The Sun. — London, England, 1859-02-04 00:00:00

.i......,........... Le die d the [e re' rl each THE SUN, LONDON, FRMAY EVENING-, FEBRUARY 4, 1850, seemed as if the Address would be adopted without further observation, but Lord PALMERSTON rose amidst some merriment to address the house. He said, sir, Ido not rise for the pur pose of adding a " No" to the " Aye," which has already been expressed. (Hear, hear.) I rise to. propose no amend ment. I might, indeed, perhaps, if it were not taking a liberty, prop ose some amendment in the composition of the Address ; but that would be to trifle with the house upon an occasion like the present. It has seldom, I think, hap- Pened to this house to meet at a moment when greater and more important questions were pending than at the pre sent. We are assembled with the prospect, according to general impression, of war on the continent, which must, if it hikes place, be productive of great disasters. We are assembled with the announcement that we shall be called UPon to enter into solemn deliberation upon important changes in the constitution of this house. These are ques tions of themselves sufficient to engage to the'utmost the Most anxious attention which the members of the Legisla ture can bestow upon any subject. Before I enter upon the topics of the Speech I must express my cordial concur rence in those sentiments of congratulation with which the h on. member who moved the Address alluded to the auspicious event which has recently taken place in the family of her Majesty. (Cheers.) I am persuaded that there is not a man in this country who will not respond to the sentiments which the hon. gentleman has so Properly and with such good feeling expressed. (Cheers.) When that illustrious Princess quitted these shores t he People of England looked upon her as the daughter of England , s„,, and expressed the liveliest interest in her — "ire welter:. We may reasonably hope that the be an to whom she has lately given birth may live long to ue an ornament and an advantage to the country of his birth, and an honour to the lineage from which he has sprung. (Cheers.) I agree entirely in the sentiments of satisfaction Wi th which the mover and seconder of this Address have re ceived th e announcement , officiallymade by her Majesty's Gov ernment, of the prosperous internal condition of the CO a 'rY. It is indeed most gratifying to find that such are en internal resources of this country, and the energy of the P e °Ple, that we have in a comparatively short period of time recovered from that disturbance of our internal interests W hich took place a little more than twelve months ago. And 144 may is that consideration most gratifying as to the pre sent, but it also inspires confidence in the stability of our re sources and the permanent prosperity and future good estate ° L the cou n t ry. (Ch eers.) Upon that point, therefore, I most cordially concur in the Address which has been moved. The SPeeeb. next adverts to that most important subject,—our interests connected with India—a country, I may say pass ing, Which the Speech first describes as a great Empire, and afterwards only as a pait of her Majesty's dominions. I presume that the latter description is that which her Ma jesty's Government would, upon due reflection, abide by. (A laugh.) It is most gratifying to find that the arrange relents which were begun by the late Government, and the h aPP°hitn ients which that Government recommended to e r 'M ajesty have be en a tt en d e d by th e su ccess which is recorded in her Majesty's Speech. It is impossible to over -praise the valour of our troops, or the skilfulness of ou r commanders —(cheers)—and it is peculiarly gratifying to think that thi s valour has been exhi bi ted b y every Eng- Lhman who has be en engage d, w h e th er c i v ili an , or mili nclarYtte,rl,on r, naval, throu g h ou t th e w h o l e course o f th ese trans and that all the commanders almost have shown great skill in the conduct of the operations intrusted to them '„ (Cheers.) With regar d t o L or d Cl y d e , w h o h as h a d the chief command, it is impossible to praise too highly, not , i/ler ely his skill i n th e management of hi s troops , b u t th e ulscretion and prudence with which he has abstained from ecuninitting them to enterprises which were beyond their strength at the moment, and the care which he has taken of the limes and health of the troops under his command— kileers)—for it is as groat a quality in a general to care for he health and safety of his troops as it is to conduct them to victory in the hour of battle. (Hear, hear.) It is most gratifying to those who were members of the late Govern ment to find the appointments which they recommended her Majesty to make with respect to the command of the forces in India, and the Governor-Generalship of that coun try, have beencrowned with the success which has attended those two most distinguished men ; and I am sure the t a ntry will appreciate their merits in their respective °t aws. (Cheers.) Although I cannot go so far as the se conder of the Address in saying that the last embers of re belli • on have been stamped out, because we are told, even in t he Speech from the Throne, that there are still in India arnica in the field, yet it is evident that the rebellion is s ubstantially put an end to, and that that which remains to do will be chiefly in pursuit of those fugitive bands who are more marauders than enemies in the field. It is gratifying to know that her Majesty's advisers will turn their atten tion to these subjects which are essential to the permanent tranquillity of India. There is great anxiety in this country M know what are the views of her Majesty's Government as to the principles upon which India shall be governed. 41, he Speech next ad ver t s t o th e state of our foreign rela "ls, and undoubtedly that is one of the most anxious T a tters to which the attenti on o f th e coun t ry can b e turne d . "ging by what we are told, there is aprobability of a great European war, beginning by a conflict in Italy between F rance and Sardinia on the one hand, and Austria on the ot her, the o bj ect of which will be, I presume, the expulsion o f Austria from the frontier of Italy. Now, there are many Who t hink and I un d ou bt e dly am one o f th ose , th a t it W o uld be most desirable, with a view not merely to the isnhterests of Italy, but the interests of Austria herself, that (4 e ehould not possess those provinces south of the Alps, tributea hear.) Ido not believe that those possessions con point to her strength . lam sure that they place her in a °f 'view which makes her an object of hatred to many, Mont elves a course of policy from which a wise Govern haw'lL.ight be desirous to abstain. But we must recollect i ns that she is in possession of those provinces. She qesesses those provinces by virtue of that general treaty of En t . ° Which is the title-deed of many other territories in ki.e.Pe possessed by other Powers. That treaty was the D e at of Europe. It might, perhaps, have been it in s the of that arrangement had not been it Would have the treaty—(hear)—and, as it now turns out, h ad L '_ l (l have been better, I think, if different arrangements to boo n made for Northern Italy. But we must, in order at tO of that, carry our thoughts back to the state of things at „7 Tile when that treaty was made, and the reason! that lirr 7 sa e time led the parties concerned to think ho existing th e yl,`,,ge?inents were the best. There were certain claims on We re other Austria founded upon ancient possession. There fte. _ .other considerations connected possibly with the or ur ea defence of that portion of Italy. At all events, right of' if: ° ..ng, that was an arrangement in which the great Powers hit`Re concurred, and they sanctioned it by treaty ; and ts at ia nr submit that no Power could justly violate that ikausi.oy attempting, without reason or cause, to dispossess to b e r m of that which the treaty gives her. Treaties ought tt g i d , lesPected. If any theoretical preference were to set ive,s7,'llo stipulations in any treaty all the affairs of Europe e i tt `7 4 be at sea, and it would be impossible to tell the con- Th e to which such a principle would lead. (Cheers.) It i s beginning of a war is not a light thing. (Hear, hear.) its limits to begin it; it is impossible to say what will be Ault I . l nts• War between two such great Powers as t hat'' but t France may begin about the possession of min Ile o say who might ultimately be involved in Il e _ co ntest is bey on d th e sagac ity o f, man . (Ch eers. ) ub , ipar sa; herefore, who would engage on or commence such a duly weigh the responsibility which attaches t o ° !ell. To commence such a war would be to inv!lve f e‘. pe in calamities which it would be difficult to describe, b no al lae which, however in the abstract desirable, would also Means justify such a war. But in saying this I must of r ° i eaY that although Austria stands upon the firm ground virtue gt with gareto those provinces, which she holds by p art of a treaty to which all the Powers of Europe are vi le f B , She does not stand upon the same ground of right -. le t she goes beyond the limits to which that treaty refers Itaeers)—and that the occupation of the other portions of ,ilili:eot belonging to her is not justified by any treaty right there Nv A lletr ia possesses. I should hope that, although do, be no war —I trust there will be none—l should Pe that these subjects having been taken into considera hitdhiy, the different Governments of Europe, arrangements u De made for the cessation of that exceptional state of g tnt gs which now exists by the occupation of the Papal 47,,tes by Austrian troops on the one hand and by French wi s l )B the other. (Cheers.) That is a state of things th e has continued long enough. It is a departure from , -I , 4 ;_ordinary state of things. It is not a violation, undoubt ,4ll4 aosfaayviratatnbol sanctioned thesed by no treaty. It is would troops rea oinutincuTe tlit°l3. were withdrawn, revOlution i p s orean and Neapolitan States. But I would suggest that gere is a better remedy for that than foreign occupation. I 111%1dd suggest a reform of those abuses which have created ad (hear, hear)—and let those Governments but adopt the p r ice given them so long ago as 1 1 832, by the five great h ' l wors of Europe—let them reform their system, let them ' l , t a n end to t3rrannical abuses which oppress and eras the people, and then there will be no revolution— IVthe occupation might cease, and the internal trunquil of the country would be no longer endangered. (Cheers.) tens, 't if those Governments will not Fut an end to that sys- I — , :4 hY must abide by the consequences. Therefore, Sir, that With all men of reasonable minds, in deprecating eu,„War of which rumours have . spread far and 'd " 1 the and s el l' s `rs the hope that the sagacity of rulers , and goodEurope. those nations will tend to preserve the peace of !hose r .h e.) lam glad to hear that the arrangement of l augh P r ov inces which of late have got a new name (a I Mt%l -- „which we used to call the Danubian Prov . inces, sati a i l 'eu we now call the Rouman Provinces—is going on o t tai actoril y ; and I hope that the new name they have iliter: ed Will not give rise to new ideas at variance with the satt, il e ts to protect which was the object of the new orgam heeti We are informed that a treaty of commerce has fue„,Nacluded with Russia which has re-established those he'nry. relations which hadbeen disturbed by the late war. ielat th ly rejoice in that announcement. Our commercial 1 M ° s with th Pro veirte Russia are on an unsatisfactory footing—great e h i t . tits are needed with regard to having access to ai erior of the country, and I presume that this treaty R,lve s r e „liS all the advantages which the French treaty retr ial ° 'no subjects of France, and will remove those in extendlkstacles which preclude our subjects in Russia from (14 ar l i l ig their enterprise into the interior of the empire. gre i l t il i Z t. ) e had differences with Russia on matters S ka eft ical importance, but I . am per suaded the teri intereBtT_e peopl e of this country will lead them to look with We „ a friendly intercourse with Russia the moment our e ' s sured that those ambitious projects whichprompted s tor r d7 st ance are laid aside, and that Russia is disposed to \sip, ecilities of access to her interior, and to reciprocate %ILlA:tiler nations of the earth the advantages of trade and Dli: ere e• (Hear hear.) The speech then adverts to the roni e: 4 "„, ar . We are qadto find that our successors in office ti l l s'e fully the glad to flndthat our successors in office idly the great advantages which have arisen ° Per ot . e War with China—(cheers and a laugh)—that those al rns hi China which were undertaken in concert with f r edc e L ti m Emperor of the French, by the advice of their attire ° " s° rs, have resulted in the prospect of an extended too t , l irse with that country. It is never too late to wel tat l ' e Pontant • sinner, and it is most gratifying to find hoseJiistiee en the gentlemen opposite were not disposed to eperta%the motives and view of those by whom st u n . s . were recommended, they are at as re'siiiijiltV.o participate in the fruits in which they have Mau (Cheers.) I have no doubt, with the hon. gentle ope,,,Zuo seconded the Addres, that the result of t r " 40 4 wilt be an extended i ntercourse with the great population of China and also with the empire of Japan. And allow me to say, in passing, that her Majesty's late Government contemplated opening negotiations with Japan as well as with China ; and that instructions were given by them to Lord Elgin, on which he acted in his negotia tions with the Japanese. I concur with the hon. gentle - man in thinking that the commercial intercourse, the pros pect of which is noNt opened up, will be productive of great advantages to the commercial and manufacturing interests of this country ; but I also concur with him in warning the country against indulging in over-exaggerated expecta tions ; because, as we found when the former treaty was made we did not reap the advantages of it so rapidly as might hale been expected, so also, on the present occasion those who enter into this commercial intercourse should be cautious and not too hasty in their expectations of the re sults. Sir, lam most delighted to learn, not only from the Speech from the Throne, but also f rom what we have seen in the foreign papers, that that system of the slave trade into which, under the name of free immigration, the French Government had incautiously been led, has been at last stopped from the east coast of Africa, and I most earnestly hope that it will be put an end to on the western coast also. (Hear, hear.) It was the slave trade in its worst form. (Hear.) You may call it " free immigration" if you please, but men bought and sold are no more free when taken on board a vessel of M. Regis than they would be if exported in a Spanish or Portuguese ship. The traffic was charac terised by all the abominations of the old slave trade, and when those unhappy victims were landed on French soil, their condition, though it was nominally denominated free, was in truth anything but free ; for, although slavery had been abolished in the French possessions, and the condition of those unfortunate persons was not so bad as it would have been in Cuba, still they were slaves. But the French Go vernment were led into a mistake on this subject ; they were deceived by interested men, and led to suppose, what is not the case, that the transaction in question was free from the taint of the slave trade. Their eyes, however, have been opened by the flagitious and iniquitous circum stances connected with the matter of the Charles et Georges —and I shall be glad if those circumstances have convinced the French Government of the iniquity of the enterprise in which that vessel was engaged. In 1815 the French Go vernment, in conjunction with the other Powers of Europe, made the most solemn protest against the slave-trade. They declared.that the sl ave t ra d e ha been considered by just and enlightened men in all ages as repugnant to the prin ciples of humanity, an d th a t they would endeavour to put an end to a practice which had for so many years desolated Africa and afflicted humanity. If the Government of a country which was a party to that noble declaration in 1815 could now, more than 40 years afterwards, fall back into all the criminalities then denounced, it would be the most afflicting spectacle of human degradation that the eyes of man ever witnessed. (Cheers.) I cannot believe, there fore, that this practice will be persisted in, and I hail with great satisfaction the intimation that negotiations aro going on which will put an end to this abominable trade, not only on the eastern but also on the western coast of Africa. I presume, with regard to the transactions con nected with the case of the Charles et Georges, to which I have alluded—transactions with which, I apprehend, the public are very imperfectly acquainted—her Majesty's Government will, at the earliest period, lay the papers on the table, in order that the house may know what has been the course pursued by her Majesty's Government in refer ence to that matter. We know there are circumstances in which we are bound by treaty to render assistance to Por tugal should she need it. That is a consideration which tray bear on the negotiations in question, and, therefore, it is desirable to know in what manner her Majesty's Govern ment have acted in the matter. The Speech says the patience of her Majesty's Government has been exhausted by the continued outrages practised by the two contending parties in Mexico on British subjects. I believe the Go vernment have acted wisely in that respect. The conduct of those Spanish American Republics from the one end to the other has been a series of outrages on all foreign resi dents. In Mexico especially, our fellow countrymen have had the greatest cause for complaint. The very nature of Republicans renders it difficult for other nations to deal with them. (A laugh.) Thoy are very much in the habit of obeying no law but that dictated by passion and caprice, and their external arrangements are as unsettled as their internal condition. With regard is those Spanish Ameri can States, I think the only conrse open from time to time is to employ force in order to obtain that justice for British subjects which persuasion and diplomatic negotiations may fail to enforce. We are informed that a large expenditure will be necessary to provide for the re-construction of the navy. It is undoubtedly true that the general employment of steam as a propelling power for ships of war has rendered comparatively useless many of those vessels of which our navy was formerly composed. I shall, of, course, wait to hear what the proposal of the Government on this subject may be ; but I am sure the house and the public will feel that atall times, and more especially at the . present moment, it is an object of vast importance to this country to have a powerful and efficient navy. (Cheers.) We hear of great armaments elsewhere, and though we have no reason to think that these armaments are in the remotest degree in tended to be directed against us, yet, at the same time, when other nations arm it is essentially due to the secu rity, the dignity, and the interests of this country that we should provide proper means of defence. (Cheers.) We are informed that several new bills are to be presented to the house. Many of these bills—l may say most of them, relate to matters to which the late Government had given their attention, and with regard to some of them measures had been in preparation. Indeed, I think the Lord Chan cellor of the late Government had brought bills into the House of Lords calculated to accomplish some of the objects now brought under our notice. (Hear, hear.) I am sure the house will give ample attention to the measures which her Majesty's Government may introduce, especially in connection with matters so important to the commercial interests of the country as the laws affecting bankruptcy and insolvency. (Hear.) We have been informed that a bill is to be brought in to make indefeasible the title of every man to the estate which he possesses, whether his title be now good or bad. (Laughter.) lam sure such an announcement will be received with the greatest satisfaction by all owners of land, for they must be charmed to think that all doubtful titles will be made undoubted, and that henceforth they will have an indefeasible title to their land whatever the nature of their present titles may be. (Laughter.) I presume the announcement implies the estab lishment in this country of something like the system that has so advantageously been employed in Ireland—(hear, hear)—and, I have no doubt that, if properly devised, it will be received with satisfaction by the house, and prove a most useful measure, not only to the landed but to the com mercial interests of the country. (Hear, helm) It is the usual practice to reserve thebest and most important things for the last, and accordingly her Majesty's Government, after having kept the house and the public on the tenter hooks of expectation through many long preceding para graphs, at last come to the topic which is at present most ex citing the attention of the public—viz., the subject of Par liamentary Reform. (Hear.) I take the lastparagraph in the speech to mean that her Majesty's Government have a bill ready prepared upon that subject, and that it is their inten tion without the least delay to lay it on the table of the house, in order that the house and the public may have an opportunity of consideringit. I think that is a proper course for them to pursue. (Hear, hear.) I think that a measure of such deep importance as that properly belongs to the responsible Government of the country—(hear, hea r)—and I hope the house will receive with due respect the measure which her Majesty's Government are about to propose, and that they will make it the subject of their serious and anxious deliberation. (Hear, hear.) When it is proposed the house will have an opportunity of judging of its merits or its faults ; but it is a measure which I think the respon sible Government of the country ought to take upon itself. (Hoar, hear.) We have been told that the measure they are about to propose will not affect the stability of the Throne. (A laugh.) Well, I should hardly imagine any measure of her Majesty's Government likely to affect the stability either of the Throne or the great institutions of the country. (Hear, and laughter.) lam persuaded there is in this country a most devoted attachment to the moxar chical system of government. (Hear, hear.) lam per suaded that the great institutions of this country are founded on the convictions and in the deeply-rooted affec- tions of the people. (Hear, hear.) I am persuaded that when the people of this country look around them in the world, and see on the ono hand the nations which are ruled by deispotic authority, and on the other the nations which are ruled by a power coming from below—(great laughter, caused by the action of the noble lord, who pointed to the floor)—I mean the Republican—when the people of this country see the results of these two opposite systems and effects which they produce, and when they compare the condition of these countries with the happy condition in which we are fortunately placed, the attachment which, as Englishmen, they feel to our institutions will become every day more deeply rooted, and they will not consent to any changes that are likely materially to affect those insti tutions which are the pride, the glory, and the happiness of our country. (Cheers.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said—l am glad to hear that neither the noble lord nor any other mem- ber of the house is about to offer any opposition to the Address which has been moved and seconded by my two hon. friends with such distinguished ability. (Hear.) And, sir, it would hardly have been necessary for mo to rise after the noble lord, had it not been that I wished to show him that courtesy which is always accorded to each other by the members of this house, and had he not made one or two observations which, if I had not risen, might have led to misconception. The noble lord discussed the various subjects referred to in the Speech and in the Address which has been proposed in a manner more elaborate than probably it is the wish of the house that I should do. He seems not to ho satisfied with the composition of the Speech, though the subject matter of it meets with his approbation. Criticism, we know by experience, is easier than composition. (A laugh.) I have in the course of my life heard even the composition of the noble lord criticised. (A laugh.) With respect to that epithet which appears to have attracted more particularly the critical attention of the noble lord —that by which we describe the Danubian Principalities --I believe the epithet " Rouman" was bor rowed from a despatch of the noble lord. (Laughter.) The noble lord has referred to that passage in the Speech which announces the probable termination of the system of immi gration known as the free scheme, which so long excited the attention and reprobation of this country, and he thinks that is a result on which the house and the country may be congratulated. But the noble lord made some allusion to the conduct of the Government with respect to the ship " Charles et Georges," and expressed his belief that wo should not hesitate to place on the table of the house the papers that will be necessary to illustrate the course taken by the Government with respect to it. The noble lord is under no mistake on that head. I will take a very early opportunity of laying the papers on the table of the house; but I may be permitted to say, as so much has appeared in the newspapers of a very unauthorised character, accom panied with garbled extracts from t he docume nts connected witli other countries, that I shall lay there papers on the table with the full conviction that they will prove that the advisers of her Majesty did tbeir duty to their Sovereign and their country in respect to that question. (Hear, hear.) As the noble lord has alluded to treaties under which he seems to think we are bound to come forward at a moment of emergency in support of our ancient ally Portugal, I may be permitted to inform the noble lord that no question under whose treaties was ever raised, that no appeal in consequence of those treaties ever was made to her Majesty's Government—(hear, hear)—and that when it was recently demanded of the Prime Minister of Por tugal in the Parliament of his own country why he had not made that appeal to the English Government ho de clared, among other good reasons why he did not, that it was his belief that no cams frAleris had arisen. (Hear, hear.) When the papers are placed on the table it will be seen, and, I believe, accepted by the house, that the proper advice was . given by the Government to our ancient ally, that all the "good offices which, considering the relations that subsist between Portugal and this country, might have been expected of us were exercised in the right quarter in her behalf, and that terms were obtained which might have been accepted by Portugal with honour to herself and with satisfaction to Europe. (Hear, hear.) The reason why those terms unfortunately were not accepted will appear in these papers ; but I believe it will be the opinion of the house, and also of the country, when the subject is calmly and completely investigated, that the conduct of her Ma jesty's Government in that respect was such as became a British Ministry towards an ancient ally. (Hear, hear.) I have no wish to avoid the topics to which the noble lord has alluded, but, as those remarks lead to little controversy, I should be wasting the time of the house if I entered upon a discussion scarcely provoked by anything that has fallen from the noble lord. The noble lord says her Majesty's Governmext have kept for the last paragraph of the Speech the most important and most pressing subject which it con tains. That it is one of the most important no one can doubt, and it is as pressing as the house will consider any subject to be which demands its calm consideration. But when the noble lord expects that, without the least delay, the measure for the amended representation of the people shall be laid upon the table, I beg to state the the noble lord is perfectly right in supposing that the measure in question is prepared, and that it is the duty of her Majesty's Government to introduce it at a period when it can receive ample deliberation, and when Parliament will have time to comprehend the purport of all its details. But the noble lord cannot expect, or if he does indulge so unreasonable an expectation he will be disappointed, in supposing that her Majesty's Government will bring forward that measure before the urgent business of the country can be put in a proper frame—(cheers and some murmurs)—and before my right hon. friend the First Lord of the Admiralty can bring forward that subject which he admits is not second in importance to any that can occupy our attention. (Hear, hear.) At the proper time, and giving to tho house the most ample opportunity to consider its merits, I shall be prepared on the part of the Government to introduce that measure to their considera tion. (Hear, hear.) Sir, the noble lord has touched upon a subject which I believe at this moment engages the atten- ion of Parliament and the country even more than the one I have just mentioned, and that is the state of our relations with foreign Powers, and the state of the relations existing between two of our principal allies. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord has talked of the probability of a war, which he himself describes as one that -may be general. Now,. Sir, for my own part, I have no wish to conceal from the house that, in tho opinion of her Majesty's Go vernment, the state of affairs abroad is critical. If I attempted to conceal that opinion it would be in vain, because in these days of rapid communication few men who are well instructed in public affairs are igno rant of events that have happened which might in a brief space of time bring about a very critical state of affairs. But if the noble lord expects that I can entirely agree with him in the opinion that a war between two great Poviers—a war which may involve the whole of Europe—is a matter of probability, I must say that I should hesitate before I accepted that description of the present emergency. (Hear, hear.) That the state of affairs is critical I admit, but it is not a state of affairs that makes me believe that the maintenance of peace is by any means hopeless. (A laugh.) Sir, the house is well aware—because hourly and daily something occurs which impresses the fact upon its know ledge—that there exists at this moment great jealousy and distrust between France and Austria. (Hear, hear.) Sir, her Majesty's Government, under the present state of affairs, have taken that course which they believed was the one most conducive to maintain peace and remove that jea lousy and distrust between two great Powers who are th e allies of her Majesty. We have frankly communicated t), France and Austria our views of their relative position in Italy, which hasled to this unfortunate jealousy and misconception between these two great Powers. We are as much alive to the unsatisfactory condition of parts of Italy as the noble lord him self or any of his late colleagues can be. We have before dis cussed in this house the subject of Italy, and high authori ties on all sides and representing all parties in this house have expressed their opinions. Sir, I think the house will agree with the noble lord, whose observations I listened to with complete satisfaction, when ho deprecated any con duct on the part of any Power that would disturb those important treaties which are the guarantees of Europe and order. The noble lord spoke so explicitly on that head that no misconception of his opinions can possibly prevail. But the noble lord justly observes—and all men of sense must agree with him—that the state of Central Italy is highly unsatisfactory, as it is very little, if at all, connected with the important treaties the validity of which the noble lord wishes, like all sensible men, to uphold. The present Government have long been conscious, and their pre decessors were equally aware, of the' unsatisfactory state of Central Italy. But let me ask the house calmly to re member what is the cause of that unsatisfactory state ? What is one of theprincipal causes that have created among foreign Powers a dissatisfaction with respect to its condi tion ? It is that Central Italy is occupied by the armies of foreign Powers. (Hear, hear.) It is because Central Italy is occupied by the armed force of two of the great military empires of Europe. And let the house recollect what aro the Powers in question that occupy Central Italy. They are the empires of France and Austria, from whose mutual jealousy and mistrust so much danger arises. What has been the course taken by her Majesty's Government under these circumstances ? We have impressed upon our allies France and Austria, and we have not limited our represen -Wiens to those two great Powers, but have impressed upon the Courts of Turin, of Berlin, and of St. Petersburg our opinion, that the state of Italy is no doubt unsatisfactory, and that it is highly expedient that measures should be taken to remove those long existing causes of public dis content and those circumstances which are calculated to disturb the general peace. (Hear, hear.) But wo have equally and firmly expressed our opinion that these great and beneficial results cannot be obtained by attempting to subvert the established order that has been secured by the public treaties to which the noble lord has referred, but rather by using the influence of tho States most interested in the condition of Italy to improve the condition of Central Italy itself. (Cheers.) While we have done this—while we have endeavoured, both with regard to France and Austria, to remove the mistrust that has unfortunately arisen between them—while we have sought to allay the suspicions that have been unhappily excited—while we have placed before them every consideration that could be urged for maintain ing that general peace which has been so long preserved, and which has been, upon the whole, so beneficial to the cause of humanity and civilisation—while we have done this we have equallyimpressedupon these two great Powers the duty that devolves upon thorn of entering, not into hostile rivalry for the military command of Italy, but into that more generous emulation of seeking to advance its in terests and improve its condition. (Cheers.) We have pointed out to France and Austria that their peculiar posi tion—the one being essentially an Italian Power, and the other a Power in military possession of the ancient capital of Italy, and lyine• b iu geographical contiguity to Italy— while Austria and France are the two favourite children of the Church—makes it the primary duty of these two Powers to hold counsel together, and see whether by their united influence a course of policy cannot be urged upon the Princes of Central Italy which shall lead to the removal:of those abuses and that misgovernment which a general and universal opinion has pronounced intolerable. (Cheers.) We have shrunk from joining in those efforts ourselves, not from any wish to avoid responsibility or the fulfilment of the high duties which must devolve at a critical moment in the affairs of Europe on all great Powers, but we have felt that England being . a Protestant State, her obtrusiveness on such an occasion might be misinterpreted, and that it would be better that France and Austria should. join and exercise their united influences to obtain those results which Eng land is equally anxious to see realised as themselves. (Hear.) The same feeling, no doubt, has also influenced Prussia and Russia, both States which hold no communion with the See of Rome. But while we have refrained from obtrusively thrusting ourselves forward—while wo have used every persuasion to induce France and Austria to combine to gether and unite their influence for the great object, the improvement of the Italian Government—we have also told them that if the result of their deliberations be that it would, in their opinion, be of importance that the other great signatories of the treaties of 1815 should combine with them for ulterior and ultimate purposes—if, for example, some new arrangement of the territory of Central Italy should be deemed by France and Austria necessary and expedient—we would assist them to the utmost with our emnsel and influence to bring about such a result, and we would call upon the other signatories of the greatest treaties of 1815 to join and aid in that ob ject. (Hear.) I believe that the course which her Ma jesty's Government has taken at this moment is one which, when fairly understood and discussed, would be approved by the House of Com e.lt m abiraie o est n e.el s ff. . (Cheers) It is a course which counsels and would secure peace—(cheers)—but it would secure peace by a policy which would ameliorate the condi tion of Italy and advance the general civilisation of man kind. (Cheers.) We cannot believe, and no sensible man can believe, that the improvement or regeneration of Italy can ever be secured by making it once more the hostile field of contending armies. (Hear.) The course which we are recommending appears to me to be sound, so moderate, but at the same time so recommending itself to all judi cious men, that I do not, and cannot, despair of its ultimately proving to be the course which will be adopted, and therefore, although I admit that the condition of affairs is critical, I will not yet agree with the noble lord that war—and perhaps, European war—is a matter now of probability. (Hear, hear.) The word may have escaped inadvertently from his lips, but it is a word of great import, and it is escaped from lips which, on these subjects, have just weight on public opinion; and, therefore, the house will excuse me for making this comment upon it. (Hear, hear.) I said we made representations to the Court of Turin in the same sense and with the same frankness and fulness as we made representations both to France and Austria. The position of Sardinia is one which necessarily and natu rallyiotdhfualiolttn7sildle:rmirdni stio n plita d .aeas s el Itltnyssf::maywmii be sympathy thy in a free Parliament, and there is no State in Italy which the English feelings have more clustered round than the kingdom of Sardinia, especially meanseal lteyear in nya hear.) nmd.i e publicl, V ih tll ihl e bene h ori a itti v yi a .aso l dv l Nivel hoped ilv nl a _st y linqisl o ° e il v e e s r every gwhi ch ene r o accuseda generous wellt . B founded, dro n l a d n and impresss o ragingon nthat interesting State that patience in her career is as neces saryrp n r d isane as the N s vv a l; n a i pee l ri u hna a csg b th l i e a ecinehooarf s e i p r s suthaubnoel shown, ,s vc a nn, and t l rned he , liberty, e eni rhiat bgniycyo- which a c nevd certaineLr every maintainingl l t year t of a is o en rd te a er, by maintaining h er pu b l i c liberty, by becoming expe osrihbeetanNeivnedaisng her ultimate end—namely, the advancement and elevation of the country, than by combining with any great Power who may lend to her for a moment the unnatural impulse of overwhelming force, but who will probably only draw her into scenes of unnatural exertion which must eventually terminate in the degradation Of any small State. (Cheers) , I cannot tell the house—l should be misleading witsoh. all B t u h t e theys tStates e have N o r; the house if I attempted to convey to them—that th e re presentations which we have made have already as corn been made frankly, fully, an pletely effected the purpose which frchwe y Europe. - No misunderstanding exists respecting the inten tions of I..er Majesty's Government, and, whatever may happen, the advice - which we have given, and our allies, and the principles of the policy which we have upheld, are such as, I believe, will be sanctioned and ratified by the House of: Commons. (Loud cheers.) I confess that, among other ca uses why I will still indulge in the belief that these rumours of war, which have been so rife will pass away, one main mason is because I have confidence in the character of the ruler of France. (Hear, and a faint "Oh 1") What ever may be said he has proved to this country a faithful ally—(cheers)—he has shoo n himself for no short period a sagacious Prince. (Hear, hear.) We are told sometimes indeed that although a faithful ally he is always meditating some blow against this country, which may take it at a fatal disadvantage ' • but you will recollect that when in a distant dominion—l will not call it an empire, as the noble lord disapproves of the phrase--we were ourselves involved in a large and dangerous war, we did not find on the part of the Emperor of the French any great eagerness to avail himself of the occasion when we were embarrassed and per plexed, and T cannot, therefore, suppose, looking merely to his interest, and not to his inclination (although I give him credit for the best and highest), that he would select for the moment of quarrel the peeninr time when England is stronger, and has more resources at her command than she ever had since the Peace of Paris in 1815. (Cheers.) When we have a larger army in England itself than wo have ever had for the last 44 years; when our fleet, notwithstanding that we have read in the newspapers, still capable—and when my right honourable friend (Sir J. Pakington) has detailed his plan for its complete reconstruction, the house will also agree is still capable —to maintain the honour of this eountry—(cheers) —when the nation, as her Majesty has most truly and most graciouslyinformed Parliament, is content and prosperous; when our resources never were more considerable ; when the spirit of the country never was higher why should I suppose that one who ha s avo id e d an opportunityi when, had he looked for it, he might have attacked us with advantage should deem this the moment of all others to quarrel with a Power the alliance with which I believe to be his proudest boast ? (Cheers.) I have always maintained in this house the high policy of an alliance with France. (Hear, hear.) In expressing my opinion that it is a policy which this coun try ought to uphold, I have reminded the house that it is a policy which the most sagacious Sovereigns and most emi nent statesmen that England ever possessed have at all times advocated. An alliance with France was the policy which Queen Elizabeth and the Lord Protector both adopted. It was the only point upon which Lord, Bolingbroke and Sir Robert Walpole agreed. I believe it was the policy that Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt alike approved. It is no now policy. There may have been intervals of misunderstanding between the countries. There is still the recollection of a great war which a great Revolution produced, but it has been followed, let me remind the house, by a peace of double the dUration (hear, hear)—and why are we to suppose for a moment that an alliance which the greatest statesmen have always adopted, which for 240 years has more or less prevailed be tween the two countries depends on the caprice of an indivi dual or the fleeting fancy of a nation ? (Hear.) There must be deeply -rooted reasons why that alliance is what I will call it, a natural alliance. (Hear, hear,) There may be a thousand superficial difficulties arising from the contiguity of the two countries, from the qui c k an d constant emulation which subsists between two nations, each confessedly in the van of civilisation,:from the recollection of an ancient and a passing quarrel, or from the difference and contrast of the national character, yet there must be deep reasons for the political connexion of the two when we find it sanctioned by such high authorities as the greatest Sovereign and the Most illustrious statesmen we have ever known. (Cheers.) It is an alliance independent of dynasties, individvals, or forms of government We have nothing to do with them; all that we have to be assured of—and we are assured of it —is that the relations between the two countries are such as must be to the advantage of the two nations and of the world at large. These being my general opinions on the subject, and having expressed them when other princes were on the throne, when other dynasties flourished, and when a different form of goverinnent prevailed why should I be prevented from saying now that, so far as this country is concerned, it has found in the Emperor of the French a faithful ally, proved at a moment of emer gency, and I believe the alliance between the two countries is prized as a great act of policy by that Prince ? I cannot therefore bring myself to think that so sagacious a Prince is about wantonly to disturb the peace of the world, and to subvert the good opinion which his previous conduct has gained. Until much more has happened than has yet reached us, I will not relinquish the opinion that the agitation which now undoubtedly exists in men's minds as to the state of the relations between France and Austria will pass away —I will still cling to the opinion that the termination of the present state of things will not be a struggle between two military powers which cannot' benefit Italy, but rather a wise, politic, well considered union between two great powers in devising measures which will lead to the improvement of the condition of Italy and to the removal of those causes of war, which so long as that condition remains unimproved must periodically recur. I have attempted, not in answer to the observations of the . noble lord on this important subject, but in noticing them, to place before the house the policy which the Government have pursued and are pursuing with reference to the condition of Italy and the jealousies at present existing between two great powers. We have entered into no alliances ;we have made no agreements on the subject, but we have given to all the powers concerned the same frank, friendly, and cordial counsel. It is a counsel which has two objects—first, the maintenance of peace ; secondly, the improvement of the condition of Italy ; and I cannot relinquish my persuasion that, in an age like the present, when public opinion, if not omnipotent in every country, exercises in every country a great and benignant sway, a military struggle will not be entered into from a wanton spirit of aggression, but that great Princes, wherever seated, whether in France or in Germany, will feel that there is a higher glory than mere military glory—a truer source of power than the mere deve lopment of military force. (Hear.) I think every day must more and more convince monarchs and cabinets that there are sources of strength to be enjoyed by a nation, for the enjoyment of which moral influences are required, and which no material resources can command. The respect of the world, the appreciation by the civilise communities of Europe of the conduct of a Prince, give him a credit on the exchanges of Europe more important than the treasure which he derives from his subjects. The belief that he dares to resist the temptation of military lust, that ho desires to acquire reputation for political justice, gives to that Prince an authority which the organisation of troops will never command. These aro opinions prevalent in high places —they are no longer confined to the closets of philoso sophers---they aro influencing, even at this moment, the course of public affairs. The very announcement in the speech troth the Throne thisi day, referring to the ter mination of the misconception botwean Portugal and France is an illustration of the power, of public opinion. A great Prince was placed in momentary-=I will not call it collision —but painful misconception with an honourable Power of very inferior strength. His fleets arrived in the Tagus, and by the demonstration of superior f orce h e obtainoo ob ject of his desires. But at the moment he felt that public opinion did not approve of that recourse to superior power, he reflected upon his position, he acknowledged the force of truth, and in the letter to his relative, Prince Napoleon, in the commission which he issued and in the treaty which is virtually concluded, he showed the respect he felt for the public opinion of enlightened Europe. I believe he will act in the same spirit now. It is natural that he should take especial interest in the condition of Italy. He is connected with it by blood, by his contiguity to it as a great Power, and by many considerations which cannot influence a Nor them and Protestant state ; but we have evidence in his previous conduct that he is influenced bypublic opinion, and I believe the same effect will be produced now. I am glad the house has shown itself disinclined to question the general accuracy of the representations made by the mover and seconder of the Address, and I trust the rest of the session will be as pacific as this night. (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON—I wish to set - myself right with the house. The right hon. gentleman conceives that I expressed an opinion that war was probable. I may have said so inadvertently, just as the right hon. gentleman stated that he did not think peace utterly hopeless, while the tenor of his argument was quite the other way. What I meant to say was that there was a general opinion on the Continent that war was likely, but I endeavoured to ad duce reasons why, in my opinion, the Sovereigns con cerned were too wise to do anything of the sort. Lord J. RUSSELL—I do not rise to find fault with the Address just proposed—on the contrary, I have heard her Majesty's Speech with great pleasure ; nor shall I think it necessary to enter into any of the questions which we may have to consider hereafter. Tho right hon. gentleman . has told us that the papers with regard to the Charles et Gc orges will be laid on the table, and his opinion is, that when we have read them we shall agree that the conduct of her Majesty's Government redounds to their credit, and that it was of the most friendly character towards Portugal. I shall read those papers with the most perfect impartiality, and I shall be glad if I can come to the ame conclusion as the right hon. gentleman. Neither do I wish to enter into the question of the increase of our naval forces. I shat listen to the statement of the First Lord of the Admiralty on that subject, and if he makes out his case, I shall give my vote in support of the proposition with great pleasure. These are matters for future consideration, but there does appear to me to be one matter which, if we are to discuss, we must discuss to .day, and on which the right hon. gen tleman wishes to give the house as much satisfaction as possible, and has felt that he could not give that satisfaction in any complete form. He has told us, that with regard to the breaking out of war between two great powers of Europe, he should hesitate to say that war was probable ; or that peace was absolutely hopeless. These are expressions which I have no doubt convey a right impression of the pre sent state of affairs, and they are not a little alarming. I must say that I entirely agree with almost every word that has fallen from my noble friend the member for Tiverton upon this subject. I could have wished that in 181.5 some other arrangement had bean made with regard to the north ern provinces of Italy. I could have wished that even of late years Austria had thought it conducive to her inte rests to relinquish some of the territories which she pos sesses in northern Italy. But the treaty, fully made and ratified, which gives her those territorial possessions is part of the public law of Europe, and no ono can attempt to dis turb by force that territorial arrangement without commit ting an offence against the public law of Europe, and, of course, without deep injury to the peace of Europe. There fore, I should hope, with the right hon. gentleman, that no such wanton violation of that treaty will be committed. (Hear.) But if an aggression were to be made for the pur pose of aggrandisement—if France were to have territories added to her, and Sardinia also was to increase her posses sions, that would only make the aggression more odious g than the merely wanton violation of a treaty. I have 'always taken a very deep interest in the independence and free dom of Italy; but I cannot say that I think that the cause of Italian freedom and independence would be promoted by such a war as appears to be in contemplation. (Hear.) In the old days of the Whig Club there was a toast which used frequently to be given,—" The:Cause of Civil and Religious Liberty all over the World." When Mr. Canning became Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, he changed his seat from Liverpool to Harwich, and he went down to Harwich and presided at a dinner, and the toast which he gave was, "The Cause of Civil and Religious Liberty all over the World." I also am for the cause of civil and religious liberty all over the world, but I cannot for the life of me see how that cause would be promoted by any such aggression as is now spoken of. (Hear, hear.) We have no right to criti cise the form of government which is adopted in a neigh bouring nation. The people of France by the value which they set on peace, and by the prevalent opinion which is now said to be almost universal, that peace ought to be pre served, show their estimation of the condition in which they now are, and it is not for us to quarrel-with them as to their form of government. But if that government is to make an invasion upon another country, with the view of improving the form of government in that country. then we have a right to ask whether the freedom and inde pendence of that country will be promoted by such a pro ceeding. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, for-'all these reasons I should deprecate, as an infraction of the peace of Europe, as one of the very worst of examples that could be set, and as tending to shake men's confidence in all treaties tip= which the present stability of the peace of Europe is founded, any such war as is now spoken of. But we must not attempt—and we should gain no advantage for the cause ofpe,ace, no advan.- tage kir the future welfare of Italy or of Europe, by endeavour ing to do so—to blind our eyes to those serious evils and mis fortunes which from time to time have been inflicted upon Italy. From the very first year of the Signature of the treaty of 1815 Austria attempted to govern the whole of Italy. She early interfered to prevent the King of the TWo Sicilies from introducing into his kingdom institutions based upon principles different from those which prevailed in Austria ; and when, in 1821, the Neapolitiah people attempted to improve their institutions, and to have a representative assembly, which Lord Colchester, a retired Speaker of this house, declared to be remarkable for its decorum and moderation, what was done ? Why an Austrian army was marched to Naples, and 40,000 troops were placed in that kingdom to prevent the people from having that constitu tion and those laws which they deemed beSt. Lord Castle reagh upon that occasion, in the name of the British Government, declared this fact—which was a sort ofprotest —that the British Government could not approve the prin ciple upon which that invasion took place. (Hear, hear.) Again, when the people of Parma, who were suffering at that time under the worst form of government; the worst kind of aristocracy, and the worst class of clergy that were to be found in any part of Europe, endeavoured to improve their position, 12,000 Austrian troops were marched into the country to prevent the people from improving their' institutions. Again, in 1831, there was a similar kind of interference. Advice was, no doubt, given to the Pope, as has been said, but at the same time forcible means were used. In 1848 the people of Tuscany, in the general confusion and fury that prevailed upon the Continent, became discontented with their very mild Government, and established a Republic; but .they had not had a Re public long before they themselves repented of their haste and of their revolution, and overset the Republican Govern-; ment and restored again the authority of the Grand Duke. Here, then, was the example of a people who of their own accord wished to revert to that mild form of govern , ment which they found was most consistent with their happiness and prosperity; but that wasn't enough—not a bit of it. A great Austrian division was marched into Tuscany, and kept there some years, for no purpose of necessity, but to insult that very mild and , docile people with the spectacle of a foreign force domineering over them. (Hear, hear.) And now again with regard to Central Italy, of which the right hon. gentleman has spoken, be it observed that it is these interferences of Austria which have excited the jealousy of France.' It is useless for us to inquire why these great powers should be jealous of one another, because we know that it is and must be the case. Accordingly, in the early part of Louis Philippe's reign a French force was sent to Ancona to counterbalance the interference of Austria in other parts of Italy. Again, in 1848, Austrian troops inter. fered with the Government of the Legations, and a French division was immediately sent to Rome, and captured Rome, and according to the statement almost of every official person in this country then representing France it was done entirely because France did not choose Austria to have the entire command and dominion over Italy. But the jealousies of those two great Powers have resulted in misery to the unfortunate people over whom that military force has imposed a government which is most distaste ful to them. (Hear.)- For, be it observed, the Emperor of the French, not wishing to impose bad government, wrote himself a letter, in which he pointed out what might im prove the condition of the Roman people,--the introduction of the Code Napoleon, secular administration, and other provisions. But that advice was not taken. The Austrian. Government is in many respects a very enlightened Govern ment ; but it is not the Austrian Government at Bologna and Ancona, but it is the Austrian forces and the French forces which impose upon that country about the very worst form of government that any country ever had. Those who doubt this may consult various works describing what has been the case with the Papal Government. Amon. , others, there is one very inttrestini , andamusing work by the pre sent Attorney-General for Leland. (Hear.) He travelled in Italy, and he is not content with a superficial view, but he gives you parts of the code of the Roman State, and he points out how inconsistent those provisions are with anything like justice and freedom. I have heard myself the way in which every attempt at improvement is frustrated. They said at one time " Let us have a secular ' c . overnment, and let the ecclesiastical officers be replaced by secular officers." Well, secular officers were sent to them, but they were men so ill-calculated to create confidence, and so entirely without character, that the poor people said—" Let us have the priests back again, or let us have a cardinal, or anything in preference to these people." Thereupon it was argued that they were not in favour of a secular government. In the same way it was said the people did not want municipal institutions. Before the French Revolution there were numi cipal institutions. The people very much governed them selves. The French destroyed all these municipal institu tions, but they put in their place a good administration of justice, and what is called an enlightened despotism. Since 1852 they.have had neither municipal institutions nor an en. lightened despotism. They have every kind of corruption and oppression. If persons are required to pay allegiance they should receive protection from the Government, and in what respect is protection more required than in the administration of justice ? It is one of the first objects of government that there should be justice between man and man; that criminal justice should be fairly admini stered ; that civil justice should be had without corruption; but I happened to be reading, I think last night, a descrip tion of the Roman Government by a noble friend of mine, a member of the other House of Parliament, Lord Broughton, and, as his description is con tained in a very few words, perhaps the house will allow me to read it. This is his description of a Governrnet, let it be recollected, that for the last ten years has been carried on by the aid of foreign forces. Lord Broughton says,— " If under this theocracy there were a tolerably impartial administration of justice—if tlie lives, persons, and proper ties of the citizens were secured by any contrivance it would be no great hardship to submit to the anomaly of receiving laws front the altar, instead of the throne. But the reverse is notoriously the case, and there is scarcely a single prin ciple of wise regulation acted upon or recognised in the Papal States." Again, he says : " The first principles of criminal jurisprsuls mcs seem as much forgotten or unknown as if the Frenc.ll code had never been the law of the land ; a secret proe,ess, a trial by one judge and a sentence by another, pre i .racted imprisonment, disproportioncd judgments, deferral and disgusting punish ments, all tend to defeat the ev;ids of justice and to create a sympathy with the culprit rather than a reverence fur the law I read two years ago in this house a statement,, on good authority, that the confessions of several persons accused of crimes could not be taken, because they were con fessions made under torture. This is the usual adminis tration of justice. Can you wonder, then, that a people thus governed by means of foreign forces have been impa tient with that Government, and can you wonder that they would resort to any extremity, that they would look to any resources, rather than continue in their present state ? But what is the remedy ? The right hon. gentleman, if I under stand him right, says the advice has been given, no doubt with the most benevolent intention—viz., that Austria and France should frame measures, should point out how jus tice should be administered, and how the government should be carried on. Well, this is all very good advice. But there is one plan better than any of these, and that is that the people should be allowed to settle the law for them selves. (Cheers.) I remember reading a pamphlet some time ago on Italy. It was wr i tten by Signor Farini, whose " History of the Papal States" was translated by my right hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford, who I wish were here on this occasion —(hear)—because there is no man whose voice has been raised so powerfully on behalf of Italy. Well, Signor Farini said this—he had • been reading the Tr ea ty of Paris—" I observe that by this treaty the people of Moldavia and Wallachia are to be allowed to meet to consider their own form of government. Why should not we have the same thing ? (Hear, hear.) Why should not the • people of Romagna meet and declare what are the laws under which they wish to live ?" (Hoar, hear.) It seems that Signor Farini was perfectly right in that suggestion, and you ha ve h ere, i n this very Queen's Speech, a declaration that the Assemblies of these Danubian Principalities —these Rouman States, if you choose to call them so—have met and settled their own laws. Whether these will be good laws or not they will undoubtedly be laws which are fitting for the people of those provinces. I am convinced that the people of Cen tral Italy—a people who for five centuries have boon glori ous in literature, a people who have been enlightened dur ing these five centuries, and who are, therefore, far superior to those persons in the Danubian Princi palities—if the foreign forces were withdrawn, if provision were made, as provision could easily be made by the Catholic Powers of Europe (with which arrangement the Protestant Powers have nothing to do) for the furnish ing of any contingent forces to secure the personal security of the Pope in Rome— I am convinced that such a people would soon settle such laws for their own goverinnent as would produce contentment and pw spoity. Let the p eo pl e o f B o l ogna, l et t h e people of Romagna, frame laws for themselves, and I believe the difficulty of Italy would be almost entirely solved. (Hear, hear.) I believe there would be no need of this bloody war—this conflict of armies, which will give nothing to their freedom, and which will, I am afraid, not add much to their independence. (Hear, hear.) I agree with the right hon. gentleman, with m y no bl e friend, and with the whole house, in hoping that no such dreadful calamity as war will come upon Europe. I cannot believe that there is any sufficient cause for it. I cannot believe that there is any necessity for it. You have said in the Treaty of Paris, and said most wisely, that there shall be no interference in the Danubian Principalities, no interference in Servia by any foreign troops, unless all the contracting Powers of Europe are consenting parties to that interference. Now, why should wo not say that with regard to the whole state of Italy—that neither in the States of the Church, nor in Tuscany, nor in Naples, shall there be any interference by a foreign force unless the Powers of Europe aro parties to that interference. I cannot believe that any plan that can be framed by the Austrian Government, or by the French Government, for the government of the Pap a l St a t es , will have any success, bcause the Papal Government has talent and cunning enough to defeat and evade any new provisions. (Hear, hear.) I quite agree with the right honourable gentleman in all that he said as to the French alliance. There is Igo alliance so valuable to this coun try. I believe the disposition of the Emperor of the French is friendly to this country. I have never seen anything in his foreign affairs that has indicated hostility to this country. I think there is nothing so desirable for the people of Great Britain all the people of France, who live so close to each other, and whose manufactures are so different, as to cultivate that alliance and to entertain feelings of amity and respect for one ano ther. (Hear, hear.) I trust, therefore, that the course of prosperity which Europe appears to be entering upon will not be interrupted. There is another subject which the right lion gentleman touched upon somewhat tenderly, and which appeared just at the end of the Speech from the Throne. It certainly appears to me as if her Majesty's Ministers had gone through all the topics upon which they thought Parliament would expect to be addressed, and then that some member of the Cabinet said, " Is there nothing forgotten ? We have not left out Mexico, have we ? (Laughter.) There is a passage about China and Japan. I cannot think of anything that is omitted." But at last some ingenious member of the Cabinet perhaps said, " There is one subject forgotten—that is the reform of Parliament ; we must put that in." The right hen. gentle man seemed as unwilling to touch on that subject here as the Cabinet were in putting it into the Speech. Heaven knows how it has fallen into their charge. How came they to be Reformers ? How they will answer that ques tion when it is put by the country, I cannot say. As the right hon. gentleman the member for Radnor has properly said, " Before you ask for a reform in Parliament 3 ou ought to point out the evils which you want to redress." There are some evils in the system of Parliamentary repre sentation which I wish to redress. I think there are vast numbers of people who are not electors, but who are well entitled by their honesty to be admitted to electoral rights. I believe that their being admitted to these rights will give them a greater sense of their stake in the constitution, and will strengthen:the basesof the constitution. Ido not be lieve this extension will shake any of the . institutions of this monarchical Constitution, with its aristocracy and its Establishbd_Church. I do not believe' the admisSion of those persons who are fitted to .exercise. the, franchise will tend to injure any of the institutions of the country. (Cheers.) I believe the mass of the country. in general are of the opinion of our forefathers before us ; ---of the opinion of Burke, F 4, and Pitt -that the institutions 'of this country have given the people as great a share of liberty and happi ness as was ever enjoyed under any institutions which human wisdom has advised. (Cheers.) That, no doubt, was the opinion of Mr. Burke, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Pitt and they were no fools. I believe such t o b e the opinion of the country in general, and I wish to see those benefits extended. But I am at a loss to understand the hesitation in this mat ter. The right lion. gentleman " first tried the halter, then travers' d the cart"—( a l aug h)—he seemed unw illi ng to apply the noose or to fix the time. I don't want to hurry the Govern ment on this subject. I think it is quite fair that the First Lord of the Admiralty should say, "We want to increase our naval force;" hut I don't see that there is any subject which the Government intend to bring forward that will furnish them with any excuse for delay in this matter. We had under, consideration last year the great subject of India, which was enough to absorb the attention of any Govern ment, fraught as - the circumstances were with danger to our whole empire there ; but there is now no such excuse for procrastination. If the Government have made up their minds to, introduce a Reform Bill, let them lay it on the table. (Cheers.) I will give no opinion upon a measure of that kind until I see what it proposes to do. I can under stand that it is not the sort of task for which they are fitted. (A laugh.) It had been said, in reference to this question, they had never tried to play on the fiddle before, but there was no reason why they should not do so as well as anybody else. (A laugh.) There is every disposition 'in this house to wait their time; but they must not be putting off the subject. My hon. friend behind me (Mr. Bright), I am afraid, will hardly be able to restrain his fin= patience. (Laughter.) But really it is the business of a Government to. undertake great questions of this nature ; they have given a pledge in this matter and they are bound to perform it. Sir J'. PAK INGTON—After the discussion to which the subject before the house has given rise, commencing with the very able and to her Majesty's Government , not unsatisfactory speech of the noble lord the member for Tiverton, I had not intended to address the house but for the remarks which had fallen from the noble lord the mem ber for the city. The noble lord seems to think that her Majesty's Government have treated this great question of Parliamentary Reform with a, great want of proper respect. He appears to doubt even the sincerity of the Government with regard to legislating on this subject, and complains that amore prominent position has not been given to it in the Speech from the Throne. He seems convinced that it must only have been by an afterthought that it found its way into the speech at all. We are deeply sensible of the reproach which the noble lord attaches to us, and we natu rally.look round to see what consolation we can find under the circumstances, and what precedents, if any, there are for the course we have pursued. I have now in my hand the Speech of her Majesty on the opening of the session of 1852, when, if I remember rightly, the noble lord was at the head of the Government. I find that Speech refers to a great number of topics, of more or less interest, connected with the govern mentof the country, and then at the very end of it, and nottill then—(cheers)—adverts to the question of Parliamentary Reformin these terms :—" It appears to me that - this is a fitting time for calmly considering whether it may not be advisable to make such amendments in the act of the late reign relating to the representation of the Commons in Par liament as may be deemed calculated to carry into more complete effect the principles on which that law is founded." (Hear, hear.) So that, whatever error we may have com mitted in the position which has been assigned to the topic in her Majesty's Speech relating to a reform of the repre sentation in this house, we have at least the consolation of knowing that we are supported by the precedent and ex ample of the noble lord himself—(cheers and laughter)— seeing that he assigned to that subject precisely the same position in the Speech which we have given to it. I hope I have removed from the noble lord's mind the ground of complaint he has made against us on this point ; and I hope at sonic not distant day we shall equally remove from his mind any doubts he may have as to the sincerity of the Go vernment in dealing with this question. (Hear, hear,) The motion for an Address was then agreed to, and a Committee was appointed to prepare it. The house then adjourned. EAST INDIA AND CHINA MAILS. SOUTHAMPTON, THURSDAY. The heavy portion of the above mails reached here this morning at three o'clock, by the Penin sular and. Oriental Company's steamer Ceylon, Captain Evans. They were in charge of Lieut. Bridges, Admiralty Agent. During the voyage the Ceylon experienced fine weather in the Mediterranean ; north .easterly wind s along th e coast o f S pa i n and Portugal ; across the Bay of Biscay and up Channel very strong north wssterly winds, with heavy sea. She brings 31 first-class passengers, 11 second, and 6 children. Her latest dates are :—Alexandria, Jan. 21 ; Malta, Jan. 24 ; Gibraltar, Jan. 28. The freight consists of 1,314 bales of silk, 20 packages elephants' teeth, 3 cases precious stones, value £855, and 43 boxes of oranges. The following ships were at Alexandria on the 21st of January :—United States' frigate Mace donia, French screw steamer Chaptal, Royal Yacht Squadron's yacht Ermina, and usual Egyptian fle At Malta on the 24th.—Her Majesty's ships Marlborough, Centurion, Euryalis, Caradoc, Scourge, Hibernia, Hearty, Boxer, Tartarus, and Medina, and the Russian three-decker Cesarewich. The Himalaya was at Gibraltar, and the Pm; arrived there at 10 p.m. on the 25th of January, having experienced very boisterous weather during the passage, particularly in the Channel and across the Bay of Biscay. On the 24th several Neapolitan Government steamers arrived, with the political offenders lately amnestied by King Ferdinand. They were being conveyed to Cadiz, front whence they will be exiled, according to decree, to America. Exchange at Gibraltar, 90 days, NI to 501. THE PENINSULAR MAILS. SOUTHAMPTON, THURSDAY. The Sultan Captain Evans, arrived this morning at seven o'clock, with the Southampton portion of the above mails, in charge of Lieut. Percival, Admiralty Agent. She sailed from Gibraltar on January 26; Cadiz, 27; Lisbon, 29 ; Oporto, 30 ; Vigo, 30 ; and expe rienced fair weather to Lisbon, but heavy gales and tremendous seas afterwards. She brings 21 passengers, and six packages of specie, vane £1,466 ; besides 12 casks of wine, 566 half-chests of oranges, 745 boxes ditto, 57 cases of eggs, and 24 packages of sundries. The Vulture was at Gibraltar, and the usual Portuguese squadron at Lisbon. At Cadiz were a French war steamer and corvette, a Dutch squadron, and Spanish line-of-battle ship. Her Majesty's gunboat Quail left Gibraltar on the morning of the 26th for Tangiers. AMERICA. LIVERPOOL, THURSDAY. - The Canadian mail steamship North American, Captain M'Master, arrived at this port to-day with the mails from Canada, and two days' later advices from Canada and three from New York. The North American also brings from Portland, which port she left on the 23d ult., 18 cabin and 37 steerage passengers, and a full cargo on freight. The Washington correspondent of the New York Herald says that the President is engaged in soul() important Special Message, the purport of which at present baffles speculation. A general impression prevails that Congress will place 30,000,000 dots. at the disposal of the President for diplomatic purposes connected with Cuba. The measure meets with the approval of the party at I% ashinghton. An appropriation will also be made for a large increase to our navy. These two measures will necessarily involve a loan. The President has sent to the Senate a Message in reply to the resolution calling for copies of any correspondence in relation to the purchase of Cuba, which has not yet been made public. He says that no such correspondence has taken place, which has not already been communicated to Congress. The arrangements for a grand ball to Lord and Lay Napier are nearly completed. The advices from Havannah are to the 15th ult. The excitement produced by Mr. Buchanan's re marks on the purchase of Cuba was subsiding. A tare number o f re pr esen t a ti ons f rom the munici palities. and other corporate bodies in that island, opposing the idea of selling it to the United States, have been sent to Spain. From California we have three days' later news. Business was stagnant at San Francisco. Consider able rain had fallen. The dates from Victoria are to the 18th December. There was great suffering at Fraser River from cold. The steamer Enterprise left Fort Hope for Fort Langley, on the 9th, with 125 passengers. She was frozen in on her way down. There being no provisions on board, the passengers attempted to go to Fort Langley overland. Snow was falling, and they lost their way; but after three days of inexpressible suffering, during which five or six were frozen to death, the weather moderated, and the steamer got free from the ice, and came down and took the survivors to Fort Langley. A Peti tion was being circulated at Victoria for the re moval of Governo-: Douglass. Mining had almost entirely ceased at Fraser, River. COMMERCIAL. NEW YORK, JAN. 21. In the absence of latter advices from Europe, the stock market is dull and meagre. In money and sterling ex change there are no now features. Ashes—Pot firm and in demand at ssc.; pearl dull at 6c. Cotton firm at ie. advance. Sales 5,500 bales, Middling uplands, 12c. NEW ORLEANS, JAN,2O. Cotton—Sales to day , 3,500 bales at unchanged prices. Suger steady; sales 2,000 hhds. at 6c. for fully fair. Flour is advanced at 25e. ; sales on speculation of 3,300 brls. at 5 dols. 50e. for super. Corn firm at 1 dol. AUSTRALIA. The Melbourne Argus, which has arrived with files of the other Australian papers, in anticipation of the mail, has news 'down to the 17th December. The Reform Bill, the passage of which through the House of 'Assembly, with some important amend ments, was announced last mail had not yet become the. law of the land, though it awaited Only - the royal assent. The reduction in the proposed number of members, and.the consequent a lt era ti on in 'th e proportion f representatives allotted to the ,digging and urban constituencies, had the effect of neu tralising much of the opposition felt to the measure in the Legislative Council. - By this act the colony will be divided into 49 electoral districts, and the number of members constituting the Legislative Assembly will consist of 78. The maximum number of representatives allotted to any single district will be three, and the average proportion of representa tion to population will be one member- to about every 5 ,700 persons. The object effected by this reform bill is simply an increase in the number of members and a re-distribution of the representatiOn. Another measure has just passed the Council, and also awaits the royal assent - , which limits the dura tion of Parliament to three years instead of five, according to the present law. There is also a third, disqualifying all persons receiving salaries or fees for services from the Crown from holding seats in Parliament except the responsible ministers. The mining intelligence by this arrival has few if any features of special interest. The Arias says : No discovery of importance in alluvial ground has been made since the finding of the deep lead at Indigo, but from all parts of the country we have accounts of the discovery of new quartz vein's, some of them giving promise of great richness. In the Ovens district, where, in consequence of the diStance from town, but little crushing machinery has been vet erected, several reefs with most promising indica , tions have been lately, found, and are now being worked in anticipation of machinery being soon on the ground. On all the gold fields there is n growing tendency towards more settled habits, and an increasing disposition on the part of the miners to render this a snore steady and regular pursuit, so that when leases can be obtained we may expect to see this class avail themselves largely of the advantages to be derived from a fixity of tenu re , and the right to tae up an extent of ground th a t w ill afro rd occupation for years to each company or co-operative association. With regard to the labour market, the same journal says : During the last week or two the general labour market has been in a better condition. The demand for men suitable for most kinds of -country work has much in creased ; still there are more men unemployed than should be idle at harvest time. Many cannot obtain work, `nor is there a probability of any sudden demand for skilled workmen arising. The construction of the national lines of railway is being proceeded • with, but not with that celerity which the present com paratively low rate of wages would admit of under more spirited management. However, the government is satis fied that the number of men employed is sufficient to com plete the formation of the lines within the given time, so the public has no right to complain. Melbourne commercial intelligence comprises the following summary of transactions in the gold market throughout the month : There has been an active demand, and a leas than average supply, but no change has taken place in rates. These are now quoted by the Melbourne bullion brokers at :—For Omeo, 675. 9d. to 71s. 6d. ; Pl easant Creek and Goalburn, 745. 6d. to ; Castlemain, Sandhurst, and Jim Crow, 755. to 765. ; Ararat, Maryborough, Dodolly, Fiery Creek, Avoca, and Amherst, 765. to 778. ; Ovens and Yackandan dah, 775. to 78s. 6d. ; Ballaratt, 775. 6d. to 78s. 6d. per ounce. The shipments have not been heavy lately, but entries have been passed for lary parcels for England by the ves sels on th e b er th . The 'clearances of last week amounted to 98 tons 6 cwt. 2qr. 231 b. 190 z., the value of which, at £4 per ounce, amounts to £9,248,380. The quantity shipped nn to the same period of last year was 2,582,793 ounces, or 107 tons 12 cwt. 1 i r. 71b. 90z., of the value of £10,301,172. From New South Wales we are furnished with accounts to the 10th Dec., by the Sydney Morning Herald, which says-: The Electoral lial sent down from the council to the assembly, with amendments, was returned to that body, the only amendment on principle which was retained being the addition of a member to the assembly to represent the uni versity. The principles, therefore, of manhood suffrage, the ballot, and of residence without regard to property, have been assented to. The Assessment Bill has also received the royal assent. It is thought by most professional men to be illegal and unconstitutional, on the grounds that it interferes with regulations contained in leases granted under imperial enactment. On the 11th Nov., Mr. A. J. P. Lutwyche announced in the Legislative Council that he .had been appointed attor ney-generalof the colony, Mr. James Martin havinr , retired. A similar announcement was made in the Assembly by Mr. Cowper, and the explanation given was that the resignation arose out of no legal or political differences with his col leagues. Eventually, however, an explanation from Mr. Martin and Mr. Cowper, it appeared that the resignation was to a certain extent compulsory on Mr. Martin, on the ground that he had not in his capacity of Minister efficiently or zealously supported the measures brought forward by his colleagues in Parliament. Syney commercial intelligence is as follows : The wool market is much firmer than it was at the com mencement of last month, and the disposition to purchase has caused an improvement of fully Id. to 2d. per lb. Tho following wore the rates obtained at the weekly produce sale of Messrs. Mort and Co.:—fleece, 171 d. to 231 d.; scoured, 2s. 3d. • handwashed, 151 to 244. •, grease, 10/d. to 13d. ; locks, 101 to 13d. ; New Zealand, 12d. to 171 d. The quantity of gold-dust received by the escorts front the several gold-fields during the month of November was 26,577 oz. plain.. the correspondin g mon th o f l as t year the amount received was 14,4.54 oz. The increase on the receipts of the monthis, therefore, 12,123 oz., or about 84 per cent. For the eleven months of the year 1857 the amount of gold-dust received was 131,947 oz. During tho same period of 1858 the quantity received has been 230,690 oz., which is an increase of 98,743 oz., or nearly 75 per cent. in favour of the present year. The increase on the receipts from the Western gold-fields is 55,560 oz., or 70 per cent. ; Southern, 33,414 oz., or about 155 per cent. ; Northern, 4,770 oz., or 18 per cent. THR NAVY; Port-Admiral Sir B. Reynolds accompanied by Captain Jerningham, of the gunn er y ship Cambridge, went into Plymouth Sound on Wednesday, and inspected the Pique, 40, Captain Sir Frederick W. E. Nicolson, Bart. Her in valids have lauded, an d, havine, discharged her powder on Wednesday, she w as appointed to go into Hanioaze yester day,_ The steam-sloop Racer, 12, Commander the Hon. T. A. Pakenham, was placed in dock at Devonport on Wed nesday to be cleaned and overhauled. It was intended to pay her crew yesterday. The Windsor Castle, 116, was taken out of dock of Key ham, on Wednesday. The gunboat Clinker went outside Plymouth Sound on Wednesday to try her machinery. The troop ship Ramillies, which sailed on Tuesday with detachments for the East Indies, put back 19 Plymouth Sound on Wednesday. Her Majesty's ship Nankin, 50, Commo a Commodore the l i Keith Stewart, weighed from Spithead yest erday and stood out to sea under all pl a in sail, with a fresh breeze northerly, bound to the Nore. The Hon. Mrs. Keith ' h on er bMoalajdestillye's Nankin,Stewart had previously eathark . ed having proceeded to Spitheadsteamer Sprigrit lv. • Her Majesty's steam-sloop Wasp, 13. Commander F. H. Stirling, proceeded fro . in Spithead yesterd a y un d er canvass for Sheerness to be paid oft. Commander Lambert left Portsmouth yesterday for Ply mouth to asstune the command of the Gannet, 11, screw steam sloop. The following is an extract of a lQtter from Yera Cruz, dated January 2, from Her Majesty's ship Arachno, 18, Commander V. 0. Inglefield We have here the Araehne, Tartar, screw steam-cor vette, 20, Captain Dunlop, and the Devastation, paddle steamer, 6, Commander C. Wake, and 10 foreign vessels of war,—French, Spanish, and American." Her Maje s t y ' s SCVINV steam frigate Mersey, 40, moved her position from under the shears in the steam basin at Ports mouth Dockyard yesterday, and afterwards got up steam and tried her machinery for the first time since her screw has been shipped. Her Majesty's screw steam-frigate Curacoa, 31, Captain Thomas Mason, steamed out of Portsmouth harbour yester day at high water, and anchored at Spithead, where she will take in her shell, powder, &c., preparatory to embark ing Lord Lyons and suite for New York. The paddlewheel steamship Hecla, 6, Commander Aplin, from Sierra Leone, January 11, and Teneriffo, January 23, arrived at Plymouth yesterday afternoon. The following appointments were made yesterday at the Admiralty — Captain Thomas Pickering Thompson to the St. Jean dAcre, commissioned; Commander David Spain to the Recruit; and Mr. Thomas G. Grant to be Acting Assistant-Storekeeper at Deptford Victualling-yard. THE ARMY. Major-General C. C. Hay, Inspector-General of Mus ketry, and the Deputy-Assistant Adjutant-General, who have been on a visit at Chatham for the purpose of inspect ing the officers and troops who are undergoing a course of instruction in the use of the rifle at that garrison, have been to the Government marshes and land adjoining the if org Engineer establishment for the purpose of selecting addi tional practising ground for the troops at Chatham, who are being instructed in firing with the rifle at long rangea, which now order to obviate, if possibl e , th e i n convenience now arises from the authorities being compelled to send the troops of the East India depots from Chatham to East bourne. The number of troops who are daily under rifle instruction at Chatham exceeds 600. RAILW4Y INTELLIGENCE. GREAT WESTERN. We are requeste d to state that the disposabl e b a l ance o f the accounts of this company to the 31 s t D ecember last i s X1•16,40Q, and t he directors intend to rec ommen d a di v id end at the rate of 2 p er cent, per annum, w hi c h w i ll leave about retil,ooo to be carried forward to the present half-year. BRISTOL AND EXETER, it appears that the directors of this company intend to recommend a dividend for the half-year ending the 31st , Deember last at the rate of 5 per cent. per annum, being the same rate as that declared for the corresponding pe e riod of 1857. COCKERMOUTH AND WORKINGTON. At the half-yearly meeting of this company, held at Cockermouth on Saturday—Mr. J. Steel, M.P., in the chair—a dividend of 7s. 6d. per share, less Income tax, was declared for the half-year on the ordinary shares of th company, payable on the 10th inst. MANCHESTER, BUXTON, AND MIDLAND JUNCTION. At the half-yearly meeting of this company, held on Wednesday, at Derby—Sir J. Paxton , M.P ., in the chair— a dividend of Is. 4d. per share was declared for the half year ending the 31st of December last, payable op the 12th inst. prone red to m the their aslost mterh )) 3114 r Tivod aging >r burp !la ed rvoUld the uired Meld, vould aarly ['ER. early with ,v 0 to oceg- y he t In ;ore- hese COW hie Tho rinie heir ngst 3on° rya' Sing aid -en