The Sun. — London, England, 1858-06-01 00:00:00

or indemnity was not to be settled off hand; but herMa• jesty'a Government believed that the compensation they had demanded for the British engineers was a just claim, and that they would succeed in getting it. (Cheers.) Mr. ROEBUCK said his question was involved in the first question, which the right hon. gentleman did ansiver. He therefore bad had notice of it. (Hear.) - VACCINATION. Mr..MONSELL asked the Vice President of the Privy C mined Committee, whether his attention had been called to the tact, that out of 1,636 deaths reported to have taken place from all causes in the quarter ending the 31st March, 1858, at Burton-on-Trent, Sheffield, and Merthyr Tydfil, 419 were reported to have been caused by small-pox ; and whether he proposed to intro duce any amendment of the Vaccination Act? Mr. L/DDELL said his attention had been called to the report, and he regretted to find that in many other places the deaths from small-pox were so great as to amount to nearly one-third of the deaths during the quarter. The spread of smallpox was as much to be at tributed to bad vaccination as to neglect of it. At present ha was not prepared to introduce a measure for the amendment of the present law, but he thought a remedy would be provided by the second clause of the Public Health Act, that was set down for second reading this night. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE-MR. WASHINGTON WILKES. Mr. M. GIBSON presented a petition from Mr. Washington Wilks, who was committed on Friday last to the custody of the Serizeant-at-Arms for a libel on Mr. Clive, M.P., published in the Carlisle Examiner. Tile petitioner stated that the author of the information in the article had misunderstood the information con veyed to him, and that he (Mr. Wilkes) un reservedly retracted the imputation conveyed in the State minutes on Mr. Clive relative to his dealing in the Caledonian Railway, whilst the case was pending. He did not retraot on Friday, because he then thought the retractation was to have reference to the whole of the article, and not that part only, imput ing corrupt motives to Mr. Clive. He (Mr. Gibson) moved that the petition should be printed and pub lished with the votes, with a view to Mr. Wilkes's dis charge. The motion for printing and circulation was then agreed to. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved that on and after the 10th of June the Government orders of the day Amid have precedence of notices of motion, which, after a desultory discussion, was agreed to. EDUCATION. In answer to a question from Mr. M. Gissox The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the house would bave due notice before any vote was taken for education. SUPPLY. Mr. FITZItOY brought up the report of the Com mittee of Supply, on which a discussion ensued on ♦arious suvjecte._ THE SERPENTINE. Sir J. SHELLEY complained that no vote had been taken for improving the Serpentine, after the plan of the Ornamental Water in St. James%-park. THE LADIES' GALLERY. Major EDWARDS called attention to the present in• convenient state of the ladies' gallery. By an outlay of 2001. the gallery might be made to hold 42 ladies instead of 21 as at present. Mr. B. HOPE thought the house should first do some. thing to improve the interior of the house. He had beard it compared to a S Nies cottage. It certainly did not afford that convenience and comfort it ought after lie much money had been expended on it. Mr. BENTINCK hoped the house would not ear c titan the outlay of money for such purposes until our defences had been put in a proper and efficient state. The subject then dropped. The report was ultimately agreed tn. MR. DISRAELI'S SPEECH AT SLOUGH. On the motion that the Speaker leave the chair to go into Committee of Supply, Tiscount PALMERSTON said— Sir, the right hen. gentleman on Friday last, when I was perhaps somewhat negligent in not being present in the house, made an ap peal to me upon a matter of very groat national importance; and I therefore feel it my duty to take the earliest oppor tunity of answering the appeal so made. The right hon. gentleman on Wednesday last, I think it was, before a large assembly of his constituents at Slough, made a speech which, he will forgive me for saying, has, I believe, ex cited much astonishment. (Cheers.) It was natural that the right hon. gentleman should feel elated at the position in which ho then stood. For the first time he found him self in a large assembly in which not merely the majority supported him, but in which he was unanimously sup ported by those who were present—a position of somewhat navel character to the right hon. gentleman. (Cries of "Oh," and counter cheers.) It was not surprising that he should be elated by the spontaneous cheers of 500 or 603 honest but deluded farmers—he, who had been accustomed only to the cheers of a small band of well-drilled sup porters—(" oh, oh," and cheers) —following the lead of a fugleman like well-drilled soldiers. (Renewed cheers.) It was only natural that he should bo elated by the.heart felt and hearty acclamations of these honest but misguided farmers—("ob," and laughter)--who saw in him the un flinching champion of protection, and the uncompromising antagonist of free trade. (Laughter.) It was not surprising that he should be elated by the reception he. met with ; and therefore if ho had male a speech suitable to his position as a mini ter of the crown going to meet his constituents, nobody could have found fault with him for having availed himself of that occasion. But I must say that the speech which he did make was of such a character, that if it had been made by a person in hum bler condition, ignorant of national affairs, unaccustomed to the arts of government, and knowing nothing of the re sponsibilities of government, he would haie been treated with forbearance, and perhaps with compassion. Bat the right hon. gentleman went there with a speech delibe rately Studied and prepared, and announced himself as the representative of her Majesty's Government. What there fore fell from his lips was of the greatest importance, not merely on account of the matter it contained, but on ac eount of the person by whom the speech was pronounced. Now, sir, the right hon. gentleman began by stating that Lord Derby, when he came into office, succeeded to a heritage of innumerable troubles. (Loud Ministerial cheers.) I remember to have heard with my own ears, from the lips of Lord Derby himself, that when he came Into office be found the country in every respect in a sa tisfactory condition, and that his only hope was that when he left office, be that time nearer or more re mote, he might leave the country in as good a condition as that in which he found it. (Loud cheers.) Now Lord Derby is not a man to make a speech without knowing Well what he is going to say. He is a man who from the powers of his mind could have made a speech as well on the spur of the moment as if he had had a fortnight's pre pasetione Yet he required two days to prepare his speech —not to prepare periods of that eloquence which was to delight an audience representing almost every class ; but be required those two days to inform himself on all matters connected with the Government, and to enable him to speak with knowledge and authority upon the state of the country, as it was when he came into office. (Hear.) And 'therefore I say, sir, that the assertion of Lord Derby that 'the country was in a satisfactory state, is a refutation of the right honourable gentleman's statement that he suc ceeded to a heritage of innumerable difficulties. (Cheers.) Bat then the right honourable gentleman went on enume rating what these difficulties were ; and he placed in the first rank to that which I am now going to direct what I have to ssy in answer to the right hon. gentleman. The right hon. gentleman stated that when they came into office they found the country on the very verge of war; that the question of peace or war hung not upon days, but upon hours. (Hear, hear.) Now, air, all I can say is, that, so far as I am informed—so far as anything I know goes, with regard to our relations with France at that period— that statement is utterly and entirely groundless. (Loud cheers.) It is not only groundless, but it is the very oppo site of truth— (renewed cheers)—and I cannot but express rely suprrise that the right hon. gentleman should have wade such an assertion:as that, more especially in the place and at the time he did. (Cheers.) Why, sir, did not the right hon. gentleman know the gravity of the statement he was making? (Cheers.) Assuming it to be true, was it a statement to be made in a booth at Slough to a parcel of carousing electors ? (Cheers and laughter.) If that state ment had boon true, and if the right hon. gentleman thought it for the public interest that it should be rev:le— i f the right hon. gentleman thought the country was apathetic with regard to the national defences, as stated just now by time hon. gentleman the member for Norfolk (Mr. Bentinck)—if the right hon. gentleman thought it right to caution the country against the chance' of danger which from time hung over our heads, in order that it might provide a remedy—it should have been in this house, on the estimates, by the right hon. gentleman speaking with the responsibility of a Minister from the Treasury bench. that a statement of that description should have been made. (Loud cheers.) I deny that statement utterly and entirely. (Cheers.) On Friday last, when Lord John Russell alluded to the subject, the right hon. gentleman, with an sir of triumph, got up and cited something that 1 said in answer to a question as a proof of that statement ; and he referred to other circumstances connected with the French ambassador. I say that the words of mine which he quoted utterly repudiate and demolish the assertion which he male. He quoted the answer which I made to an honourable member who asked a question which I thought calculated to give offence to the Emperor of France. I said that before I answered the question, I should wish to ask the house whether it was their wish and intention that the intimate and confidential relations which then existed between England and France should be maintained, or whether it was their wish and intention to infuse a spirit of irritation, bitterneas, and ani:nosity into those relations. (Hear, hear.) I said no thing about war. What I said was that we were upon a footi ng of most intimate relations with Fiance, but that I 'thought a r e p e titi on o f ques ti ons suc h as that' which had bee" proposed, which were personally aimed, and in a very offensive manner against the sovereign of France, were ' calculat e d to i those friendly relations. ( Rear , hear.) My assertio n i then was that our relations with France wore intimate an The right When was it that that asser tion was made' before th© lraitieht hon. gentleman says that it was 43 hears hours went out of offi.:e. Then I say that 48 before the late government fell our relations with T e rmite) were intimate and confidential But he says that the French is ambass ad or wi suddenly quitted Englaiti ; and he aided--" It k nown that ambas aatiors do not suddenly leave those coSuenizsit which they are accredited without ite.inaplyinn , countries." a dis• - till - W.l state of the relations bet7ween thosneg But does not the right hon. gengentan knowhilthtartietshe . French ambassador (than whom there is not a more honest and patriotic wan, anal one more thoroughly imbued with the love of his own country, but at the same time deeply imbued with the desire to render the alliance betwe en Eugland and France of mutual advantage to both cowl trios), that Count Persigny, the model of plain dealin g , want over for a fortnight to Fr ance on his ownaairs, and was in France when the chang e of governmen t took place?, Meer, hear.) Instead of going a wa y coincid ent t t with h ithauge of government, he returned at that time. (Hear, hear.) Instead of the departure of the Frenc h tni. as seder flour England happening to coincide with the change of government, I believe that two days after wards he returned to England- Therefore, so far as any inference is to be drawn from that, it is valueless for the right hon. gentleman's purpose. But will not the right hon. gentleman explain what were the grounds on which he madethat most injudicious and improper statement ? (Hear, hear.) It was a statement calculated to affect the public credit, a statement calculated to throw distrust into all our commercial transactions, because when men are told that they were totally ignorant that we were within a few hours of war with France, how can we expect confi dence to exist with regard to the commercial relations of the country ? Is it not an indiscretion on the part of the ministers of the Crown thus to throw distrust into all the commercial transactions of the country? If the statement had been well founded and in accordance with the facts it was an improper statement to make there and then.. But if it was not so, if the right bon. gentleman had no state reasons wherewith to justify his opinion; I envy him not the state of mind which led him, in order to gain a little popularity for the government to which he belongs, to as sert that they had accommodated a matter which with the late government was calculated to produce a war with France. And " war" was the term he used, and " hours" the period, it was not a mere interruption of our friendly relations, but actually war with our ally. (Hear.) But if this statement was initirious and indiscreet with reference to the affairs of this country, how much more was it inju rious with regard to our relations with France ? Will not that power feel that it has been accused of a covert inten tion to attack this country within an hour, without our being prepared for it? Is not that imputing to France something approaching to disloyalty and treachery ? I call upon the right hon. gentleman to explain or retract the assertion he then made. (Hear.) I again affirm, speak iug from-my knowledge as the then First Lord of the Trea sury, that there was nothing whatever between the twogo vernments to indicate, in our opinion, any probability of there being any seriousdispute, much less the state of things which the right hon. gentleman has so strongly described. There may have been differencesbetween the governments, after the present government came into office, there may have . been charges or complaints of intentions evaded and pro mises broken. That I know nothing about. It is possible that that imminence of war which the right hon. gentle man has attempted to charge upon our administration, may have taken place after the present Government came into office. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman went on. in that boasting speech, to allude to the affair of the Cagliari, and he claimed credit for the present Government for having rescued our countrymen f rom th e d ungeon i n w hi c h th ey were immurred, and for having brought them to this. coun try. (Loud cheers from the Ministerial side.) But these men had been set free, and handed over to the charge of the consuls at Naples, before the present Government came into office. (Hear.) They had both been rescued from the dungeon, and placed in a comparatively healthy place of imprisonment before the present Government came into office. (No, no.) Brit as to the trial to which they have been. brought, I expected an answer to the question that was put about half an hoar ago-I expected the right hon. gentle man to say that they had been unjustly tried- that the law officers hal advised that compensation was due-that the Government had demanded that compensation ' and had triumphantly obtained it. That yet remains to be stated. (Hear.) That was one of the boasts which the right hon. gentleman made. Then he went on to say-for the greater part of his speech seemed to be an attack upon the late Go vernment - that there was an intrigue carried on-I pre sume by us-to bring about about a war between Sardinia and Naples. I utterly deny that there is any truth in that assertion ' • and I have no doubt that the right hon. gentle man will have the g oodness to state the grounds on which it was made. He aways says that they have performed wonders in the •way of finance. He says that there was an immense deficit-millions of deficit-(cheers from the Go vernraent side)- and that this immense deficit had been got rid of simply by a small tax upon ardent spirits and a penny duty upon bankers' cheques. (Hear.) Why, sir, if an im mense deficiency is to be got rid of by such , easy methods the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer would be much easier than it is. (A. laugh.) But I regret to say that the Government have only proposed that which they were afraid to meet. (Hear.) They have thrown uponother years that deficiency which they shrink to meet this year. (Hear, hear.) So far from that being a subject of boast, if it is their lot to bring forward a budget next year, as theyseein to suppose it will be, I think their vaunting will bo its own punishment, and that they will then have a larger defici cisncy to contend with. (Hear, hear.) The next point on which the right hon. gentleman belauded himself and his colleagues, and cast opprobrium upon us was the question of India. The right hon. gentleman said that our policy was one of unmitigated vengeance and massacre. On this I may appeal to the words I uttered many months ag o, as intimating the policy which we h a d recommen d e d t o Lord Canning, and which I have no doubt he was about tofollow. I stated at a public meeting-not like that which the right hon. gentleman addressed on Wednesday-that the policy of Lord Canning would bo to punish the guilty, to spare the innocent, and to reward the deserving. (Hear, hear.) That is the policy by which we stand-not the policy of massacre and confiscation. (Hear.) Therefore it is a libel upon us to accuse either us or him of having fallen back upon principle of unmitigated vengeance and general massacre. (Hear, hear.) But the riga hon gentleman said they were going to rebuild and reconstruct the government of India upon a secure and sure foundation ; and the method by which they aim at that is by sending forth to all the world and publishing to all the nations of India, a proclamation the purpose of which tended to the dismemberment of our empire, and the object of which was to weaken and and-=r mine the power of the Governor-General of India. (Hear.) And that is their reconstruction of our Indian empire. Bat the right hon, gentleman was somewhat severe upon his colleagues. He said, speaking of the manner in which the late debate had been conducted, that the only speeches he thought worth mentioning were those of members not connected with the Government. Anybody who heard that speech, and knew nothing more of the matter, would suppose that the Government had not said a word, and that the whole defence of the Government was left to inde pendent members. (Hear, hear.) Did the right hon. gentle man forget that there were four speeches-five, indeed made from the Treasury benches, all remarkable speeches ? (Hear, hear.) Did he forget the speech of the Solicitot- Gen-ral —a speech which I shall not easily forget ? (Hoar, hear.) That was a speech of great ability—of great promise -and one that, even though made against us, I was g 1. 1 ,1 to hear from any member of this house-especially from one who is a distinguished member of his profession. (Hear.) If was a speech, no doubt, somewhat forensic in its character-that is to say it was the speech of an advocate speaking from a brief, and liable to be met by an hon. and learned member on the other side. (Hear, hear, and "No, no.") But it wasan admirable speech, and not one to be passed over asit was by the right hen. gentlerna o. There was the speech of the Attorney-General for Ireland - a speech marked by the national eloquence and the manly power with which be always addressed the house -not s crnamental as the speech of the Solicitor-General-(a laugh) -but still a speech which, being made in defence of the Government, was entitled to some notice from the right hon. gentleman, (Hear, and laughter.) Then there was the speech of the Under-Secretary of State (Mr. Hardy) also a very able speech-and also the speech of Lord Stanley, now appointed to the Presidency of the Board of Control a speech of calm and sound argument, which ought not to have been passed over as it was. (Hear.) It is true that Sir J. Pakington, Mr. Henley, Mr. Walpole, and others of his colleagues, held their tongues-I think very prudently -they probably felt that the least said the soonest men led," rnd accordingly left their policy to be defended by those who were not in the cabinet, anti were not respon sible for it. But certainly • those members of the Govern ment who did speak have a right to protest against the slight that was put upon them by the right hon. gentleman. Then he takes a view of the relative position of the two parties in the house, and makes what he conceives an al most overpowering discovery. He says that there is at present in this country what has not existed since the time of Charles 11.-namely a cabal. (Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) He says that upon this side of the house there exists a most extraordinary, a most anj ustiti able, and a most unheard of intention to dispossess the Go vernment of office. (Laughter.) The word " cabal," if I understand it right, means only a party consisting of a small number. I take it that the distinction between a cabal and a party is that between few and many. Well, if those who sit on this side of the house are deserving to be called a " cabal " because they are few I do not see the ground for tho alarm whi c h th e right hon. gent'e man expresses at their designs; for those designs, how ever, unheard of • and alarming, and mischievous, are designs which a few will find it difficult to carry into execution. Bat when he complains that so long as his Government has been established it has been the object of incessant intrigues and attacks, I should like to kno w w h o leads those attacks. (Hear.) He cannot charge us who sit on these benches with doing so. On the other hand we have acted with the most kind forbearance towards him. (Cheers and laughter.) And it has come to my ears that many of those who wish us well have thought that we were neglecting and shrinking from our duty - that we were allowing the Government to go on from blunder to blunder, proving every day its incapacity to govern, and its unworthiness of the confidence of the house and the country. (Hear.) We did not pursue that factious course which the right hon. gentleman has attributed to us; but a case arose which appeared to ua to involve the utmost danger to our empire in India, and in which, as stated by an hon. member, the course pursued by the Government. might have subjected them to impeachment, as tending to disturb our possessions in India, and to throw dismay and discouragement amongst our troops. That occasion having arisen, I should have b een as h a m e d of myself if I had not stepped forward to endeavour to procure the opinion of the house on conduct so extraordinary, and so unworthy of a Government. (Hear.) But if it were such a factious proceeding that within three months of the formation of the Government a vote of censure should be moved upon them, let the right hon. gentleman recollect what has oc curred in former sessions, and he will find that he has him self been guilty of the same factious proceeding ; but those votes of censure were negatived from time to time by small numbe et r ee s d , ceienre w th li alayi i ln s . h lyw t eH h ella e enaf r rno i .orftm ht hon. gentleman would eb T de h . Then, we chh w aat e r g a ies r are the againstd, chargetthhies a I ra cabal h in s is c se a ;x l l ci (Hear,prosen t h G e o a v r e ) r n n Butt , t a i n i e d Iriaecriht ° t u b! m g e entirely etle man e t r h g e t. a o a us with obtaining a knowledge of foreign affairs by un constitutional means. I h ope h e will be good enough to specify what he means by that. (Hear, hear. ) No doubt we do know a good deal about foreign affair s ; and it would be very represensible if we did not, having been in office fur a considera b le time. And I hop e we k now a little about domestic affairs too. (Hear, hear ) But I should like to know who those foreigners are whoare cabal ling with us about deposing the right hon. gentleman from his seat. If it were true that we had brou g ht th e country to the verge of. war it is not very likely that the represen tatives of foreign governments would be desirous to restore us to office-they would be more likely to wish for the con tinuance of the more peaceable government which the , right diate the chaile which the right gent mate s hon. gentleman represents. .(Hear, hon.hear.) I entir e ly repo . against us of ,Obtaining information byriuc,nctonostuitutiotnal man attacks the press. I leave the p ress , means and by, foreign intrigues. But the to dehfen.d4ietsnellt it is quite able to do so. (Hear, h-ar.) Bu that somecandida tea for o ffi ce are con tributorst w t hn e e the he a pr s es ys press, o f should n th: i t d k e e o t r o t k h n e , t w i sheeathhe)r haveth e re n a o r t e press" for the purpose of bringing themselves into office . the c a o n n Y tr h i o b n ule g t e l n t t o le ` m ` th en e (Cheers) Those are the grounds on which I object to speech of the right hon. gentleman. I deny altogether, as far as my knowledge goes, the assert ion that there was any chance of w. r between En;land and France at the time We left oilier. (Hear, hear ) I say that our relations wein most friendly, intimate, and confidential; and therefore, ae far as we are concerned, that assertion is entirely without foundation. I sly that when it is asserted that we art cabal, I core not for that assertion; it implies only that we ore few in number; and the result will show which of the to les has the greatest number of adherents in the house:. But I deny further, if we are a cabal, and are aiming at up setting the present Government, that this is a novel pro , "e ve ii r ni4. (Hear, hear.) To say that such a proceeding had tujeouown from the t e c tim o eheosfrireel so competent a harlesll.isanasser t; authority as the right hon gen tl eman . (H ear , h eard ) But I will state w het I think is a novelty-not that there olio old be a caballing opposition, but that-there should be a fa .t . fouseovo _utnent-(hear)-thatthereshouldbe a govern ment carrying into office all the factious feelings by which THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 1, 1858. they were Actuated on the opposition benches-(cheers)-a Government which publishes libels on former advisers of the Crown, and attacks on former Ministers-(hear)- a Go vernment which sends forth to the world and publishes to the whose of India principles which, if carried into execu tion, would lead to the dismemberment of our Indian em pire-a Government which, from whatever motives it may have been actuated, publishes to the world the most offen sive and insulting remarks on a Minister of the Crown in one of our foreign dependencies. (Cheers.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER-The speech which we have just listened to reminds me of an unfortunate circumstance which has recently occurred in that country which formed the subject of part of the re marks of the noble lord. A. gentleman of letters, h evil]; done or written something which offended a powerful body, was called to account by a member of that body ; he inet his opponent without any hesitation, and in the first es counter conducted himself with fair repute and success. (Cheers) But no sooneralid that occur in this house which was last Friday,. than another gentleman, one whose fierce mien and considerable reputation it is supposed will put the matter right, has taken upon himself to demand setae faction, accompanied by a considerable body of other gene tlemen, who seem by their presence to signify that if the second assault is not more successful than the first he will have others to succeed him, (Cheers) I hope that my words will not apply to anybody in this house ; but I meant to state that I cannot at all believe that my fate in this second encounter will be so unfortunate as that of the un happy gentleman to whom I have referred. (Hear.) But I cannot help saying, considering that the noble lord has come from the country to make his assault, that he has greatly over-stated the case, which was more temperately urged on Friday night. Let me remove the great misconcep tion on which his argument was founded. First of all, no doubt inadvertently, he ascribed to me words which I not only never used but had no intention of using. I never said when we came into office this country was on the verge of war, What I did say was this-that the war might have been an affair not of weeks or days, but of hours.- (Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) But the statement that by that I meant to convey the impression that the late Government had left affairs in such a state that war was inevitable is an entirely fallacious one. (Oh, ob.) I will admit all 'that the noble lord now says. I will admit that when his Govern inent retired there was no prospect of a war with France. (Cheers from the Opposition.) But that is exactly the a mission on which the accuracy of my -observation rests, Of course, when there was a Government who had avoided answering a despatch which it was supposed conveyed an insult to the people of this country, when there was a Go vernment who not only declined answering this supposed iusu' ting despatch, but also agreed to introduce a bill into this house to change the 1 ews of England, of coarse it was easy for a Government of that kind to maintain a good un derstanding with a Power whose purposes then (that Power being entirely misled) the Government was prepared to fulfil. (Hear.) But the moment the change of Government took place, the moment there wasan administration bound, in deference to a resolution of this house, to answer , end in a becoming man ner , th a t su pp ose d insu lting despatch the moment there was a Government whose first duty it was to declare to the Government of France that they were not prepared at their instance to recommend any change in the laws of England, the house will see that at such a moment the issue of peace or war was most imminent - (hear, hear)-that it did depend upon weeks or less--(hear hear)-and that it was not so much a question between the Governments of the two countries as between the ex• cited feelings of the two nations. (Hear, hear) And those who have attended to the circumstances know that the ex pressions I used in Buckinghamshire were not inadvertent or inaccurate, or exaggerat ed expressions, but that they were perfectly warranted, historically accurate expressions, such as could be used at that time, not only without giving offence to France, but, on the contrary, only referring to cir cumstances which then existed. And how did the Govern ment act in that position? Called upon to pursue a policy at a moment when the noble lord tells us there was secu rity for a good understanding between the countries, how did government act? Her Majesty's Ministers trusted to the great sagacity and natural good disposition of that eminent person who rules Franco. They believed that, if all the circumstances were brought before his unerring judgment-(hear, hear) -that if the question was extri cated from the influence of those parasites of both coun tries who had induced him to believe that the people of this country would submit to a change in their laws knowing the complete knowledge which the Emperor of France had of England, knowing his - great sagacity and his natural good disposition, they were confident that, if he was called upon to the consideration of the question, he would de c id e as was b es t f or t h e happi ness of both countries; and their confidence in that eminent parson was not placed in vain. (Hear, hear.) From that moment week after week, and month after month, our relations assumed a more cordial character-(cheers)--and, under these circumstances, was I not justified in saying that we maintained peace, and that inestimable alliance on which the civilisation of Europe so much depends? (Hear, hear.) Therefore the observations of the noble lord to prove that the late government of the Queen did not leave this country on the eve of war were founded on a fallacy. I admit the whole case of the noble lord in the very words of the noble lord, that " there was nothing when he went out of office which threatened war bet :seen th s two countries ;" bat then the condition on which peace depended was in fluenced by the change from a shameful and truckling policy which had been pursued by the late Government-- a policy which was not only not for the honour of this country, but, as I believe, opposed to the interest and ad vantage of Franco, our faithful ally. I believe no one is more convinced of that now than the Emperor himself, ant that is proved by the way in which the news of the trial of Barnard was received in that country. His Ma jesty felt that the law of E island had been fairly appealed to and administered in his own c•tsa, and the Government felt convinced that the administration of the law, though no result could be more mortifying or disappointing, could never bre° ne a source of misunderstanding and coldness between the tso countries. I was justified, therefore, in stating that I had, in unison with the declaration of Par liament, vindicated and maintained the honour of Eng land, without forfeiting that alliance which, I am proud to say, exists with the most cordial feeling on both sides, but which, according to the noble lord, could only be pre served by pursuing a 'Alley which this country repudiated. (Hear, hear.) Having made that statement which the noble lord-I will not say perverted, because I believe he misun derstood it-but that I wishe 1 to convey to the country that France would in Aka a sudden attack upon us-I need hardly say that no such thing was expressed or intended by me. I intended to say that which was a matter of fact - that witkin 24 hours, in consequence of the truckling, servile, and disgraceful policy adopted, but which as,unied a temporarily flattering position towards the French peo ple and Emperor, there was danger that war might have taken place between the two countries. (Hear.) But the wisdom and dignity of this country on the one hand, an the wisdom and magnanimity of the French Emperor, pre. vented that great evil, and the alliance between the two countries is now as firm and as cordial as ever. (Hear.) What was there to prevent me from s tying that to Eng lishmen, and those Englishmen my constituents, or that I should be ashamed or afraid of making swat a declaration ? The noble lord says the declaration was injudicious and improper; but these are words to which I might apply a different meaning. It would be easy for me to retaliate by seying that it. was injudicious and improper in the noble lord to bring she matter again before the House of Come mons. (Hear.) The noble lord then says that my state ment was likely to affect the public credit of this country. Public credit is indeed a more delicate thing than I ima gine it to be if that statement of mine, as I have vindicated it to-night, could have the slightest effect upon it. What affects the public credit of the country is a secret and ser vile policy pursued to please some foreign power in total ignorance of the character of this nation, and which, there fore, ended in disappointing that power, and baffling the wishes which it allowed it to cherish. (Cheers.) That is a policy which, I do not deny, may be injurious to the public credit of the country. (Hear ) The noble lord has still a hankering after the case of the Cagliari, in respect of which he was so reserved and silent when he sat on this side of the house. (Hear.) The noble lord did not seem quite satisfied with our having freed two of our countrymen whom he for long months permitted to remain unnoticed. (Ministerial cheers.) At last, ashamed of the conduct of himself and his colleagues, he makes an inadvertent state ment to-night by which he wishes to convey to the house and to the country that our two countrymen were notfreed by the exertions of the present government. The noble lord is wrong in the statement he made to the house. Both men were prisoners when weacceded to office-(hear, hear) -and the first thing we did on coming into office was to communicate with Mr. Lyons, to apply to the government of Naples, and to interfere on behalf of our countrymen. The noble lord ssys that one of them (Mr. Watt) had been freed, and was under the care of the English consul. How was he freed ? Why was he freed ? Wnat were the condi tions of his freedom ? That unfortunate man, under the treatment ho received, and in consequence of the neglect of the noble lord and his government-(cheers) -was af fected in his reason, and on the application being made by , the English consul, who behaved throughout those pro ceedings with great spirit and humanity, he was permitted to leave his dungeon ansi to enter an hospital or lazaretto, but the condition was that the instant his health revive d he was to return to his imprisonment and to take his trial. (Hear, hear.) As I had the satisfaction of announcing to night, in answer to the question of an hon. and learned gentleman, these two English subjects have left their pri son, free and without coaeitions. (Cheers.) Yet the nob'e lord attempted to state that one bad been freed by the in fluence of his own government. (Hear, hear.) I will make no remark on the statement of the noble lord that I de clared there was an attempt amougst sorn a persons to excite war between Naples and Sardinia. The noble lord has re ferred to the observations which I made on that matter, hut the noble lord was unauthorised in many particulars. The statement that there had been attempts to embroil the two countries-that Italy might take advautage of these unfortunate attempts to excite weer between the two coun tries-that the consequences of that war, if it occurred, would be to set Europe in flames -that theconsequences would be fatal to that constitution id cause in Sar hula in which wo felt so much interest, was my firm convic tion ; and that those who joined in those endeavours believed they would prove inconvenient and ember rassing-te the existiog Government, was founded on no slight evidence. s(Hear.) Then the n eble lord, in his dis cursive speech, goes to the question of finance, and he seems sore that the measures of her Majesty's Govern ment have been approved of by the house, and passed with out difficulty. ([Tear.) The noble lord seems disposed to place in opposition to the measure of the Government the b u d ge t w hi ch had b een p s eparo I, b ut h app i ly not brought roma , d by th e l a te G evernment- (hear, and ltug,htc r ) - o f which a great principle seems to have been an increase of the income-tax. ( Hear, and oh.) That was acknowledged by the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, an I for that policy the nt ble lord himself as the heed of the Treasury, might ho thought responsible. Then the noble lord flies to Lathe, anti repeats the charge which was not much insisted on by the uolle lord the member for the City, that the policy of the late Government, as a poll with regard to India, was a policy of extermination or something of that character. I sin sorry that a spec ch made at a dinner in the country should be made the subject of so much analysis in read the lionie of C un oion s. (H ear .) But if any gentleman- smy of in a fair and die. passionate manlier, he will find that it is not possible by any logical construction to make the observations I them e uttered apply to aoy previous policy. (Hear, and oh.) My observations were made with regard to confiscation and the consequences of confiscs tier. "(Hear.) The con sequences of confiscation are vengeance, and of vongeene© massacre ; and I say that confiscation, vengeance and mas sacre are the aggregates in the climax which makes use policy of mercy. Thit is the statement constituents; and I said-I leave you t o f pre in fe a r de the o superior rio r choose between the policy which we recommend-a policy of mercy, of religious toleration, and of respect for pro perty, and the consequences of the proclamation of Lord Canning ; which policy being one of confiscation, must had to consequences directly the opposite. (Hear. hear.) To that statement I now adhere. The noble lord having touched upon the question of France in a series of observations which I' have shown Ate founded on a mis conception ; having touched on the case of the Cagliari, with a statement which is entirely unfounded ' • having touched upon a question on which I have sh own that the inference he draws is entirely unauthorised, I now come to what I believe is the real and- main cause of this ad journed debate on the Buckinghamshire dinner. (Laugh ter.) The noble lord said I have called the opposition a cabal, which, irrespective of other objections, he says is an inappropriate term, because the only difference between a cabal and a party is, that the former applies to a smaller number of persons. I should not care to quarrel with the definition of the noble lord, but at the same time I am not willing to give my assent to his definition of the word cabal. I always understood it to moan a secret society of conspirators—(ministerial cheers, and cries of "Oh, oh," from the opposition)—that, it meant a secret and unknown society. Therefore, when I speak of a cabal, I need not assure the house that I am not ,talking of any oppo s iti o n o r party in the House of Commons, whose whole conduct is public, whose members, whatever may be their opinions, must be considerable, and whose behaviour within these walls must be attendee by accidents and circumstances which are totally discordant with the popular idea of a cabal. (Hear, hear.) I am quite certain that I never talked of a cabal in the House of Commons, or used any word by which any member of the House of Commons might con sider ha was a member of that cabal. There may be mem bers of that cabal in the House of Commons. (" Hoar, bear," and laughter.) I am sure there are members of that cabal who are not members of the House of Commons, and I protest against the noble lord's taking up these observa tions and insinuating to the House of Commons that I in tended to describe what must still be a very inconsider able number of its members. But I want to know from the noble lord what is the meaning of these repeated dis cussions of my speech—whether this is to be an adjourned debate, and what is to be the result of it; for I take it for granted there is not to be a division. (Cheers.) Divisions are no longer fashionable. (Repeated cheers.) So far as I could collect the moaning of the noble lord (Russell) on Fri , lay last, the object of his demonstration was to put the liberal party of the country in an intelligible position as opposed to her Majesty's government. That was a legiti mate and constitutionalcourse on the part of the noble lord. (Hear, hear.) If the noble lord the member for the City is a Liberal—e(laughter)—if he sympathises with the Liberal party, I think the noble lord was justified in showing to the country that there is a great Liberal party with which he is connected, and in contrasting their opinions with those held by the occupants of the Treasury bench. (Hear, hoar.) But I do not see how anything of this can apply to the noble lord who has addressed us to-night, because I cannot per ceive that in sentiment, or feeling, or interest there is any thing in common between that noble lord and the great Liberal party. (Hear, hear.) I must take the discussion on Friday night and the present discussion together, for it is only from the combined observations made on both occa sions that I can understand the scope of these movements. I understand that questions are soon to arise which are cal culated to test the character of the liberal opinions held by the noble lord. The groat Liberal p a rty in thi s h ouse ' are in favour of vote by ballot. Are the ncble lords the mem ber for the City of London and the member for Tiverton in favour of that measure? (Hear, hear.) Thegreat Libe ral party are in favour of the total abolition of church rates. (Hear, hear.) Are her Majesty's late Government, in favour of that measure? (Hear, hear.) The great Liberal party are in favour of the measure of the hon. member for Surrey (Mr. L. King). Are her Majesty's late Government in favour of the new Franchise Bill of that hon. member ? (Hear, hear.) All I know is that they op posed it on principle, and offered grave arguments to in fluence the opini on of the house in opposition to it. The great Liberal party profess to be in favour of economy. Were the late Government in favour of economy ? (Hear, hear.) It is my painful duty to know what has been done in that respect by the late Government, and I must say that a more extravagant, reckless, and profuse Government I never knew. (Loud cheers.) The great Liberal party are in favour of the publicity of documents. Are the late Go vernment in favour of the publicity of documents of im portance ? There never was a Government in this country that exercised eo much reserve in affairs of State as her Majesty's late Government. The only charge against her Majesty's, present Government is that they produced a pub lic document—the only charge against us is that we pro duced this despatch ; but no ono could ever say of us that we intercepted a letter. (Loud cheers.) There is ano her subject ou which the great liberal party haveshown groat interest—that is; the conduct of the executive Govern ment. They demand - that the conduct of the executive Government should be temperate and moderate. But what has been the conduct of the late executive ? It is the first Government that ever carried on a war without the sanc tion of Parliament. (Hear.) And if I look to the other great branch of the executive—the exercise of peennege— is it not notorious that their exercise of patronage has out raged all the sense and spirit of the country. (Cheers.) What, then, is the use of these manoeuvres—l will not say of a cabal, for I will not suppose that any members of it sit in this house—(laughter) --but whatel want to know is, what is the meaning of all these operations • because, as far as I can form an opi n i on , th ere i s no t th e slightest bond of connectio r or sympathy between the noble lord the member for Tiverton and his fr:ends of the great Liberal party? (Hear.) Upon every subject there is a total want of sym pathy, and a total dissimilarity between them as far as I can judge. As far as lam concer ned,:l am quite regard less whether, every time we are about to go into committee of supply, cabinet ministers or those who expect to be ca binet ministers rise to demand an explanation of the ob servations I may make to my honest constituents. The proper place I suppose for speaking on matters of state, and announcing declarations of peace and war, is a carousel in a club-room, to which you invite great officers, in which Prime Ministers take a part, and announce amongst what has been called "an inebriated assembly " though I do not call it such that a great military expedition is to be undertaken. (Cheers.) Although Ido not shrink from cri ticism of my speeches, and am prepared to meet any of those who think fit to attack them, what, I ask, must the country think when it sees the time so precious— (beer, hear)—when the public business is so backward, when affairs in thli - house are so urgent—what, I say, must it think of the conduct of the noble lord and his co managers in these operations, in night after night pre venting the progress of public business, and giving vent to hear discouterited feelings at the position they now oc, cupy? (Hear.) I would put it to the noble lord to contrast his position at this moment with that which he occupied three months ago, immediately after that great and unex pected blow which deprived his Sovereign and his country of the services of such a Minister. (Laughter.) The noble lord entered the house proud, and justly proud, of being the chief of a great and overwhelming opposition. How ever trolusive might have been the expectation, the general idea was that the noble lord bad each great power that, though content to sit for a time in the cold shales of oppo sition, he could in an instant resume power and place, and was really the arbiter of the destinies of the country. (Hear, hoar.) What has made the difference in the noble lord's present position and that which he occupied three months ago? I put in no claim for the conduct of the pre sent Government in that respect. I can only say, as I said in the 'speech which has been made the subject of so much criticism, that we sedulously, diligently, and devotedly at tempted to do our duty. (Hear.) But I cannot suppose that anything we have-done has produced this great change in the po:ition of an avowed position. It is the sense of the country which has proclaimed that the conduct of the noble lord was not prompted by feelings which could win its re , - spect. That is why I called them a "cabal" What is called a cabal, whether they boin this house or ia the other house of Parliament, whether it meet in a private house or in one devoted to affairs of state, is a body of men who combine together —not to advocate a policy, not tie recommend by their wisdom and eloquence great measures, calculated to win the appr o v a l o f a sympathising community, but who hand together, and club all their resources, their station, their abilities and varying influences—for what? to upset the Government of the Queen—(cheers, land "oh, oh") — and who, in taking that step, did not maxim even to de clare their policy, and who thereby announced that their only great policy was place. (Cheers and "Oh.") It is this c ;racket which made the great body of the people of this country look with aversion at these manoeuvres and machinations, and won for her Majesty's Government the sympathy of all generous and honourable minds. (Loud cheering) If I wanted tq confirm the government in power— If a wanted to give them a firmer tenure of office, I would beg of noble lords to continue these attacks. (hear, hear.) I should be delighted if, night after night, they called on me in this manner to de fend the statement I made to my constituents, not one wort of which do I recall, and which I made with the due thought that such a statement requited. (Hear.) I should wish them to pursue this course, for I am quite certain that, whatever differences of opinion there may be in this house and in Engl and between the great conserva tive and the great liberal parties, there is one bond of union between us, and that we are both resolved in this, that not only hero but throughout the country we will not any longer be the tools or the victims of an obsolete oligarchy (Loud cheers.) - Sir G. GREY said that the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had complained that the pro ceeding taken by the noble lord the member for Tiverton had been an unfair and improper one; — Brit -- he (Sir G. Grey) contended that this was a course which the noble lord, as head of the late Government, f e lt t o be one which it was his dUty to take. The c h arges b ro ught by that right hon. gentleman were most unfounded, and such es ought to - have been made. Th e r i g ht hon. ge ntleman had asked how often were these ex pl ana ti o ns to bo asked ? He (Sir G.'Grey) would ask h ow o ft en was th a t right hon. gentleman to give different and contradictory explanations of a speech ho ought never to have made to his honest and simple constituents ? (Hoar, hear.) The right lion. gen tleman proceeded t o roa d th e passage from the speech at Aylesbury, on the imminency of war with France. On i a previous occasion, w h en exp l ana ti on s we r e asked by the noble lord the me m b er f or th e c i ty o f Lead en , the right hon. gentleman hail justified what ho had stated on the ground of the answe r given by the noble lord at the head of the Government forty-eight hours before he left office, and on the circumstance of the French Minister having left the country. Now, ho wever the right hon. gentleman bad said that when the lat e d ove rnment bad left office there we no risk whatev e r of war . (Hear, heer;) He trusted that this explanatioe would go down t. the constituents of the right honourable gentleman at Aylesbury. With re spect to India, he regretted to hear the right hon. gentle man is poet his charges again s t L or d Canning and the late Government, that it was one o f confiscation and'massacre, and this was the` more remark a bl e as the right hon. gentle man hal stated on a former occasion that the Government bad sent a telegram to Lord Canning assuring him that the noble lord enjoyed the full confidence of her Majesty's Government. (Ileer, hear.) He cordially tru.cited that the noble lord the Governor-G en eral would rise superior to P' rsonel censiderations, and not be influenced in his future conduct by the personal insult s which had been heaped upen him by ler Majesty's Government. (hear, hear.) He trusted that what hail talc. n place would afford a use ful lesson to the right hon. gentleman, and induce him to leave n greater regard to the dignity of the o ffice which he had the honour of holding. ( Hear, hear.) Sir .T. PAKINGTON said —I think the house will be of has endeavoured to make up by vehemence of manner for opinion that the right hen gentlemeu who has just spoken that lack of 'argument which has distinguished his address. (Hear, hear.) But Ido not rise so much to offer a reply to the right boo. gentlemen, as to enter my protest against what appears to me to be a most unpardonable waste of the pubic time. (Hear, hear.) After having already lost a whole week in that faction fight which terminated in a manner that afforded another remarkable instance of the rapidity of the descent from the sublime to .the ridiculous, honourable gentlemen opposite are now en deavouring to extract some .p .rty advantage from attack ing the speech which was delivered on a recent occasion by my right honourable friend the Chancellor of • the Exchequer. Now, lam not surprised that hon. gentle- men opposite should feel some dissatisfaction with that speech of my right hon. friend, for I believe it has ap pealed to the public sympathy, and has excited the public feeling more than any speech • which has been delivered for a considerable period of time. The noble lord the member for Tiverton, and the right hon. baronet the mem ber for Morpeth, have both alluded to it—and justly alluded to it—as a most remarkable speech ; and I have no doubt that they deeply regret the effect it has pro duced on the public mind. Bet while -I wish to protest against the waste of tho public time, I am arso anxious to take this opportunity of protesting against what I must consider the most unfair misrepresentation which has been made of .the language used by my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer on last Friday night in reply to the noble lord the member for London, as compared with the language which he has employed this evening in answer to the noble lord tho member for Tivertou. I deny that my right hon. friend is, open to the imputation which has been thrown out against him with great severity and great injustice, of having held one language on Friday last and another this evening, and of having on these two oc casions offered different explanations of that passage in his address to his constituents which seems to have given so much offence to hon. gentlemen opposite. I contend that there is no difference either in the opinions or in the language of my right hon. friend. My right hon. friend has said this evening that he adheres to the statement which he made at Slough, that when the present Govern ment acceded to office the continuance of peaceful rela tions between France and England was a question not of weeks or of days, but of hours. Now, I have no hesita tion Crown, w stating, have fr obtained from huedn ed o f knowledge teos which, reiiai oans shave of o the hesitation in broadly stating my belief that those words of my right hon. friend were substantially correct. (Hear.) It will not do for hon. gentlemen opposite, disappointed in a party attack, to endeavour, in the bitterness of that disappointment, to snatch a party advantage from the speech of my right hon. friend. It will not do for them to la y hold of a phrase and quibble upon a word. We all know that it is a very common form of expression to say that a thing is not a question of days but of hours ; and what is, in this instance, the fair and candid interpretation of that phease ? Why, it is that we succeeded to the ad ministration of public affairs under circumstances which made war with France imminent. (Hear.) We do not shrink from that statement. On the contrary, we chal lenge the noble lord opposite to deny it if ho can. (Hear, hear.) I appeal with confidence upon that point to the language used by the noble lord himself. The noble lord, in moving the Conspiracy Bill, told us in plain language that the Government offered that measure as an atonement to France for what had taken place in Eng land, and that if it were not passed the alliance between the two countries would be endangered. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord complained to-night of the reference made on Friday last by my right hon. friend to the answer he gave himself to a question addressed to him by the hon. member for Devizes (Mr. D. Griffith). But the tone of that answer was that members of that house should be cau tious as to the language which they held, and that the re lations between France and this country were in so critical a position that an unguarded word might endanger the alliance. (Hear.) And again, the noble lord, in his ad dress to the house on the morning when he met with that defeat which led to his resignation of office, distinctly em ployed similar language, and stated in reply to my right hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford—l do not pretend to quote his exact words, but I believe I am fairly stating the purport of his observations—the noble lord stated that so critical was the condition of our relations with France, that unless the bill was passed there would be great danger of an interruption of our friendly relations with that country. (Hear.) I find, too, that the noble lord the late Foreign Secretary, in another place—in language more guar.led, I admit, but the same in substance —expressed his conviction of the critical character of our relations with our great neighbour and ally. I might also appeal to the language used in the despatch sent to this country from Paris by our ambassador, Lord Cowley, im mediately after the division which overturned the Govern ment of the noble lord. In that despatch Lord Cowley re ferred to the irritated state of public feeling in France, to the necessity of extreme caution in the management of the relations between the two countries, and to the imminent dangerof an interruption of their friendly relations. (Hear.) I allude to this state of feeling without imputing the slight ed, blame to the Governments either of England or France. The state of feeling in both nations was at the moment of the most dangerous character. Great irritation prevailed— and I state the fact the more unhesitatingly beceusel believe that irritation was at variance with the feeling of amity that naturally exists between these two great and free nations. The French are not aware of the state of our laws. They found that a plot had been concocted in England, and their indignation Was naturally directed against this coun try ; bnt then a similar feeling was excited in England when the noble lord came down to this house with the Con spiracy Bill, and when people here found the Government bringing in at the dictation of a foreign power, a measure to alter our criminal law. Irritation thus prevailed on both sides, and it was when that irritation was at its height that the change of government took place, and that the present Ministry aeseded to office' What was the line of policy which we then felt ourselves compelled to adopt ? Why, we found that we could not outrage the public feel ing of this country by persevering with that measure. We were obliged to reverse the course which the late Govern ment haetaken. We were aware that public feeling would not tolerate legislation which, right or wrong, appeared to them to proceed from foreign (notation. It then became necessary that we should intimate to France the policy we were compelled to adopt ; and that is the period to which my right hon. friend referred. There can be no doubt but that the relations of the two countries were at that moment of a most critical nature, and that the continuance of peaceful relations between them was strictly, as my right hare friend stated, a question not of days but of hours. In confirmation of that view, and in direct contradiction of what fell from hon. gentlemen opposite, I am enabled, and I have obtained the necessary permission, to state that on more th n one occasion the late French ambassador to the British Court, Count Persigny, did remonstrate on the policy of this country, and di i state in plain terms that if that policy were not changed it would be impossible that the friendly relations between the two countries could be maintained. (Hear) Under these circumstances, is my right hon. friend to be assailed for having taken credit to her Majesty's Governmet —(heer, hear)—for having put an end to these difficulties, which I have not overstated by one single iota? (Hear, hear.) But most cordially do I agree with the statement made by my right hon. friend that evening that this dangerous state of things could only be put an end to by the greatest caution, the greatest for bearance, and the greatest temper on both sides ; an 1 we ought to recognise in the distinctest manner that judg ment, that sagacity, and that forbearance which were so eminently displayed upon tout occasion by our loyal and true ally the Emperor of the French; and through which that state of irritation I have described has been most happily removed. I believe that, now that a better state of feeling exists, the people on bath sides of the Channel aro fully aware of the important truth that the prosperity not only of the two nations, but the prosperity of the whole civilised world, depends in a great degree on the mainte nance of their friendly relations. (Cheers ) But I must say I think we have great reason to complain of the exagge rated language used by the no bl e l or d himself.to-n i ght. The noble lord has been free to-night in hurling imputa tions against us. Nov, I beg to tell the noble lord that he was wholly inaccurate, as far as I remember, in his quota tion from a speech of Lord Derby's. He said that when Lord Derby acceded to office, he did justice to the satis factory condition in Which he found this country was placed ; and tee noble lord evidently intended to draw a broad contrast between the language of Lord Derby and that of my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exche quer. Now, Lord Dery did speak, no doubt, as he a l wa y s speaks,e ad ce nofroaehrigphe-crunihnadredoigreenumtlesmtaannee, gentleman. circumstances, and He gave credit to his predecessors wherever he thought they deserved credit. But what was the passage to which the noble lord has referred ? It was a passage that did justic e to the condition in which he found our army. (Hear.) L ird the to spi rit Ofa Derby said that, considering the state of our foreign rela tions, he felt some anxiety with regard to the conditio n o f the army, and that he was happy to acknowledge that h e found it better than he had expected, or, to use his own words, that he found it " numerically respectable." Th a t is the phrase which the noble lord the member for Tiverto n has twisted into an acknowledgment of the prosperous state of England under his Government : But it appears that, as regards the immediate point now at issue, Lord Derby paid no compliment to his predecessors on the state of our foreign relations. (Hear.) But Ido not wish to continue to trespass on the indulgence of the house. I be lieve that this attack, founded on an accidental phrase in an after-dinner speech, is too paltry a mode of carrying on a political warfare tojustify any further paste of the public time. There is only one other point to which I will refer. partlat his h I will ask the house whether they think th a t the noble lord is the man of all others who has a right t o make this complaint p a o v l i e t i n c o a t l o pponents? forgotten, and I doubt whether any of th ose w i th whom I have the honour to act have forgotten, th e l anguage in f harsh begrs h to language tellth e on nobletheord o t f h which he thought fit to indulge one year ago in an address to the electors of Tiverton. (Hear.) That was not an after-dinner speech ; -it was not an oration delivered in a moment of excitement— (hear, hear)—it was a letter deli berately written in the retirement of his library ; and in that latter. he noble lord thought it becoming in him to state that those who ont-voted him on the China question were willing to make the degradation and humiliation of their country a stepping -stone to office. (Loud cries of " Hear.") The noble lord said this evening that some portion of the language of my right hon. friend was a libel on his political opponents. Now, I am not ono of those who like to use hard words in this house, and I think the noble lord will admit that I am n)t in the habit of doing B ; but I tell the noble lord that I thought at the time, and that I think still, this phrase was the most libellous and the moat calumnious that was ever used by a public m an. (Hear, hoar.) But when Parliament assembled we did not into rupt the coure of public bus' mess by complain ing of that charge ma-le by the noble lord. It is true that my noble friend at present at the head of the Foreign office 'wrote a very iradig,nant rebuke of that insult, but on the meeting of Parliament we did not think it deserving of our notice. It appears to me that the noble lord, after having used that languego, was the last min who had any right to come down to this house and to complain of the expressions used by my right hon. friend. I defy the noble lord, if he search es th e speeches of my right lion, friend from one end to the other, to find in it anything half so offensive and so unjustifi , blo as that dial- 6 0. (Hear.) I will not further occupy the time of the house. I hope this subject will now be allowed to drop. I trust that after the time that has been already wasted in this party struggle-- this mere scramb!e for place, we shall be allowed to proceed with the public business. I think we have this day re ceived intelligence which ought to read duty of addressing ourselves to the consideration of public affairs, instead of prolonging the contests of party. We have this day received news from India which may well make us anxious—l do not say which ought to make us despond—God forbid ! but which no reflecting man can read without feeling that the time has come when the Go vernment of this country ought to direct its undivided at tentitsn to the state of public affairs. (Hear, hear ) Lot me say further, that I believe there is not a heart in England that does not ache at the present tidings from ludia. We have just lost one of the noblest spirits—one of the bravest men that ever did honour to any country. (Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") I think thatjthe feelings which such an event must awaken ought to create in us all a disinclination to waste our time in mere patty conflicts. If we aro not worthy to carry on the government of the country tell us so at once and tell us so distinctly. (Cheers.) We can then understand your course. But lot tho business of the country be carried on by somebody ; let us discharge the duties of our office, as we shall do if not interrupted by those facti ous struggles ; or if you are not prepared to allow us to perform the functions of a government, bring our right to the po s iti on which we occupy to the test of a deli berate decision of the Commons of England. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL could not agree in the opinion that those explanations were a waste of time, and the speech of the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer was onef which imperatively called for explanation before the house proceeded to vote those estimates for the current year, which were usually regarded as votes of confidence in the Ministry of the day. The statements made in that speech very naturally provoked discussion, for if founded on misstatements, which ho consid ere d they were, they ought to be fairly explained. The explanation which had now been given was, that the risk of war was not incurred during the time the late Government was in power, but after the time when the present Government acceded to office. This most materially affected the nature of the statement made in the speech at Aylesbury. (Hear, hear.) Ho believed that the Emperor of the French, when the state of the law was fairly explained to him respect ing the punishment of assassination, with his usual good sense 0.7.-proseed himself satisfied with the assurance that the Government would endeavour to give effect to the existing law. (Hear, hear.) Where, ho would ask, was this carrot The right hon. gentleman had said that it was not in that house ; whore then was it ? Upon this subject he should like to have had sortie information, but non() he had given to the house. With respect to the vote of want of confidence, which the right hon. gentleman the First Lord of the Admiralty had suggested should be brought forward, ho believed that it was the opinion of the noble lord the member of Tiverton that it would not be to the interest of the Liberal party that the attempt should be made at once to remove the present Government from office. He did not think that the late proceedings on the proclamation of Lord Ellenborough was a good party move, but the steps which were taken with reference to were imperatively called for, ashe considered an "abo minably bad despatch." (Hear. ) He should not be sur prised if Government should now say that it was too late to go on with the India Bill this session. If that was the intention of the Government he hoped the Government would say at once. He must say that this did not give him much confidence in the Conservative character of the Government. He was not very impatient about reform (hear, hear)—because he felt that wo were sure of obtain ing sooner or later whatever reforms the people were de termined to have—(hear, hear)—but when he found this Conservative Government going by fits and starts he was as much puzzled and alarmed as if ho should see •the Speaker in his groat State coach when on the way to attend her Majesty at Buckingham Palace, suddenly start, off in the contrary direction. (A laugh.) Such was his impres sion as to this Conservative Government. (Hear.) The original proposal of Government as to the five members for towns in the Indian council was hardly even a Radical measure, it approached commuuism—(hear, hear)--and when he saw the Chancellor of the Exchequer departing so much from all precedent and from the dignity of his office, as he had done in his late speech, ho was alarmed not lest Government should be too Conservative, but lest, by their recklessness, they should imperil the security of the State (hear, hear.) Mr. WHITESIDE.—The speeches we have heard from the noble lord the member for Tiverton and the noble lord the member for London remind one forcibly of the relation between Castor and Pollux. The one rose when the other set. (A laugh.) The conjunction would appear to be an ominous one. It was thought last week that the noble lord the member for Tivertem had gone into the country to repose upon his Parliamentary laurels; but it seems that he temporarily disappeared from among us only that he might favour us with the results of his illustrious re tirement. The noble lord the member for London is afflicted with apprehension as to the policy of the present Ministry. He thinks it moves sometimes too fast, at other times too :low, and if it would only maintain the happy medium of "old constitutional Whiggery" no doubt it would receive the noble lord's approving smile. (A laugh.) The noble lord cannot be accused of having gone too fast, because he did not go at all (laughter) ; and on several questions of great public interest his puny efforts at legislation have, to use his own expression, left a legacy of mischief behind them which it wo u ld be a difficult task for a body of sensible men to rectify. (Hear, hoar.) My right hon. friend the First Lord of the Admi ralty has truly said that if you think the great interests of the country are in jeopardy under an incompetent Go vernment, you can bring forward a motion to displace them, and restore the noble lord the member for Tiverton to that position in which he so lately secured the good opinion of this house, and, what is better, the universal approbation of the country. (A. laugh.) The noble lord the member for London now says, it is shocking that such a despatch as that of L or d Ell en bOrough should have been made public, but that the error had been atoned for by the resignation of that noble earl, and that there the matter might have been allowed to drop. If that is the noble lord's opinion certainly he did not carry it out in the late debate. Lord J. RUSSELL.—I did not say that that was my opinion, but that it was the opinion of some. Mr. WHITESIDE.—I had thought that I might class the noble lord himself in his dignified category of "some " —(a laugh)—but certainly after Lord Elleuborougle r s resig nation the adverse motion was persevered with, and its advocates would have presSed it to a conclusion if they had not trembled in their skins at its impending result. (Laughter.) From that result her Majesty's Government had not shrunk, and the withdrawal of the resolution cer tainly (lid not take place at their instance. I think my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer was per fectly justified in the expression which he used relative to l i the support rendered to the Government on that occasion 1 by gentlemen who do not agree with its general principles, and I cannot regard the remarks of the noble lord the mem ber for Tiverton on this point as characterised by the best taste. Every man who can appreciate sound argument and high eloquence must appreciate the powerful address of the right hon. member for Carlisle, the hon. and learned member fur Sheffield, and the hon. member for Birming ham. But I ask the noble lord, laying aside forms and phrases, and looking for a moment at matters of substance, to listen to a passage from the letter of the Calcutta cor respondent of the nines, from which he will be able to judge whether, after all, the views contained in Lord Ellenborough's despatch were very far wrong : " I presume the Oude proclamation reached you some time since. Lest it should not, I enclose it here. The pro clamation has not been withdrawn or softened, but Ur. Montgomery (our Commissioner in Ondej has received carte blanche to deal with each case as he chooses," What does Mr. Montgomery do ? He sets aside your con fiscatory proclamation, and his course is to compound with the native aristocracy. That is exactly the contrary of your proclamation. (" No, no," and " Yes.") I say '' Yes," because your argument was this :—" We don't mean to deal with the village proprietors, but with the great nobles and the aristocracy." A n d h ow d oes this man of sense, who is, I believe, a countryman of mine, proceed? (A. laugh.) He compounds with the aristocracy, and here is the result : " His course is to compound with tho aristocracy, and the landholders, finding that the chief gives them their property, are coming to him fast." o That if he had acted on your proclamation, we can easily conjecture the result. He followed the policy suggested by Lord Ellenborough, and I am sure there is too much justice in this house to condemn a statesman for words, if in substance he was right. The letter from which I have quoted proceeds : .‘ There is, however, little hope of the pacification of Oude for some months. We hold only the city, and that we are compelled to fortify again. I would only mention that the North-West officials, so long devoted to the village system, are everywhere recanting their opinions. They a d m it th at the native aristocracy is essential to our own secur.ty—that the zemindareo system has preserved Bengal, and that without permitting landholders to grew permanent peace is almost impossible. (Cheers.) That was the argument of Lord Ellenborough's de spatch, and now it has received its confirmation. With regard to the ease of the Cagliari, I have read the correspondence of ' December last, which the right hon, member for Oxford Uni versity rightly said gave Sardinia a fair claim to call upon England to befriend her. If hon. gentleman will have the curiosity to look into the legal opinions and the facts stated in the papers on the table, they will see that the despatch m question is unlike all the correspondence that precedes it, and that it must have been written by some other person than the individual from whom all the previous communicatio Os pro ceeded. I allude to the despatch which asks whether Sar dinia will adopt a different course from that which she had hitherto pursued ; and the remarks I have made is a fair cri ticism arising upon the document itself. The noble lord the member f r Tiverton asks how my right hon. friend came to make such a speech aft,r dinner. Did the noble lord himself never make an after-dinner speech ? (A laugh.) It cannot be forgotten that, on the sth November last, ho made a speech at the Mansion-house, in which he challenged France and the whole of Europe to mortal combat—(laughter) - declaring that if any foreign nation thought we were not ready for battle because our troops had been sent to India, he begged to assure them they were in error, fmr he was quite prepared to engage in conflict with them. Aud so the noble lord was. (A laugh.) If ever a Minister escaped f om half-a-dozen votes of censure which ought to have been pronouuced upon him, it was the noble lord, The noble lord says he is familiar with foreign affairs. Of course we can only be guided by the official documents laid before us. But how the Minister who en dorsed the conduct of Lord Clarendon in signing at the Pal is Conferences the protocol directed against the freedom of the Belgian press should have escaped the indignant censure of a British Barliament has always filled me with amazement. (Hear, hear ) The noble lord said that the circumstances in which Lord Canning was placed ought to have been taken into account, inasmuch as he had only 400 men to hold the country between Calcutta and Dinapore. No doubt this ought to be taken into account ; but who left Lord Canning in that defenceless state ? Why, the Government of the noble lord, which directed our troops to carry on a -war with Persia, the object of which nobody ever understood—not even the noble lord himse f. (A laugh.) The effect of the China war, of which the noble lord boasts so much, was to leave Calcutta without the protection of a single ship. When Mr. Layard asked for an explanation of the grounds on which the Persian war was undertaken, the noble lord told us something about an epistle from the Shah which was not exactly couched in the style of the " Polite Letter Writer," and he managed, with his usual adroitness, to turn the laugh upon hi s i n t er rogator, but he never condescended to give the house any in telligible explanation of the origin of that war, (Hear, hear.) The consequence was that that war, like every other war entered into without justice, entailed not on'y the loss of blood and trc +sure upon this country, but pro luced serious troubles and dangers in othorparts of our empire. The noble I lord boasts in a triumphant manner of the condi ion in which he left the affairs of the country when he quitted office ; but when ho spoke in so triumphant a tone he scorned to forgot l ie was driven from office —that lie had incurred the censure and disapproval of this house because lie had not r e pli e d to a de _ s rttch which implied that assassination w s favoured i n th is con .try, but, ou the contrary, accepted the insult, (Hear.) I was myself a party to the transaction which then to o k p l ace. I heard the defence of the noble lord, and I am bound to say that, after the vote of censure which this house passed, it does not become the noble lord to boast of the skill and suc cess with widch he conducted the affairs of the na ti on with regard to France. Such a boast is a refl ec ti on on the wisdom (the House of Commons. (Hear.) I must say Ido not think the noble lord has much improved the positi in taken up on Friday night by the noble lord the member for the City of London, and I think that if the noble lord and his friends opposite can do ao better than they h ave d one in making this attack, their wiser course would be to give us some of those great and brilliant measures which they are always promising to bring in, but which we are so seldom permitted to see, and leave the house to judge of the value of their measures when they aro brought forward. (Cheers.) Mr. J. A. KINGLAKE said it was en the nth Feb., a fort night before the la-t Gove rnment I ft office, that Wait was released f. orn prison, and before that Government left office Lord Clarendon had written a letter pressing for Watt's libe ration on the ground that his return to England would favour his mental health. When Watt was sent home it was after time Ire ent Government came into power, but in terms that followed the desp Act' of Lord Clarendon, showing that it was owi g to that despatch. He was astonished that Government claimed the merit of the liberation of those men, which had rather been in spite of Government. Mr. FITZGERALD could well understand thlt the hon. gentleman who had taken great interest in the question should deny merit to the Government and take credit to himself. (Hear, hear.) But a slight consideration would show that it was owing to the exertions cf the present Government that the men were released. Mr. LINDSAY found a report in the papers that certain American ships had been fired on by British cruisers, and that the British officer had boardea twelve American and one Spanish vessel in a Cuban port, and demanded an examina tion of their papers. The port was not a small creek, but a . . • . os 0 —— Colchester Harwich 4 6 ,124 405 Leigh Ualdon 1217 5 j NORWICH-MAy 29. . - 1 " - _ 30 1 370 The corn trade of this district has been quiet during the past week. There was more firmness apparent to-day, the sales made being effected on rather easier t arms than on this day se'unight. Little doing in barley, oa t s , beans, an , l peas. Flour, 28s to 28s iid per sack fmnia the miller. White wheat, 463 to 488 ; red, 40s to 458.; barley. 325 3d. It is stated that the wheats in Norfolk never looked more flourishing, and with a continuance of moderately dry weather a good yield may be anticipated. harbour much frequented by American vessels. There were several other cases which he held to be not alarming, for ho had no apprehension of a war with America, we were too deeply engaged iu commerce for that, but calculated to create an angry feeling, What he was afraid of was, that with that state of angry feeling a collision might arise, which would be much regretted both by America and by England. Allu sion had been made to these occurrences in Congress. He would ask the Secretary for the Colonies, who might have au opportunity of answering in the course of the night or of to morrow (this) night. It might be that some of these vessels were engaged in the slave trade. If that were so, they were justified in asking for their papers, but that would not justify firing into, hoarding, and searching any ships ins di criminate'y. He was informed that they were ships en gaged in the sugar trade, and not at all like slave ships in con struction. The American Government proclaimed aga'nst the slave trade bsfore we did, and by the first act of the American Government the slave trade waa declared to be piracy, and they had co-c4erated with us and with France in sending cruisers to suppress it. He would ask whether it was the case that merchant vessels had been so fired on, boarded, and searched ; and if so, under what authority and by whose instructions I Mr. WALPOLE said these were matters on which Govern ment were as yet uninfortm d, and of which they now heard for the first thee. He was therefore unable to answer the question at present. - Mr. D. GRIFFITH refer.ed to the apologetic despatch of Count Walewski, which, he said, gave a new turn to the fee ing of the house. Mr, INGHAM contended that the late Government did all in their power to obtain the liberation of the engineers. The house then went into COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY. The vote of 36,629/. for the Mint, including coinage, Was agreed to ; as was the vote of 22,010/. for salaries of inspec tor of factories and mines, On the vote of 6,251/. for salaries of the Queen's and Lord Treasurers' officers in Scotland, Mr. WILLIAMS asked for explanations as to several items. Mr. WISE objected to some of the items. Ho must object to the house publicly patronising horse racing. He therefore should move that the vote be reduced by the amount inserted for the purpose of supplying Queen's plates in Scotland. Sir G. LEWIS had certainly no desire to make grants for racing purposes in themselves.; but it was undeniable that horse racing had done very much t o encourage th e b ree d o f horses in thse counties, and that was the ground upon which the money was voted by Parliament. The committee then divided upon the question that tho vote be diminished by a sum of 981. 16s. 6d. on account of the Queen's plate for Edinburgh, when there appeared For the amendment Against it 7O Majority -26 The vote was then agreed to. The next vote was for a sum of 6,4211. to defray salaries, &c connected with the department o f th e L or d-Li eutenant of Ireland. Mr. WISE objected to the allowance for four aides-de- camp ; he proposed, therefore, that the vote should be re duced by the sum of 6471. The committee divided— For the amendment , 42 Against it Majority in favour of the vote —46 The next vote was for a sum of 15,804/. t) defray salaries connected with the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland. Mr. BAXTER objected to the vote as very excessive He could not conceive that there were duties connected with the office requiring so large an outlay, He would move the salary of the Chief Secretary be reduced from 4,425/. a-year to 3,4251. Mr. WISE might be permitted to recall the fact that a so - lect committee had already reported that the salary of the Chief Secretary for Ireland ought not to exceed 3,0001. a-year, The CHANCELLOR, of the EXCHEQUERsaid the Govern. ment had taken into consideration the report which had been made by the committee, but he thought that there were many recommendations in that report which were hastily arrived at. He admitted at the same time that hon. gentle. men opposite had good ground for the arguments they ad duced in rel ition to this subject. With regard to the duties of the staff of the Secretary for Ireland being a sinecure, he begged to assure the house that so far from that being the case, the duties were so multifarious that he had seriously considered whether it was not his duty to recommend the augmentation of the staff. (Hear.) He hoped the committee would not sanction the opp'sition of the hon. gentleman, for the vote had been thoroughly considered. , Mr. BUTLER thought they got on very well without a Chief Secretary for Scotland, and that they might do without sueh an officer for Ireland. The committee divided, - and the numbers were— For the amendment Against it l5l Majority against the amendment —96 - - The amendment was therefore lost. Mr. WILLIAMS, on the resumption of the consideration of the vote, moved that the amount allowed to the Chief Secretary for coals should be reduced by 4251. The Chief Secretary for Ireland had a handsome salary, and ho thought he should buy his own coals. (Laughter.) The committee divided, and the numbers were For the amendment 68 Against it 148 Majority against the amendment —Bo The amendment was lost and the item was agreed to. Several other votes, for the payment of inspectors of luna tic asylums and other Government officers in Ireland, wore agreed to. A sum of 22,615/. was voted for public works in Ireland. A vote of 3G,7681. for the Board of Realth was agreed to. Several other votes were agreed to. A sum of 38,8381. for the Generr.,:l Registry Office was pro• posed and agreed to. A sum a 3,308/,, for the Goueral Register Office in Dahlia was agreed to. A vote of 9,8127. was proposed for the office of Commis. sinners of Lunacy for Scotland, and agreed to. • A sum of 401,388 L. was proposed for printing reports. Sir G. C. LEWIS called attention to the enormous sz. ponses of printing reports of commissions. One commis sion was appointed to inquire into endowed schoo's in Ire. land, and the report of the commission consumed no less than 32 tons of paper, and the printing was upwards of 5,0001. There ought to be some supervision to prevent such wasteful expenditure. Mr. HAMILTON said that Government had taken steps to remedy the evil, There could be no doubt that much of this printing was mere:y waste paper. After a few words from General CODRINGTON, The vote was then agreed to, as was that of 123,0001. for post.4go. - The CHAIRMAN then reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that as s matter of convenience he proposed to take the committee of supply on Thursday, and go on with the bill of his right hon. friend the Attorney-General on Friday, SALE AND TRANSFER OF LAND (IRELAND) BILL— SALARIES, dm. In committee of the whole house a resolution was aweed to, and a bill ordered to be brought in founded thereon. The Markets and Fairs (Ireladd) Bill was read a second time. The Public Health Bill was also rand a second time. The Proscription (Ireland) Bill passed through committee. The Ecclesiastical Corporations Leasing Bill also passed through committee. The Trustees' Relief Bill was referred to a select commit tee. Th• CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER then brought up some Treasury minutes, which were ordered to be laid ou the table; and the house adjourned at half-past 12 o'clock. Country Markets. COLCHESTER- MAY 29. There was a limited attendance to-day, and only a very inod.,rate business for the passing consumption resulted. Wheat in good supply, at former prices. In spring cora as material alteration in value. Prices to-day were as follow :—Wheat, white, 46s to WA; red, 42s to 465; barley, —s to s ; oats, 263 to 30s ; bean. Afazagan, 38s to 40.4; middle and small, 42s to 443; peso white, 42s to 44s ; grey, 44s to 463. Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn, &c, in the port of London, from the following p May 24 to May 29, both inclusive. ~ receive& )rts, flog% KIRKCALDY-MAY 29. Here, to-day, we bad moderate supplies of all kinds of grain. Sales slow. Wheat muck about last week's prices. B trley and oats at a reduction of is per qr from the current rates of last week. Wheat. Barley. 1 Oats. Beano. First Second Third 3tis Od I 28s 01 23 s 03 I O s 41" BIRTHS. CARRAWAY— On the 31st May, at 11, Warwick-row/ W. Mrs. Frederick Gairaway, of a daughter. GILIBEBT--Cla the 30th May, at 20, Grosvenor-faao e t Madame de Gilibert, of a daughter. LESLIE—On the 30th May, at 59, Conduit-street, 3 13111. over-square, W., Mrs. Henry Leslie, of a son. , TUKE—On the 30th May, a t th e M anor H ouse, Chi ti vf the wife of Harrington Tuke, M.D., of a son. MARRIAGES. GAYTON—ITAINK INS —On the 29th May, at St. Mary 5 14. Aalen, Peckham, Captain Charles Gayton, R.N.., t ° Elizabeth,•youu,gest daughter of the late H. W. ls r avr . king, Esq., of Lombard-street. TIPPLER—HARRIS—On the 29th May, at Lambethebinre ll y William Tippler, of Graat Tower-street, to Marlin 21 * Harris. DEATHS. BOYLE—On the 3tlth May, at Ityders Wells, near TAWS , Michael Walford Boyle, Esq., aged 69. BRUCE—On the 29th May, at 32, Moray-place, Edinburgh, William, youngest son of the late Alexamice Br ueeo Eiq., of Kennet. HALCOTT—On the 26th May, at Blois, Major Cha les 0 4 ' cott, aged 58. JEULA— On the 31st May, at Reigate, Surrey . , the Rev H. B. Jeula, late minister of Maize-hill Chaps I, Green wich, aged 70. RUSSELL —On the 31st May, at Clapham-rise,. Ric-3 Russell, Esq., aged 29. _ . SUTTIE—On the 30th May, at her house. 37, Sou:th-streel Grosvenor-square, the Lady Harriet Grant Sustie, "u of Sir George Grant Suttie, Bart. -.11 LONDON Printed and Published by KURD° rouNG, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tice Sun 0 Nee, 14(4 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in t $1 coun t / of Middlesex, Tuesday, June 1, 108. Ca~j ~6P -~._ insu dents, Cors pa i ,oAna itshed 1 has bee polielee earring annual the dc of grac T' 121 P0N5 Eaarn; John The 1 fay, 1 1838 1841 1845 1848 1851 -___ The i nation; w`: ~. ~'-~•~ , NOI Accide the Tr all the Purchi Marin, coaditi IN E Polio taker taker •nt in The Two flue 3 ., Its si Its i~ to o ne Its a Abol Sine, Ofthre, Fort flan. 1 142, ......___ ON IN New a Meets Qnenc e uons o tion s. usual roster. ball-st -. .": • DIE Mn tUtr Wan coin Bike: DR. bal T and 1 the I With , Ilajel. Ad the so day 0 or an Bve and b and 0 . signec the p i luxe ( P M ...ace , 10ang Nal 41 ;mull being, A' 7, BE roil Mese rtii S' arfei fro m to 'lage !Er na azYst, Anna kat] XI( 16; CI ujre l U'Olg