The Sun. — London, England, 1859-04-19 00:00:00

.1 3 1 - 02V_EY HARICET AND CITY NEWS. CITY, Tyro O'CLOCK. The markets for foreign and colonial produce during the last few days have not exhibited much activity, although a fair amount of business has been transacted in most of the principal staples, chiefly, however, for home consumption. Tea con tinues in active request, and prices show an upward tendency,the trade having bought rather freely owing to the advices by the last Overland Mail. Sugars have been in steady demand, and in the refined market the dealings have been to a fair extent at about former rates. Coffee has been inactive, but at public sale a fair quantity of the new crop of Plantation Ceylon has been disposed of at about former values. Rice continues in brisk demand and at full rates, and rum has been in moderate request. For saltpetre there has been a rather active inquiry, and prices remain firm. Tallow, in consequence of advices from St. Petersburg, has again exhibited more firmness, and prices show an improving tendency, P.Y.C., on the spot, being quoted 545. ; April to June delivery , 545. 6d., and last 3 months 555. per cwt. The public sales of indigo are announced to commence on the 10th of May, and those of Foreign and Colonial wool on the 28th inst. The Liverpool Cotton Market yesterday closed heavily, and prices remained unaltered. The sales amounted to 7,000 bales. In the Railway Share Market business was very inactive, and previous quotations were barely supported. Subjoined are the particulars of specie on board the Pera, which leaves Southampton to-morrow the 20th, for India and China : Ceylon, gold £4,500 Madras, do. Ditto, silver Calcutta, silver Hong Kong, s il ver Shanghai, silver . 12,883 Manilla, gold 6,000 Alexandija l,OOO • Total C 09,284 Of the above amount, £377,750 is forwarded on Government account. Although well maintained, the demand for money created very little activity in the general discount market, where the supplies continue abundant, and the quotations moderate. Towards the close of the *week the applications for allotments of the new Indian Loan, which must be accompanied with a deposit of 2 per cent., may stimulate the inquiry, and some further effect will probably be created by the payment of the subsequent instalments. Meanwhile the efflux of specie continues, upwards of £lOO,OOO having been withdrawn from the Bank -yesterday; and under these circumstances, especially if they should remain in operation, an advance in the minimum may be looked for at an early date. The exact. amount of gold withdrawn from the Bank of England yesterday was £104,000. A call of £4 10s. per share, or £125,000 becomes due to-day on the Bombay and Baroda Railway, and £2 per share, or £120,000, on the Ottoman Railway. The Indus has been announced this morning from Alexandria with £13,950 in specie. The half-yearly meeting of the Sambre and Meuse Railway Company was held to-day, Mr. Richards in the chair. The report was favourable, and stated that the net available balance of revenue for the half-year was £29,495 7s. Bd., from which the directors recommended a dividend of 4s. 6d. per share. The traffic was increasing, but the question about the guarantee was not yet decided by the legal tribunal. After some further observations on the general business, the report was adopted. There has been rather an inactive market to-day for public securities, but quotations, which opened rather heavily, have since tended upwards. The intelligence received from the Continent this morn ing confirms the pacific opinions expressed in Par narnent yesterday evening ; purchases have conse quently been effected, which, although limited, have created a beneficial influence. Consols, after being. 942- t, have since rallied to 941 and to 949 95 . The Government broker has purchased £21,000 stock for the Savings Banks. The New Threes and the Reduced have receded to 93:1 ; Exche quer Bills remain steady, at 355. to 365., and India Stock at 220; ; Bank Stock has improved to 224 -I. Business in Foreign Securities is very quiet, and. prices in most instances have declined, but there are now some indications of improvement, Turkish 6 per Cents. being 861 to 86a; ditto New Loan, 76i to 77. Dutch 4 per Cents. have improved to 98t 99. Venezuelan Deferred have receded to 17 ; Spanish 3 per Cents. to 44 ; ditto Deferred to 30 ; and Sardinian to 77k. Brazilian 4L- per Cents. are firm at 94. • The following communication has been received by the Committee of Spanish American Bond holders relative to the affairs of Venezuela :-- "The Committee of Spanish American Bondholders have received, this day, a letter from his Excellency Senor Rodriguez, enclosing the copy of a decree of his Excellency the President of the Republic of Venezuela, confirming in all its, parts' the agreement concluded between the Bald Senor Rodriguez and the Committee of Spanish Ameri cau Bondholders, on the Ist of March last. A copy of this communication will be published as soon as it shall have been translated. Messrs. Baring Brothers and Co. have accepted the agency of the Venezuelan Government." The Railway Share Market exhibited increased beaviness the few transactions reported being at a decline of about to I per cent. on previous rates, although more firmness is now exhibited. Edin burgh and Glasgow, Lancashire and Yorkshire, North Western, Midland, and Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton declined 55.; Great Western, London and Blackwall, Brighton, North Eastern (Berwick), and South Eastern, 10s. The Foreign lines have been exceedingly quiet, L o mbardo-Venetian being the chief undertaking dealt in ; the old shares were steady at 81 and the new at 89. In the Colonial Market Great Indian Peninsula have receded about ss. ; East Indian advanced 55., and the New Debentures and shares are a shade firmer. Joint Stock Bank and Miscellaneous shares are almost neglected. London and Westminster have declined to 481 ; Australian Agricultural to 30 301 ; Electric Telegraph have improved to 103 i. BRITISH FUNDS THIS DA:y R O'CLOCK Bank Stock ......................... 224 3 per Cent. Reduced Annuities 931 3 per Cent. Consols Annuities 94 New 3 per Cent. Annuities Long Annuities ex pire sth Jan., 1860 Ditto 30 Years, expire sth April, 1885 174 India Stock Consols for Account (May 5) 941 a March. 3 line. Exchequer Bills, £l,OOO, 2d. & 11d Ditto f.,500 Ditto Small, 11d. PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS AT ONE O'CLOCK Brazilian 5 per Cent. Il Ditto 1858, 44 per Cent ........ 94 1 uenos Ayres, - 6 per Cent. Ditto Acco un t 0 . 80 .ardnuan, 5 per Cent ~., Ditto Account 's Panish 3 per Cent — Ditto Account Ditto New Deferred, 3 per Cent. 3O anish Com. Cert. of Coup. not funded 4l llrkisb. 6 per Cent Ditto Account Ditto New Loan D itto Account V enezuela n 5 per Cent. Ditto Deferred 2 per Cent. l7 1, Dividends on the above payable in London. -uateb. Exchange, 12 Gull. 1 per Cent... • Ditto Certificates, 4 per Cent. .. 99 g I TWO O'CLOCK Consols, Money 94 1 45 Consols for Account (May 5) 94i 5 I D ETERMINED SUICIDE IN A WATER-BlTTT.—yes erday Mr. W. Payne, the coroner for Southwark, received In f ormation. of the death of Mr. Benjamin Pritchard,. of 44 .,, °11 g-litne, Bermondsey, who committed self-destruction. "Ile deceased had been in a very desponding state of mind bedso weeks past. On Saturday morning he got out ?f and put his trousers on, and went down stairs. His wife on going into tbe yard was horrified at finding him u rowned in the water-butt. No cause is assigned. TIIF, GALWAY LINE OF PACKETS.—The Circas sian sailed yesterday from Galway with the Newfoundland mails and 32 passengers. The next steamer from Galway Will be the steam ship Adelaide, 1,849 tons register, 2,700 tons burthen, and 448 horse-power. This ship has just had a thorough repair. She has a new poop, and her saloon and other a ccommodations are of the best description. She will leave the Thames this day to take her station at Gal wa y, and will sa il f rom that port on the 30th inst. SALE OF C OMMISSIONS IN THE A RMY.— Th e prisoner s in this case were brought up at Bow-street yes terday for final exainination and further evidence having Nen given Were fully committed for trial, 13.14 Stoek Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock, Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock 161 1613 4 Stock] Stock St4ck Stock i 12i Stock Stock Stock Stock stock) Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock' IStock, Stockl Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock) Stock Stock Stock Stock BRITISH POSSESSIONS. Share Railwa Closing Business ys. 'l4" Price. I Done. 100 Atlantic d & a t S 6 t L p e a r w r e e e n n t c e . all 83 85 18 Bo gu m . ., S r p ar e o r d c a en & t C . entlnd 131 18 Do all - 18 Do. Addit. Capital A 6 3 d 18 Do. Do. B 41 1 d 201 Buffalo and Lake Huron all 55 61 201 Do. New l 6l 8 9 d /00 6 B p ff . u et alo, b ß d r s a . n i t A .& u G g odr .os ic 7 h 2 / 100 83 88 100 Do. do. 1 July, 1873 100 80 85 190 Do. do. 1 June, 1874 100 78 83 20 Clcutta.&S.Eastrn.Lim. 1. 3.0. par 4 p 20 Cape,Eastn. Prov. (Lim.) 2s. 20 Cape Town & Dock Scrip 2s. d 11 20 Central Oude (Limited) 2s. 6d. 20 Ceylon Guaranteed 6p.c 73 3 3 d 171 Demerara 20 Eastern Bengal.g,u.sp.c 5 1 3 d Stock East Indian, gu. sp. c lOO 1014 102 1011 2 20 Do. C Shares all 20 Do. E Shares Ext l5 par p 20 Do. Jubbulpore 5 100 D0.44p.c. Bds. pay.'s9 all 20 Geelong& Mel.gua.s p. c. all 18 20 Sto. Geelong Corporation 6 / 10 0 per cent. Bonds Stock Grand Trunk of Canada 100 33 3 5 34 100 Do. 6 p.c. Deben.,pay.'7B all 76 79 100 Do. 6 per cent. Pref._ 100 91 93 20 GtlndiaPenin.gua.sp.c. all 991 1001 994 20 Do. New, gua.s per cent. 4 3d 3 d 20 Do. do 20 5 Gt.S.of Ind.Lim.—Scrip 2 s. guaranteed 5 per cent. ) 201 Gt.W. of Canada Shares all 151 151 201 Do. New 100 r Do. Bonds pay. '76,with 44 d 8 all 102 104 t opt. till '6O 100 Do. do. '73 till '6O all 102 104 100 Do. do. ''/3 without opt all 102 104 100 Do. 51 p. c. do. '77 do all 98 100 20 Madras, guar., 4/ p. a all 161 17 20 Do. do. 5 per cent. all 19* 191 20 Do. 41 p. c. Extension l5 171 18 20 Do. Third Ex. gua.s.p.c l5 3 d 20 Do. Fourth do. Stock Melb. Corp. 6 p.c. Bonds 100 Newßrunswick&Canda. 20 Ry.&Land(Lim.)g.6pc 10 —d Class ACapitl.Share Do. do. Land do .. 20 Do. do. B. Capital do lO -d .. Do. do. Land do 1 Northof India Tramroad 20 s 2. Limited, Scrip 20 Oude (Limited) 20 Scinde . t > 15 3 d par 20 Do. 20 Do. New f..l 2 10 :I d 20 Do. Punjaub g 5 4 1d 4 3 20 Do. Indus. St. Flo. 10 1 4 d 20 St. Andrews &Quebec A 18 10 iTrinidad(Limited) Scrip 1 Id par FOREIGN RAILWAYS. 10 Antwerp & Rotterdam all 41 5 41 20 Ardennes all p 20 Bah.&S.Fran.,Lim.7p.c 3 1 1 d 5 Belgian East. Junction all / 1 20 Beziers to Graissessac. all -- 5 Carmeaux Mine & Rail: all 2 21 20 Dutch Rhenish 6 Eastern of France 20 Euphrates Valley 2s. p 20 Great Central of France all 20 Gt. Luxem., Con. she all 64 61 61 10 Italian Junction 8 20 Lake Constance & Bale all 20 Lierre and Turnhout 20 Lombardo Venetian... 8 1 Ep 84 20 Lucca & Pistoj a, 5 p.c.pf. all 20 Lyons and Geneva all 33 1 j Maria Antonia all 20 Do. do. New 20 Namur and Liege all 8 1 8 20 Do. do. 6p. c. Pref all 191 20 16 Northern of France all 35 36 20 Do. New Shares 10 Norwegian Trunk Pref all 81 91 20 Ottoman, gua. 6 per cent 7 20 Paris,Lyons, and Medit. all 321 33 20 Paris and Orleans 20 Recife& S. Fran. (Pero.)) 0 n 11 d gua. 7p. et. (Lim.) 5 20 Riga and Dunaburg 4 10 Rome and Frascati 20 Royal Danish all 5 Royal Swedish 4 Do. 7 per cent. Pref. 20 Sambre and Meuce. 10 Do. 51 per cent. Pref. 20 Southern of Frazee 81 West Flanders all 51 6 10 Do. 51 p. c. Prefe es e 20 W. & N.W. of France all 20 211 20 Western of Austria 20 Western of Switzerland all 6 Wiesbaden 6 Do 8 per cent. Pref all 20 Zealand all BRITISH MINES. Mines. Paid. \ Closing I Business Price. Done. • Alfred Consols (Philack) l 2.11.19 65 75 20 British Iron Condurrow (Camborne) 2O 10 Devon G. Cons. (Tavist.) ' 1 465 475 East Bassett (Illogan). • 30 220 230 Great South Tolgus l7s 12 14 G.WhealAlfd.(Phillack) 11.18.8 25 35 G. Wheal Vor(Helston) 95 Lady Bertha lBs 6d 1 North Frances (Illogan) 85 75 81 North Wheal Crofty 7.9.4 • 8 9 N.Wh'l Basset (Illogan) nil. 85 94 Par Consols (St. Blaxy 15 13 14 Porkellis Unit. (Wend. 9 Sortridge Cons. Min. Co. 6s 1 SouthCaradon(St.Cleer) 25 240 250 South C. Brea! Illogan). 2 21 3 S Wheal Fran. (Illogan) 18.18.9 195 205 5 Tamar Silver and Lead Alining- Co 44 2 21 10 Tin Croft -9 41 41' UnitedMines(Gwennap) 40 Vale of Towey (Carm.) 12s 60 West Basset (1llogan) l4 214 224 W. Caradon (Liskeard) 2O 82 84 Wheal Basset (Mogan) 54 190 200 Wheal Buller (Redruth) 5 125 135 Wheal Edward (Cals.). 54 24 3 Wheal Kitty (U. Lelan t 1.7.2 105 115 Wh'lMaryAnn (Menhe 8 46 48 Trelawney (Lisk. 45 30 32 FOREIGN MINES 20 Australian 1 Bon AccordCopper,LlM. 10s par A. p 35 Brazil. Imp. (is. at £5 p.) 27 1 11 20 Do.St.Johndelßey,Lim. 15 12 13 5 Do. Land and Mining Co. all 1 Clarendon Consols Min ing Co. of Jamaica ... d 40 Cobra Copper all 36 35 Cepiapo l6 10 12 1 DunMoun.Cop.Ming.Co all 5 2 Fortuna 20 General all 23 *25 3 Linares all 95 10 5 Lusitanian 1 Mariquita all 1,- / 1 New Granada all 1 N.RhineCop.of S.A us.L 10 5 4 p 20 Pontg,ibaud Silver, Lead Mining and Smelt all 31 4 5 Port Philip 1 30 Santiago de Cuba l6/ 1 1 28.2.81 United Mexican COLONIAL GOVERNMENT SECURITIES. p aid. Closing Business Share Securities. Prices. Done. Can.Gov.6p.c..Ta. & July 100 1144 1154 1141 15 Do. 6 p.c.Fb.&Aug. 100 113 114 Do. 6 p.c.Mr. & Sep. 100 113 114 N.8.G0v.6 p.c. Ja. &July 10C 1101 1114 111 -- Do. 6p.c.Ap. & Oct. 100 -- N. S.W. Gov. sp. c. Deb. 106 1004 1014 NovaScotiaGov.6 p.c. St. Deb. redeemsb' e, 1875 100 111 112 S.Aus.Gt.6 pc.Jan &July 100 111 112 Vict•Gov.6p.c.Jan&July 100 Share) JOINT-STOCK BANKS. C P lo B Do Pri ce. g Share; Joint-Stock Banks. aeinees I Paid . Agra&UnitedServiceßk Australasii Bank of Egypt Bank of London Brit. Col. Bk. & LoanCo British North American Chid. Bank of India, &c City Colonial Corn. Bank of Canada Commercial of London. Eng.. Scet., & Aus. Ch. Gen. Bk. of Switzerland Lon.Char.Bk.ofAuetral. London and County London Jo 4 nt Stock London & Westminster. Nat. Prov. of England. Do. rew Nai :onal Bank New South Wales Orient. Bk. Corporation Ottoman Bank Provincial of Ireland Do. New South Australia Do. New Union of Australia Do. New Union of London Unity Mutual Western Bk of London 68 70 84 86 24 24i 45 47 100 100 20.11 100 6s. 65 32 33 18 19 15i 15t 24 102 3 211 22} 181 191 70 71 291 30i 22 2 - 1 d 1 BC • dfOr n d 4 ala e l 1 1 1 l y e d k e l sdable(JFl un letchley all iLn & N.W -- Colchester, Sloe:riff:l'. 100 M li shire 100 Ln & NAT 97 99 MISCELLANEOUS. E Union Ilarwat Caledonia 102 104 ' , rice. i Zusin E.U.&E C 17 18 I T 100 Gt. North. 139 141 E.Lincolnshire Do. Woodbridze . . all E.Connts. 41 41 Share Miscellaneous. Paid. \ C l o si ng i ess dons Gls.Barr.diNeils,DrCt 1 ▪ 10T) Caledonia I?! Gt. West. 10 Anglo-Mexican Mint .. all 14 15 Gl D os g ie N r& ew Dert . n .. F . Or . Forest 1000 Atlantic Tel. (Limited). all 203 230 25 Australian Agricultural 19 30 32 301 30 Hartlpool.Dck.&Ra . i . l nwi c h 10 0 1 :0 011 DDD D S ; 9 0 E .. . 1a15 .. t .. . .: .... -- 6 : 4 1 73 1 5 Hull and Selby ... • ail Yykkkimßdr 109- 1 - 1 - ; 10 Australian Royal Mail . all ; i 10 Berlin Water Works ... all 2/ 31 . • ...... .. 115 120 10 Do New, issued at £5 dis 3 _ L op D n o od .. o t S s&h h c ! ir : : e : s 50 British American Land 40 30 32 50 Brit. & Irish Mag.Tel.A. all 36 38 Do. Preference Lon.,Tilby.&Soutend lOO PNeotri : _ 20 Do. C ..,. ... ._• .......... all 14 15 0 11.;o : . clo 94 Do. Barking Shares all Do. - 100 Canada Land . .. s.. . ... 321 120 124 10 Chan.lslands Te4.•im.) all 9 10 Stock Cop.Min.ofEng.& mltg all D 0.25 Do. Preference 71 per ct all 231 251 ~ Lowestoft, 6p ce gli nt e ... 4 . P ... 5 Crystal Pa1ace......... all 11 1 ' 14 Midsb.& Reda, g.6p. Mane Buxtn. & Matk e .. all LstNk.w&iii i i - 11 . 9 7 ...... _ _ v 5 o6* 7 Newmarkt,BuryEx 5. 5. 6. E.Counts. i •• 5 Do. Preference ........ all 4; 5 20 Eastern 5team......... all Mid.BradfordPrf. tk. 100 Midland a B tan Stock Electric Telegraph .. ... 100 102 104 103/ all Do. 56 5,9 5 Eng. & Aust. Cop.St.Ce. all -- Nort DO. lO Europ. & Ind.Junct.Tel. 10s. Do. do. 6 per cent. .• . all guaranteed hn.sz m as t s n p . 6 c p .. 0. 9 Europ.&Am.Stm.(Lim.) all 20 GLlron ScrewCol.(Lim all Preston and Wyre. 1 all & L. yk . i Do. Fixed 5 Per cent. all D L I N w 1 15 Gen. Steam Navigation. 14 Do. 1 Shares A. all Do. ..... . 20 London Discount 10 1 Do do sl*ll . 4 Lond.Gen. Omnibus Co all 1 f 1 tYk 1 1; z o t s h p e . r:a p o r d e s f. , L i : s o . a d 10 Mediter. Electric Teleg all RShefY.Retoni ii ll .& itc G li ol & g. S 6 h p e c p 1 1 8 00 n 6 GLta.nN.(orth. 137 14: National aolf Europe Steam 5 ; 1 d 10 Med. Exten. TeL (Lim.) all 5 6 Shrewsbry& Hereford all T Brassoy 91 1 South Staffordshire .: all M'Clcan . 101 11 1 Oriental Gas Wear Valley, g. 6 p.c. all Stk.& Dar Ri ve r 80 ustralasian (Lim.) Do. do. ll -- 4 — 1 t ldis. a 6 ll — 1 — ll Wilts and Somerset lOO Gt. ...... 90 92 Wimbledon& Croydn all L.&Brgtn 8 9 2 1 5 2 51 1 05 Ind. Telegr. Budnen 20 Re e d l aa w Si ... . - . al] 73 i 1/24 p DOCKS.a a I I O I. i T ip 1 Do. New Shares u : 5 :e -g el r. 15s. 1 dis par Share Docks. Paid Closing I Done. all 2: 2 24 Price. 50 Rhymney I ron i Stockl Commercial lOO Stock Do 4 perCent.Pref •Min lOO 25 South Australian Lam.) all 23 24 all 1121 125 all 61 71 ) StocklEast and West India lOO 1 ScotAustrln.lny.(ti ... 60 60 62 - Stock London I 100 -- Stock , St. Katharine lOO Land. 1 Submarine Teleg. serf ' 1 Do. do Registered .. P. 11 30 37 364 Stock Southampton lOO Stock Victoria • 100 102 104 1024 all . i i ZO Do•liew .... ... ••• = 100 ,Van Diemenl Land _. sti . 9 1 1 Pen, a; e:wrialile. Oriental Steam.. . .. n . .. SHARE MARKET.-(THIS DAY.) Share Railways. 12.10 Amberg., Notting. Bost. and Eastern Jupr , fion 14.1 fat and Ballymena, Sir., Wol., and Str. Val Birk., Lane., and Chesh .Junction Blackburn Blyth and Tyne Bristol and Exeter Caledonian Chester and Holyhead Cork and Bandon Cork, Blkrock,&Passage Cornwall D o. A rcves. no div Do. B until6p.c.per an • hasbeen pd.toß Dublin an dßelf ast Juno Dun.,Perth,& Ab - .. unc East Anglian Eastern Counties Eastern Union A Stock Do.. do. B Stock Do.Nw.A.(lte.E.U3ds) East Kent East Lancashire East Suffolk Do Edinburg and Glasgow Edin.. Perth, & Dundee Forth & Clyde Junction Furness Glasgow & South Westn Great North of Scotland Great Northern Do. do. A Stock Do. do. B Stock Gt. South.& Wstn.(lreld) Great Western Do.Str.Vl.Rail Gna.Stk Irish South Eastern Lancaster and Carlisle Do. Thirds Do. New Thirds Lancashire & Yorkshire Do. do. F £l6 Do. do. £9 shares Do. West Riding Union Do. Southport London and Blackwall Do.Newiss.at £slosp.sh Lon.. Brighton &S. Cos st London & North Westn Do. Eighths London& Sonth-Westn L'derry & Coleraine L'derry & Enniskillen Man., Shef., & Lincoln Metropolitan Midland Do. Birming. & Derby. Mid. Gt. West. (Ireland) Do. Shares NeWbastle and Carlisle New., Aber., & Herefd Newry & Armagh (def.) Newry, Warpt., & Roo Norfolk North. Counties Union North British Nor.Dev.Rail.&Dk. St k Do.A Stk.— Aree.no div until 6p.c.hasbeenpdß Do. B Stock North-Eastn.—Berwick Do. do. G.N.E.Purchase ' Do. Leeds Do. York North London N. &S.Westn.. Hampstd and City Junction North Staffordshire North-Western No. & Sou. W. Junction Oxford, Wor.,& Wolver Peebles Portsmouth Rhymney Scottish Central South. N. E., Aber. Stock Do. Scottish Mid. Stock Shropshire Union Sittingbourne & Sheer South Devon South-Eastern South wales SouthYorks.&Riv.Dun Do. do Staines,. Wok., & Wok Stockton & Darlington Do. do. 1855 Do. do. 1858 Stockton & llartlepool Tat: Vale Do. rrefevence, No. 1 Th amesHavenDk&Rail Vale of Neath Waterford & Kilkenny Waterford & Limerick West Cornwall W-end Lon. & Cry. Pal Do.A.—Arecv.nodiv.till _ 7 p.c. has been pd. to B (Do. - B West London ,o. Ist Class Do. f'd Class PREFEIMNI all 100 3i 100 100 100 100 100 1613 100 100 100 L 3 le, 17i all all 100 all IINARY SHARES AND STOCKS. C, 7 1 81 60 62 11 11i 32 85 91 93 7% 80 5 5i 8 9 15 16 57i 513 i 44 46 29 31 100/ 571 i 631 111 23/ / gel 1 100 f ; 11 89i d 32} i 2 a'u.Closing \ Business PPrice. Sharel Railways. 25 Blythe and Tyne 1( per c. pref. (issued at £5O) Stk Bris. & Exet.4p.ct.Stock 20 Do. do. do. Shares tock Caledon £lO, 4i per cent 12.10 Do. Quar. Shares, No. 2. Stock Chester & Holyhd, si t pc Stock Do. do. 5 p. et. Cork & Bandon. 5 p. 61 Dun. Perth,& Aber. Jun. Stock E.Angn. Class A 7 & spc Stock Do. do. Class B 6 pc Steck'Do. do. Class C 7 pc Stock E. Coun. Ex. 5 p ct. No.l Stock Do. do No.2 Stock Do. New 6 per ct. Stock Stock Eastern Union, 4 per ct. Stock East Lane. 6 per ct 5 E.& W. York. Jcn. fifths Stock Edin. &Gifts. 5 pc shares Stock Edin. Perth,& Dun. 4 pc. Stock Furness, 5 per cent Stock Glas. &S West., a. 5 pc Stock Great Northern, 5 p. ct Stock Do. 5 pc Reclm.,lop.c.pm Stock Do. 41 p. c. do. do. 100 Do.sp.c. Redm.,s pc. pm 10 Gt. Nh. of Scotid, Ist pt Stock Gt. Sn.& W (Ireland) 4 p. et. pref. Stock 50 Jreat West. (Berks and Hants) Ext. 5 Rd. Do. Redeemable, 44 pet Do. Redeemable, 4 p. ct Do. Irredeemable, do Do. 5 p. ot. Redeem. Pref Do. Birm. Pref. Shares Gt. West. Ches. 8 p.c.pf shares Stock Stock Stock Stock, Stock) Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock' 124 Stock 6 Stock 124- Stock Stock Stock Stockl Dodo. 5 p. ct. pref Do Birming. guar. stock Do. Chester guar.shares Do. do. do Do. do. do. Lan. & York 6 p.c. stock Lon.&Brig.spc. gu. No.l Do. pref., 5 p. c. ...No. 2 Do. New gua., 6 p. ct Do. do. 5 p. c. No. 4 IL on. & N. W. Cov. &l:un eaton, 5 p. ct. 1,9n.&5. W, 7 Rd. stock, a te 3d shares Londely & Cole, 4 shs. Londow.y.& Ennis & Lin., 6 p. ct. Do. 26 I all 100 all }lOO 100 100 100 100 all Do. 31 per cent. Maryport & Car., 4 p.c. Do. 4 per cent Do. Mid. Con. 6 p. c. Stock Do.Con.Bris.&Bir.6p.ct Do. 4i p. c. pref. stock Do. with option till 1860 Do. Leic. & Hitpref. st. ' NewportAber,&c.pret.s ) p. c. redeem, at 5 p. c. n m Do. Perpet, 6 p. c. with option till 1866 Norfolk Deb. 4 p.c. shares Do. sp. c. Ext. Stock,lB46 ' Do. 51 p. c. Pref. do. 1847 Do. Way.Val.Ex.Sk 1847 'North British, 5 per cent Do. New, gua. 5 per cent Nth.Dev.Rall.& Dsk.Co. N-East. lrred. 4 p.c. Deb. Do. Berwick, 4 p. c. Pref. Do. do. do. Do. Leeds, 6 p. c. No. 1 Do. do. Quarters, 1846 Po. York, H. & S. Purch. North Staffordshire .... Ox. Wr. & Wol. 6 pc. Ist g Do. do. do., 2d gua. Do. 41 p.c. Db. stk. in perp Scottish Central, new pr Scottish N.-Eastern deb Do. 31 per c. pref. stock Do.Aberdeen.gua. 6 pc. Do. 7 p. c. pref. stock. South Devon. Ann. 108. Do. Fixed 4} per cent. South Eastern (Reading Ann., 1.0.6 ) Do .41 per cent Do. Fixed 41 P.C. Ist is Do. New do., 2d issue South Wales, gua. 4 p.c Do. 41 per cent S.-Yorkshire, 4 p.c. gua Stockton and Dar. 5 p.e Do. 6 per cent Waterford & Kilkenny, 6 per cent. - Stock) Stoc Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock 8 Stock Stock Stock Stock 10s. 1.0.6. Stock Stock Stock Stock Stock i6l Stock 13 15 90 92 71i 72i 26 27 92 94 10 101 100, 101* 85 87 131 133 101 i 1054 67i 58 50 68 82 86 11 12 p 11 12 p 92i 93 1 id 62 65 111 112 93 94 1• 1 d 90 91 8 38 38i 4 el 1001 1011 75 77 10 12 57 59 3 3 d 55i 561 89 PO 2 11 dl 45 '6 74 14 102 105 4 4k dl l!t 7 8 31 33 7 5 [O7 109 26 27 81 83 44 46 3i d 42 44 68 08i 62 64 64 65 8 11 36 37 62 66 6i 61 31 Bi 7 71 :ARES. Closing 1 Business Pa id. Price. Done. 49 M 96 88 99 101 98 101 112 116 108 112 113 115 111 113 129 131 82 84 70 72 110 112 116 118 110 112 103 104 63 C 1 11 111 95 97 86 E 8 87 89 99 101 91 10 1 16 17 91 10 1 72 74 181 191 9i- 9 14 141 140 142 1118 120 1160 165 8} 9 12 I^s 69 71!)1 'l4O 1" 101 10i * 93 95 9) 10 111 111 9 91 [O9 111 9 o7iil 23 d par 122 124 118 120 I 99 101 lot 10 24 2 , fi 102 104 102 104 28 29, 32& 33? 52 54 16 17 13 LINES LEASED AT FIXED RENTALS. Railways. Paid. Leasing I Closing Busbies Co.'s. Price. Done. 100 100 all all all all all all all all IMPERIAL PARLIAMEN T HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY). The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. THE CIVIL SERVICE, The Earl of DERBY laid on the table, by command of ier Majesty, the report of the Civil Service Commission. THE RED SEA TELEGRAPH. Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY said, in the short dis cussion that had taken place on Thursday last, he under stood the noble earl opposite (Derby) to state that the guarantee of the Government would not commence until the line was in working order, but he saw, from a letter signed by a gentleman named Deane, that the contract entered into came into force immediately it was agreed *to by the Treasury. He also understoodthat an actual instalment of the 4f, per cent. had been advanced, although no vote of Parliament had sanctioned such a payment. He wished to ask whether any such payment had been made. The Earl of DERBY said he was inaccurate when he stated on Thursday evening that the Government were not to make any payment until the line was in working order. It was quite true that an instalment had been paid, in anticipation of the sanction of Parliament, but in making that payment they had only followed the precedent of the late Government in the case of the Mediterranean Extension Company. He would not at that moment enter into any discussion as to whether such a course was regular, but the late Government had initiated the course, and the present Government had fol lowed it. THE STATE OF EUROPE. The Earl of MALMESBURY appealed to the noble earl opposite (Lord Shaftesbury) to postpone a motion with reference to the disturbances at Travancore of which he had given notice, in order that he might at once make the state ment with regard to the condition of affairs in Europe which their lordships were all anxious to hear. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY said that the question which he wished to bring before their lordships was one of great importance, but as it was not of such immediate inte rest as that to which the noble earl• referred, he could have no hesitation in postponing his motion. He might, perhaps, take that opportunity of giving notice that he should in the next Parliament call the attention of their lordships to her Majesty's Proclamation. Of that Proclamation, as it ap peared in England, he heartily approved, but it had been so perverted, misunderstood, and mistranslated, that very seri ous consequences, indeed, had arisen from it in India, of which there could not be a more striking proof than those disturbances at Travancore, which he had intended to bring under their lordships' notice. The Earl of MALMESBURY then rose to take the statement of which he had given notice. He said—My lords, I must begin by returning thanks to my noble friend for giving way to me on this occasion. I hope that your lordships, whom I have twice disappointed before, when I promised to make a statement upon the position of affairs in Europe, will believe, not that it was from any reluctance on my part to lay before you all the information which I might be permitted by public duty to give, but that I thought, by waiting three or four days longer, I might be able to give to your lordships more at large that informa tion which you desired to obtain. Your lordships will easily recall to your recollection what was the state of Europe at the commencement of this year. On its very first day we were alarmed by the additional proof which was supposed to have been given by some words addressed by the Emperor of the French to the Austrian Ambassa dor at Paris, that the relations between France and Aus tria were not so satisfactory as we should all desirA them to be. That belief, on the part of the public, was very soon strengthened by several incidents to which it was not neces sary that I should advert. But while the relations of France, Austria, and Sardinia were certainly in an unsatis factory, and indeed in an alarming 'condition, the relations of this country with the whole world were, on the contrary, of a most satisfactory character. I do not say this with any desire to obtain credit for her Majesty's Government, •be cause I know that questions of peace and war are in hands higher than those of men; but it is remarkable that at that time the position of this country and its relations with all other States, great and small, in both hemispheres, were those of the most profound peace and tranquillity, and that in the events which subsequently took place England was from this circumstance and from her power the country which in all Europe was best suited to act as mediator and negotiator between the States whose relations were not in that happy condition. I need not go at any length into a discussion of the relation occupied by Austria towards this country. Your lordships know that the feelings of Eng lishmen towards the Austrian people have ever been to re gard them as ancient allies, who have been sharers in the events which are recorded in some of the most glorious pages of our history ; that we are of the same Teutonic origin, that our respective geographical positions are such that no jealousy can exist between us; and that therefore our sympathies are, for all these reasons, entirely with the Austrian people. But, my lords, if for these reasons our sympathies are given to the Austrian people, so, on the other hand, they are, to a certain extent, alienated from them by the signal difference which exists between the two Governments. Theirs is an essentially despotic Govern- went, and ours an essentially free one ; and there certainly exists—neutralizing the feelings which I have described as prevailing between the two nations—that other feeling as _ _ _ regards the Government of Austria which is so different from that of this country. It appears to mo that it is in Italy especially that the Austrian Government has given rise to this feeling with respect to its administration. No Minister of this country, and I believe no subject of her Majesty, will deny the undoubted right of Austria to her Italian dominion. She possesses them by inheritance, by conquest, and by treaty ; and I know no other titles by which her gracious Majesty holds the king dom of Scotland, her empire of India, and some:of the colo nial dependencies of the British Crown than ,these three — right of inheritance, of conquest, and of treaty. The Italian possessions have been secured to Austria by treaties which our Sovereigns have signed, and those treaties are not only held sacred by every person in this country who is inte rested in politics, but are looked upon as of the greatest con • sequence to the security of the whole of Europe, and as en gagements which must be upheld by any Government which administers the affairs of Great Britain. It is not, therefore, on account of her possessions that our feeling towards Aus tria is less sympathetic than it would otherwise be. It is be cause when in possession of that part of Italy she has not, as we think she ought to have done, wisely restricted her self to the management of her own affairs, and to the ame lioration of the condition of her own people, but has been in duced by political reasons to interfere with other States of Italy, and had thus become unpopular, not only in that country, but to a certain degree, as far as her administration goes, also in this. (Hear, hear.) It is in private life a most dangerous and unpopular employment to be a constable to preserve the peace of a town or city. Austria had assumed this position in Italy. By keeping in awe those populations which could not be restrained by their own rulers she has not only assumed a great deal of what I should call unne cessary unpopularity, but has also diminished her strength in her own part of Italy; and there can be no doubt that if her policy in this respect was changed she would both se cure the peaceful possession of her own dominions and strengthen her political importance over the rest of the pe ninsula. (Hear.) With respect to Sardinia our feelings are different, and the contrast is remarkable. We are not of the same race or the same descent as the people of that country, and therefore there is no smypathy of race or of descent between us and them ; but there is such a resem- blance between our Governments ; they are so nearly iden tical in character that the greatest desire for the !prosperity of Sardinia has always existed in this country. We have always admired the way in which she gained her liberties, and has made herself a living refutation of those assertions which have been constantly put forth, that constitutional Governments are impossible in Italy. For some years her Government proceeded in apeaceful and prosperous manner, and when she was obliged to have recourse to arms her behaviour and her deeds were admired by all men in this country. (Hear, hear.) But, my lords, more lately, lam sorry to say, she appears to have forgotten that her mission in Italy is one of example, and that she ought to stand forth as a model and a pattern to the other States. She seems to have forgotten that military glory may be an appendage o constitutional government, but thatit is not its object. (Hear.) She seems to have forgotten that every victory gained which was not in support of the principle of self-defence and the preservation of her own liberties, would be a fruitless vic tory, and one which would involve her in the greatest diffi culties with other countries. It is under these circum stances that the Itajian difficulties have arisen, and it is for these reasons, which I have imperfectly sketched, as far as I can understand them, that the position of the northern part of Italy is such as we see with so much regret. Austria and Sardiniabeing in this position with respect to one another and with respect to public opinion in Italy and Europe, there remains another great empire which did not look on with indifference as to what took place initaly. That empire, I need not say, is France. Now, my lords, it is difficult for Englishmen, and for anEnglish Minister, to understand by what process of reasoning, and by what principle of sound policy, the ruler of that prosperous country should be in duced to inter fere with ether nations, and to involve himself in the difficulties in which they were involved. Of all countries in the world France has the finest climate and most equal soil. Her wealth and resources are capable of almost incalculable improvement, and there is ample room for the energies of her people and those of her Go vernment in bringing her to a much higher state of pros- Ferity and development than she now enjoys. But, my lords, rance in her policy has deemed it fit to unite herself com pletely with the cause of Sardinia, and appeared determine d at the time to which I have referred to assert her right of interfering in the affairs of Italy, and of restricting what she regarded as the encroachments, both moral and mate rial, of the Austrian empire in that country. My lords, this could be seen only with regret lay her faithful ally, Great Britain. No one would suppose us, or would suppose any English Minister, capable for a moment of assisting thq Austrian legions against the subjects of the Emperor of Austria. That is utterly foreign to our principles and our policy all over the world. It is contrary to our policy to interfere in the internal arrangements of foreign nations, to seek to emancipate them from any real or supposed oppres sion, or to endeavour to change their existing Institutions. We accept the revolutions which they bring about by their own hands and their own judg me nts. We recomnise their de facto but not their de jure Governments. It there fore, not easy for us to understand the policy under which France appeared to be desirous of taking part in a contest in which she had no direct interest. My lords, the state of things daily grew worse, and at the end of the month of February it reached such an alarming point that, as I have already told your lordships, Lord Cowley was sent to Vienna. Before he went there he came to a perfect under standing with the Court of .17rance as to their ideas respect ing the Italian difficulty, and he had a complete knowledge of the particular points whioh the French Government seemed anxious to reform and t'o settle. At Vienna he was received, as I informed your .lordships before, with the greatest frankness and cordiality by the Austrian Govern ment. Lord Cowley and Count .Buol, the Austrian Prime Minister, discussed those points calmly and with all the feeling of personal friends—as ilhey were—and of political allies. I cannot, indeed, venture to predict what would have taken place under those circumstances ; but I must say I believe that if the negotiations had followed the course in which they were first commonced—if Lord Cowley had been permitted to continue as the sole mediator between the Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Austria, the negotiations would have been further advanced, and we should have had a greater hope of their success than we have at present. (Hear.) I say this, my lords, because, if one mediator a l one h a d b een em pl o yed, and suc h a media tor as Great Britain, through her Ambassador, Lord Cow ley, I think that difficulties would have been avoided which are naturally brought forward when a more formal and complex mediation is placed before the eyes of Europe. When Lord Cowley returned on the 16th of March to Paris he found that some communications had been going on be tween Russia and France, the result of which appears to be, that Russia proposed that a Congress should sit upon the affairs of Italy, that Congress to be composed of the five great Powers. This was stated to me first by the French Ambassador in London, who told me that such a Congress was to take place, and asked 'whether I should approve it, observing that France entirely supported it, and wished to know what England was inclined to do. My lords, my conviction with regard to the best means of settling these matters was that which I have just explained to you; but I felt that if that plan should fail a very heavy responsi bility would fall upon me if I refused the invitation which the Russian Government gave us to enter a Congress and make a combined effort to settle the Italian difficulty. I don't think that I should have been justified in declining to take part in that Con gress, whatever my private opinion may have been as to the result. I therefore did assent. But before I re ceived the Russian proposition, knowing as I did what the ideas of France were in respect to the particular points to be discussed in the Congress if it took place, and knowin g also what were Count Buol's views on those points, I thought it better to anticipate the offer of the Russian Government, and to submit a basis for the Congress. This I did on the 20th of March, and on the 22d of that month Baron Brunow brought me the official proposition that a Congress should be held, and at the same time agreed that it should be based on the four points which I had laid before the Russian Government. My lords, the four points were these :—First, the means by which peace should be preserved between Austria and Sardinia; secondly, how the evacuation of the Roman States by the armies of Austria and France might best be accomplished ; thirdly, whether any, and if any, what reforms could be made in the internal administration of these and other Italian States, whose present administrative defects might obviously be attended with danger to the peace of Europe; and fourthly, the substitution for the treaties between Austria and the Duchies of a confederation of the minor States of Italy for their mutual internal and external protection. We further required as a condition to our assent to the Russian proposal that it should be distinctly understood that the Congress would not entertain any question of in terference with the actual state of the territorial possession of Italy, or in any way disturb the articles of the treaty of 1815. Now, my lords, these four points were received and admitted by all the other Powers as the basis of the Con gress. But there were collateral questions which arose ; and the two principal collateral questions were, first, the composition of the Congress ; and second, the disarmament of the three great Powers who were antagonists to one another. Your lordships will observe that the question of disarmament involves the first of the four points which I had laid down—viz., the means by which peace should be preserved between Austria and Sardinia. With respect to the question of disarmament there occurred a difference of opinion. It was proposed by some that that disarmament should be accepted only in principle, and that its details should be the first question considered in the Congress. By others it was supposed to be much the preferable alternative that disarmament, real and effective, should precede the Congress, and that the Congress should be entered into upon grounds entirely political, and with a peaceful atti tude. My lords, I have no hesitation in saying that it was the opinion of her Majesty's Government that a previous disarmament was the preferable course. (Hear, hear.) It seems consistent with sound policy and common sense that persons who are antagonists, and who have to discuss thorny and difficult questions, should not enter the council chamber armed ; that they should not have the power, if they disagreed, of having recourse to force ; and that they should have the means of violence taken from them before they engaged in discussion. (Hear, hear.) That point, as I will tell your lordships later, was considered, and is not yet settled ; but the question of the composition of the Congress was, after some discussion, arranged. Your lord ships will recollect that the Russian Government pro posed that the five great Powers should alone sit in Con gress. This has been the custom of Europe for a great many years when the great public law of Europe has been discussed, and there appeared to none of us any reason why we should depart from the usual practice, and make an exception by calling in any other Power to assist us. But, my lords, it at the same time seemed to me, inasmuch as we were going to discuss social and political questions of the greatest interest to Italians, that Italians ought somehow or other to be heard before the Congress ; and, although upon the different points we had no intention of imposing either reforms, or confederations, or any other improvement which we might wish to propose on any one of the Italian States—(hear, hear)—although it was our intention, if we entered into Congress, only to recommend those reforms after we had deliberately entertained them, yet it appeared to me that it would be of very great advantage to those deliberations that the Italian nations should be represented, and should, on the one hand, hear what ve had to propose, while we, on the other hand, should hear what they had to say to our propositions. (Hear, hear.) I therefore proposed that they should be invited and admitted whenever we wished to hear them during our deliberations. (Cheers.) And that no want of respect might appear implied in this proposal, I reminded the great Powers and the Italian States of the analogous case that occurred in this country in 1830. At that time your lordships will remember that the dispute between Holland and Belgium was proceeding, and the important operation of dividing that kingdom, and erecting Belgium into a new monarchy, was settled•in London. Hob land and Belgium were the principal parties to that arrange ment, but they were not received into the Congress, or rather conference, as principals. They were heard in the conference through their respective Ministers, who were first called commissioners, and afterwards commis sioners extraordinary, to that conference. It appeared to her. Majesty's Government, that there would be nothing derogatory to the dignity of the Italian States in following that precedent. But there is also another, that of the Con gress of Laybach held in 1821; Russia, Prussia, and Aus tria, made the nucleus of a Congress, which, after sitting some time, came to certain decisions with respect to Italian affairs, and then they invited the Italian States to sit with them, and share the discussion. But Sardinia, when the proposition of her Majesty's Government was made, claimed to sit in the Congress as one of the antagonists ; all the great Powers resisted that demand, and agreed that it would be very inconvenient to depart from the usual prece dents. If Sardinia claimed to sit as a principal in the Con gress, because she is interested in Italian affairs and the preservation of the peace of Europe, then the same claim might be made by Switzerland, the smaller German States, or any other country on the confines of Italy. It was, there fore, completely determined by all the five Powers that Sardinia and the other Italian States should be invited to sit on the Congress only after it should have assembled ; then those States might send delegates to inform the Con gress of their wishes. My lords, while this discussion was proceeding another was taking place with respect to the question of disarming. Austria put forth, with con siderable tenacity, that she would not attend the Congress unless Sardinia previously disarmed. That appeared to her Majesty's Government an unfair proposal; but it sug gested this course—that if Sardinia would consent to dis arm, it would invite France, together with England, to guarantee her from any attack on the part of Austria ; Austria at the same time offered to make a public declara tion that it would not make any attack on Sardinia. (Hear, hear.) But. that proposal fell to the ground because the French Government declined to make such a guarantee. Her Majesty's' Government, therefore, have never proposed to Sardinia to disarm, because it could not obtain for her the necessary security. (Hear, hear.) But after consider able discussion, with which I will not weary yourlordships, the case stands at present in this form:--Austria and France have agreed to the principle of a disarmament, but have not agreed as to the time and manner of it. Austria pro poses a disarmament previous to the Congress. France proposes that the principle of a disarmament shall be ac knowledged before the Congress meets ; but that the details of that disarmament shall be considered after it has met. But I think the Congress is not the most competent body to discuss the details of the disarming of three great armies. This would be better done by a commission of officers of the three armies, so that when the several Powers enter the Congress there would be nothing to disturb the minds of the representatives but the questions they are sent to discuss, which will be entirely of a political nature and having nothing to do with military operations. (Hear.) I am sorry to say, therefore, that the question of disarming is not settled, it stands as I describe. Sardinia has also been invited to disarm by Austria, exactly on the same footing as Austria and France; but she has not consented, grounding her hesitation on her exclusion from the Con gress. My lords, it is a source of considerable regret, as you may well imagine, to her Majesty's Government that it is not able to give a more satisfactory account of the negotia tions that have been so long pending on this subject. I feel all the responsibility and all the gravity of the situation. Her Majesty's Government having such a task on its hands would for its own credit have applied all its energies to it. But there is an object much greater than the credit of indi viduals or of the Government, that object is the peace of Europe, and when you consider, if unhappily we are to have war, what a war it will be, the responsibility of those men who have refused or neglected any occasion of averting it is great indeed. (Hear, hear.) It will be no common war; it will be no conflict between the chivalrous nations in a distant land, like the Russia war in the Crimea. By a war in Italy, elements will be upheaved that will scarcely be settled again within our time. It will excite the hopes of persons without the slightest patriotism, who will endea vour to obtain their own desperate objects by such a war. It will evoke every wild theorist, and every impossible theory, of Republicans of every hue and colour ; all will ex pect to find their account in this war; there are exiled princes who will expect to reap advantage from it ; it is impossible for any human being, whatever his experience, to say when such a war would end, or what wou ld b e i ts t erm ination. Then, my lords, I may be permitted, as the Minister of a country as great as either of the Powers in - volved, to implore the Ministers of those countries, to think once more, how serious is the responsibility of the question in which they are engaged, and how great may be the calamities that may be caused by any neglect, or hesitation on their part, to adopt the measures that may prevent hos tilities. The only consolation we have, personally, is that, as her Majesty s Ministers, we have neglected no single step—(hear, hear)—or means of averting such disasters; a nd if they do occur, may Almighty . God pardon those who are the occasion of them. (Cheers.) The Earl of CLARENDON said,---The speech of the noble lord has laid bare a state of things so perplexing and so difficult that I do not wonder the noble lord postponed it till the latest possible moment. I do not wonder he wished to postpone the communication while there was any hope of bringing these protracted negotiations to a conclu sion that might have realized the expectations he held out to your lordships, that unless some untoward and almost impossible event occurred, the Congress might assemble at the close of this month. lam not complaining of the de lay that has taken place; I think it is not unnatural that her Majesty's Government should have wished to wait, in the hope of being able to give a more satisfactory account of the negotiations. I think it not unnatural that the Go vernment should have feared the effect of Parliamentary discussion upon them;:though I believe in this the fear has no foundation, because during the ten weeks so many conflicting reports have been in cir culation, the conduct of Parliament has been emi nently judicious. (Hear, hear.) A complete absence of party spirit, and the calmest !forbearance, have marked the sense Parliament has entertained of the gravity and im portance of the interests involved in these negotiations; and its unanimity on more than one occasion expressed its con viction tha', the national law of Europe ought to be main tained. I wish that my noble friend had been able to make a more satisfactory statement to your lordships. I wish that on the eve of the dissolution of Parliament, when during six weeks this country will be deprived of the assistance which Parliament might have given to the Ministers of the Crown, my noble friend had been able to allay the public anxiety. But, my lords, assuming that there is sincerity on the part of the Government, assuming that they are not pursuing a hidden policy which they dare not avow—(cheers)—and whichwould entail that frightful:responsibility to which my noble friend alluded in the concluding part of his speech, it is difficult to apprehend how matters have arrived at their present stage. (Hear, hear.) Austria declares that she will not attack Piedmont, Piedmont declares that she will not attack Austria, and France declares that she will not attack Austria unless Austria attacks Piedmont. England, Prussia, and' Russia have been employing their good offices unceasingly, according to the statment of my noble friend, in order to bring about a satisfactory settle ment. All profess the utmost anxiety for peace and the utmost abhorrence of war; and yet, during all this time, preparations for war upon a gigantic and ruinous scale have been made. (Cheers.) Austrian corps d'armee have been pouring into Italy. The troops which have arrived from Algiers and those which have gone from Paris are to com pose an army of the Alps. There is unusual activity in the arsenals and dockyards of France. (Cheers.) In short, everything in France denotes an approaching campaign. Piedmont is checking the industry of her people by the large army she is keeping on foot, and by the maintenance of those great bodies of volunteers which she invites from every part of Italy. The warlike spirit of Germany can scarcely be kept under control, while the newspapers are full of offensive and hostile articles. And yet, in the pre sence of this menacing state of affairs, in this hourly in- creasing danger of war, this Congress, which is said to be the only means of maintaining peace, cannot meet because the parties have not agreed upon the sine quibus non condi- tions of the negotiations. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I must say this does not bear out the assumption that there is an honest purpose or desire to keep the peace. (Cheers.) This fact justifies mistrust, and to that mistrust I attribute the proposal which my noble friend has just mentioned. I think that Austria should not have made a demand upon Piedmont to disarm—(hear, hear)—and I think that that demand should have received neither support nor encourage ment, for Austria thereby has rendered herself liable to the charge of proposing that which she knew could not be agreed to, and therefore of creating an unnecessary amount of obstacles to the meeting of the Congress. And, my lords, in the present excitement and enthusiasm in Pied mont, no matter how that arose and whether justifiable or not, I really can conceive nothing more likely to bring about that rupture which all profess to dread than the disarma ment of those inflammable materials collected everywhere —those corps of volunteers, amounting, I understand, to about 10,000 men. (Hear.) All these are now under the control of military discipline, but once let loose from order, they would have committed acts which_ Austria would have punished, and Piedmont would have resented. I have heard with very sincere satisfaction this evening from my noble friend not only that this proposal did not originate, as was at first imagined, with her Majesty's Government, but that it proceeded from Austria. But, my lords, Aus • tria has made another proposal for a general disarmament, accordinc , to the statement of ray noble friend. Although, abstractedly speaking, such a proposal would be most de sirable, yet when considered with reference to the meeting of the Congress it does not appear to me to be a wise pro posal. If Austria were to recall all those troops that she has lately sent into Italy, and if Piedmont were to adopt a similar course, there is no doubt the result would be bene ficial. But, my lords, things have gone too far for that. None of the parties can have sufficient security as to what will be the result of the Congress to disarm at the present moment. It seems to me that the proper course to have taken was simply to have entered into an understanding by which it should have been agreed that no further prepara tions should be made, that no troops should be moved from their actual position, and that no attack should be made by either party until he Congress should have deliberated upon the questions in dispute. (Hear, hear.) The points for deliberation might then have been settled. This might have been done if the parties sincerely desired to do that which was right and just and likely to be lasting, and it would have been found that the business of the Congress lay in a nutshell. (Hear, hear.) I was glad to hear from my noble friend, although his statement was far from satis factory, yet that the idea of a Congress is not abandoned. After all that has passed, after all the expectations that have been held out, I think it would be unfortunate if a Congress were not to meet. (Hear, hear.) A Congress is necessary after a war in which several Powers have been engaged in order to settle the terms of peace, and to make those arrangements which are necessary for the establish ment of peace, in which arrangements all the Powers con cerned are interested ; but in the present case it is difficult to understand what are the questions upon which the de liberations of a Congress are necessary. If, my lords, it is intended to require Austria to withdraw from that territory to which she has a treaty right, why, my noble friend and her Majesty's Government know very well that the answer of Austria would be that she recognises no authority on the part of a Congress in 1859 to abrogate the rights conferred by the Congress of 1815. Austria would reply that she was prepared to defend her rights, and •there would be an end of tho Congress. If it is intended to require Austria to with draw from territory to which she has no right, we all know that she is prepared to do so as soon as France .withdraws front Rome. If it is intended to demand an abrogation of the treaties between Austria and the Italian States, that is a matter for negotiation. In fact, if what my noble friend says is strictly true it would appear that when Lord Cowley returned to Paris he had in his hand all the means of bring ing matters to a satisfactory solution. (Hear, hear.) But I believe that all my noble friend knows is this, that one despotic Power has proposed to another despotic Power that, by means of a Congress,' a third despotic Power should pave the way for liberal institutions. (Hear, and laughter.) The principle of referring to negotiation all matters in dispute was adopted at Paris, and one may rea sonably expect that when the plenipotentiaries of three Powers meet round a table, the armies of those Powera will be less liable to meet in the field. It appears to me that there should be preliminary arrangements for the meeting of the Congress—first, that the rights conferred by treaty shall be strictly respected, and secondly, that the rights conferred by treaty shall in no respect be exceeded. If we are parties to or in any way sanction the violation of those treaties by which the Austrian possessions in Italy are to be secured and maintained, we may rely upon it that that pro cess will not stop there, and that we shall soon have to con sider other and more important questions of territorial right. However objectionable the treaties of Vienna may be, after a lapse of 40 years, be thought to be in some cases, yet it cannot be denied that, upon the whole, they have served their purpose of maintaining the peace of Europe, and the best proof of the beneficial consequences of the arrangement which they effected was the universal satisfaction with which all Europe hailed the declaration of the Emperor of the French, " L'Empire c'est la paix." But if Europe is to be scrambled for as we have heard, there will be nothing but endless confusion and strife. (Cheers.) It is, therefore, not only to the interest of Austria, but for the general secu rity of Europe, that rights conferred by treaty, and which now form a part of the international law of Europe, should be maintained. We must also remember what were the ob jects of the Powers by whom the treaty of Vienna was con cluded. Their efforts were mainly directed to creating a barrier against France, more especially in the north of Italy, and therefore it was the unanimous wish of all the great Powers of Europe that Austria should resume her posses sion of Lombardy ; and it was for precisely the same reason that Genoa was added to Piedmont. (Hear, hear.) All the territorial possessions which were maintained or secured to Austria are to be found enumerated in great detail in the Treaty of Vienna; and the nature of the possessions of Austria in Italy was, I believe, most correctly described by my noble friend when he said that they were the result of conquest, inheritance, long tenure, and treaties which for upwards of 100 years had been recognised as part of the national law of Europe. Upon those treaties, then, Austria has a right to take her stand; and, so taking her stand, she should be upheld by the other Powers of Europe ; but when she does so I think that she is bound to make every conces sion compatible with her honour to avert the calamities of war. (Hear, hear.) I think that she is bound not to exceed by one single hair's breadth the rights conferred upon her by those treaties. (Hear.) But it is contrary to those treaties and it is contrary to international law that Austria should claim to occupy, and to reduce to a condition of political vassalage, States that aught to be independent. I think that those exclusive treaties between Austria and the Lega • e , t ye rand,ies were wereo unnecessary, t h ae e e greateo a t h aa e r r , hand,mistake nd h e e n anv a ta b h l ee provedph a e r r t o t i o fnj o u icc Austria occupy tion States which, on the one h a nd, g i ve t h em a right to call _ i t n het h hir e a r tte a trri i h d m to a A de us a t t ria. I do n this time with ievtbhelanye chance suc ee h t of he retie in a ge s ar c ri o e u d ld in b te e effect; for in the present temper of Europe I believe that the occupation of any of those States by Austria would be looked upon much in the same light as we regarded the occupation of the Principalities by Russia. I believe that it is in the interest of Austria that those treaties should ter minate, because while they exist she is made responsible for the state of things which has arisen, under which the Sove reigns of those States are enabled to disregard the wishes and opinions of their people, to sacrifice their interests, and to govern without any reference to those reciprocal duties which belong to Sovereigns and to people, because, as one of them said, "I have 300,000 soldiers to back me, and I can do as I like." (Hear, hear.) The occupation of the Papal territory has hitherto been justified by Austria as a measure of security called for by disaffection of the people. But that disaffection is occasioned by misgovernment. (Hear, hear.) Men are not naturally disaffected or turbu lent; men do not naturally rebel against good laws and good treatment, but they do resent injustice and being made miserable by bad laws ; and it is remarkable that in a small sovereignty like that of the Pope the normal state of things should be such as to require one foreign army in the capital and another foreign army in the Legations. (Hear.) The French occupation of Rome has been a great misfortune to France, for it has placed her in a false position, and a false position always becomes worse with time. France has long felt that her army could not remain there with credit, and that it could not be withdrawn with safety ; but while it does remain there France is in the eyes of the world vir tually responsible for the acts of the Papal Government. (Hear, hear.) Good advice has not been spared ; but it has been oftentendered in vain, and all offers to interfere in the internal affairs of the Papal Government, except for the pur pose of maintaining order and repressing the just discontent of the people, have been peremptorily , refused. No position, I think, can be more false or more injurious to a great nation than that. I brought this subject of the occupation of the Papal territory before the Congre ss of P aris because I thought that the moment w as an o pp ortune one, when we were taking measures for wi thdrawin g for eign troops f rom and other territories,o s th ta e t r es. ceuntßuol then to suggest th e i r theremoval Russian,also the G from that the Austrian and French troo p s should be removed as r th ee e k l ; soon as it could be done with a due regard to the tranquillity of the Papal States and the consolidation of the authority of the Holy See. My lords, three years have now passed with out anyeffect having been given to that resolution; whereas I believe that if that arrangement had be en carried out with foresight and in a becoming spirit, most of the present com p lications would never have ensued. (Hear, hear.) Her Ma jestrii Government could do Ao more than press Ow exPedi ency of giving effect to it, as they, did ; and even if we had had diplomatic relations with Rome any representations of ours would have been disregarded. Some six or seven weeks ago, however, we were told that the Pope had of his own accord asked the withdrawal of those foreign forces, stating that he was able to dispense with them; but how that re quest was made—in what form it was presented, in what manner it was received, how it was acted upon, or why the French and Austrian troops still remain just where they are, we aro entirely in the dark. I have been informed that the Austrian Government expressed the greatest readiness to comply with our request--that two battalions of Austrian troops actually left Bologna, and that the rest of the garri son would have quitted in a few days, when, somehow or other, something occurred to put an end to their removal. I believe that with proper precautions for maintaining tran quillity those troops might with safety be withdrawn. (Hear, hear.) I believe that all persons of influence in the central States of Italy have a great dread of revolution and a great desire to arrive at a better system of government by peaceful and legitimate means. I believe that the bubble of Italian unityhas burst. (Cheers.) I believe that the partisans of Mazzini and their detestable doctrines are extinguished. I believe that there is no longer any faith in republican insti tutions ; but that the example of the Sardinian Govern ment has not been without its beneficial influence by prov ing that liberty and monarchy can co-exist. • (Cheers.) If the treaty of 1815 is to be maintained—if Austria is pre pared to withdraw her forces from the Papal States—if; alive to the inconvenience of those exclusive treaties, Austria is prepared to make all such concessions as will not be dishon ourable or humiliating to her, we might ask, in the first place, where is the necessity even for a Congress ? (Hear.) Still more might we ask, where has been the necessity for those great military preparations which for three months have kept Europe in a state of anxious suspense, have put a stop to all commercial enterprise, and have already inflicted incalculable losses upon the countries engaged in them ? And with still greater reason might we ask where is the ground and where is the pretext for war ? (Cheers.) My lords, war may desolate Italy; but it will not settle what is called the " Italian Question." The country may be laid waste, the fiercest passions may be called into action, all those parties described by my noble friend may join in the affray ; after a time the Austrians may be driven out of Lombardy, Tuscany, Parma, and Modena, and Lombardy may be annexed to Piedmont ; but I believe that such an arrangement would soon prove more distasteful to Lom bardy than the present. There is no affinity between the Lombards and Piedmontese—not even that of language — and I cannot believe that the, proud aristocracy of Milan and Venice would approve of becoming dependents of Pied mont, having Turin for their capital, and sending deputies to the Piedmontese Parliament, any more than the Pied montese would like to be dependents of Lombardy, and to have Milan or Venice for their capital. Great dissensions would arise which might endanger the liberties of Pied mont, who might find too late that she had been no more than the pioneer and advance guard of France, and that in grasping at the shadow she had sacrificed the substance of liberty. (Hear, hear.) It had been said that an attempt should be made to unite all the minor States of Italy into one confederation; but that would be the act of the victor— that would be the act of France, and whether the Prince were native or French who was elected to reign over them, he would require the support of the French army. And so also would the Pope, for all his subjects to a man•would rebel during the war nless they were kept under by a force far superior to any that France has hitherto kept in Rome. There would be then the substitution of one foreign domi nation for another, and the position of France would be more onerous and untenable thanit is now, as she would soonlearn, for there can be no greater mistake than to suppose that even among the bitterest enemies of Austria there is any other: feeling than that an armed French intervention in Italian affairs is an evil of the greatest magnitude. French domination would be as odious as Austrian. The Congress could perform no more useful task than to este blish the principle of non-interference—the principle letting the Italian States alone. (Hear, hear.) I think the are as well educated, as intelligent, as civilised, and as cap able of understanding their own interests and conducting their own affairs as any other nation in Europe. In tie Treaty of Paris you will find it stipulated that there shall exist no separate right of interference in the affairs of the Danubian Principalities, and that even in the event of the disturbance of tranquillity there shall be no armed interven tion, except with the previous assent of all the allies. If my noble friend by his eloquence and arguments can persuade the Powers about to meet—the same Powers which secured to the Mold°. Wallachian provinces this immunity—to agree to place the Italian States upon the same footing, he will have performed a service of the greatest value. (Cheers.) I have only further to say that I hope my noble friend will carry with him all the strength and the moral support of this country, which he will need in what I fear he will find a difficult task, and I can assure him that wthing from me to embarrass him or to rob him of: : that support. My noble friend's services have lately. baen" notdo.U.sa,of to a certain extent for party purposes by lais , frienflS, bgt;he himself is the last man to think himsedindispeinthle :the peace of Europe. (Hear, hear.) Probably, he. will agree with me that the indispensable man has yet to be born— (hear, hear)—but certainly the injudicious ardour of his friends has not a little increased his responsibility and ex posed him to harsh criticism, in which, I can assure him, I am not at all disposed to join. (Hear, hear.) His task will be an arduous one, but I can say for myself; and for those who sit behind me, that no spirit Of party shall prevent our making the fullest and fairest allowance for all the diffi- , culties with which he may have to contend, or shall damp the satisfaction with which we shall learn that success has crowned his efforts. (Loud cheers.) The Earl of DERBY—I should scarcely have risen to take part in this conversation had I not felt it my bounden duty to bear my testimony to the fair, candid, and impartial speech just delivered by my noble friend— (hear, hear)—and also to express my concurrence in the commendation which he has bestowed on the course pursued by parties in abstain ing, at a time of great difficulty, from putting any questions or originating any discussions which might tend to embarrass the Government or to lessen the chance of the preservation of peace. But having expressed my gratitude to my noble friend opposite, and to Parliament generally, I wish also to state my firm and entire conviction that if there be yet, as I hope there may be, any chance of maintaining the peace of Europe, the best chance is to be found in the con viction and the impression on all the nations of Europe that with regard to the main principles embodied in this ques tion there is no difference of opinion between English par ties. (Cheers.) It is, therefore, with more especial grati fication that I have listened to the speech of my noble friend without finding in it from beginning to end one single senti ment expressed, or one single principle laid down, to which I cannot give my hearty concurrence. It is the source of the greatest satisfaction to the Government to know that the highest authorities are agreed upon the main principles which have been laid down by the Government as the bases upon which a satisfactory arrangement might be arrived at. (Hear.) The noble lord has acquitted the Government of any desire or intention to introduce into Congress any doubt ful question as to the maintenance of the treaty of 1815 ; but, not only can there be no doubt as to the intentions of the Government and their feelings as to the obligation of maintaining those treaties, but my noble friend behind me, when he laid down those four bases of negotiation on the part of the Government, also added a fifth, which was to be a sine qua non, that we regarded it as a condition precedent to our acceptance of the Russian proposal, that there should be a distinct understanding that the Congress would not in tertain any question of interference with the actual state of territorial possessions, nor in any way disturb the treaties of 1815. (Hear, hear.) It is impossible for language to lay down more distinctly that principle than it was laid down by my 1 1 noble friend. It was assented to by the four great Powers ; and in the adoption of that principle I think a great service has been done in the maintenance of peace (Hear, hear I do not understand that the noble earl opposite objects in the slightest degree to the various points which have been laid down as the bases for negotiation. He has, indeed, raised some question as to the time and mode of carrying out the disarmament ; but, with regard to the principle, he assents to it in the light of a guarantee for peace. He agrees to the propriety of stipulating for the evacuation of the Roman States by foreign armies, and in the recommendation of re- forms in the separate States of Central Italy such as may do away with abuses which woidd obviously endanger the continuance of peace. My noble friend also laid consider able stress on the impossibility of substituting for the treaties now existing between Austria and the Duchies a confederation of the minor States of Italy. I trust that this will go forth to the world and that there will be no misrepresentation that to the maintenance of the treaties of 1815 being a sine qua non, and to the four principal bases on which the Congress is to enter on its labours, and which have been accepted by all the great Powers as just, fair, and reasonable, there is an una- . nunous assent on both sides of this house, and, I have no doubt, of the other house of Parliament. (Cheers.) I will not pretend to vindicate the precise course pursued by the Government, nor to say that on any and every occasion they have done exactly that which was most likely to lead to the object they had in view; but I will venture to say that from the commencement to the end they have inva riably taken that course which seemed to lead most directly to the prevention of an outbreak in Europe, the end of which it was impossible to foretell. (Cheers.) I believe en tirely with my noble friend that there would have been a much better chance of bringing matters to a satisfactory settlement had the original proposition made by this coun try been accepted, and the mediation been left in the able hands of Lord Cowley, because during the short time that Lord Cowley—l can hardly say was conducting nego tiations but—was engaged in communications with the different parties, he actually succeeded in laying down a basis of negotiation to which both France and Austria were prepared to assent as calculated to lead to a satisfactory settlement. I cannot but think that the subsequent or rather contemporaneous offer of a general Congress made by Russia has interposed all those difficulties which have been found to retard agreement—in point of fact, that the proposition for a Congress, although it was impossible for her Majesty's Government to refuse it when once it was made, and accepted by France, really was less likely to lead to a speedy solution of the question than if the mediation of Lord Cowley had been continued. My noble friend says, that supposin g all parties to be sincere, it is difficult to account for the state of Europe. I agree with him, for if the treaties of 1815 are to be maintained, and if an agreement has been arrived at by the Powers prin cipally concerned, with regard to the questions which alone cause any ostensible difference of opinion as to the basis on which an amicable settlement may be arrived at, it is difficult to account for the vast d t ari b n c a i m nd e i n ff t e s re an nt d , for the enormous preparations which are being made more or less ostentatiously and more or less openly. I must say, however—and it shows the importance of carefully guard ing words and expressions coming from persons in high places—that I trace much of the distrust, much of the anxiety, much of the preparation which we have to lament, to the unfortunate words which fell from the lips of the King of Sardinia at the opening of the PiedmontFs9 (Hear,Legie an d sc h u ea rin r : to I hini e s n el t f h a e nd K t in o ghiosfeoSunardri:ua, step whichassumed that to that cry Sardinia coul no. -fl f those , o which prevailed tbxoughout .., _ liberties, at ur . ping out of the legitimate course of watching over . the tro ei ; sperity and welfare of his own people, consolid g t :ten the 1 approval and support of all nations, p es a e use of freedom, which, like England, have at heart the c from Italy spoke of the cry of anguish which came forth and alluded to the discontent s_ . ~ 1041 Co 4 THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 19, 1859.