The Sun. — London, England, 1860-10-19 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 19, 1860. ORAL ENGLISH OPERA, COVENT [L GARDEN—under the Management of Miss LOUISA DYNE and Mr. W. HARRISON, Sole Lessees. IN THIS EVENING, TROVATORE. Madame Palmieri, Miss Leffler, Miss Albertazzi ; Messrs. Alberto Lawrence, T. Distin, and Henry Haigh. Conductor—Mr. Alfred Mallon. DIVERTISSEMENT. Doors open at Seven. Commence at Half-past. THEATRE -ROYAL, HAYMARKET. Lessee, Mr. J. B. Baeketone. THIS EVENING the performanoes will oommenae with the new comedy, DOES HE LOVE ME ? Messrs. Howe, Chippendale, E. Villiers, and Buckstone ; Miss Amy S ows Chippendale, Miss Florence Haydon, and Mrs. Wilkins. Followed by a new comedy, en titled ROMANCE AND REALITY. Messrs. Chippendale, Howe, Rogers, W. Farren, end John Brougham ; Miss Florence Haydon; Mrs. Wilkins, and Mrs. E. Fitzwilliam. And THE SUN AND THE WIND. By the LoClereqs. Commence at 7. THEATRE - ROYAL LYCEUM. Sole Lessee and Directress, Madame CELESTE. THIS EVENING, the performances will commence with Sheridan Knowles's admired Comedy of THE LOVE CHASE. Principal characters by Mr. T. Lyon, Mr. Neville, Mr. George Vining . , Mr. Henry Butler, Mr. F orres t er , M r . Campbell, Mrs. Keeley, Miss Kate Saville, and Miss Gon genheim (from the principal Theatres of America, her 11th appearance in England). After which, a petite comedy, entitled GRIST TO THE MILL. Mr. Forrester, Mr. G. Vining Mr. Johnstone, and Miss Rose Howard (the popular American actress and voca list, her 2d appearance in England). PE To conclude with THE MIDDY ASHORE : Harry Halcyon, Miss Lydia Thompson. A DELPHI, NEW THEATRE-ROYAL. Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. Benj. Webster. Great Success of the new Drama, by Dion Bonrcioanit, Esq., " The Colleen Bawer"—Miss Agnes Robertson every even ing. THIS EVENING, THE RIFLE CORPS. Messrs. W. Smith. D. Fisher, C. Selby, Miss W oolgar, Miss Kate Kelly, and Mrs. Billington. After which, THE COLLEEN BAWN. D. Bourcicauit, D. Fisher, Billington, Falconer, Stephenson, C. J. Smit h, Homer. Miss Agnes Robertson, Miss Wbolgar, Mrs. Billington , and Mrs. Chatterley. To conclude with MUSIC HATH CHARMS. Mr. David Fisher. Doors open at half-past 6—Commence at 7. Box-eflice open from 10 till 5. No charge tor booldng. Private boxes, £2 2s. ' 4s.Fami es,' 1. Orchestra Stalls, ss. ; Balcony, ; Front Circle Stalls, h. • Pit Stalls, 25.; Pit, ls. 6d• ; A m phitheatre, le ;Gallery, 6d: Acting Manager—Mr. Wm. Smith. A STLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE.- proprietor and Manager, Mr. Wm. BATTY. Immense success of Fitzball's new Spectacle of ROBIN HOOD, pronounced by the Press and the Public the most beautiful and interesting Hippo-Drama ever produced fa this Theatre. This Evening, the entertainments will commence with the ne w spectacle, in Three Acts, entitled ROBIN HOOD ; or, the Merry Outlaws of Sherwood ; Allan-a-Dale, Miss Rebecca Isaacs ; Robin Hood, Mr. John Pritchard. To be followed by Scenes in the Arena by the Star Riders of the day, including Mdlle. de Berg and Mr. James Cooke. Doors open at half-past 6, performance oommenoe at 7. Bolt-office open daily from 11 till 4. Stage Manager—Mr. W. WEST. Director of the Arena—Mr. Pearson. CANTERBURY HALL CONCERTS.- EVERY EVENING, A Grand Selection from the opera of NORMA. Norma .......... .. Adalgisa .. •••••••• • • .. • . . . Madame MARIA, (Her first appearance in this country.) After which the ETHIOPIANS, consisting of Seventeen Per formers, organised expressly for this establishment, for the Performance of Vocal and Instrumental Music, Comic and Sentimental, with Negro Delineations, Anecdotes, &c. Prin cipal Negro Artistes, Messrs. Joe Brown, G. W. Pell, H. Drummond, and Cy Fox. Musica l Director, Mr. F. JONGHMANS. Balcony, 1a,... —Hall. id. THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, Ocr. 19, 1860. THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE. 56—this day at noon. 41—lowest this morning and during the night. 57—highest since noon yesterday. BAnoxtrrEn-29.73. WlND—South-Westerly ; fresh breeze, with slight showers ; morning fine. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tam DAL—Morning, 4h. 38m.—Afternoon, sh. lm. To-mounow.-Morning, sh. 24m.—Afternoon, sh. 48m. Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S despatch of the 31st of August is now before us in his own words. We felt, of course, some little hesitation in criticising the retranslation of a translation, as a slight turn of expression might make a serious differ. ence in the character of a document of this kind , We have no such restraining considerations now ; but we are sorry to say that our terms of regret and censure could hardly have been too strong, We are accustomed to think of France as the Die• tator to Piedmont, and repeatedly has this country felt grieved and annoyed that the Italian KING should be checked and thwarted continually by the vetos of a French EMPEROR. All those prohibi tions being, as might be expected, in the interest of France, so far as its interest was the ignoble one of a weak and divided Italy. England was not, however, prepared for her own Government rival ing France in the same mean unworthy line. And we believe that nothing Lord JOHN RUSSELL has done, since his last advent to power, has so damaged him as this inconsistent despatch—inconsistent, alike, with the well-known sentiments of the coun- try he represents to Europe, and with Lord JOHN RUSSELL himself speaking in the British!House of Commons. England is deeply mortified that patriots abroad, and despots too, should judge of her by this document. If our readers will glance at it again, they will, we think, object decidedly to the substantial en couragement given to Austria, to the discourage ment of the Italian patriots, and, not least, to the tone of superiority in which the King of SARDINIA is told of his " duty," his " interest," his " Royal word," and the danger of "pernicious delusions." Lord JOHN RUSSELL ought to understand the eti quette of Government correspondence far better than we can pretend to do ; but we can only say that, if in social life, we were lectured in similar style, in regard, we may suppose, to some muni cipal or parish duties, we should feel that our cen sor was quite wanting in the higher sentiments which belong to good breeding. We should pro .bably not trouble him with a reply. Certainly not, unless we thought that his misrepresentations might injure an important cause in the eyes of others. It is obvious, at first sight, that the drift of the whole despatch is to save Austria from attack in grievance is, that England's Foreign Secretary should, in a way which was to make his views public to all Europe, denounce as a wrong to Aus tria what, if it be a wrong, is the only thing which can put an end to Italian revolutions. We mean that the junction of Venetia to the rest of the Italian Kingdom, by whatever means effected, is a necessity—a necessity which makes it a virtue to effect it by some means. All are agreed that if Austria would recognise the necessity, and sell what she must some day and in some way surrender, it would be a most advantageous thing for her. If she will not, she ought not to be spoken of as having a " just cause " to defend in Venetia. Perhaps the worst part of the letter, setting aside the rudeness of the style of the first half, is the threat of what the great Powers will do. They are bent, forsooth, on maintaining peace; which, in the connection, means, if it be net mere brutum fultnen, that England as well as the con tinental despotisms will net permit the deliverance of the Venetians. The implied reason, indeed, is that as Sardinia could not do it alone, France would be brought into the field, if it were really to be accomplished ; and that this would kindle a European war ! But why so ? It would not be difficult, it would be perfectly easy, to limit any such war to the fulfilment of J•oUIs NAPOLEON'S first engagement—the expulsion of the Austrians from Italy simply. But it is here, if we mistake not, where the cloven foot of Court Germanism shews itself in the des patch. Lord JOHN, left to himself, would, we are confident, exult over the expulsion of the Austrians from Italy—but the Prussians would not, the Coburgs would not, the Dukes and Grand Dukes of a score of little German Governments would not —and we have a German family on the throne of this country, a family for which it seems all Eng land is incompetent to provide husbands and wives, —and German preferences, fears, and hopes, in fluence, perhaps unconsciously, the Foreign Minister of England. These strange Germans, content with political serfdom themselves, content to be cat up into thirty or more frag ments of a nation, have no sympathy with Italian aspirations for liberty and unity ; and, worse than that, they have got it into their heads that Germany ought to be a maritime power ! Hence the ludicrous little navy of Prussia, and the hardly less ludicrous navy of Austria, are a matter of pride and ambition to this silly people. They think they are something better than boatmen on the Rhine and the Danube when they can hoist a broad pen nant over the guns of a frigate or two, manned by sailors who sleep at night on shore. Another fancy these Prussians and the other burgesses of Father land have got into their heads is, that, for the safety of Germany, one of her sections must have a strong corner in Italy ! It never seems to occur to these wiseacres, that by parity of reasoning, Italy might ask for a strong corner in Germany. We must confess we are thankful that the QUEEN and Lord JOHN RUSSELL are at length got away from Coblentz Conferences, and direct German in fluences. If those influences were strong enough to procure the writing of such a dispatch as that on which we now comment, in this country ; we may well be jealous of what they would effect when the QUEEN, his Royal HIGHNESS, and Lord JOHN RUSSELL were in the midst of them, and when fears, hints, suggestions, whispers, could be exchanged, with not even the hazard of a letter getting into the hands of a personage it was least of all meant for. We welcome back our QUEEN to where she will at least see every day the press of her own country, from which she may learn, as cer tainly as if Parliament were sitting, what is passing in the minds of her loyal subjects. One thought, we are confident, she will find quite universal—that German counsels ought not to influence those of England, but English counsels those of Germany. Another, special to the despatch before us, she will find equally general—That England ought to dis courage Austria in holding Venetia, and rather to encourage than discourage Sardinia in seeking its emancipation. The accomplished member for Pontefract, Mr. MONCXTON MILNES, has been comparing notes in regard to the past session of Parliament with his constituency. The incident is somewhat excep tional this autumn. For, saving in the almost solitary instance of Sheffield, the electors of the United Kingdom, whether of borough or county, have found their representatives rather shy of entering into explanations as to the real purport, good, bad, or indifferent, of these latest sayings and doings of the British Commons in Parliament assembled. Even Mr. BRIGHT has declined for once having it out with his more ardent supporters at Birmingham. Representatives alike on the side of the Opposition and on the side of the Govern ment have abstained with remarkable unanimity from raking up old grievances, from reverting to past differences, from sustaining in any way what ever outside the house the contests which had happily at last terminated at any rate for the delightful annual interval of five or six months' duration from August to February, from the pro rogation to the reassembling of the two Houses of the Legislature. It is hardly to be wondered at, however, after a moment's reflection, this really welcome reticence between members and their constituencies. There was so little of a satisfactory nature to be recalled to recollection. So much was left undone—so few of the promised boons of the session had been obtained—so often the acquisition of those boons had not even been attempted, whether by the individual representative who could be held responsible for them, or by the collec tive energies and combined wisdom of her MAJESTY'S Venetia. To sav e a brutal tyrant from expulsion, Ministerial advisers. " Hansard" had been con where his presence is a curse and a blight. As tributed to, without doubt,' very industriously, Count CAVOUR, in his able speech, observed, the more than ever voluminously, but the Statute intolerable oppression s of Austria in Venetia are a Books of the Realm enhanced in value most in necessity of her position there. After the peace of adequately. No marvel then was it after all, Vil]a Franca. the Count • says he believes that if at the close of a session such as that of 1860, Austria sincerely endeavoured to conciliate; but the vast majority of members upon both sides of she found it impossible. There is a settled, in- the House of Commons of all parties, of all sections curable repugnance between the Italians and the of parties, should have evinced so general a re- Austrians- No time can heal it. No administra- luctance to pause deliberately in the midst of their Lion can remove it. It is they, th e A ustrians .attentive supporters, borough electors or county themselves, that are and ever will be the burden. electors, as the case might be, to take a compre- It is inevitable, therefore, that those who are pensive survey of the small doings and of the loathed should hate those who loathe them, and lengthening discussions, of the much, cry and little that Austria in Venetia should be a political sore, woo/ of the last past session of the Imperial Legis or blister, which will one day have to be dealt witl! lature. As a matter of common sense, they pre by political surgery. Austria in Venetia is as ferred going a-pleasuring to the Highlands or to intolerable as the Bourbons in Naples, and to the Continent —some few of them going "a-colonel speak of her fighting in a "just cause : " when ing" (rather more in earnest certainly than Sir fighting for the defence of her territory, is but a HUDIBRAS) at the head of divers gatherings of the mischievous paltering with words. It is just gallant Rifle Volunteers. enough if the settlement of 1815 was justice; but It seem e d a l most as if a reaction had not unna ew of the tarets we need not ask Lord JOHN RUSSELL if turally s e t i n at the close of the Parliamentary he knows what all liberal-minded nmowens deathlabours e f so much year. A l kin g i. . 13 They .:s vvre sick h and it w tired morearte dw ni d o o think of that settlement—nor if he kicertcm the i t instances found how utterly At: stria has even failed thanord.nf they eagernessnary certain from county political to carry out, in Italy, what wax expected of her phere . If when th a t arrangemen t was ma d e , t h em selves unhappily upo n th e verge of politics at Lord lonN might, reasonably enough, privately, the head of o ne of those otherwise agreeable soci a l have point e d out, if h e t h oug h t fit, the hazard to agricultural ban q uets, in t h e midst of the cross- Italian i so far ast was already achieved, ; firing of libert y complimentary toasts, dragged up aga i n , of Sardinia permitting GAR/BALM to attack Aus- ; into that very suggestive attitude, termed in very tria, much more of in t herself. The 1 matter-of-fact Parliamentary phraseology, " being' upon one's legs"—they have eagerly availed them selves of the annual custom in vogue upon these occasions, eschewing politics as much as possible and sticking to agriculture. Mr. WALTER, it is true, pbueltitveersyilernectnenetss in i lybrosksearadwatye things in any way altogether from this Parliamentary. But then in Mr. WALTER'S in stance, but very little came of it at the time, and this s s sirath gentleman's the en t l e eni he a e sheer , sp force re provincial Ici his al d harangue iscur e ive - ne varying " from grave to gay, from lively to severe,' pelyh fromon . from all things in general to most in particulars co nstituting, • , of a sort of an after-dinner it r esume de o ebus et guibusdam alius. The retrospect of sat year, in that instance, fur nishing us, in point of fact, with a very good sub stitute for an index to any one of the daily newspapers—say the Times—Mr. W ALTER having had a word to say upon almost every topic, from the war in Italy to the Road child-murder, from Mr. GLADSTONE'S slashing Budget to the famous and, for that matter, about equally slashing fight for the championship. Happily, with Mr. MILNES' speech upon the past session, and upon recent occurrences, it is wholly otherwise—it is altogether different. The member for Pontefract, attempting less, gets satisfactorily through a great deal more than the member for B erkshire. His individual retrospect as a mem ber of Parliament is, we rejoice to note, in many respects eminently, in some of them pre-eminently, entitled to commendation and commemoration. His regrets in regard to the unhappy Reform Bill have the maDifest merit of perfect sincerity. His esti mate of the Chancellor of the Exchequer's financial arrangements ariA innovations we cannot but regard as singularly judicious. His personal course of proceeding in the matter of the Paper Duty is one that he can look back to—as few Liberal members can—with unalloyed and unmitigated satisfaction. Now says Mr. MILNES, upon this very question of the Paper Duty and its proposed abolition—" I have as much dislike as any one to Excise duties. There is no mode of taxation more vexatious than the Excise, and I should be glad to see any Excise duty abo lished, whether upon paper or malt, provided the end can be accomplished without sacrificing too large a portion of revenue. lam aware that the House of Commons had previously expressed an opinion that the paper duty was bad and ought to be repealed, and I agree with that decision, not only because it is an Excise duty, but because it checks, although not in so great a degree as has been repre sented,the diffusion of popular literature,and dam ages the cheap press. No doubt popular literature is to some extent affected by the paper duty, but the cheap press is most ably conducted and largely cir culatednotwithstanding that the paper duty exists. It was for me to consider whether the revenue was in such a position that we could safely afford to make the sacrifice demanded by the commercial treaty and the reduction of Customs' duties, and to add to that the produce of the paper duty. I did not believe that we were in that position. I do not say that the £1,000,000 might not have been made up by some other means—such as sub stituting ls. for 10d. in the pound in the income tax of the succeeding year. But I thought that the reduction ought to take place more prudently and gradually,' and I thought it my duty to vote against the abolition of the Paper Duty. Very few members of the House did so, and I was thus placed in a different position from them when the Paper Duty Abolition Bill, after passing the House of Commons by a majority of eight or nine, was rejected by the House of Lords. As far as the thing itself was concerned, I could not regret that that had been done by the House of Lords for which I voted in the House of Commons—but," adds Mr. MILNES " I much regretted that anything was commenced which gave an appearance of collision between the two Houses of Parliament." Se much for the Paper Duty Abolition and the mem ber for Pontefract—a scheme of remission (in regard to a tax intrinsically odious) sympathised in by Mr. MILNES upon principle, but one at the same time voted against wisely, honestly, cordially, and con scientiously by him—under the actual circumstances! While so many others were in the wrong—he, at any rate, has had the satisfaction of finding himself undeviatingly in the right—from first to last in the right upon this delicate question—with a per fect regard throughout to his political consistency. The tax suggested to be abolished, he, for one, would fain have had abolished—but the time chosen for its abolition he had the sagacity from the outset to recognise as flagrantly 'rash and inopportune ! monopoly, the Legislative Council; and Victoria will then stand forth as she ought —one of England's richest and most prosperous colonies. The fault in Victoria was ever to permit a few interested individuals to have a ruling voice in the Legislature. We do not lay the fault at the door of the Colonial Secretary in office when the constitution was granted; nor do we blame the Governor of Victoria or his advisers for acting, as we hope they did, for the best ; :the penalty will fall upon those who deserve it, and in charity we may pass it over as a mistake. But how about New Zealand. How long does the British Government require to learn the nature of the people with whom they have to deal The Anglo-Saxon race (i. e., English, Scotch, and Irishmen) are par excellence the colonists of the world. The French cannot do it; a drill-sergeant and a lance-corporal cannot make Indian corn and wheat grow by word of command; the Dutchman is too slow. It was reserved for English energy and perseverance to populate the far West, and to develop the auriferous wealth of the anti podes. But with all the advantages with which nature has endowed us, we labour under the serious drawback of having incompetent men placed in authority in positions of great trust. It is not that colonists want Government to furnish them with clever and efficient commanders. There are good men, and true enough, to be found in every com munity, in case of necessity, equal to any emer gency; but they have a right to object to having in capables placed in command of English troops, and leg:slature giving to them authority to fool away the prestige of the country. We are glad to find that Major-Gen. PRATT has taken command. Col. GOLD, to give him the benefit of the best construc tion which can be put upon the late deplorable re verse, was not equal to his command ; and if this rebellion be not put down at once, and with a will, let these who procrastinate and encourage by a feeble and vacilating policy, the Maori chiefs who are now our friends to join with the insurgents and con ve rt a local revolt into a general war be held respon sible for the results. The Maories muster strong— what then—why not offer a small bounty in Mel bourne for volunteers for New Zealand, say two years service and then a grant of land subject to military service, this system answered in South Africa, why not in New Zealand—there are hun dreds of able-bodied men in Victoria, New South Wales, and South Australia, who would be glad of the chance. It would be doing a service to the Australian colonies as well as establishing our posi tion in New Zealand. It would take but a short time to organise these rough levies. The New Zealanders, although bold men, are no match for Englishmen at close quarters. They are fine power ful men, they will stand fire, but it is not in them to face bayonets or yet the cutlass and pistol, and by this, after all, colonial contests are settled. There will be no necessity to form squares and prepare to resist cavalry, &c., all that will be required will be a few guns -to break the pahs. Then " boarders away"—kill or secure. No terms but unconditional submission. Let KINGI the . leader of this unpro voked outbreak, be hanged, and if necessary a few of his friends also, and we shall be much surprised if the Maories (the finest race of savages as yet known) will not come to their senses. There is but little information to be gathered from the last Australian mail ; everything both in Victoria and New Zealand (the two colonies which at present attract public attention) is in atatu quo. The NICHOLSON Ministry are in a fix. Public opinion and its representatives in the Lower Rouse on the one side maintaining the constitutional rights of the people, and the Upper Rouse repre senting the squatocracy on the other, keep them at a standstill. " How happy could they be with either." But it may not be, Australian legislatures have sown the whirlwind and they are now reaping the storm. There was a time when Australia was no thing better than a penal settlement, and men who were content to sacrifice personal comfort, and the luxuries of civilisation made fortunes in the wil derness among the savages. Times are now changed. The early pioneers of progress have reaped their reward, and it is not from enterprising men of this stamp that the advancement of social progress receives a check, it is from men as it were of yesterday, such men as Mr. WENTWORTH wished to elevate into a COLONIAL ARISTOCRACY, that bona fide emigrants are prevented from settling down on their own land in the country of their adoption. The grave mistake was made by the Executive when Victoria first constituted an independent colony by calling into existence a Council Chamber or Upper House, just we sup pose to ape the Parliament of the United King dom, forgetting altogether that while the House of Commons and the Legislative Assembly respec tively represent the constituencies of the two coun tries that there is no tie in commonbetween the House of Lords and the Legislative Council. The one, in spite of many faults, at least has the prestige of long descent and high character. In fact, the House of Lords is an institution of the country ; it is not in the power of Royalty itself to interfere with its rights and privileges, and it is, therefore, de facto, an independent body. But how of the Legislative Council ? They are Government nomi nees ; and the Squatters, finding that universal suffrage, in spite of the obstacles which have been thrown in the way, has proved too strong for them in the Lower House, have concentrated all their forces in the Upper House, and, for a time, carried the day. It is, perhaps, as well as it is ; the result must be the same in the end, and as a stream which, while an opening is left for its course, will avoid collsion with the rocks which bar its progress, when that opening is closed, gathering up its strength, sweeps before it in one general ruin the obstacles which otherwise it would have tolerated, so will the public feeling in Victoria sweep away that in tabus Ito [progress, that last stronghold of falling LATEST NEWS. The following telegrams have been received at Mr. Reuter's office : PARIS, OCT. 18. The Patrie announces the concentration of Aus trian troops on the frontiers, which, it says, has caused a similar concentration of Piedmontese troops. The Presse asserts that information was received yesterday at Turin that 4,000 Austrians from Mantua had crossed the Po, and taken up their quarters at Revere, which town is still Wider Austrian dominion. The Press* adds, this news has produced a sensation at Turin. GAETA, OCT. 6. Signor Casella has addressed the following cir. cular note to the diplomatic corps at Gaeta. After quoting the decree (which appeared in the Official Journal of Naples on the 28th ult,) con cerning the family of Milano, Signor Qasella says ; " In bringing the above decree to the cognisance of Signor -, the undersigned Minister Secretary of State, President of the Ministerial Council, and provisionally entrusted with the portfolio of Foreign Affairs, considers himself justified in abstaining from any comment on this unqualified measure. " Revolution has never arrived in any country at such a degree of perversity and anarchy as to sanctify regicide, to set a premium upon assassina tion, and by this example to officially stimulate the extermination of Sovereigns ; this, in fact, is not only done, but done in a city occupied by Pied montese troops, by a leader acting in the name of the King of Sardinia, and who, without being dis avowed, has for the last four months assumed the flag and the name of the latter. " A man who attempts to assassinate his fellow man, a soldier who leaves the ranks to kill his general, a subject who uses his bayonet against his king; these are deemed martyrs worthy of praise, of tears, and of rewards, by the Government of Garibaldi. And this apotheosis is publicly made in the journals of Naples, and in the name of King Victor Emmanuel are rewards given and offered to regicides. "Such an example speaks more forcibly than all declamations upon the miserable moral condition into which the kingdom has fallen, and of the anarchy which, after the triumph of invasion, has possessed the country with its designs. " The undersigned considers it unnecessary to protest against this scandalous decree, since all the sentiments of morality, honour, and religion which exist in the heart of man protest for themselves. " The undersigned denounces this decree to the justice of Europe as one of the clearest of the many proofs of the tendencies of the men who, by foreign force, and profiting by unheard•of treason, have usurped the most considerable part of the kingdom of the Two Sicilies.—The undersigned profits, &c. (Signed) " CASELLA." VIENNA, OCT. 18. The anniversary of the battle of Leipsie has been celebrated to-day by Divine service, the garrison of the city being present. The Emperor will leave on Sunday evening for Warsaw, accompanied by Count Rechberg, Count Grenneville, general aide-de-camp, and several officers of ordnance. Count Rechberg will be accompanied by Barons Meysenberg and Altenburg. M. de Balabine, accompanied by Prince Oagarin, left yesterday evening for Warsaw. PARIS, OCT. 18. The Patrie states that Mr. Bruce, the English Minister in China, had received a despatch an nouncing that the Emperor of China would be disposed to conclude peace with the Allies after the capture of the Peiho forts. BOMBAY MAILS. - The Euxine, with the above mails, reached Marseilles at 9 a.m. this morning. Mails left for London at 10. The Indus was expected at Malta during the afternoon of the 16th, and may therefore be looked for at Southampton on the 26th inst. The Orissa, from Bombay, arrived at Suez on the 11th (correct day.) OUT WARD MAILS. The Massilia (from Marseilles on the 12th) ar rived at Malta at 3 a.m. on the 15th, and left for Alexandria at 9 a.ni. The Salsette (with mails of Aug. 20-26) lef Galle for Australia on Sept. 21. (Correct day.) The Nemesis, with same dates, left Madras for Calcutta on Sept. 25. HOMEWARD CALCUTTA MAIL. The Candia arrived at Madras on Sept. 26 (one day early). CALCUTTA, SEPT. 24. Captain Green, of Bombay, an invalid, residing in the Neil,gherry Mountains for the benefit of his health, has been murdered by his servant. Another Wagheer rising of an unimportant character has tak©n place at Kattiawar. . . _ -,....t.' ' V'f. , ' , .-„, - wifir ' 1 ~ - 7 • ,:, . id -' VP , * !lc,: ii• - -El . ~ , ,'-c- N ti, _l - 4;: %Pl.''' . f '' 4 •••,,, .- • , ..: 2,;&'',. 't ....., -t , e • , t , i - 1,,r lk ,0 43 4, b'o 1 r 7 , 1' .. t. .., • .. . _,......f. THE SUN. LONDON, FRIDAY, OCT. 19, 1860. _ENGLAND AND _ITALY. The following is the original text of the despatch from Lord John Russell to Sir James Hudson, a version of which we published some days since, as taken from the Cologne Gazette " Foreign-office, Aug. 31. " Sir,—Although the note of Count Cavour, of the 30th of May, written in answer to one which you were instructed to present to him, did not give so definite and precise a declaration of intentions as her Majesty's Government hoped and expected, they have not thought it necessary to continue the discussion ; for they conceived that in substance that note disavowed any intention of attacking the domains of the Emperor of Austria or the King of Naples, and bound the King of Sardinia not to cede to France any Italian territory, including of course the Island of Sardinia itself, in that public engage ment. I say public engagement, because Count Cavour referred you in his note to the speech he made in the Chamber of Deputies on the 26th of May, in the name of the King's Government. " But although Austria, France, and Great Britain have abstained from any interference in Sicily or Naples, there exists at Paris, as well as at Vienna, an apprehension that the union of the Neapolitan and Roman States under the kingdom of Sardinia would be followed by an attack by Italian forces on the Venetian provinces of the Emperor of Austria. It is obvious that no such attack could be made by an army without the consent of the King of Sardinia. It is also clear that in point of right the King of Sardinia has no excuse for breaking the Treaty of Zurich so recently signed and ratified: The King 'of Sardinia Wan free to refuse the preliminaries of Villafranca and the peace of Zurich, but, having declined to continue the war, and having given his Royal word to maintain peace and friendship with Austria, he is not at liberty to set his obligations at defiance and to make a wanton aggression on a neighbouring Sovereign. It is evident also that motives of interest coincide in this case with dic tates of duty. An attack on the !Austrian army posted in strong fortresses is not an enterprise in which success could reasonably be expected, but such an attack, if unsuccessful, would give Austria an opportunity, of which perhaps she would not be sorry to avail herself, of restoring Romagna to the Pepe and Tuscany to the Grand Duke. It is be lieved, on good grounds, that France would not consider either of those acts inconsistent with the Treaty of Zurich. But they would obviously ex pose the independence of Italy and its future peace to the greatest hazards. Nor would the King of Sardinia, having acquired Lombardy, Parma, and Modena, but having lost Savoy, Nice, Tuscany, and Romagna, find himself in a situation to cope with Austria, fighting in a just cause to maintain her violated territory, and restore her military honour. The only chance which Sardinia could have in such a contest would be the hope of bringing France into the field and kindling a general war in Europe. But let not Count Cavour indulge in so pernicious a delusion. The Great Powers of Europe are bent on maintaining peace, and Great Britain has in terest in the Adriatic which her Majesty's Govern. ment must watch with careful attention. "From such dangers the Ministers of the King of Sardinia may preserve Europe by a strict ad herence to the policy intimated in Count Cavour's note of May 30. Her Majesty's Government desire no more than a faithful adherence to its promises. They are willing to make allowance for those feel ings and demonstrations to which Count Cavour alludes as transgressing the law of nations and evading the restraining powers of municipal autho rity. Incl'eed, this indulgence on the part of Great Britain has, in the opinion of many of the Courts of Europe, been already carried too far. But, what ever may be the case as to expeditions by.sea set ting out often at night, and supplied by boats from villages on the coast, it is abundantly clear that no army can violate the Austrian frontier without the express order of the King. "These considerations appear to us to merit the serious attention of the Sardinian Cabinet. You are instructed to read and give a copy of this de spatch to Count Cavour.—l am, &c., "J. RUSSELL." METROPOLITAN STREET TRAMWAYS.—Mr. Train having written to the Hackney Board of Works, the letter was referred to the General Purposes Committee, who proposed that he should attend before the committee. At a meeting of the Board of Works at the Town-hall, Hackney, yesterday, it was unanimously resolved—" That Mr. Train be requested to attend before a full board, and give explanations." FRANCE. BOURSE, Oct. 18.—Stock has been rather offered, and a degree of heaviness has been apparent in the tone of the market, caused in some measure by the arrival of Consols with a slight decline. Threes, for the Account, which opened at 68f 973 c, are now at 68f 80c; Mobilier, 700 f; Orleans, 1,367 f 50c ; Northern, 971 f 25c ; Mediterranean, 917 f 50c; Austrian, 480 f; Lombard, 478 f 75c. The following are the last quotations : 41 per per Cents... 95 60 Credit Foncier 9OO Do end month.... —1 Belgian 41 — 3 per Cents Do. end month 6B 85' Roman Bank Shares 2850 i Austrian Credit Mobilier.... 705 ' Spanish Threes 4B 25 Do. Account 705 Home Debt RAILWAYS. Cash. Account. Orleans 1366 25 .. 1370 Northern New ditto BB5 .. Lyons and Mediterranean 917 50 .. 918 75 Geneva 352 50 .. 352 50 Southern Western Eastern Sardinian Austrian Lombard ~ 4Bl 25 .. 483 75 NAPLES. The Aloniteur gives the following account of the affair of the Protis, when carrying troops to Gaeta : " The last advices from Naples, completely contradict the news of the capture of the French steamer Protis, copied by some journals from a telegraphic despatch from Marseilles. The follow ing are the facts of the case :—When King Francis 11. quitted his capital, the French steamers which he employed for the conveyance of his troops sepa rated themselves into two parts ; some remained at Naples waiting for the payment of the arrears due to them, while the others followed the Royal army to Gaeta. Among the latter was the Protis, belong ing to the Phocean Company. On the 6th, this steamer appeared off the town of Augosta, having an aide-de-camp of his Majesty on board. Her mission was to receive and convey to Gaeta such soldiers who were desirous of rejoining the Royal army. In th e a b sence o f any o f t h e au thorities of the town, the captain of the Protis to.* on board 560 men, officers and soldiers, who desired to pro. j ceed to Gaeta, although, according to the terms of the capitulation of the garrison of Augosta, the troops were to ;lie! conveyed to Naples by Gari baldian vessels and by the care of the municipality of the district. When scarcely two miles from Augosta the Protis was hailed by a Sardinian or a Garibaldian war transport, having on board the French Vice-Consul at Syracuse. The Protis stopped and received that functionary without permitting any other person to come on board. The Vice- Consul reproached the captain of the Protis with having violated the capitulation and tried to induce him to put back. The captain refused, but he gave his word of honour that he would proceed to Naples, where he arrived in tb , z, night of the Bth after having communicated. at Messina with the French man-of-war, tly, Imperial. On his arrival at Naples, the P :aptain of the Protis was requested by the g overnment to send the soldiers on shore 7yithout arms. The intention of the Dictati7;r's Government was to make them prisoner of war, as having violated the capitula tif,n by taking passage on board a vessel other than one of the Garibaldian navy, as had been stipu lated. That determination made the French ship_ ping play a part which it could not accept. Vice- Admiral Le Barbier de Tinan having been informed of what had taken place, made known to the Pro- Dictator that the violation of the capitulation could not be brought forward as an argument for consti tuting the Royal garrison prisoners, and that he would not allow the disembarkation to take place on such terms, were he to send the vessel to Gaeta under convoy of a French vessel of war. It was therefore agreed that the soldiers on board should be questioned as to what they desired in presence of an aide-de-camp of the French Admiral. That was done, and 360 expressed a wish to rejoin the King; 199 to return to their families ; and one only to enter the service of Garibaldi. On the following day the Protis left for Gaeta with the 360 soldiers. A letter from Naples:in the Sieele says:— "At the Castel Nuovo the discovery has been made that munitions of war were frequently sent thence to Gaeta. A commissary of the arsenal, having become aware of the fraud, attempted to prevent it, and was exposed to some rough treat ment in consequence. Public rumour even says that he is still suffering from the blows he re ceived. It has also been found that a Neapolitan steamer was plying regularly, at the expense of the Government, between Naples and Gaeta to carry to the 'tx-king all the news that interested him. It has likewise been ascertained that Francis 11. had sent instructions to the officials in the Ministry of Finances as if they were still in his dependence. The spirit of charity is waking up at Naples. A great number of persons, especially ladies, visit the wounded, and all take something to relieve their wants. These attentions are so much the more prized that the Royal Governme n t had left the ad ministration of the hospitals, like all the rest, in a most deplorable condition. Volunteer sick nurses also abound ; but it is not the same at Caserta. M. Kergomard, who has just arrived from that place, tells me that the hospital of Caserta contains 300 wounded, and there are only five women, all per sons of good family, to attend them. One only of these belongs to Caserta, and none to Naples." Another letter from Naples, in the Debats, says : " The situation of Garibaldi is not favourable, and yesterday and the day before he felt profound anxiety respecting it. He has lost many of his men, more than the Royalists, since the com mencement of the siege, and has 8,000 hors de Combat, many of them with wounds, which, how ever, are slight. He has only 10,000 men at the outside who are really fit to be brought into action. Almost all the Calabrians have abandoned him. These people, like;the Sicilians, manifested, it appears, a certain repugnance to fight—not because they were cowards, for, on the contrary, they like to throw aside their muskets and attack with the poignard ; but they remarked that, though they had been engaged on the pretext of serving as an escort to the Dictator, they had been constantly engaged in fighting. Garibaldi having become weary of their grumbling, ordered them to be collected for a review, and, as he is accustomed to plain speaking, he said—' Let the cowards leave, and let the brave men keep in the ranks !' Very nearly one-half retired. Their havresacks and pockets, appearing to be very full, were examined, and the searchers were surprised to find what a vast quantity of objects they contained," THEATRE .ROTAL LYCEUM. Last night there was an entire change of performance at this theatre, the piece de resistance of the evening being " The Love Chase," one of the most successful produetions of Mr. Sheridan Knowles. The part of Constance was sustained by Miss Gougenheim, who has already achieved a success in " The Irish Heiress," which has 'been with drawn for a time to allow the public to appreciate this lady's versatility of talent. In "The Love Chase," how ever, the same impulsiveness of character distinguishes the part of Constance, and Miss Gougenheim did not fail to in fuse into it all that vivacity which we have before remarked in her previous performance. But this vivacity and I force, so essential to the true representation of the character, is not all that is required to make her the beau ideal of the Constance of the author. And we cannot but feel that Miss Gougenheim. sacrifices " too much" to this idea. Possessed of qualities certainly of the highest order, Miss Gougenheim suffers herself occa sionally to be led away in a perfect torrent of impetuosity. As evidence of this we may mention the stirring descrip tion of the chase, which the writer has placed in the hands of Constance. Miss Gougenheim lost almost all the light and shade of the description. It was delivered with pecu liar vigour, and was remarkably well received and ap plauded, but the pauses of the charming versification were so faintly distinguished in the tumultuous delivery, that the author and the actress alike suffered. Mr. George Vining disappointed our expectation in his impersonation of Master Wildrake, and, in truth, we never remember to have seen him to so great a disadvantage. This class of semi-Shakaperian characters is certainly not his forte. Mrs. Keeley (for the first time) assumed the part of the Widow Green, and it may safely be affirmed that not one of her contemporaries could have rendered it with so much power, humour, and nice discrimination. It was a most finished study. Miss Kate Saville was the Lydia of the evening. Her performance was distinguished by her accustomed ability, feeling, and truly feminine grace. The representation was decidedly successful, and the ladies were vociferously applauded when theyreappeared before the curtain at the call of the house. The play was followed by Mr. Planche's very pretty comic drama of " Grist to the Mill," in which Miss Rose Howard, an American actress, made her first appearance at this theatre in the part of Francine, in a manner to leave nothing to be desired. Miss Rose Howard is a most accomplished actress and a very charming vocalist, and, by her finished execution of two very delightful bal lads, completely won the most enthusiastic applause of the audience. The reception, certainly well merited, of this young lady could not well have been more cordial. It must be acknowledged that Miss Rose Howard is an un questionable acquisition to the corps dreonatique of the Lyceum. The performances terminated with the lively farce of the " Middy Ashore," in which the charming Miss Lydia Thompson filled the part of the middy with her usual ability, and the evening closed amidst the loudest and heartiest plaudits. It is but just to express our admi ration of the exquisite taste evinced by the amiable lady directress in the mire eri scene of everything produced at this establishment. HIDEOUS MURDER OF A SLAVE IN AMERICA.— The Petersburg Express, a Vi rg inian paper, contains the account of a trial at the Circuit Court of Mecklenburg county, of Charles Hudson, for the murder of his slave woman Jane. The evidence in the case was, that on the morning of the 4th of July la st, at ei g ht o'clock, on e of the hottest - days of the past summer, Hudson stripped the woman naked as when she came into the world, tied her to a persimmon tree, and whipped her for three co nsecut i ve hours, with occasional intermissions of a few minutes, until he had worn out to stumps fifty-two switches, and until the bark on the body of the tree was rubbed smooth and greasy by the attrition of the body of the victim. One witness testified that he heard distinctly, at the distance of six hundred yards, both the noise of the switches and the screams and entreaties of the woman. The poor creature died, and was buried the same afternoon, only some ten inches beneath the ground, in a rough box, without any shroud. The body was exhumed two days afterwards, but was in such a state of decomposition that the external marks of violence were wellnigh obliterated. The testimony of the physician, however, who dissected the body, and of several other physicians who were examined as experts, was distinct and positive that the violence used was sufficient to produce death. It was also in evidence that after the pro tracted punishment Hudson untied the woman and sent her to the creek, some 150 yards distant, to wash herself, and the main argument of the defence was based upon the idea that the woman went into the creek, remained there fifteen minutes, and drank to great excess; and that this, in all probability, brought on a congestion of the vitals and pro duced death. The jury hesitated muchbetween a conviction for murder in the first and murder in the second degree. But finally they agre e d, an d ascertained the terra of impri sonment in the penitentiary at 18 years—the longest term known to the law. RR. MILNES, M.P., ON HOME AND FOREIGN POLITICS. Mr. R. X Milnes, M.P., addressed his constituents, in the Sessions House, aholitefract, on Wednesday evening. Mr. Milnes, on rising, proceeded to observe that the ses sion of Parliament which had just passed had not been a very lively one, but he was not going to abuse the session. A great part of the session had been occupied by the at tempt to pass a Reform Bill. For that calumniated mea sure he was bound to say he had considerable affection. It was certainly not of a very showy character, nor was there any thing very original or striking about it, but at the same time there was a good deal of English sense and moderation in its composition, and, for his part, he was very sorry it had gone to the dogs. He gave it all the support in his power, because it rested on two principles of both of which he cor dially approved—viz., the gradual extension of the fran chise amongst the poople, and the present distribution of Parliamentary seats. As to the first, he did not believe there was any man, whether calling himself Conservative, Tory, or Whig, who would not recognise the justice and the policy of from time to time extending the breadth o f the constituency of the country, and of introducing more and more of the population into the active duties of citizen ship. Let them apply the principle to the constitution. That constitution was not a charter beginning with a decla ration of the rights of the people, and ending with a sy s t em of police, but it was the natural growth of the, times through which they had passed, extending its roots wherever it could find the nutriment of intelligence, and only limited in its expansion by the vigo rous sap of national activity and the will of God. He approved, too, in the main, of the principle of retaining the present representation. He thought that the smaller boroughs were most useful in the representation of the country. Believing that if the representation was confined entirely to large towns and very extensive bodies of men, that the effect would be to alienate from such representation a large body of very useful and very intelligent members of Parliament, he did not wish that what were called the aris tocracy—whether connected with land or with property— should be separated from the daily processes of the constitu tion ; and he should also regret very much if men of calmer thought and more retired habits were excluded from Parlia ment—he should very much regret to see England reduced to such a state of things as that in which the aristocracy should be like the Legitimists of France, or men of intelli gence and literature placed in the same position as that class in America. Therefore he thought it advisable that there should be means of representation for those classes who wished to enter Parliament without the somewhat dema gogue life which was absolutely necessary in the represen tation of large constituencies. He said this because he had observed that the representatives of large constituencies in the House of Commons did not take that position there which the representation of large bodies of men under other circumstances would authorise them in taking ; they were gentlemen of great intelligence and great experience, but they had, nevertheless, not been accustomed to the practices of popular assemblies—they came into the house in mature life, and its habits and practices, as peculiar as those of a public school, were not familiar to them, and, as the result, these gentlemen seldom favoured them with the fruits of that knowledge which they possessed. He wished, indeed, that the manufacturing constituencies would send to Parlia ment some of their young men, who would learn the habits and usages of Parliament, in the same way as the upper classes connected with the land had done, and he was sure they would find their account in the goodwill and favour with which they would be received. But that Reform Bill failed, and it was not difficult to see why it did. At the election immediately preceding the meeting of Parliament one third of the constituencies of the country never recorded their votes at all, proving that amongst large masses of the people there was no desire for the acquisition of political privileges —a desire which ought to lie at the bottom of any measure for their extension, for without it he did not think they would deservedly exercise the privilege when conferred. He regret.. ted this, because he did wish to see political activity. He was not afraid of political activity—he was rather afraid of politi cal apathy, and of the two evils he would rather incur the dan ger of the former than the absorption of political intelligence in the latter. On these grounds he should, when the question again came before him, act as he had hitherto done, retain ing his preference for the two principles to which he had referred. Another considerable portion of the session was taken up by the consideration of Mr. Gladstone's budget, the effects of which they would all practically bear in the shape of increased taxes. That measure was a work of great talent and great audacity. At a time when the country was not in such a position as to justify any extravagant expendi ture, Mr. Gladstone diminished the income at the same time that he increased the outgoings. He did so no doubt in a far-seeing spirit, but still they were called upon to make great sacrifices, and the only way in which they could reconcile themselyes to these sacrifices was ' by considering the advantages which the country might derive in the future, and the great part of that budget comprised in the commercial treaty with France. Hitherto the commercial relations between France and England had really been of a scandalous character. It was a horrible thing to think that the two greatest anti most civilised countries of the world, separated only by that little ditch of the Channel, should for commercial purposes be as much parted as if they were at the ends of the globe. There was, in fact, hardly more commercial communication between France and England than there was between two petty German States. Now that evil. had to a great degree been remedied. By the commercial treaty with France they had broken down the system of prohibition ; and although the duties now levied on articles of English produce were in many cases very heavy, and aithoeei, taking French aoods entirely free, they must hope that before long the good sense of the French people and the bad practices of the smuggler would lead to the reduction of the French duties, and bring them to something more like an equality. It was a very great boon to have broken down that system of entire prohibition. A step had been taken which no Government in France could ever recall. The duties might be higher or lower; they might change according to the policy of the Government or the caprices of the people, but the ad mission of English goods into France was now entirely granted, and they must trust to time to bring the good work to its fruition. So far he went heartily with Mr. Gladstone in his proposition. The budget also repealed the duty on many small articles, and had reduced the number changeable in the customs to fifteen, thus approximating almost to absolute free trade. Now, he could not conceal from himself that a great deal of personal calamity must ensue from the immediate admission of French goods, especially those upon which women in this country were employed. Ho was not, he was bound to say, a thorough going freetrader in that sense, and he did wish that there should be a little more consideration for the interests of the producing classes of this country in matters of this kind. He thought that immediate admission of these foreign goods to the diminution, perhaps the extinction, of some of their own trades, though perhaps right in principle, was, never theless, in its application, a hard measure, and one which he should have been w illing to see somewhat delayed and modified. The third portion of Mr. Gladstone's budget consisted in the proposed abolition of the paper duties. He had as much dislike as anybody to excise, and be.. lieved that there was no mode of taxation more ver a . tious to the producer, and he should be glad to see the abolition of this duty upon any articles, providing they did not sacrifice too large a portion of the revenue. He was aware that the House of Commons had previously decided that the paper duty was &bad one and ought to be repealed, and he agreed with that decision not only because it was an excise duty, but also because it in some degree checked popular literature and damaged the cheap press ; but ho did not think the revenue of th e country was n such a position that they could afford to make a sacrifice on account of the French Treaty, and the reduction of the customs' duties, and also repeal the duty on paper, and he therefore voted against it. He was thus placed in a different position to the majority of the Liberal members who voted ' for it, in considering the question which arose upon the rejection of the bill by the House of Lords. As far as the thing itself was concerned, he could not regtret that decision, but he did regret that anything was done which should give any appearance of collision between the two Houses. The House of Lords had, no doubt, the letter of the constitution in their favour, but he did not think they had the spirit, for the rejection of the abolition of the tax could scarcely be considered different in its effect from the rejection of the tax itself. The House of Lords, however, would never have done this if they had believed that the abolition of the paper duty was unanimously or even much desired by the voice of the people. Mr. Milnes proceeded to allude to the Church-rate Bill, stating that he had never, before the last session, supported a bill for the entire aboli tion of these rates. Ho had done so partly out of deference to the wishes of his constituents, and also because he wished to see the question settled. Mr. Milnes went on to notice some of the committees upon which he had served, and concluded his speech by a reference to the cession of Sav oy and Nice, and the independence of Italy. As to th e fi rst question, he knew that if it had been diplomatically con sidered from the first, instead of being made the object of violent and useless protestation in th e House of Commons, Switzerland would have saved the provinces which had been taken from her, and Nice, he believed, would have remained as part of Italy. With regard to the second question, they were every day reading about. Gari baldi, that wonderful man and great and hon es t warr i or, his who went out, as it were , upon own account, and would end, by the blessing of God, in constituting a great king dom in Italy. He had had the pleasure of seeing and shak ing and honest awdintheveGrasreibenal.di,Haendhaadraboeree sin raised up by Pro- P o ssessed that simplicity ail o r h a h n e d h s o v ' f i d minden ce fora and honesty gr eat ob object, t, purposeand h which c ou ld a l one render e him woithy of being the saviour of his country. Let thorn do honour to him ; let them do honour to the King of Sar dinia, and especially to that great minister, whose wisdom, he trusted, would be crowned with the fullest and most complete success. Mr. Childers, M.P., subsequently addressed the meeting At the conclusion of the speeches of the hon. members, a vote of thanks to them was carried with acclamation. ery i 1 'al I lrysta itto Bc Ditto oriole zehecit D.tto Ditto :elgian, iutch E On I 'any NS aord aughter Tanddat he Lord ?ard. 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