The Sun. — London, England, 1859-05-23 00:00:00

11. KOSSUTH ON * THE WAR IN ITALY. 'The following is a more extended report of this celebrated orator's speech than appeared in our impretesion of Saturday : M. :Kossuth, who was received most enthusiastically, spoke as follows : My Lord Mayor, Ladies, and Gentlemen ...z.The cloud, called the " Italian Question," has at last be gun to discharge the electric fluid with which it was over charged for more than forty years. It is a momentous event t likely to become epochal in the history of Europe. _ is the position which England ought to take in this crit g i a iti i i emergency ? Your lordship, whose opinions caul' them a threefold authority, that of an independent English patriot, that of a tried and consistent friend of liberty, and that of the exalted representative of this great red commercial the ur lordship has answe red metropolis of the world — yo question. The position which Englan d . ought to take, and from which she ought not to depart, is that of honest neu trality and strict non-intervention. (Cheers.) I feel greatly honoured in being permitted to take part in the proceedings of this evening, though I know that in my individual capa city my humble opinions can pretend to no weight with this distinguished assembly. But, though by the stormy waves of n ational -adversity I was cast a homeless exile on the shores of this country—the happy home of the free and the sanctuary of the oppressed—still, the municipality of this great metropolis deigned to receive me as the represen tative of the down-trodden Hungarian nationality—up wards of one hundred cities, boroughs, and corporations followed in the wake, and the liberal instincts of the people of England and Scotland vouchsafed to make me the deposi tory of the tokens of their sympathy for my native land. Thus, my Lord Mayor, it fell to my lot prominently to stand identified in public opinion with the cause of the op pressed nationalities, and of European liberty. Such being the peculiarity of my individual position, I for one, cannot help deriving corroborate persuasion from the coincidence that the conclusion at which your lordship ha.s arrived from an English point of view is exactly the same at which I have arrived from a European point of view. (Chee reers, .) As an exile, as a Hungarian, as a member of an opp nationality, as a man identified in all his aspira tionsyew; what cause of its emancipation, I repeat, your lordship advanced as the well-mat aa al i vote of an deliberately English patriot—that England shoulddelibe to the policy of honest neutrality and stri ct non-interven tion. (Hear, hear.) If, in consequence of this concurrence of opinions, I were to be asked whether I anticipate that the war which is just commencing may eventually result to the advantage of the cause with which every aspiration of my heart is identified, I should unhesitatingly declare that I do anticipate such an eventual result, provided England does not divert into a wrong channel the natural course of events by interfering with the war. (Cheers.) This antici pation does not flow, my Lord Mayor, from the excitement which recent events must naturally have operated on my feelings. Adversity is a great teacher, my lord, and the icy finger of time is a mighty disenchanter. I have much suf fered in the last ten years of my tempest-tossed life, but in compensation I have learned something—l have learned not to clutch with eager impatience the fleeting forelock of illu sory hopes. I have learnt with calm reflection to trace the law of concatenation between cause and effect which pre sides over the logic of history. Taking my stand on this law, I rest my anticipations on the incontrovertible axiom that the difficulties of the oppressor may become a chance of deliverance for the oppressed. I see Francis Joseph of Aus tria—the murderer of my nation—(loud cheers) —the blood °stained usurper of my country—engaged in a great war. I reflect on the relative position of the contending parties and on the strategical necessities which must develop themselves in the course of the war, and I come to the conclusion that at no distant time emancipation will be within the reach of some of those nationalities the oppression of whom by the house of Austria is the great European nuisance, without the removal of which, patchwork arrangements may be de vised calculated to disguise for a little while longer the dry rot of the political structure a Europe, but both a permanent peace and a settled condition of the Euro - pean community are utterly impossible. Your lordship has appropriately [alluded to the royal proclamation by which her Majesty's Government has entered into a public pledge to abstain from taking any part, directly or indi rectly, in the war which has just commenced on the Conti nent, and to maintain a strict and impartial neutrality. This certainly is a right move in the right direction. Con dign credit is owing to her Majesty's Government for the constitutional spirit which they displayed in showing due regard for the demands of public opinion, manifested with more than ordinary emphasis, both from the hustings during the elections, and by numerous meetings held since. So far so good. But I make bold to say that if it be desired that the proclaimed neutrality should assume the character of a settled rule, not subject to eventual modifications, it is, even more than before, necessary that the expression of public opinion. should not relax ; nay, that it should be made even more explicit than hitherto, in order that no room may be left for any doubt as to the sense in which the people of these realms desire the proclaimed principle of neutrality to be understood, and as to the consistency with which it ought to be acted upon. Neutrality is a general expression, yet it implies a special meaning the bearing of which can not be fully fathomed unless we have it clearly understood with which of the contending parties her Majesty's Govern ment would side if they were not to remain neutral. (Hear, hear.) Now, my lord, I do not remember to have heard of one single official or semi-official declaration which has left the impression on my mind that if her Majesty's Govern ment were not to remain neutral they would side with San-- dinia and France against Austria. But I have heard of many declarations forcibly leading to the inference, that the alternative was either neutrality or else support of Aus tria. (Loud cries of " No, no.") It was always universally admitted that in the beg inning England was to remain neutral ; but it was added, that she should watch what turn events would take, and should arm in the meaniime, so as to be prepared to do—what? To repel any aggression on her territories, colonies, and depen dencies ? Of course, that should be done, that would be done, and gloriously, too. "Come, the three corners of the world in arms"—you know the rest of the proud, bold strain. But this has nothing to do with neutrality or non-neutrality ; this is a question of attack and defence, and the plainest common sense reflection will suggest that England will not be attacked in this war, if she does not run into it herself. (Cheers.) No, it was said that England should arm, in order to be prepared to protect her interests. Again, I should say so far so good ; only that " interest" is a very vague word ; it may mean nothing, or it may mean any thing to suit the fancy of the coming moment. (Hear.) But we have been vouchsafed a foretaste of what it might mean. We have been told that if a French fleet should enter the Adriatic, it might be the interest of England to oppose it; we have been told, and on high authority too, that if Trieste were to be attacked, it might be the interest of England to defend it ; nay, the inspired ministerial can didate for the West Riding of Yorkshire even told the elec tors that it might be the interest of England to protect ; Venice. From what ? Of course, from the great misfor tune' of getting emancipated from the detested yoke of Austria. (Cheers.) Thus, turn it as we may, the alterna tive is this—either England remains neutral, or else she will be brought to support Austria. If in this war Eng land were to depart from the principle of strict and impar tial neutrality, you would be in danger of seeing the colours of England nailed to the mast of Austria—you would have the fair name of Britannia coupled to that Babylon of abomination whose power rests on a tissue of conduct which, as Professor Newman remarks, in his work on the Crimes of the House of Austria, even in the ancient hea then times caused the holders of power thus gained to be regarded as self-outlawed, hateful to gods, and deserv ing of no defence from men. This featu re of the case, that departure from the principle of neutrality means support of Austria, should never for a moment be lost sight of. It will convince every true-hearted Englishman that, though the proclamation of neutrality is deserving of unre served approbation, there is much left to be watched, to be cleared up, and to be controlled by public opinion. The im portant question is—What is the world to understand by the assurance that the English Government are firmly purposed and determined to abstain from taking any part in this war ? Is this declaration made under the tacit proviso that England will remain neutral provided the war remains re stricted to Italy, or is it meant to intimate that England will adhere to the principle of impartial neutrality and strict non intervention, although, in the natural course of events, the area of the conflict may happen to be extended to other parts of the Austrian dominions, and the eventual issue of the complications happen to be correspondingly enlarged ? I wish this assembly to come to a proper conclusion on this subject. I shall, therefore, with your leave, my lord, enter on a brief inquiry as to certain preconceived ideas—l might well call them prejudices—which, if they are not empha tically repudiated by public opinion, will be likely to drift England into the war, in spite of the prospects held out by the proclamation of neutrality. These prejudices turn, zia in the first place, around a radically erroneous interpreta tion of what is called the Italian question ; secondly, around the undue regards which we hear- professed on the part of England, for the treaties of 1815; thirdly, around what diplomatists call the localisation of the war; an d lastly, around that greatest of all imaginable misconce p tions, that the integrity of the Austrian em pi re i s essent i al to the maintenance of the balance of power. May it please your lordship to allow me to make some remarks on each of these points. First, as to the real merit of the Italian pies - tion. There are commotions which owe their origin to„ maladministration and misgovernment. These may be put to rest by seasonable concessions, improvements, reforms. c But, my lord, ill-governed as Italy is, with the exception of Piedmont, the Italian question is not of this character. The problem imperatiyely claiming its adequate solution in the Italian question is not such or another form of Govern ment, such or another abuse or grievance, demanding such or another improvement, concession, redress. No ; the Italian question i s a ques ti on o f nationality. And because it is a question of nationality, the first and foremost point in its practical solution is, the total and definitive expulsion of Austria from Italy—(cheers) —her expulsion in such a manner that she should not be able to go back. (Renewed cheers.) Many political questions may admit of a compro mise; but this is one of those which cannot admit of com promise. Either Austria must be definitively ejected from Italy or else, do what the powers of Europe may, the Italian question will recur again and again. No administra i Live reforms, no re-adjustment of provincial frontiers, could einjure it, and no terrorism could stifle it. Nothing short • of the utter extermination of the Italians could secure the role of Austria in Italy ; and a nation of twenty- s i x m il - lions baffles even extermination. N$ ell wrote Lord Napier to Viscount Palmerston, in 1848. " The Italians may be crushed, but will not be extirpated. The enthusiasm of hope will kindle, and the broken thread will be knit again and again." It is from this nature of the Italian question that already, in 1846, when the Papal dominions were even worse governed than they are now—and to say this is to say very much indeed—(laughter)—the moderate liberal party —I say the moderate party—declared to the Papal Com missaries that howsoever dreadful, howsoever insupportable were the particular sufferings of the Roman people, their questions with the Government had for them but a secon dary interest—the principal was Italy—that what revolted their feelings more than anything else was, that the Papal Government had made itself the slave of Austria in Italy, and that whenever an opportunity for fig hting the Austrians should offer itself, the Romans would join in the fight with the energies of a wearied and indignant people, because the life of all Italy was elevated to the sentiment of nationality. It is likewise owing to this nature of the Italian question, that when Venice and Lombardy had risen in the whole of Italy united in a crusade against Austria. The same nature of the-Italian question explains the fact that when, h A t trj iv a l B4B , from fear lest the French might enter Milan the unco n d it i onal o ff F ed to the Provisional Government of independence of Lombardy, with faculty to dispo se of themselves as they might please, the Milanese rejected the would never separate th ems e lves o ffer with the declaration that they Weald from their Venetian bre thren, and that they ght not for Lombardy, but for Rely. It is equally from t hi s mom na en t t r , o t t of the Italian question that we see, at this very people of Piedmont, though happyand contented with and thelr own condition, cheer fully accept all the s acrifi cess uff erin gs of war, wagEld in the most barbarous manner by the enemy—(hear)--rthat King Victor Emmanuel having inscribed on his bane* the independence of Italy, sees a great number of republicans rallying around him, just as the monarchists would have rallied round the banner of Italy if the republicans ha 4 un furled it with a reasonable prospect of success. It is pr o m the same cantle that Tuscany threw itself into the arms If the Kin tg of Piedmont ; that volunteers from all parts of Italy floc! k to the banner of the King; that the most extraordinary measures of rigour have to be resorted to in Naples to prevent the people from joining them ; _ and, last, , not least, to the same cause is it due that we see the French received with joy and enthusiasm in Italy. (Ch., I ers.) Now it does strike me that in all the transactions pree e din 4 the declaration of war by Austria there was this shot Acommg in the policy of England, that the Italian ques tion . was not viewed as a question of nationality, but was vies ifed as one that might and should be solved on the basis of I kustria retaining her Italian possessions, if she would onl y consent not to interfere with the rest of Italy. I shall not , i low enter on the task of showing that it is the strangest of a/ 1 strange misconceptions to believe that Austria may be les ft in the possession of Venice and Lombardy, and that she; 1 , ould be bound by any treaties, by any arrangements, not t o exert the preponderating influence of her position on cent a ul and southern Italy in the direction of that principle of u n m iti ga t e d d es p o ti sm in which the house of Austria live s and moves and has its being. To show this I should hay e to refer to diplomatic documents which ought not to hay b escaped the attention of contemporary statesmen, but whi ch would carry me to a greater length than I can afford on.t lie present occasion. Therefore I will only remark, that 'an] ess it be explicitly understood throughout Europe that ill - au gotten url;fissans of po Eng lerssesality will preserve your the e i 0 i n a s, m ai nt e nanc e d no o e s proclamationsn into Aus t r ia t o h f e i intent s n n eu h e r Co weary from, sooner or later, being drifted into the war in core sequence of entangling alliances, for which it is manifest that: mighty influences are at work. (Hear.) It is a strange sigh it to see what is going on in GermanT. That .the Ger mai i nation, which hardly ever was united in any single pur pose, should appear ready to sink for once all dissensions in t he determination to resist a supposed dash of the French at t he Rhine—this, my lord, justly commands the approba tion . of every sensible man. There is, however, much of a fats a alarm at the hi:Atom of that agitation, as it is perfectly abs - and to suppose that the French Government, having she lady one war on hand, could meditate an attack on the Rhi hue—an attack directed, not against Austria, but against Pru tssia and the confederated minor states—an attack which wovtld be sure to put a mighty European coalition in battle ' ord, n• against France. The fact is, that there are influences at v cork to tarn the patriotic feelings of the German nation to t' he profit of the house of Austria, for maintaining their foot, planted on the neck of other nationalities, which have as r anch right to assert, or to re-assert, an independent na tion tal existence as Germany has to maintain hers. (Cheers.) But - believe me, gentlemen, in spite of the prevailing excite ment, the noble instincts of the German nation could never be deluded into the disgraceful part of being made the valet de be? reau (hangman's assistant) of the House of Austria, for enslaving other nationalities, unless it was sup posod that England's government sympathised with Aus tria, that England's government thought her entitled to retain her Italian possessions, and was favourable to the idea that the integrity of her dominions should be main tained. (Hear, hear.) Unfortunately, it has been pro claimed in Parliament, by the official organ of England's foreign policy, that Austria has strong claims on your sym ' pathy because she is kindred in race to Anglo-Saxon Eng land. (Laughter.) Well, I am bound to remark, in all humility, that this pitiful appeal to your commiseration happens to be a very unfortunate display of proficiency in ethnographic studies. The unnatural compound of hetero geneous elements, formed by a long series of usurpations, which goes by the name of Austria, is so far from being kindred in race to England, is so far from being German, that, though at the last census of 1851 the government of Austria employed both artifice and terrorism to establish for their dominions the character of German nationality, they found it impossible to raise the number of their Ger man subjects higher than to about seven millions out of a population of 37 millions. (Hear, hear.) In fact, Austria is the only Power in Europe which has no national charac ter • it is. of no country, of no race—it is just a dynasty and nothing more ; it is simply the House of Hapsburg—no, not even that; everything in that accursed house is usurpation, down to their very name ; they are not Hapsburgs, they are Lorrain-Vaudemonts, rebellious crown officers of France, as Napoleon I. used to style them--not they, but the Lords Den bigh of the house of Fielding are the only Hapsburgs on earth. However, since such declarations of sympathy, coupled with recognitions of the pretended rightseof Austria, went forth in an official manner from the English Government, it is not to be wondered at that the impression prevails throughout Germany, and throughout the Austrian dominions, that in spite of the declaration of neutrality England will come round by and bye, and in one way or another will find some pretext for either directly supporting Austria or assisting Germany in supporting her. (Hear, -hear.) This impres sion exerts such a detrimental influence on the spirit of the oppressed nationalities as I am sure every liberal-minded Englishman will lament. On the other hand, it pushes Germany into a false direction, which if not checked in time will, sooner or later, first entangle England into untoward combinations, and then drift her, under some eventual pretext, into the war. I think it, therefore, urgent that, while approving of the policy of impartial neutrality and strict non-intervention the public opinion of the English nation should emphatically repudiate the idea of lending, under any circumstances, her support to Austria against the nationalities oppressed by her. (Loud cheers.) I now come to the pretended inviolability of the treaties of 1815. It is the more important to have the mist of prejudices cleared away in this regard, as it can admit of no doubt that should it so happen (which God forefend !) that Ehgland were to depart from the principle of neutrality it would be done in favour of Austria, it would be done on the ground and under the pretext of the inviolability of the treaties of 1815. It is woeful to remember, my lord, that the sovereigns who, , on pretence of asserting the liberties of Europe, enticed the nations to shed their blood in streams for nearly a full quarter of a century, and to waste away the prosperity of generations for the preservation of dynasties, at last re quited the deluded nations, at the Congress of Vienna, by selling and bartering them like cattle, and by treating Europe like an allodial farm. (Bear, hear.) Thus it is' that Lombardy, thus it is that Venice, the Fairy City, robbed of its glorious independence of thirteen hundred years' standing, were tossed over like a cricket-ball into the grasp of the House of Austria. (Hear, hear) These last forty four years of Italian life, with their groans, with their ever-growing hatred and discontent, with their ever-recur ring commotions, conspiracies, revolts, revolutions, with their scaffolds soaked in the blood of patriots, with their horrors of Spielberg and Mantua, and with the chafing anger with which the words, " Out with the Austrians, " tremble on the lip of every Italian—these forty-four years are recorded in history as a standing protest against those impious treaties. The robbed protested loudly enough against the compact of the robbers. (Cheers.) Yet, for sooth, we are still told that the treaties of 1815 are invio lable ! Why, I have heard it reported that England rang with a merry peal when the stern inward judge, conscience, led the hand of Castlereagh to suicide ; and shall we, in 1859, be offered the sight of England plunging into the in calculable calamities of a great war for no better purpose than to uphold the accursed work of the Castlereaghs, and from no better motive than to keep the accursed House of Austria safe ? (Cheers.) Inviolable treaties, indeed 1 Why, my lord, the forty-four years that have since passed have cribbled those treaties like a sieve. The Bourbons, whom they restored to the b throne of France, have vanished, and the Bonaptutes, whom they proscribed, are restored. (Hear, hear.) Two changes—the transformation of Swit zerland from a confederation of states into a confederated state, and the independence of Belgium, have been accom plished in spite of those treaties, to the profit of liberty ; but for the rest, the distinctive feature of the cribbling process through which those treaties have passed is this, that every poor plant of freedom which they had spared has been uprooted by the unsparing hand of despotism. From the Republic of Cracow, poor remnant of Poland, swallowed by Austria, down to the freedom of the press, guaranteed to Germany, but reduced to such a condition that in the native land of Guttenberg, not one poor square yard of soil is left to set a free press upon, everything that was not of evil in those inviolable treaties has been trampled down to the profit of despotism, of concordats, of Jesuits, and of benighting darkness. All these violations of the inviolable treaties were accomplished without England once shaking her mighty trident to forbid it; and shall it be recorded in history that when the object is to drive Austria from Italy, when the natural logic of this undertaking might present my own native land with a chance of that deliverance to which England bade God speed with a mighty outcry of sympathy, rolling like a thun der from John o'Groat's to the Land's End—that deliver ance for which prayers have ascended and are ascending still to the Father of mankind from millions of British hearts—shall it be recorded in history that at such a time, under such circumstances, England plunged into the hor rors and calamities of war—nay, that she took upon herself to make this war long and universal, for the mere purpose of upholding the inviolability of these rotten treaties, those highwaymen compacts, in favour of despotic, priest-ridden, bankrupt Austria, good for nothing on earth except to spread darkness and to perpetuate servitude ? (Cheers.) There you have that Austria in Piedmont carrying on war in a manner that recalls to memory the horrors of the bygone ages of barbarism—(loud cheers) —allowing her rigorously disciplined soldiers to act the part of robbers let loose upon an unoffending population, to offer violence to helpless women, to outrage daughters in presence of their parents, and revel in such other savage crimes as the blood of civi- --, lised men curdles at hearing related, and the tongue falters in relating. (Hear, hear.) Such she was always ; these hor rors but faintly reflect what Hungary had to suffer from her in our late war. (Hear.) And shall it be said that Eng land, the home of gentlemen, sent her brave sons to shed their blood, to stain their honour, in fighting side by aide with such a " Soldatesca," for the maintenance of those highwayman -compacts of 1815 to the profit of that Austria? No, let the people of England raise loud their mighty voice —let hn t re h eot e minp m bille, t ad h r, un tohlfee d ttmh e t r ehtenh f ul o aa rth the forbidding words, "No, this give nation's o tthey to the et cl e a rl yh t e hgesox m iniste r s v p e r rr sso d e n thewtoolltEn g la n d l ensau utilalinont, and not of Au s tria, and fortify th e i r na ti ona l pos i t i on against the influence of foreign insidious whisperings. There is danger, I tell you, men of England, there is dan ger before your doors. Do n o t bli n dl y co n fide in ppe ee silent e su M t psedirtsrransheoan uld wi ha th ve se h a sd led so se m c e r thin et or g d to d . The wooden and iron b u l war k s of England went fort h Appearan ce s. o Wh with at th if those e h s o h s i e p Orion, moored athwarl the port of Genoa so as to imp ede th e disembarkation of French troop s , an d refusing to m an inch out of the way ? It is rumoured th a t the indigna tionove of the Genoese was loud, that England's naval officers were obliged to stay all night ashore, as even the poorest gon dolier refused to row them to their ship. Wh a t if you should hear of the recurrence of petty annoyances, may be chance, may be design, butat all events calculated t o annoy of nf whic h h stirringyou may th en hear variations, an d, as the French and Italians, and to provoke some untoward neEniliaiglan°ll9cl' suhpoonnourthe talkedgro oundf you have been appropriately, warned bythe Times, you may go to bed one evening believing yourself at peace, and may wake on the morrow finding yourself at war ? And all this for the glorious purpose of vindicating the inviolability of the precious treaties of 1815 ! (Cheers.) Let the people's voice keep England out of war till Parliament meets. .Par liament will keep her safe when it shall have met. (Cheers.) The hustings gave a guarantee for this. But if the people relax in watchfulness, the evil of an " accomplished fact" may come between which even Parliament may find it dif ficult to redress. The third point which nave to elucidate is what diplomatists call the localisation of the war. If this expression has any meaning at all, it is meant to say that the war shall be fought out on Italian territory. Well, my lord, I apprehend that those who say so talk absolute nonsense ; they have not consulted the most elementary principles of strategy. If the war is to have any issue, the Austriansmust not only be ejected from Italy they must be ejected in such a manner that they shall not be able to go back again. Tac tical victories, without a strategical result, never have finished a war, nor ever will. (Hear, hear.) Now, in the rear of the fortified defensive position of the Austrians, be tween the Mincio and the Adige, and at a little distance beyond the Tagliamento, is the frontier line which sepa rates Lombardy and Venice from the other dominions of Austria. Well, imagine that the Austrians, attacked in front in that famous position, despair of holding their ground, and retire behind the Tagliamento. Does England mean to say that France and Piedmont shall be forbidden to follow them ? (Hear.) Does England mean to say that Austria, being at war, should enjoy all the advantages of neutrality in her seas, or on her own territory ?—that she has only to retire beyond a certain line, there stop, and mock her enemies, because these would be obliged, by the localisation principle, not to overstep the Italian territory. (Hear, hear.) Why this is absolutely preposterous. (Hear.) We in our war of independence ejectedthree armies in suc cession from our territory ; they flew across the frontiers of :teighbouring Turkey, and we did not follow them from re spect for the neutral rights of our neighbour. But Turkey did not disarm the ejected Austrians, as by the law of na tions she ought to have done ; and the result was , that they came back, and attacked us again. (Hear , hear.) How ever, in that case they retreated to a territory which was not their own, and, therefore, was under the rights and duties of neutrality. But in the present case it is pretended, upon the principle of localisation, that Austria, though bel ligerent, should enjoy all the privileges of neutrality in her own seas and on her territory. She does not confine her means of warfare to those resources which she might draw ' from Italy ; they would be scanty resources indeed. No, she uses every nook of her dominions, whether connected with the Germanic confederation or not, for raising armies, and drawing every implement and supplement of warfare from everywhere. Yet it is pretended that the powers with whom she is at war should hold her territory inviolable be yond Italy ; it is pretended that she may be belligerent, but should be thopght neutral too. (Hear.) Again I say that is absolute nonsense. (Cheers.) There is yet another conside ration. The strategical position of Austria in the famous square between the Mincio and Adige, with its four fortresses on its four corners, one of them, Verona, not a mere fortress, but a fortified camp, capable of sheltering 60,000 men— that position is not what it was in the famous campaign of 1796. It was like an embryo then, it is like a giant now. (Hear, hear.) And diplomacy comes with its idea of locali sation, and claims from France and Piedmont that they should be content with a front attack—content, as it were, with running their heads against a wall ; and that they should abstain from taking the power of Austria in flank or rear, either by sea or by land, or any other point of her dominions. Why, the pretension is absolutely monstrous I (Hear, hear.) Then, what is to be inferred from these con siderations, with regard to the policy of England? It would be utterly vain to speculate upon what England would have to do if France were to dash at the Rhine, and occupy Belgium, or attack Germany, because no man in his senses can think that the Emperor of the French can be ex tremely anxious to get Prussia and Germany to turn upon him while he has Austria on his hands. If he be attacked by them, he will of course defend himself, and will not be without-allies I imagine; but that he should intend to attack them is an idle dream. Therefore, you ought to consider the war, such as it is ; Piedmont and France on the one hand, and the House of Austria on the other; and on this ground I should ask,—Are you willing to guarantee with your blood and money to belligerent Austria the privi leges of neutrality for her non-Italian possessions ? Are you willing to have your country plunged in war for the purpose of protecting Austria from such military operations as, consistently with the law of nations, her antagonists may think fit to direct against her without Italy ? If you are not prepared to do , this (as I trust you are not), well then, do not rest satisfied with vague declarations, but go straight to the practical point, and let it be clearly under stood by the Government, that whether the battle-field be confined to the Po, or extend to any other portion of the Austrian dominions, you wish England to maintain a strict and impartial neutrality, and that you will as little vote one penny of subsidy, or sacrifice one drop of English blood, for the safety of Austria in the Adriatic, on the Danube, or on the Theiss, as you would do it for her safety on the Po. (Cheers.) I think it both urgent and important, my Lord Mayor, that public opinion should be explicit in its mani festations, because I cannot forget that some distinguished members of her Majesty's Government hinted at the possibility of England flying to the rescue of Austria, if she were to be attacked in the Adriatic. (Hear, hear.) And I ask what is that Austria to you, that she should be hugged to the protecting bosom of Britannia, at the cost of your blood to be shed in streams, of your money to be spent by hundreds of millions, at the cost of bringing incalculable confusion into your commercial re lations, inflicting deep wound; it may be incurable wounds, on your prosperity, - checking your progress, and arrestinc , the course of your peaceful reforms ? (Hear, and cheers.) What, I ask, what is the house of Austria to you ? (Re newed cheers.) Is its existence advantageous to your com mercial interests ? Why, just consult the latest returns of the Board of Trade, and you will see that your commerce with small but free Belgium is nearly six times as extensive as your commerce with the big Austrian mpire. (Hear, hear.) Uruguay nearly equals it, the Pllilippine Islands, ...r Norway, and little Greece, rank each before Austria. ut I know that when the heterogeneous compound of that European nuisance is once dissolved, your commercial in tercourse with Hungary alone must be ten times as exten sive as it is with the whole Austrian empire now. Or is it true, as some have told you, that Austria is your useful ally, both faithful and true? (Laughter.) Useful, indeed I know that Austria was the insatiable pensioner of England; that she was the bottomless sack into which England poured millions from the life-sweat of her industrious people. I know that in the late French wars you gave her the little snug sum of 17 millions of pounds ; but what advantage you have got from her in return is not yet recorded in his tory. (Laughter.) T know that you have saved Austria, but I do not know that you areindebted for your safety, for your rank among the nations, for your prosperity, or for your freedom to her. (Cheers.) A dear ally she was to you, for sooth; only too dear. But how "useful ?" That I have yet to learn. Austria your ally, faithful and true I Why gentlemen, remember the Crimean war. Cast your eyes at the gloomy churchyard field before Sebastopol. It is faithful Austria, that pale phantom of death, that sent your heroes to die in vain on that barren field, while she stood idly by without firing a shot,. without raising a finger, in return for all your consideration for her. (Hear.) But if I can find no answer to the question, " What is Austria to England ?" I could tell you a tale of horrors about what Austria is to the great birthright of mankind—liberty, what she is to freedom of conscience, what she is to culture and enlightenment, what she is to everything that good men prize. No, Eng land cannot, England will not, load herself with the re proach of oppressed millions by stepping between Austria and retribution, for which she appears to be marked by the finger of a long-forbearing but just Providence, whose ways are often mysterious. And why, I ask, why should England plunge into the.calamities of war to keep that Austria safe? One answer is given to this question which brings me to the last chapter of my remarks. It is said that the integrity of the Austrian empire is necessary to the maintenance of the balance of power. Oh, this word, spectre as it is, that cannot stand the light of common sense, this word is a terrible Moloch, to which right, justice, political-morality, freedom, and the existence of nations, have been immolated as so many holocausts. (Hear, hear.) Let it not be said that England persisted in perpetuating the sacrifice. I shall not now enter on a theoretical elucidation of the fallacies of this cabalistic abracadabra of balance of power, which unlike that of the olden Syrians, creates the diseases which it is in tended to cure. I shall restrict . myself to one remark of a practical character. Artificial states, without either organic cohesion or harmonising cement, are an incitement to war, instead of constituting a check upon it. (Hear.) Against what kind of preponderance is the Austrian empire meant to constitute a barrier? Evidently either against Russia or against France. Well, as to Russia. There are in the Austrian empire 17 millions of people belonging to the Sclavonic race ; all of them discontented, because not only oppressed politically, but also deprived of national exist ence. Now, imagine Russia desiring to strike an ambi tious blow anywhere. Will Austria be a barrier to her ? Was she ever a barrier at any single moment of the past ? Why, Russia need only to say, as the Czar Alexander instructed Admiral Tsitsakoff to say if he found Austria playing fast and looSe, " Ye 17 millions rise against the oppressor of your nationality—here I am to help you ;" and they will rise ; and where will Austria be ? This is the reason why Austria did not dare to draw her sword in the late Crimean war. Is that a barrier? Why, it is a high road inviting ambition to an easy march. (Cheers.) Now, reverse the picture. Let those 17 millions be delivered from the Austrian yoke, and they would be what Sclavonic Poland was till quartered with the concurrence of Austria. Again, as to France. On the 19th November last I spoke at Glasgow the following words :—" In any war in which France will stand on the one side and Austria on the other, France has but to advance to the frontiers of any of the nationalities oppressed by Austria and say, Here I am to help you, rise and throw off the yoke of Austria,' and they will hail the invitation with enthusiasm." You are just on the eve of seeing this anticipation realised in Italy. As the French advance you may see in them new Deucalions raising up an armed foe to Austria from every stone. And you may see the anticipation by-and-by realised in other quarters too. If Austria held not Italy in her grasp, would an Italian question be possible ? No, Austria is not a barrier; her very existence is the sword of Damocles sus pended over the settled condition of Europe, it is the cavern from which the European volcano is fed. (Hoar, hear, and cheers.) Let Austria vanish into the gulf of eternal perdi tion which is yawning for her(cheers)—and we may yet hear, perhaps, of local revolutions,- but they will remain mere domestic affairs ; European wail of ambition will be come for ever itnpossible, and you will not see any longer thelifesweat of Europe drained by the keeping up of large standing armies, because the independence of every nation will find a guarnntee in the independence of all. (Cheers.) The truth is very plain, my lord. The nations agglomerated into the artificial compound called Austria certainly contain considerable elements of power; but it is a very great mis conception to deduce from this fact the inference that the Austrian empire is a powerful ingredient in what is called the system of the balance of power. The world has pro gressed, my lord. The sentiment of nationality which 50 years ago the dynasties aroused for the protection of their thrones is strongly developed everywhere. If it be strong in the German nation it is equally strong in the Italian, Hungarian, and Sclavonic nationalities—nay, even stronger, because these are subject to foreign domination. Therefore the fact is, that the nations which are yoked together under the strictly military rule of Austria detest that rule. Con sequently, in any war waged against Austria, one or another of them, it may be all of them, will always be found ready to join any foreign power against Austria. Those nations, emancipated from the yoke of Austria, would certainly form powerful bulwarks of Europe's independence, but coupled together by force and violence in an unnatural compound which they detest, they are not a barrier but a vulnerable point of Europe's peace and security. (Cheers.) I have thus endeavoured, my Lord Mayor, to elucidate the four points which I beg the meeting well to consider, because it is on the view which the English nation shall take of thbse points, that the policy of England will eventually depend. (Hear hear.) There is one point more to which I desire to advert. It is said that if the Italians, if the other nationali ties whom Austria holds in bondage, would act. alone, Eng land would not feel tempted to intervene, but the French intervention alters the case. (Hear, hear.) It is said that the Emperor of the French cannot be actuated by any other than ambitious views —(hear, hear)—that he means con quest ; and this England should not allow ; nor shoiild Italy, or the other oppressed nationalities, lend their hands for exchanging one task-master for another. (Hear, hear ) These are grave considerations, indeed, and here is my brief, plain answer to them. It is easy to say that the oppressed nationalities should act alone. Unity of will and harmony of design are not everything ; action must be combined on a that res!. preconcerted plan, and before that combination can be arrived at in countries where speech is stifled, and the press with a( H c e o a u r p , l e h hear.) r f . ) h u n T d r h i e s d is gagged, the disciplined army crushes the unorganised popular masses, and the hangman and the scaffold do of brave liberty lovingi t s ho t u h s e an k d ey so t l o di t e h rs e mystery s people be held in bondage for ages. Rare are the may e the instances recorded in history in which deliverance from oppression was achieved without foreign assistance. The United had the assistance of des • potic France in establishing their independence. (Hear, hear.) Even England, heroic and brave as she is, had the aid of 15,000 Dutch Grenadiers and a Dutch fleet of 500 sa il ; i t was with these that William of Orange came to the rescue of her liberties. (Hear.) We Hungarians achieved our independence without foreign as sistance, but it was by foreign intervention that we were enslaved. What curious change has come on a sudden over the minds of Governments and of aristocrats that they raise a hue and cry against what they call the intervention of the French in Italy ? Why, my lord, for about 40 years we have scarcely heard of anything else than foreign interven tion against liberty. There was intervention in Spain, at Naples, in Piedmont, in Sicily, at Rome, in Moldo- Wallachia, in Hungary, in Baden, in Schleswig-Hol stein, everywhere there has been intervention against liberty, and I do not know that England has everdrawn her sword to forbid it. Sometimes a tame remonstrance may have been offered ; but in the case of my own dear native land England's Government had not even one poor word of ob nervation to offer. (Hear, hear.) Well, here at last is a Case in which a chance of emancipation from the yoke of Austria is presenting itself by an intervention (if mterve . m. tion it be), and a hue and cry is raised a g ainst it, and prin ciples are invoked in favour of oppression which wer e never invoked in favour of the oppressed. (Hea r. ) It is aiduredit able hypocrisy. Let Austria be replaced in the position into the heroic arms of my nation had hurled her in 1849, before foreign intervention lifted her up from the dust, and be sure neither Italy nor we shall want any assistance; but if England permitted Austria to be sa v e d, and the rights of nationalities to be crushed by foreign intervention, let it not be recorded that, when such intervention might have turned to the advantage of the oppressed nationalities, then only was it opposed for the first time by that England which was so much indebted herself to foreign assistance for her deliverance from oppression. (Cheers.) B e sides, in this case there is not exactly intervention, there is war between established governments. That one or more nationalities may take advantage of the opportunity is, I should think, not' exactly a proper reason for England to throw, Drennus-like; her sword into the scale in favour of Austria, a name synonymous with oppression, and with the murder of nationalies. (Cheers.) What may be the , special motives which induced the present ruler of France to engage in this war I do not pretend to know, but I know what cannot be in his interest, and therefore cannot be in his intentions. It cannot be in his interest to enter on the career of a conqueror, because that would be positive ruin to him, as it was the ruin of Napoleon I. Nay, though that great captain was certainly an timbitious man, yet I feel perfectly certain that if he was to rise this day from his grave, with all his high-towering ambition, not even he could enter now on the career of a conqueror. At certain times certain things are impossible ; and this is one of them. Furthermore, I know_ that it cannot be in his interest, nay, that it is positively against his interest, to aim at the oppres sion of nationalities. (Cheers.) It was the irreverent disre gard of the sentiment of nationality which sent Napoleon I. to die a fettered eagle on the scorching rocks of St. Helena ; it is the saline irreverent disregard of the sentiment of nationality that will shatter to atoms the tottering throne of perfidious Austria. And verily it does strike me that Napoleon 111. is not exactly the man to repeat the fault by which Napoleon I. fell. By doing good to the oppressed nationalities he may earn great moral advantage ; by doing them harm he could not earn anything but ruin for himself. (Cheers.) In forming my opinions I take fora starting point interests, not men; and knowing that in matters where so much is at stake men are not likely to disregard theirinterest, I dare trust to the soundness of my conclusions. And after all there is some guarantee in the force of circumstances too. Suppose— I give you as a supposition —suppose the logical development of the present war should offer to my own nation, not an incitement to hazard ous desultory riots—these I should sternly advise her to avoid but should offer her such a chance as would, with reasonable prospects, place her indepen dence within the reach of her own determination, would you advise her to reject the chance because, under the mysterious dispensation of Providence, it would have come to her from a Bonaparte ? Why, she would be a fool to reject it. (Cheers.) Hungary cannot be made a French department ; she is both too strong and too distant for that ; her distance alone places her out of that danger. (Hear, hear.) And even as to Italy. Hated as Austria is by every Italian, the iron rod of Austria was strong enough to pre vent Italy from organising and arming the nation. Thanks to the assistance of France, they can do it now. Let them be wise enough to take advantage of the occasion, and, having had assistance in getting delivered from the foe, if they should not know how to secure their future indepen dence from their friend, they would not deserve to be free. (Loud cheers.) When the fate of nations is trembling in the scale, woe to the man who, loving himself more than his fatherland, would allow himself to be guided in his judgment by his personal sympathies and antipathies rather by what he owes to his country. I love my fatherland more than myself—more than anything on earth ; and, inspired by this love, I ask one -boon—only , one boon—from Eng land, and that is, that she should not support Austria. England has not interfered, for liberty ; let her not interfere for the worst of despotisms on earth—that of Austria. (Great cheering.) The only boon I ask is strict neutrality ; and this, too; I should not ask if I were not certain in my conscience that .Engbfind's interference in the war would bring incalculable calamity on this your free and happy country, without any possible present profit or future com 7 pensation. (Hear, hear.) I owe, and gladly profess to owe, eternal gratitude to England. I. should feel it much I like a misfortune befalling my own native land should Eng- Sland inconsiderately rush into a calamitous course by coup - ling her own fate to that of the House of Austria. (Hear.) The English nation has mighty destinies in her hands. Please to bear well in mind this, that no war can be thought to have assumed European proportions, unless Germany and Russia become parties to it. Now, my lord, I am of opinion that, though the German nation be uncom monly excited, Germany will not fly into the war to the rescue of Austria unless Prussia takes the lead—(hear, hear) —thus abjuring the policy of Frederick the Great, which raised her to the position of a first-rate power. And I, for one, considering the attitude which the Czar of Russia would be likely to take in such a case—l, for one, cannot think that the Regent of Prussia will risk the dangerous hazard unless he shall be made sure of being supported by England. Thus it evidently depends on the resolution of England whether or not this war is to assume general European proportions ; because if Austria, from reliance upon England's support, plunges it into the war on the side of Austria, it is more than reasonable to anticipate that France in that case will be supported by Russia. (Hear, hear.) Let, therefore, her Majesty's Government well pon der over the consequences of a rash, inconsiderate step, and let them weigh well the immense responsibility of their position. The course which the national interests of Eng land recommend is very clear. Keep yourselves out of harm; develop your own freedom ; advance your own prosperity ; go on steadily on the road of progress, to your own advan tage as well as to thatof humanity and of civilisation ,• and allow m e to express a hope that if, under the merciful dis pensation of Providence, a chance of national emancipation should arise, from the present complications, for any of the nationalities whom Austria holds in bondage, the good wishes and hearty prayers of this free, generous nation will not be with the oppressor, but will be with the op pressed ; that England will not be backward in cheering the endeavour with her approbation, and in encouraging it by her sympathy. (Great and long-continued applause.) THE NEW PARLIAMENT. MEMBERS RETURNED. The following is a complete list of the Members who have been returned to the New Parliament, distinguished as " Liberals" and " Conservatives" : Places. Names. L C. Abingdon .. .. Mr. J. T. Norris .. . 1 Andover .. Mr. Alderman Cubitt 1 Mr. D. Fortescue 1 Anglesea .. Sir It. Bulkeley 1 Arundel .. ; . Lord E. Howard .. Ashburton .. .. Mr. Astell Ashton .. Mr. T. M. Gibson .. 1 Aylesbury .. Mr. T. T. Bernard 1 Mr. S. G T. V . . S W mi e t n h t wOr.th :. . 1 1 Double return Mr. { Banbury .. Sir C. Douglas Barnstaple .. Mr G. Potts • 1 Mr. J. H. Davie .. 1 Bath.. Mr. Tite .. 1 Mr. A. E. Way .. 1 Beaumaris Hon. W. 0. Stanley .. 1 Bedford Mr. S. Whitbread .. 1 Major Stuart .. 1 Bedfordshire .. Mr. Hastings Russell .. 1 - Cpl. Gilpin .. 1 Berkshire Mr. Walter Hon. P. P. Pouverie .. 1 Captain Vernon .. 1 Berwick .. .. Captain Gordon .. 1 Mr. R. A. Erle 1 Beverley .. .. Mr. Walters .. 1 Major S. Edwards .. 1 Bewdley .. Sir T. Winnington 1 Birmingham .. Mr. Bright .. 1 Mr. Scholefield .. 1 Blackburn .. .. Mr. Hornby .. 1 I M lo r n ..P F il . kin L g G to o n wer 1 1 Bodmin Dr. Michell • • •• 1 Bolton ..' .. Mr. J. Crook ~ 1 Captain Gray .. 1 Boston • .. Mr. H. In ; -, m 1 Mr. W. Staniland . 1 Bradford .. .. Mr. W. H. Wickham .. 1 Mr. Titus Salt Brecon Colonel Watkins 1 Breconshire .. Mr. G. C. Morgan 1 Bridgnorth.. .. Mr. J. Pritchard .. 1 Mr. Whitmore .. 1 Bridgewater .. Colonel, Tynte. • • .. 1 Mr. Kinglake .. 1 Brighton .. Sir G. B. Pechell 1 Mr. W. Coningham 1 Bridport .. Mr. J. A. Mitchell .. 1 Mr. K. D. Hodgson .. 1 Bristol .. .. Mr. H. Berkeley .. 1 Mr. W. H. Gore Langton 1 Buckingham .. Sir H. Verney .. 1 Mr. J. C. Hubbard 1 Buckinghamshire.. Mr. Disraeli •• 1 Mr. G. C. Du Pre .. Hon. W. G. Cavendish .. 1 Bury (Lancashire) Mr. F. Peel.. 1 Bury St. Edmund's Lord A. Hervey .. 1 Mr. J. A. Hardcastle .. 1 Caine .. Mr. R. Lowe 1 Cambridge .. Mr. K. Macaulay .. 1 Mr. A. Steuart .. 1 Cambridgetniversity Mr. Walpole .. 1 Mr. Selwyn Cambridgeshire .. Hon. E. Yorke .. 1 Mr. E. Ball 1 Mr. H. J. Adeane 1 Canterbury .. Sir W. Somerville .. 1 Hon. H. B. Johnston .. 1 Cardiff .. .. Colonel Stewart .. 1 Cardigan .. Mr. E. Pryse 1 Cardiganshire •.. Mr. Powell 1 Carlisle .. .. Sir J. Graham .. 1 Mr. Lawson 1 Carmarthen .. Mr. D. Morris .. 1 Carmarthenshire .. Mr. D. Jones .. 1 Mr. D. Pugh 1 Carnarvon 80. .. Mr. Wynne 1 Carnarvonshire .. Hon. E. G. Pennant .. 1 Chatham .. Sir F. Smith • . 1 Chester • • Earl Grosvenoi 1 Mr. Humbersion 1 Cheltenham .. Colonel F. W. H. Berkeley 1 Cheshire, North .. Mr. W. T. Egerton 1 Mr. G. C. Legh 1 Cheshire, South .. Sir P. .Egerton 1 Mr. Tolgmache Chichester .. Lord H. Gordon Lennox 1 Mr. H. W. Freeland .. 1 Chippenham • . Mr. Lysley 1 Mr. R. P. Long .. 1 Christchurch • . Admiral Walcott .. 1 Cirencester .. Mr. A. Bathurst .. 1 Mr. Ponsonby 1 Clitheroe • . Mr. J. T. Hopwood 1 Cockermouth • . Lord Naas Mr. Steel .. 1 Colchester • . Mr. Miller Mr. Papillon 1 Cornwall, West .. Mr. R. Davey 1 Mr. St. Aubyn 1 Cornwall, East . • Mr. Agar RGbartes 1 Mr. N. Kendall .. 1 Coventry .. • • Mr. E. Ellice 1 Sir J. Paxton . 1 C r icklade .. • . Lord A s hl ey .. . 1 Mr. Goddard • • •• 1 Cumberland, East Hon. C. Howard 1 Mr. Marshall 1 Cumberland, West Colonel Lowther .. 1 General Wyndham * •• 1 Dartmouth .. Mr. Schenley 1 'THE SUN,' LONDQN, .MONDAY, Ev i gprlNG, MAY 23, 1859. . Places. Names. L. C. Denbigh Boroughs Mr. Mainwaring 1 Denbighshire Sir W. W. Wynne 1 Colonel Biddulph 1 Derby .. Mr. M. T. Bass aK . . 1 Mr. Beale 1 Derbyshire, North Hon. G. Cavendish .. 1 Mr. Thornhill . • .. 1 Derbyshire, South Mr. Evans .. • . 1 Mr. Mundy .. .. •• 1 Devonport .. Sir E. Perry .. 1 Mr. J. Wilson .. 1 Devonshire, North Mr. J. W. Buller.. .. 1 Hon. C. R. Trefusis .. 1 Devonshire, South Mr. Palk .. • • .. 1 Mr. Kekewich 1 Devizes .. .. Mr. D. Griffith .. 1 Mr. S. W. Taylor .. 1 Dorchester .. Mr. R. B. Sheridan .. 1 Mr. C. N. Sturt 1 Dorsetshire .. Mr. Ker Seymer 1 Mr. G. Sturt 1 Hon. W. H. Portman .. 1 Dover .. .. Mr. Nicholl 1 Sir H. Leeke 1 Droitwich .. Sir J. Pakington 1 Dudley .. .. Mr. H. B. Sheridan .. 1 Durham City .. Mr. Atherton .. 1 Mr. J. R. Mowbray 1 Durham, North .. Lord A. V. Tempest .. 1 Mr. R. D. Shafto 1 Durham, South .. Mr. J. Farrer 1 Mr. H. Pease .. 1 Essex, North .. Hon. W. Beresford 1 Mr. Du Cane 1 Essex, South Mr. T. W. Bramston 1 Mr. J. W. P. Wallington.. 1 Evesham .. Sir H. Willoughby.. .. 1 Mr. E. Holland .. 1 Exeter .. Mr. R. S. Gard .. 1 Mr. E. Divett 1 Eye .. .. Sir E. Kerrison 1 Finsbury .. .. Mr. T. Duncombe 1 Sir S. M. Peto 1 Flintshire .. Hon. T. E. Mostyn. .. 1 Flint Boroughs .. Sir J. Hanmer 1 Frome .. Lord E. Thynne 1 Gateshead .. Mr. W. Hutt .. 1 Glamorganshire . • Mr. C. R. Talbot .. 1 Mr. H. H. Vivian .. 1 Glocester Mr. W. P. Price .. 1 Mr. Monk .. 1 Glocestershire, E... Sir C. W. Codrington 1 Mr. R. S. Holford 1 Glocestershire, W.. Mr. Nigel Kingseote .. 1 Mr. J. Rolt.. 1 Grantham .. .. Hon. F. Tollemache .. 1 Mr. W. E. Welby 1 Greenwich.. .. Mr. W. Angerstein .. 1 Mr. Alderman Salomons .. 1 Grimsby, Great • . Lord Worsley 1 Guildford .. .. Mr. Bovill 1 Mr. J. H. Onslow 1 Halifax .. .. Sir C. Wood .. 1 Mr. J. Stansfeld • • • . 1 Harwich .. Hon. W. Campbell .. 1 Captain Jarvis .. 1 Hastings .. Mr. F. North .. 1 Lord H. Vane .. 1 Hampshire, N. .. Mr. G. S. Boothe .. 1 Mr. W. B. Beech .. 1 Hampshire, S. Sir J. Jervoise 1 Hon. R. H. Dutton .. 1 Haverfordwest .. Mr. J. H. Philipps 1 Helston .. Mr. J. J. Rogers .. 1 Hereford (City) .. Colonel Cliffbrd 1 Mr. G. Clive ;. 1 Herefordshire .. Lord W. Graham 1 • Mr. J. King King.. .. 1 Mr. Mildmay 1 Hertford .. .. Hon. W. F. Cowper .. 1 Sir W. M. Farquhar .. 1 Hertfordshire .. Sir E. B. Lytton .. 1 Mr. A. Smith .. 1 Mr. Puller .. 1 Honiton .. Mr. A. B. Cochrane .. 1 Mr. J. Locke • • • • 1 Horsham .. .. Mr. S. Fitzgerald .. 1 Huddersfield .. Mr. E. Akroyd 1 Hull.. .. Mr. J. Clay.. . , .. 1 Mr. J. Hoare .. 1 Huntingdon .. General Peel .. 1 Mr. T. Baring • • •• 1 Huntingdonshire Lord R. Montagu .. Mr. E. Fellowes 1 Hythe .. Baron M. De Rothschild .. 1 Ipswich .. .. Mr. J. C. Cobbold.. 1 Mr. H. E. Adair .. 1 Kent, East.. .. Sir B. Bridges .. 1 Mr. W. Deedes 1 Kent, West .. Lord Holmesdale 1 Sir E. Filmer 1 Kendal .. .. Mr. G. C. Glyn .. 1 Kidderminster .. Mr. Bristow 1 King's Lynn .. Lord Stanley .. 1 Mr. J. H. Gurney.. .. 1 Knaresborough .. Mr. T. Collins .. 1 Mr. B. T. Woodd 1 Lambeth .. .. Mr. W. Roupell 1 Mr. W. Williams .. 1 Lancaster .. .. Mr. W. J. Garnett .. 1 Mr. L. Gregson. 1 Lancashire, North Colonel Patten .. 1 Marquis of Hartington .. 1 Laficashfre, South Hon. A. Egerton 1 Mr. W. Legh 1 Launceston .. Sir Brenton Haliburton 1 Leeds .. Mr. E. Baines .. 1 Mr. G. S. Beecroft , 1 Leicester .. Mr. Biggs 1 Dr. Noble 1 Leicestershire, North Lord J. Manners .. 1 Mr. Hartopp 1 Leicestershire, South Lord Curzon .. 1 Mr. C. W. Packs 1 Leominster .. Mr. G. Hardy .. 1 Hon. C. B. Hanbury 1 Lewes .. .. Mr. H. Fitzroy .. 1 Mr. H. Brand .. 1 Lichfield .. Lord A. Paget .. 1 Captain Anson .. 1 Lincoln Major Sibthorp 1 Mr. Heneage 1 Lincolnshire, North Sir M. Cholmeley 1 Mr. J. B. Stanhope .. 1 Lincolnshire, South Sir J. Trollope 1 Mr. J. H. Packs 1 Liskeard .. Mr. M. Gray .. 1 Liverpool .. .. Mr. T. B. Horsfall.. 1 Mr. J. C. Ewart 1 London, City .. Lord J. Russell .. 1 Baron L. Rothschild .. 1 Sir J. Duke 1 Mr. R. W. Crawford .. 1 Ludlow .. .. Colonel Herbert .. 1 Mr. B. Botfield 1 Lymo Regis .. Mr. W. Pinney .. 1 Lymington.. .. Mr. W. A. Mackinnon .. 1 Sir J. Carnac 1 Macclesfield .. Mr. E. C. Egerton.. .. 1 Mr. Brocklehurst 1 Maidstone .. .. Mr. C. Buxton .. 1 M. W. Lee 1 Maldon .. Mr. T. S. Western.. .. 1 Mr. Peacock .. , 1 Malmesbury .. Lord Andover .. 1 Malton .. Hon. C. W. Fitzwilliam .. 1 Mr. J. Brown 1 Manchester .. Mr. T. Bazley 1 Mr. J. A. Turner .. 1 Marlborough .. Lord E. Bruce .. 1 Mr. H. Baring .. 1 Marlow, Great .. Colonel Williams .. 1 Colonel Knox 1 Marylebone • . Sir B. Hall 1 Mr. E. James .. 1 Merionethshire Mr. W. E. Wynne .. 1 Merthyr Tydyil .. Mr. H. A. Bruce .. 1 Middlesex .. Mr. R. Hanbury 1 Mr. G. Byng , 1 Midhurst .. Mr. W. T. Mitford.. 1 Monmouth 80. .. Mr. C. Bailey .. 1 Monmouthshire Mr. 0. Morgan .. 1 Colonel Somerset .. 1 Montgomery Dis trict Mr. D. Pugh .. 1 Montgomeryshire.. Mr. H. W. Wynn 1 Morpeth .. Sir G. Grey .. . 1 Newark .. .. Mr. G. Hodgkinson .. 1 Mr. J. Handley 1 Newcastle-on-Tyne Mr. Headlam .. 1 Mr. Ridley .. 1 Newcastle-un-Lyme Mr. W. Jackson .. 1 Mr. Murray 1 Newport, Isle of Wight .. Mr. R. W. Kennard .. 1 Mr. Philip Lybbe Powys.. -- 1 Norfolk, East .. Mr. Howes .. .. 1 Colonel Coke .. 1 Norfolk, West .. Mr. B. Gurdon 1 Mr. P. Bentinck 1 Northallerton Mr. IV. B. Wrightson .. 1 Northampton .. Mr. V. Smith Mr. C. Gilpin .. 1 Northamptonshire, North .. Lord Burghley Mr. G. W. Hunt 1 _ _ Northamptonshire, South .. .. Colonel Cartwright .. 1 Mr. R. Knightley 1 Northumberland, South .. Mr. H. G. Liddell 1 Mr. W. B. Beaumont .. 1 Northumberland, North .. Lord Lovaine 1 Sir M. Ridley 1 Norwich .. .. Lord Bury .. 1 Mr. Schneider 1 Nottingham .. Mr. Paget .. • 1 Mr. Mellor .. . , 1 Nottinghamshire, North .. Mr. J. E. Denison.. .. 1 Lord R. Clinton 1 Nottinghamshire, South Lord Newark -- 1 Mr. W. H. Barrow .. 1 . Oldham .. Mr. W. J. Fox 1 Mr. Cobbott 1 Oxford Mr. Cardwell 1 Mr. Langston .. • • 1 Oxfordshire .. Mr. Henley .. • • • • Colonel North .. • • Mr. G. Harcourt .. • • Oxford University Mr. Gladstone • • •• Sir W. Heathcote . • • • 1 Pembroke .. Sir J. Owen • • • • — 1 Pembrokeshire .. Lord Emlyn. . • • • • Penryn and Fal -1 mouth .. Mr. T. G. Baring • • • • Mr. S. H. Gurney .. 1 Peterborough .. Mr. a Whalley • • .. / • Mr. T. Hankey .. • • Petersfield Sir W. Jolliffe • • . • --1 Plymouth Lord Valletort • • .. 1 Mr. Collier .. • .. 1 Pontefract Mr. M. Milnes • . 1 Mr. Overend Poole, Dorsetshire Mr. I G )a1 1 1 1 7 . LYm ni, l l . y r n 1 P or t sm outh • • Sir F. Ba rin g 1 Sir J. Elphinston Preston .. .. Mr. C. P. Grenfell.. .. 1 Mr. R. A. Cross Radnor Boroughs.. Sir J. C. Lewis , Radnorshire .. Sir J. B. Walsh • 1 Reading .. • • Sir H. Keating Mr. Piggott 1 .. Hon. M .. r. W. M onson 1 • • Reigate • • Retford (East) Mr. Foliambe Lord Galw a y • 1 1 Richmond .. Mr. H. Ri c h • • - Mr. M. Wyvill •• 1 Ripon J. Mr. J. G A r . ee w n a w rr oo e d ~•..• .•..•. L. C. .. 1 Plac es. Names. Rochdale .. .. Mr. Cobden •11 • Rochester .. Mr. P. W. Martin ••-• Mr. Sergeant Kingly ke .. 1 Rutlandshire .. Hon. G. Noel .. • • 1 Hon. G. Heathc o t e .. 1 Rye • • .. Mr. W. A. Mackinn on .. 1 Salford .. .. Mr. W. N. Massey. .. 1 Salisbury .. General Buckley .. 1 Mr. M. Marsh 1 Sandwich .. • • Lord G. Paget . • • 1 Mr. Hugessen .. 1 Scarborough Sir J. V. Johnston. .. 1 Hon. W. F. Denifics a .. 1 Shaftesbury .. Mr. G. G. Glya 1 Sheffield .. Mr. J. A. Roebuck .. 1 Mr. G. Hadfield. .. 1 Shoreham .. .. Sir C. lurrell 1 Mr. S. Cave —• •• 1 Shrewsbury .. Mr. Slaney Mr. Tomline Shropshire, North Hox. R. C. Hill Mr. Ormsby Gore; Shropshire, South Lord Newport .. Hon. W. R. Clive .. Somersetshire, East Sir W. Miles .. Mr. W. F. Knatotibull Somersetshire, West Mr. C. A. Moodie Mr. A. A. Hood 1 Southampton Mr. Wilcox 1 Mr. Digby Seynwur .. 1 South Shields .. Mr. Ingham Southwark •. .. Sir C. Napier .. 1 Mr. John Locke .. 1 St. Ives 1 .. .. MT. H. Paull .. Stafford .. .. Mr. J. A. Wise .. 1 Mr. Salt .. i Staffordshire, N. .. Mr. C. B. Adderley Lord Ingestre Staffordshire, S. .. Mr. H. H. Foley 1 Mr. W. 0. Foster .. 1 Stamford .. .. Sir S. Nerthcote Lord R. Cecil .. •• . 1 Stockport .. Mr. A. J. Kershaw . 1 Mr. J. B. Smith 1 Stoke-upon-Trent Mr. Alderman Copeland .. 1 Mr. J. L. Ricardo .. Stroud .. .. Mr. Horsman 1 Mr. Scrope .. • . Suffolk, East .. Sir F. Kelly • • 1 Lord Henniker .. •. 1 Suffolk, West .. Lord Jermyn .• •• 1 Major Parker .. .• 1 Sunderland .. Mr. W. S. Lindsay .. 1 Mr. Fenwick 1 Surrey, East Mr. T. Allcoek 1 Mr. Locke King .. 1 Surrey, West Mr. H. Drummond. .• 1 Mr. Briscoe .. .. •• 1 Sussex, East .. Lord Pevensoy 1 Mr. G. Dodson .. 1 Sussex, West Earl of March .. •• 1 Swansea .. .. Mr. H. Wyndham .. . • --1 Mr. L. L. Dillwyn.. .. 1 Tamworth .. Sir R. Peel .. 1 Lord Raynham 1 Taunton .. Mr. Labouchero 1 Mr. A. Mille .. •. 1 Tavistock .. Sir John S. Trelawny .. 1 Mr. A. G. Russell.. .. 1 Tewkesbury Hon. F. Lygon .. •• 1 Mr. J. Martin .. 1 Thetford .. Lord Euston Mr. A. Baring 1 Thirsk .. Sir W. P. Gallwey .• 1 Tiverton .. Lord Palmerston .. 1 Hon. G. Denman .. 1 Totnes .. Earl Gifford .. .1 Mr. T. Mills .. 1 Tower Hamlets .. Mr. A. S. Ayrton .. 1 Mr. C. Butler 1 Truro .. .. Mr. A. Smith .. 1 Mr. M. Smith, Q.C., 1 Tynemouth .. Mr. H. Taylor .. 1 Wakefield .. Mr. J. C. Charlesworth 1 Wallingford Mr. R. Malins .. •• 1 Walsall .. Mr. C. Forster .. 1 Wareham .. Mr. Drax .. •• 1 Warrington Mr. Greenall .. •• 1 Warwick .. Mr. G. W. Repton •. 1 Mr. E. Greaves .• 1 Warwickshire, N. Mr. Newdegate .. •• 1 Mr. Spooner Warwickshire, S. Mr. C. Mordaunt 1 Mr. E. P. Shirley •• 1 Wells .. .. Sir W. G. Hayter .. 1 Mr. H. Jolliffe .. •• 1 Wenlock .. Colonel Forester .. •• 1 Mr. M. Gaskell .. •• 1 Westbury .. Sir Lopes M. Lopes .. 1 Westmoreland .. Colonel Lowther .. •• 1 Earl Bective .. •• 1 Westminster .. Sir De Lacy Evans 1 Sir J. Shelley .. 1 Weymouth .. Lord Grey de Wilton 1 Mr. G. R. Brookes 1 Whitby .. .. Sir R. Stephenson 1 Whitehaven .. Mr. G. Lyall 1 Wigan .. .. Mr. H. Woods .. .. 1 Colonel Lindsay .. 1 Wight, Isle of .. Mr. C. C. Clifford .. 1 Wilton .. .. Mr. Antrobus 1 Wiltshire, North Mr. S. Estcourt 1 Mr. Long .. 1 Wiltshire, South Right Hon. S. Herbert .. 1 Lord H. Thynne 1 Winchester Mr. J. B. East .. 1 Mr. J. B. Carter 1 Windsor .. Mr. W. Vansittart 1 Mr. G. M. Hope 1 Wolverhampton .. Mr. C. Villiers ' .. 1 Sir R. Bethell 1 Woodstock Lord A. Churchill 1 Worcester .. Mr. W. Laslett 1 Mr. 0. Ricardo .. 1 Worcestershire, E. Mr. J. H. Foley .. 1 Mr. Calthorpe 1 Worcestershire, W. Lord Elmley 1 Mr. F W. Knight 1 Wycombe .. Sir G. Dashwood .. 1 Mr. T. Smith .. 1 Yarmouth .. Sir E. Lacon 1 Sir H. Stracey • 1 York .. .. Mr. Westhead • • 1 Colonel Smyth .. 1 Yorkshire, East Riding .. .. Lord Hotham 1 Hon. A. Duncombe 1 Yorkshire, North .. Hon. W. E. Duncombe 1 Mr. E. S. Cayley 1 Yorkshire, West Sir J. W. Ramsden .. 1 Mr. F. Crossley .. 1 IRELAND. Antrim County .. ialout.-Colfiakenham .. 1 General Upton .. .. 1 Armagh City .. Mr. Bond .. .. .. --1 Armagh County .. Lieut.-C o l. Si r W. Verner 1 Mr. Close .. .. .. 1 Athlone .. .. Mr. Ennis .. .. .. 1 Bandon .. .. Hon. Mr. Bernard. 1 Belfast .. .. The Solicitor-General of England .. .. •• . 1 Mr. Davidson .. .. 1 Carrickfergus .. Mr. Torrens .. .. 1 Carlow City .. Sir John Acton .. .. 1 Carlow County .. Captain Bunbury .. .. 1 Mr. Bruen . .. .. --1 Cashel .. .. Mr. Lanegan .. .. 1 Cavan County .. Hon. Mr. Maxwell .. .--- 1 Hon. Captain Annesley .. 1 Clare County .. Colonel Luke White .. 1 Colonel Vandeleur 1 Clonmel .. Mr. Bagwell .. 1 Coleraine Mr. Boyd .. • . • . Cork City .. Mr. Fagan 1 Mr. Beamish 1 Cork County .. Sergeant Deasy .. 1 Mr. Scully .. 1 Donegal County .. Mr. Connolly .. , 1 Sir Edmund Hayes • 1 Down County .. Lord Edwin . Hill • 1 Colonel Fordo 1 Downpatrick .. Mr. Kerr .. •• 1 Drogheda .. Mr. M'Cann. 1 Dublin City Sir Edward Grogan 1 Mr. Vance .. 1 Dublin County .. Mr. Hamilton .. 1 Colonel Taylor 1 Dublin University Mr. Lefroy 1 The Attorney-General .. 1 Dundalk .. .. Mr. Bowyer 1 Dungannon .. Hon. Mr. Knox .. • • -- 1 Dtmgarvon .. Mr. M agu i re .. • • 1 Ennis .. .. Rt. Hon. J. D. Fitzgerald 1 Enniskillen .. Hon. Mr. Cole .. 1 Fermanagh County M r . A rc hd a ll • • •• 1 1 Hon. Mr. Cole .. • • Galway County Sir Thomas Burke •• • 1 • Mr. Gregory • • • Galway Town .. L or d D un k e llin • • • • .• Mr. Lever .. Kerry County .. Ri g ht Hon. H. Herber t Viscount Castlerosse Kildare Count Mr. Cogan ' ity • Mr. More O'Ferrall .. 1 Kilkenny City Mr. Sullivan .. 1 Kilkenny County Hon. W. Ellis • • .. 1 Mr. Greene .. • • .. 1 Kinsale Mr. Arnott .. • • .. 1 Leitrim County • Mr. Brady . • • • • • 1 Mr. W. 0. Gore • • ••• 1 Limerick City .. Mr. Rus sell .. • • . 1 Major Gavin • • .. 1 Limerick County .. l g r ion M entWon • 1 Lisburn • • •• Mr. Richardson • • •• 1 Londonderry City.. Sir Robert Ferguson Longford County Col. Henry White .. „. 1 Col. Greville 1 Louth County .. Mr. Fortescue •1 Mr. Bellew .. 1 Londonderry County Captain Peel Dawson Sir F. Heygate . • • d' Mallow .. Mr. Longfield •• 1. Mayo County .. Captain Palmer ▪ •—• 1 Lord John Br own •• 1 Meath County .. Mr. Corbally • 1 • • • • 1 . • 1 Monaghan County Sirl r.GLeeosrligeo Forster. , .. . Mr M'Evoy .•• Mr. New Ross .. Mr. ToTottenham— 1 Portarl Newry•in• Mr Cap . t " . D i a n • • • • • • 1 1 Queen's . County .. Mr. Michael Dunne _ 1 gton wson Darner .. Roscommon County B. G. Colonel French. .. — 1 Sligo 1 Colonel Dunne County . Gof f Sligo Town ooth •• 1 Mr. Cooper .. 1 • . Right Hon. John Wynne ---1 Tipperary County The O'Donoghue .. • • 1 Mr. Waldron • . 1 Tralee • • .. Capt. Daniel O'Connell 1 Tyrone County .. Right Hon. L. Cony .. 1 Lord Claud Hamilton .. 1 Waterford City .. M r . Blake .. 1 Mr. Hassard • . 1 Waterford County Mr. Talbot .. . • .. 1 Captain Esmonde 1 Westmeath County Sir Richard Levinge .. 1 Mr. Pollard-Urquhart .. 1 Wexford County Mr. M‘Mahon 1 Mr. George'.. .. •• 1 Wexford Town • . Mr. Redmond .. 1 Wicklow County .. Mr. Hume 1 Lord Proby • • • • 1 Youghal .. • • Mr. Butt, Q.C. • . 1 SCOTLAND. Aberdeen . • .. Colonel Sykes .. .. 1 Aberdeenshire .. Lord Haddo .. .. 1 Argyleshire .. Mr. A. S. Finlay .. .. 1 Ayr District .. Mr. Craufurd .. .. 1 Places. Names. L. C. Ayrshire .. Lord J. Stuart .. 1 Banffshire .. .. Mr. Duff-Gordon .. • • 1 Berwickshire .. Mr. Robertson . . 1 Buteshire .. Mr. D. Mure .. •• 1 Caithness-shire .. M r. T ra ill 1 Clackmannan. .. Mr. W. P. Adam ~ 1 Dumbartonshire .. Mr. P. B. Smollett .• 1 Dumfries .. .. Mr. Ewart 1 Dumfriesshire .. Mr. H. Johnstone .. .• Dundee .. .. Sir J. Ogilvy 1 Edinburgh.. .. Mr. Moncreiff 1 Mr. Black .. .. 1 Edinburghshire .. Earl of Dalkeith .. •• 1 Elgin District .. M r. G . D uff.. • • 1 Elginshire .. ~. Mr. C. Bruce .. • • Falkirk District .. Mr. Merry .. . • • • - Fifeshire .. M r. Wemyss .. •• 1 Forfarshird .. Lord Duncan .. •• 1 Glasgow .. .. M r . B uc h anan .. • • 1 Mr. Dalglish .. • • 1 Greenock .. .. Mr. Dunlop . • • • 1 Haddington District Sir F. Davie .. • • 1 Haddingtonshire .. L or d Elcho • • •• 1 Inverness-shire .. M r . B a illi e •• 1 .. Inverness District.. M r . Matheson .. . • Kilmarnock .. Mr. Bouverie .. • • A Kincardineshire .. General Arbuthnot.. • • Kirkaldy District.. Colonel Ferguson .. • • 1 Kirkcudbright .. Mr. Mackie .. • • 1 Lanarkshire . • Sir E. Colebrooke 1 Leith District .. Mr. Miller .. •• 1 Linlithgowshire .. C a pt a i n W. Hamilton .• , Montrose .. .. Mr. Baxter • • 1 Orkney & Shetland Mr. F. Dundas .. • • 1 Paisley .. .. Mr. C. Ewing .. • • 1 Peeblesshire .. Sir G. Montgomery .• , Perth .. .. Mr. Kinnaird .. • • 1 Perthshire .. .. Mr. W. Stirling .. Renfrewshire .. Sir M. S. Stewart .. Ross and Cromarty Sir J. Matheson .. Roxlmirghshire .. Sir W. Scott .. Selkirkshire .. Mr. E. Lockhart .. Stirling . .. Mr. Caird Stirlingshire .. Mr. P. Blackburn .. St. Andrew's .. Mr. E. Ellice .. Sutherlandshire .. Marquis of Stafford Wick District .. Mr. S. Laing Wigton District .. Sir W. Dunbar Wigtonshire .. Sir A. Agnew Total Liberal Majority LIBERAL Bonot Ashburton .. .. Bath .. .. .. Bedford .. .. Berwick 00 00 Bodmin.. .. .. Chester 00 00 Colchester .. .. Devizes .. .0 Dover .. 00 Downpatrick .. .. Frome .. ea Helston .. 00 Hull .. .. .. LIBERAI BORO' Barnstaple .. Boston .. Carlisle.. .. Carlow • • . • Chippenham Cirencester Cricklade • • , Glocester (City) Hastings .. LOSSES. GHS. .. .-- •4 - - 1 •• 1 •• • • ...'" 1 •• ..363 30 2 .. 51 Total ~ .. 7$ GAINS. GHS. Limerick • • • ' Maidstone . • • • 1 Newark • • • • 1 Rochdale • • • • 1 Sunderland .. • • 1 Wakefield • • •-- Total • • • . 16 LIBERAL LOSSES. COUNTIES, South Durham .. East Norfolk .. Clare .. South Derbrthire Li nierick • • • • Londonderry .. Roscommon .. Waterford .. Wexford South Wiltshire .. South Warwickshire .. South Lancashire South Essex West Kent •• .. 1 •• 1 •• _ - - 1 •• _ - - 1 •• _ 1 •• _ -- 1 •• _ - - 1 •• _ . - 1 • • _ - - 1 •• _ - - 1 •• _ Total .. .. LIBERAL GAINS. COUNTIES. Berks Berwickshire Louth .. South Lincolnshire .. . - Yorkshire (West Riding) .. 1 •• _ .. 2 • • . 1 2 16 1 •• •• 1 1 •• .. 1 •• 1 Total -- •• 6 COUNTRY MA RIBTI OXFORD--MAY 21. To-day the attendance was numerous, and the farmer brought forward large supplies of wheat, for which there was a slow demand, owing to the high prices asked. Been 14 of which there were more on offer ruled about the same se last week. Barley dull. Flour a'firm trade, at £2 to £2 25 per sack. Mallow.. .. • Newport .. • . , Newry .. . • ; Plymouth .. • . Pontefract .. • . Truro • • • • • • Tynemouth ; Wareham .. ,; Weymouth .. Windsor .. Yarmouth .. .• CAMBRIDGE-MAT 21. There was a very small supply of wheat, for which there was a firm demand, at higher prices. More doing in fins barley, and recent rates being obtained for coarse samiles• In oats and beans the trade ruled slow, at about previous rates. Wheat 54s to 588 Oats.. 24 s to 280 I White do 58s to 60s Beans 465 to 48 Barley ..... 32s to 38s I Peas to NORWICH—MAY 21. The supply of wheat limited, and higher prices demanded in the little business transacted. Oats rather a small show• Barley in slow request, and at a decline. For beans and peas we merely repeat previous quotations. ROCHESTER—MAT 21. At to-day's market there was a limited show of wheat, which sold moderately at 2s per qr more money thal t week. White, good, sold from 56s to 60s ; inferior, 50Law Ms. Red wheats realised 48s to 545. Foreign in den"' prime lots fetching is to 2s more money. Barley asa no means an active sale, and prices nominally unalte Oats steady. Beans and peas firm. Most of the mill" have advanced the price of flour is per sack. LEICESTER—MAY 21. At this day's market there was a of Yiblos t " and the trade ruled firm at 608 to 630, . * AO'; ls to advance upon last week. Only am. in barley, at fully late prices. Oats • ApHvoe, o firm in price. Wheat .56s to COs Oats.... ;jos to is' White do .60s to 63s Beans —s fio " --4 Barley .38s to 46e Ditto, old NOTTINGHAM_MAY 21. The show of wheat was pretty fair, and the dem o:a lmd . rather slow, at about the currencies of the preceding 'uf There was not much barley on offer, and little b e nl rd passing, at about lat e ra t es. O ats in limited IrtiPP'' a made late prices. Beans were scarce. 326 White wheat, new, 60 s t o 65 3 B ar l ey , grinding. 9 Ag 3 -6 1 ; to t° go Red do. s 2s to 60 s O ats ,' old, . Old white 6 os t o 65 s N ew do 30 8 to 3 2 e Red do.. 548 to 598 I Beans. 608 to 52 4 Barley, malting .... 38 s to 45s B ea ns, new.. 44s to 463 • CHELMSFORD —MAY 20. The farmers bretirlatt in a large quantity of wheat too-day in expectation of higher prices, but the millers and. mer chants held off; only slew of the finest samples could be sold at late rates, and before the close a reduction of is per qr. had to be submitted to. Wheat, white.... 488 to 62s Peas, Partridge 44s to 48e red .... . . 458 to 58 s W hite 44s to 4 60 Barley .......... 32s to 42s Boiling 46s to 480 Chevalier .... 34s to 45s Dun 42s -to 440 Grinding 27s to 35s Beans, Tick ....41s to 46 0 Malt 60s to 66s Harrow Ticks 41s to 45 0 Chevalier 63s to 69s Mazagan 39e t• 4 2 ° Oats 26s to 358 DUBLIN—MAY 20. There was a very slow and depressed market to-dal,t • the great majority of sampl es o f a ll d enom i nat i ons of gi7 remained unsold. Th e va l ues o f Tuesday were bard/511r ported. d s' 41 ' Wheat, white.. 30 1 d O . to 382 d. Do., new . l i i 6. f"-- 12 3 : Do., red 2B oto 31 0 Bere . lO oto - 0 to 29 Do., new Barley Oats Do., black.... 14 otols 0 Indian mg r - 34 CRINAN CANAL.—The commissioners ha vecle cided, for the present at least, that this useful undercaa."7„ surfs ar e Ly, shall be restored to its former condition, and active e'. liannary step. progress for carrying out the debris as a Pr e _..........L..1 BIRTHS. w ife of cport.—On the 20th inst., at Rochetts, Essen, h e Octavius E. Coope, Esq., of a daughter. w ife of LEY.—Onthe 20th inst., at 61, Chester-square, the Henry Ley, Esq th., of a son. vthatat MEYNELL.—On e 20th inat ,at Sand's-end' -- Mrs. F. R. Meynell, of a son. • ° h th e SYMONDS.—On the 19th inst., at the Close, ! Orin wife of the Rev. H. Symonds, of a zon. MARRIAGES. G oao H N— ugh SAm m s a .— ck o ay n the Gordon,l9 the Gordon, Esq., of Blackheath-park, to Susan Am eldest daughter of the late Charles Hewitt Sams, of Lee. MAY—BAUR.—On the 21st inst. , at St. Jamee'll C L lnrcht to theldineststso” naotfCthhrielattoChAluricehnl Edmund George May, Esq., of 65,_ Reg d, Jenny Baur, 20, Blenheim-road, St. John:s-weed. DATS t Eynt.—On the 18th ins . , t., at JersHey,. Eli za beth, re 1;0 ° f the late George Eyre, Esq., of London, aged 90. FAVELL.—On the 19th inst., John Favell, °f 2'Hy de park-gate, south. HARDEY. — On the 20th inst., at 2, Earl-street, Blaekfritul4 Sarah, wife of Key Hardey, Esq., surgeon- D-mlerick HAWTHORNE.—On the 13th inst., a t K e nsington, K George, youngest son of Major and Mrs. Haw °"" aged 4 years and six months. L AMBE R T Lambert, —on th e 2Eos.i2 ge , d 83. th q n a st.atS w outh-street, Green—i'll' Edward 1 4 * • NUOENT.—On the 15th inst. at at Folkestone , George E. Nugent, Esq. SILLEB.Y.—On the 20th inst., in London, Robert Sllierl, Esq., M.D., of Charlton Lodge, Dover. -------- LONDON : Printed and Published by WIRD() YNOo. V11.,„' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the countr °' Middlesex, Monday, May 23, 1859.