The Sun. — London, England, 1860-03-30 00:00:00

the local native army, and the local European army there had been rivalry, but it did not go beyond that. They all with great emulation equally well served the State, and that diversity in the army itself contributed on many occasions fz maintain the authority of the State, and he did not hesi tate to say that it would not be safe to have a homogeneous army in India. .In that case, any grievance, whether real or imaginary, would affect the whale army, and such a con dition of things could not butprovehighlydangerous. With, regard to the officers of the Company's army, they had now been waiting for 18 months, perhaps not very patiently, for the decision of the Government with respect to their position They had certainly thewerds of an act of Parliament, which preserved thunselves to some extent, but they had no secu rity for their families and those who depended on them. They had no security that they might not be placed in the position of retired officers, and deprived of the opportunity of sharing in the great enterprises of that army, and dise tinguishing themselves as they had done before. That was a hard position for a body of officers to be placed in. And besides this, recollect that when the language of Mr. Wil. son was made known the whole of that army would feel that in the mind of one at least of the most able members of the Government it was doomed. This state of uncertainty ex isted too long ; it ought not to last ; justice should be done to those brave ()Hirers and men ; some consideration should be shown to their feelings ; and he trusted that when her Majesty's Government met Parliament again they would be able to inform the country that they had recognised their services and placed the future armies of India in a perma nent, secure, and honourable position. (Cheers.) The 1.)111:e of ARGYLL said that, with regard to Mr. Wilson's speech, he could notlay it on the table as a Parlia mentary- document, because it was not usual to make a Parliamentary document of a speech of any Minister even in this country. Mr. Wilson was himself responsible for the form in which the document was sent, and that form prevented him from laying it on the table of the house as a parliamentary paper. He declined to make himself re sponsible for the terms used by Mr. Wilson, but the noble earl had borne a little too hardly on Mr. Wilson in his inter pretat ion of the passages of that speech to which he referred. He was hardly prepared to go into the financial part of the subject, but the noble earl in his opinion materially exag gerated the objections that might lie agahrit the measures proposed by Mr. Wilson. He seemed to forget the serious position of the Indian Government, which had a deficit very much the same as that which the Government here had to deal with—a deficit of £9,000,000 in the present year, and a prospective.one of £6,500,000•Vir next year. Ho agreed with the *le earl that their best economy was to stand well with the native public; but he defied him to provide £9 ; 000,000 without finding new sources of taxation, and, though the noble earl found grave fault with the plans of Mr. Wilson, he did not point out any that he would substi tute for them. The scheme of Mr. Wilson in one' respect held out a prospect of positive relief, because although he did not agree with Mr. Wilson in the opinion that the land tax was not a tax, the Government did not propose to in crease, but to afford consecutive measures of relief with respect to that tax, or impost, or rent, whichever it might be called. He believed that there was a machinery in India by which the income tax mid be put into operation in that country. The noble earl laid too much-stress on the words which Mr. Wilson used with respect to the army, although he admitted those words might' have been more thought fully conceived. When Mr. Wilson said that the native army had committed suicide, ho no doubt alluded to the B engal army ; and the army of Bombay and Madras, which remained faithful, were not in his mind's eye when he used the language he did. It could not be said that the Euro pean army-had ceased :to exist; but the noble earl had omitted to point out that almost every regiment in India was reduced to a mere skeleton. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH—Oh, no. The Duke of ARGYLL said he had before him a return which showed the numbers who had taken their discharge from each regiment. In one case it was 496, half the regi ment ; in another 509; and in no case was it less than 300; consequently the regiments had been reduced to skeletons. As to the maintenance of the local army, the late Govern ment had appointed a commission to inquire and report on that subject. That commission comprised two secretaries and a considerable number of officers connected with the army. What was the result of that commission ? The two secretaries had avoided voting, it was believed because they . were on opposite sides of the question. The majority re ported against the discontinuance of the local army, almost all the officers in the Queen's service voting against it, and the officers of the East India Company voting in its favour. The Cabinet of Lord Derby resolved on maintaining the local army to the extent of two-fifths, the European army being three fifths. Such was the position of affairs when the present Government came into office ; and, after fully considering the matter, they had determined to adhere to the decision of their predecessors. But events had since taken place which had materially modified the onions of many persons both in India and in this country. At the time of the commission the opinion was almost unanimous among the Company's officers in favour of the maintenance of the local army, but he was told that a very considerable number of them were now in favour of an amalgamation with the Queen's army. So far from its being their unani mous opinion that their position depended on the mainte nance of a separate army, thero were many who believed that their professional prospects would never stand on a proper footing unless they were incorporated with the Queen's forces. He would only mention the name of one cavalry officer, whose authority was deservedly high, that of Sir Patrick Grant, the cmmander-in-chief of the army of Madras, an old and distinguished officer of the Company, who had publicly declared and published his opinion, using almost the very words of Mr. Wilson, that the late army was at an end, and that it ought to be amalgamated with the Queen's army: He did not say that that was the opinion of Ithe Government. The question, which was a very difficult one, was still under their consideration; and unless means could be found, not only fully to provide for the maintenance of the existing officers in India, but also to provide for the future a class of men as valuable as they had been for the civil service, it would be absolutely essen tial to adhere to the determination of the Government last year. lint it was thought that there mere ()tiler means of providing for the officers now in India, and of securing in future a supply of men who were willing and anxious to devote their whole time to the Indian service. (Hear, hear.) Unless that could be done the determination of the late and the present Government must be adhered to ; but un doubtedl it was a matter of great importance whether late events had not materially altered the conditions of the question. The whole number of officers of the local army was 1,151; of these only 64 were not employed either in civil or military duties, and these were chiefly elderly men, or those who were not in good health. The whole matter was under the consideration of the Government, ant, he hoped that before the termination of the session he should be able to announce the conclusion at which they had ar rived. -- The Earl of ELLENBOROUGII said that his own opinion was strongly in favour of a.aintaining a local ermy. It was his firm conviction that our future rulein India de pended materially on maintaining those diversities in the Indian army which had hitherto prevailed. Lord LYVF,DF,N hoped that if the Government were not able to lay on the table of the house Mr. Wilson's speech, they would give some information which would enable their lordships to discuss the subject hereafter. The noble earl, in the course of his able spee c h, h a d i ntroduced nearly every topic connected with the maintenance of our Indian empire, and this he had done unexpectedly. It was impossible for their lordships now to go into the discussion, but he hop e d that an opportunity would be afforded for it. If he under stood the matter right, Mr. Wilson would be ebliged to propose acts of the Legislative Council for every one of his measures ; and unless that body had altered its mode of conducting business, three months would have to elapse be tween the different stages of a bill. He should like to know whether the Government meant to send out orders for passing the acts in a more summary manner. The moment the acts were passed the duties would be levied, though the home Government might afterwards annul those acts if they chose. He had been the first to propose, in the other house, that a financial counsellor should be sent out to India. Without approving all that Mr. Wilson had done, he would observe that he was the only person who had grappled with the difficulty. For years we had gone on with a deficiency, complaining of the Indian accounts which nobody could un derstand ; but no one had made any proposal to meet the difficulty until Mr. Wilson arrived in India. The first thing he had done was to pass the income tax, of the elasticity of which their lordships knew something, or would do next year. The noble earl had admitted that no class was so lightly taxed as the merchants of India ; and it was said that it was impossible to levy this tax upon them. He con tended that it could be levied on them as easily as on the tradesmen of London. He wished to know whether the in formation on which Mr. Wilson had proceeded would be laid before the house ; also whether his proposals had the sanction of Lord, Canning and the council, and whether some despatch had not been sent home that might be laid before the house. Ho entirely concurred with the noble earl as to the necessity of maintaining the local army. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH thought it probable that Mr. Wilson's measures would be passed in India without any discussion. He proposed to tax all classes. The idea of taxing the army was suicidal. The capitalists of India lent out their mon e y at high interest ; and he believed that it would be impossibl e to get at that money. - The Duke of ARGYLL said that the Government was not in possession of any official information which it. could lay before the house. lie hoped that the Government in India would lose no time In passing th e measures. It had been the object of Parliament in passing the late act to form a s t ron g Government for India, and also that the Gove - ment of India should be in India. (H ear, hear.) rn groat measure Earl of ELLENBOROUGII said thi s was a measure of taxation which disposed 'of the property of all claSses, and many of the natives thought it contrary to good faith that they should be taxed. Notwithstanding the im portance of the measure not one man in the Indian Co unc il was capable of expressing his opinion on it. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said they had estab. lished a council in Leadenhall-street at an enormous ex pense; now they were sending out a gentleman who had never been in India before, with power to tax the whole popnlietion. As the plan must have been commented upon either in a despatch or a minute, the house ought to have :~.- - - all the information before it, and then the subject could be regularly discussed. Lord WYNFORD asked whether staff appointments would be open tufficers in the local army, and whether they would be permitted to exchange into her Majesty's service'? The Duke of ARGYLL was understosd to answer the first question in the affirmative. As to the latter, he was not then prepared to give an answer. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGII suggested to the Mar quis of Clanricarde to move for the production of any docu ments which would show what was the opinion of the Indian council in this country. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said he was disposed to do so. The house had a right to know their opinions. They had been appointed to assist the Secretary of State, and he ought to be able to rely on their advice. The subject then dropped. THE EASTER HOLIDAYS. Lord CHELMSFORD asked when it was proposed that the house should adjourn ? The Duke of NEWCASTLE said he should move the adjournment on Tuesday next. To prevent the necessity of their sitting late to-morrow, he would ask the house to sit pro forma on Saturday, to proceed with certain bills from the other house. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER, took the chair at four o'clock. . PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time :—Cannock Chase Railway, Chesterfield and Worksop Road, East Somerset Railway, Leicester Cemetery, London and Black wall Railway ; London, Brighton, and South= Coast Railway (Croydon to Balham Hill) ; Lower King's Ferry Road ; North Staffordshire Railway ; and Sheffield Water. CHURCH RATES. A large number of petitions were presented in favour oi a total abolition of church rates. BERWICK-ON-TWEED ELECTION. Mr. F. PEEL, chairman of the committee appointed to try the merits of this petition, reported that the committee had found that Mr. Marjoribanks was duly elected, that bribery had been extensively committed at the last election for Berwick-on-Tweed, but without the knowledge of the sitting member, that one of the witnesses had been guilty of perjury, and that the committee had struck o ff the robl several electors of the borough. POOR-LAW OFFICERS. Mr. FREELAND moved . for copies of letters of instruc tion to poor-law inspectors, of orders issued, and of inqui ries, if any, instituted with reference to the cases of defal cation and embezzlement by poor-law officers in the metro polis, set forth in Parliamentary paper, No. 59, of the present session, with the results of such inquiries, where instituted : And copies of, or extracts from, any correspon dence relating thereto, or setting forth the views or deci sions of the Poor-law Board thereon.—Ordered. SAVOY AND NICE. Sir R. PEEL gave notice that to-morrow ho would call the attention of the house to the position of Switzerland with regard to the recent annexation of Savoy and Nice to France. THE FATAL ACCIDENT ON THE SOUTH EASTERN RAILWAY. Mr. BRISTOW asked the. Secretary of State for the Home Department if he could state why no inquest was held upon the body of a coastguardsman, who was killed by ono of the trains of the South Eastern Railway Company, on their North Kent line, at Melton, near Gravesend, on or about the Ist of February last Sir 01 C. LEWIS said that the - coroner for the district where the accident occurred had been communicated with, and he replied•that he acted according to the instructions received by the magistrates of the county to coroners, and not on his own discretion. THE CARDINAL SECRETARY OF STATE AND M. THOUTENEL Mr, BOWYER asked the Secretary of Slate for Foreign Affairs whether Lord Cowley had forwarded to her Majesty's Government a copy of a note, dat e d- th e 29th February last, from his Eminence the Cardinal Secre tary of State to the Nuncio at Paris, answering the argu ments of M, de Thouvenel ; and also, whether her Majes ty's Government will lay that State paper upon the table of the house ? ' Lord J. RUSSELL said that there had been no copy of the despatch in question received from Lord Cowley by her Majesty's Government, and that Cardinal Antonelli had stated at Rome that the despatch was sent. When it was published he would bring it before the house. THE LUCKNOW PRIZE-MONEY. Mr. VANCE 'asked when the prize-money for Lucknow would be distributed, and if simultaneously to the officers entitled to it who have remained in India, and to those who have returned home with their regiments invalided ? Sir C. WOOD said that the prize-money had been re ceived from India, but the division of it rested w ith th e Crown. He had been informed by the Lords of the Trea sury that her Majesty desired that the money should be distributed, and they proposed to apportion it.at the same rate that was adopted in respect to the prize money arising from the Russian war, by which the private soldiers were to receive more in proportion than the officers of high rank. THE RIFLEMEN ON WANDSWORTH COMMON. Lord ASHLEY asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention had been directed to a letter, signed E. G., which appeared in the Times of Thursday, last, complaining that on the 20th of March four persons, dressed in the uniform of a rifle corps, while practising on Wandsworth Common, aimed at and shot the favourite dog of the writer's sister, immediately upon which fatal catastrophe they all ran away ; and whether it would not be advisable to authorise the police to put a stop to sharp-shooting upon public foot paths ? Sir G. C. LEWIS said that lie understood the North Surrey Volunteers were drilled in the neighbourhood in question on the day named, and that four men in the uni form of that corps were seen the same day on Wandsworth Common, but the police could not discover who they were. No sharp-shooting had taken place on the public footpaths. (Laughter.) EDUCATION IN IRELAND—IRISH REFORM. Mr. MAGUIRE asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he had received the rejoinder of the Catholic arch bishops and bishops of Ireland to his reply to their memo rial on the subject of education; and whether, if he had received such rejoinder, he was prepared to lay it upon the table at the earliest opportunity ? Ho took this oppor tunity of asking the right hon. gentleman when he would proceed with the further consideration of the Irish Reform Mr. CARDWELL had received the rejoinder alluded to, and would be happy to lay it on the table. He could not proceed with the Irish Reform before Easter, and such being the case, he proposed to postpone its further consi deration until the 20th April. Sir IV. MILES asked the Under Secretary of State for the Home Department, if it was the intention of the Go vernment to introduce any measure this session for the improvement of outfalls, the deepening of existing public watercourses, and the drainage of low-lying lands in dis-, tricts by means of general provisions; and, if nc.t, whether the Government would appoint a comukipsion to inquire into the extent and nature of existing evils, and the best means of remedying them. Sir G. C. LENVI - S said the subject had been under the consideration of Govelament, but in the 'state of public btisiness he had no hope of passing a bill with reference to it, and therefore no such measure would be introduced this session. THE SUN, LONDON,' FRIDAY . I'. - EVENINGO MARCH 30, "1860. all past experience led to the conclusion that the expense of the Indian army would rapidly rise. (Hear.) He believed further that whatever evils there had been in the manage ment of army patronage in India, those evils would be greatly increased if that patronage were placed in the hands of the Horse Guards. He therefore thought they were en- SCOTCH REFORM BILL, In reply to an HON. MEMBER, The LORD ADVOCATE said that he proposed to pos) pone the bill until the 2d proximo. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER. moved that the notices of motions be postponed until after the orders of the day for consideration of the Income Tax Bill, as amended, anti the committee on the Stamp Duties Bill. He made this motion in consequence of an arrangement that had been made to enable the other house to adjourn for the Easter holidays at an earlier day than they could possibly do, unless he progressed with two financial bills, before the house. Ile understood it was not intended at present , to raise a general discussion on the income tax, or he would not propose the displacement of other motions. Mr. LINDSAY had acceded to the appeal of the noble lord (Palmerston) when the commercial treaty was brought Thrward, and postponed his motion 'relative to the shipping interest. He did so on the promise that a day would be given him to bring it before the house, and by the ballot that day had been obtained for the purpose. He thought, therefore, that he would be treated hardly if any further delay Was thrown in his way. Lord PALMERSTON said there was no intention on the part of the Government to offer any opposition to the lion —member bringing forward his motion. He hoped, however, that hon. me m b ers wou ld a ll ow th e t wo bill s of his right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer to be proceeded with. Mr. DISRAELI was not prepared to agree with the assumption of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that there would be no discussion on the income-tax. (Hear, hear.) Ile hoped that Government would make some communication with respect to paper , so far as it related to interested pre sen t . He th foreign rags, a subj ec t in whichouo.thtetphb • u at l a i s c were Governmentryve Monday to bring f orwar d these bills, the house shouldln hadunemuch relinquish their privileges. (Hear, hear.) After - some remarks from Mr. BOUVERIE, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was not his intention to press his motion in the face of the re luctant consent of the house. He, hoped, however, that he would be allowed to bring forward three bills at a later hour that evening than usual. Ultimately the motion was withdrawn, and the subject dropped. EAST INDIA ARMY REORGANIZATION. Col. SYKES moved an address for copies of the report of the military committee of the council of India to the council upon the re-organization of the army of India. The hon. and gallant gentleman said that as he had served in the three armies of India in the field, ho was probably justified in forming his own opinion upon the subject, but as he might be considered to have taken a prejudiced view, he moved for these returns, in order to enable the house to determine whether his opinion was well founded. Although his motion was headed " The organisation of the Indian army," that, in truth, was a misnomer, for the Bengal army had already disappeared, with the exception of 13 or 15 regiments. The armies of Bombay and Madras, how ever, stood intact, and were now as loyal and effective as they ever were. The question he brought before the house was simply whether there should be an army in India under the control exclusively of the Governor-General of India, or whether there should be one under the control of the Secretary of State for War in England and the Horse Guards ? The Secretary of State for India, however, seemed already to have made up his mind upon the subject., because he had passed a bill through that house for the maintenance of 30,000 European troops in India as a local army ; but he would ask whether he had found that the Indian service had ever been wanting in cases of emergency or been unequal to any crisis, or whether there had i been such a disaster as the loss of an army under an Indian officer? Most undoubtedly not. As regarded its commanders, had the Indian service not pro duced its Clive, its Goddard, who marched 6,000 Bengal Sepoys thro di u etev g sse h tiirru a boctett h i,e o og s tii a t t i sG l l e out co ouz et ra l duringf rnaa n ynat t , r m, y aaissnfwod reitluas a monsoon, ar d a i s t a r7n s v P e y d o , l v f l r o o o tti c m k d , a eH s wa its hvie el ho o c cl Havelock ? t Yo lose of an army in India had ever occurred under Indian officers, because they had local experience, and knew the characters and temper of the men under their command, and were enabled to go through difficulties which would over whelm others. It had been asserted that the seniority system in the Indian army produced only old men whe physically and mentally were unsuited to the elevated posi tions cast upon them, but some of the most distinguished commanders were men advanced ix life. Had they not a Napier, and a Gough, and other celebrated officers, all septuagenarians Therefore he contended that the argu ment as to seniority was utterly groundless. There would also be a great saving in having native troops, because the mortality among European soldiers, unless they were accli matised was very great indeed. In Whitelock's force, which consisted of about an equal number of troops of the line and local troops, the mortality while they were recently operating in the field was three and a quarter per cent. among the latter, and as much as 111 per cent. among the Europeans. Upon one morning, 21 men of the 71st regi ment of the line, when under Sir Hugh Rose, at Cutch, were struck down by sun-stroke, and many of these died, while there was not a single man belonging to the Madras regiments struck down. That the Indian army could not be relied upon was utterly disproved by the fact that they had taken a distinguished part in most of the great battles in that country. He agreed with a distinguished public servant now in India, that whenever any such cases was concealed the Government itself was damaged by that con cealment, and he would warn the right hon. baronet the Secretary for India that a great feeling of dis trust was now growing up in the minds of thousands of officers in India, And a suspicion of the inefficacy of that clause of' the late act which ensured to every civil and military servant of the East India Company on their transfer to the Crown, th a t the smile rights, privileges, promotions, pensions, and other prospects that they had before enjoyed, should be main tained and continued to them under the Crown. There was a growing fear amongst the officers in India that this clause would not have the efficacy it was inteaded to have. He therefore moved the resolution of which he had given notice. Mr. BUXTON said the question was whether, hence forth, instead of the European force in India being in a great measure a local one for India alone, and belonging, so to speak, to the Governor-General, it should consist wholly of ordinary regiments, taking India in their rota, as they might take any other colony. At first sight it seemed very natural, now that the East India Company was gone, to abolish their separate European force and defend India as we defended any other part of her Majesty's dominions, with a portion of her regular army. At first sight that pro posal commended itself by its simplicity, and the witnesses who were examined before the commission which inquired into this subject brought forward several arguments in favour of the scheme, which he would repeat as fairly as he could. One of their arguments was, that if regiments were permanently stationed in India they were apt to be dete riorated in discipline. That, however, was stoutly denied by others, and was hardly borne out by Indian history, which teemed with their achievements, showing no less good con duct than valour of the local European force. They further urged that it would be a good thing for the regular army to have had its share in the credit and experience that might be derived from Indian wars. But now that we had no longer a single warlike neighbour to contend with, , we might fairly look forward to a long period of peace, so that our soldiers would be more likely to be enervated by the Indian climate than invigorated by Indian campaigns. It was further said that a mutiny among the European troops would be more easily put down if they belonged to the regular army than if they belonged to a local force, an argument which he did net think worth discuss ing. These three were the only arguments in favour of the scheme which seemed to hhn worth notice, except the grand argument, which ho allowed to be a powerful one, that surely it must be far best in a single country to have but a single army under a single head ; that by blending them into one we should render the whole force a more effective instrument, and should escape those jealousies that must arise between two services running in couples. It might be replied that what some called jealousy was re garded by others as a wholesome and stimulating emula tion ; and, again, that actual experience had not shown any ill effects from the combination of the local with the impe rial forces. Waiving this, however, and allowing that the army of India should be one army under one head, still it was an open question whether the sound inference would not be to make the whole'European army a local one under the Governor-General instead of making it altogether a part of the regular army under the Horse Guards. He earnestly hoped the Government might be induced to pause before it gave its sanction to this scheme. Col. P. HERBERT said the real qttestien to be decided was what would lead most to the efficiency of the army in India. As far as his experience in India went, and as far as he could learn from others, the discipline of the Euro pean force in India was not equal to that of her Majesty's army. There was one great point, that if disaffection should arise in the royal army, the Indian Government had the power of moving those forces to the coast and sending them away to any other colony, thereby eradicating the evil, whereas if there were a local force there would be no such power. . Gen. Sir DE Is. EVANS expressed his astonishmen that this discussion should have been necessary at all, see ing that last year there was a discussion as to whether there should or should not be a European local force in/ India, and upon that occasion the Secretary for India (Sir C. Wood) went beyond those who were in favour of a local force, and not only emphatically expressed his opinion in favour of a local force, but he said he would bring in a bill to esta blish one, and Lord Stanley, the Secretary for India under a former Government, said it was his bounden duty to place on record his opinion that a local force was indispensable for the good government of India. The noble viscount, then Prime Minister of this country, had stated when the bill for the abolition of the East India Company was before the house, that if the bill passed the European local force would be entitled to their discharge. Not only was that known all over India, but it was generally understood that the Com mander-in .Chief was of the same opinion. When such statements were circulated among the troops it was impossi ble to suppose that they would not be inclined to take Ad vantage of them. But the Government of India sadly mis managed the matter. He believed that if the Government had admitted that the men were entitled to their discharge, and offered them a fair bounty to re-enlist, most of the men would have re-enlisted. Instead of that the Government published a document, writteh by a person who was much more of a lawyer than a soldier, stating that the soldiers were entitled to no sues thing. The soldiers got out of humour; the Government behaved in a dogged and unin telligible manner, and in the end declared that the men were entitled to their discharge. What has been the result? Ho believed that 10,000 accepted the offer of the Government, and that 11,000 remained. That did not show that they acted as one man, as it was declared the local force would. A Royal commission was appointed to consider the matter. The commission sat in this country, and three of the prin cipal members of it, including the Secretary fur 'War and the Commander-in-Chief, had never been in India, and knew nothing about it. He believed there were 17 persons of the highest consideration in India, who had given an opi 7 nion contrary to that.of the commission, and orneriest those 17 persons were .the Govofnor-General himself, the Gover nor of Madras, Sir John Lawrence, and Sir James Outram. Sir C. WOOD said he should not follow his hon. and gallant friend who had moved for these papers into a dis cussion of the general question. Ile (Sir C. Wood) stated some time ago, in answer to a question which was put to him, that the Government had not made up its mind on this subject. It was not a question for the decision of the Se cretary of State for India; it was not a question which could be decided on Indian grounds alone, but it mud be de cided on imperial grounds. If the decision of the Govern - ment were in favour of a local army it would not be neces sary for hint to produce' those papers, but if it were in favour of a European force in India, it would be necessary for him to bring the question formally before the house, and that would be the occasion for discussing the question. The circumstances which led 10,000 men to claim their discharge could not be lightly passed over. Those circumstances had changed the opinion of many eminent persons in India Ile assured his hon. friend that, anxious as they were to satisfy the minds of the officers in India, it was not without good reason that the Government had hesitated. It was impos sible for him (Sir C. Wood) to enter a discussion on the main question without giving some opinion on one side or the other, and he did not think it right to do that till the Government had decided on the course they should pursue. Nor did he think it right to produce the papers at present, but when the question was brought before the house it would be his duty, not only to produce those papers, but others of the same kind. But if the hon. member really wished to have the papers which the last portion of his mo tion referred to, the correspondence between the military authorities, he had no objection to produce them. When the Government had made up its mind, and the question was to be brought before the house, the house should have all the papers on the subject. Sir J. ELPHINSTONE had nev 6 er heard a syllable breathed against the loyalty of the European troops; and as for the discontent (far it had never amounted to mutiny) that had prevailed amongst them, it arose from an amount of indiscretion on the part of the Government which could not be censured in too strong terms ; for it had broken up one of the finest corps in the service, and had ended in scenes of cruelty and misery that were disgraceful to the authorities. Mr. BRIGHT said the answer of the right hon. gentle man appeared to him-to be far from - satisfactory. (Hear.) The right hon. gentltman professed the greatest anxiety to give the house all the information in his power, and even more than the hon. gentleman (Colonel Sykes) had asked for; and then he coolly declined to produce the papers for which his hon. friend had moved. Tho house should con sider what sort of question this was. There was in fact in volved hi the motion one of the most important questions that could come before the house in connexion with the future government of India. He (Mr. Blight) had paid some attention to Indian matters, though much more to other branches' of the subject than to this, but he nevertheless thought the house would commit a great error, if, without the most serious deliberation, they permitted the Government to place 50,000, 60,000, 70,000, or 80,000 European troops under the management of the Horse Guards. If that were done, ed to call on the hon. baronet to be frank in this matter. (Hear.) An hon. gentleman had referred to the opinions of persons about the court ; but a question involving an ex penditure of from £12,000,000 to £20,000,000 a year was too important to be settled by what might be the sentiments or wishes of anybody connected with the court. He hoped that this matter would be fairly laid before the public, and that the House of Commons would not be kept in the dark ; but he did not think the right hon. gentleman had treated the house with quite the respect it deserved, or shown that disposition to lay information before it which it had a right to expect. (Hear.) Mr. T. G. BARING reminded the house thathis right hon friend had promised, as soon as her. Majesty's Government had decided upon the course to be pursued, to produce the papers asked for, so far as they were in existence. He could assure the house that there was not the slightest intention of withholding any papers; all that was asked for was de lay. He wished to allude to an observation which had fallen from the hon. member far Birmingham, who, having made the statement, was not then in his place. [Mr. Bright en tered the house at this moment.] Ho was glad to see that the hon. member had conic back. (Lnughter.) The hon. member was in error in supposing that the incorporation of the Indian with the royal army would throw 50,000, 60,000, or 70,000 additional troops under the control of the Horse Guards, seeing that the whole amount of European troops in the Indian army did nct exceed 11,000 or 12,000 men. Sir H. VERNEY hoped that in a matter upon which the future welfare of India depended, Government would not ob ject to furnish Parliament with all possible information. Lord PALMERSTON feared that the matter was not properly understood. It had been assumed that there %vas a disinclination on the part of the Government to furnish necessary information respecting the local army, whereas his right hon. friend had distinctly said that there was no objection to furnish papers, beyond their present incomplete.. ness. Some of the papers asked for did not exist, and others were not in a fit state to be presented, and, moreover, there were none that could be presented except in an imperfect state. His right hon. friend had stated that, whenever there was full information in the hands of the Government, and when Government had arrived at a decision, everything connected with the subject would be laid on the table. The hon. member for Birmingham, in accordance with a theory which he always put forth, intimated that the House of Commons were tae executive government of the country, and that the responsible Ministers of the Crown had nothing to do but follow the behests of the House of Commons. Now he (Lord Palmerston) humbly submitted that that was not constitutional doctrine, but that, according to the constitution, the responsible Ministers of the Crown were bound to act and to decide upon their responsi bility. Parliament could of course subsequently control them by a vote of censure, but on this, as on every other subject, it was the duty of the responsible Government to form in the first instance their own decision. The action of Parliament might be necessary to give effect to that decision, and without such co-operative action the decision of the ' Government might be totally vain and worthless, but be fore matters came to that point, it was necessary that Par liament should have full information as to the grounds upon which Government had acted, and the manner in which Government proposed to carry the matter ,in question into effect. This was a question which no doubt affected the interests of a great many meritorious and gallant officers, and that fact might be one element in its consideration, but he contended that it was not all, for the question was not a military nor even an Indian, but a groat imperial question, and one that involved the interests of the whole British empire. (Hear, hear.) It was a question which could not be derided upon narrow or local grounds, but on grounds of military expediency, as bearing on the general interests of the empire at large. He was almost ashamed to advert to the clap-trap insinuations that had been indulged in, that the Government were influenced by court influences, or questions of Horse-Guards patronage, or God knew what. Ho felt almost ashamed to reply to any such insinuations. He fancied that any Government which aspired to the confidence of the house and the country would act on higher grounds and would not be swayed by any considera tions save those of public duty. (Hear, hear.) It had been said that if the whole Indian army belonged to the general service, the population of this country would not bear the drain, but if the same number of Englishmen were enlisted for India, he wanted to know what dif ference it would make whether the force were a general or a local one. As to the argument respecting the exist ence of a large force beyond the control of Parliament, if it had any force, it would apply much more to a local than to a general one, over which Parliament, through the responsible Ministers of tho Crown, would exercise a com plete control. Again, it was s aid that the general force would notbe under the control of the Governor=General; in answer to that he beggee to say that the Governor-General had control over the general as well as the local service, the only difference being that the general army had to submit to general as well as local regulations. However, these dis cussions were premature. The only objection that the Go vernment made was to giving papers in a state in which they were calculated to mislead. They had nothing to con ceal, and their intention was to give the fullest information. He hoped, therefore, that his hon. and gallant friend would not press his motion, or put the house to the trouble of a division, as his object would be fully attained by the Go vernment doing voluntarily all that he desired. (Hear, hear.) Ile would only add that the letter of Sir Patrick to General Peel was, one of the documents which had been already presented. Colonel SYKES said a few words in reply. If the Go vernment would consent to lay on the table of the house, a week after Easter, the papers he had moved for, he would At once withdraw his motion. Sir C. WOOD could not accede to the proposition of the hon. and gallant gentleman. As soon as he had obtained all the information on both sides he would be prepared to lay it upon the table. (Hear, hear.) The motion was negatived without a division. DIFFERENTIAL DUTIES. Mr. LINDSAY moved " that an humble address be pre sented to her Majesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to enter into negotiations with the Emperor of the French, with the view of making a treaty for the recipro cal abrogation of all discriminating duties levied upon the vessels and their cargoes, of either of the two Rations in the ports of the other ; and for procuring such alterations in the navigation laws of France as may tend to facilitate the commercial intercourse, and strengthen the friendly relations, between England and France." The hon. member said that after what had been stated by the noble lord at the head of the Government he might have rested satisfied with simply placing the motion in the hands of the Speaker, if he had not considered that it was a motion of a peculiar character. There were two parties to it. The house might pass it unanimously, but the French Emperor and the Go vernment of France must also give their sanction before it could produce any results. He contended that the change he proposed was far more essential and necessary for the people of France than to ourselves. By our old navigation laws no goods from Asia. Africa, or Amerioa were allowed to be imported except in British ships, and no goods were allowed to he imported from Europe except in our vessels, or in vessels of the countries from which the goods were brought. We afterwards entered into reciprocity treaties, and most other nations had followed us in our maritime policy, at least to particular stages. In !,664 France framed a na vigation law which was almost word for word the naviga • tion law of England framed in 1661. Under our protec tive policy there cleared outwards from our ports in 1780, 430,000 tons of British shipping, and in 1810, 1,600,000 tons. Considering the period, that might be looked upon as a large increase ; but it must be remembered we had the wholecarrying trade of the world at the time, mil our fleets crowded the seas. In 1820 there cleared out from our ports 1,607,000 tons of British shipping, but after the abolition of the navigation litivs in 1850 the number of tons rose to 4,700,000, so that during this stage of partial free trade we increased 3,000,000 tons in 30 years, whereas, under the strictest protection, with all the advantages arising from reciprocity treaties, he had shown that we increased in 90 years only 1,000,790 tons. In 1858, there cleared from our ports 6,400,000 tons of British shipping, being an in crease of 1,740,000 tons, or an increase of considerably more in the eight years of free trade than there had been in the 90 years of close protection. (Hear, hear.) In 1830, when the reciprocity treaties were in operation, we owned 2,500,000 tons of shipping, but at the end of last year we owned no less than close upon 6,000,000 tons ; and in the 10 years of free trade we had actually increased 3,500,000 tons. The Government of France, for the purr ose of en- . couraging her own shipping trade, had levied a duty of 30 francs per ton upon all exports, and 50 francs per ton on all imports. France, however, had materially changed her laws. In 1826 she entered into a treaty with us—and the law of France as affecting England stood in this position : First, there was the coasting trade, which was still con fined strictly to the ships of France. Then there was the direct trade between England and France, in which the ships of England and those of France were placed on exactly the same footing by the reciprocity treaty of 1856. Then came the indirect trade of France so far as regarded the colonies and possessions of different countries, which trade might be said to be entirely confined to the ships of France, in consequence of the differential duties being so heavy on English vessels, and the ships of England were also ex cluded from the trade between foreign countries and France. There could be no doubt that France had been a consider able loser by her restrictive policy. On the whole of her foreign trade she had decreased 8,000 tons in forty years. Then let thorn take the trades which were not protected. He had shown that the average decrease in the protected 1 trades was 7 per cent., whereas in the non-protected trades, where the competition of other shipowners was admitted, there was an increase of 10 per cent. This policy therefore was not merely unjust to the people of France, but grossly unjust to the shipowners, over whose interest they watched with great an;iety. In the year 1787 France owned 500,000 tons of shipping ; in 1830 she owned 688,000. In the year 1855 she • owned 15,600 vessels ; and in 1810 only 14,809 vessels, and cf the latter 10,000 were under 30 tons ; and 3,000 under 1,300 tons. However, in the year 1830 France owned 680,000 tons of shipping; but he found she did not increase that amount, for in 1834 she possessed only 604,000 tons, and taking the whole period from 1830 to 1858, the increase of her shipping was only 370,000 tons ; whilst in the same period the British tonnage was doubled, and increased from 2,800,000 to 5,600,000 tons. But then let them proceed to the case of steam. He found that whilst Great :Britain owned in 1830 82,000 tons of steam vessels, in 1858 we owned no less than 488,000 tons of steam vessels. The steam tonnage of France amounted in 1830 to about 9,000 tons, and in 1858 to about 66,000 ; showing that whilst British shipping in • creased to the extent of upwards of 400,000 tons, the in crease of France was only 57,000 tons of steam shipping. And yet it was found that in France protective duties were in favour. Why was this? France had a large seaboard. Along the Channel her coast extended 450 leagues; on the, Atlantic it was 130 leagues in length, and she had 90 leagues in the Mediterranean. Moreover, all other branches of her commerce were increasing and extending. During the years 1827 to 1836, the increase in the special commerce of France was 10,000 millions of francs. From 1837 to 1846 the in crease was 18.000 millions of francs, whilst in the years from 1847 to 1856 the special commerce of France increased no less than 22,000 millions of francs. As in the case of pri vate persons, they often found that the greatest success was attained by unassisted enterprise, when a man was left to his own resources and energies —so it was with nations. When the British shipowner was left tohis own unprotected energies his success was greatest, and he (Mr. Lindsay) be lieved that if the French Emperor should be pleased to adopt the policy which the British nation had adopted, the shipping trade of France would be largely benefited, and the commerce of the country greatly increased. They ought to abolish all differential duties levied upon goods front our possessions and our colonies to France in British ships, and admit them at the same rates as the produce of their own possessions in our ships. Such a change in the differential duties was in fact essentially necessary in orderto carry into effect the reciprocal advantages of the treaty so far as the Maritime duties between the two nations were concerned. (Hear, hear.) Mr. HORSFALL seconded the motion, and expressed his opinion that great good would result from this agitation of the question by the hon. member, After the motion had been put From the chair, Mr. M. GIBSON said his hon. friend the member for Sunderland was already aware that there would be no ob jection made to the address on the part of her Majesty's Government ; and he had accurately described their position upon the subject when he said that such address, if agreed to, must be followed by an effort on the part of the Govern ment to give it effect. In reply to his hon. friend he had to state that the Government would avail themselves of every opportunity, and would use their utmcst endeavours, to carry out his views. (Hear.) There could be no doubt that Lritish shipping laboured under many disabilities in French ports. The coasting and colonial trade, i.e., the trade between France and our colonies, was more than might at once be conceded ; but with regard to indirect carrying trade—the foreign trade with France—seeing that all other countries, with the exception of France, Spain, and Portugal, had given full reciprocity to England, he might express at any rate the hope that simi lar facilities would be conceded to England by France. He agreed that French commerce and the French nationwould derive great benefit from such a step, and without taking up the time of the house at that moment by going over any unnecessary ground, ho would merely add that he entirely concurred in the views expressed by his hon. friend as to the great benefits conferred upon British shipping and British commerce by the liberal navigation code which had been adopted. (Hear.) Lord C. HAMILTON expressed his gratification at the fact that the Government had acceded to the motion of the hon. member for Sunderland. Still he thought it behoved the house to ask why it was necessary that so soon after the treaty with France another negotiation should be com menced ? How came it that they had so soon to set to work to patch up the treaty so recently concluded ? He believed it resulted from the great haste and slovenly man ner in which that treaty had been prepared. He conceived that that was done for a party purpose, viz., to bring it be fore the house at the commencement of the session. No doubt it had obtained for the Government some cheers, but they would be only of a temporary character. Mr. DIGBY SEYMOUR thought the observations of the noble lord uncalled for, and that the attack made by him upon the conduct of the hon. member for Rochdale in his absence was undeserved. (Hear, hear,) That hon. mem ber would no doubt receive the thanks of his countrymen for his recent labours in the cause bf freedom of trade ; and he believed the noble lord could not name any diplomatist who would have been better able to carry on the late nego tiations with the French Emperor and his Government. The resolution was then put to the house and carried 12814. con. TENURE AND IMPROVEMENT OF LAND (IREI;AND). Mr. CARDWELL asked the permission of the heuse to bring in a bill to amend the law relating to the tenure and improvement of land in Ireland. He wished to make one more attempt to settle a question which had occupied the care of every Government and the attention of every Par liament for a period longer than he had had the honour of a seat in that house. It was a question of great difficulty, but to Ireland a question of great importance. He believed that from the time peace was concluded with France in 1815 up to the present date many branches of this subject had continually occupied the attention of the house. An era in the history of this question was the appointment of the Devon Commission, which took a mass of e vidence, and made a most valuable report. Since then there was no Ministry that had not endeavoured to settle this question, and there had been scarcely a year when some proposal or another had not been before the house for the purpose of so doing. In 1845, Lord Derby, then Secretary for the Colonies, under the Ministry of the late Sir Robert Peel, madoa proposal. In the following year it was renewed in that house by the present Duke of Newcastle, then Seere tary for Ireland. The right hon. gentleman the member for Canterbury made an attempt in IMB, and another in 1850. In 1852 the Government of Lord Derby made a great effort to settle the question, and under the Government of Lord Aberdeen another attempt was made. Sergeant Shee afterwards brought forward a measure on the subject, which was to a certain extent taken up by the Government of that day. Mr. Moore, then a mem ber of that house, attempted legislation in 1856, and in 1857 and in 1858 the lion. gentleman the member for Dungar van submitted a measure on the subject. The late Govern ment had, he believed, intended to deal with it, so that it was manifest the question must be not only one of great importance, but one of great difficulty. What gave the pre sent Government a hope of being able to settle it was, be cause the condition of Ireland was more favourable at the present time than in that of some of their predecessors—be cause they had greater experience, because there had been de cisions of that house, which showed what measures there were that it was impossible to carry, and how they ought to frame a bill with any hope of success. The first question which would naturally arise was, why it should be neces sary to deal with the land of Ireland on a footing different from the land of England or of Scotland, but he might quote the opinions of Arthur Young, of Mr. Burke, and of Mr. Mill, to show that Government might take up the case. Every Ministry since 1845 admitted the necessity in em phatic language of dealing with Ireland separately. The Devon Commissioners had declared that,whereas in England and Scotland the landlord provided suitable farmhouses, put up gates, made fences in good order, and kept buildings in repair, in Ireland the case was wholly different. The smallness of farms there rendered the introduction of the English system difficult. In most cases in Ireland what ever was done in the way of such improvement was done by the tenant ; this of itself constituted a strong reason why special legislation was necessary for Ireland. Since the time of the Devon commission no more marked improve ment had taken place in the condition of any country than in that of Ireland. That improvement had resulted in changes which, if they diminished the necessity for legisla tion of this kind, operated, upon the other hand, as a great eneouragemett to make all just and necessary reforms, whereby the laws might be made to co-operate with the spirit of laudable enterprise, and the progress of beneficent improvements might be facilitated. Since 1845 there had been much done in the way of public works, as well as by loans and grants, and, above all, by the multipli cation of railways and other internal communications. The value of live stock in Ireland about 20 years ago was £2l,ooo,ooo—by the last return it was £36,000,000. The improvement had not been merely in quantity, but far more in quality and in value. No less than 2,000,000 of acres had been sold under the Encumbered Estates Court, which fetched £23,000,000, and he was glad to say that most of the money was found and paid by Irishmen. This land was sold to 8,500 owners, who bought it for the pur pose of expending labour and capital in its improvement. in 1841 he believed the wages of labour averaged in Ire land 6d. per day ; now it was Is. 3d. The number of evic tions 10 years ago was 72,000; last year 2,300. Ten years ago there were 15 agrarian outrages in 12 months, last year only 4. Firing at the person, 10 years ago, 20; last year, 1. Serious assaults of the same character, ten years ago, 87; last year, 19. So that offences of this character were, ten years ago, 123; last year only 24. (Hear.) Ten years ago the number of paupers relieved was 2,142,000; last year, 161,000. Expenditure for the poor, ten years ago, ), 199,000 ; last year, £114,000. There was now greater prosperity amongst all classes, and a better feeling w as prevalent. In framing the bill they had endeavoured to deal with the land in three categories—first, lands in the hands of landlords, limited owners ; secondly. in the hands of tenants, protected by lease ; and, thirdly, in the hands of tenants who had no lease. In the same year in which the Devon commission reported, the year 1815, an impor tant act of Parliament was passed, having for its object the improvement of land. That act was applicable to Ireland. It enabled the limited owner to burden his land by mortgage for drainage, and to saddle the mortgage on the estate in certain specified proportions. The machinery by which the act was to be carried into effect was through the Court of Chancery. He was sorry to say that not one single application had 'been made to the curt for the purpose ©f exercising the powers given by that act. They thought that the precedent of that act and of many other acfs, including the Montgomery Act, which had been in opposition for the last seventy years, and of the Scotch Settled Estates Act, might with propriety be applied to the case of limited owners in Ireland. They thought it might be appropriately extended to other pur- poses than drainage, and that the word " improvement" for these purposes might include thorough drainage of land, the reclaiming of land from tidal or other waters, the pro tection of land by embankment from tidal or other waters, the reclaiming of bog land, the reclaiming and inclosing of waste land, clearing land of stones, making roads and fences, the erection of farm buildings, houses for stewards, la- bourers, or other persons enpioyed in superintending or cultivating the land, and the renewal or reconstruction of such buildings, so that any of these works increased the permanent value of the- land. The mode by which they proposed this should be accomplished was this—at present the applications were made under the Court of Chancery, and, as he had stated, up to this time not a single applica tion had been made. They thought, therefore, it was abso lutely necessary in 'extending the scope of the act to find a cheaper and better mode of carrying it into effect. A few years ago there was passed an act called the Settled Estates Act, which gave very large powers for amending imperfect settlements, by extending to them the usual and proper leasing powers. But, again, the machinery of that act was limited to the Court of Chancery, and the result was that the applications under it had been very few. They proposed to extend the operation of that act in three ways. In the first Place, they proposed to create a power giving special improvement leases for a longer period than ordinary agri cultural leases; secondly, they proposed to include not only limited owners in the ordinary sense of the term— namely, individuals holding under settlements—but also corporations, lay and ecclesiastical trustees, the owners of foundations for schools, and so on, following the prece dents which had obtained in particular cases on that principle. The improvements which ought to be executed by tenants were less extensive than those which ought to be executed by a landlord, because they extended only to his particular holding, and not to the whole estate. They therefore proposed to leave out one or two heads in this part of the bill. They proposed that the im provements to be executed by the tenant under lease should be, drainage of land, the reclamation of land from bog, the clearing land of stones, the making of roads or fences on his own farm, the erection of farm-houses, or the enlargement or the erection or re-construction of suitable farm-buildings. Then what they proposed with regard to leases was this : At present a limited owner under the act of 1856 could give an agricultural lease for 21 years absolutely without the in terventien of any emit. They proposed to allow corpora tions to do the same. They proposed that improvement leases might be granted, with the sanction of the chairman of the county, assisted in the same manner as in the former part of the act, for a period of 40 years. They proposed that building leases which amounted to an alienation might lse granted, as they were granted under the Settled Estates (Scotland) Act, and as they were granted under many special acts referring to Ireland, that they might be granted with the leave of the Landed Estates Court, if they related to a larger quantity of land than three acres, or a larger value than £lOO a leer, and if less, then with the sanction of the chairman of the county. They proposed that all these leases should be subject to three conditions, that they should give immediate possession, that they should be granted without fine, and that they should be subject to certain covenants. There remained the third, and certainly not the least com plicated portion of the subject. At this part of the subject he should like, with the permission of the house, to refer to a case which recently occurred in Ireland, which had attracted great interest, and which was so important, that in the last session of Parliament the hon. member for Tippe rary invited his attention specially to it. He stated that he hoped that in any measure the Government might introduce they would take care that no such case - as that to which the hon. member referred would again occur. In the first place, he would fairly avow that they intended to make no attempt to give compensation for what were called retrospective improvements. (Hear.) The compensation was intended to be entirely prospective. Ho appealed to those who were in favour of retrospective compensation to remember the history of retrospective legislation with regard to other measures. And last, though not least, they would remem ber that last year a deputation of those gentlemen waited upon the right hon. gentleman the member few Bucking hamshire and requested him to exert the power of the Go vernment to bring this question to a settlement, and stated their• views on the subject of retrospective compensation. They stated in the most distinct and emphatic terms that they did not expect retrospective compensation, and that they desired a sound and reasonable bill, providing a pros pective compensation for prospective improvements. A bill which was brought in by the hon. member for Dungarvan was rejected by a majority of 3 to 1 because it contained the retrospective principle. The, hon. member for Dimgarvan stated this at the deputation of which he was a member, and he had asked how could he and his friends continue to press on a measure which must result in failure ? adding, most justly, "if we had done so we should have deserved the scorn of this house and the contempt of our 'country men." He (Mr. Cardwell) quite appreciated the wisdom of these observations. Ha had therefore endeavoured to bring in a bill which, if it did not satisfy all expectations, would at any rate do some practical good, and pass into a law; and therefore he frankly stated he had no intention of dealing with retrospective compensation. (Hear, hear.) Then came the question whether they were to sanction pros pective improvements without permitting the landlord to have any voice or opinion at all as to the effect of these im provements on his land. He thought the landlord ought to have the power of objecting to these improvements if he thought they were not advisable. The bill, therefore, would give the tenant a cheap, simple, and certain mechanism by which, if he chose to execute improvements, he would be certain that the result of those improvements should return into his own pocket. It was also proposed that the tenant who desired to improve his property should serve his land lord with notice of his intention. Forms of notice would be prepared and saleable at a cheap rate, so that the tenant mightavoid legal expenses that would be otherwise incurred. If the landlord disapproved of the improvements, he might determine the tenancy; practically, however, he believed this would not result, but an agreement would be made be tween the parties as to the terms on which the holding should continue. He believed that everybody connected with Ireland would agree with him that it would be ono of the most desirable results for that country if the habit of entering into written agreements between landlord and tenant were established. But supposing the landlord took no steps upon the notice of the tenant, then he would be supposed to acquiesce, and the tenant would proceed to execute his improvements. The tenant would then have to prove their value and extent, and he would then obtain a provisional certificate which would give him an annuity . calculated at 5 per cent. upon every LlOO worth of improve ments, or £7 2s. on the XlOO for 25 years. Then if the land lord ejected the tenant, he (the tenant) would go before the chairman, obtain a charging order, accountin g for his arrears of rent to the time when he obtained that order, and having in his possession the certificate which would be transferable, saleable, and conveying to him the certainty of compensation for his improvements, exactly as the limited order obtained it formerly. Those who objected to any of the provisions he had mentioned would have the opportunity in committee of proposing modifications or al terations. • The bill would set free land in the hands of limited owners. It would enable limited owners to give improvement leases, whether they were solo owners, cor porations, trustees of schools or clergymen, and he thought it would be admitted that whoever succeeded in carrying any measure that would settle the law on this subject would confer upon Ireland a great benefit. (Hear, hear.) And although the measnre might not be of an inspiring characs ter he trusted it would on that account receive the candid consideration of the house. They had difficulty enough in dealing with this subject, and he thought the time had ar rived when something like a substantial instalment of re form in this direction should be siven to the people of Ire-s land. (Hear, hear.) Lord FERMOY did not think that Ireland was so su premely prosperous as the right hon. gentleman wished to make out. The right hon. gentleman was afraid to deal boldly with the question, and had to deal with it in this negligent and ineffectual manner. The bill would rather do harm than good. (Hear.) The O'DONOGHUE observed that what he really said when he attended the deputation to the right hon. gentle man was, that he would not obstruct a measure, good in ether respects, because it did not happen to have retrospec tive clauses. He did not regard the present "prosperity" of Ireland as pbtced on at all a sound basis, because he re garded it as chiefly owing to the diminution in the number of the inhabitants. He did not believe the bill would be found to introduce any material improvement. It seemed to him that the right hon. gentleman was like a physician attending an hypochondriac patient, being obliged to pre scribe something, he ordered bread pills. (A laugh.) Mr. MAGUIRE said he was most anxious to have this question finallyand satisfactorilysettled; buthowover much he admired two portions of the bill of the right hon. gen tleman, if he did not withdraw or greatly alter that most vicious machinery which he sketched to the house, his name would be associated with evictions in every part of Ireland. and he was sure the right hon. gentleman did not desire a reputation of that kind. After a few words from several lion. members, leave was then given to bring in the bill. LANDLORD AND TENANT (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion of the ATTORNEY-GENERAL for Ireland, leave was given to bring in a bill to consolidate and amend tha law of landlord and tenant in Ireland. MISCELLANEOUS SERVICES. On the motion of Mr. WISE, a select committee was ap pointed to inquire into the expenditure for miscellaneous services, and to report to the house whether any reduction can, in their opinion, be effected in that branch of the public expenditure. LANDLORD AND TENANT (IRELAND) BILL. Mr. POLLARD-URQUHART obtained leave to bring in a bill to a men d t h e law of landlord and tenant in Ireland.° EMBLEMENTS. Mr. POLLARD-URQUHART obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend tho law of emblements. COMMON LODGING-HOUSES (IRELAND) BILL. This bill was read a second time. THE PAWNBROKERS ACT AMENDMENT BILL. Mr. HORSFALL moved the second reading of this bill. Mr. E. JAMES moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months. He complained that the effect of the bill was to allow pawnbrokers to charge a duplicate ticket of one halfpenny on all pledges under five shillings, which they were prtclnded from charging under the exist ing statute. The house then divided. The numbers were— For the second reading For the amendment The bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed qn the 29th May. THE PAPER DUTIES BILL, On the order for going into committee being read by the clerk at the table, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER postponed it to Monday. Sir S. IvOR•THCOTJ said au improgou prriailoci iu sidered, the house that this bill we , uld not be proceeded with until after Easter. He hoped tho doubt would be cleared up by the right hon. gentleman. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said if the hon. blronet said there wag a d oubt—no doubt there was s doubt, but he had no idea. that there was a doubt, at any rato there was no doubt upon his mind. (Laughter.) THE INCOIVM TAX BILL. On the motion that this hill as amended should be con- Col. DUNNE said it was hardly fair at that hour (ten minutes to one o'clock) to ask him to proceed with his amendment. The statement, - which he had to make might lead to a discussion. This v 'as an important measure, and it had not beensufficiently d. abated in that house, for it was brought in without much dis cussion, and it had been BO hurried through the house tlts :t only one Irish member had had an opportunity of speak ;ng upon it. He thought the right hon. gentleman-ought 3t to force the bill on at that , hour. (Hear, hear.) He then moved the adjournment of the house. • The CHANCELLOR of the 1 EXCHEQUER said he had done all in his power to bring the bill on before. He had proposed a morning sitting t hat day, to which the house would not agree, and he had proposed to go on with the bill at an earlier period of the evening, but that was not' • permitted, and a great part c f the evening had been spent' in discussing unopposed mot ions, and much time also in die cussing motions in which the hon. and gallant gentlemani. Bs an Irish member, must feel ar:. interest. It was quite a nt.,te take to suppose that money bills of this kind were moll required to be brought on at five o'olock ; on the contrary, 1 ...' was extremely unusual to mist, so many discussions ups them in their later stages. But this was not the last stage, of the bill ; it would be read a third time next day (FridaY,A as the first order of the day, mid perhaps the hon. and a_l - lant gentleman would make h is statement on that occasion , when he could propose any an lendment he chose by molittlV the recommitment of the bill- Mr. AYRTON said the time had come when they ought to have some definite understanding as to what the house would have to do before the recess. (Hear, hear.) Tl l l business was getting into a state of great embarrassintell• The Chancellor of the Exchequer was endeavouringto ea? , through the hone various measures of change in every ? Al e" partment of the funances, and in doing this he was impale'. by the friendly competition of the noble lord the Foreign' Secretary who was andeavouring to carry through his lA' form Bill. The h.orme could not go on discussing these it portant questions on alternate nights, and it would be CO* . venient for the hon. gentleman and the noble lord to pro. teed in concert, and to arrange between themselves which should take the prece,lence. The right bon. gentlema n the Chancellor of the Exchequer had no right to claim th e assent of the house without full discussion. He hoped the house would allow the Chancellor of the Exchequer to take a stage pro forma, if they were to have a full discus . sion on a future occasion. He appealed to the Chancellor of the Exchequer to arrange with his colleague the Foreign Secretary as to how the public business was to be con' ducted. Sir J. PAKINGTON hoped they would hear from the Government what would be the business to-morrow (this day). The Chancellor of the Exchequer said the first busi; ness would be the income-tax, whereas the noble lord Pre J. Russell) said it would be the Reform Bill. Let theta know which. Mr. N. B. SHKRIDAN moved the adjournment of the house. Lord J. MANNERS said he thought the beet thing they could do would be to take the amendment of his hon. and gallant friend at present, and disedss it as fully as deserved. Lord PALMERSTON observed that the Government was perfectly y and walling to discuss the amendmen t of the hon. a allant gentleman, if such was the pleasure 4f d of the house. Lord C. HAMILTON hoped the house would, if need be, decide upon the question of adjournment. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER explained that what he said was, that the hon. and gallant gentleman might to-morrow move the recommittal of the bill. Mr. BENTINCK thought the Government ought e i once to agree to the adjournment. Mr. E. JAMES said the Government had not given th e information required as to whether the Income-tax Bill or the Reform Bill would be taken to-morrow. Sir G. GREY said the reason the answer was not gin was, that it was supposed the Income-tax would be taken te-night, and the Reform Bill would be taken the first order to -morrow. Mr. MALINS hoped a distinct answer would be given ne to the course that would be taken to-morrow. Lord. PALMERSTON said it was the intention of th e Goveinment to take the Reform Bill to-morrow evening if the other business—(loud laughter from the OppositioW" if it could come on at a proper time of the evening. The ST RAKER was then about to put the motion for ail journment, when The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose, O n was about to address the house, when Lord J. MANNERS rose to order. The SPEAKER said it was usual to allow a Minister to explain. The CHANCELLOR of the ,EXCHEQUER said he was not going to explain, but to give information. A division was then called, but none took place, the GO' vernment agreeing to the adjournment of the debate. STAMP DUTIES BILL. The House went into committee on this bill. Mr. JAMES objected to the clause relating to the al* li. tion of stamps as beingimpracticable. After a short discussion the clause was agreed to. n t On clause 11 which requires that the amounts shall 13- be valid unless stamped at the time of execution, Mr. JAMES objected to that provision, and, after O le discussion, 'd he The CANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER ite i , would consider the matter, and state his decision on " r ` — ' ;* ing up the report. The other clauses were agreed to, and the bill passed through committee. The Bankruptcy and Insolvency Bill was read a second time and ordered to be committed on the 23d of April. The house adjourned at half-past two. COUNTRY MARKETS. BIRMINGHAMMA.RCH 29. At to-day's market there was a large quantity of whea t offering; trade ruled slow, but we note is to 2s a dvance on our quotations ef last week in the few sales made' Fine barley sold slowly without alteration in price. Oa t° were at a slight rise in value. Beans and peas were e t late rates. MANCHE STER—MARcn 29. Wheat and flour were held stiffly at is to 2s per quar? r t and sack advance upon the quotations of Thur s d a y last, !, 11 very little doing. Beans and Indian corn were in PP' request, and 6d dearer. Oats brought fully former rats; oatmeal rather higher. LOUTH—MARCH 28. There was an active business done in wheat to-day, and prices were at a rise of 2s upon last week's quotations, vi s '' wheat, red and mixed, old and new, 46s to 50s per qr.; white, 525. Oats, 20s to 235; beans, 41s to 41s; barley' 32s to 355. MELTON MOWBRAY—MARcir 27. • There was a good supply of wheat to-day, with a health/ business at the annexed prices :—White wheat, new, V.! Od to 53s Od ; red, 43 s Od t o 46 s per 36 a t one ; barley P' fair supply, at 388 to 45s for malting, and 30s to 35s per qr. for grinding ; oats, 25s to 35s Od per 24. stone ; beans , 43s to 53s for old; new, 62s per 38 st. EDINBURGH GRAIN—MARCH 28. Wheat on the top is Od down average is 3d up. Barley on the top 3s 6d up average is 4d up. Oats on tho top Os 6d down. average Os 94 up. Beans on the top 3s Od down average Os ld up. Averages per Imperial quarter. Wheat.... Barley 2 1 2 8-12tha Oats 1 10 1 2-12ths Beans Total Supply and Sales. - Wheat BlO qrs Sold 674 qrs Barley... 523 qrs Sold 409 qrs Oats .2155 qrs S o ld 1493 gra Beans 255 qrs Spld 175 gra DUBLIN—MAnca 27. f Of home wheat littl e or none offering. A fair supply o , oats, at 3d to 6d per b arrel advance. Malting barley ' sought after ; also grinding sorts, but a limited supply' Maize in demand. Flour 6d higher. s. d. s. d. s. d, 5 . • Wheat, white.. 28 6to 30 6 Do., new — oto .; Do., red ...... 27 ot o 28 6 B ere . l3 oto l4 " Do., new . 6 0 to 0 ! Rapeseed 2O 0 to 23 Barley .... 16 oto2l 0 Oatmeal l3 6to Ifi A Oats .. 12 6t013 9 Bakers' flour Do., black.... 11 6t 0 12 6 I n di an corn DERBY SMITHFIELD—MARcn 27. There was a fair average supply of fat beasts to-day, wil t a large attendanc e o f b u y ers ; th e b es t qua lit y i n demall4 and late prices maintained. Sheep again i n ver y am' supply, and sold at high prices. Fat and store calves mor e plentiful. Fat pigs a better supply. Beef Mutton ... Lamb Od to Od Rough fat, 5s 3d per stone' Hides, 4d to 51d; calf skins, 51c1 to 61d. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's eirec tions induced by a t mos ph er i c c h anges , or t oo lib era l diet' should be checked at once, or serious consequences ins ensue. When any one fi n d s hi s id eas l ess c l ear th an tleti s his eyesight dimmed, an d hi s h ea d di zzy , w hi c h i n disP°.e 't; to him for all exertion, physical or mental, he may be Ou t a sure that he is in immedi a te necd of some cooling I 'f purifying medicine. Let hi m sen d a t once f or a be% Holloway's Pills, which will f r e e hi m f rom su ff er ing', t vi ls speedily renew his usual healthful feeli ngs . If the bovve;, be irritable, Holloway' s Oi n t me nt s h ou ld b e rubbed es,, ll the stomach and liver every night a n d morn i n g. I" wonderfully augment the corrective po wer o f the piiis• BIRTHS. Fife ARNOLD.—On the 25th inst., at South Norwood, th e of the Rev. C. M. Arnold, of a son. How.—On the 28th inst., the wife of William Howl s(l. ' 52, Queen's-gardens, Hyde -park, of a son. MARRIAGES. p r el PASLEY—HARE.--On the 27th inst., at Stoke Dam - o f Hparish church, Dev on , Hamilton Sabine Pasley , . M.'s Cape Mounted Rifles, fourth son of Rear - A ral Sir Thoma s S a bi ne Pasley, Bart., to Catherine Alin e, eldest daughter o f Li eu t . -C o l . the Hon. Richard Hare't SIMON — LEON.—On the 2Sth inst., J u li us Simon, Esq,' de f 113 EEza, eldest daught er o f J. I. Leon , Esq., of 28, park-square. DEATHS. BARRY.—On the 27th inst ,at his residence , Paragon/ New .road, Bl ac kh ea th, Fredk. • Barry, Esq. HOGGE.—On the 23d init., at Nice, Colonel Hogge, d late 20th Regt., of 21, Gloucester - place, Hydo.park, Aylsham, Norfolk, aged • 73. Joseph HUTTON.—On the 28th inst , at Derby, the Be v. Hutton, LL.D., aged 69. LONDON: Printed and Publimhod by WORD° YOl/.` „ag4 / of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Supt ODRA NO. Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy , i n the countY ° Middlesex, Yriday, March 30, 1860. • ' A 1 11i} char! for Ca ' Wits sta g , torw, m Rork Btu in Drine p it t r e t e i ti Tern ] Teo, ANb , valuat of ro o AZei aPPoin JOS} A p i Cry pared, live r ' tlte, with ° , with ° , and pi tate ti IR. lie.' I3iliou packar. graved Just 1 1 • Vir Ti to bu St t 1( ass doi Ito Tar Mr Thi Ey Wit • app I , aat aShil cob ( Per( adds