The Sun. — London, England, 1860-06-18 00:00:00

GOngß ATT WESTERN RAILWAY.- SURDAY, the 23d of June, an EXCURSION TRAIN will leave Paddington, at 6.40 p.m. and Brentford at 6.45 p.m. for Bath. (Fares, 12s. and 65.), and Bristol (14s. and 75.), returning on Monday , the 25th June, at 5.30 p.m. from Bristol, and 0.0 p.m. from Bath. GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY.- On SUNDAY, June 24th, an EXCURSION TRAIN will leave Paddington at 7.30 a.m. ; Brentford, at 7.35 a.m. ; and Reading, at 8.35 a.m., for Cirencester and Stroud (fares 9s and ss), Gloucester and Cheltenham (10s and 6s), Ross and Hereford (12s and 8s), returning from Hereford at 6.30 p.m. the same day. GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY.— CHEAP EXCURSION to the WEST of ENGLAND, offering facilities for visiting Tavistock, Truro, Penzance, Land's End, ttc. On Saturday, June 23, an Excursion Train will leave Paddington at 6.30 a.m. for Weston-super-Mare, Righbridge, Bridgewater, and Taunton, fares 20s. and 14s. ; Tiverton and Exeter, 225. 6d. and 16s. ; Barnstaple and Bide ford, 30s. and 20s. ; Starcross, Dawlish, and Tynemouth, 255. and 17s. ; Newton, Torquay, Paignton, and Totness, 275. and 18s. ; and Kingsbridge-road and Plymouth, 30s. and 205., re turning on Saturday, June 30, from Plymouth at 6 a.m. ' and intermediate stations as per hand-bill. Passengers wishing to proceed to any station on the Tavistock, Cornwall, or West Cornwall Railways, will be furnished, upon production of their Excursion Tickets at Plymouth, with Ist, 2nd, and 3d Class RETURN TICKETS available for return up to the 29th of June inclusive, at a single fare for the double journey. L AW LIFE ASSURANCE OFFICE, Fleet-street, London, 28th May, 1860. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, That in conformity with the provisions of the Deed of Settlement a GENERAL MEETING of Proprietors will be held at the Society's Office, Fleet-street, London, on SATURDAY, the 23d day of June next, at 12 o'clock at noon precisely, to elect a Trustee in the room of Philip Martineau. Esq., deceased; to elect six Direc tors and two Auditors, when those who go out of office by rotation will be proposed for re-election; and for general purposes. By order of the Directors. WILLIAM SAMUEL DOWNES, Actuary. PURSUANT to a Decree of the High Court of Chancery, made in a cause of "Gibson v. Shaw," the creditors of "William Gibson. late of Baker's Coffeehouse, Lombard-street, in the City of London, Tavern Keever, who died on or about the month of D ecember, 1849, are - by their Solicitors, on or before the 12th day of July, 1860, to come in and prove their debts at the Chambers of the Master of the Rolls, in the Rolls'-yard, Chancery4ane, Middlesex; or, in default 'hereof, they will be peremptorily excluded from the benefit of the said Decree. Monday, the 16th day of July, 1860, at twelve o'clock at noon, at the said Chambers, - is appointed for hearing and adjudicating* upon the claims. Dated this 14th day of June, 1860. GEO. WHITING, Chief Clerk. PHILIPS and ANDREW, 44, Lincoln's-inn-fields, Plaintiff's Solicitors. WASHINGTON FRIEND'S GRAND TOUR of 5,000 MILES in CANADA. and the UNITED STATES.—The Falls of Niagara and the River St. Lawrence, including a truthful representation of that stupendous work, the VICTORIA TUBULAR BRIDGE, at Montreal. Ex traordinary Illustrations of American, Indian, Emigrant, and Negro Life, &c., &c., with his Songs, Anecdotes, and Melo dies, Daily, at 3 and 8 o'clock.—St. James's Hall, Piccadilly.— Dress Stalls, 3s. ; Area, 2c ; Gallery, Is. —Places may be secured at Austin's West-end Ticket-office. Secretary—Mr. W. H. EDWARDS. LAST FEW WEEKS. CHRISTY'S MINSTRELS, Polygraphic Hall, King William-street, Strand.—Farewell Season in Lon - ion, previous to the retirement of Mr. J. W. Raynor on the 2d of August.—Every Evening at 8, and every Saturday Morning at 30 - clock. Tickets and places may be secured at the Hall from 11 till 4, and at Mr. Austin's West-end Box office, St. James's Hall, Piccadilly.—Sole Proprietor and Manager, Ur. J. W. RAYNOR. ROYAL CREMORNE GARDENS.- Open at 3.—One ShiIIing.—INCREASED ATTRAC TIONS.—First appearance of the talented Delepierre Family. —Astounding performances of the Delevanti,Acrobats. — First Grand Juvenile Fete, Thursday, June 21st. and Balloon Ascent of the Prince of Wales, with Elizabethan Sports and Dances on the lawn, on which occasion there will be extra performances at earlier hours.—Fireworks at 10, daily.— Ballet.—Eques t rianism.—Concert.— PolettL—Mahomet.—Al- Fresco Bal.—Fireworks.—Dinners from 3.—Suppers from 9. —The Ashbnrnham Pavi'ion available for Entertainments, Balls, Fancy Fairs, and Fetes in a d of Charitable Institutions after the Licensed Victuallers' Schools Dinner on the 27th. A RGYLL ROOMS, Windmill-street, Picea dilly.—Open every Evening . , with the'celebrated Band conducted by Mons. Lamotte (chef d'orchestra to the Em perm Napoleon). A maznificent SMOKING SALOON added to this Establishment. Doors open at 8 o'clock. Ad mission, ls. Licensed pursuant to Act of Parliament. T HE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ROOMS, HIGH HOLBORN. This Establishment, pre-eminently distinguished for the elegance and matchless beauty of its decorations, combined with the perfeetion of its management, is OPEN EVERY EVENING fbr DANCING. The celebrated band, under the direction of Mr. W. M. Packer, plays a nightly-varied selec tion of the met approved classical and modern music. Doors open ;at half-past 8. Overture at 9. Closing at; 12 punctually. Admission, is. CONTRACTS FOR SUGAR, COCOA, AND WHEAT, Department of the Comptroller for Victualling and Transport Services, Somerset-house, 15th June, MO. ITIHE COMMISSIONERS for EXECUTING the -I- OFFICE of LORD HIGH ADMIRAL of the UNITED KINGDOM of GREAT BRITAIN and IRELAND, DO HEREBY GIVE NOTICE. That on MONDAY, the 2d July next, at half-past One o'Clock, they will be ready to treat with such Persons as may be willing to Contract for supplying and delivering into her Majesty's Victualling Stores at Dept ford, the undermentioned articles, viz : SUGAR COCOA l5O „ WHEAT 3,e00 Quarters. When to be Delivered.—Half of each in Three Weeks, and the remainder in Three Weeks afterwards, or earlier if pre ferred by the party tendering. Tenders may be made for the whole or any portion of the articles. Their Lordships reserve to themselves the power, when the Tenders are opened, of contracting either for the whole, or for such part thereof only as they may deem fit, or for a treater quantity, or of not contracting for any, and also an unlimited power of selection. The Sugar and Cocoa, to be exempted from the Customs' Duties, and parties tendering are to state where they are re spectively lying. Samples of the Cocoa (not less than Two Pounds) and of the Wheat (not less than Two Quarts) must be produced by the parties tendering. Each Tender for Sugar must specify the mark and landing number of each Cask or Package, the ship in which imported, and the country or place of its growth or produce, and an average sample (not less than two pounds for each import mark) must be produced by the parties tendering, and not an average of different marks or several imports, and any parcel that is found not to be of the same mark or average quality as the sample tendered and accepted, will be rejected by the officers. The samples produced by persons whose tenders are not accepted, are requested to be taken away by them immedi ately after the Contract has been decided. NoTender will be received unless made on the Printed Form provided for the purpose ; and which may be obtained on ap plication at the said office, or to the Officer conducting the Packet Service at Liverpool, or to the Collector of Customs at Bristol. Particular attention is called to the recent modifications of the Conditions of the Contracts, which may be seen at the said Office, and at Liverpocl and Bristol. No Tender will be received after half-past One o'clock on the day of treaty ; and it will not be required that the party tendering, or an agent on his behalf, should attend at the Office on the day of Contract, as the result of the offer re ceived from each person will be communicated to him and his proposed sureties in writing. Every Tender must be addressed to the Secretary of the Admiralty, and bear in the left-handcorner the words " Ten der for ," and must also be delivered at Somerset-house. WEDDING STATIONERY, including every requisite.—Beautiful and elegant designs by DE LA RIIE and Co. A sample packet and price list sent free. No charge for carriage on orders over 20s. The London Depot for De La Rue and Co.'s manufactures—HENßY GOOD'S, 60, Moorgate-street, E.C. Card plates and crest dies engraved in the first style. and note papers beautifully embossed incoloured relief, or if plain, stamped without charge. An illustrated catalogue will be forwarded free on application. PRESENTS. —ORNAMENTAL and SCIEN TIFIC.—ORNAMENTS for the Drawing-room, Library, and Dining-room, consisting of anew and elegant assortment of VASES, Figures, Groups, Candlesticks, Obelisks, Inkstands, beautiful inlaid Tables, Paperweights, &c., in I alian,Alabas ter, Marble, Bronze, Derbyshire Spar, &c. Imported and manufactured by JAMES TENNANT, Mineralogist to her Majesty, 149, Stand, W.C., London. Mr. Tennant arranges elementary collections of SHELLS, MINERALS, and FOSSILS, which will greatly facilitate the interesting study of MINERALOGY, CONCHOLOGY, and GEOLOGY, at 2,5, 10, 20, 50, to 100 guineas each. PRACTICAL INSTRUCTION in GEOLOGY and MINE RALOGY is given by Mr. TENNANr, at 149, Strand, W.C. RUPTURES.—BY ROYAL LETTERS PATENT. WHITE'S MOC-MAIN LEVER TRUSS is allowed by upwards of 200 Medical Gentlemen to be the most effective invention in the curative treatment of HERNIA. The use of a steel spring, so often hurtful in its effects, is here avoided—a soft bandage being worn round the body, while the requisite resisting power is supplied by the Moc-Main Pad and Patent Lever, fitting with so much ease and closeness that it cannot be detected, and may be worn during sleep. A descriptive circular may be had:: tnd the truss, which cannot fail to fit, forwarded by post, on the cir cumference of the body, two inches below the hips, being sent to the manuffieturer, Mr. WHITE, 229, Piccadilly. A Single Truss, 165., 215., 265. 6d., and 31s. 6d. Postage, ls. " A Double Truss, 31s. 6d., 425., and 525. 6d. Postage, is Bd. An Umbilical Truss, 425. and 525. ed. Postage , is. 10d. P o st-office Orders to be made p a y able to John White, Post office, Piccadilly. ELASTIC STOCKINGS, KNE E-CAPS, &e., f or Varicose Veins and all cases of Weakness and Swelling of the Legs, Sprains, &c. They are porous, light in texture, and inexpensive, and are drawn o n like an ordinary stocking. Price 3s. 641., 7s. 6d., 10s., and 16s. each. Postage 6d. JOHN WHITE, Manufacturer, 228, Piccadilly. a. GREAT BIARLBO RE ROUGH-STET; W., NEAR THE PANTHEON. DR: CULVERWELL, Member o f the Ro y al th College of Surgeons, Licentiate of Midwifery, and Apo aboverieos' Hall, London, can be consulted daily (only) . as Less of ;Tal]. oases of Nervous Debility, Languor , InCaPaCitY, Memory, Sterility , and all Functional Derangements of both Sexes, eman a ti ng' from early and excessive indul gences, Has Just published, price is. ; by post, 18 gam 18 sealed, An entire new and original Work, entitled OURSELVES. Synopsis : The Physiology and Anatomy of our Generation The Origin of Disease—Symptoms, Treatment, and Cure. Also, an Exposition of, and Remedy for, all Urinary Derange ments and Marital Disqualifications, . - The modern treatment of MALE Syphilis, Stricture, Blennorrhagta (Gonorrhoea), Spermatorrhcea, Impacncy, and all Diseases of the Urinary Organs, with Prescriptions, &a FEMALE. The Physiology and Anatomy of Women— -Functional Ir regularities in Health and Sickness —Choice in Marriage— Their Expectancies and Disappointments—Twt Cause and Removal of Sterility—The Theory and Symptoms of esta tica—Use of the Speculum, and the securing of Healthy off s pring. Also, No. L HEALTH, HAPPINESS, and LONGEVITY; On Debility, Nervousness, Dyspepsia, and Indigestion, No. 2.' LOVE AND MARRIAGE : Their Obligations, Happiness, and Disappointments ; L ove d other Mtches. Sterility Removed, and Healthy Off :;ring secured.' No. S. THE CASE BOOK : 100 Cases of SPERMATORRIREA, Their Causes, Symptoms, and Treatment, Confessions and Cure by Cauterisations, Galvanism, &e. &e. Sre. To be had of Mann, 30, Cornhill ; and the Authors. AdYlOO to the Working Classes, fee Half-a-Guinea: r4ARIBALDI FPND.- kA Having been appointed by General Garibaldi to receive and forward Subscriptions for " I millioni fucili" (the million muskets), I beg to state that I am ready to receive and duly remit any sues of money that may be subscribed for the above object. Sums already received. From Glasgow, first F. N. Fordham..... .£1 1 0 instalment ...... £2OO 0 0 ' Harry 8r0wne...... 2 2 '0 P. A. Taylor lOO 0 0 T. Z. Wilson. 1 1 i 0 W. H. Ashurst .. lO 0 0 Wm. Hammond.... 1 1 0 Wm. Pare S. H. Braysher .... 1 1 OW. C. Vivian 2 0 0 Mappin & C 0....... 5 0 OJ. V. Porter G. Hyde 4 Four Protestant Liberty Englishmen .... 6 6 0 Professor F. W. J. H. Dillon ...... 5 0 0 Newman 2O 0 0 W. Jackson .... .... 5 0 0 Two Sisters lO 0 0, Charles Buxton, Frank Dillon 5 0 Cl M.P ICO 0 0 Subscribed in a S. Statham .. Rawlinson Gustav Arder...... 010 0 W. Shaen 5 0 '0 C. M'Culloch ...... 1 0 0 P. M. Hart andfour A. M. F. C. Rev. J. P. M. 1 0 0 tants L. T. S. T James Epps T. Horlock Bastard 10 0 0 T. Williams. I 0 James Powell and J. J. Colman 5 5 0 friends Adam Skirving,r .... 5 0 0 Elizabeth Wood 5 5 0 Henry Fordham .. 1 1 6 Linda White 3 3 0 0, Old Jewry, London. W. H. ASHURST, Treasurer. 5 0 WI No. 21,184. PUBLICATIONS. NEW NOVEL BY CAPTAIN WRAXALL. Now ready at all the Libraries, in 3 vols., ONLY A WOMAN, By Capt. LASCELLES WRAXALL. Hurst and Blackett, publishers, successors to Henry Col burn, 13, Great Marlborou,gh-street. THE LATE SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART. Just published, in post Bfo., price Bs. 6d. cloth, Q KETCH of the LIFE and CHARACTER of kJ SIR ROBERT PEEL, Bart. By the Right Hon. Sir LAITRENCE PEEL. London : Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts. Just published, in fcp. Bvo., price 3s. 6d., cloth, ENOCH : a Poem, in Three Books. ROBERT STAFFORD, London : Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts, Just published, in fep. Svo., price 4s. Gd. cloth, A. HE HA. NDYBOOK of, the CIVIL SERVICE. by EDWARD WALFORD, M.A., late Scholar of Balliol College, Oxford, Author of " Handbook of the Greek Drama," &c. London : Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberta. THE ENGLISH CONSTITITTION AND LAWS OF THE _ _ REALM. On Saturday next will be published, in fcp. Syp., HANDBOOK of the CONSTITUTION ; Being a short account of the Rise, Progress, and Pre sent State of the Laws of England. By ALFRED I'. HENS MAN, Barrister-at-Law. _ _ * * 4 This work is intended for general readers, young and old ; and it attempts to set forth briefly and popularly the great principles on which the English form of government is founded. London : Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts. NEW PARTS OF GLEIG'S SCHOOL SERIES, Published this day, in Milo., price Od. sewed, ABOOK of BIOGRAPHY, comprising Lives of S. Crompton, the Inventor of the Mule Jenny ; W. Herschel, the Astronomer ; Hugh Miller, the Geologist ; G. Stephenson. the Engineer ; and P. Beaver, of the Royal Navy. By the Rev. G. R. GLEIG, M.A. Also, in 18mo, with 261 Diagrams, price ls. sewed, 1:11r1 RACTICAL GEOMETRY for the use of Schools and Adult Classes, Artists, Artisans, and Stu dents of Architecture. By T/IOMAS TATE, F.R.A.S., late of Kneller Training College, Twickenham. *** The above two works form part of the School Series in course of publication edited by the Rev. G. R. GLEIG, M.A., Chaplsin-General to her Majesty's Forces. London : Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts. This day is published, THE LUCK OF LADYSMEDE. In Two Volumes, Post Octavo. Originally Published in " Blackwood's Magazine. William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh and London. GOVERNMENT upon FIRST PRINCIPLES. Illustrated Analogically, Statistically, and Morally. By JOHN GROSSMITH. This work embodies a wide field for information, not only upon Social and Moral subjects, but upon a great variety of questions which are essentially incorpot ated with the politi cal discussions of the day, in connection with the Commerce, Trade, and Taxation of the country. Statesmen and lovers of intelligent progress will find in it a compilation of facts well worthy their attention. London : Piper and Co., Paternoster-row. Just published, 1 vol., Svo., price la., .DR. FORBES WINSLOW'S NEW WORK, ON OBSCURE DISEASES of -the BRAIN and MIND; their Incipient Symptoms, Treatment, "This will be the future British Text-book on mental and cerebral pathology. It is the most important work that has appeared in this country,for many years in relation to subtle affections of the mind and obscure and insidious diseases of the brain. It should be carefully read and closely stigned."— The Lancet. J. Churchill, New Burlington-street Just published, price 25., free by post, 2s. 4d., ON SPERMATORRHCEA. By F. B. COURTENAY, And formerly , Surgeon to the Metropolitan Infirmary for the Cure of Strictures of the Urethra. " The aim of the author is to present a common-sense view of the Causes, Nature, Consequences, and Treatment of this Disease, as also to free these questions from the Professional Fallacies, the Popular Delusions, and the exaggerations of Quackery by which they have hitherto been surrounded, to the destruction of the health and happiness of thousands. These objects are discussed in a common-sense and highly practical manner."—Medical Circular. London : H. Bailliere, 219, Regent-street.' A New Edition of THE PHILOSOPHY OF MARRIAGE. By JOSEPH KAHN, Gre.uate in Medicine, Surgery, and Midwifery in the Royal and Imperial University of Vienna, Erlangen, &c. This popular work (which has been translated into four dif ferent languages) has now gone through 41 Editions of 10,00) each, and is designed to impart accurate knowledge on sub ects which involve the means of securing moral and physical appiness. Price is., or post free for 12 stamps direct from e Author, 17, Harley-street, Cavendish-square, London, W. AUX VILLES DE FRANCE, PARIS, 101, Rue Richelieu, and 51, Rue Vivienne, The confidential House of the Parisian Aristocracy. LYONS SILKS. MANTLES, CLOAKS, and Ready-made Articles. LINGENE and LAUE. FRENCH CACHEM E RE. FANCY STUFFS. PARIS MADE GLOVES, And new FANCY TISSUES, in the first style. LADIES' DRESSES made to measure in the newest . Parisian Fashions. The Prices are invariably fixed, as well on the Goods as for making up. A BOON TO NERVOUS SUFFERERS. JUST PUBLISHED FOR GRATUITOUS CIRCULATION, a new edition of 20,000 copies of THE WARNING VOICE. By HENRY SMITH, Doctor of Medi cine of the Royal University of Jetta. &c. A Medical Work on the Causes, Symptoms, and Cure of Nervous Debility, Loss of Memory, Dimness of Sight, Lassitude, Indigestion:Blush ing, Dlidike of Society, Thoughts of Self-destruction, Fears of Insanity, and all other Mental or Nervous Disorders, which, if neglected, or improperly treated, result in consump tion and premature death. Post free to any address, se sure from observation, on receipt of a stamped directed envelope. Sent direct from the Author's residence, 8, Burton-crescent , Tavistock-square, London, W.C. OYAL NATIONAL LIFEBOAT 1- INSTITUTION.—The Committee of this Institution earnestly APPEAL t 3 the pnblth for PECUNIARY ASSIST ANCE to aid them to meet the present heavy demands on the limited funds of the Society. It has now 103 lifeboats, some of which saved last year 227 persons from shipwreck. THOMAS BARING, Chairman. THOMAS CHAPMAN, Deputy-Chairman. 14, John-street, Adelphi, W.C., June, 1860. Bankers—Messrs. Willis and Co. ; Coutts and Co. ; Herries and Co. • ROYAL FREE HOSPITAL ! , Gray's-inn-road. This Hospital is entirely devoted to destitution in its most 1 pitiable form, viz., that which is accompanied by sickness and disease, and is now of sufficient magnitude that, with ade quate support, it may be rendered capable of admitting into its wards a very large proportion of thou casual sick of this great metropolis ; moreover , it gratusly affords medic advice and medicine to more, on the average, than 2,000 out patients a week. Contributions received by the Treasurer, Eiwd. Masterman, Esq., Nicholas-lane ; also by Mesys. Coutts and Co. ; Drum mond and Co. ; Herries and Co. ; Ransom and Co. ; cot , Pres Grote, and Co. ; Smith, Payne, and Co. ; Glyn and Jones, Lloyd and Co. ; Barclay and Co. ; Denison and Co. ; Williams, Deacon, and Co. ; Overend , Gurney, and Co. ; Nis bet and Co., Berner's-street ; Masterma n and Co. ; and at the Hospital. STANFORD S. SMITH, Sec. MEDICAL ADVICE. fIR. LA'MERT, Registered L.S.A., Honorary' 11l Member of the London Hospital Medical Society, M.D. of the University of Erlangen, -Am, may be CONSULTED' on all cases of Debility, Nervousness, and on the Secret In fi rm ities of Youth and Maturity, from Eleven till Two, and. from Six till Eight, at his residence, 37, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON _ . Dr. La'Mert has just published, price Sixpence, with nu merous Engravings and Cases , a New Edition of his Work SELF-PRESERVATION, which will be sent free,sealed foreenvlope. by Mann, 3Th Cornhill, London, or by the Author, Eight stamps. CONTENTS. SECTION I.—The PhySiolo2 - ,y of the Generative Organs. SECTION II. —Puberty--Manhood -The Morale of Genert tVC Physiology —True and False Morality. SECTION 111. —Marriage in its Moral, Social, and Physics:.? Relations—lts EXpeetalleleS and Disappointments—Advan tages of Physical Contrasts in securing Healthy Offspring. SECTION 7V.—Sp of and Impotence—The mum" of Sterility in both Sexes—Self-inflicted Miseries. SECTION V. -The Vices of Schools—Effecta of c nicious habits on the mental and general facultiesertain per- SECTION Vl.—Treatment of Nervous and Generative De bility—lmpotence and Sterility—Dangerous Results off various Hazardous Specifics—The Author's Principles of Treatment; Medical, Dietetic, and General, derived from Twenty Years' successful practice' The above work is intended for the pe rusal of those who, have in early life been induced to swerv e from the sutilit tric twos t rules) 'of morality. In its pages facts of par amount y brought together, wholly divested of tne delusions and inew3 sistencies so largely introduced into oertain quasi mine publications given to the world gratis, under the guise of philanthropy, or as " acts of gratitude," by pretended clerg 1- men and others, whose tamperings with the conStitUtion a re , frequently followed by serious wusequeuceii• ~ -e-'6-' ,~ ' ~~- y lirntte:oreeffs.et: IN EIVS PAPEh ...--- -----;;_,...- 7- - • 0 " 17."-..--- '----- .„--- „,- , • hh„._ - ---„ N ---. „---- ..›,., ; le....tg_i_l____ 1 .et.. f ' .... :. 441 , 1 ... _ 77. , . ~ n+ ,/, ... ~. er , .. $6 4 . ( .0.,,, ,-,-t. IN. la. ,4? - 4' ~„,„, t • ' a t ' . 31 4 e ' -, .. Ark/iIM4 : , p: ' *ti, 4s". ea . sure of a steady, _ ,o 4 it ,\,, , , , I . .N. ~,_,‘ , ..A. , W. , :iji) , _ V ; " V f" Vv , ..5.1 il_ea ,,,aN' o •:'qk , fa , 4 i , 4 „....." ,I" 1 %; - -., 4 e' ' • I ' r ' ' ' , 40 a - , 04414 _ . . . ~.. ; W i pu t r o ch ln a a se in rs ta . i n as i',., --, _„.„. ----- , ~ • ' .:, .. : ..k . c „ tr i- '-:-_ ~TAlkiliv , -..- '. 1 .(.,„"* . - 40.. . . s it o i b : 6 ln t il h u taill eh th t e h at s e e ..--,,.. if : A. \ -... , - 1 ' 4 .,` .r " ,•,- ON , z - -, sl' ‘ ;g „ , ~- . - ` 10i,,g,': ~411,0 4.-7, . . -'. ‘ l ` , ' , o [l- - . 4,- \ -- - . - '"' • ' 1 ' 1 " , - 4, 4 7;?.?, w -- , -- 1 - --7. Yelisfi, - t o.'' •','„*.s'. -IROIT tss V %"' --- :*,A t !, _.. ~ ..,,, , - - vii r''. , 1 , •:! ''''' 'C''' . ' ..... • ' C e c.'S 1 W hIE ' l "' k r izi,f,: .. t- ' , ekt \ .. . ... • 447 ."'''' r a NI Si: enable lit AL",,g,...h_e id them year by year. If tle higher in, Term, Annuities advantages, and will therefore be though moderate, sale among such If, therefore, it is really hopeless surplus revenue, and to apply it with consistent regularity to the purchase of Consols, we must relinquish an idea of an efficient sinking fund, and sell as many Terminable Annuities as the market will bear from time to time—not as the best ex pedient imaginable, but as the least costly method that is practicable. It will be singular if there is a new creation of Terminable Annuities in 1860, but if needful so it must be. PRICE 4 D . STAMPED, SD. oppressed nations, and to excite the democrats against the empire. But if this hypothesis had a shadow of truth we should not dare to quote the following phrase, for it would be a crime:— "What is going on in France ? Will there not be a second Orsini ? Are not the republicans about to attempt something to overthrow the tyrant ?"—Aug. 20, 1859. LORD OURSTONE ON THE RESULTS OF INVASION. xx. God forbid that we should carry up the responsibility of those imprudences too far ! The police itself has been more unskilful than guilty, for it has not been able to conceal its most secret papefs from the vigilance of honest men. But the Prussian Government will do wisely to direct their func tionaries not to continue in such tortuous paths, which are not without danger. • Every one now knows that if Orsini had succeeded in his criminal attempt he would have assassinated the future liberator of Italy, and done his country more harm than good. It may be also said that if MM. De Puttkarnmer, De Boerensprung, and Post, without any bad intention, and from unintelligent zeal, had raised up a second Orsini, they would have deprived Prussia of a very useful ally, who is perhaps called on to render her very great services, pro vided she lends herself to it. The following extract from the replies of Lord Overstone to queries put to him by the Commis sioners of National Defences will have much in terest for our readers " 2d. Question 2 asks my opinion of the probable effects of the occupation of London by an invading army,—books, security, and public property having been previously removed, and private property being respected by the invader. . . _ . " I cannot contcxnplate or trace to its consequences such a supposition. My only answer is,—it must never be. In proportion as a country has advanced in civilization, and in commercial andmanufactur ing prosperity, the m e t ro poli s of than country, be comes more and more intimately connected with all the operations and interests of the whole com munity; it becomes the centre, the heart of the entire social and industrial system. The move ments of the central city become connected by an indefinite number of the most delicate links with the daily transactions of every town in the empire. Rueve illa non possunt et non hcec eodem labefaetata nzolu cooeidant. " An invading army occupying London will be in possession of the centre of our Governmental system, the centre of internal communication, the centre in which a large proportion of the transac tions of the whole country is daily adjusted, the centre of our financial system ; and, as Woolwich must of course be included in the fate of London, the enemy will hold the great depot of our military resources. Can any doubt exist as to the effects of this ? On dit that the Emperor had a copy of About's pamphlet sent to the Emperor of Prussia, and to the other Sovereigns about to assemble at Baden, several days ago, in order to do away with the awkwardness of " breaking ground. " - The pamphlet was sent beforehand to clear the way. Relate fell 5 centimes. " But the enemy will respect private property, and will endeavour to allay alarm, to restore confi dence, to obviate confusion, and to give to his pre sence the character of a purely military occupa tion. What, it is asked in question 5, will be the results of this ? " I believe that in the case supposed there would exist a prevalent feeling that the fatal blow had been struck; that the deep humiliation had been sustained; that the means of satisfying his exac tions are under the command of the enemy ; that the means of further and effectual resistance are, doubtful, while the calamities attending it are cer tain and overwhelming. Under these circumstances, many, no doubt with a noble spirit, would counsel determined and persevering resistance at all hazards and under any sacrifice ; but many would deem such courage to be recklessness, and would think the time come for bending under the blow, and that no rational alternative remains but that of purchasing the withdrawal of the enemy upon the best terms that could be obtained. Which of these ccnfiicting views would prevail I cannot un dertake to determine. " The effects, however, of a country thus humi liated, paral3,sed, dispirited, and divided in opinion would not, I fear, lead to any Satisfactory result. " The safety of the country, as much as its ho nour, require that the integrity of the empire be defended on the sea principally, and in the first instance; and in case of any serious mishap there, we must be prepared to fight the battle upon the first inch of ground upon which a foreign foe sets his hostile foot. Our riches, the complicated nature of our social and monetary system, the limited ex tent of our country, the necessity of internal order and confidence for the maintenance of our manu facturing population, would, I fear, be found to render a prolonged conflict upon our own soil per haps impracticable, at all events fatal to all that constitutes the power, the wellbeing, and the hap piness of the country. "3. A serious apprehension of invasion, still more the actual landing of an invading army in force, would, I apprehend, necessitate the immediate suspension of specie payments by the Bank of Eng land ; this would be followed by the prevalence of monetary alarm, partaking more or less, according to circumstances, of the character of panic. Money would be withdrawn from savings banks, from country banks, from all parties holding money at call. To meet these demands Government securi ties must be brought to market in unusual quanti ties at a time when the credit of the Government would be shaken, and the disposition to in vest in Governm‘nt securities would from the same cause be seriously checked. The consequence is ob:: vious ; a heavy fall in the price of public securities, a prostration of public credit, and grievous incon venience, amounting not improbably to the absolute suspension of the usual course of monetary opera tions. " In this country the use of money is economised by various complicated expedients to an extent in finitely greater than in any other country. The effi ciency of these expedients depends upon the undis turbed state of social order and public ccnfidence ; they would be at once paralysed by any serious in vasion of the country. More money would be re quired for the purposes of circulation when more money could not be had ; and the existing amount of money would be rapidly secreted for safety. Money, and the substitute for money, credit, would disappear simultaneously. To what extent would this go ? No man can say beforehand. But these re sults would be more disastrous in England than in. any other country, on account of the complicated character of our monetary arrangements, which renders the whole system peculiarly sensitive to any movement tending to produce disorder or discredit. 4. The fourth question directs attention to the effect which an invasion of England may be ex pected to produce upon the prosperity of other coun tries, and the strong reaction which it is supposed this might cause against the author of the aggres sion. " I cannot doubt that the consequences of any blow inflicted upon the prosperity of England would be felt, and seriously felt, through every quarter of the globe to which trade and commerce have pene trated. A large portion of the productive energies of the world are sustained by British capital and British credit. Look at our annual exports, amount ing to about 100,000,000 of sterling value. This indicates the extent to which other countries de rive the supply of their necessaries or their luxu ries from British industry. Look again at our annual imports, swelling to the same amount, and thus showing the extent to which other coun tries find a market for their products in British prosperity. The country from which these gigantic transactions emanate cannot be seriously injured without disastrous consequences to every country which directly or indirectly has held intercourse with her. Such is the beneficent law of interna tional commercial intercourse; all trading countries have a common interest in the progressive pro sperity of their neighbours, and no doubt can be entertained that the effects of a blow which an in vasion of England would inflict upon our commer cial prosperity must vibrate through the whole trading world. Bat these effects will be very slightly estimated by anticipation ; it is only after the fatal occurrence other nations will fully recog nise the extent to which their interests are involved in the well-being of this country. Our safety must in no degree be left dependent upon the precarious and tardy sympathy of other countries. The aid to be derived from this source wilLarise after the evil has been consummated. With ourselves alone must rest the defence of our country. " We have every inducement to make our system of national defence complete and effectual, because the calamities and misery which a successful inva sion of England must produce would be far more serious than any of which the world has yet had ,xnerience." ERK OF THE WEATHER OFFI CE. (From Punch.) • Notice is hereby given that in consequence of the Zodiac being taken up for repairs, there will be no Summer or Autumn this year. All contracts made on the understanding that the Seasons would go on as usual, hirings of country houses, and of moors, arrangements for tours, promises to marry, and the like, are null and void. The Winter quarter begins on the Ist of July proximo, and terminates some time next year. -(Signed) PHEBUS APOLLO. "HousEliot,D llrsTs.—We observe that the mem bers of the coal trade are busy pushing their business, and we glean from a circular bring dispersed amongst the nume rous connections of the Messrs. George J. Cockerell and C. , ., the following useful particulars:—" A long and severe winter which has enormously increased the consumption of coal, the exhausted state of the cellars of the consumer, and the increased sale of British coal in France under the re duced duty, forbid all hope of any fall in price, as is usual during the summer. The old adage, that the best is the cheapest,' applies with peculiar force to coals. They are the cleanest in the drawing-room, having less dust ; and in the dinie g-room their warmth is more pleasant and wholesome ; while in the kitchen they impart great heat, cooking quickly, and consquently are alike healthy and economical for rich and poor." In regard to the poor, Messrs. Cockerell have a suggestion worth the consideration of all of us.. 6' Those thus who purchase their coals now do a public se rvice, inasmuch as they relieve the pressure upon the winter trad e, and keep down prices." ~ ~C~ -~Z METHODS OF BORROWING. (From the Economist.) It has now become certain that there must be a Supply Budget. The Chinese war and the national defences are both contingencies which were not provided for by the first. It is also certain that the Supply Budget will contain a loan of some amount in some form or other ; and it is, therefore, a proper time to consider what are the, times and circumstances suited to particular methods of bor rowing, and what are not. No one ever thinks of such subjects except when money is to be raised by way of loan. Under ordinary circumstances we should be jus tified, we believe, in throwing a share of the cost of the present outlay on the national defences upon posterity. They are in the nature of a permanent improvement. Other generations as well as ours will enjoy the benefit of them. If we are, as we believe, conferring a great benefit upon posterity, we may throw, as a general principle, some of the burden upon posterity likewise. There is, how ever, one great objection to our doing so. The National Debt has increased very materially during the last ten years. 'We borrowed for the purposes of the Russian war ; we burro wed in 1855, £14,520,327; and in 1856, £13,152,489. And the Sinking fund of £1,506,000, which was to have been applied annually out of the surplus revenue to the liquidation of this debt, has been abolished. The requisite surplus revenue has not been main tained, or has been diverted to other purposes. Now, whatever may be the merits or demerits of the Russian war, which we need not discuss now, it certainly was not a war so exceptional in its nature as to justify our charging posterity for ever with its cost. Every generation has its own little wars; it is obliged to engage in contests which do not menace its existence, which may not confer more than a temporary benefit, which are essen tially "evils of a day." Recent events prove how exactly the Russian war was of this kind. How much Turkey is strengthened by what was then done, how much now remains of the effect of the achievements before Sebastopol, are, at the best, doubtful questions. At the best we cannot believe that the result of our exertions will last many years longer. As we are throwing on posterity this charge of more than £27,000,000 sterling, which we are not justified in throwing, we should be cautious of burdening them with the cost of theimprovements of the national defences, how ever much, under other circumstances, we might have been justified in so doing. As to the cost of the present Chinese war, this is evidently a war of the moment, from which it would be absurd to ex pect consequences that a distant posterity will feel, and of which, therefore, we who are alive should bear the burden. We are, therefore, obliged to ask what are the best means of borrowing money which we really mean to pay. There are three modes of effecting this object, all of which have been tried within the last few years,—Exchequer Bonds, a Sinking Fund payable out of a real surplus, and Terminable Annuities. It is certain that the most economical course for the country is to borrow in Consols, and apply a 'surplus revenue annually to the purchase of Go- vernment securities, in the same manner in which any casual surplus that may occur within the year is already applied. This is the mode in which the loan is obtained on the best terms. It suits the dealers better. The great bulk of our national debt consists of Consols and other Three per Cent. stocks, and of these the dealer keeps a constant supply. He is always ready to sell them at a price, and always ready to buy them at a price. But if he were to attempt to keep a supply of miscellaneous Govern ment securities—of Terminable Annaities, some haring, l 0 years to run, some 20, some 30—or of bonds, some falling due next year, some the year after that—the capital which his business would require would be very great, much larger than it now is, and his profits would be the same. Every trader knows that it requires a much larger capital to deal in nine articles than to deal in one; to be always able to satisfy his customers with each he must hold a surplus stock in all. Particular cir cumstances in the stock-market make this stronger. All the great dealers there like to be able at any time to supply a purchaser with the Government securities in which they deal. In Consols this is easily effected. If a dealer contracts to sell more than he has of his own, the supply in the general market is so large that he can easily obtain what he requires at a reasonable rate. In securities I of which the quantity treated is small, there is no such facility. If a dealer contract to supply more of these than ho himself has, he will have a diffi culty in finding the few holders of the small supply which exists, and those few holders becoming aware of the contract he has made may ask very high prices. On these accounts the dealers of the Stock Exchange at present discourage all loans except in Three per Cent. Stocks ; and, as long as circum stances are unchanged they are likely to continue to do so. We cannot in England borrow except through contractors. Middlemen are essential in an ad vanced state of commerce. There are not here any hoarded sums to be drawn forth, as in France from secret holes and corners. We are dependent on the dealers, and it is certain, therefore, that borrowing in any other form than Consols is an expensive mode. The difficulty of this plan is the difficulty of securing the repayment. The creditors of the coun try cannot require payment, and the country is not anxious to pay. We may not discuss now who is to blame, whether it be the Cabinet, the Parliament, or the nation, but we all know the circumstances. It is a very difficult task in this country to main tain a surplus revenue for the purpose of repaying debt. The public do not distinctly feel the obliga tion of it. Our Administrations, as a rule are weak, they covet the popularity which may be obtained by a reduction of taxation. We cannot say that this difficulty becomes less. Of late years, on the contrary, there have been two increasing tenden cies. On the one hand, the House of Commons and the nation press on the executive Government an increase of expenditure. On the other hand, they loudly object to taxation—some to direct and some to indirect taxation. but almost all to taxation of some sort. Between these two tendencies the attempt to " muddle away our resources" in paying our debts is not likely to be successful. We own that we should like to see the true plan of a real sinking fund again tried. We never like to give up right principle. Still, the prospect, the calculation of the relative probability of success and of failure, is not favour able. If we are compelled to fall back on the two other species of temporary loans, we have cmclusive proof that Terminable Annuitie s are preferable i n this country to Exchequer Bonds. We can , ascer tain the worst of Ter minable Annuities. AN e raise them at such terms as Ave may; and pay them off by a process that is gradual—that is comparatively imperceptible. When they cease it is a great relief. But of Exchequer Bonßs it is impossible to know the worst. They may fall due at the most incon venient of all times, exactly when it is impossible to repay them, and scarcely possible to renew them. The market for both species of security is limited, and no large amounts of either could easily be " placed." It is some time before a new c reat i on, even of Consols, the most favourite security whi c h we have, sinks down to the ordinary consumer. Th e daily tendency of Terminable Annuities to depre ciation is a great objection to them. The holder has to make a continued reserve to counterbalance that depreciation, and this is a process and a diffi culty. But, on the other hand, the T erm i na bl e Annuities are suitable to a considerable class of regular investors—viz., insurance offices, who re quire a certain sum of money periodically for the purposes of their business, and prefer, therefore, that a certain percentage of their loans should be THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JUNE 18, 1860. li. ABOUT'S PAMPHLET. The following is M. About's pamphlet, which is considered as inspired from the same source as " La Question Romaine," and is creating a tremendous sensation, as there is not a shadow of doubt but that it faithfully sketches the plan which the French ruler is about to pursue to induce Prussia to yield to his blandishments : I. France and the Emperor have no other feelings than those of friendship towards the German nation. After the great wars of the first empire, Europe, as second in a he roic dud, having declared that the honour of the comba tants was satisfied, they gave each other the hand without rancour. Although the armies of Germany had covered themselves with glory the flag of France had suffered no hnmiliation. Jena was not surpassed by Leipsic, and the battles of 1813, 1814, and 1815 did not efface from history our triumphs of 1805. Alone the progress of enlightenment, our tempered manners, and the work of time would have sufficed to extinguish in all hearts the last spark of national hatred. We must even acknowledge having felt a deeper sympathy for the Germans in proportion as we have better known them. German philosophy reigns in our schools. Kante, Fichte, and Hegel, those great thinkers from beyond the Rhine, have dethroned the great talkers of eclecticism. In literature and poetry we both admire and love Goethe, Schiller, Lessing, Hoffmann, Henri Heine, Hacklaender, Uhland; and not long since a work by Gustave Freytag appeared in the Mbniteur of the French empire. Dr. Strauss, translated by M. Lithe ; Kreutzer, elucidated by M. Guignant, have taken their places among French mas ter spirits. Our learned men are honoured in correspond ing with Liebig, Vogt, Graefe, Diffenbach ; our sculptors and painters have rendered full justice to the talent of Ranch, of Kaulbach, and of Cornelius ; whilst Kraus and Winterhalter are our own by adoption. We not only con fess to an adoration of Mozart, Beethoven, Gluck, Haydn, and Weber, the masters of German music, but Meyerbeer reigns without a rival in our greatest lyric theatres; and the day in which Richard Wagner; unknown and not under stood, presented himself to us, the French composers politely withdrew to give place to him. It is not only to the illustrious names of Germany that France and its Sovereign can render justice. We have all for the mass of the people an affection founded upon esteem. This honest and laborious race, simple in its manners and honest in its relations, would have every claim to our friendship, even did we not know that German blood flows in the veins of the French people. 11. • Whether the Germans know it or not, the friendship of i a s n p a a t s i t o i n n l w ik h e ic o h ur th o e w ni n a i j s a t ti o-a tydeyf Frenchmen,of a certainva de lu sp e e . neTdheef their political rights for the benefit of a priVileged few, vainly pro tested against the ruin of our influence and the oppression of our enemies. It is not by the speeches of an useless op position in her Parliament, not by the cries of children in her streets, that Fruce manifests her good intentions to those she loves; it is by acts. We have seen her soldiers penetrate to the remotest parts of the Black Sea to delay the fall of the Ottoman empire, whilst ber diplomatists claimed from Tur key herself the civil and religious freedom of her Christian poulations. The deliverance of the Moldavians and Walla chians, and their union into a na' ion possessing all political rights, solely by the influence of our friendship and without shedding of blood, has not been forgotten. Italy, our august mother in civilisation and the fine arts, has, under the aus pices of Fiance, entered on the path of independence and unity. It is our armies who have opened out the way in which she now marches alone under the guidance of Pied anont. If God allows this great work to be accomplished, and a nation of 26,000,000 of inhabitants is organised at our gates, France will take no offence. Faithful to her generous traditions, she wi•Usacrifice her private susceptibilities to the gear ral welfare and for a peaceful future ; for European order will not be firmly established until the day in which there shall be neither nationalities oppressed nor kings insupportable to their subjects. Germany, like Italy, is impelled forwards by a legitimate aspiratirn in the path of progress and unity. Ancient feu dalism and modern diplomacy, and the selfishness and blind - ness of a swarm of petty princes, wha buy and sell their subjects as they would their flocks, has divided this great nation into a deplorable multitude of governments. Its laws, money, weights, and measures, its language, even— everything in this nation which should be homogeneous, is u - nlike and discordant. The nation suffers from this ab normal state. Its intelligence and its pride suffer with im patience an order of things so little in conformity with the spirit of the times, and more worthy of the 13th than the 19th century. tis in vain that the German princes, leagued together against the people, have formed a compact for the maintenance of their privileges. The Diet—that permanent conspiracy of feudalism—will not be always stronger than the nation. The German people have learned that it is useless, and almost ridiculous, to support 37 dif ferent governments when one alone would be sufficient. They foresee the enormous increase of strength and prospe rity, of dignity and greatness, that centralisation will one they produce, and they march towards that object with a farm step, and ever every obstacle. Never was this noble nation greater than from 1813 to 1815, for she was never more united. When a French man speaks with admiration of campaigns so terrible to France his testimony is worthy of credit. The feeling of Germanic honour and independence, revolting at the idea off subjection, effected miracles. Germany had but one passion, but one heart ; she rose as one man, and the defeat of our incomparable armies, showed of what united Germany was capable. Since that glorious epoch all Germans worthy of the name have pursued their dream of unity. The have created the Zollverein, or a com mercial union of Germany. In 1849 the national assembly of Frankfort made. a still bolder effort. Only a little assist ance from the King of Prussia, and the patriotic hope of all good citizens had begome a living reality • the union was created ; Germany was complete. Unfortunately Frederick William, already of a feeble mind and under the influence:of the Queen, feared to alienate the petty dynasties of the Confederation. He failed in energy at the decisive moment, and feudalism remained master of the field of battle. But notwithstanding this deception a vigorous hope survives in the hearts of German patriots. You have seen with what fanatical unanimity they celebrated only the other day the Schiller jublilee. Do you think that those solemn fetes, that popular emotion, and overflowing of poetry and eloquence, was a simple homage rendered to the memory of the poet ? No, it was above and before all the outbreak of a nation which, divided for centuries, seized the first pretext, a re membrance, a glory, a name, to become again united. IV. Then let Germany be re-united; France has no more ardent or dearer wish, for she loves the German nation with disinterested love. If we were possessed with that vulgar ambition of which its Princes accuses us, we should not in duce the Germans to enter on the path of unity. States divided among themselves are more easy to invade than when united, and diviser pour refiner will always remain the maxim of conquerors. May Germany be united ; may she form a body so compact that the idea of encroaching upon it will never present itself. Franca, which sees with out apprehension an Italy of 26,000,000 constituted in the south, would not fear to see 32,000,000 of Germans form a great nation on her eastern frontier. V. What German Sovereign shall have the honour of found ing this union ? Two great states enter the lists—Prussia and Austria. Austria represents the doctrine of Divine right, in its most absolute rigour. Political and religious despotism, abnegation of all the rights of the people, the most enor mous concessions to clerical authority, a blind worship of the past and an obstinate hatred of all progress ; these are the worm-eaten bases of the Austrian monarchy. Upon these foundations, on which a disjointed empire is tottering, shall we try to build up the great Germanic edifice ? All the architects in the universe would accuse our imprudence. This artificial empire, a patchwork of the most different nations, formed by marriages and family compacts, without the consent of the peoples it annexed, preserved in its inte grity by the severity of the police or the sanguinary brutality of the soldiery, inspires but little sympathy to the German nation. As long as the hegemony of the German State he s rema ined in the hands of the Hapsburgs they govrned t affairs of a nation in a dynastic interest, endeavouring to procure the aggrandisement of Austria at the expense of Germany. On the day when the Germanic spirit, liberal in its essence, entered on the path of religious reform, Aus tria placed herself at the head of the ultramontane reaction. Sigismund and Ferdinand 11. rivalled the zeal of Philip 11. of Spain; Tilly and Wallenstein served the Court of Rome as harshly as the Duke of Parma and Alva. How could Germany possibly forget these rigours when the Emperor Francis Joseph, by a disastrous concordat, breaks finally with the Germanic spirit, and places the policy of Austria under the domination of Rome ? Nevertheless, Austria has friends in the German nation. On what suffrages could she reckon if the annexation were ever to be put to the vote ? I look everywhere, but can only And a few Princes and the sacred battalion of the squire archy: The aristocratic party has its reasons for loving Austria. Family cadets find a more rapid advancement in her service than in that of the other German states where the competition of talent is greater. It is on this account that the German nobility, and particularly that of the Ca tholic Southern States, turns to Austria as the magnet to the Pole. One single figure will give you the ratio of that affinity—Wurtemberg numbered, in 1858, more than 500 officers in the Austrian army. But the German people properly so called, the indus trious, enlightened, liberal people, set no store by Austria. They see in her a latent power, in a religious point of view ; a Sclavonic Magyar, Italian power, mixed and doubtful as far as nationality is concerned. They Know that in accept ing the domination of Austria they must renounce even a hope of progress ; they see Austria closed to German manu factures (for she obstinately remains out of the customs union) ; they hear it said that German ideas are severely denied entrance at all the gates of Austria; they know that a German, arriving at the German frontier, is as much a stranger as a Frenchman, equally suspected of being a dan • gerous philosoper, and finds almost as much difficulty in making him understood. They think that the natural allies of the Emperor Francis Joseph are at Rome and at Naples, rather than at Dresden or Berlin, and that the t l asoo7 , Imperial naeTpltr p sgofhrm e l omeiee r fktsa i Aagn a hNtbke l vyhapdaie t ennpetr h :lagoeelp r nea o rrtadhnn n ohet degiv e ienrtn. ho w nde ilsecescoitisetuca,t effortst. hheal l i yn d maetnyi Aoa p epsgo e pwas perhaps or 0 : nuioftnutavroAhlsepedtordesuefblFhbsbytylataareBriavntinsfbnhaek:eceesp.wtuett Germans ufradet Austriarhnr nmet p eirde l di placed ga e dhinhp e no esdtwrdwabNinanvffaseusotce Piedmont ablerfi t i ospeel h g an. t a e uhre; hette f tei o sanonah o vorgnt t efe. required no p-essing if our soldiers had invaded the Ger manrent to repel the F ran co l - o S o a kp usrodesinnei.saosnui possession that w yupon invaders. But as it the a s was s y in th e o r u e g ly ht a i nt Austrian better to prepared against any emergency and arraye s d tinnigP w ge i rl t ei ll shouldered arms around Prussia, their natural leader. VI. Austria represents by her population a confused heap of nationalities; by her Government the despotism of Divine right ; by her Concordat the oppression over consciences ; by her customs laws the spirit of prohibition. Prussia per sonifies German nationality, religious reform, commercial progress, constitutional liberalism ; she is the greatest of really Germanic monarchies; consciences are there more free, and enlightenment more widely spread, political rights more exclusive than in most other German states. It is she who, by founding the Zollverein, paved:the way for free trade; therefore the people of Germany love Prussia. They behold her progress with sympathising admiration and filial interest ; it is to Prussia they would appeal for succour if any peril were impending. It is to her they would entrust, in preference, the glorious task of national unity. Wereshe to make up her mind to p'ay the part of Piedmont the whole of Germany, with the exception of the princes and squire archy, would hasten to remove the obstacle in her way. At the present time especially the Regent of the king dom, his Royal Highness the Prince of Prussia, seems to be the object of a worship which borders on fanaticism. The granting of a few liberties, the manifestation of a few good intentions, a certain resistance opposed _to the squirearchy; nothing more was wanting, the national impulse contribut ing its aid to place this Prince on a pedestal . We are happy to discover that German unity has found its centre, its rallying point, and nothing could be more agreeable to us than to behold the nation grouping itself around a firm and upright mind. If nothing occurs to put a stop to the progress of this picific revolution it may be hoped that the Princes themselves, carried along by the movement of their people, will bow to the protecting spirit of Prussia, and that the unity br Germany wi ll be fected without the shedding of a single drop of blood. Diplomacy can raise no objection against this Internal reform. An Austrian Germany, by uniting within the same band over 70,000,000 of men, would have threatened the equilibrium of Europe and alarmed the powers ; a Prussian Germany, _with 32,000,000 of citizens, can cause alarm to none. . . VII. But his Royal Hi4luiess the Prince of Prussia would make a dangerous mistake were he to suppose that tne national movement is poiieiful enough to dispense with any assistance. However strong may be the impulsion which leads the mass of Germans towards a Prussian monarchy, all well-regulated minds (tousles bons esprits) will resist the current, and throw themselves back if the Court of Berlin does not meet them half-way. Democratic Germany is wise and patriotic enough to r..11y round a King, but she will requu e guarantees which the Prussian cons,ituti on does not as yet pr, sent. First of all it would be neeensary that Prussia should make a choic3 between the two principles which divide Eurol. eat the present day. Divine right and popular right are in presence. V hilst a number of princess obstinately clasp a false legitimacy, really legiemate empires a , e being founded upon the democratic basis of universal suffrage. The King of Naples stoutly asserts that his subjects are his property, and the nation meets this pretended right with an armed denial. The Emperor of the French and the King of Sardinia declare, in e,,nformity with the tenets of' modern philosophy, that a people c,nly belongs to itself, and two great nations, by a nearly unanimous vote, elect them their chiefs. Does the Prince of P. ussia side with Divine right, with ,the King of Naples, or with popular right, with the King of ardinia and the Emperor of the French? A choice must be made. It is the more nccessary as the King of Prussia had chosen, and very badly chosen, in 1849. A national As sembly, the issue of universal suffrage, offered him in his own palace a legitimate crown. What did he do? He pronounced for Divine right against r °pular right. He declared that he would oily accept the crown if it were ten dered him by princes. The Prussian squirearchy applauded this anti-democratic resolution, and history has recorded the formula by which they expressed their assent. "We do not (they said) want a crown which democracy has spit upon." Not content with refusing the empire the King of Prussia cruelly persecuted the upright and honourable men who had offered it to him. The people of Baden and Saxony, inter preting in favour of unity the vote by universal suffrage, had dethroned their Sovereigns. Two Prussian armies in vaded, in the name of the " Divine right," the kingdom of Saxony and the Grand Duchy of Baden. The King of Saxony was replaced on his throne by the Prussian forces. The Grand Duke of Baden was restored in his turn, in virtue of the same right, and by the same power. But more than this was done. When the battle was won, and the campaign closed—when the democratic army of Baden, 10,000 strong, had retired to the territory of Switzerland—when all resist ance to the legitimacy of Divine right was overpowered— the Prussian army shot, in the period of three months, in the midst of the silence of peace, 26 German patriots. Their bones rest in the churchyards of Friburgh, liadstadt, and Mannheim ; their names are almost all forgotten, yet Ger many still remembers with admiraticya, mingled with sor row, young Max. Dortu, an authusiastic boy; Valentine Streuber, a harmless and honest burgher of Mannheim ; the old patriot Boning; and above all Adolphus Trtitxchler, deputy to the Frankfort Parliament, member of the Court of Appeal of Dresden, a. man of upright convictions and large fortune. lie will long survive in the memory of Ger manic democracy, together with his glorious friend and ac complice, Robert Blum. jected by a large majority the principle of civil marriages. It almost broke out in open insurrection against a minis terial bill which proposed to make nobles pay taxes like other classes of citizens. That constitution is not perfect ; it will be wise to modify it if it is desired that the Germans should throw themselves into the arms of Prussia. XI. It will also be well, in the interest of this great opposition, to treat witlr a little more fairness Governments that are founded on universal suffrage. We do not make the Court of Berlin responsible for the violence of the German press. It is not we who will ever request the Prince of Prussia to gag his subjects even when they insult us. But it is open to us to remark that if the Siecle or the Opinion Nationale expressed itself in offensive terms with regard to a Sovereign not at war with us, the Moniteur of the empire, or at least the semi-official papers, would hasten to repair the mischief by severely blaming the delinquents. It will also be desirable that political men in Prussia should abstain in a constituent assembly to utter threats directly addressed to France. When M. de Vineke talks in the Chamber of Deruties of reeonquering from us Alsatia and Lorraine, the French nation is not roused by this indiscretion to the extent of going to war ; but it notes with satisfaction that such imprudent manifestations never take place at home. XII. Since the accession of Napoleon 111., and especially since the annexation Lf Savoy, German publicists, perhaps even princes themselves, have loudlyexpressed an unjust distrust against the policy of France. They will have it that wehar bour the design of annexing the Rhenish provinces, and encroaching upon the soil of Germany. This ill-founded apprehension is so noisily manifested and so obstinately repeated that it might have suggested evil thoughts to us if we were less equitable . It is certain that if you address in the public street the meekest and most harmless indi vidual in the world and say to him, " Sir, you wish to give me a slap in the face : don't attempt to deny it. I know that you wish to give me a slap in the face. Don't swear; I would'nt believe your oath. You want to give me a slap in the face, I am stronger than you are ; I am not in the least afraid of yott. I would crush you like a worm, and I dare you to give me that slap of the face." The meekest and most inoffensive man in the world would in the.end find ex cellent reasons for giving what he is asked for, and his hand would spontaneously fall on the cheek of the man who had provoked him. XIII. But no amount of provocation can turn France from the path she has chosen for herself. Whatever satisfaction peo ples may fee/ in self-aggrandisement and in protecting themselves behind natural barriers, we have too much gene rosity and too much justice to think of conquering the ter ritory of a foreign nationality. Would to Heaven that the Germanic Confederation were animated with the same spirit 1 She would neitherhave conquered the Grand Duchy of Posen nor attacked Northern Schleswig, nor declared that Trieste is a German town. As for us, we fearlessly assert that Lorraine and Alsatia are both French, because they have proved it against the Germans themselves. We keep what belongs to us ; we ask nothing more ; we think that all the natural frontiers and all the watercourses in Eu rope are not worth, for the defence of our territory, a stream of Zouaves and foot chasseurs with levelled bayonets. XIV. Let us be permitted to add to those friendly reflections one last piece of advice—it will prove to what degree we feel an interest in German unity ald in the future of Prussia. Much as the name of Prussia and her constitution, such as it is, and the person of her august Regent, excite sym pathy in Germany, it is equalled by the repulsion, inspired by her bureaucracy, not only to the Germanic nation, but. to honest men of all countries. A ray of light fell, on the 12th of May, 1860, on the manoeuvres of the Prussian po lice, and the world then beheld the strangest mixture of awkwardness and immorality, of zeal and imprudence, of incendiaryprovocation and clumsy kachiavelisca. XV. The following are the facts, as stated at the tribune of Berlin by M. Niegolowski, an hon. deputy of the Grand Duchy of Posen. Three Prussian bureaucrats, M. De Putt kammer, superior president of the province of Posen ; M. De Beerensprung, president of police; and M. Post, secretary interpreter, sought together for a good means of manifesting their zeal and of miffing the gratitude of the Government. M. De Puttkammer is a great personage, much higher than a prefect, and a little less than a minis ter; M. De Bccrensprung is an important mar.; Post is a poor devil of no note. Puttkammer thinks, Bcerensprung dictates, and Post writes. These three men, by dint of digging in the bureau cratic brains, think to excite a rising in the Grand Luchy of Posen, in order to have the honour of repressing it. The charpter of excitinc , agents, which was always the aversion of Vidocq, does not nspire them with any contempt. They assume the disguise of Poles discontented with Prussian domination; they found in their offices a false democratic committee, and they put themselves in relation' with the central committee in London. "Send us," they write, "proclamations, emissaries, and arms 1" They on their side send to London money, the money of the budget, the unfortunate thalers of the taxpayers. A good employment for the taxes I The treasurer of the en terprize was M. Stolzenberg, secretary of police. All letters were to be addressed to Mde. Ruch, wife of a judge at the superior tribunal —or, to speak German, Mde. la Conseillere Ruch. The London committee is slow in replying; it hesitates; it mistrusts, and it might be said that it smelt treason. But the bureaucratic trio supplicated so humbly ; it besought in such a mellifluous tone for the alms of a few letters and a few little circulars. It speaks with such admiration of General Mazzini, with so much emotion of the prose of Felix Pyat, that the revolutionists of London and Mazzini himself entered into correspondence with them. This per fidious game lasted for three years, and it would have still gone on if M. Niegolowski had not stopped it by a thunder clap. XVI. The eloquent Posnanian orator deposited on the tribune the original text of 24 letters written by M. Post, dictated by M. De Bcerensprung, and inspired by M. De Puttkammer. The first is dated the 19th August, 1858, and the last 23c1 of April, 1860. No one has disputed the perfect authenticity of those documents, not even the Minister of the Interior, Count de Schwerin. We have had them trans'ated into French by a sworn translator, and they prove : That the Prussian police excited the London committee to send into the Grand Duchy of Posen incendiary procla mations ; that they paid for the printing of them in England ; that they caused them to be distributed to suspected persons in order to afterwards seize them, and show the ardour of its zeal to the detriment of some subjects of the King of Prussia_ That Puttkammer, Bcerensprung, and their accomplices, by dint of solicitations and importunities, obtained from the committee in London the sending of an emissary, named Rewitt ; that they themselves gave a passport to this unfor tunate man ; that they allowed him to move about freely in order that he might compromise as many persons-as possible, that they at length arrested him, and had him condemned-to two years' imprisonment. After this fine exploit, M. De Bcorensprung, the saviour of the order whom he had himself disturbed, and the conqueror of the agitation which he had himself excited, offered himself as candidate to the deputa tion, and was not elected, He did not the less continue his correspondence with the London committee, swearing to Mazzini that Hewitt had been betrayed by the Polish no bility (letter of July 5, 1859), and that many of the nobles belonged to the police (letter of July 19, 1859). X VII. These functionaries leagued against public peace, de nounce to the London committee at one time the nobility and the clergy (Feb. 16, 1860), at another the nobility alone, who, they say, are always incorrigible and ready to sell the country; at another the deputies of Posen; taen Prince Czartoriski ; next the whole body of landowners (Dec. 7, 1859). They hold up to the hatred of emigrants all the great names of the country ; they coolly discuss the division of their estates, and ask how many acres will be necessary for each peasant, for each Custom-house officer, and for each soldier. They excite hatred in order that citizens may be ready to cut each other's throats. When we read these monstrous excitations we are reminded with terror of the events of Gallicia and of that revolution of 1846 which was drowned by the peasants in the blood of the nobles, thanks to the foresight of the Austrian police. We ask ourselves whether the police of Germany are not sisters like the Grecian muses. We feel that the Germanic nation would find but slight advantage in uniting with the kingdom of Prussia if it were to fall into the hands of Puttkammer, Boerensprung, and Post. XVIII. It is not only in the Polish provinces of Prussia that this terrible bureaucracy sought to sow discord; it looked higher and aspired to nothing less than setting the whole of Europe in a blaze. Doubtless it is sure for its strength, and if it does not fear to light a vast fire it is that it has under its hands the means of extinguishing it. It is, however, im prudent to unchain violent passions, even when sure of being able to check them again. Whenever the central committee in London appeared slumbering or fatigued the trio awoke them up, and excited them to enterprise. They wrote on the 25th Apr 1, 1859 " We are astonished to see the Democratic Committee show so little activity." You will not find ten letters out of the twenty-four in which the same dangerous theme is not touched on in different terms. X IX. _ _ By what actions could the democrats satisfy Puttkammer, Bcerensprung, and Post? We had arrived at the 27th of March, 1859. It was foreseen that the Emperor of the French was about to make a generous effort in favour of Italian independence. The bureaucratic triumvirate recom mended the committee to take precedence of him. They wished that Mazzini should hasten and get his country to rise before the arrival of the French army. In order to con tent these three Prussian functionaries it was necessary that the Italians should hoist the red flag before "Napoleon had interfered in the affairs of Italy." For what interest d d they recommend such criminal madness ? What profit did they expect to derive from it for Italy, for France, or even for Prussia ? No one knows. On the 21st of May they thanked the committee for having sent them—guess what—the process for making Orsini bombs. We shall not ask what use they would make of them, and why they wished to have them sent. We know that those gentlemen were not conspirators but police officers. Doubtless their intentions were pure; assuredly their only idea was to warn the Emperor Napoleon of any danger, and it was in that spirit that they added to their letter this postscript—" Will not the French democrats soon make an attempt against Napoleon ? " But if they felt so warm an interest in the Emperor of the French, why did they say in the same postscript - -"We are much astonished that the revolutionary party in Italy take the side of Napoleon." The thing was not surprising . ; and in all the universe there was only this trio ho would feel this astonishment. When we carefully peruse this correspondence we are tempted to believe that the authors entangle themselves in tshheowmseisthseelsf underofthe thiroe skin of thewnnets, and fo nd x. After that A G r vermillitara sincerity shows forrity instance, when every good German ought to have been satis fied at peace being re-established, and Venice preserved, Puttkammer, Bcerensprung., and Post showed themselves mere Mazzinian than Mazzmi. They predicted that "revo lution would break out in Italy, in Hungary, in Germany, in Prussia, perhaps even in France, and as far as Poland. The treason of Napoleon has opened the eyes of all the world, and there are no oppressed nations but soon look for their deliverance." We know not how to interpret such language ; one might think it sincere and in good faith. If it were per mitted to suspect Prussian bureaucracy we should say that the bureaucratic trio wished death to the Emperor Napoleon, and endeavoured to render him an object of suspicion to VIII, Peoples know how to forgive —an advantage they have over some kings. Germany may, therefore, bury in a generous oblivion these useless persecutions, and the names of the generals who carried them out. But, first of all; it is necessary that the Prussian Government should pronounce. It must, instead of wrapping itselfup in a mantle of Austrian conceit, throw its arms open to receive thedemocratic party. A few days since a Prussian democrat wrote to a friend in Wurtemberg :—" Why are you so long before uniting with us ?"—" If we did become Prussians," was the answer, "all our patriots, and the poet Uhland at their head, would still continue in exile." Nothing appears more unlikely; but nothing can be more true. Since the popular emotions (sic) in 1345, all European princes, not even excepting the Pope, have granted amnesties. The Prussian amnesty is still due. If the Prince Regent entertains the noble ambition of reigning legitimately over the whole of Germany, let him begin by recalling those exiles whose only crime was to have proclaimed the will of the nation at-the dictation of univer sal suffrage. Let him do still better. Let him be the tes tamentary executor of the Parliament of 1849, as the Napo leons are the testamentary executors of the Jreuch revo lution I . IX. Here we make a pause to refute an objection which cer tain ill-informed Germans will not fail to make. They fancy on the faith of some feudal prints that the French nation is reduced to slavery. They have been persuaded that Imperial regime had gagged the utterance of thought, suppressed the national representation, and made mince meat of all our liberties. 'I his is an article of faith through out Germany, that the Prussians are much happier than we are, thanks to the benignant influence of a Liberal Go vernment, and to the blissful harmony of Parliamentary institutions. It is true that tho Emperor Napoleon labours to promote the greatness and the prosperity of France with almost un limited power. But that power, it is the nation that has entrusted him with. Is there throughout Germany a single prince who can be looked upon as the representative of the nation, elected, as Napoleon 111., by universal suf frage It is true that The majority of Frenchmen obey, and even with a certain degree of empresseinent, the orders of the Emperor Napoleon. But that obedience is equal for all, a,* obedience to the law, and the payment of taxes. It is a democratic obedience, because all the world has given it beforehand, and because no Frenchman has a right to refuse it. Is the case similar in Prussia ? Do the provinces sub jected to the Prussian monarchy enjoy equal rights ? Is the Grand Duchy of Posen in possession of the same liberties as the Margravate of Braden burgh ? Is the Margravate of Bradenburgh ruled by laws as equitable as the Rhenish pi ovincea.? In the same province are nobles and burghers equal in the eyes of the tax gatherer ? Are the privileges of the nobility abolished ? Is such a thing not to be met with as great territorial magnates who pay taxes in an inverse ratio with their fortune ? It is true that the French army is sincerely devoted to the chief of the state; nevertheless, it does not belong to the Emperor, but to the nation. Does the Prussian army belong to the King or to Prussia ? " It belongs to the King," said a Minister of one of the Hohenzollerns, a few days since, " the deputies of the nation have nothing to do with the army." It is true that amongst us the liberty of the press is placed under severe restrictions, but the right of printing anything or everything is not confiscated, it is only postponed. The nation consents to remain silent for a while around a prince who is achieving great things, just as friends assembled in the closet of a philosopher or writer favour him with their silence. As for the right it remains intact, and the French people, armed with the right of petition, will always be able to claim it in fitting time and place, if the Emperor should forget to restore it to them. Public writers at Berlin are perhaps a little more free just now than we are in Paris, thanks to the new born toleration of the Prince Royal of Prussia, not because they are relieved of the stamp duty, or exonerated from caution-money or surveillance; nevertheless they have more freedom than public writers in Paris. But what guarantee have they that that privilege will last ? What plea could they bring forward to claim it if the hand that gave it chose to take it away? The difference that exists between them and ourselves is that we lend our liberty to Napoleon 111., whilst they borrow theirs from the Prince of Prussia. Efforts are made to persuade the Germans that we have allowed ourselves to be cheated out of parliamentary institu tions. It is certain our parliament is greatly changed since 1848. It is no lower a coterie of from 400,000 to 500,000 persons; it.is the whole nation that sends deputies to the Corps Legislatif. That assembly, elected by universal suf frage, like the Emperor himself, no longer enjoys the ridi culous privilege of interrupting every moment the despatch of business, of replacing deeds by speechification, union by coalition, public interests by private vanity, the serious progress of a great people by the wriggling of a few puny oratorical ambitions, but it enjoys the unquestionable right of voting all the taxes and all the laws of the empire. _ X. This being established, ought we to be jealous of the Prussian constitution? Is the principle of Ministerial re sponsibility applied in Prussia ? Not yet ? Have the cham bers the acknowledged right of refusing the taxes? No. A n d what are the Prussian chambers ? The lower chamber, which corresponds with our Corps Legislatif, is recruited by a mechanism far more ingenious than it is democratic. No universal suffrage ; not even any election at the first stage of the proceedings. Given a " circle" or arrondisse mentpaying 300,000 franc s direct taxes,- fdr instance, the ratep a yers are divided into th ree unequa l squa d s . The fifteen or twenty great landholders who pay the first 100,000 francs between them form the first class of electors ; the second consist of the two or three hundred persons who pay the next 100,000 francs. All the other citizens paying the direct tax—that is to say, from 2,000 to 3,000 persons, form the third. Each of these three classes assemble sepa rately, and appoint an equal number of electors—six, for instance, in each class—and the 18 electors meet in their turn to proceed to the election of a deputy. Hence it fol lows that not only the working classes have no hope of being represented in parliament, but that the third class, or the great majority of the burgher class, will always be in a great minority in the electoral body, and will never send a member to the chamber. This explains how it happens that M. de Vincke, who sat on the right (i. e. , the Con servative side) in the Frankfort parliament, is at present, , without having changed his opinions, the most advanced I democrat throughout the Prussian Chamber. Can liberal Germany set any store by a body thus com posed no. A n d y e t th e P russi an deputies rasveed F oc casionally shown some leaning towards progress, but the Chamber of Lords was there to keep them in order. This latter is composed, first, of noble personages, who have a seat in virtue of their birth ; secondly of members appointed by the King out of a list of candidates presented to him by the nobility, the universities, and the large towns. The upper chamber has never been recruited from other sources; on the one hand birth, on the other the monarch's choice. Therefore, does it entertain a premeditated hostility against any democratic or even simply liberal measures ? It re- T