The Sun. — London, England, 1860-02-03 00:00:00

IiNIF'ERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS=(YEsTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack et five o'clock. Lord CHELMSFORD presented a petition against the abolition of Church-rates, and against any bill for legalising ma rriw with a deceased wife's sister. The Earl of DERBY presented two petitions against the abolition of Church-rates. Lord COLVILLE presented petitions from Mattishall, Northwold, and Kirby Bedor, in the diocese of Norwich, against the abolition of church-rates without providing an equivalent. REAL PROPERTY BILL. Lord BROUGHAM moved that the Law of Property Bill, which was read a first time on Tuesda y last, be printed. The noble and learned lord explained that his bill was not identical with Sir Hugh Cairns' bill. PRIVATE BILLS. Lord REDESDALE moved that no bill originating in this house, and included in either of the two classes of private bills in standing order No. 178, be read a second time after Tuesday, the 14th of February, except with spe cial leave of the house. LAW OF. PROPERTY BILL. On the motion that the house: go into committee on this bill, Lord ST. LEONARDS entered into the principles in volved in the bill, and detailed the alterations made in the present measure from that which was in their lordship's holm last year. [His lordship spoke in such an indistinct tone that not a single complete sentence could be heard in the gallery.] Lord BROUGHAM said the profession and the public at large laboured under great obligations to the noble and learned lord, who devoted the whole time of his retirement to the amendment of the law. (Hear, hear.) The LORD CHANCELLOR said he entirely approved of the bill of the noble and learned lord (St. Leonards). He thought the clause relative to constructive notice was a great improvement on the law as it stood. The house then went into committee, and a few verbal amendments having been made, the bill was reported. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS--(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. NEW MEMBER. Mr. CHILDERS took the oaths and his seat for Ponte fract. • ELECTION PETITIONS. The committee on election petitions was sworn. PETITIONS. Petitions were presented in favour of the legalisation of marria,ge with a deceased wife's sister; against the unqua• lified abolition of church rates ; from Mr. Churchward, Go vernment contractor, praying for inquiry into certain :grievances of which he complained; in favour of vote by ballot; against Sunday trading, &c. HIGH COURT OF ADMIRALTY. Mr. DIGBY SEYMOUR gave notice of a motion affirming the propriety of extending the jurisdiction of the High Court of Admiralty._ CAVALRY. Sir DE LACY EVANS moved for a return specifying the regiments of cavalry in which there were vacancies in the rank of cornet on the Ist of Jan., 186), and the number of such vacancies in each regiment; also, the number of vacan cies at the last examination for admission into the Military College of Sandhurst ; the number of candidates (if any) who were permitted to fill those vacancies without - having obtained the minimum number of marks prescribed as ne cessary in order to enter that institution : and, copy of con tinuation of correspondence between the War Departments and Treasury concerning proposed augmentation of the pay or allowances of junior officers of the army, previouslysub mitted to the house, if such correspondence should have been continued or renewed.—Agreed to. FLOGGING IN THE ARMY. Mr. B. COCHRANE gave notice of a motion on this subject. MR. CHISHOLM ANSTEY. Mr. E. JAMES asked the Under Secretary for the Colo nies whether he was prepared to lay on the table of the house the papers for which an address was moved last ses• Edon, with reference to certain charges made by Mr. Chis holm Anstey, Attorney-General of Hong Kong, against certain officials there, and also with reference to the sus pension of Mr. Chisholm Anstey. Mr. C. FORTESJUE said that the papers alluded to were prepared, and would shortly be produced. SAVOY AND NICE. Mr. DISRAELI said that he wished to repeat the ques tion which he had asked on a previous occasion, namely, whether the noble lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs intended to lay before the house the communications which had taken place with reference to the alleged pro posal on the part of France to annex Savoy and Nice ? Lord J. RUSSELL said that he had communicated with our Ambassador in France, and had given the subject of the production of these papers his gravest consideration. The result of that declaration was that it would not be ad visable to produce the documents referred to by the right hon. gentleman. He would, however, state to the house what was the substance of those papers. In July last Mr. Harris communicated with Count Walewski respecting the supposed intention of France to carry out the annexation, and had received a reply of a most satisfactory character to the effect that no such intention existed on the part of the Emperor of the French. (Hear.) The result was that on the receipt of this important announcement, the Govern ment directed a despatch to be forwarded to the French Go vermdent expressing the gratification that was felt by the executive of this country at the intelligence received. (Hear.) STEAM PACKET MAIL CONTRkCTS. Mr. BOUVERIE asked the hon. and gallant member for Berkshire when the house would be in possession of the terms of his motion relative to the contracts made by Go vernment with steam packet companies for the public service. _ _ Captain VERNON aaid that hon. members would re ceive that information to-morrow. CIVIL SERVICE EXPENDITURE. Mr. WISE rose, pursuant to notice, to move that, in the opinion of this house, it would be desirable to appoint every year a select committee to inquire into the miscellaneous civil service expenditure of the preceding year; into the payments made out of the consolidated fund; and into those on account of the Woods, Forests, and Land Revenues. Ho hoped hon. members would not consider it waste of their timo to give a little attention to the subject of his motion. Whether they looked to the past expenditure of the country or to the fact that £55,000,000 were now required for the debt and defences of the country, the necessity for a shin gent inquiry into the expenditure was apparent. It had been proposed that the estimates for the year should be re ferred to a select committee, but that he could not help re ' garding as a device to cast off from the Executive Govern- meat the duties and responsibilities of their office. The desirableness, however, of assisting the Treasury to exercise a further check and control of the civil service expenditure could not be denied. He should be satisfied if the house would adopt the principle of his resolution, but at present the civil service estimates, as they came before hon. mem bers, were a snare to them. With the exception of the army and navy, and the estimates for the British Museum, with one or two others, it was impossible for the house to come to a just conclusion upon them. He was therefore disposed to believe, without any want of confidence in the Govern ment of the day, whoever they might happen to be, that an annual review by a comm itt ee o f th e h ouse o f the expendi ture and revenue of th e W oo d s an d F ores t s D e p ar t men t, o f the Crarges on the consolidated fund, and of the miscella • rioua expenses in co nnec ti on w ith th e c i v il serv i ce wou ld b e attended e with a considerable reduction in the amount of out lay. He was convinced he only tte echoed the general opinion of the country w h en h e said that miscellaneous estimates were increasing with ex( e s:ve and alarming d rapidity. Inde pendent of the ordinary sources ofe funds, s i o ture, there were many secret ::rains upon the public fu x mysterious and complicated, that they seemed almost t o Ovadete control of the Treasury, as they cert a i n ly d e fi e d the investigation of the house. Tho people of th e country placedlargo Money in the hands of the Gov ernmen t with cheer L u ra of ala crity whenever they were ask e d f ir i m p or t an t national pur poses, but they had a right to insist th a t th ese sums should be faithfully appropriated and frugally expended. He thought hon. members were hound to listen to thequestions which were always being addressed to them by their con stituonts as to what was done with the money voted every year, and prove themselves really and truly the guardians of the public purse, by demanding a proper system of inq u i r p into the annual expenditure of the country. It was the practice of the occupants of the Treasury - bench to declare that they were not responsible for the amount of expendi ture, and that it was forced upon them by the House of Commons. Were hon. members willing to accept that decla ration and the responsibility which it devolved upon them ? Were they prepared to admit that no inspection of expendi ture was required, and that no reduction in its amount could be effected ? He believed most hon. members were agreed that the Civil Service estimates were too large, that many of the charges upon the Consolidated Fund ought to be other wise provided for, a-ed that the Lands and Forests revenue fell below what it might be made by proper management. He was satisfied that the examination of a committee would lead to the saving of thousands, if not millions of money, without any injury to the strength or efficiency of the pub lic service. (Hear.) He wished to call the attention of the house to an important Parliamentary paper which had been issued, giving an account of the increase in the Civil Service estimates for the last 20 or 2.5 years. In the year 1839 the total amount of these estimates was £2,651,000, while last year they came to £7,880,000. In 1817, when we were at peace, they were only £1,480,000, and before the Reform Bill, in 1830, £1,872,000. The average for the 10 years ending 1827 was £2,116,000; for the 10 years ending 1837, £,269,000; for the 10 years ending 1847, £3,016,000; and for the last 10 years, £5,710,000. The expenditure for the 20 years endi ng 1839 was £43,226,000; and for the 20 years totals 1859, £94,955,000. It was instructive to compare the each class of expenwiture in 1839 and 1858 :—P üb he buildings parks &,e 1839 £197 000 • 1859 £793,000. Salaries a / ./ 7 7 7 1859 na expenses of public departments, 18 39 , £7 23 , 000 ; 12,544 , Law and justice, 1839, £666,000 ; 185 9 , 139, iG 23, Ad o ucation, science, and art, 1839, £175,000; 1859, £428,000. • Colonial and consular, 1839, £339,000; 1200 , 0 00 ; 1859, I Superannuation and allowances, 1839, 1859, 983,000. (hear.) Miscellaneous, 1839, £217,000 ; Parliament, new and temporary, It was stated that the Houses of thin £1,716,000; and tryorary, cost the country no less Vie trouble, as he had (lo anY hon. member would take was to walk round the building, he would find that the atoneeealready in a state of decay, and that numerous fissures were I!.pparent. Buckingham Palace, he was sorry to say, wa r : in ;ouch the same condi tion. Bat. they had only to look li . Paul's, Somerset house, Guards to see house, the Banqueting-hall, or the that their ancestors did not make such a ti l t c a e t the selection of stone. (Hear.) If thcrehaxit s as we did in Committee appointed regularly every year he wenasasFurine this matter would have been minutely and carefully in into, and no doubt some of the enormous expenniture lu mi g re l d have been saved , or, et least, laid out to better purposeTitist grants for harbours of refuge were considerable, no doubt, but they were fora great national object, and all that was asked was that they should be economically spent, and that value should be got for the money. He found that as much as £26,000 a year was spent in hiring ilep - xtmental offices, and could not help thinking that a miserable plan of carry ing on the Government of a great country like this. A great many buildings were also rented for the use of commissions; and he might mention, by the way, that since 1830 no less than £831,171 had been spent in commissions. During the last 20 years the fund ture of the public - departments had cost £450,000. He freely admitted that the gentlemen connected 'with the Treasury and the offices of Secretaries of State were generally not extravapntlyprovido for in that respect, He believed that in those departments the duties were very efficiently discharged. But still, taking the expenditure in the whole of the public departments together, it would be found it was exactly doubled. The increase of expendi ture did not arise in the charges for the two Houses of Par liament, which were in 1852, £89,000, and last year £BO,OOO. As far as the House of Commons was concerned, the whole expenditure was £52,000, of which £41,000 was supplied by fees. Probably in no public office in the metropolis were economy and efficiency so combined, and all who had had ex perience of the House of Commons and its officers knew that the latter had always discharged their duties with an effi ciency and a courtesy which deserved general thanks. (Cheers.) Between 1£ 1 39 and 1859 they had spent £6,000,000 in printing and stationery. In 1856, the item was £458,000, but he was happy to see that last year it was reduced to £337,000. (Hear, hear.) He should be very sorry to curtail the printing of useful documents, but he thought the printing should be limited to papers of that kind. The stationery and official postage items were both very much abused. Chntlemen connected with the Science and Art Department did not study economy in those re spects. He received from time to time from that department, in common, he supposed, with every peer and member of Parliament, bushels of papers, which went into their house maids' baskets. He had recently received one, rather more than usually attractive. It was in a huge official envelope, bearing on the outside, " Henry Cole, cience and Art Dt partmentl South Kensington—On her Majesty's Service," and consisted of an almanac. (Laughter.) He liked to buy his own almanacs, and really he thought the Treasury ought to check this sort of nonsense. (Cheers.) They all knew that they could not do without Secret Services, but under that head there had been • an expenditure during 20 years of £954,600, and he very much doubted whether the secret information which had been obtained was worth the money. (Hear, hear.) When any complaint was made ol increase of salaries they were generally told that a great number of salaries were put in lieu of fees. In 1851 the fees amounted to £138,000. Last year they had dwindled down to £lll,OOO, and of that sum the House of Commons' fees supplied £41,000, so that the fees did not amount to any very large sum, and could not contribute as largely to salaries as was represented. (Hear.) He had a great respect for both law and justice, but he thought the expenditure under that head, which was enor mously increased, required revision. The item was £2,500,000 with the addition of £718,000 charged on the consolidated fund. He did not say that the charge on the consolidated fund was improper, because the judges ought to be provided for in that permanent form. Into the important item of education, science, and art, there was a commission inquir ing at the present time, but he was anxious to call attention to the fact that the expenditure under that head had in creased from £175,000 in 1819 to £1,328,000 in 1859. Ho hoped the country was receiving an equivalent for that ex penditure. They voted last year £230,000 for pupil teachers, and his experience taught him that the pupil teacher sys tem was becoming a failure; they had married very early, if they were attractive young women, or went out as gover nesses, and that in one way or the other they left the service of the educational staff. (Hear.) The next item was the consular and colonial expenditure. He was pleased to think that the committee which sat on the consular system two or three years ago had not been without its effect, and he sin cerely trusted that her Majesty's Government would carry out the recommendations of that committee. Her Majesty's late Government entered very warmly into the question, and were, he believed, prepared to adopt measures likely to lead to great and beneficial changes. (Hear, hear.) The colonial charges were very large indeed, amounting in five years to £22,000,000. Then there was the superannuation and other items, into the details of which he would not enter, but he begged to call the attention of the house tql . Class 7. Those estimates were generally laid on the table at a very late period of the session, when there was no time for investigation. They were termed temporary charges, but he was sorry to say, after the first appearance of an item in that class, it was generally continued for ever afterwards. (Hear, hear.) With all respect for the metro politan members, he objected to the large sums invariably demanded for metropolitan purposes. In counties they built bridges, made public gardens, and discharged at their own expense all the duties which No. 7 of the estimates did for the metropolis. For instance, last year they voted for Battersea-park, Chelsea-bridge, and Vauxhall embankment no less than £525,000. (Hear.) With regard to the Conso lidated Fund the items comprised in it were never brought before the house. They were printed in a blue-book at the end of each session ; but something store was required than an inquiry within the four walls of the Treasury. The right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had, in 1854, expressed an opinion that there was no point on which the house was more apt to be led into laxity than that of laying on the Consolidated Fund charges which it ought not to bear, the consequence of which was, that in some measure they escaped the control of Parliament and were forgotten, and the right hon. gentleman also said that it would be advisable to establish some means by which the attention of the house would be drawn periodically to these charges. That was exactly the object of this motion. The first item en the Consolidated Fund was £385,000 for the Civil List. and, with regard to that, the only observation 1 he would make would be a hope that her it might live many years in health and happiness to enjoy it. He was glad to observe that there had been a greatimprove ment lately in the revenues of the duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall, for a few years ago they used to bring in very little and cost a great deal. In the duchy of Lancaster there was a chancellor, a vice-chancellor, an attorney- general, and 50 other officials; in short, to use Burke's words, " all the apparatus of a kingdom to manage a country gentleman's estate." The house, he contended, had a right to look into the management of these Crown lands and forests, to see whetherthey produced a sufficient revenue. By an actpassed in the reign of George IV. it appeared that the expenses of collection were the first charge on the revenues, then pen sions, and whatever was left went to the State. It was high time that this mode of proceeding was altered, and the com mittee on public moneyswas of the same opinion. In their re port they expressed an opinion " that these charges should be brought under the system of votes for expenditure, just like the charges respecting other branches of the public revenue. But in answer to this report the Treasury had made a minute to the effect that " My Lords" were of opinion that, considering the peculiar nature of this revenue, it was ad visable to postpone any further consideration of this point unlil a further investigation took place preparatory to a new surrender of the Crown lands to the public, and a grant of a now Civil List to the Crown. He never could understand the reason of the Treasury for recommending this postpone ment. Mr. Hnskisson, Lord Monteagle, and other public men whose judgment should have great weight, were of opinion that the control of Parliament ought to he exercised over these revenues quite as much as over any other branch of the public revenue. According to a Parliamentary paper lately delivered the revenue of the Crown lands, Woods and Forests, from 1816 to 1859 was £13,273,295, and the ex penses upwards of £6,000,000. The income for 1858-9 was £416,771, and the sum received by the Consolidated Fund was £280,040, from which was to be deducted a vote on Es timate 2 of £23,000, so that it cost £190,231 to get £256,510. In 20 years the total revenues amounted to £6,705,917, out of which was to be taken £2,214,000 for manage ment, and £995,000 for permanent improvements, leaving a net profit to the State of £3,495,000. This was much as if a country gentleman, with a gross rental of £3,300 had to pay £l,lOO for management and £.500 for permanent im provements, leaving himself with an income of £1,700. What tenant for life would admire that state of things? Yet it exactly represented the position of the country with reference to the revenue of the Crown lands. No doubt the gentleman at the head of tho Department had effected considerable improvements of late ; but there was still a vast amount of unseen and uncontrolled expenditure. Leaving the lands, and travelling now to the mysterious recesses of the Woods and Forests, it appeared fi om this paper that the receipts of the Woods and Forests from 1803 to 1859 had been £2,589,183, an I the expenses £2,085,304. In 1859 the receipts were £47,181, and expenses £52,984 ; in 1858 the receipts were £68,743, and expenses £58,170; and in 1857 the receipts were £63,811, and the expenses £55,469. In order that it might net be thought that he had selected an exceptional period he would take the four years ending 1852, in which he found that the receipts were £186,000, and the expenses £lBB,OOO. In the four years ending 1850 the receipts were £307,000 and the expenses £245,000. For the thre3 years ending 1859 the receipts were £175,000 and the expenses £166,090, making fur that period of 11 years a total of receipts of £673,000 and of expenses £600,000. Tak ing now three of these Crown forests, it appeared that in that of Dean the receipts last year were £11,900 and the ex penses £11,300 ; in the New Forest £16,000 had been re ceived and £ll,OOO expended ; and in Windsor Forest, which from its vicinity to the Castle was exceptionally placed and required additional outlay in salaries, upon labour, the maintenance of deer, &c., the receipts had been £5,000 and the expenses £19,010. When the large establishments and expenses connected with -the Woods and Forests were com plained of it was urged that they were absolutely requisite for the management of this extensive property, which amounted nominally, in forests alone, to 103,000 acres ; but he believed it was the fact that they had not a really benefi cial interest in more than 30,000 acres. A few years ago the Treasury directed three gentlemen of eminence to visit these portions of the Crown property, and they proceeded during their, term of inspection to Delamere forest, which he would take as an example of the injudicious mode of treatment that had sometimes been adopted. The commissioners reported that the 4,000 acres of which the forest was composed " was in every respect unsuited to the growth of oak, and that such a crop ought never to have been planted upon it ; that trees had been planted in such places and of such sizes as to preclude argbey amount ou all chance of th e i r success ; that considerable loss had been unskilfulntinvalinne of ode of cutting larchtingdown tr t e r e ee n, s; tkat a very sustainedl admir ably suited to the s o il i n which they 'Ti were growing and ap proaching rapidly to geed timber , ,had been displaced to give room for stunted thriftless oaks, which were of no present value, and never could attain any." He desired in an especial manner to direct the attention of the Secretary t o the Treasury to the arrears whi c h were perm i tted to occures in the rent accounts which were made up to Ap ril in every year. In 1857 the arrears which were thus permittedetrl remain due amounted to £220,241, in 1858 to £206,680, and in 1859 to £202,248. The Treasury certainly ought to have the power of checking this system, which seemed, at all events, to have existed for three years, and which must be attended with very injurious effects, as it permitted so large a sum as £200,000 to remain in the hands of the country agents and stewards charged with the collection of the re venues of the Crown. (Hear.) The capital account likewise called for examination, as it was both mysterious and unsa tisfactory in its nature. Within the last 30 or 40 year, Crown property to the value of £2,408,203 had been sold, and this system of constant sales and re-investments was attended with inconvenience and enormous expense. Last year an amount of no less than £ 13,037 was p aid for le g al expenses and plans incidental to these sales of Crown lands , to consolida t e this though it might be extre mel y desira ble this property, which was scattered th r ough almost every large army of county in in England, and so to get rid o f a ear agents —(h thought ce i vers , surve yors, stweards,and ern ) ffe d h b cte t an the improvement might be more jud iciousl y . The Chaneellor y this perpetual system of buying and sel lin g . _ of the Exchequer had, a few years ago , taken the wise and judicious course of removing a great number of charges from the Consolidated Fund to the estimates for the year ; and he trusted that the right hon. gentleman, whom he be lieved to be at heart a sincere financial reformer, would per severe in the same beneficial direction. There were a num ber of charges which, in his opinion, might with great ad vantagebe removed from the Consolidated Fund to the yearly estimates, where they would be exposed to the consideration and criticism of the house. Among these he placed the charge for the Lunacy Commission of £12,500 ; that for the Audit office of -£6,300, which was in addition to the sum of £32,466, appearing on the estimates for the expenses of that Office. Then there was the sum of £lO,OOO for secret service money, in addition to the £32,000 in the estimates ; and this ~aitem,s he should lik e t o a b o li s h a ltogether, believing that it opposed to the openness of the English character, and that from t: ,u le country had never derived any substantial benefit • eh expenditure. The of £lO 000 for the G.,- sums , vernment of the Isle Wetf stipend t of Man ; £ 17,000 for the augmenta s India el s the Scotch clergy; and £20,300 to the vent ageously e t r o g& e reight in like manner be transferred ad the Lord Lieutenantesottultes. The salary of £20,000 to tained on the Consolidat ed ought, perhaps to be re waa maintained ;but it Ft Fund as long as the office itself ad dition to this 120,000 there °uld be remembered that in ad of Castle expenses to the w er e further payments on account amount of Howsehold of £6,431 yearly. £4,378, and to - the The allowance of £3 l OOO to THE StTN, LONDON, VRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 3, It6o. the in-coming Lord Lieutenant for his outfit was classed under the head of contingencies, but the house would bear in mind that within a compara tive) few years there had been eight Viceroys appointed. (Hear, hear.) The allow ance of £2,000 a year to the High Commissioner of the General Assembly of Scotland, and of £2,000 to the itine rant preachers, he should also like to remove; and last, and not least, he was particularly desirous that the £lBO,OOO paid for diplomatic services should be brought into the estimates. A resolution which he had proposed last session was rejected by a majority of 28 in a house of 256 members, but he still hoped that Parliament would see the advisability of exercising a control over the expenditure in that department. The diplomatic service cost the country last year £268,898, and the consular ser vice £252,796, making a total of £521,694. Besides this charge on the Consolidated Fund he found that in the last 11 years there had been expended on the same account — miscellaneous, £248,000; special missions, £133,000; Em bassy-houses,£2s3,ooo ; chapels, £95,500 ; rent and outfit, £lOB,OOO and £70,000. So that, if some supervision were not exercised over these sums, they would go on increasing until in a few years the cost of these united diplomatic ser vices would amount to millions instead of thousands. He , .-..... .. _ ........ ____ _ had given a plain unvarnished tale, with the object of in ducing the house to adopt some measures that might more effectually check this stream of expenditure which received but a very inadequate consideration when the period of late sittings and hot nights came on—(hear, hear)—and when members were tired and the house was impatient to enter on other business. The only consideration at which he had been able to arrive was that the people of England had too much money. Southey had said that a Government never could be too rich, but that the same observation did not apply to the people who were governed. To impose taxation was easy, and to disburse it was agreeable ; but the payment of taxes, except in cases of great national emer gency, was a process that was always paigful and disagree able. (Hear, hear.) A rigid reform in the expenditure might be very annoying to many of those persons who re preseßted ignorant incapacity and distinguished destitution, but to the people of England a more rigid economy would be very acceptable. Before placing any new burdens on the pub lic, the house ought to inquire whether the money it had already granted was properly expended. There was no wish to diminish the efficiency of the national service or refuse any thing that would be for the national advantage. All that was asked was, that the public mosey should not be wasted, that the revenue should really be used for the public benefit, and the little interests of little men should not be allowed to in terfere with the great interests of a great country. (Hear. hear.) The hon. member concluded by moving his resolu tion. _ . . Mr. A. SMITH seconded it. He feared that the vast in crease in the public expenditure during the last few years could not be ascribed to the Government of the House of Commons alone, but that Parliament, the Government, and the public itself were all more or less involved in the blame. He feared there were influences at work that induced the house to relax in its duty of scrutinizing the estimates. It had been said that only the upper classes were interested in this expenditure. But on examination it would be found that the amount of the expenditure by which this particular class was benefitted was really very small. The middle class had a large share in the advantage of this expenditure and so had the class of mechanics and workmen. There was a combination of the influence of all classes to urge on an increase of expenditure. How often were members of that house heard complaining that particular classes of persons did not receive a proper amount of pay ? Some hon. gentlemen took up the case of the officers employed in the administration of the Poor Law, others that of the mechanics in the different dockyards, or the officers of the Customs' Department. From both sides of the house they beard arguments why there should be an increase in the ex penditure for the benefit of particular parties. Another principle also operated in the same direction. The Execu tive of the day, in order to carry out certain views of local government, would place on the Consolidated Fund certain sums as charges in relief of local expenditure. The house sanctioned the practice, and the cents al Government gained greater control in a certain department of administration. But the result to the country was that the expenditure was raised to more than it would have been had it been borne either by the general or the local government alone. It was simply burning the candle at both ends. Of this kind were the grants in aid of education, which had been enormously extended ; the grants in aid of county rates, of the expenses of the Poor Law Board, grants for the support of prisons and the rural police, with a variety of other grants of the same kind. A recent act had created a Board of Public Works, in addition to the Board of Woods and Forests. Instead of being an economi cal arrangement, the new Board of Public Works now cost more than the old Board of Woods and Forests—the latter £23,000 annually, the former £26,000. In the accounts of the Woods and Forests money was set down as capital that ought to be returned asrevenue, and paidinto the Treasury. The public was paying £50,000 to enhance the value of the Crown lands that ought to be paid into the Treasury, as part of the compensation paid to the country for the settle ment of the Civil List of the Sovereign. These points should be clearly understood, he should therefore support the reso lution in flavour of an inquiry. ' Mr. LAING thought the house was very much indebted to the hon. member who had made the present motion for having brought under its notice a subject of great import ance and one which excited out of doors a considerable amount of public interest. A very generil impression seemed to prevail throughout the country that the expendi ture for the civil service had gone on of late years increasing to a very alarming extent, and that, too, notwithstanding it was supposed to be in a great degree under the control of the House of Commons, and, not like the expenditure for military and naval purposes, influenced by circumstances which might render a large outlay unavoidable. It was, therefore, that the civil service expenditure was regarded as affording the best test of the economy of Parliament, and it was for that reason, among others, that he held the opinion that if the specific motion before the house should be deemed to be well adapted to samara the end for which it had been brought forward, and which every hon. member must be anxious to attain, it should be at once acceded to. It was quite clear at all events that, so far as the convenience of the Government was concerned, the appointment of the proposed committee would relieve them from a very heavy responsibility; but as responsibility could not be thrown to any degree upon one or two bodies without pro tanto relieving the other from its pres • sure, it was a point well worthy of consideration whether the accomplishment of such a result would in itself be ex pedient. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman (Mr. Wise) had, it was true, contended that the objection which he had just pointed out might in a great measure be removed by submitting to the notice of the committee, not the estimates of the ensuing, but those of the past financial year; but as nearly four-fifths of the expenditure of one year were made up of sums which reappeared in the estimates for the next, it was quite clear that the committee, in sanctioning those items, would, to a very considerable extent, remove from tile shoulders of the Government any responsibility which might attach to their re-insertion, and would furnish the Miuister with a satisfactory answer to any such inconve nient questions which might b© addressed to him by the hon. and learned member for Marylebone as to the large ness of the amount which the house might be asked to re vote under any particular head. (Hear , hear.) Be that, however, as it might, he felt it to be hie duty to lay before the house the real state of the civil service estimates, in order that hon. members might be in a position to judge upon whose shoulders it was most desirable that responsi bility with respect to them should be permitted to rest. He should not in endeavouring to effect that object go further back than the financial year 1852-3, when a large amount had been transferred from the Consolidated Fund to the estimates, inasmuch as any calculations based upon their previous amount Would be because:of that change completely illusory. Now, the hon. gentleman who had brought the ques tion under the notice of the house had referred to the greatly increased expenditure in connexion with the public offices last year as compared with the year 1846 ; but it was im portant in dealing with that subject to bear in mind that the increase was to be accounted for by the transfer from the Consolidated Fund to the estimates to which he (Mr. Laing) had already alluded; the fact being that, instead of there being any increase, there was in many instances a slight diminution in the salaries of officers employed in our pub lia departments. But, to proceed to the statement of the civil service expenditure, taking the financial years 1852-3 as a starting-point, he found that in that year the sum voted under that head was £4,407,000, while in AU it was £7,810,000, thus showing, in the expenditure in the latter over the former year, what at first sight appeared to bo an actual increase of £3,433,000. It mist be borne in mind, however, that of that amount £1,500,000 must be laid to the account of the transfer which in 1853—[An hon. Member—" 1854"]—had been made to the estimates from the Consolidated Fund. That being so, hon. members could not fail to perceive that the real increase of expenditure for the whole of the civil service, as between the two years which he had mentioned, was somewhere about £1,900,000. And how, let him ask, was that amount made up ? Chiefly of items which were the result of legislation for which Par liament itself was responsible. Now, the first item of in crease during the seven years ending in 1859 which he should mention was that under the head of education, science, and art, in which there was an increase of £860,000; the next was that which came under the head of law, jus tice, police, prisons, convicts, &c., in which the increase for the same period had been £655,000 ; that under the head of harbours being £150,000 ; of pub lic buildings, parks, &c., £150,000 ; of stationery, £20,000; of postage, telegraphs, &c., £lOO,OOO ; making altogether a total increaselof £1,800,000. There were, however, in ad dition, other charges made in the civil service estimates last year, which were in reality connected with naval and mili tary objects, as for instance, a sum of £107,000, which had been voted for the purpose of laying down a telegraph to Gibraltar, to enable us to communicate with that fortress, and also with our fleet in the Mediterranean ; and a sum of £60.000 in connexion with the exchange upon remittances, which, together with some smaller amounts, made up a sum of £200,000, ' the total increase for the seven years ending in 18,58 bein e., as he had said before, about £ 1,900,0000. With .respect to the expenditure which was incurred for the pub lic departments he thought it desirable to make a few re marks with the view of removing from the public mind the e 9D rr ep o pi n ayr e tt o mo then us e impression that money was lavishly laid out in connexion with them in order to increase patronage, espe cially for the benefit o f th e u pp er chi' ses of society. Now, if such w ere th e case — w hi c h i t was no t—th e c h arge wou ld rather than to any dit ure for the other. Treasury o the a d p u t the Colonial c inasmuch as eh Departmenttr clerkships in those departments were more sought after by young men of good family. He, however , found that w hil e t h e total exp enditure for the Treasury ' was, in 1852, £54,400 , i t wa s in 1859 not more th an i Z n s4 t , h 6 e oo ; latter while not 0 itn more the e casethan a o n f z t h 3 e o, 9 7 8 10 n i T a l h - a o Co lonial-office, the pu bo ex penditure,office, in f waohti,ch,inin connexion e f x ar io m n er with which wa was £ 38 thereBls, w a s d been any materially increased outlay in 1859, as compared with 1852, was the Foreign-office, and the increase in that instance was to be accounted for by the multiplication of telegrams and special messengers. In the Cant of the Poor Law Office there had been an actual decrease in the ex penditure in 1859 as compared with 1862, the sum voted for it having been in the latter year £95,000, while in the for user it had been only £59,000. Taking the civil service estimates generally, indeed, he found that, while there was a great increase in that expenditure which might be said to come more especially under Parliamentary control, A very I eregar management tsi ad a m f i t il l ! s e t r a p a t h i v l i e e economy se rf a h s e r o e b w s e e r r v e . : a co b n le si i d n er th ab e in fo a r t e e x a a e n r i e p r l e w , h a i g e h r eat tthe many e over i n t Te eme n t in e a t a h l e d c ivi l hardlye e r b y i e c s e a i e d s tti to have any control whatever, as, for instance, in those cases in which new establishments were brought into existence owing to a vote of the House of Commons, with a fixed scale of expenditure attached to their maintenance. T ake ae the department of law and justice. That hous e h ad seen fitadvantages t l ' s th: .He was afrai d that considerable expense to the quite so satisfactory as the hon. gentleman supposed;: end o t that at cheaphad jus ti ce i t e e ebnyd establish ing I s . I. h . : that in matters of expenditure a committee would not be he could not give a better instance of what was Oicerr to occur than that which happened in the case of a committee over which the hon. member for Stafford presided—viz., the committee on our consular establishments. The recom mendations of that committee were of great value, and led to great improvements in our consular system ; but, in so far as economy was concerned, the result would have been an increased expenditure £40,000 or £50,000 a year had the Government, in revising the consular system, and carrying out the principles of the committee, not been able to do so in a less expensive way. He referred to that as affording the house a proof of the difference that existed between the ac tion of a committee and the Government. Indeed, he could hardly recollect an instance in which a committee had sat to investigate any matters involving expenditure—such as harbours of refuge, designs for the Foreign-office, or other public works—in which the result of their labours, however beneficial to the public, had not opposed the interests of economy. (Hear, hear.) Another objection to the ap pointment of this committee was that all large items on which the possibility of carrying out an extensive system of economy mainly turned were devoted to subjects of such general interest that the house could hardly be expected to listen to the opinion of any committee in the event of its recommending a reduction in them. Among these was the vote for education, by far the largest and most important to which his hon. friend had referred. The annual increase that took place in the vote for education alone swallowed up over and over again all that could be economised in smaller matters. If they were only tohave regard toeconomy nothing would be easier than to say how far the expenditure could be cut down ; but, in the case of questions affecting the higher interests of the country generally other considerations had to be attended to. (Hear.) His hon. friend referred to the Woods and Forests. There, _again, a great di ffi culty—andthat a con stitutional one—stood in the way of such an inquiry as he suggested. If the Government or the country were absolute owners of the whole of the Crown property there might be no difficulty in saying what were best to be done. Pro bably it wouldn't° to convert the whole of their landed pro perty into money, and invest it in securities, where no staff of officials or foresters would be required to guard it, be cause a large landed property scattered all over the king dom, including a great amount of waste land, was just that sort of property that required all the supervision and eco nomy of a private individual owner to manage it well. They all knew how the estates of joint stock companies were ordinarilymanaged, and it was very probable that the State could not manage such matters better than a joint-stock company would do. But, then, there was the constitutional difficulty that the property belonged to the Crown, that we were not the real owners of it, and were not in a position to dispose of it. We had only made a bargain with the Crown, by which we agreed to manage it during the life of the Sove reign. The management of the Woods ,and Forests had, however, been under the consideration of committees of that house from time to time. Some years ago a committee presided over by Lord Duncan took great interest in the sub ject, and many improvements were the result of its inves tigations. It was admitted that the department was much better managed now than formerly, and the gentlemen at the head of it, Mr. Gore and Mr. Howard, were exceedingly assiduous and attentive to their duties. He knew that they were anything but extravagantly disposed, and during the short time he had been in office he was able to say that they had endeavoured to manage the property in the best possible manner. (Hear, hear.) He would say, in such circum stances, let the house watch the results, and if in course of time they were not satisfied, then let a committee be ap pointed to discover abuses and infuse fresh vigour into the department. He believed the appointment of a standing committee would be open to the objection that it would re lieve parties from responsibility to whom they ought to look for the right discharge of their duties ; and he could not see that, with a responsibility resting partly on a committee and partly on the Treasury and Woods and Forests, the system would work well. (Hear.) There only remained the question regarding the Consolidated Fund, and there also a difficulty arose on a point of political principle. The charges on the Consolidated Fund were those that they did not wish to subject to the fluctuating chances of an annual vote of the House of Commons. Among these were the charges for the administration of law and justice, certain ecclesiastical and theological payments, and the grant to Maynooth, which were paid out of the Consolidated Fund to avoid exciting questions being raised in that House. In considering the appointment of a committee to deal with these matters with to view to economy, the house should bear in mind that, on the question of transferring votes of this kind to the estimates, there was something to be said on the other side. Instead of leading to economy, it was as likely that there would be a pressure on them to increase the votes, so that they might in reality have to pay larg er sums than when the charges came out of the Consolidate Fund. He had thus adverted, as shortly as he could, to the reasons which induced him, while agreeing in the object proposed by his hon. friend, to doubt whether such a committee as he had suggested was the best mode of attaining it. In doing so he had been obliged to point out that the abuses complained of arose very much from causes heyond the control of the administrative department; but before sitting down he was anxious to guard against being understood as meaning that every thing had been done that ought to be done to carry out economy in the public expenditure. But if the Government were supported by public opinion, and by that house in enforcing economical views, a good deal might yet be done,—he would not say to return to the esti mates of former years, but certainly to arrest that increase, which, if it went on as at present, would in a very short time be formidable indeed. Government really could not do much unless they were supported by the opinion of the country. If public opinion, as reflected by that house, was constantly urging a more liberal expenditure for objects of admitted utility, which, though, perhaps, separately form ing but small items in the estimates, yet made up a con siderable aggregate, the Government could not long oppose a very effectual resistance. But if, on the other hand, they were supported by the house, there wore some questions on which a good deal might be done. The question of educa tion, to which his hon. friend had referred, was one on which he did not say considerations of economy were paramount ; but still he thought, if these were admitted to have due weight a good deal might be done. If every gentleman in that house who had a taste for architecture took every op portunity of enforcing it according to his own notions, with a total disregard of expense, a very large expenditure must be incurred, seeing the necessity there was for the erection of many public buildings. In regard to harbours of refuge, again, there had been a constant pressure from all parts of the country on the Government for the expenditure of a large sum of money; but if supported, as he trusted they would be, by public opinion and the house enforcing economy in these matters, he did hope the case was not altogether desperate. He could assure his hon. friend and the house that the attention of the Government during the recess had been most earnestly devoted to this subject. He might say there was not a vote in the estimates for past years which he himself had not gone through carefully, anxious to make reductions. He could not venture to pro mise that the result of these reductions would be a very great diminution in matters which had gone far beyond control; but he did venture to hope that when the estimates were produced it would be seen their exertions had not been altogether useless. He thought the best course the house could take, was to leave the whole responsibility for the pre sent on the Government, watching their progress very closely, scrutinising very jealously every subject of expen diture in the estimates, and if, after giving them a fair trial, they were not satisfied with the results; let them comedown on them with a committee, not a standing or annual com mittee under which the Government might shelter them selves, but a committee whichwould be a reality, and would bring home to the Government a sense of their responsi bility. (Hear, hear.) Mr. B A.XTER thought both the house and the country were exceedingly indebted to his hon. friend for bringing forward this question. lie was rather disappointed with the speech of his hon. friend the Secretary for the Treasury. Something must be done to check the public expenditure, and keep it within reasonable bounds. There was an abso lute necessity for economising the national expenditure. Evert gentlemen who were inclined to be liberal, if not lavi,h, in voting sums of money for the army and navy, and for the defence of the country, ought most carefully to tierutinise this expenditure. The hon. Secretary for .the Treasury said it was the duty of every member of that house to scrutinise the votes as submitted to Parlia ment, especially those proposed by the Government. Well, ever since he had the honour of a seat in Parliament, for the last five years, he had attended in that house almost every supply night, and he must say, the conviction forced itself ,42 his mind that no great benefit would or ever could result to the cause they all had at heart, of national econo my, by debating and dividing upon a few of those small items which formed together our civil service estimates. During the period to which he had referred he believed he was correct in stating that, with three or four exceptions, every vote proposed by the Government had been carried without reduetion, perhaps, in double that number of in stances votes had been expunged in consequence of there having been a very narrow run the year before ; but this he held to be a very small result; and without objecting to each great subdivision of votes, or reducing each vote care fully and seriatia:, IA did not think much progress would be made, or any groat reduction effected until gentlemen who, like his hon. friend and himself, thoUght the expen diture was excessive, took a different course, and adopted such a plan as this at a very early part of the session, say ing to the Government, "We are not prepared to expend £7,500,000 on the civil service; we think £7,000,000 or £'3,500,000 quite sufficient, and we wish you to form your estimates on that basis." (Hear, hear.) He held, in point of fact, that at present the house had no efficient control over the public expenditure. They ought to throw on the Government the responsibility of bringing forward those votes which were absolutely necessary, but with some such limit as he had suggested. He was disappointed that the Secretary for the Treasury had not been able to state that the Government had been enabled very much to reduce the civil service expenditure. He had had con siderable faith in the right hon. gentleman the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, and he was in hopes that he would have devoted his great abilities to this subject, and with success ; for he was firmly convinced, not only that a great saving might be effected without diffi culty or detriment,-but with considerable advantage to the public service. If any ono doubted this, let him read the speech of the right hon. gentleman the member for Buck inghamshire upon this subject when last in office , who dis tinctly admitted that there was a very great profusion in the civil service expenditure. Besides, the expurgation of votes would save a great deal of the precious time of the house. His hon. friend objected to this committee, and there was a good deal of force in his objection to it being a standing committee : but he had looked in vain for anyide claration of what the Government intended to substitute. .The house and the country were agreed that the expendi ture must be checked, and unless the Government were prepared on their responsibility to tell them that it should be reduced, he was to a considerable extent shut up to sup port the proposition of his hon. friend; and should the re sult not be satisfactory he thought it would be the bounden duty of the house to affirm such resolution as he had sug gested. Sure he Was the day would come when they would be forced by public opinion out of doors to devote more at tention to this subject than they had hitherto done, and it would, without doubt, be one of the first great subjects dis cussed in the reformed Parliament. He thought they would show themselves exceedingly shortsighted, if, supposing there was no economical disposition on the part of the people, they attempted to blink what, in his mind, was one of the most important questions which could come under the consideration of the Legislature. (Hear, hesr.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—My hon. friend has stated that he was not entirely satisfied with the tone and general effect of the speech of my hon. friend thethei hi economy, meaning Treasuryametpresentnay, Secreta r y ianng a for the Treasury. If that be so, it must be because my ho noura bl e friend the Secretary to s ave to oh t d aot i t did es contendnwi i o eo t nl. viwgeweh u n derinot gentleman. succeedlleymthaains. popular d iNothingfficuli Government, n yo v— c e o t cmnhovaumtelyde• the i nn betg mind i f n air w er hi t ee h hf an inth m le - h h e a ce t luo m nng y tryru ho u n is . friend said. He stated that we th n e ot sc g ale rea o tl f y set expenditure upon isu public n - doubtedly determined by pu b l i c opinion, we must expect e t n h t e pf pu l l:c h f o e u e is li e n , g iv, is llt such 'as my hon. friend c a tha a n n d t d s id w on. l h y t e i s m u tated, that feeling will, be reflected in the tone 40 cob:Tose the jL et e w e i ll 's t e iv i: . th y e na to e n r e th a e n s d e action of tilos° w circumstances the hon. gentleman, I am sure, would not form excessive anticipations as to any strong and decisive impression being produced by any particular Govern- ment on a course of feeling which has become established, habitual—l might almost say inveterate—for some years past. We have been tending in all respects towards a great and rapid increase of expense, and it is in the nature of things that the remedies to be applied to such a state of affairs should be feeble in their origin, and that their first results, at any rate, should be moderate in extent. It is vain to hope, unless you have the concurrence of a powerful feeling out of doors, that any particular Administration, at any particular moment, will effect any great reduction in your civil and miscellaneous expenditure. The hon. gentle man may say —if your power is small, you may, at all events, show that your intentions are good. Well, when we lay our miscellaneous estimate on the table and enter on their discussion, I think we shall be able to satisfy the house—l am sure we shall be able to satisfy the hon. gentleman—than whom no hon. member is more anxiously bent on economy—that we have given to this question our best attention. But he would find, from the statement of my hon. friend the Secretary to the Treasury, that tho great bulk of the increase in those estimates is due to a very small number of subjects, and that out of that small number there aro one or two which it is extremely difficult to control. I promise my hon. friend, however, that when we produce our proposals in regard to them it ►ill be seen that, if little can be done at any given moment by any given Administration, wo have yet sincerely en deavoured to examine into the means both of checking the present rapid increase and, where possible, of introducing a diminution in this important branch of our expenditure. I am sorry to say that one of the great offenders in this matter is, as has been already mentioned, the educational vote. We have given the racist careful consideration during the recess to this part of the estimates. But we found our selves confronted with this important fact—that a very assiduous and intelligent commission was appointed two cr three years ago to inquire into the whole subject, and that it was hardly possible for the Executive Government to propose, until that commission had reported, any changes in the educational vote materially affecting the principles on which it is founded. We have endeavoured. however, at this early date, both to check the rapid extension of this branch of expenditure, and also—where we could do it without unduly trenching on the province of the commis sioners—to give Parliament an indication of the direction in which further improvement may be made. lam bound likewise to add, that I am satisfied the commissioners take a very serious view of the evils involved in the rapid in crease of this vote, and that it will be a main object of their labours to control, if not altogether to arrest, that increase. I regret to say my hon. friend the Secretary to the Treasury has rather understated than overstated this evil in describing the gigantic strides with which, from the smallest beginning, the educational estimate has advanced to £2,000,000 per annum. Those practically acquainted with this subject will tell you plainly that, if you continue to act upon the rules now in force, no very long course of years will have elapsed before this £2,000,000 reaches £3,000,000, or indeed a much greater amount. The growth of this expenditure not only tends to augment the national burdens, but has a most enervating effect upon the public mind; and therefore on moral considerations, as well as financial, it demands our most earnest attention. With re spect to two or three other important sources of increase which have already been pointed out, I venture to say that it will be found that the Government have turned their best attention to them during the recess. With regard to the mo tion now before us, I distinguish between it and the course which the hon. member for Stafford invites us to take. I cordially welcome the hon. gentleman as an ally in the cause to which he has devoted his energies, and in which he has shown not only so much zeal, but so much ability. I could not recommend the house to adopt the suggestion of the hon. gentleman who spoke last, viz., that it should refuse to go beyond the limit of £6,500,000 in voting these estimates. It would break my heart to think that no other remedy was open to us. I do not think, even on the ground of prudence, it would be a fit mode of dealing with an important ques tion. I thank my hon. friend for drawing our attention to this subject; I am sure good will come out of this discus sion. It is not that the mind of the people of England is obstinately fixed in these matters. It derives its tone in a great degree from the temper of this house. And when it is seen that we are in earnest on the subject of economy the publio cut of doors will no doubt soon be found in harmony with us. Although we are certainly acted upon by the po pular sentiment, we can also in return act powerfully on that sentiment. The house and the country, in truth, act and react on each ether. But with respect to this motion, I frankly own I do not think it is in a state in which it can be advantageously adopted. The hon. mover included in his view at least three subjects; sin fact, there are nearer 30 than 3, each of which must obviously go before any committee that has to enter on this vast field. Any Select Committee which had charge of the department of Woods and Forests and the Land Revenues alone would have sufficient work on its hands. Any committee ap pointed to examine into the expediency of making further transfers from the consolidated fund to the votes would find ample labour cut out for it. The hon. gentleman has alluded to a particular item. It is an affair of £2,loo—the salary, I think, of the Commissioner to the General Assembly. It would take a committee more days than I should certainly like to sit to determine whether a multiplicity of items of that description ought to be transferred to the votes or not. I am sorry it was not practicable to carry further the trans fers already effected. It was witbigireat reluctance that we stopped short where we did. But the inquiry was a very onerous one, and it alone would re luire the undivided exer tions of a select committee to conduct it satisfactorily. As to the Civil service Estimates, I venture to say no single committee could embrace the business of reviewing that expenditure. It is se vast and so varied, and some of the questions involved in it are so difficult, that it would task the time and attention of several distinct committees. In truth, the hon. member has sketched out in his motion views and objects that call for a much larger machinery than this house could supply and keep in eperation from year to year. And here 1 come to a point on which lam at issue with the framer of the resolition. A select com mittee of this kind appointed every year would not only not be a good measure, but would be a decidedly bad one. It would begin with taking away from the Executive its proper responsibility, and would end by resolving all responsibility into pure vapour; and it is impossible that a select com mittee could really be charged with the duties or the re sponsibilities of a public department from year to year. What the House of Commons can do in this matter must be done periodically. By periodically passing from one subject to another the house may be able, through its com mittees, to do a great work in reviewing the Miscellaneous Estimates ; and periodically, I grant, every one of the hon. member's subjects is a legitimate subject for such an in quiry. But let us not deceive ourselves absut the power and effect of these committees. A committee of this nature sat 11 years ago. What was the issue of its labours ? Why, a recommendation to abolish the office of a Lord of the Treasury, whose salary was included in the Miscella neous Estimates. (Murmurs.) I believe I am correct in stating that that was the principal and substantial measure which proceeded from them. Therefore I am not very sanguine as to the operation of such a committee, unless it be appointed with a very special aim and devotes all its best energies to the discharge of its duties. I hope that, for these reasons, the hon. gentleman will not expect me to accede to his motion. I give no opinion on the question whether the tune has yet arrived at which it would be de • sirable to appoint another committee on the Miscellaneous Estimates. Do not understand me to place any negative on that subject. I would rather reserve my opinion upon it. But I think, if I may say so, that having a new Admi nistration in office, it might be as well if the house allowed us to lay our Miscellaneous Estimates on the table, and if the hon. gentleman, or any other hon. member reserved it to himself to consider whether it would bo for the public in terest that a committee of this kind should be appointed. Such a committee as is now proposed I hope the hon. gen tleman does not mean to press, for I certainly do not think it consistent with the duty of the Government to assent to it. Mr. BRIGHT wished to make an observation upon the two speeches which had just been delivered from the Trea sury bench. If those speeches were logical and to be taken as authorative there was no remedy for the present evils, of which nobody appeared to complain so loudly as the Chan cellor of the Exchequer. (A. laugh.) Because, if no such motion as his hon. friend had proposed wore adopted, it was quite clear that they were shut up to the plan which was now followed, and which, according to every speaker who had yet addressed the house, was leading us to a condition of things most alarming and deplorable. He always found the Chancellor of the Exchequer complaining on these occasions that the house and the country were not suffi ciently economical, and yet every Chancellor of the Exche quer refused to accept anything that would give the public departments the power to resist proposals of increased expenditure. Years ago the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when asked to sanction suchproposals, used to say, " What do you think Mr. Hume will say ?" Mr. Hume was not there now, and unfortunately his mantle did not appear to have fallen upon any member of the house. (Much laughter, and a general look in the direction of the seat occupied by the hon. member for Lambeth.) He had heard Chancellors of the Exchequer make this answer to those who besieged the Treasury for additional expense. Why did they thus use Mr. Hume's name ?: Because they felt the necessity of some power beyond their own, oven if it were only the pre tence of a power. (Hear, hear.) Suppose the Chancellor of the Exchequer had such a committee as was now proposed to refer to and to fall back upon—not a committee like the Library Committee, that nobody know any thing about — and he for one never heard of anything they ever did—(a laugh)—but a committee honourably chosen every session, not packed for special objects, as they generally were. (Hear, hear.) 'rho Treasury might then say, when gentle men came to them from all parts of the country demanding additional expenditure, " IVe cannot put such an increase into the estimate;. If we do, do you think the 15 gentlemen appointed by the Houseof Commons will agree to a proposal of this nature ?" Thus between the Chancellor of the Ex chequer and the committee a very efficient check would be put upon many items of expenditure that were now voted without question. A few years ago a committee sat to in quire into the civil service estimates. One of the older mem bers of the committee, not now in the house, told him there was a young member of the house connected by special ties with the Whig families, and it was his casting vote that de stroyed that otherwise immortal Lord of the Treasury. (A laugh.) What was the fate of that young member after wards? Why, they never put him on a committee from that day to this, and never would unless he repented. (A laugh.) Another committee was afterwards appointed. The noble lord (J. Russell), who was then Prime Minister, agreed that a fair committee should be appointed to inquire into the expenses incurred by official salaries. The hon. member for Rochdale (Mr. Cobden) was a member of that committee, he was another, the member for Coventry was also upon it, and it was composed of the usual number of members. The committee examined Sir R. Peel, the pre sent Prime Minister, the noble lord now the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and many members then in the house. What did they recommend ? There were ma n y recommendations that they agreed to unanimously, there were many others upon which a large majority were agreed, and the total of the reductions they recommended amounted to £70,000 to £S0,000:a-year. What was the result ? The salary of the Judge-Advocate was reduced by £5OO, an d that of the Secretary of the Treasury by an equal sum. The Gov'ernment reduced the salary of a noble lord at the Poor law Board £5OO, whereupon. he resigned. (Ur, Disraeli— The Secretary for Ireland.] Yes, there was the Secretary for :Ireland. No one knew what the Secretary for Ireland received. It appeared that there was a great amount of dining and hospitality, a thing very well understood in Ire land—(a laugh)—which was said to be necessary for that official, and the committee were told that a high salary was necessary. However, the salary was reduced by £2,000, and these reductions, which did not amount to one-tenth part of what the committee recommended almost unani • mously, were all that had been carried into effect by the Government. (Hear, hear.) Then there were the Scotch judges. Every one knew that if the work were equally divided between them there would be no persons with so little to do as the Scotch judges. The committee recom mended that a reduction in the number of Scotch and judges should be made when a vacancy occurred. Very soon afterwards a Chief Justice died in Ireland. Ho put it to the noble lord (J. Russell) who was then Prime Mini ster whether it would not be proper for the Government to carry into effect the recommendations of the committee, and reduce the number of the Irish judges. The noble lord made answer that he had consulted—whom did the house think? Why, the profession, every manof whom had entered it with the honourable ambition of becoming ono of these judges, and who, of course, saw that his chance would be very much diminished if the vacancy were not filled. The noble lord said he had consulted gentlemen of the profes sion, and he did not think that there were too many judges. The noble lord, therefore, entirely disregarding the opinion of the committee upon which he himself sat, made the ap pAntment and filled up the vacancy. (Hear.) Unless Ministers took a different course from this, and adopted the recommendation of a committee, and the changes they thought necessary, how could any reduction be made in our present growing and extravagant expenditure ? (Hear, hear.) Take the education vote, for example. Was there ever anything in any country so monstrous and absurd as the proceeding in regard to this educational vote ? (Hear.) The house voted money, they handed it over to some one to distribute it, and he ventured to say there were not five men in the house who knew into whose hands it went for distribution. The head of this department was a great lord in another place, and this great lord having nothing tO do, of course required some ens to help him. (A laugh.) ..&c -cordingly, a vice-president was appointed, and he had a salary. The appointment was made to relieve some one who had a salary from the necessity of doing anything for it. (A laugh.) So another appointment was made of a Tice- President of the Council of Education. Another piece of patronage was made, and another salary was paid. (Hear, hear.) This education vote was expended for the most part upen one particular class and sect of the community — it went towards the education supposed to be given by the Established Church of this country. It was not, for reasolic well known to many hon. members, distributed in fair pro portion among the various classes of the community. He confessed he tought it a monstrous thing to vote a sum which his hon. friend quoted at something like £1,500,000, and which the Chancellor of the Exchequer said was getting up to £2,000,000, without any sort of a report be. lug made that enabled the house to examine the vote minutely or control it at all. (Hear, hear.) The Govern ment ought to aid the house as the house ought to aid the country, in checking and controlling such an expendi ture. To do this would be the office of such a committee as was now proposed—not a committee packed withfoxr gentle men on one side of the house and four on the other, all mixed up in the matter, and all hoping to enjoy the distribution of tnis expenditure, but a fair committee, not influenced by the Government. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had spoken imploringly to the house in favour of economy, and consi dered the hon. gentleman who made this motion as an ally. If so, a committee composed of 12 or 15 gentlemen chosen from both sides of the house must be of use, if they could help the house to scrutinise these votes. It would be much better to leave the money to fructify in the pockets of the people than to allow it to be expended, as at present for 50 unnecessary objects, some of which were positively perni cious. He trusted that the house would agree to the ap pointment of a committee, and he had no doubt that it would be of great service. He warned the house, however, that while £7,000,000 or £8,000,000 were squandered in this and other directions the time would come when the subject must receive the most serious attention. Ho would say no more now, as other occasions would present themselves. But if there were any ono of a truly Conservative spirit, who wished to see the institutions of the country founded upon an unquestionable and stable basis, so that they would last his time and his children's who came after him, he could not show this Conservative spirit better than in help ing any Chancellor of the Exchequer to lessen the vast ex penditure and taxation of the country. (Cheers.) There might come a time when we might not have two or three good successive harvests, two or three good cotton crops, and seasons of abundance and prosperity. There might be a time of cloud and storm, when these matters might be called in question in a spirit they would all be loth to see. (Hear, hear.) Those who were sitting in that house were the guardians of the public purse of this country, and ought to warn their countrymen against the per nicious folly that had distinguished the public, the l'ar liament, and the Cabinets of this country for years past. It was their duty to warn them that if they did 'not change their policy it would lead to disaster and confusion. (Cheers.) Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said that the only grave argu ment brought against the appointment of a committee was that it would break in upon the responsibility of the execu tive. (Hear.) In his opinion, however, it would have no such effect. It would leave the responsibility of the Execu tive just where it was, with this difference, that officials would know they were acting under the vigilant supervision of Parliament. He could not conceive a more effectual mode of doing what the Chancellor of the Exchequer said was so desirable—influencing public opinion out of the house, than by the appointment of an annual committee of their own body to examine the expenditure of the preceding year, and bring its salient features under the notice of the house and of the country. (Hear.) It was not enough for the house merely to pass the votes—it was their duty to see, further, how the money had been spent. The inquiry now proposed might appear alarmingly comprehensive, but it would rest with the committee to determine how many points they ought to deal with in the expenditure of any given period. Since the disjunction of the Board of Works and the Woods and Forests Department the latter had been unrepresented in the house ; and, in a constitutional point of view, there did not appear to be any more entirely irresponsible officials than the two gentlemen who acted as Commissioners of Woods and Forests. The expenditure of that department was £90,000 a year, but all tho account of it set before the house was two totals of £47,000 and £48,000 put down as " money spent." Surely, some more detailed and explicit statement was required ; and that it would be the business of the committee, if agreed to, to procure. If it was true, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer appeared to admit, that the money for educational purposes was spent, and might be spent, to any extent, without his authority, it was clearly high time that some system of inspection such as was now proposed should be adopted without delay. (Hear, hear.) The House then divided, when the numbers were :-- For the motion Against Majority for the motion —2B The announcement of the result of the division was re ceived with cheers. INCOME TAX. Mr. POLLARD. URQUHART moved for a Select Committee to inquire whether it be not possible to adopt some mode of assessing the income tax, whereby the injus tice and vexations now generally complained of may be wholly or partially obviated. The CHANCELLOR. of the EXCHEQUER observed, that the motion anticipated one of the most important ques tions connected with the finances of the year—whether the income tax should be continued, and whether or not it should be a permanent tax. He hoped Mr. Urquhart would not persist in his motion. The motion was withdrawn. Mr. CO BBETT moved a resolution, "That, ia pursuance of the recommendation of the select committee appointed to try the petitions against the return for the borough of Beverley, her Majesty's Attorney-General be ordered by the house to prosecute Daniel Boyes and Robert Taylor for bribery committed by them at the last election for the said borough." He stated the reasons why the committee (of which he was chairman) had concurred unanimously in this recommendation. Mr. DIGBY SEYMOUR moved, as an amendment, a resolution, " That the inquiries before committees of this house, and under the recent commissions which have sat in various places, having clearly demonstrated that many persons of higher social rank have been involved in grave criminality, it would not be expedient to limit the direction to her Majesty's Attorney-General to the prosecution of Daniel Boyes and Robert Taylor for bribery sommitted by them at the last Beverley election." He did not impugn the judgment of the committee, but he put it to th e house whether it would consult its own dignity in limiting the prosecution to these two persons, o th ers having been proved to be Nattily guilty in the same b oro ugh, and guilty of acts of graver criminality elsewhere. Mr. SELWYN, as a member of tho committee, defended their recommendation. No other persons were , found by them guilty of such open, systematic, and unblushing bri bery as Boyce and Taylor. Mr. COLLIER said he should support the original me lion. The committee, in his opinion, were quite right in making the selection they did. Sir G. LEWIS questioned propriety s the meur. f athned housethe p vasollicy of the course proposed by Mr. Seymour. in earnest in its desire to prosecute cases of bribery, it must adopt the recommendation of the committee, and it was no reason for refusing assent that there were other guilty parties Mr. SEYMOUR having withdrawn his amendment, the original motion was agreed to. CHURCH RATES. Mr. HUBBARD moved for leave to bring in a bill to make provision for the maintenance of the Church by a mo dified form of the existing law. The hon. gentleman said that the bill he proposed to introduce took a middle course between the extreme opinions now held on the subject of church rates, tut it was not a compromise, though it would offer a common meeting ground on which all cent:lading parties could assemble. The bill conceded nothing that jus tice required should not be given up, and retained nothing that ought to be conceded. He proposed that any Dissenter who should declare his unwillingness to pay the rates should be relieved from their payment, but in that case he would of course have no share in the managementof the money con tributed for church purposes by others. He proposed also, that the rates should be levied in the same manner as poor rates, and that the Ecclesiastical Courts should have no further cognisance of such cases. Leave was given to bring in the bill. ANCIIORS, &e. (MERCHANT SERVICE). Sir J. ELPHINSTONE, according to notice moved for a select committee to inquire into the manufacture of an chors and chain cables for the merchant service. The ne cessity for such an inquiry had, he thought, been amply shown by recent events. A test had been established in the case of chain cables and anchors for her Majesty's ser vice, which had been most satisfactory, but no such test ing house existed for the mercantile marine, with the exception of ono at Liverpool, established in 1840, and another subsequently established at Sunderland. Mr. M'Donald, the superintendent of the Liverpool Testing house had made reports to the corporation, from which it appeared that more than 82 per cent. of the chain cables sent to be tested broke down under the testing machine. A petition, signed by Mr. Chas. Blake, on behalf of the opera tive chain ma k ers o f E ng l an d andi Wales, which had appeared in the journals, showed that the great bulk of ierain cables were never proved at all; while, at the same time, there h a d b een a great increase in the amount of chain cables manufactured in this country. The petitioners stated their c , nviction, as practical workmen, that the cables, in material and workmanship, were incapable of bearing the strain to which they ought to be subjected, and pointed out that the evil was not confined to this country alone, betas these cables were supplied to foreign ships also, the mischief extended all over the wcrld. He would not detain the house by going into details, but the case of the Great Bri tain, driven on shore at Dundrum Bay from want of a properly-tested cable ; of the Prince, lost at Balaklava from the same cause ; and 1 ist, and worst of all, the Royal Charter, lost in a hurricane which the great Eastern rode out safely, in consequence of her cables and anchors being properly tested, were he hoped, sufficient to induce the Government to agree to his motion. Mr. M. GIBSO N said that although the motion of the 11011. gentleman was somewhat unusual, because it was not the practice for that house to inquire into what might be called I he management of private establishments, still, after the statement which the hon. member had made, he (Mr. Gibson) thought that some good might arise from such an investigation as he proposed—that some information having a practical and important bearing upon an important sub ject might be brought out before the committee, and there fore on the part of the Government he was prepared to accede to the motion. At the same time he must say that if his hon. friend had in contemplation the establish ment .of a Government department, and a compulsory testing of anchors and chain cables for the merchant service, such a course would lead to the adoption of a very doubtful policy. The Board of Trade had already quite as many duties thrown upon it in connexion with the mercantile marine as it could efficiently discharge, and though he was desirous of having all the information they could collect on the subject, he was very doubtful as to the interference of the Government in a matter which the self interest of shipowners and shippers ought to regulate pro perly. The motion was then agreed to. SPIRITS (IRELAND) ACT AMENDMENT. On the motion of Mr. SCULLY, leave was given to bring in a bill to further amend tho Spirits (Ireland) Act, 17th, and 18th Viet., c. 89. The bill was read a first time, and The house adjourned at ton o'clock. COUN TR 1 MARKETS BIRMINGHAM-FEB. 2. At to-day's market thero was more wheat offering; the trade ruled dull, but we make no alteration in our quota tions. Fine barley sold for rather more money. Oats were lower. Beans and peas at former rates. MANCHESTER-FEE. 2. There was a fair attendance at our market this morning. English wheat was taken at fully late prices ; other setts unaltered. Flour in little demand, and quotations as before. English beans were in firm request, at previous rates. Oats and oatmeal in moderate request; prices as before. Indian corn at 6d over former rates. Egyptian beans also fid higher. BOSTON—Fsn. 1. We had a moderate supply of wheat from the growers to day, the demand for which was fair, and prices were at no decline on the prices of last week, with a firm business. Good oats were a trifle dearer. Barley, beans, and peas a. previously reported Averages for the week : Wheat 3,028 qrs., at 42e 5J Peas .. 319 „ 3is 41 Beans 234 „ 4Ol 81 Barley.... 99 „ 33s 10i Oats 973 „ Ms 6d i Rye — 12 • -11 Oi LOUTH-FBB. 1. There was a dull business done in wheat to-day; sad prices were at about last week's quotations, vie., wheat, red and mixed, old and new, 40s to 44s per qr. ; white,. 40s. Oats, 18s to 255; beans, 42s to 495; barley, 29s to Us. MARKET HARBOROUGH—Dar. 31. There was a middling supply of wheat, which net a fair demand, at about former rates. White wheat, 38, to 42s ; red, 38a to 42s per 36 stone. Barley, old, 34s to 40s ; new, —a to —s. Oats were a steady sale, from 22s .toir:Bos per 24 stone. Beans (old), at 344 to 48s ; new, Us to 43a per 38 stone. PLYMOUTH—hat. 31. This market was again dull to-day. Prices for whoa firm, but nominally unchanged. There was a very small attendance at market. The quotations are—English whit* wheat, 48s to 508; red, 46s to 48s per qr ; French do., Os to 458; grinding barley, 26s to 365; oats, 22s to 24e ; ant flour, fins, 338 to 35s ; seconds, 31s to 335. EDINBURGH GRAIN-FEB. 1. The supply of wheat, oats, and beans, was large. Wes ready. Wheat on the top Oa Ed d0wn...., ..average Os 2d down. Barley on the top Os 3d up .....average Os 11 down. Oats on the top Os 3d down.... average Os 2d down. Beans on the top Os 6d up average Os 6d up. Averages per Imperial quarter. Wheat.... Barley. 1 18 2 0-12ths Oats Beans Total Supply and Sales. Wheat .1347 qrs Sold 1132 qrs 8ar1ey........1416 qrs. Sold 996 qrs Oats . 2641 qrs Sold 1792 qrs Beans 314 qrs Sold 241 qrs 1 CORK-FRB. 1. - The following were the quotations this morning :—na wheat, 25s Od to 25e 63; white, 25s l d to 2610 d; barley 10 Od to 19s Od ; oats, 12s Od to 14. Od. DERBY SMITHFIELD-JAN. 31. There was a limited supply of fat stock to-day, 0 11 , a large attendance of buyers the prices wilted were hie / and a clearance was effected. Sheep were in very soo t supply, and well cold. Fat pigs plentiful. Beef bid to 7d Veal 7O to! Mutton ... 7d to 8d Pork Lamb Od to Od Rough fat, 5s 6d per 01 0 * Hides, 3ld to sid ; calf skins, 6d to 614. FOREIGN MAIL PACKET LIBIt in the following table E signifies that letters are de01 01 ,? 11 by evening mails from London, and M by morning naldi.'" Next DESTINA.TIONS. of Nag D o tw a sth D P e c: p rt atch. due. Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton b•° Feb. 11, E•Southamp. Fe • a Ditto, via Marseilles Bahamas and Havana via New York Feb. 17, F)Liverpool.. Feb. l i Canada, Sze. (by Canadn. pckt ) Feb. —, E Liverpool.. Feb. L; Cape of Good Hope, Ascen sion, and St. Helena China, Penang, and Singa pore, via Southampton e Ditto, via Marseilles - ih' Gibraltar, via Southampton.. Feb. 4, 11 Southanip. wreck a g Honduras and Blewfields .... Feb. 17, Southitrap. Feb. Iv India (Calcutta) and Ceylon, . via Southampton Feb. 4, 31 Southamp. re , . r Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via South ampton Feb. 11, At Eouthamp. aril* Ditto, via Marseilles Lisbon, Brazils,Buenos Ayres, , .. and F. Islands Lisbon, Vigo, and Oporto Feb. 7, M 'euthamp. Feb. 1 Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Feb. 4, M outhantp, el-04r Ditto, via Marseilles Mexico and Havana Newfoundland United States and British N America (by British packet) Feb. a, E iverpool.. Feb. 6 Ditto (by U. S. packet) - West Coast of Africa, Ma deira, and Tenerife Feb. 23 it Liverpool.. Feb. ii West India, California, Vene zuela, Chili, Peru, Grey town, New Granada, &a [ADVERTISEMENT.]—Erra's (Homoeopathie CheatiO Cocos.--This esteemed preparation is sold by the Wl' cipal grocers at ls. 6d. per lb., ix llb., ilb., aid 110 , pac k e t s . Each packet is labelled " James Epps, /sneer pathic chemist, London." [ADVERTISEMENT.]—The salutary effect of Du Berl'. delicious Revalenta Arabica Food in removing indige,4ll4 oo , (dyspepsia), flatulency, c ons ti pat i on, nervous, bili ous, a n liver complaints, cough, asthma, consumption, and debility+ without medicine, is admirably displayed by the followia letters :---" Ridlington Rectory, Norfolk, June 10, 1850. -- No. 4,2oB.—Eight years dyspepsia, nervousness, debilitli with cramps, spasms, and nausea, for which my servant bil° consulted the advice of many have been effectually removed by Du Barry's health -restoring Food. I shall be happy to . answer any inquiri es .—R ev. J. W. Flavell." "Bury , tax , cashire, Aug. 17, 1851 .—Ge ntlemen—For a considers l - time I have su ff ere d severely from a violent pain in my 1. 11 side, extreme flatulency, accompanied by an intolerabt sensation of heartburn, and other disagreeable symptoms of dyspepsia. Various remedies, alleged infallible, were triad in vain, and f or a l ong time I was never 24 hours withert violent pain ; indeed, I was unfit for the performance of daily duties. I was induced to try your food. In leas thsa an hour I found relief, and my recovery was very rapid' The duties which previously had been an intolerable burden, became a delightful exercise, and I have eine° accomplished more labour with less fatigue WO I ever expected to be able to perform. I NI never had a retturn of my complaint.—D. Thomas- In tins, at Is. 6d. ; 11b., 3s. ; 21b., ss. 9d. ; 61b., 125.; 12 11 .'s 265. The 101 b. and 121 b. tins carriage free, on receipt of pest' office order. Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, Los4os Fortnum, Mason, and Co., 182, Piccadilly ; Abbis, 6a,. Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 63, and 150, Wore street ; 330 and 451, Strand ; 49 and SO, Biehopee!r street ; 85, Tottenham-court-road. Also at Dublm. Bewley 'and Draper ; at Edinburgh, Raimes and 0 0 . j at Liverpool, Nixon and Thew; at Manchester, Sharp lam Scott ; at York, Raimes, Blanchard, and 00. ; at Bout)" ampten, 'Landfall and Son. BIRTHS. LUCAB.—On the Ist inst., at 11,Westbourne-terrace, HY" park, the wife of Lionel Lucas. Esq., of a son. MoNcturoN.—On the 31st ult., at Southwell, Notts, $ lion. Mrs. Edmund Monekton, of a daughter. SELWYN.—On the 31st ult., at Folkestone, the wife of CO' tain Selwyn, R.N., of a son. WittroßD.—On the 29th ult., at Bath, the wifo of Moie C. R. Wriford, of a daughter. MARRIAGES. EWART—EwART.--On the 2d inst., at St. James's, rid dington, Major Charles Brisbane Ewart, R.E., young!" son of the late Lieut.. General Ewart, C.B. to Etol l l Jane, the youngest dau g ht er o f the lato Rev . P. Evart , rector of Kirklington, Yorkshire. PoLLocx—BAILEY.—On the 2d inst., at St. George e ft Hanover-square, Henry, fifth son of the Right Hon. Sir Frederick Pollock, Lord Chief Baran, to Amelia, third daughter of the late Charles Bailey, Esq., of 6, Stratford' place, London, and Lee Abbey, Lynton, North Devon. DEATHS. BRATER.—On the ht inst., Henry Andrew, eldest son ° I Andrew Beater, of Lewisham, and 4, Aldermanbilli , city, aged 30. CuEsittuz.—On the Ist inst., Elizabeth Ann, wife of 8 ' 11. Cheshire, of Grosvenor-park, Camberwell, aged 2 8 ' CHOLIKELET.—On the 31st ult., at the Vicarage, Standonk the Rev. John Montague Cholmeley, M.A., Tics: ° Standon, Huts, aged 47. CRANMORE.—On the 30th ult., at Brighton, the Lo ri Craninore and Browne, aged 73. CORNWALL.—On the Ist inst., at Uloy, Archibald Robe' infant son of the Rev. A. Kingscote Cornwall. SWANSON.—On the 2d inst., Miss Charlotte Swanson, Church-row, Newington-butts, aged 71. eke SELLS. —On th e 31 s t u lt . , a t 23 , N e l son -t errace , St Newington, Mrs. Mary Sells, aged SO. LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOU IOIP of No. 112, Strand, Printer; at 770 Sun Office, No. 11 Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, hi the 000 Aliddicaez, Friday, February 3, 1860. RC NILE superi THI eduaat Mon past S AR, , Band. Princip Put 8, Inistgox TH The P tithe trl to their Bunn( purity of 'edged b tries, as the land The y I Wines, a Stom ac h, A sam will be t ed., or a It is a .., ar e the. I'Lcraaeh, Wines Ne atrenet 'raTnhedsir ' , b the how seknowl, faculty, 1 To pre et the fir All ciiC vIT2 or EPERIL " ISMAS D .YSTEN S fie, prod °TRH N( taus and 3 / 1 1, Y thee :"eY can 4 . l °Zether +ection. A atedtgai Street, L Roster-r 4 TV the PR wit takE YEJ Rail in th Bust Ar, that purp the I lla cones moo In thi the u patty, acts f Tht on Sa said ] M Life Loa