The Sun. — London, England, 1829-02-24 00:00:00

Ile would assure them he con,laered a compliment— :Re imagined that his observations would ne likely to Trovoke rnore severe censure .firri-a`, them than to be ttrtughol at in that mannet . . it was said that all the , aprtsition to the rot!;t:nre was " factious ;" " fee vim's" was the at.1.0.q. employed, and such a charge Ile '(Lord Elds?. would i meq u ivc,,lty d en y. h impossitYle ),inn to forzet the tart) roved to hr's vOtratrry and to the GarcTiaMen't ; and it Were fae eiiostA to stand by the mrcitty, to the Protestant re' :ion, and Protestant State, dila Protestant Constitu ti,,,, as crot,thlisbed in 16.98.,!.e was ready at once to plead gi.d.{ , y to the charge. r:fft it was contended that the coun try IA not been by surprise. By the way, he might Lore remark, tha'; of those measures which Ministers had pledged therns..ives to introduce, he (Lord Eldon) A 'yet knew notb;:ng, and he did not know as avhat light he shou'.dconsider them until taware of their precise na- C'tre. As yet those measltres which were so exeremt - Ist - ,ded on one side of the House, and to which to many objections accra raised on the other sid , , Wi , re kuown to no ost"—'Teay.)—No man as yet "itNiew what they were, and it wns idle to deny that mallet such eircutn•tances the coun try had not been taken by surprise —(llesr.)—tie slit! not say that the Noble Duke (Wellington) ints?-2A4 to take the errantry by surprise, but be wwald rala 'what was .the obvious conclusion to be drawn frNaa 'the Noble Duke's ?eV'er to Dr. Curtis ? The Noble and Learned Lord on Woolsack knew that there was a manner in Which it 'might be attempted to 1161tince evidence, but in which Ole Noble f.ord not he (Lord Eldon) would permit it n oe .brolvh` eat-test-a. It was under such cirr,wt6.tances that the evidence. in the letter to Dr. Curti 'nail found its way before the public. That letter be (Lord Eldon) could not easily understand, for the Noble Duke would allow him to say that it w - as neither English nor Irish quire. laugh.)---In one place it recommended the of the question in oblivion, and it ` nett fe_tlnmended that the interval should be emplqt'al to consider ing all the •iitficulties with which the subject was stir rountlzd. ,Now he (Lord Bblon) would ask, whether stay twat living, who had veal that letter at the tirtl t Was published, could have possibly expected tha t : the Catholic Question would he recommended to the consideration of Parliament in a message from the Throne on the sth of Febreary fedlowing?—(Hear.)—He did not wish to be traderstood to say that there was any impropriety in such a message emanating front the Government, er that it ought not to be attended to most testtettfolly by that House. nut he conceived tint, in nbvlicnce to that me'- s4ge, ths_tir Lordships ought tetntet. upon the consideration of tf:e question itself beforti any Bills were presented to tfrern. If the Bills were brought in first, and they then suitered is an inquiry, it appeared to him that that would he a new way of Liking the question into consideration. The three illustrious persons who had ad;-tssed their Lord ships that evening had every right to give their assent, or Co state their objections to the measnre about to be intro duced. But whether the opposition to his Majesty's Mi ni4ers should or should oat be characterised as factious, he !Lord Eld/.. - .1) had rimn for the purpose of saying th-At he would ao his duty—his duty to thet HOUK° titid to the Country—and that it was at present his conscientious con viction that he should oppose there measures, if they should he such as he imagined they would be. But if he mis- conceived those nic;sures, lie should be as glad e!.. any man in the country if it were found necessary to abide by them, provided that they were consistent with the Consti tution of the country. Earl GREY said that Cleve were some things in the Noble Earl's (Rhino's) speech which he (Lail Grey) could not suffer to pass without animadversion. That that Noble Earl would with ability, and by every meant likely to give effect to his exertions, oppose the meerares of his Ma jesty's Ministers, he (Lord Grey) entertained no doubt; nor did he believe that the Noble Earl would be deterred by any imputation of factious motives from relaxing in his opposition to those measures. But when that Noble Earl repelled the imputation of " factious," he (Lord Grey) would advise him to take care that his opposition should be conducted in such a manner as not to deserve the name. He (Lord Grey) had passed his political life in opposition, and having been as much exposed as any man to the impu tation of "factious," he was not disposed to cast such an iirtputatinn on the opposition of ethers. But he spoke now, let it be recollected, of a fair, honest, legitintata opposition in that House; and be must say, in justification of the Royal Duke, who, in delivering an opinion that did biro so much honour, with a patriotic zeal for the interests of the country, and with an effect that must be followed by important 'consequences throughout the - empire, had spoken of the factious opposition against this Tines tion,—in justice to that Royal Duke; he (Earl Orey) must say that his complaint was well put, and that he was amply borne out by facts in making it. He would not advert in that House to the publications in a portion of the daily press with which they were every day disgusted, and in which the private lives and the public conduct of the supporters of these measures of concession and relief were slranelessly attacked. But he would ask the Noble Earl what had pansvd in that House ? What had he heard there, even that very evening ? Opinions had been broached which, at another: time, and under other cir cumstances, would have called for the reprobation and censure of the House. Let Noble Lords oppose the :rex sure fairly, openly, and manfully, if they choose. Let thew urge all the reasonings which they could collect upon the subject against the measure, but let them not endea vour, by putting forward unjust representations of the mea sure, and sending forth assertions from that House as watchwords through the country—watchwords of sedition and treason—(hear, hear)—to arouse violence and inspire resistance to the legitimate Government of the country.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.")—Was it not stated that the So • vereign would forfeit his diadem if he should give his con sent to the measure? lie would ask the Noble Earl if th ,t were a fair, a legitimate species of opposition? Wag it not stated in that [louse that if the King consented to Vale measure he would renounce his religion and violate hie coronation oath ?—(Hear, hear.) —Was that, he would a;ain ask, a legitimate means of opposition, or did it not, o.i the. contrary, well deserve the epithet of factious ? Was it - not states, that if this measure passed, his Majesty's right to the throne of these realms would cease?—(Loud cries of " Hear, bear.")—Was not this doctrine broached, and had not the Royal Duke the right to complain of it ?----(Hear, hear, hear.)—Was it not stated, that if this measure passed, not alone his present Ma jesty, but his whole family would be excluded - from the throne, and that the right of succession would not revert to the people and the Parliament, who had conferred it, but to the obscure and almost unknown House of Savoy ? These things having occurred in debate in that House, the Royal Duke had every right to declare his sentiments and to reprobate such a species of opposi tion..--( Hear, bear.)—The Noble Duke opposite (the Duke of Cumberland) should seriously deliberate on the senti ments which lie delivered in that House, and on the effect which they might produce in the country. The Noble Duke had every right to arouse a reasonable and legitimate resistance to the measure, such a resistance as loyal sub jects might give to the Government without exciting amongst the ignorant and deluded,—if such there could be found,—a furious zeal against the measure which was to come before their Lordships. Ile (Lord Grey) could not here help alluding to that assertion of the Noble Duke, which he had not attempted to maintain by argument, that the question now was, whether this was to be a Popish or a Protestant Government, a Popish or a Protestant Par liament. He was sure that that illustrious person must have viewed the question in the manner in which he had expressed, and that he adhered to the conscientious opinion which he then expressed. But in putting it forward as an argument against the measure, its effect must be had. Let Noble Lords reflect but for a moment on the mischief which must follow such a declaration going forth front that House, and from such a quarter, describing the measure as fraught with such evils to the religion of the country. What must be its effect on the country ? was it not calculated to operate as a watchword through out the land—to introduce violent feelings amongst the people, and to excite a spit it he was sure that no one would regret more sincerely than the Noble Duke himself? Hear.)—He (Lord Grey) could not refrain from saying thus much. The Noble Earl (Eldon) would, no doubt, appose this measure witri his wonted talent and ability. He (Lord Gray), whenever this discussion came before their Lordships, would pledge himself to refute the Noble Earl's doctrines with regard to the constitution of the country, and to prove that the Noble - Earl's statement that these laws, which were now about being repealed, formed a fundamental part of the Constitution, was entirely un founded. The Noble Earl had alluded to the laughter which had proceeded from tau.se benches, and be remarked that he considered it a compliment. He (Lord Grey) had often opposed the Noble Earl, but he hail always respected his ability and knowledge. When, however, he heard a certain proposition promulgated—that if this measure were passed we should have a Popish instead of a Protes tant Parliament, —when he heard such au opinion as that expressed, he would confess that he could not com pletely restrain those feelings which were usually mani fested by laughter. He (Lord Grey) had not originally intended to say so much, and he had only trespassed so far o n their Lordships' attention in order to justify the use of the epithet tvhich a Noble Duke who had spoken early in the debate bad applied to the opposition to this measure. The Duke of WELLINGTON would only trouble their Lordships with a few words. It waa riot his intention to talc; ply part ill silo discositm, ` whisk be mut gay Lad been so very irregular and so contrary to the rules of that nou , e. That such a discussion was irreg,ttlat,.WAs . dent at once from the fact, thttt aL iiitAe . nt no One peer in that 1i0u..! they Vvha't r,:2'7e the ibeasures of the Govvr , '_7lt2ln't. to explain as to the lettt..r f.O 01;6 t'‘A'.'ince bad been made by his Noble and n.iemd (Lord Eldon). His Noble Friend had said, that he would oppose him, but that he would be a gene rous enemy. lie (the Duke of Wellington) could never consider him' as an enemy in any light whatever. He could not forget his old habits of friendship with Ida Friend ; and if he differed fro.. hit” nt this snhject, he could never lose the feVTinks of respect which he ahvays entert:kii , ,A I',.s N o ble Friend. His Noble Friend WO. tt.t.:el'ien to his (the Duke of Welliorrton's) W.'fitter to Dr. ttirtiss, shoiv tha't, - the 6 . -aril e ry had been taken by sur frise. Tie ne•- , n• I'n'iended that letter for publication, and With 't'„ publication of it he had nothing to do. But his Noble Friend said, that the expressions used in that let':'?r were such as to lead the public to conclt'h '",.Tta no plea sure of consequence Nvott!(!b'n this session. llis Nob!e Friend `iCttoilect that the expressions used there ttit "6:,2Arly similar to those which he (the Duke of it gton) employed at the close of the htst session of Parliament. How it appeared that he (thp, Duke of WO'. lington) intended to surrise the pthik; V•7 , .101 te never addressed the letter to the todvhhuai to whom it was di- rectefl for the rtrte "6f publication, much less had any hat!!! ;n '.ll'..!pl'inlication of it, he was at a loss to conceive. iitt'i:ould not sit down without deprecating the spirit in which these discussions were conducted Itffr! he would beg to remind Noble Lords tin..t It t .s iblajesty Ltd recom mended them to consider' question with " temperance and mndetatims.,' The nail of ELDON explained. Ile never meant to 'tty that the Noble Duke intended to take the country by surprise. lie merely said, that without su...h ait on the part of the Noble Duke, the toUe.try had been ac- wally taken bz Earl OL ir said that it was now his duty to present to th`i!l - i• 'Lordships a petition of the same nature and with the same oltjects as that which had been just laid on their table. It was a petition which, during the last '2 , ', he had had the honour of prescntinif tc that House. It war the petition of ths3 13.0tt aii tatholics of England, and it was sigue4 !tt!,4st tittnerouslc an •I respectably, by all the Roman Ca hnlie Nobility, Aristocracy, and a great portion of the Catholic :popul ttion of this country. At the head of it was the signature of the Earl Marshal of England, the Duke of Norfolk, and to his Grace's name succeeded those of all the Catholic Nobility and G'entiry in England. On this ercasion, as on all others, the petitioners began by praying the House to take their claims into consideration ; and those claims he would rest. np,,n the grounds of justice and policy—on the ground of justice, as the petitioners prayed relief front disabilities which could net he imposed upon any English subject, except on account of some great state necessity, as their inAietion was to hint a grievous wrong . ; and no the ground of policy, because the peace !tn , l sakty of this great empire had been too long endangered by a divided Government, Parliament, and people. The W LS) petitioners, in his mind, partly considered it to he an ag gravation of the injury of their sufferings, that it should he imputed to them that their end was a monopoly or an ascendancy in the advantages of the Constitution, and not an equality of political rights. He referred to this well founded cempleint, because the unjust imputation, or ra ther calumny, upon the petitioner*, which gave rise to it, had proceeded from a quarter whence he least expected it. He (Earl Grey) considered that no greater error could be made, or a more unjust imputation be alleged, than to charge the Catholic religion with being essentially prolific of immorality and superstition. He believed that there was a great deal of error in that religion ; but he must still proclaim it unjust to confound its doctrinal im perfections with its essential principles, or the principles and conduct of its professors.—(Hear.)—On that point he confidently appealed to their Lordships whether the Ro man Catholic Church had not, in every age, furnished • from its ranks examples of the most conscientious rectitude, sincere piety, and the most heroic devotion,—(Hear, hear.)---He appeale d er the conduct of the Catholics of England Were tot then and always as loyal anti constitu tional as any other class of his Majesty's subjects. If the members of any Christian denomination were to be " judged by their fruits," he would ask, what denomination could boast of more illustrious ashes—of more distin guished citizens—of more heroic defenders of liberty ? He could not but lament that such unjust imputations as those he had alluded to hid been alleged against the Catholics, and he could not hesitate to join with the petitioners in proclaiming those imputations to be most unfounded calum nies. Noble Lords who shot those poisoned arrows did not sufficiently consider the wounds they inflicted. What was the answer to those who charged the Catholic religion with being in its nature corrupt and demoralising ? In the first place, if true, it would be charging the large majority of the Christian world with having been followers of a corrupt and demoralising religion; for the Catholic form of Christianity was that which had prevailed in the Chris tian world for ages. More than that, the Catholic religion was the predominant one at that moment among Christians for the Catholics wera by much the most numerous of those classes or branches, into which, since the Reforma tion, Christianity had divided itself. Those who argued thus on the corrupt and demoralising nature of the Catholic faith, forgot that it was from the votaries of that faith that their Lordships, end all other Protestants, received the Christian dispensation itself. It was therefore not only un charitable, but actually unwise, to cast those unjust impu tations upon a religion that was not ahme the only religion of the ancient Christian world (still that which had most followers), but the source whence the reformed religion itself hail sprung, and had received the means of its growth, maturity, and permanence. He repeated, that he believed the Catholic tenets to be much mixed up with error ; but he still thought it too much for a frail human being to pro nounce on the final consequences of those errors.—(Hear.) He thought that, so long as the Deity was worshipped in perfect sincerity, and in the same spirit of humble desire to be enlightened, it was not for frail humanity, to attempt to divide man from man, and sow disunion in the Christian world, merely on account of doctrinal or disciplinarian differences. In presenting the petition, he thought it right to state, that the numerous and respectable body from whence it came rested in perfect confidence on the gracious recommendations that had proceeded from the Throne in favour of them and their brethren in Ireland. He confidently hoped that their expectations would he realized ; indeed, after what he had heard that night, he could not harbour a doubt.—(Hear, hear, bear.) — He then presented the petition, with a conviction that its prayer would be granted, and with a hope that it would be the last which he should have ever occasion to bring under their Lordships' notice.—( Hear, hear.)—He trusted that before another Session—indeed in a few weeks—he might be able to congratulate the Duke of Norfolk, and the other Catholic Peers who had signed the petition, not as strangers outside the bar, but as Peers in their places in that House.—(Cheers.)—He looked to that among other consequences of the intended measure of Ministers; far, though he was not acquainted with the exact nature of that measure, he rested satisfied, on the confession of the Noble Duke at the head of the Government, that it would he one of extensive relief, inasmuch as it went to repeal all disabilities (with one or two exceptions) affecting the Roman Catholics. Ile trusted, indeed he was confident, that it would not be clogged with such securities as would destroy its efficacy. To securities, other than equal rights and equal protection by the laws, and equal interest in the integrity of the State, afforded, he was ever in principle opposed. He, however, in the case of the intended mea sure, would not object to such as would satisfy the con scientious Protestants, while they did not trench upon the just right.; of the Catholics. In a word, he would not then object to such securities as would ensure the success of the measure, by allaying the apprehension of all parties. He hoped the securities would not be a new source of dis content, but would be just and conciliatory. The Noble Eatl concluded with presenting the petition. Lord REDESDALE was sure that the Catholics, as Catholics, could not give the Protestants of this country satisfactory security for the integrity of their Protestant in stitutions. Beside', thu Roman Catholics in Ireland had reiterated their declarations that they would not offer any security, anti would not accept of any thing but uncondi tional emancipation. Earl GREY presented a petition from the members of the legal profession of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, in favour of the Catholic claims. Among the petitioners was Mr. Reeves, a contemporary of a Noble anti Learned Lord (Eldon) then present, who was competent, and he was sure willing, to bear testimony to that Gentleman's respectability. The Earl of ELDON was very willing to bear tes timony to Mr. Reeves' respectability and professional reputation. Earl GttEY next presented a petition from the Unita rian Christians of Hanover-square, Newcastle, and an other from Drogheda, in favour of the Catholic claims. The Bishop of BATH and WELLS presented a retition from Radstock, Somerset, against any further concession to the Catholics. The Right Rev. Prelate said, the pe titien, which was a parochial one, expressed the feelings of the inhabitants of Somerset, who were to one men hostile to further concessions. They expressed the grounds of their hostility strongly, yet decorously ; and were sur prised, that in the 19th century Protestants should he found to propose and sanction measures likely to endanger the Yroteetant estaLplidkaueata of the country. Hi., own opinions etintititt!, , with those siaied in the pe t.;tio. The Earl of CARNARVON begged leave to respect fully, but most emphatically, deny, that the parochial peti tion just presented by the Right Rev. Prelate expres ,, ed the feelings of the people of Somerset on the Catholic Claims, and to deny that the people of that county were to a man hostile to those claims. Ile hPld three roofl to the Ctut- trary in his hard. — three petitions crom three parisheS in Sorattsetshi're in faYout• .of EinancipaCion tF,eetlly disproving the Rigid Rev. Prelate's assertion. If the Right Rey. Prelate expressed his wonder that in the 19th century there mould be found those who would propose 'e,:cliiares like those shortly to be before their LordshipS, he (Lord Carnarvon) must much more express his Wonder; that in the 19th century there should be found persoin so blinded by prejudice and ignori..ke as lo oppose measures in favour of an 4 religious liberty, and conducive to the of all classes of the community. (Hear.) It was easy to explain the manner in which petitions like that pre sented by the Right Rev. Prelate were got up. The Bishop of BATH and WELLS disclaimed lisylnz any share in the getting un cf tll^ yttitiohS which he felt it t, be to present to their Lordships, against the itollitin Catholics. The Earl of CARNARVON did not mean to charge the Right Rev. Prelate with having personally drawn up any of those petitions., Ail he reli7!int to convey to the Eight Rev. Prelate anti their Lordships was, that he and 11 ty Would deceive themselves if they supposed that those petitions expressed the unanimous feelings of the people of Somersetshire on the Catholic question. The Bishop of BATH and WELLS presented six peti tions from places in Somersetshire. and one from the Arch deaconry of Saruin l egaintt any further concessions to the Roinati Catholics. The Earl of CARNARVON presented a petition from the inhabitants of a district in Somersetsbire, in favour of extending the privileges of the Roman Catholic subjects of its realm. After a few observations from the bishop of BATH and The Earl of CARNARVON beard with unfeigned mar- prise that the population generally of this place were un favourable to the Catholic Claims. Some opposition had been created, by persons interested in the continuance of the present system of exclusion ; but whatever might be the feeling amongst the Clergy, certainly the body of the people there Were well-dispos:a to concession, and had ma nifested no symptom of dissent to the measure of relief c intemplated by his .Majesty's Ministers. The Earl of ELDON presented petitions against fur ther ceneession to the Roman Catholics from the inhahitant of the town of D. nbigh ; from those of Monmouth; of the County of Pembroke; and the Minister and congregation of a chapel in Denbighshire—all in Wales: also from the inhabitants of Deering- Lonsd,le, from those of Kirby- Lonsdale awl Kirin• Moor-side, in Westmoreland front Witney, in Oxfordshite; front the pa•iih of Bolton, and from Halifax; from several p Irishes in the County of Suffolk ; from Stowe and Hartwell in Buckinghamshire; from Warwick, from Haverill, from the Protestant Dis- seaters of Broad-street Chapel, Loudon, and a number of other places, the names of which it was impossible to as certain from the low tone in which they were announced. The Earl of LIMERICK presented the petition of the very populous parish of St. Mary, in the vicinity of Loudon, n favour of further concession to the Roman Catholics. In this parish the fr:aing, he was happy to learn, was almost unanimously with the proposed measure of his Majesty's Ministers. The Marquis of DOWNSIIIRE presented a similar pe tition from certain inhabitants of the county of Down in Ireland. The Duke of WELLINGTON presented a petition which he had been assured had been most numerously and respectably signed by a number of Magistrates, above 50 clergymen, and other resident persons in or near the town of Manchester, to the amount of U,SOO praying that further political concessions and plivileges shou!d not he granted to his Majesty's Catholic subjects. The Earl of ELDON supported the petition. Earl GREY contended that the petition should not be takea as expressive of the general s,mse of the town of Manchester and its population. This petition had been lying for signature ever since the 24th of November last, and as the place contained above 62,000 persons, and only 22,000 had signed, it could not be supposed to speak the opinion of more than one-third of the inhabitants, if so much. He made this reserve, because he had heard that iii their anxiety to obtain signatures the agitators of this petition had called in children at Sunday schools, servants, notorious paupers, and even persons in the work-house.— (Hear.) Petitions had lain at the Cotrunerciahrooins, both at the Portico and the Exchange, for several days, and yet hut a few hundred had signed them ; he believed 600 or 700 in one instance, and 1,100 in another. He admitted it was likely, as those places were the resort of the first persons and principal merchants, the signatures might be those of very respectable persons ; but such were not generally the class of subscribers annexed to this peti tion. In fact, there could be very little doubt with any man acquainted with the true state of public opinion at Manchester, that it was on the whole favourable to eman cipation. The Earl of ELDON defended the petition, and begged the Noble Earl would look over the names subscribed, amongst whom he could not but perceive tn:iny of the most respectable persons in that commercial place. Earl GREY said, be had spoken advisedly, and from very excellent information, as to the mode in which the pe- tition had been su'uscribed. The Duke of WELLINGTON had been induced to present the petition, which had been handed to him for that purpose by a very respectable gentleman. Ile could not, under such circumstances, be expected to answer for all the signatures attached to it; but he believed, and had been assured, many of them were nersons of respectabi lity. It had, he believed, been handed about from house to house for signature, and of course many of the names were those of the occupiers of such _houses. The Noble Duke then presented a similar petition from (as we col lected the petitioner's name) Thomas Pike Farmer. Lord LORTON presented the petition of the Pro testants of the town of Tyrawly, in Ireland, against further concession to the Roman Catholics. The Earl of MOUNTCASIIEL presented the petition of the Mayor and Corporation of the city of Cork against concession, and a similar petition from the parish of Bally organ, in the same county. Viscount CLIFDEN presented a petition in favour of concession from the parish of Craig, Kilkenny ; also other petitions from the same place, against the 'Select Vestry Bill, and the Sub letting Bill. Ile congratulated their Lordships on having had the pleasure to hear from the mouth of a Noble and Royal Duke, the heir presumptive to the throne of these realms, a speech so fraught with sentiments calculated to do him honour. The Earl of SIIAFTESBURY presented a petition from Grimsby against further concession to the Catholics. DANGEROUS ASSOCIATION SUPPRESSION BILL. The Noble Earl then moved the Order of the Day for bringing up the Report of the Dangerous Association in Ireland Suppression Bill. The Earl of MOUNTCASHEL believed it was really the intention of his Majesty's Ministers to redeem the pl e dge they had given to the country respecting this Bill now in progress through their Lordships' House. There were two points to which he wished to draw the attention of the Noble Duke. The first was, that he was apprehen sive the restriction was toe vague and general, and might possibly he perverted to the purpose of putting down socie ties or associations of a harmless or even laudable character in Ireland. It might thus not only give an authority to the magistrates to put down illegal and dangerous societies, but possibly furnish a pretext for putting down associations clearly of a beneficial character, such as those for charita ble purposes, or for the purposes of extending e d uca tion throughout a population which so much needed it. It was the universal rule with those bodies not to interfere in political matters ; and hence it might be asked by Noble Lords, how was it possible that such associations, particu larly Haase for education, could come within the scope of the Bill: To this he would answer, that the whole Ca tholic priesthood of Ireland had always shown them selves, and continued, hostile to the efforts of the better orders in affording instruction to the Catholic population. Their objections were not confined to adults, and they sedulously resisted every attempt to teach Catholic children even to spell, or acquire their alphabet. Their power, it was natural to infer, would not decrease when the contemplated measure of relieving the Catholics from their present disabilities should be carried into execu • tion ; and they, no doubt, would be opposed in spirit and in action to their Protestant benefactors. Already they had assumed in Ireland a new tone, and within the last 10 days they had sent the mob in thousands to wieak their vengeance on individuals whom they chose to consider their opponents. This spirit would not cease hereafter to operate when hacked by increase of political power. He trusted they would receive an assurance from the Noble Duke that those associations now existing, founded on the basis of charii,tyyaantl the extension yvaguenaesor ofed perversion l io o n s f , ti l i h e ou t l i d not be fate of associations of an injurious or dangerous s b i e m s r t e i ft t . e h r e etl , character. There was another subject he should advert to, and that was, the use now made, or likely to be hereafter made, of c h urc h es or chapels, or other places of public worship, for the purposes of party, or seditious IIibCCALMS, under tie guise of sermons. Places of public troiship should never be abused, or applied to purposes of political . . _ . discussion : and unless some clauses, not now in the Bill, were introduced to prevent the possibility of this recurrence, he could assure the Noble Duke, from his own experience, that the attempt would be made to pervert these meetings, which ought to be strictly of a religious charecter, to very d ingerotia objects by the priesthood and othall i❑ Ireland. Indeed, withoilt a clause ekpittssly framed to meet this evil, he had no doubt the Dill must fail of its highly desirable object. The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that with regard to the first point, he hq;gell their Lordships to bear in mind; that poN,-er V.-as vested in the Lo . rd Lieutenant to de= dare any Meetin . g . or Assembly ttnlawful, and upon notice that it was so, he might grant a warrant to two Magis trates to disperse the Meeting or Assembly. For the exercise of this power the Lord Lieutenant was responsible, and he believed that the Noble Earl would admit that if tl.e Lord Lieutenant was responsible, it was not likely that he would issue his warrant to disperse any meeting or assembly for flit , putposes of charity; of edUcation, or of any other beneficial purpose such as those referred to by the Noble Earl. Neither was the Lord Lieutenant likely to disperse any Meeting or Agientbly which had a leg-al and beneficial object, merely because that object was likely to be ob noxious to others. The Lord Lieutenant would be respon sible for his acts, exercised under the authority give n by this Act of Parliament. With respect to the other point stated by the Noble Lord, as to the use of chapels for the purposes of seditious meeting., he begged to say that there was nothing in the Act which would either directly or in directly warrant their being applied to such an use. The Act would enable the Lord Lieutenant to issue his warrant to two Magistrates to put down seditious meetings wherever he was informed they were held. The Noble Lard had spoken of seditious sertnons. If such sermons were preached, the preachers would he answerable to the law of the land. The Earl of MOUNTCASHEL spoke of the difficul ties which the accuser might find in proving the accu sation of sedition. Ile knew how difficult it would be to bring forward Roman Catholics to prove that any seditious sermons bad been pruached, or any seditious speeches used either in their chapels or at their meetings. There was a system of intimidation throughout the country, and they knew that no pro,•ecutors would come forward to pet form such a duty. This act would not prevent the seditious meetings ; reports of them might be sent to the Lord Lieutenant, but by that time the injury would have been done. He, for one, was convinced that instead of this Bill tranquillising Ireland, in less than a year that country would be worse than it was at present. Lord TIEDESDALE believed that this Bill would not prevent seditious meetings in Chapel+. They must be aware that the body against whom the Bill was directed was very skilful in the evasion of Acts of Parlia ment. There was one subject to which he wished parti . cularly to call the Noble Duke's attention. As the Bill stood at present, if any persons assembled for an innocent purpose, they were not secure against the misconduct of others, who might go thither for the very purpose of making the meeting a riotous assembly. He did not think this a very improbable occurrence, since it had actually t.iken place in this very town of London. lie therefore pro posed to the Noble Duke to insert a clause to this effect— " That the Lord Lieutenant shall not have authority to issue a was rant for the suppression of any Society on the ground of a disturbance of the public peace happening therein, through the intrusion of persons not members of that Society." Ile repeated, that as this had actually taken place in London, he thought its occurrence ought to be guarded against in Ireland. He unfortunately knew a great deal of the character of the people, and he did not think it had been much improved since he left the country. If they were left to themselves, they were quiet enough ; but un fortunately their proceedings were not at present of that description. Whets he was in Ireland he saw many Roman Catholic Priests, and many of them were of very respecta ble families, and were very respectable men. One of them said to him, " You have made a great mistake in establishing the education of Priests in this country ; was the younger son of a younger branch of a family of good property, and I was sent to Salamanca for soy education. I there received the education of a gen tleman, and 1 associated with gentlemen, many of whom were nut intended for the clerical profession. I was not taught to preach against submission to the Go vernment of Ireland. I was taught that it was ne cessary to have a Government, and that submission was due to it, and I received my instructions with persons who were in a course of education. for the order of priesthood in Spain,"—a body of men that would certainly be taught props iety and submission to the Government of their coun try. The difference now was very great. It was owing to the educating of priests at Maynooth. As the means of educating men there were easy of access to all classes of people—many of them were of the lowest description.— Instead, therefore, of having a Clergy of Gentlemen, they had now a Clergy of a very different sort. There were other particulars which he might have mentioned, but which he had not adverted to, though they would have cO3- finned his idea of the subject, and he might mention that he hail himself seen persons at Maynooth brought up in a manner not likely to make them good subjects. He had spoken with persons of other countries who entertained the saute opinions which he had just expressed. Ile thought they should contrive that the Roman Catholic Clergy should be of a different description of persons from what the Resnais Catholic Priests were now in that country.— They ought to be brought up with a good dispo sition towards the Government. Much of the disturb ances that had lately existed in Ireland, were owing to their not being so brought up. There was scarcely an in stance which did not prove what he had said. He had one further observation to snake, and he was sure it would be confirmed by the Roman Catholic gentry in Ireland, and that was, that they were not treated in the same manner as they had been some time ago. He had not the least doubt that that circumstance was owing to the edu cation of the priests in Ireland. Formerly the persons who presented to the livings in Ireland were the Ro man Catholic gentlemen, and they were then treated with respect. There was a sort of union between the priest and the inhabitant of the parish. There was now no such union. The priest was not now ap pointed to the parish of hie birth. When the estates of the Roman Catholic gentry had been confiscated, and had passed into the hands of Protestants, the descendants of the Catholic proprietors were allowed to present the Ca tholic Priests to those parishes where they formerly held livings. There was then a sort of reciprocal good feeling thus kept tip between the gentry and the priesthood, espe cially when in former days the gentry used to present their younger sons or their friends to these parishes. That sort of nomination was now at an end, since the Priests had been educated at the College of Maynooth, and it was im possible there should be any of that sort of connection since the ties of family and education had been thus changed. Their Lordships must know that the respectability of the Clergy ought to be preserved by their education, and if he was rightly informed, so far from that being the case with the present Priesthood of Ireland, that they were of the lowest order. He knew these things from having, in the course of his duty, visited the College of Maynooth, in which, however, the officers of the Government had but little real power or controul, far being but four persons, the Lord Chancellor, the two Chief Justices, and the Chief Baron, they xvere outnumbered by the five on the other side, and could consequently effect nothing of importance with regard to the regulations of the College. He thought that good order ought to be restored among the people. The character of the lower orders of people in Ireland was of that sort, that if not urged by persons who meant mis chief, they would go on with great quiet. ( The Noble Lord here sat down very abruptly, and apparently under the influence of some strong and sudden excitement of feeling.) , A NOBLE LORD believed that the character just given of the present priesthood of Ireland was perfectly true. 'lhey were adverse to any thing like the real improvement of Ireland. Lord REDESDALE observed, that what had affected him so much just now, was his strong recollection of the personal attachment which had been shown him by the lower classes in Ireland. He spoke mast especially of those who were his own workmen. The Earl of WICKLOW declared, that in his opinion, the Roman Catholic Clergy of Ireland did not, hi the least d egre e, deserve the character which had just been given them by the two Noble Lords 'rho had preceded him. He knew that many of them were of the lower descriptions of persons ; but, generally speaking, they were well dis posed towards the Government ; and when that great measure, which was now in agitation, should have been carried, the Roman Catholic priesthood would chew them selves as loyal and well disposed as any other men. The Marquis of DOWNSHIRE agreed fully with what had fallen from the Noble Earl, as to the good dispo sition of the Catholic Clergy. They had a most difficult ta-k to perform. They had the care of a large population, that in many parts of Ireland had not received any of the advantages that flow from extended instruction. They had been hitherto an excluded portion of the King's subjects, and, some allowance must be made for the situation in which they had thus been placed. They were otherwise well dis posed towards the Government. Ile did not know what the measure was which the Noble Duke intended to lay before the House, but he lakd COMM to believe that it Would be satisfactory to all parties, nnd wai sure it wotld be highly useful to the country. The Report was received, and the Bill ordered to Le committed to-morrow.—Adjourned at a Quarter to Nine. ) for filling up the (hop links in the historical proceedings ° I the whole House, by putting on the Journals proceeding' in Select Committees, incorporated with the proceeding ° of the whole House. This he merely threw out as a sug", gestion well worthy of consideration. SUPPLY. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the Order of the Day for bringing up the Report of ths Committee of Supply. Mr. O'NEILL wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentle' man if any step had been taken towards the abandonmen / of Sierra Leone, a place which was more fit for the trans' portation of criminals than the establishment of a color/. Sir G. MURRAY said that lie had received no intints' tion that this question Would be put to him, but he had n" objection to answer it. /le eves not aware that there %Si any immediate intention of abandoning that colony, b yt I steps had been taken to reduce its expenses itith a view t t its ultimate abandonment, but that was a step Which f l \mild be very injudicious to carry atiruptly into effect. Mr. HUME said, that front the understanding whit, existed last Session he did expect that something wont he done respecting this colony. But for this understandingb e would hare brought forward a motion upon the subjec t ' fur the colony of Sierra Leone had been the tomb of !nor ° Englishmen than all our other colonies together. Goof' nor after governor, and corps after corps, was swept aws/' and it Was necessary to send out the various officers in tri" plicate to supply the horrible mortality. He regretted the, answer which hail been given, and if no one elsa soul' bring forward a motion on the subject, he would do f 4 himself. Sir G. MURRAY said that he had merely etated elf difficulties of carrying such a matter into execution. Mr. HUSKISSON had never intimated to any Off during the time that he had the honour to hold the sel ls of the Colonial Department, that it was in the contemplv tion of his Majesty's Gevernment to withdraw .our eats' blishments altogether from Sierra Leone. Every step practicable, however, had been taken to reduce the mot' tality in that colony; and with that view the ditties of ll had been made to devolve as much as possible on the rr luntary residents in the colony, and on the African core' When he stated that the private property in buildings, be' in the colony amounted in value to above a million sterling:: it would at once Le seen that any sudden abandonment 01 it would be attended with injustice as well as with diffr culty. The same obstacles, however, did not exist with reference to Cape Coast Castle. Lord NUGENT, adverting to the Reports made by th e Commissioners, who, three years ago, were sent out to W . ' quire into the state of our Colonies on the coast of Africa' wished to know whether it was intended, in the peesen; ; Session, to introduce any measure founded on those Report,* General OASCOYNE observed, that if no other Moab°, would do so, he would move for a r e turn of the number °` Europeans who had been lost in a Colony more destructi O to human life than any establishment of a similar kind tba t had ever existed. Sir G. MURRAY said, since he had entered upon °Ore' had endeavoured to pave the way lOr an ultimate abandon' meat of the Colony, and should be very happy whenever might be in his power t o propose c a rrying that object 0 effect. • Lord NUGENT said a few words in explanation. THE CANADAS. Mr. LABOUCHERE wished to ask whether it was tit" intention of Ministers to propose any measures, or give la' informatien to the House, respecting the large and impor P ant Colony of Canada. He was peculiarly anxious for ir formation on this subject before any money was spent iet the defence of that settlement. The same unfortunate dir scution, of which so much had been heard, was still r eign' ing in Lower Canada. The Report of the Canada COT' mittce bad been received in that country with gratitnt and he greatly feared the consequences of disappointing t' expectations it had been the means of raising. Sir GEORGE 'MURRAY conceived that incase ° might be adopted to improve the situation of that colon/' and it was his sincere wish to effect that object. He ' I I; not at that moment able to state to th e H o use what wow, be precisely the measures adopted for the purpose—for th!' reason, that it was necessary to obtain further common': cation from Canada uron many points upon which tb Hon. Gentleman opposite, as an active Member of the CI nada Committee, must be aware there was a great de e ciency of information.—The report was then read. Mr. HUME wished to advert to the petitions that Pvi been presented to time House, praying for a reduction taxation. Notwithstanding the very strong assuraneL held out to the country in the last Session—notwithstan u ., ing what,: the Finance Committee meant, the three O n / mates on the tattle of the House only differed by 231,0 00 ' 1 from those of the preceding year, the aggregate anioon, being 13,753,5:331. The its, sltw T .B2, l t t i: e 3i e.tol estimates of 1828 had excee d by economy, n a uo m rpu i rt n si t t A . , ,th L hia e o t tn t Ae l , i f e i n l r l e o s i s t , se i. reflect . recommendationnt a n n t d lt i 06 which there had been no reductions made by Governme: worth speaking of. Minister had pledg e d th emse l ve s tho' every possible fednetion should be made. The idea that e r fOrce of eighty-nine thousand men was necessary in a time'' profound peace was perfectly preposterous. Half tb‘ , number would be enough for the service of the country'l He protested against the scale on which "Ministers wer e proceeding. The resolutions were then agreed to seriatim. Upon the rote for the support of the Royal Militia, College being put, Mr. lIUME objected to the scale of this establishment, and especially to the allowances to the Governor. Theta , was also the charge for an agen t a t b e t ween t wo and then hundred a-year ; and he sh ou ld lik e t o k no w what coo l be the necessity for four clerks and for a secretary, ' 4lB°l lie believed, resided in London. The expences were u 5. wards of 2,0001. a-year, and they ought to he reduced'/ • vi Sir HENRY HARDINGE had a lr ea dy exp l aine d the:House that the Governor of this Institution ought. be an officer of rank and of some experience in the serviet, and a gentleman highly qualified to perform his dues; This, he believed, was now the case. There had been , i progressive saving in the establishment. There had alrea' , been a saving of 1,000/. a-year on the original expen de / ture of 12,9001., and he thought that would be suffieic!, to satisy the House that every attention had been paid ``i economical reduction. The Government would be foil to hare no Secretary . ; there had been a Clerk attached A the Gi• but his offir was and this forrer to Governor, but ice given up, a part of the reduction. The Agent had been appointecia when the College had been larger, and it had been foriO( more economical to give him a fixed salary than a r e tentage. Mr. HUAIE thought the Mutiny Bill ought to be re .' duced three-fourths. Sir HENRY HARDINGE said, that it would be r e duced this year by one-half. He understood that Sir Becket was instructed to bring in the new Bill.—The oo ti ' mates were then passed. LIFE ANNUITIES. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER 1 101 ,' the Order of the Day for the House resolving itself into c Committee of the whol e House on the Life Annuities He begged to remind the House that the Act which b recently been in force to grant annuities had limited tbl: grants strictly to Lice Annuities. It had prescribe d rules under which parties might have annuities on one 1; upon joint lives, or upon lives in reversion. It was noW intention to extend the previous measure so as to give polOor to the Commissioners to grant annuities for wino years, either commencing at the period when the 4 Pir t . o 01 made the payment, or at a later period, or after a number of years, or after some life on which the Pl, r ' might wish to be secured. Those who were not of a P" . „ 4 vident disposition, were generally little inclined to r e money down with a view of gaining an increased incoili at the end of a certain number of years. He, therefo,fe; (lid nut calculate upon any considerable amount of soar!? upon this principle. With respect to deferred ann wti after a definite period, persons might be aware of c iret o ; stances which might make it prudent to make a aces for a period for the sake of a future advantage. 113 „ " Ii i Bill he was about to introduce, he intended to inc 1,1 every possible variation of annuities. The next imp9l'd point to which lie wished to allude was the *iterate ! ' the tables on which lie proposed te make his calcula tion The former Acts had adopted the Northampton Table, which had been found to give a less favourable repres ent ; thin of human life than actual experience authorised tbeto to entertain. Front the deaths entered in the var io o great Assurance Offices, and from the known great proPl of those establishments, it had been found that Dr. Fri c 'y tables did not give a fair estimate of the value of life. t o had been found that longevity had much increased of years. Dr. Price's tables Lad been calculated with re i `j e ; ences to the deaths of only one town in England, an d , a very limited period, (luring which the deaths in „,, thampton had even - exceeded the births, notwithstan al cb a which the population had increased. It was obvi o l e l therefore, deaths must have been included of peisons %°, OO were nut in existence in that town when the calculatio commenced. In order to ascertain the real term of IWO, life, the observations ought to be made upon persona ft ti c commencement of their existence to its terminat,") without any admixtuie of other parties. In order to C 0 rect the errors of the Northampton Telles, a c.aleulsVo had some time since commenced upon data which 0 : 0 1, likely to produce proper results. These data were, It -• • _ r .gr 110') liveswithin the United Kingdom ; then, a fair claw'? Lion of the whole Tontine of 1693, ending in 1792• HOUSE OF COMMONS.--(LAST NIGHT.) Mr. PLANTA moved for a New Writ for the Borough tif Westbtiry, to return a Member i❑ the room of Sir M. Lopez, who has accepted the Stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds. Sir WM. GREY moved for a New Writ for the Town Of Newark-upon-Trent, to return a Member in the mom of Clynte, who has also accepted the Stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds. Mr. SHIRLEY presented four petitions from places in the county of Monaghan against concessions to the Catholics. Mr. J. BROWN presented two petitions from West port and another place in the county of Mayo in favour of Catholic Emancipation The Hon. Member expressed great happiness in the prospect now rising on the United Kingdom. Mr. BELL presented a petition against concessions to the Catholics, from the Clergy of Newcastle upon• Tyne. Sir J. LONNTTHER presented four similar petitions from places in Cumberland. Sir G. FEATHERSTONE presented similar petitions from Ballynahon and Grmnard. Mr. B. CLARKE presented a petition in favour of the Catholics from Castleconner. Colonel ROCHFORT presented a petition against fur ther concessions from the Protestants of Palleskenny in the county of Limerick. Admiral HARVEY presented four petitions against Ca tholic concessions from places in the county of Essex. Sir M. SOMERVILLE presented seven petitions in favour of Catholic emancipation, from places in the county of Meath ; also petitions from the same places against the Sub-letting and Vestry Acts. Mr. MOORE presented a petition from Corer, in the county of Wexford, against further concessions to the Ca tholics ; also a similar petition from Inch. Mr. LOCKE presented a similar petition from the Pro testants of the Eastern part of the county of Deven. The Hon. Member said, that he had voted against his Majesty's Ministers upon the question of the repeal of the Test anti Corporation Acts, and he had no reason to regret that vote. lie had also been an uncompromising opponent of Catholic Emancipation, but now when Ministers had declared their intention to patronise that measure, he thought the least that could be done in common cour tesy was to suspend his judgment until the House was made acqu tinted with the nature of the Bill about to be introduced. He should adopt that course, and be guided in his conduct by the provisions of the Bill. Admiral EVANS presented a petition from Doneraile, in the county of Cork, against the Catholics. Mr. H. MAXWELL presented similar petitions from Castle Lyons, and another parish, in the county of Cork, praying for the suppression of the Catholic Association, also similar petitions from Armagh and other parishes. Mr. LATOUCHE presented a petition from several parishes in the county Kildare, in favour of the Catholics. Mr. MIDDLETON presented a petition front Clifton, Staffordshire, against the Catholics. Mr. DUNCOMBE presented similar petitions from the parish of Helmsly and two other parishes. Mr. WEBB presented a petition from the Rural Deanery of Gloucester, against Emancipation. Mr. B. COOPER stated that he was desired to give this petition his support. It was within the precincts of the:Rural Deanery of Gloucester that the spot was situate where the unfortunate Bishop Hooper was martyred, and the blood cried from the ground, exciting them to resist any innovation on the Protestant Constitution, as also to pre vent the political power of a church, whose ministers had been guilty of such a barbarous murder, whose creed was still unchanged, and whose opposition was as dangerous as ever. Mr. HOBHOUSE, said he had seen the petition which contained a pas-age to the effect, " That this House should now reject that which had been before repeatedly rejected by the House of Commons." Now whatever knowledge the petitioners might have of what passed respecting Bishop Hooper, they appeared very imperfectly acquainted with what passed in modern times ; for it was a fact, of which the Rural Deanery seemed ignorant, that instead of having repeatedly rejected the measure of Catholic conces sions, the present House of Commons had repeatedly ap proved of it.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. ESTCOURT said that in later times the ques tion had been carried as well as the Roman Catholics could wish. He meant the question whether a Committee should be appointed to take the Claims into consideration, as he considered that the Claims bad never been before the House, but merely whether they should take them into considera tion. It did not follow that if the House went into Com mittee they would be obliged to grant the Claims. Dr. PIIILLIMORE could not let this petition be read without saying a few words. He must protest against such expressions as shedding the blood of martyrs being in ' troduced. No doubt, in ancient days, the Rural Deanery of Gloucester had been the scene of bloodshed, but was there any danger now to be apprehended fur giving to the Roman Catholics their just rights ; he was a most staunch ' supporter of the Protestant religion, and he would say that by supporting Emancipation they were not endangering that religion they were called upon to protect, for not one of the supporters would for a moment allow of any innovation. At the time of the Revolution, it never was contemplated to exclude Roman Catholics from that House.—(Hear, hear.) He could assure Hon. Members that his Majesty's Ministers had no intention to change the Protestant Constitution ; those who had fears on that head he (Dr. P.) should be ready to meet and try to remove, when the proper time arrived for discussing the measure. Sir E. KNATCHI3ULL would only make one observa tion on what had passed, which was, that if the House had often approved of concessions to the Catholics, they had likewise very often rejected any such measure.—(Hear.) Mr. BRANSBY COOPER would still contend that it was right and proper for the petitioners to state the grounds on which they petitioned that House; and in doing so, those important facts in the history of this country ought not to be forgotten ; it was the most important ques tion the House was 'ever called upon to decide. The petition was then brought up and read. ted n General KING presenh . a petition from a parish in the county of Mayo, ag Linst any further concessions to the Roman Catholics. Lord BECTIVE presented a petition from the inhabi tants of Castledown, in the county of Meath, in favour of concessions to the Roman Catholics; and another petition from the same place against the Sub-letting Act ; also a similar petition from another place in the same county. Mr. CURTEIS presented a petition against Catholic Emancipation from a village in the county of Sussex. Mr. D. W. HARVEY moved for returns of all causes entered for trial in his Majesty's Courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer, at Westminster, during the past year, with the:amount of the verdicts obtained also for the amount of all monies expended in the Building of New Churches; also for returns of all sums of money given in Charitable Donations for the same period. Mr. A. CAMPBELL presented a petition from a parish in the city of Glasgow, against any further concessions to the Roman Catholics. Mr. J. WOOD presented a petition from the Protestant Dissenters of Paradise-street Chapel, Liverpool. be 1 General GASCOYNE moved that returns tam fore the House of the number and tonnage of all ships am vessels belonging to this country navigated by steam ; and also of the number• and tonnage of all ships and vessels now building in any of the ports of Great Britain, intended to be navigated by steam. 1.7. & 5 n d presented shopkeepersa K f i r n o g m s to t n h inhabitant upon-ii ui against householdersAirthe Receipt Tax, and another against the House . K Tax. Mr. BARING moved for returns relative to the ex pences of printing the Nautical Almanack, and the ex pences of the Board of Longitude.—Ordered. Y Mr. DICK presented a petition from the Protestant inhabitants of the parish of St. George, Dublin, praying that no further concession might be granted to the Roman Catholics. Th e Hon. Gentleman observed, that it had been his intention to make some observations on the extraordi nary conduct of the Right Hon. Secretary of State ; but as that Right Hon. Gentleman was not now a Member of the House, and as he (Mr. Dick) was not without hope that, on his return to it, the Right Hon. Gentleman might be found to have again changed his opinions (a laugh), he would abstain at present from trespassing upon the House. Mr. BERNAL moved for several returns relative to the Trinity- house. Mr. JEPHSON presented a petition from Whitechurch, Cork, against the Select Vestry Act. Mr. BROWNLOW presented several petitions from places in the counties of Armagh, Tyrone, Antrim, Deny, and Cavan, in favour of the Catholic Claim,. The SPEAKER wished, before any other business were entered upon, to inform the House that pursuant to the recommendation of two Select Committees appointed in 182.5 and 1826, indexes were in preparation of the pro ceedings of the whole House, together with reports and ac counts from the period of the Union with Ireland in 1801 to the year 1826. The CHANCELLOR of the EX CHEQUER spoke in commendation of the measure. SYEAlikai added that s plan had beau prepare 4 next should calculate the live 3 of all ptar;us reseiviog