties of Switzerland. (Hear.) I ask the house- to allow me to be its interpreter on this occasion in favour of a liberty-loving nation and of a most loyal Republic. (Hear.) I ask it to allow me by anticipation to give expression to its feelings, and I think the house will then concur with me when I say in the name of public opinion in this country, that upon every principle of justice, of honour, and of right, it is ab solutely necessary that these provinces should be annexed to Switzerland, or otherwise you will infallibly see that Republic sink into the lowest depths to which it can de scend, the consequence of its absorption into the Imperial domains, and of its subjection to the Imperial dynasty of France. (Cheers.) The motion for adjournment until Monday was then put and negatived. y-- ~.~. IRE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, I%4ARCH . 31,1,61860. THE INCOME TAX BILL. The order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate on the consideration of the Income Tax Bill, as amended, having been read, Mr. DISRAELI wished to ask the noble lord on what day the Government meant to propose the adjournment for the Easter holidays. Lord PAIAMERSTON said they would move the adjourn ment of the house on Tuesday next if the state of public business would allow them; and if not, they would make the motion on Wednesday. Mr. BRIGHT said he would venture to recommend to the Government to dispose of the questions involved in the budget before they proceeded with the Reform Bill. They would then be able to go on continuously with that mea sure. Lord JOIIN RUSSELL said that was very much the course which the Government wished to take. Ire pro posed to fix the resumption of the debate on the Reform Bill for the 20th of April. He trusted by that time the de bates on the budget would be got through ; and by the end of the th of April he further proposed that the house should , -to committee on the Reform Bill (hear, hear), and he proposed that they should then go on with the bill continuously. . The motion for considering the income tax, as amended was then agreed to. Mr. W. WILLIAMS moved a clause, in pursuance of notice, to the effect that incomes under £l5O should be exempted from the operation of the tax, and that persons now charged on incomes under LISO should have a power of appeal. _ _ Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said there could be no doubt as to the hardship of the tax on the class alluded to ; but what he wished to know was, whether the right hon. gentleman contemplated the appointment of a committee to consider the inequalities of the tax. He believed there was no doubt th f at the tenpenny tax proposed would ox property amount to one 'shilling. He knew that in Leamington some paid the tax on the not rental and others on the gross rental, and yet the parties injured had no redress whatever. It was his intention to have moved for such a committee, but he did not wish to delay the passing of the bill. The taxation of the ,country ou;ht to bear equally on all classes, and when it did not the house should remedy the evil. Mr. MIBBARD thought that an, inquiry at that time would bo useless, but he hoped for some explanation of the views of her Majesty's Government on the subject. The tax was only imposed for one year, and it was so full of in equalities that he thought they ought to get some insight into the policy of Ministers in the coming year with regard to this subject. With respect to the motion before the house, he objected to it because they could ill afford to lose such a sum, and in his opinion £lOO a-year was a fair point to start from. So far ho was perfectly satisfied with the bill, and he thought the Government ought to be assisted in carrying it into effect. Mr. _ROEBUCK had no doubt that the Chancellor of the ExChequer wanted the money, but still he wouldsug zest to b im the injustice he was inflicting, not intention ally,' but of necessity on other parties. The income-tax in its preser.t shape was incomplete and unjust in its opera tion. Ta.lse a man with £5,000 a-par in the funds or in land, and compare his position with another who earned his brains the same:, amount. The physician or the li.wyer makes that income by his brains, and it certainly is a large sum to set down; he goes on from year to year until suddenly illness comei upon him, he is struck down by a fit of apoplexy and is destroyed. While he enjoyed that income he paid as much income-tax as the than who had £5,000 a-year in the funds or in land. Now, was that just;? Then he would come to 4Jfe small salaries; and here a greater injustice was perpetrated. The man who had £l5O a-year was charged in the , same propor tion.. Compare his case with the artisan. He had a family, a. wife and three or four children perhaps, he must live-in a particular house, and maintain an appear , ance; but in doing all this his salary disappears. Hew ' then was he to pay the tax ? By stinting himself of many articles of enjoyment which he can no longer afford ; and in that case the non-consumption of what would be indi rect taxAtion.upon him was such that not a penny additional found its way to the Treasury. (Hear.) He (Mr. Roe buck) knew the Chancellor .Of the Exchequer was in a piti able condition—that he was, as it were, living from hand to mouth to arrange matters for the present year. But let him remember this injustice when considering the subject next year. He wanted him to draw a distinction between the incomes. of men of skill, of science and art, and those who had fixed annuities from land, or otherwise. When he (Mr. Roebuck) made an appeal to the right hon. gentle man on a previous occasion, he told hit. he had no answer to give, but that he wanted the money. He believed that if he adopted his suggestion he would bo able to drawn an equal sum of money in taxation from the country without committing the injustice now perpetrated on a particular class. The tax fell with especial severity, not upon the ar tisan, but on the poor clerk, the poor gentleman, and the poor clergyman, and he hoped, therefore, that some steps would be taken as soon as possible to remove its dispropor tionate pressure from those classes. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Alderman SALOMON S observed that nothing could be more disagreeable than the ordeal to which small trades men were subjected when they appealed against the tax. The baker had to account for his contracts with his miller and his customers. The grocer also had to enter into minute details of his private transactions, while the word of the great merchant or professional man was taken at once. Mr. P. URQUHART agreed with the hon. member for Lambeth that persons whose incomes were less than £l5O a-year were deserving of commiseration as regarded the burden of the income tax. He hoped something would be done as soon as possible to get rid of the inequalities com plained of. (Hear, hear.) Sir M. FARQUHAR suggested that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would` take into consideration the pro priety of adopting the scheme proposed by Sir Robert Inglis some years ago, to the effect that if a person had £lO5 it-year, £lOO should be deducted, and he should be taxed• only on £5, and that the same rule should apply to other incomes up to a certain amount. If that plan were adopted, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer stopped at £5OO, it would afford enormous relief. (Hear) SIIERIDAN asked what difference it would make in the revcuue if the tax were remitted on incomes under £1.50. Mr. GLADSTONE said the Government were not in a position to give a general view of what they would do with respect to taxation in 1861. When the expenditure of the country was in a stable and normal state, and when the Government had no reason to anticipate any important change, it might be done; but under existing circumstances nothing could be more unreasonable than to make plans for ! the future, or to attempt to make anything like a permanent provision for supply. He admitted that there were great inectualities in the income tax, but many other taxes were liable to the same objection. If they took schedule A they would find great inequalities between the tax on house property andl landed property,' and also between different kinds of house property—inequalities sometimes amounting to a difference of from 25 to 30 per cent. The Government were not prepared to propose any committee of inquiry on the subject, inasmuch as they did not think it expedient to subject a great and gigantic'tax like this to the scrutiny of a committee of the House of Commons, unless the Govern merit had been conscientiously persuaded that they could make proposals to the committee, and lay plans before them which would either remove or mitigate the evil. If they could do so, nothing would be more desirable than to have such a committee. The Government, however, did not think they could do so, and they thought it would be un worthy of them to obtain popularity by encouraging expec tations which could not be realised. There were in the house many gentlemen of experience and ability, and who represented large bodies of the people, and who were more sanguine in their views with regard to the re-construction of the income tax than the Ministers of the Crown happened to be, and if they desired to have such an inquiry instituted, her Majesty's Government would not give any oppositiOn to the proposal. There were two great questions involved in this matter, besides the inequality and injustice of the income tax—one was the re=adjustment of the schedules according to the nature of the incomes which those schedules represented, and the other was whether the tax should be imposed upon so low an income.? The ques tion of the schedules would hardly come under the notice of any such committee. The other subject had relation to the question put by the hon. member for Lambeth, as to whether incomes under £l5O should be exempt from the tax. An hon. member had pertinently asked what diminu tion in the revenue would be 6used by such a remission. The difference in the receipts of the Exchequer which the adoption of the amendment would cause, would amount to between £500,000 and £600,000. The hon. member himself was convinced that it was possible to make such reductions in our expenditure as to permit of that reduction. Ha had no doubt whatever that his hon. friend was fully convinced in his own mind that this could be done, and very possibly it might at some future time, but could that conviction be imparted to a majority of the house and carried into effect this session ? That was the real question. Ho had no means of ascertaining the exact amount of the difference; but he could estimate what it would' come to upon Schedules D and E, and judging by that, he feared that the sum would be more than £600,000, so that if the amendment was adopted there would be no alternative but that which he was almost afraid to mention, the imposition of another penny in the pound on all incomes of £l5O and upwards. (Hear, and laugh.) He 'confessed, however, that though the anicndment was not one which, at the prcaent time, and in its present form, could be adopted safely by the house, it was not a matter to be disposed of by merely considering temporary difficulties, for he fully admitted that it was ' fraught with many grave as well as painful considerations. He hoped the house would not assent to the amendment of his hon. friend. (Hear.) Mr. DISRAELI observed that the trumpet of the right hon, gentleman seemed to give but an uncertain sound. The right hen. gentleman was not prepared to inquire into ' the character ,of the income tax. Some ten years ago, when the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) was First Lord of the Treasury, a committee had been proposed and carried to inquire into the tax. It was very true that the income tax had been then some ten years in operation, but the feel ing in the country was exceedingly strong against it. The Government of that day assented to the appointment of the committee to inquire into the principle and operation of the tax. That committee was formed of some of the most eminent men of that day, and its proceedings were con ducted by the late Mr. Hume, who had great experience in all financial subjects. Mr, Mill, the eminent political ,economist, and Mr, Newmarsh, the actuary, were, with many other men of seism° and distinguished ability, examined before it. Soon after there was a change of Go vernment, and there was a public feeling against the tax which no Government could pass by with indifference. That Government of which he (Mr. Disraeli) was a mem ber determined to make an absolute difference between the assessments of Schedule D and A on condition that there should be an end to- all remissions and exemptions, and that they should make the income tax as low as they could with a fair hope of collecting it. Where was the man who could draw the line b e t ween i ncome rece ived - from wages and property, or who could define what was manual labour ? Was the clerk who got £l5O a year for driving a quill all day long to be placed in the category of property ; and was the man who earned the same amount by the spade, or as an auxiliary to a •machine, to be exempted ? The policy of that Government was opposed with the greatest ability and success by the present Chancellor of the Exchequer. The right hon. gentleman declared that the income tax was an immoral tax, that it was theant only for an emergency, and upon occasions, when all men ought to be ready to make sacrifices for their country. It was not for a moment, ac cording to the right hon, gentleman's statement, to be thought of as a permanent source of taxation.' The tax must be put an end to, Well, the Government of 1852 was turned out because it did not deal with the income-tax in a scientific and satisfactory manner. Since the oration of De • mosthenes de corona there had been nothing more success ful ; it gained for the orator a celebrity that had actually lasted him for seven years. (Laughter.) The history of scarcely any public man showed a destiny so much to be en vied as that of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The bottle conjuror was successful for 48 hours in duping his auditory into the belief that he would jump into a pint bottle, but the right hon. gentleman had managed to keep up his reputa tion for seven years—it certainly deserved a favour able place in the category of human achievements. (Laughter.) The right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that altered circumstances had released him from his former pledges—opinions which had made the right hon. gentleman for seven years the idol of an admiring nation. (A laugh.) Well, the Minister was the creature, often the slave of events, but every hour during which the tax existed in 1880, must, according to the former statement of the right hon. gentleman, tend to sap the morality of the coun try, and to undermine its resources. BUt the Chancellor of the Exchequer entered into a special contract with the country itself. He told them that in 1860 terminable an nuities would fall in to the amount of £2,100,000, and that that was a fund on which they might rely as furnishing the means by which his policy could be carried out. But this year the Chancellor. of the Exchequer had ostentatiously appropriated the £2,000,600 to another object. He never heard from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the moments not. of insolent but of triumphant rhetoric, or on those occasions when he, tried to persuade them that the income-tax was the best tax in the world—he never heard from him any explanation on the subject. But to-night, instead of referring to the income-tax as an immoral tax, he said there was a good deal to be said against it, but then there was a good deal to be said against every tax. Contrast with that those invectives which he used against the tax during the seven years. that the country was expecting the fulfilment of the expecta tions raised by him. Lilt he was not doing justice to the right hon. gentleman. Did hon. gentlemen remember the speech of the right hon. gentleman in 1847. He told theme thatTiremootances had occurred which prevented the ful filment of his promise. He would not stop to show that a great deal of the increase of the debt was owing to the po licy of the Cabinet of which the right hon. gentleman was himself a member. 1N1857 the budget was brought forward by the present Secretary for the Home Department (Sir G. C. Lewis). It wallistened to with great respect; but the right hon. "gentleman (the Chancellor of the EXchequer), who then sat below the gangway, could not contain his in dignation. Ho denounced all the principles of taxation laid down in it; but he did wore, he repealed the policy if 180 and successfully conveyed to the house, and be bi- lieved to the country, that if he presided over the finances in 1860, which at that time did not appear likely, he was prepared to carry out that policy which in 1853 he had laid down. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER here made an observation across the table which did not reach the gallery, but which was understood to be a denial of what Mr. Disraeli was stating. Mr. DISRAELI said that facts were stubborn things, and were not to be got over by the Chancellor of the Ex chequer informing him that he had made a mistake. He made that statement on his recollection, on the records of the house, and he believed on the recollection of every gentleman who sat in the house at the time. Now, they were told it was an inconvenient thing to deal with a tax of thew gigantic proportions. Who had made it a tax of these gigantic proportions ? (Hear, hear.) There was a Minister once who said it was a tax so intolerable, se immoral, so injurious to the domestic character, so fatal to the private spirit of the country, that it could not be tolerated in an emergency in peace, and that immediate steps should be taken for its gradual and certain abolition, and an act of Parliament had been Awed for that purpose. Was it to be believed that that Minister, who took care that 2d. or 3d. of this tax should be taken off every year until it was altogether abolished, should come forward in 1860 and propose that the tax should be reneweds? Would he tell them, as the Secretary for Foreign Affairs told them every night, that thq country was in danger, and that we were on the eve of a great conjuncture ? On the contrary, he told them that he could not feel justified in making the proposi tion if ho thought the tax was to be permament. Well, then, what was the result at which they had arrived ? They must believe either that the right hon. gentleman, in 1853, had not sufficiently considered this question, or his conduct must have been what it was impossible it could have been, it must have partaken of the immoral nature which the tax partook of. That was totally impossible, and, therefore, he could only suppose that in that eager moment, and that memorable occasion, in 1853, when the right hon. gentle man laid down this principle respecting this impost he had not considered the subject sufficiently. He could only sup peso that the right hon. gentleman, after the experience which he had had, found it his duty now to come forward and prepare the country for that which he denounced be fore, which he (Mr. Disraeli) himself believed to be most unwise, viz., that he should throW off himself and the Go vernment the responsibility of imposing this tax, and ask the committee of the House of Commons to adopt a respon sibility from which no Minister, and much less the right hon. gentleman, should seek to be relieved. (Hear.) The house then divided— For the amendment Against it Majoyity 24 174 ----150 The bill was then ordered to be read a third time to-mor. row (this day). STAMP DUTIES BILL. This bill, as atnended, was considered. Mr. BENTINOK proposed to'omit clause 17, which was intended to repeal the act of Sir J. Barnard, which was passed in the 7th year of the, reign of George 11., in order to prohihit time bargains. Mr. E. JAMES said the clause under consideration was not worth the paper on which it was written, for it repealed the act of the 7th Geo. 11., which repealed itself, having been passed for three years only, but it did not make the least reference to the 10th Geo. IT., which made Sir J. Bar nerd's Act perpetual. (Hear, hear.) A more absorb sec tion, therefore, could not exist. (Hear, hear.) But be sides this there was the act bf the 7th and Bth Victoria known as the Wagering Act, which applied to all wagers, and defeated all transactions of that kind. The Wagering Act, therefore, was a sufficient remedy against all gambling transactions. Ho would only say, further, that it was an inconvenient and a bad system of legislation to repeal an act of Parliament by a bye-clause in a stamp act. (Hear.) The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said his hon. and learned friend made the most of his notable discovery, but as ho could not deny that the circumstances, as stated by his hon. and learned friend, were correct, he could only say that if he had proposed this 17th clause he should have made express reference to the perpetuating act of the 10th of Geo. 11. But whether pn act expressly repealing the act of the 7th of Geo. 11. would be a dead letter he was not at that moment prepared to say. Ho would not take upon himself to assent to that proposition. Any defect of the kind pinted out might be remedied on a future occasion. With regard to the proposition of the hon. member for Norfolk, his arguments did not seem to him to be well founded. The act of the 7th of George 11. began with a - very vituperative preamble against " the wicked, perni cious, ;and destructive practice of stock-jobbing." The first section - applied to the - practice itself, and as far as putting an end to it was concerned, it proved utterly in efficacious. Ho supposed the hon. gentleman did not de sire to see the class of persons who wore engaged on the Stock Exchange put an end to. His observations rather applied to the second provision of the first section of the oetAwhich provided for avoiding all wagers and von tracts in the nature of wagers. It provided a most cum brous machinery through the Court of Chancery of putting the act into operation: but for the last 100 years there was no practical, or at least no successful application of its pro visions. ' With regard to the object which the hon. gentle man aimed at, there was an act of a much more recent date which was not a dead letter—the 7th and Bth of Victoria, and which rendered all contracts or agreements, whether in writing or without writing, by way of wagering, abso lutely void. The present clause proposed to repeal the spe cial act relating to stockbrokers, but it left the act relating to wagers generally in full operation. Sir 11. CAIRNS said that any one was liable to mistake, but he had certainly been amused to hear the Solicitor- General argue that a clause which repealed an act that htu: come to an end 100 years ago could be stretched so as to re. peal a wholly different act, which had made that act perpe• tual. The question was one that was not argueable. II( agreed with Mr. James that the clause now under consi deration would be a perfectly dead letter. But the question had assumed a new shape after the Solicitor-General had ad dressed the house. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had proposed, as part of his financial scheme, to impose a tax upon contracts for the sale of stock. Thereupon the gen tlemen of the Stook Exchange had expressed their readi ness to submit to this tax, provided they were relieved from the difficulty they had hitherto been under owing t' t ., Sir John Barnard's Act. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had acceded to that proposition. He said he thought Sir John Barnard's Act was unwise, and that he was prepared to repeal it. Accordingly the clause now under considera tion-declared thUt the provisions of that act were an unne cessary restriction on the making of contracts. But the Solicitor-General now told them that it was a delusion to suppose that time-bargains or wagering contracts were to be made legal, and that the only.object was tuemove' from the statute-book that. offensive preamble Weir J. Bar nard's Act, which spoke of stockbrokers as a disgraceful set of people. (Hear, hear.) He hoped that that would satisfy the gentlemen of the Stock Exchange ; but he feared that they had been in a fool's paradise in supposing that time-bargains were to be legalised. The Solicitor-General told them that some very recent legislation—not one of the old acts against forestalling and regrating, but the act of 8 Victoria—provided that all contracts or agreements, in pa role or in writing, by way of gaming or wagering, should be null and void ; and he said they had been most careful not to touch that act. Accepting that explanation of the law, how did the case stand ? The clause now under die cussion did not repeal or alter any existing act,, but merely purged the statute-book of an offensive preamble. He had never known that use made of a stamp act before. (A laugh.) They were told that the law was not going to be ' altered at all, but that the sensitive minds of the stock , jobbers were to be relieved from the imputation that had been cast upon them by Sir John Barnard's Act. The re« suit was that time .bargains would be as legal as before . and he was much relieved to hear that there was no • at tempt to make them legal. Mr. HUBBARD thought Sir John Barnard's Act a dis grace to the statute-book. His impression was that nothing tended more to permanently maintain the monetary trans actions in this country than those which]were carried out on the Stock Exchange. As an illustration there was a speech delivered in this house the other evening, affecting in some measure a near neighbOur . of theirs on the other side of the water, and he remembered that, on the next morning, a friend of his asked him whether the funds had not fallen in consequence of the formidable tone of that speech—but they had not, and the great safety of the pub lic in such transactiorrs was that they were carried on by a large body of men who had udeep interest in them. Those bargains were not in themselves usually fraudulent; but there was a disability affecting them under the operation of Sir J. Barnard's act; and he thought her Majesty's Go vernment ought to take steps to' remove from the statute book an act which was fraught with so much evil, and'not to pass the proposed clause in the manner which it was proposed. Mr. ISAAC BUTT said he for one should oppose this act. They should take care not to send 'the bill .to the House of Lords with a clause in it which was disfiguring, and which was open to great objection. It therefore occured to him that, entirely independelat of Sir John Barnard's Act, they ought not 'to pass this clause, and he hoped the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer would withdraw it. The OICIANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in expla nation, said there was no demand made by the members of the Stock Exchange for the repeal of the act known as the " Wagering Act," but they did communicate to him that they thought it would be but just that they should be re iieved from the operation of an act which placed great re strictions upon them, now that it was proposed to impose a stamp upon all transactions in contract notes. He admitted the force of what had been suggested by the hon. and learned gentleman who last spoke (Mr. Isaac Butt), and yielding to it, he would withdraw the clause altogether—(hear, hear)—and he would to-morrow (this day) give notice of his intention to bring in a bill on the subject. Mr. HENLEY understood the Solicitor-General to say that if Sir John Barnard's Act were repealed, time bargains would be still left where they were, inasmuch as they would come under the denomination of gambling transactions, and be punishable under the " Wagers Act" of the Queen He thought the house had a right not to be left in the dark upon the point, and that the Chancellor of the Exchequer ought to explain, more fully what it was he really meant, and whether it was the intention of the Government, by imposing a stamp upon contract notes, to legalise gambling transactions. Lord PALMERSTON said, that as direct reference had been made to the part he took in the passing of the act for putting down gambling-houses, he would address a few observations to the house. It was known that there srae an act of the Legislature by which every person who laid a wager on a horse race was liable to a qui tam action, and even the hon. gentleman's own relative (the late Lord George Bentinck) was sued by such a form of action. He (Lord Palmerston) was Chairman of the Committee before which that question was brought, and they were of opillien that the act, which was obsolete, ought no longer to remain on the statute-book. Now, taking the matter as the hon. gentleman viewed it, he (Lord Palmerston) .was of opilli O3 that it came to the same state as horse-racing, and that the law ought to be altered and amended. The clause was then negatived. The bill was then ordered to be read a third time tbig day. BANKRUPT LAW (SCOTLAND) AMENDM.ENT BILL. , This bill passed through committee. PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS BILL. This bill, as amended, was considered, and the amen ° ments agreed to. The house then adjourned at a quarter-past 12 o'clock. UKTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL—MuIti:I 30. The arrivals from Ireland and coastwise since Tilee d % last have been trifling. From foreign ports there ha been received 1,255 qrs beans ; from Canada, 706 qrs Pe B o 'f The exports in the same time comprise 700 quarler s .J wheat, 1,479 qrs of Indian corn, 420 loads of oatmeal, 648 barrels 'and 405 sacks of flour. Weather very le'„ A very thin attendance of millers and dealers this taq' t . ing, and wheat met a moderato business ; prices were eage,,i Barley, beans, and peas in moderate request. Oats 1;i oatmeal a fair sale,'and no dearer. In Indian corn a b et business done. WAKEFIELD—MA.I,w 30. A fair supply of grain. 'Wheat was steady, at an adi, of 2s per qr. upon last week's prices, and a fair busl Other articles continue firm. Wheat, per qr. of 8 bushels 601 b., Essex, Suffolk, Kent, white, old, 48s to 518; new, 48s to 51s; ditto, old, 42s to 445; new, 42s to 445; Lincolnshire and V shire white, new, 45s to 508; red, 41s to 41s. EXETER—MA RCH 30. The business to-day was firm at the following price; ' 9 l Wheat, white. 68 3d to 6g 6d Barley. 48 Od to 53 I Ditto red 68 3d to 58 6d Oats Flour, fine, 34s to 35s ; seconds, 32s to 338 per sa i ck' CATTLE. The attendance was good, but tha market was 14 supplied with fat stock. Trade slack, at previous Pr l A moderate supply of pork carcases. ,ql Fat beef, p score, 986 d to 10s6d Ewes, per lb .6id - Perk carcases, do Os Od to 108 Wethers, do. .7d to Sheep, per lb. Rough fat, 41d per lb. BRISTOL SUGAR—MA it= 30. The market has again assumed a very quiet tone+ q prices are only with difficulty supported. Refined Po dueq dull of sale, and lower rates would now have to be 5 milted to. Rum continues neglected. COAL MARK] (Prices of Coal per Ton at 8. d. ?.T—MARCH 30. the close of the inaiket] Walls End. Davison's West Hart ley 1G 0 Howard's West Hart ley 1G 0 Lambert's West Hart- Kelloe Hetton.... Eden Haswell Cassop Acorn Close Heugh Hall North Hartlepool Thorpe South Hetton... Wharncliffe ley 16 0 Tanfield Moor Butes 12 6 Wylam l6 6 Walker Primrose 13 0 Chilton Hartley Steam.ls 0 Hastings Hartley l6 0 St. Cuthbert's Hartley 15 0 West Hartley 16 3 Framwellgate Whitworth Ships at mark, :et, 58—Sold. 37. FOREIGN NAIL PACKET LIST. t be" In the followingtable E signifies that letters are despa;4l, by evening mails from London, and M by morning tnal';‘) DESTINATIONS. I Despatch 1 of Mails. Port of Despatch• Australia and Mauritius, vial Southampton IA pri112,31 Ditto, via Marscillem Bahamas and Havana, via New York lAprill4,E Canada, &c. (by Canadn. pekt )131ar. E Cape of Good Hope, Ascen sion, and St. Helena China, Penang*, and Singa- April 5, E pore, via Southampton .- Ditto, via Marseilles Gibraltar, via Southampton Honduras and Blewlields India (Calcutta) and Ceylon,l via Southampton Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via .South ampton Ditto, via Marseilles Lisbon, Br azils, Buenos Ayres, and Islands Lisbon, Vigo, and Oporto firalta. Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseilles Mexico and Havana Newfoundland United States and British N ' America (by British packet)l Ditto (by U.:3. packet) .... West Coast' of Africa, Ma- (tetra, and Teneriffe West India,.California, Vene zuela, Chili, Peru, Grey town, New Granada, ° A ISouthainP. 11 .. . ......... PI API Liverpool. 'J ov e Liverpool..l 'Devonport Al AP April 4, MSouthaniP . l Ap . I Aprillo, F.; ... . 'April 4,3Cgouthon l Y' l Ap Aprill7, JWSouthiallP• April 4, M Aprillo, E ! Southan l P. r;1 M: April 3,E Southamp. 14 April, 9, (April 7, M I Sonthamp. Al Southamp. Al April 4,1k1 ,Aprtl 3,11, S ou thamp. A . A, Southamp. Liverpooll• Mar. 30, E 1 Mar. 31, E Mar. —,E t tiverpool.. llll Southamp• April 23 E I ' Liverpool.. " 1. South amp. 'l'° !April 2, Dif EXECUTION OF TIIE• CONVICT Xll execution of the culprit Castles, convicted of the F l murder of his wife at the late Bedford assizes, toJi,,e this day at .noon.. Since his condemnation Castle!! partake of no food forming the ordinary prison di e d Mr. Roberts,,the governor, deemed it desirable to s A 114 from his own table. Castles appeared to posses ° ti e nefve, and on returning to the gaol after sentence of was passed on him, asked forsome bread and ebee se r l ale, and a pipe of tobacco or a cigar ; he had the forW e 'l not the latter. .The culprit wa s visit e d by hi s brot ler I „di other relatives. Ho has acknowledged his crime justice of his senten.ce., _le Premature Greyness, Weak or Falling Hair, Nellr fP ? Nervous Headache, Rheumatism, Stiff Joints, asc., are 1, *led with ease and certainty by HERRING'S Patent 31$ r, Brushes and Combs. Their use is an absolute luxurP newly-invented Teazle Brushes for Colth, Velvet, 146 ,0 . admirable—they not only cleanse, but preserve the fll „ ",, 11 0 a remarkable manner. The Manufactory is 32, Basir i li. st. The public are cautioned against counterfeits.—A P JO [ADVERTISEMENT.]—Mr. Venson, Ludgate-hill, 1 ,46 4? published anew illustrated pamphlet on watches (free b 7 , D , , for two stamps). It should be read by all who Ar e ,/ buying a watch, as it contains prices and important te'd tion as to—What watch to buy I where to buy it ! and Esc it ,/ oiel P [ADVERTISEMENT.] —HOI lo way's Pills and y i nf ,11,? Influenza, Bronchitis.--At th a beginning of sprirlgie: complaints are continually, prc duced by the east 'variable temperatures. In all 6 uch• cases early ail,' and effective treatment deujeanded to prevent thefoliF generating inn more serious and often fatal Er° i s 4 The invalid may rest assured that Holloway's Pills,,,t,P out worrying the weakest c,onstitution, will reil e il' j formidable sympt oms. The oin.tment should be rub or; the chest, back, and sides ovary night and morning;,/, least ten mi nutes, an d the plats then encased in Die, This course of treatment will le men fever, rectify il l l ll congestion, relieve oppressed fangs, and remove 7, c 7 04 ness, hoarseness, and cough. Thorough restorall?o, reward diligence an'd attention in following this adv i [ADVERTISEMENT.I*.To the" hectic, the cons the dyspectic, the emaciated, and the debilitated, Do. 8 ,4 f, delicious . health-restorino- Revalenta AraLk,a Food r<dy sound lungs, perfect digestion, refreshing sleep, gT a ir4 vous and muscular energy without any of the uncesdicio; annoyances, and ruinous expenses incurred by m° fe a cod liver oil, or visits to distant climes. We quote t the many thousand cures effected by this. deliciot. e ,, Cure No. 39,618--Dr. Wurtzer, of consumption. 54,812—Miss Virginia Zeguers, cured of consumPt lo ,;ceJ her medical advisers had abanoned all hopes o f rec .. Cure No. 3,9o6—Thirteen years' cough, indigesti°X general debility have been removed by Du 8arry,,; 1 03 , . ; lent Food. James Porter, Athol-street, Perth. r; 51,618—Miss Gallard,l7, Rue dal Grand St. Michae,,o was in the last stage of consumption, of which W ile tit .had died, and given up by her medical attendant7,: e c i llek a last resource, her father gave iwr Du Barry's IL t it Arabica, and in about three months she was per from cough, expectoration, noctatrnal perspirativ v e y every other symptom of this dreadful diso 3sc :ll o 9 is now - perfectly well. Cure No. 46,27 0-3fr. dis o :r Roberts, timber' merchant, of thirty years lungs, spitting of: blood, lever derangenient,A Po* tial eafness. Cure No. 452,08 V —Field-111a 1 " ,h ` to ai!; 1 1 , of Plusknow, of gastric inflammation of the,, s . r in tins, at ls. Gd. ; 11b., 3s. ; 21b., 53. 9d.; alb., 1 0 '4, 0 ; 265. Tho 101 b. and 121 b. tins carriage free, on m 00 1 1 3 , 000 office order. Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street? 4' i , 4 , Fortnum, Mason, and Co., 182, Piccadilly; ~/Yosfei t e, Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 63, and 1 T',',,,p5 : 1;0, street; 330 and 451, Strand ; 49 and 60, 13 1'" pa r O , l street ; 85, Tottenham-court-road. Also a.„,,a il o od Bewley 'and Draper ; at Edinburgh, itßini°s s iorf t ie at Liverpool, Nixon and Thew; at Manchester, 5h 60 0 Scott; at York, Itaintes, Blanchard, and Co. aruptou Itandall and Sop 011 BIRTHS. KIRKAA.N.—On the 29th inst , at ,Upper Claptoof the of John J. Kirkman, Esq., 'of a sou. •Alet°, LACB.—On the 29th hist at the Old Nall, Er: of Cheshire, the wife of J. Verney Lovett Lace, son. MARRIAGES. I‘,,eir BAKEn.--EvANs.—On the 27th inst., at St. gark'f.4.:.toll' o n l i , n a gton, Robert John Barker, sq., of ICenti`l4l .1, to Harriett second daughter of Wm. vans, , ~,, el" W o E f a i ttt li P li n iu r g itu ' n.—On the 29th inst., at St t . o l g g iat t ft: Church, John Webb, Esq., of 11, Gray's-mil, es Marion Pritchard, of 19, Lontiou-street, Zr Pit:ATI - IS. v_terrfttir HOPE.—On the 18th inst., at 16, Kensington-par jo.: Notting. hill, Captain James Hop e, late of the V 2 d , (4 landers, aged 72. E5(l 5 :eti MAnn -- nLv.On the 29th inst. , Joseph Maberly,-streo,.t Mytten, Cuckfield, and. late of 17, Ilarley 77. f 4 4' PROTHEROE.—On the 2 9 th inst. , Evan Problier°e' of Austinfriars, and of Lee, Kent, aged 53. 1.1 14 ,0 ' LONDON : Printed and Publi shed b y MURDO ° 14°14 1/ ' of of No. 112, Strand, Printer , at The Sun Office, of Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the 0 0 Miaow; Saturday, 'larch 31, 1860. stn of and and Naia fr ee t her s This T~ Barrels Cases Cal v aluabl °I loc.( Atzen aPPoin JOSE A Ps SUT tread ) t knedich uses of "AS wl ! h i tiel, prive4 a Y par ed str eet 2 e. 3d : Asthn engral Just Vi' , C Hi kj i don,_ , 3 Cl 4 ;r om 4 111 e kr. j This W *let ,Ith ka I t 31