The Sun. — London, England, 1829-02-17 00:00:00

'() ci_ ci,ylGifiry h . fi (~ 4. ; t 011 * . jidaaa-s , ,51• 1 4 /ft • 1 - 11 'it,ak s om 04 4 ye qv..., • , 1 !1... 11 111 , 11 1"1 16E05 VICTUALLING OFFICE, Fes. 7, 1829. THE Commissioners for Victimßing His Majesty's Navy, &c. do hereby give notice, that on . •Venussaar, the 18th instant, they will be ready to receive Tenders in writing (sealed up), and treat for the under- Loeationed article., to be delivered into the Victualling Stores at Deptford, vim : One Hundred Tons of SUGAR. Fifty Tons of RAISINS. One-half thereof by the 31st day .f March next, and the re mainder by the 15th day of April following. Two Hundred and Fifty Tons of BAY SALT, Stove dried, and Two Hundred Tons of WHITE SALT, Stove dried. One.half thereof by the let day of July next, and the re mainder by the let day of August following. Samples of Raisins of not less than three pounds each Must be produced by the party tendering, but samples of ' the Shgar and Salt, such as will be required to be delivered, will be exhibited at this Office. The Conditions of the Contracts may be seen at this office. Eaeh Tender moat specify the price in words at length, awl be delivered before One o'Clock on the day appointed, , and the Person who makes the Tender, or some Person on " behalf, meg attend to answer when called for. M. WALLER CLIFTON. LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 17, 1829. No. 11,368. PRICE 7D. IMPERIAL. PARLIAMENT. is Noble Friend, that upon the occasion alluded to, he HOUSE OF LORDS.-(LAST NIGHT.) SPITALFIELDS DISTRESS. HE COMMITTEE of the SPITAL FIELDS and BETHNAL-GREEN ASSOCIA TION acknowledge, with heartfelt gratitude and thanks, ' the following benevolent subscriptions, in aid of the unfor tunate Silk Manufacturers of this populous district. • The Committee beg to assure a generous Public that the privations and misery which upwards of FIFTY THOU SAND HUMAN BEINGS now endure, can hardly be imagined, and were never of a more appalling description. Th e number of poor individuals wholly out of employ is daily augmenting; and even those families who have work are unable to support themselves without charitable assist ance. The Committee, in 'a particular manner, venture, most respectfully and earnestly to appeal to the powerful pa troage and philanthropic support of the Nobility and Gentry of this great Metropolis, in the cause of suffering humanity. The smallest donations will be gratefully ac knowledged and discreetly applied in coals, food, and Clothing to the greatest objects of public bounty. Subscriptions are received by the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor, at the Mansion-house ; Sir Wm. Curtis, Bart., Roberts and Co. ; and Messrs. Whitmore, Wells, and Whitmore, bankers, Lombard-street ; Messrs. Drummonds, at Charing-cross ; and Messrs. Coutts, in the Strand, have als o kindly undertaken to receive whatever charitable do ' nations may be presented at their respective banking-houses for the above-mentioned laudable purpose. Every information will be promptly afforded by the Churchwardens of Christ Church and Bethnal-green ; or • by the Secretary, at his Office, 37, New Broad -street, City. ROBERT BRUTTON, Secretary. FURTHER SUBSCRIPTIONS GRATEFULLY AC- KNOWLEDGED. !trews. Truman, Banbury, Buxton, and Co., Spital . Gelds £3l 10 Edmund Woods,Esq. of Shopwich, Chi . elitmer, by Messrs. Truman, Banbury and Co. 35/. 61. Bd. Peter Fremont, Esq. Spitalfields 5 0 Mr. John Watson, Bethnal-green Samuel Ridge, Esq., Bonner',, Hall, Bethnal-green 5 0 Byng, Esq. M.P 2O 0 Braaenose College, Oxford 25 0 The Rev. the Panel ', Pal of do 5 0 "v. S. Hall, Vice- Principal of do '2 0 11 ". F. Churton, Fellow of do 1 0 set'• J. Garbett, do 1 4 eY•ll.lladdoek, dn 1 0 : Hartingtdn, Esq • do 1 0 Gr )well, Esq. do 1 0 Robert and J. Gore 5 5 \Vm. Moody, Esq. ditto 2 10 A few gentlemen at the Portman Arms, Edgware-road, by W. B. Mr. Jacomb 3 3 Rev. C. Cookson, per Stamford Bank 1 0 Rev. T. Parke, d 0... 1 0 R. Winstanley and Sons, Paternoster- row C. M. Chas. Mary Miss Bowles 2 0 It. G. C. W. Bigg, Esq Capt. Bowles, R.N 5 0 Wm. M. Allan Chatfield, Esq. 2 0 Miss Sully Rev. F. Drake, of Langdoa, per Dixon and Co. Walters, Graham and Vernif, balance of an Insolvent's fly the Lord Mayor. J. Darke, Esq 5 0 Ditto, second don 5 0 Randle Jackson,Evq 5 0 John Keen, Esq 5 0 j .., 44 'es Keen, Esq 5 0 rrotestantia lO 0 Rev. Jamee Nutt 2O 0 Dire. Nutt lO 0 ‘ . 14 04. Nutt, Esq 2O 0 wr. and Mrs. Roths- . Estate Mrs. Mawsll 2 0 Mrs. Peale .. Mrs. Williams H. S 2e. 64. J. Jones Knight Spencer lO 0 Wm eekie 5 0 By Messrs. G Whitmore,Wells, and Whitmore. Puget and Co., per child --- 52 10 By Sir Wm. Curtis, Bart., W►n. Crombie lO 0 The Lady Caroline Murray 5 5 The Worshipful Com pail, of Skinners 10 0 Hen. Labouchere, Esq. M.P. A Benevolent So- Robarts, mid Co. The Right Hon. C. P. Yorke ...... 5 0 The Dean of Win- cheater 0 ! Donations from Cam bridge, J. Brown, Esq., Postmaster, through C. Hum phreys' Bank 5O 0 Merceron, Esq of Bethnal-green 25 0 Bhakspear, Reed,Ga lilee, and Co lO 1 0 W. Hervey, Esq., Per Child and Co. 10 0 Wm. Erie, Esq., Temple 2 10 BOBER' ciety, truly Sym pathising in the Distress ofso malty thousand Fellow Creatures 600 0 Stone and Brooks 63 0 Mrs. Catherine Puget 25 0 Mrs. Mary Ann Fen- nell, Penton, near Andover A Benevolent Lady 2 0 G.A., per Post 2O 0 BRUTTON, Secretary. NEW AND VALUABLE WORKS, Published by and for SAMUEL MAUNDER, 10, Novgato-street. THE OMNIPRESENCE of the DEITY. A POEM. By ROBERT MONTGOMERY. 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Rubbed upon the skin, by means of flannel, or the warm hand, it allays morbid irritation of nerves, invigorates the absor bents, and accelerates the circulation. Sold in Bottles, at Is. lid. and Ss. 9d. by Messrs. Butler, Chemists, Cheapside, corner of St. Paul's ; Sack ville-street, Dublin; Princes-street, Edinburgh ; Savory and Co. ISG, New Bond-street; and the principal Medi cine Venders in the Kingdom. Of whom may be bad MARSHALL'S UNIVER S AL CERATE, an excel lent Remedy for Chilblains, when broken ; used also in Scalds, Burns, &o. N.B Ask for Xfutlced Cajeput OpodeWoo, FURNISHED HOUSE WANTED. For a Year, in Portland-place or neighbourhood of Hanover and Cavendish-squares, a good and well FUR NISHED HOUSE, to contain two principal chambers and two staircases, with stabling for five or six horses. The tvhole is required to be in very good condition, and it may induce parties to reply, to be informed, that the family is small and without children, and the greatest care will be taken of the furniture. Address particulars to R. and J. Newton, upholsterers, 61, Wardour-street. THE PRINCESS VICTORIA. Just published by R. ACKERMANN, 96, Strand, AHighly Finished Portrait of her ROYAL HIGHNESS, Engraved by T. WOOLNOTH, by Special Permission of her Royal Highliess the Duchess of Kent, from a, Picture by Anthony Stewart. Price, Prints ss. ; Proofs on India Paper, is. 6d. ; a few Select ditto, I Os. 6J. LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, FEB. 16. FISH V. TRAVERS. This was an action of trespass brought by the plaintiff, a gentleman residing at llighbury-terrace, against his neighbour, Mr. Travers, for shooting his dog. 1 1 t was a large Newfoundland dog, kept by the plaintiff about his premises, as a watch-deg, sometimes muzzled and some times not. Upon one occasion he jumped upon a lady and carried off her fur tippet in his mouth; upon another he threw down a little girl and rolled her in the mud ; at another time he pinned a lady against the wall with his fore paws, and again raped at an old watchman, and scampered off with his night-cap between his teeth. Hav ing annoyed and terrified some of the defendant's family, this gentleman told the plaintiff's son he would shoot the dog, and on the following day he fulfilled his promise. It was intimated on the part of the plaintiff, in reply to a question from the Bench, that although it could be proved that this dog had constantly played with children and others, without evincing any disposition to be vicious or mischievous, yet be was not prepared with evidence to rebnt the particular facts sworn to on the other side. The plaintiff, therefore; submitted to a nonsuit. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. LIVERPOOL. SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 15.--Wind N.W.--High water 56 minutes past eight.—Arrived the Amazon, Martin, from Savannah ; Nanny, Raveley, from New Orleans ; Mount Vernon, Snow, froth New York ; George and Catherine, , from Belfast ; Rose, Alexander, from Gilboa. Sailed the Francis Henrietta, , fur New York ; Draco, -, fur Duxbury. INCENTIVE TO PERSEVERANCE.—The fol lowing energetic lines are from Rowe : " The wise and active conquer difficulties By daring to attempt them. Sloth and folly Shiver and shrink at sight of toil and danger, And make the impossibility they fear." NIAGARA FALLS.—The Lockport Journal, of the Ist instant, says, that on the Sunday evening pre vious, a surface of the rock supposed to be the size of a half acre, forming the bed of the river, broke loose, and was precipitated into the immense chasm below. The in formant of the Journal describes the part fallen, as having been within the Horse Shoe, at that point representing the Too Cork. The crash was heard for several miles around, and in the immediate vicinity resembled the shock of an earthquake. The Falkirk Carron and Grahamston Me chanics' Institution, says a correspondent, were upon Friday last much gratified by the first of a series of lectures from Mr. William Symington, civil engineer, and the celebrated claimant for the discovery of steam navigation. Mr. Symington exhibited and explained the model of the original carriage driven by steam, which he invented and submitted to the Professors of the Edinburgh University in the year 1767, when but a mere Uoy. It is well known that this coach suggested the idea of steam-boats, which Mr. Symington in conjunction with Mr. Millar, of Dals winton, first put in actual movement. The hall was quite crowded, and marked attention seemed to value what was communicated, which no doubt must continue the spirited perseverance of that mechanics' institution.—Scotsman. FALKIRK.—SINGULAR SAGACITY OF A Doc.—During the late snow; a remarkable incident of the brute-reasoning kind occurred at a farm house in this neighbourhood. A number of fowls were missed one evening at the hour when' they usually retired to their roost, and all conjectures were lost in trying to account for their disappearance. While sitting around the kitchen ingle, cursing all the " gangrel bodies" who had been seen that day near the house, the attention of the family was roused by the entrance of the house dog, having in his :mouth a hen, apparently dead. Forcing his way to the fire, the cautions animal laid his charge down upon the warm hearth, and immediately set off. He soon en tered again with another, which he deposited in the- same place, and so continued till the whole of the poor birds were rescued. Wandering about the stack-yard, the fowls had become quite benumbed by the extreme cold, and had crowded together, when the (log observing them, effected their deliverance. They had not lain long before the g l ow ing ribs, ere they started to their legs, and walked off to their bawks, cackling the hen's march, with many new variations, in thanks to their canine friend.—Scotsman. NATURAL HISTORY.—During the late snow a singular fact occurred, which displays the taming power of hunger over the little animals which are then shut out from even their slender subsistence. When A. Roberts, the post-runner, was returning from Polmont, he observed a long-tailed field-mouse (mus Sylvaticus Lin.) peep out from a wall upon Mumvill Bridge. Throwing a little bit of bread to it, he was pleased to see the little creature ven ture familiarly out, and sit up erect, eating the morsel greedily, holding it in its fore paws. A gentleman, who at the moment was passing in a carriage, amused at what he thought to be the tameness of a bird, drew up; but, on the postman putting a few crumbs into the palm of his hand, the astonishment of both was not small, when the mouse boldly approached, and mounting his fingers, was thus carried the whole length to the town, upwards of two Miles. Instead of manifesting the least distrust, the " wee helpless thing" seemed to have lost all its natural timidity, and actually run up the arm of its protector, when he shook it off at the burn bridge, as if dreading to be again thrown out upon the frost-locked fields..—Fife Herald. The Loan CHANCELLOR took his seat at a quarter past Five o'clock., The House was extremely full, and his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland was present. Petitions against the Catholic Claims were presented by the Earl of ELoon from a place in the West Riding of Yorkshire ;—from a parish in Cardigan ;—from Chippen barn and another place in Cambridge ; from Gazeley, and three other places, in Suffolk ;—from two parishes in Nor folk ;—from Weyhill, in Hauts ;—and from Saffron Walden; in the county of Essex. Lord COLCHESTEFt in presenting a petition took this opportunity of stating to their Lordships that notwithstand ing the sanction given toEmancipation by the Speech from the throne, his sentiments remained the same. He would never consent to the concession of these claims, and he was sorry that his Mije.ity's Ministers should have been in fluenced on .the - subject by • the fears or apprehensions which they appeared to entertain respecting the discontent ed and disturbed stat&of the Irish Roman Catholics.— He wished to say siiiVrespect to the Noble Duke at the head of his Majesty's QAVernment, that the public debt of gratitude to him fir: : . 161 fortner excellent. services was' immeenitVrthle. He hOd liceped; in the same Noble Duke, to have fo'und an uncompromised and unctiMproMiiing de fender of the Protestant Constitution as settled at the Reformation. But he spoke it with regret that the coon try had been totally disappointed, her hopes had totally failed. The measure recommended to his Majesty tended directly to overthrow the Protestant Parliament as settled at the Revolution. The opinion or principle, that reli gious opinion should form no bar to the possession of poli tical power-4 that principle were once sanctioned by the Legislature, would bring into question the rights of the reigning family, and would tend of necessity to raise a comparison between the claims of the HoUse of Savoy and those of the family now on the throne of these realms. (Hear, bear.) It was in view of these perilous consequences that they were called upon to consider the claims of the Roman Catholics. It appeared to him and to the country, that the House should have the fullest explanation of the measure to be brought forward. That it should have the utmost time given also, for deliberation, and the greatest attention bestowed on it. —(Hear, hear.)—lt would net have been inconsistent in the Noble Duke to have stated the first day of Parliament what was the extent of the measure, and what the guards, as they are called, for the Protestant security. He hoped, however, it was not too much to ask now whether the whole of those measures were to be comprehended in one Bill, concessions, regulations, and all, or whether the concessions were to be in one, and the checks, guards, or whatever they might be called, in another. He hoped also that the House might be allowed to know in which of the two Houses it was intended that these measures should origi nate. As to the time when those measures were to be brought forward, he should think all would be most satisfied that they should be introduced during the present Session. He imagined that it would be also considered desirable by Noble Lords that the introduction of those measures should be deferred until the annual Bills of Supply for the support of the Army and Navy had been disposed of, which would he completed in about three or four weeks ; and when that period had arrived he would rejoice to find his Majesty ad vised by his Ministers to dissolve the present Parliament, and to call another Parliament forthwith.—(Hear, hear.) In a new Parliament they would be able to enter on the consideration of those claims with impartial and unbiassed feelings, and the people would be afforded an opportunity of choosing such representatives as they wished, to decide upon a question pregnant with such important and vital consequences to the country at large. A decision of the question, obtained under such circumstances, would be likely to be more satisfactory than any one to which Par liament as at present constituted could arrive ; and whe ther Parliament should then decide that the laws under which this country had reached its existing state of prospe rity should be altered, or whether they decided against any alteration in those laws, the country would know that every ttaag had been &tie" to afford to the question in all its bearings the fullest, the most deliberate, and the most seri • ous consideration.(Hear, hear.)—He hoped that the Noble Duke would not think it too much for him (Lord Colchester) to expect an answer to this question, whether the Bill to be brought forward would form one comprehen sive measure in itself, embracing at once concession and the attendant securities in one Bill ; or whether the mea sure of concession would form in itself one Bill, and the guards, securities, or regularities, would be afterwards in troduced in separate and distinct Bills? The Noble Lord concluded by presenting a petition from the Archbishop and Clergy of the Diocess of Dublin and Glendallough against the Catholic Claims. The Duke of WELLINGTON—Upon the first slay of the session I had the honour of presenting to the consi deration of your Lordships the general purport of the measures, which 1 expected his Majesty's servants would receive his Majesty's authority and command to introduce into Parliament. I must beg leave to decline to goany further into the measures, or at the present mornent to describe more accurately what those measures will be, whether con tained in one or more Bills, presented to Parliament, or whether they will be brought forward in this, or the other House. My Lords, those measures are to be brought forward upon the responsibility of his Ma- jesty's Ministers.—(Hear.)—We are already responsible for the advice we have given to his Majesty, and for the recommendation contained on that subject in his Majesty's Speech ; and we shall be responsible, at least in character, my Lords, fur the success of the measure we recom mend,—(Heer, hear, hear,)—and which we hope will be adopted by this and the other House of Parliament, and become a law. But, my Lords, whether respon sible or not, I positively reject the charge that those measures have been suggested by fears—(Hear.)—of any thing that occurred in this or any other country. I distinctly assert, that if ever there was a period within the last twenty years, in which there was a total ab sence of all cause for fear, in consequence of what might pass on those measures, this is that period. I will not say for what reason, but I can, and will prove it to be so in the clearest manner, if it should be necessary. It is, however, perfectly true that it was not fear, nor any such motive, which induced his Majesty's Ministers to bring forward these measures, but a clear and forcible con viction that it was absolutely necessary—(Hear, hear, particularly from the Opposition Benches)—that the sub ject should be taken into consideration by both Houses of Parliament, with a view to the adjustment of the question. I beg the noble Lords to understand that in doing so, we have not undertaken a task very agreeable to us. I will not talk of the sacrifices which I have made myself, because they are trifling when compared with those which my Noble Friends have been called on to make, but I must say that a difference of opinion with the Noble Lord is itself a sacrifice to me. But when I look at the sacrifices of a Noble Friend near me and a Right Honourable Friend in the other House, I can con ceive what his sacrifices must be, and what must have been the sense he entertains of the inconvenience and danger of things that arise from the state of things in this country and Ireland, before he could adopt that which lie has adopted, and is now endeavour ing to carry through Parliament. Under these circum stances I entreat your Lordships to pause, to weigh this question well, to consider it well, and to come to no deci sion on it until you see what it is we shall propose to you ; whether in what we shall propose, we shall not meliorate the condition of this country and Ireland, and whether it will not place its Constitution on a better foundation than it has been placed upon, since the Union with Ireland. I will not now enter into any discussion,' my Lords, nor state my arguments in favour of the measures we mean to propose; but I will state that my conviction is, after examining the subject, that they will not have the effect my Noble Friend seems to apprehend. The subjects to which he has alluded have not yet been clearly ptored ; but when we come to the discussion of the measures, I shall be able to prove clearly to your Lordships that the Protestant interest will be exposed to greater danger by allowing the law to re main in its present state, than by adopting the alteration we shall propose. The Earl of ELDON considered that until this evening the Noble Duke had given no information► whatever to the House upon the projected measure beyond what was to be found in his Majesty's speech,- and indeed he was left in doubt as to what was meant by any thing that had been stated just now. He would take the liberty of asking the Noble Duke again, what he was really to understand of the nature of his intended measure. The Duke of WELLINGTON would beg to remind (the Duke of Wellington) had expressly indicßted the course which his Majesty's Ministers had determined to pursue. He then stated, in answer to a question from a Noble Lord, that it was their intention to introduce in the course of the present session a measure for the adjustment of what was called the Catholic Question, which would include the general removal of all disabilities, with certain exceptions founded upon special reasons; and that that measure would be attended by other measures, rendered necessary by the removal of those disabilities. These were the words, or words to the same effect, which he made use of on that occasion, and he then declined, as he still begged to decline, to give for the present any further information on the subject. The Earl of ELDON, then understood, that the Noble Duke meant to bring in a measure, for the removal of all dissabilities affecting the Roman Catholics, with certain exceptions. The Duke of WELLINGTON observed, that such was ie intention. Lord HOLLAND, who had risen at the same time with the Earl of Eldon when be first addressed their Lordship, but had given way to the Noble Earl, now again rose, and spoke to the following effect :—The question, my Lords, put by the Noble Baron on the cross bench (Lord Col chester) is.undonbtedly strictly conformable to your Lord. ships' customs, which forms the beet apology for the Noble Baron : but to that question the Noble 'Duke has given such a satisfactory answer, or has given such satisfactory , reasons why he would give no answer, that it is not my in tention to make a single observation on this part of the Noble Baron's speech. With respect, my Lords, to the advice tendered by the Noble Baron to proceed to the extreme case of petitioning his Majesty to pronounce a final dissolu _ _ tion of the House of Commons and send the Members hack to their constituents, to that threat which had been previ ously stated, his Noble Friend (Earl Grey) had, in antici pation, given it so triumphant a refutation that he should not advert to it. There was, however, one expression dropped by the Noble Baron, though I will not go through all the arguments to which that expression might lead me; but there was one expression dropped by the Noble Lord to which I must advert—an expression ivhich, since the time of Lord George Gordon, has never been used by any person who understands the question now referred to. The Noble B.tron tells your Lordships, that admitting the Catholics into the possession of political power will overthrow or destroy the Constitution as settled at the Revolution. I am sure it is not the intention of the Noble Duke, nor the intention of any Noble Lord in that House, nor any rational person in the country, to subvert the Constitution that was established at the Revolution. Does the Noble Lord mean to say—and there is no Noble Lord better acquainted with the Acts of Parliament and the proceedings of Parliament— does the Noble Lord mean to say, that the laws it is pro posed to remove were passed at the Revolution ? Does he mean to assert that they were parts of the ancient Consti tution which that Revolution was intended to secure? Does he mean to tell your Lordships that these laws were part of the ancient, indubitable rights of the people ? Will the Noble Baron assert Cley were considered as parts of the Constitution by those who effixted thi,t Revolution ? The Protestant succession was secured at the Revolution ; but in establishing the Protestant succession, and in placing the power of the Crown under controul, it was never sup posed that the Constitution was created at the Revolution, nor did those who then acted a conspicuous part, and who recognised, acknowledged and asserted the fundamental principles of the Constitution, and who acknowledged and adopted these laws, ever, speak of them as fundamental parts of the Constitution. My Lords, I will undertake to prove this. I will go further, my Lords—l will prove that these laws were not only not established at .that Revolution, but were not then conceived to be part of our Protestant Constitution that it was resolved to maintain. That Revolution was intended to substitute a Protestant Sovereign for a Popish Monarch ; these Acts were passed when there was the danger of a Popish successor to the Throne, and they would not then have been necessary, if a Protestant succession had been esta blished. Let the Noble Baron tell me if, by the Act of Union, for which he gave his vote, if either by the Act of Unio❑ between this kingdom and Ireland, or the Act of Union between this kingdom and Scotland, it was not clearly established, not that a Protestant King, my Lords— not that a Protestant Parliament, composed our Constitu tion; but if it was not clearly defined that our Protestant Constitution—which was not settled at the Revolution, but existed prior to Acts of Parliament—if it was not clearly defined that our Constitution consisted in a King, with a House of Lords and Commons, in whom was invested the supreme authority? It was a Parliamentary Government, under a Parliamentary Sovereign, that was secured at the Revolution of MSS ; and it was in securing this Govern ment by the Parliament, that our Constitution was seemed. The Protestant succession was a new principle then first introduced into our Constitution, and then first made one of its fundamental and constituent principles. I will not now go into arguments, my Lords, on this subject ; but I call on your Lordships not to allow yourselves to be led away by any general indefinite terms, and that you will call on any Noble Lord who speaks of the Constitution established at the Revolution, to define what he means by that Constitution, and to shew, if he can, that admitting the Catholics into Parliament will alter the Protestant succession, which is the first great principle recognized at that Revolution, when the words " Roman Catholic" only occurs once is the Bill of Rights; and also to shew, if he can, that this admission will alter the other great principle recognised at that Revolution, of a Parliamentary Go vernment with a Protestant succession. Neither will such an admission, my Lords, violate the rights of the people, and one great object of that Revolution was to secure those rights. The principles that were established and secured at the Revolution of 1 6SS, were the rights of the people ; and amongst those rights are the rights of the people to be ad mitted into all offices, to take part in the constitution and government of the country ; and will this right be violated by removing the exclusions to which a part of the people are now subject? The Constitution recognizes the rights of the people—recognizes their eligibility, and those Noble Lords confound the meaning of terms, who assert that to repeal the Acts of the 30th of Charles 11. will violate the rights of the people or the Constitution, as _established at the Revo lution. By what right, my Lords, does the Duke of Nor folk take his seat at that table—by what right, my Lords, do the Irish freeholders of the county of Clare send Mr. O'Connell to Parliament? by no Statute, my Lords, but by the Coin:non Law and Constitution of these realms.— (Cheers.) —My proposition is, that to repeal the Laws of Charles 11. which were an infraction on the Constitution, so far front injuring the Constitution, will restore it, and will restore file prerogatives of the Crown which were vio lated by these anti-constitutional laws. The Protestant succession will not be endangered, but restrictions on the rights both of the Sovereign and the people will be re- movesl.—(Hear, hear.)—The Protestant succession will not be rendered void but rendered secure; and though that principle of our Constitution was created at the Re 7 volution, there is another principle, that which is known among ness(f ) ourte Crown ohl Law Writers F W G r irtecart Britain, s b these laws, and by the repeal of them that pr inci p le of ab. • soluteness will be restored. If I do no t sa y an y thin g fur ther of the Acts of Charles 11., I may state what was the opinion of Lord Shaftesbury himself, who thought these laws ought to be passed as a means of safety against James 11., and who stated that the Catholic Peers then in that, House were not the worse part of it, implying that there were other Noble Lords, of whom he was more afraid than the Catholic Peers. Though I do not approve of all Lord Shaftesbury's sentiments, I may state, that in his opinion, as James 11. could not be excluded from the Throne, that the next best means of provid ing against his being a Papist was to pass these laws, As he found that he could not exclude James front the 'Throne, to which he was inclined, and fearing that as a Papist King and an irresponsible person he might be swayed by foreign influence, be took care to supply the want of Protestantism in the Monarch, and surrounded him with Protestant advisers who could not be so swayed, and who might prevent any injury being done to the Con stitution, and might be responsible if the laws were in fringed. If there had been a Protestant King on the Throne, there would have been no occasion to enact these laws. They were proposed and intended as a security against a Popish Sovereign. It was argued at the time; that by compelling all ie King's Counsellors to be Pro testants, a security would be provided against any injury to the Constitution. lf, in Lord Shaftesbury's; opinion, the successor to the Throne bad not been a Papist, theme would have been no necessity to surround him with Pro ' iteitant Councillors to secure the ascendancy of a Pro testant Parliament. If there had been a Protestant King asd a Protestant Parliament, there would have been no danger; and as we have now a Protestant - King and a Protestant Parliament, and the Protestant succession is secured, to grant political power to his Majesty's Catholic subjects cannot now expose our Protestant Constitution to danger. There is now no danger of oar having a Catholic King ; at that time Charles the Second was supposed to be a Papist. His present Majesty is a pure Protestant ; there is now no danger of having a Catholic Parliament, for though the Catholics were admitted to sit in it, the majority of the inhabitants of the empire, at least of this part of the island, are Protestants, the majority of those who send Members to Parliament are Pro testants, and as long as they remain Protestants, there can be no' danger of our having a Protestant Parlia- Ment To admit the Catholics into Parliament would not make the Parliament Catholic. The subject ie so extensive, my Lords, that I ran by no means do it justice • on the present occasion. I cannot even advert to the arguments which. might be urged against the expression of the Noble Baron ; but this I will say, and I have nor now studied the subject bier the first time, it has been the object of my investigations many years ; that no lawyer, not even my Noble and Learned Friend opposite, Lord Eldon, whose ingenuity and skill are so great, and Who can make almost anything-out of an Act of Parliament, can prove that the Acts of Charles the Second were a brier of the Constitution established at the Revolution. I w ilt say, my Lords, that even if my Noble and Learned Friend undertakes to prove that these laws of Charles H. were considered at the Revolution as fundamental parts of the Constitution, then recognised and asserted, that, I, poor layman as I am, will undertake to prove that he is wrong, and that the great principles asserted at the Revolution were the Protestant succession, the Parliament's right to limit the succession of the Crown, and securing the go vernment of the country in the hands of the King in d the . two Houses of Parliament. With a Protestant King on the Throne, a Protestant Parliament, and a Pro testant People, the King ought to be allowed to employ all his subjects.—(Hear, hear.)—What motives are there, my . Lords, to retain these restrictions? It is the right of the subject to be employed by the . King, and it is his Ma jesty's rig - ht 'titi - Vertrattd -the 40013 , i€0 , of , all his subjects. The Noble Baron seems also to be mistaken in supposing that there would be some danger to his Majesty's Crown, if Roman Catholics were to be admitted into power. But the right of his Majesty to the Crown is not founded in his Protestantism; it is not founded in his ancestry—hut it is a clear Parliamentary right, derived from the legitimate powers derived from tke Constitution and the Common Law, and inherent in the People, to provide for the founda tion and security of the Government—(Hear.) His Ma jesty's right to the throne is a Parliamentary right con ferred on the descendants of the Princess Sophia, being Protestants, and without any other limitation than one subsequently added, that they should not marry Catholics. To call this right in question would be treason, and might. lie dangerous. On this subject lam ready to meet any Noble Lord ; and I will undertake to show that our Con stitution was not settled at the Revolution, and that it does not depend on Acts of Parliament, but on the supreme power being vested in Parliament, which principle was re cognised by the Revolution. There are many other rights, and other important laws settled at the Revolution, which have been altered since that time. Triennial Parliaments, my Lords, or if net triennial Parliaments, at least frequent Parl is merits, are insisted on in the Bill of Rights as one of the ancient indubitable rights of the people of this country.— It could not be said, at that time, that the exclusion of the Catholics was one of these ancient and indubitable rights, for this exclusion took place only 16 years before that period ; and though one of the accusations against James 11. was that he had called no Parliament, to say that it was a violation of the Constitution to repeal the laws against the Catholics was nothing but jargon. The Bill of Rights did not assert that these laws were part of the Constitution, but it recognised and asserted that frequent Parliaments were some of the ancent and indubitable rights of the people of this kingdom ; and yet triennial Parliaments have beets abolished and their place supplied by septennial Parlia ments. Ido not deny the power of Parliament to make this alteration ; but when I,see such an alteration made in the Constitution as settled at the Revolution, I cannot believe that that Constitution so settled is only to be held inviolable by Noble Lords who are not so ready on other occasions to acknowledge its principles when the question is whether the Roman Catholics shall be admitted to enjoy the same rights as the rest of their fellow subjects. With respect to 1 the Bill to be proposed by the Noble Duke, I will ask the Noble Baron if he thinks that it will alter the Protestant succession—will it alter the ancient and indubitable rights of the people—and among them will it alter that right to petition which is recognised by the Bill of Rights, which I always respect, but which Noble Lords will be very likely to object to, when another measure comes under considera tion ? The Noble Baron sat down amidst loud cheers, but appeared much exhausted. Lord COLCHESTER, in explanation, begged to say, that the Noble Lord had misapprehended what had fallen from him. He did not say that the exclusion of the Ca tholics formed a part of the Constitution settled at 1638. He merely said that the exclusion of the Catholics was made at that period. Lord HOLLAND did not well know the meaning of the Noble Lord, and, until he defined what he understood by the word " made," he (Lord Holland) could never arrive at his meaning. The laws to which the Noble Lord alluded were not made at the Revolution. The 30th of Charles 11. was enacted with the prospect of James 11. succeeding to the throne. That law was recognized and continued, but not made, at the period of the Revolution. The Earl of ELDON said, that were not the Noble Lord Rolland so hoarse, he (Lord Eldon) would Übe that oppor tunity of discussing with him upon that floor all and every one of those points of mistaken law with whickthat Noble Lord's speech abounded. The,Marquis of ANGLESEA presented petitions from Bandon and Shanagoulden, in the county of Cork; Kilbride and Dulane, in the county of Meath ; Palmerston, in the county of Dublin ; Colomkill, in the comity of Roscommon► ; Killarney, in the county of Kerry ; Grange Butler, in the county of Kilkenny; and from 18 other places in Ireland, for Catholic Emancipation, and a repeal of the Vestry and Sub •letting Acts. Lord CLIFDEN presented nine similar petitions from. Alalahide and other places in Ireland. The Bishop of BATH and WELLS presented petitions from a parish in Bath, Chard, Long Ashton, and Wellington, in Somersetshire, and five other places, against the Catholic Claims. A person from the Tax-office presented returns of all legal decisions with respect to assessed taxes —Adjourned at 20 minutes past Eight o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-(LAST NIGHT.) Sir G. COCKBURN and another Member took the oaths and their seats. The Sheriffs of the City of London presented a petition relative to London Bridge; also another relative to the regulations of Smithfield market.—Referred to the Corn mittee. Mr. I.ENNARD brought up a return respecting the effects of the suitors in the High Court of Chancery. Mr. C. BERKLEY presented a petition to form a market in St. Saviour's, Southwark.—Referred to a Com mittee. _ Mr. lludds brought up a Report on the Stratford and Bow Vestry. Mr. TIERNEY presented a return respecting the As. sessed Taxes. Sir J. MACKINTOSH stated to the House, that with reference to the notice which he had given of a motion on the connections of this country with Portugal, he should postpone it till the 26th of March. The Marquis of CHANDOS, in presenting a petition on the Catholic question, said that the people would never allow an alteration in the Constitution, and advised the House to consider well before 'they legislated on the ques tion. The great mats of the county which he represented were averse to Emancipation. His Lordship then present ed petitions against the Catholics from several places in the county of Buckingham, amounting to upwards of 70. He then stated that having presented to the House the prayers of 7,000 of his Majesty's subjects, he should move that the petitions be printed. Lord NUGENT said he had not a word to say against the respectability of thoSe who had signed the petitions, nor should he have risen to offer any observation, had - not the Noble Lord stated that the mass of the inhabitants of Buckingham' were arrayed in their opinions against Catho lic Emancipation. As some of those petitions had come front the hundreds which he represented, he must say that with respect to that district the Noble Lord had been com pletely misinformed, if he was told that they were opposed to the Catholic Claims. He believed he bad never sinned in disguising his opinions. lie had also avowed senti ments favourable to Emancipation, and notwithstanding that avowal, he stood there as the representative of 2,000 persons, the inhabitants.of those hundreds.—(Hear, bear.) He was bound in justice to them not to allow such a state ment to go forth unqualified, and as a doubt seemed to exist upon the suit:pet, he feit hound to put that questiout to rest.—(flear, - hear, hear.) The Martinis of CEIANDOS said that the sentiments of the people of Buckiughatn had not changed, If the Noble Lord (Nugent) thought that the frecheltiers of kits.: