The Sun. — London, England, 1869-06-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE I'UBLIC JOURNALS, - -s The Times. considers that the consideration of the. Irish Church Bill by the Peers in committee bas begun reason ably well. The course of Tuesday's debate brought out, however, much more important results than the division on the Archbishop of Canterhnry's amendment. It became irresistibly clear that the Lords - would in due time approve by a considerable majority the proposal of th• Duke of Cleveland. Lord Grey and the Bishop of Oxford, in language much too wide for -practical use, declared broadly in favour of the principle of concurrent endowment. The Times concurs neither in their reasons nor in their conclusions, but those who are ready to &Ade all the surplus revenues of the Irish Establishment among the different communions of the sister island may be safely reckoned as supporters of a pro posal to apply a limited portion of the surplus in affording the shelter of a house and home to the ministers of its Churches. It is, indeed, sufficiently known that a very large section—very nearly one-half—of those who are com monly relied upon as trusty Ministerial supporters have resolved to vote with the Duke of Cleveland ; and, before the debate was over for the evening, the independent forces of the Opposition were mustered on the same side. Lord Salisbury pronounced in favour of tbe Duke's proposal, and he did so on grounds which commended themselves heartily to a vast number of the Peers on the Opposition benches. It is impossible to admit any dereliction from equal jus tice in dealing with the Irish Church ; and we must there fore relinquish all hope of tenderness, or exhibit the same moderate sympathy with all the forms of religious life in Ireland. The suggestion of the Duke of Cleveland affords the nation the means of reconciling its divergent wishes. By placing at the disposal of Presbyterian and Roman Catholic congregations the means of building houses of residence for their ministers we shall be enabled to release to the Protestant clergymen their parsonages and glebes, and be at once just, merciful, and wise. The Standard says that the Opposition scored their first victory in the Lords on Tuesday on the amendment to the second clause, moved by the Archbishop of Canterbury, postponing the operation of the Irish Church Bill from the year 1871 to 1872. The many good reasons to be' assigned for that alteration are obvious, and it is surprising that Lord Granville should not have made so trifling a concession at once. He was wrong as a politician in not giving up so small a point when be bad so much to ask for, and equally wrong as a tactician in developing so soon the active hostility of the Peers to the principles of his bill. It is not a prudent thing unnecessarily to defy a large majority. Yet Lord Granville did this, and the result is a defeat of the Government by a majority of nearly two to one, the numbers being for the amendment 130, and against it 74. We think the friends of the Irish Church may look hopefully on the opening of the cam paign in the 'Upper House. It has developed fully th strength of the Opposition and the weakness of the Governmerit—their " miserable minority," to borrow Liberal phraseology. If Mr. Gladstone has, as is said, declared thai he will have "the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill," the success of the amendment of the Archbishop of Canterbury is very menacing. The Herald admits that,on Tuesday Earl Grey took an irregular course in opposing the postponement of the preamble of the Irish Church Bill—the one precedent he cited in his support really told against him—but there are occasions when the departure from the ordinary and admittedly convenient rule is not only excusable but useful, and this was decidedly one of them. A division upon such a point would have been absurd, and might have been mis chievous. Earl Grey judiciuusly abstained from taking , one. A discussion of the question of what is called con current endowment—the phrase, as Lord Salisbury said, is not a good one, but it is convenient—touched upon incidentally, and rather as one of no practical importance in the debate upon the second reading, but raised directly by Earl Grey's proposition, was most desirable before the committee arrived at the clauses determining the pecuniary position of the disestablished Church, -and disposing of such surplus of its property as might remain after this provision had been made. Such a discussion, worthy of the House of Lords and of the very important question around which it turned, Earl Grey succeeded in raising. The Star thinks that the country cannot too soon under stand that the discussion of the Irish Church Bill in the House of Lords is to take the form of a deliberate endea vour to secure the endowment of the Roman Catholic reli gion in Ireland. Any zealous partisan who hied to the gallery of the Upper House on Tuesday to witness the salvation of those Protestant interests which Mr. Gladstone is accused of betraying, must have drunk the very dregs of the cup of disappoint meat in hearing, not only Lord Grey, Lord Salisbury, Lord Westbury, and the Bishop of St. David's, but the Bishop of Oxford himself, advocai. ing the assignment of the bulk of the property of the Church to the Roman Catholics. There have been times when such a united resolve to provide the Roman Catholic communion with State means would have denoted a great advance in liberality. At the present moment it is a lamentable retrogression—a wilful waste of the good fruits of well-grown political intelligence. The night's proceedings were not on the whole encouraging for those who look for the avoidance of gray, differences between the two Houses of Parliament. The vote postponing disestablishment till 1572 shew that the Peers will snatch at the most shadowy scraps of comfort, and the agreement as to concurrent endowment was ominously general. 'But it is satisfactory that such speakers as Lord Crey, Lord Salisbury, Bishop Wilber force, and Lord Westbury utterly failed to place levelling up in a more favourable positiOn than it has occupied since Mr. Gladstone passed his statesmanlike condemna tion upon it in the old House of Commons. The Post remarks that an attempt on the part of the Legislature to put down betting pure and simple would be pure and simple folly, and indicative of impractical statesmanship. To suppress betting in its various -phase it would be necessary to follow the broker and the jobber into the Stock Exchange, the free-born Briton into his club or his " castle," and even the merchant or manu facturer into his counting-house. The same principle really pervades all these—that is to say, the staking or venturing of money on eventualities. All that can be done • is to give no official encouragement to betting or gambling, and to endeavour to check such forms of the evil' as are found to be posjtively injurious to the public. Betting, in itself could not possibly be construed into an of against the Government of a country. It is the mischievous effects following the abuse of it that alone just;fies official interference. It. has been urged that if ••betting offices are suppressed, in all equity and logic 'rat. tersall's must not be allowed to escape. There cannot, it is said, be one law for the rich and one for the poor ; •and if the law as it stands cannot reach the great -centre of betting, there must be one made to do so. This line of argument is perfectly shal low . and fallacious. Only a very small portion of well-to-do persons, who wish to speculate on the Turf, belong to Tattersall's, and those who do not must very often resort to these offices, Which are erroneously supposed to be made use of solely by people in humble circumstances. AS to the suggestion that if the law cannot reach Tatter sall's it shculd be made to do so, if that were attempted it would speedily be seen that the House of Commons is not to be misled by the ignorant claptrap which has been put forth on this part of the subject. The Dail? News declares that trapeze accidents are now among the regular claimants for notice in the newspapers. A week rarely passes nithout some mishap of the kind, and sometimes men and sometimes women are the victims of the public appetite for this brutal form of entertain ment. A peculiarly shocking case has just reached a fatal termination at Windsor. On the 2nd of June, .7 man named Frederick Thurrell was performing at the Wallington Music Hall, in the royal borough, together with another man named Henry Julian, when Thurrell missed one of the ropes, and both men fell. Julian was unhurt, but the other was so injured in the spine that first paralysis of the limbs and then mortification resulted ; and, after linger ing for some weeks in the infirmary, the unfortunate per foither died on Saturday. To the verdict of " Accidental death," the coroner's jury added that " no one connected with the hall or the performance was to blame ; " and technically this may have been so, but in a higher sense all managers of places of public amusement are very much to blame for allowing dangerous exhibitions to take place in their theatres or rooms. That the chief fault lies witl the public themselves is very true ; but the existence of a depraved taste does not justify its gratification. If no appeal to the better feelings of audiences and managers is of any use in putting a stop to these amusements—and it is to be feared that such is the case the Legislature must consider whetle it is not bound to make exhibitions of this nature illegal. No doubt there are:difficulties in the way of such a course : but nothing is more demoralising to a nation than a love of spectacles involving hazard to the lives and limbs of the operators. It was often remarked at the time when lilondin and Leotard were executing their perilous feats, that, if they met with no accidents themselves, they would be the cause of numerous accidents to other people, their clumsy imitators. Our English performers (who generally strive to mask their nationality under romantic French and Italian names) seem wanting in the fine address of flat real continental " artists ;" and hence repeated falls broken limbs, injured spines, and premature deaths. THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS'S EFFECTS.—The remaining effects of the late Marquis of Hastings,removea from the mansion, Donington Park, Leicestershire, have been submitted to public competition byllr L ailliPq bi caNt.l2.l2M ICONLBUSIAnett. IMPERIAL EARLI A a 5 EN HOUSE OF LORDS.—LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. THE IRISH CHURCH BILL. The Earl of DERBY presented five petitions against the passing of this bill. Lord LONGFORD presented similar petitions, one being particularly against tho 67th clause. The house, at a quarter past five, was not by any means so fully attended as on the occasion of the second reading of the bill. Amongst those in front of the throne was Mr. Gladstone, and shortly after the Premier took up his posi tion, Earl Granville, the leader of the Ministerial side, entered, supporting himself on crutches. On the mot'on that the house go into committee on this bill, The Earl of DENBIGH entered into a general defence of the Roman Catholics of Ireland from the charges that had been made against them, and said that they did not agree to the proposition that was about to be mule to the house for the placing them on sn equality with every other portion of her Majesty's sub jects. He thought that the proposal was a most gene rous one, but he personally should have had much plea sure had the Government determined to deal with the land question befkkre they took into their considera tion the position of the Irish Church. Johu Bull had had two marriages; by the first he had left a Catholic family, and by the second a Protestant one ; and, as these marriages generally result, the first get the rod, whilst those of the second get all the pleasure ; in other words, one gets the kicks, the othor the halfpence. The Catholics of Ireland were not insensible to kindness. The noble earl asked what would be the effect upon the loyalty of the Roman Catholics if it were thrown out. He (the Earl of Denbigh) did not think that it would weaken the loyalty 01 the latter class, because with them loyalty is an instinct and a religious duty. It had been said that in voting for the present bill the Catholics were voting against their principles, but he could not assent to that. The Roman Catholics regarded the bill as a real act of justice, as it removed the badge of conquest and abolished Protestant aseen3ancy. The house then went into committee on the bill. On the motion that the preamble be pOstponed, Earl GREY objected most strenuously to such a pro posal, as the preamblo referred to the disposal of the surplus and ether matters, with respect to which notice bad Wen given of amendments. It was said that the great object the Government had in view in pressing forward the bill was to restore happi ness to a great portion of the Roman Catholic subjects of her Majesty in Ireland, but he could not think that that object would be obtained by stripping the Established Church in Ireland of every farthing it possessed, beyond that with which the bare necessaries were to be supplied. He strongly objected to various parts of the bill, more particularly the 68th claase, which carried out the disendowment of the Church most thoroughly, but ho contended the proper course to adopt was to discuss what was to bo done with the surplus pro perty of the Church before they proceeded to discuss what the other provisions of the bill were. The time had now arrived when it was most important that they should say whether they were going to adopt the voluntary principle, because from the many statements that had been made it could not be clearly ascertained what was proposed to be done. He could not say, from what he had been able to learn with respect to the voluntary principle, that the position of the Church in the United States showed the benefit of such a step ; on the contrary, if there had been any doubt at all with respect to the advantage of a State support being giCen to the Church, that doubt would at once disappear when the matter was tested by the position of the Church in Amer:ca. "Lord GRANVILLE regretted the multiplicity a amendments of which notice had been given, and the effect of which would he to exhaust the whole surplus. But he could not perceive how Lord Grey's proposition would avoid that source of perplexity, and lie appealed to Lord Grey to withdraw it. After a short discussion, Lord GREY withdrew his oppoSitiOn, and the preamble was Accordingly postponed. - In clause 2 and elsewhere, The Archbishop of CAINTERBITRY moved to insert 1872 for 1871. The amendment was resisted by Lord Granville, on the ground that delay would bo prejudicial to the Irish Church itself. It was supported by Lord Cairns. After remarks by the Duke of Leinsfer and Lords Carnarvon aad Denman, the amendment was agreed to on a division by 130 to 71. The Duke of BUTLAND then moved the omission of the clause, in which lie was vehemently supported by the Bishop of Lichfield, to whom the Bishop of Oxford re plied with equal vehemence. After observations by Lords Stanhope, Chelmsford, Lyttelton, Cairns, and Lif ford, the amendment was negatived without a division. Lord MONCK'S amendments—that in clause 4 the ap peal from one Commissioner should be to three Commis sioners; in clause 5, that the Commissioners should have power, without the Lord-Lieutenant's consent, to appoint and remove their officers ; excepting the Secretary ; and in clause 6, which empowerS the Commissioners to pay all incidental expenses of carrying the Act into execution,, that they should be authorised t }pay also the expenses of any claimant in establishing a claim under the Act—were agreed to. In clause 7, Lord Wet.tbur3's amendments --to substitute "which it may be necessary" for "which they may deem it t xpedient or necessary," and to insert "due" before "execution of their powers"— were accepted by the Go vernment. His amendments to refuse the Commissioners the power of committing for contempt was resisted by Lord Penzance, the Lord Chancellor, and Lord Romilly, E trl Granville, and Lord Halifax, and supported by Lord Chelmsford, the Bishop of Peterborough, and Lord Cairns. .And after a lung discussion a compro mise, suggested by Lord Cairns, was accepted, and the words, "in the Fresence of the Commissioners," or any of them, sitting in open Court," were agreed to be added after the words "guilty of contempt." Lord West bury did not press his proposed amendment, in the same clause, to give an appeal from the decisions of the Com missioners, or soy two, to the Court of Chancery Appeal in Ireland. CI:11 - .8e 8 was amended accordirg to a suggestion by Lord CAIRNS, and so amended was agreed to, as was also clause 9, Lord Westbury not pressing his amend ment to reduce the Commissioners' term of office from ten to five years. Progress was reported, after clause 10 had been agreed to. Their lordships adjourned at 25 minutes past twelve o'clock. HOUSE OF CONINIONS.—LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at two o'clock. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT BILL. On this bill being considered, the ATTORNEY GENERAL moved the insertion of a clause waking the act applicable to the Vexatious Indictment Act, and to provide for the case of a justice of the peace becoming bankrupt or arranging with his creditor, in which event he should become incapable as a justice of the peace for five years. The new clauses were agreed to. Mr. Sergeant SIMON moved the omission of the first paragraph in clause 5, which instituted an entire new sys tem of jurisprudence. The enactment of the fifth clause perilled a man's liberty, for the proviso, as it stood on affidavit, might be cooked up in an attorney's office be hind the unfortunate man's back, and thus he might be kept in prison for the space of 40 doys. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL opposed the motion. The clause bad bceu discussed three times by the house in committee, and the object of it was merely to sustain the county court jurisdiction which was extended by the bill to the superior courts. If the clause was omitted ho thought they might as well give up the bill and take no further trouble in the matter. - _ _ Mr. HADFIELD thought it would be worth the while of the custodians of thepublic revenue to pay many of the miserable debts of a few shillings for which people might be sent to prison under this act, rather than incur the expense of maintaining the poor creatures in prison for the term sot out in the act. After a short discussion the proposition was negatived. Several other amendments having been discussed, the bill was ultimately ordered to be read a third time. UNIVERSITY TESTS BILL. On the motion for the house going into committee on this bill, Mr. C. BENTINCS moved that the house re solve itself into committee that day three months. The house ultimately went into committee on the bill without a division, Mr. G. Hardy intimating that he would take a division on clause 6, audit was carried by 121 —216 t)93. The further progress of the Lill was then postponed. until Friday. On the reassembling of the house at nine o'clock, Mr. G. MOORE called attention to the case of the Fenian con victs still in confinement for political offences, and moved a resolution to the effect that it is the duty of the Govern ment to institute a public inquiry into the penal discipline of our prisons, for the purpose of a better classification of prisoners; distinguishing the tried from the untried, and those who might be charged with offences from those who, under exceptional circumstances, might be temporarily detained without any specific charge having been pre ferred against them ; ann that it should form part of the inquiry how far political offenders should be regarded as a separate class, aLd how far the severity of the punish ment to which the political convicts have been already subjected might be regarded as reasonable grounds for a favourable c onsideration-in their case. After a short discussion the subject dropped, and the house adjourned. I)(TivvILLE and Co., Belfast, are the largest holders of Whisky in the world. Their Old Irish Whisky is re commended by the medical profession in preference to French Brandy. Supplied in casks and cases for home use or exports tion Quotations on application to Messrs. Danville and Co., Belfast; or 4, Beaufortrbuiliings.,Strancl,Loudon, W,C.--(Ad Tel 11561110 UL THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 30, 11E69. MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. in times of political - cumcuity. w.uu everything in a perfectly organised condition at Ismailia, which is the centre of the Suez Canal works. He did not wish to throw any doubt on the ultimate success of the great work, but he did not think the canal could be made navi gable for ships by November. He believed also that it would take at least four millions of money to complete it. Mr. Dixon, of the Great Ship Company, who has returned from a visit to the works, agreed generally with Mr. Moore in the remarks he.made on the results of his observa tions. A Immo OF FEUDALIkIf. Every now and again we stumble on remains of past ages, now in the shape of old ware, old battle implements, er graves of the dead, in some custom, amusement, or process, and anon in a furious old law which would long ago have been forgotten had it not been that personal interest had kept it alive. Such a relic bequeathed by feudalism has just been unearthed at St. Ives, Cambridgeshire. The Court of Common Pleas has just been trying the case of " The Duke of Manchester against Penson." In 1203, Ring John, it appears, granted to the Abbot of Ramsay the right to hold a market at St. Ives, and this grant has descended to the present Duke of Manchester. Two tolls are levied by his Grace—one over a bridge leading into the town, the other on the sale of beasts in the town; and so productive are these tolls that in 1844 the . Duke demised them for an an:mal rent of £5OO, on which, of course, his tenant made a profit. The dealers in cattle were opposed to paying ; so, termi nating the lease, the Duke became his own toll collector. The defendant Penson refused to pay the 'tolls. Thereupon the Duke brought his action against Penson, which action other cattle dealers assisted Penson in defending. But, after a trial of four days before Baron Martin, the jury found a verdict in favour of the right of the Duke of Man chester to levy a penny a head on all animals pur chased within certain limits of the town of St. Ives ; not, however, without the expression of seine - doubts from the learned judge as to the law. The Daily News says, in regard to this case, " Setting the law of the case aside, the idea of a great duke levying tolls for his own profit, and I deriving hundreds of pounds a year from the sale of animals for food in an open market in the nineteenth century, has surely something very odious about it. Out of England such a spectacle of extortion is not now to be found; yet England is pre-eminently the country of free trade." quarters ol Islam, ann is accompanied by fetes and publil rejoicings, which last three weeks. The liveliness of the busiwss, too, is suite proportionate to its magnitude. All poor children are admitted to the great rite at the same time as the Sultan's children, and on this occasion not fewer than 15,000 have been enrolled. The Sultan clothes and lodges them during the festivities at his own expense. Vast houses, or sheds, are being put up for the purpose. The correspondent adds that divers trades in Constanti nople—to wit, tailors, mattress-makers, cooks, and surgeons—are looking forward to a brisk time of it. THE AMENDMENTS. There seems to be much bewilderment about the amendments to the Irish Church Bill, which the Lords have proposed, and in the confusion hardly any party finds satisfaction. The opponents of the bill, its principle, and its detail, give the matter up. Like Archdeacon Denison, they are in despair. The Dublin Evening Mail points .out that Lord Cairns has not attacked the principle of the bill ; he regards it as defective, not as wholly bad, and he is trying to make it less inconsistent, more perfect, not to destroy it. "This," exclaims our contemporary, " This is not opposition : it is assist ance. Lord Cairns is the auxiliary, not the foe." The Mail goes on to complain bitterly that this is finding food for amusement to England. But the Irish Protestant is bitterly feeling it. He is fast settling down into the conviction that he must henceforth lay this account with finding no English party ready to do the simplest justice. He feels how fatal has been his relit ice for years on men equally without tact and courage, who never had a bold game to play that they did not at the critical moment sacrifice their friends and strengthen their enemies. The Liberationists are equally indignant at the amendments—those especially which are in favour of levelling up. The Liberation Society has passed resolutions distinctly condemning the nioposals for building churches and parsonages, and providing glebe lands for the Roman Catholics and Presbyterians, which are declared to be in direct antagonism to the deliberate decision of the people, as expressed at the election, and since affirmed by their representatives in the House of Commons. The last resolution of the society is to the following effect : " That the committee advises the friends of religious equality throughout the three kingdoms immediately to take such steps as will make it evident that the mind of the nation has undergone no change in regard to the principles on which the disestablishment and disendow ment of the Irish Church should be effected, and that it desires that the measure introduced by her Majesty's Government, and sanctioned by unprecedented majo rities in the Lower House of Parliament, should, so far as concerns all its essential provisions, pass into law." Other bodies are stated to be preparing for similar action. The Advertiser states that "Earl Grey's attempt to prevent the preamble being postponed, all the concurrent endowment amendments, whether they point to ' thirty' or ten' acres for Roman Catholic and Presbyterian glebe lands, and the Archbishop of York's proposal on the question of commuting life interests, will be opposed by the Government." The Star, which has hitherto kept silence, now condemns concurrent endowment. Of the amendments which were issued yesterday, the most important are the proposals of the Duke of Rutland and the Earl of Bandon who intend to move that the second elause=which,' in reality, is the clause of the bill—be left out. As it at present stands, it provides that " on and after the Ist of January, 1871, the union created by Act of Parliament between the Churches of England and Ireland shall be dissolved, and the said Church shall cease to be established by law." THE IRISH CHURCH. "A. Catholic Land Agent Resident in Ireland " writes to the Times on the question of providing glebes and manses for the Irish parish priests. He believes that the Catholic laity r ould unani mously assent to the proposal, and that the majority of the Catholic clergy of all orders would sanction it, provided it were made as a con cession to the principle of justice and religious equality. He suggests that each Catholic bishop should be constituted a corporation sole for his own diocese, and that all the parochial glebes and manses should be vested in him and his successors. Mr. Tighe Hamilton has published another letter, renewing his arguments •in favour of the plan of vesting the religious endowments in the hands of lay trustees. By the means he thinks all inter ference with the organisation and discipline of the churches would be avoided, and religious equality secured. The Protestants might not like it, but they must accept some form of concurrent endowment if they would save their Church. The only inequality which would remain would be the Royal supremacy over the English Church, which cannot be anni hilated by the bill so long as the Sovereign is willing to remain the recognised head of the Church. DE:ELTNER. TO LORD GEORGE HAMILTON, M.P. On Monday afternoon Lord George Hamilton, M.P., was entertained at a grand diceriaer at Hamp stead, in acknowledgment of his services in Parlia ment. The Duke of Abercorn addressed a few words to the assembly before proceeding to Buckingham Palace to meet the Viceroy of Egypt. Lord U. Hamilton expressed his acknowledgments for thu honour he had received, and declared that ho was deeply indebted to the people of Hampstead., who first induced him to come forward as a candidate for Middlesex. He believed that such meetings as the one before them benefited the Conservative cause. He concluded by denouncing Mr. Gladstone's want of candour in reference to the Irish Church Bill, and exhorting his friends to be prepared for future con tests. The Houses of Lords and Commons were proposed, to • which toast Mr. W. Smith, M.P., re turned thanks, and the proceedings termimted. MR. TERRAND ON MR. GLADSTONE. Mr. W. B. Ferrand, the whilom M.P. for Devon port, recently stated very positively that at a private meeting held prior to the general election, at Mr. Gladstone's house, it was . decided th:Lt the bond of union between the Liberal party—then split into fac tions—should be the severance of Church and State, the destruction of the Protestant religion in Ireland, and the restoration of the . Roman Catholic faith. Mr. Gladstone's attention having been called to this statement, he declared it to be " utterly without foundation." This denial has called forth a letter from Mr. Ferrand. Mr. Ferrand charges the Premier with prevarication. While admitting that the proceedings at the said meeting were not made public, he lays down that subsequent proceedings have shewn substantially what was done at it. The Liberal party was then divided; the meeting was held to consider how to re-unite it ; and the result was the Suspensory Bill. Did not that bill (asks Mr. Ferrand) seek to divide Church and State ? And (he goes on to ask) was not Mr. Glad stone constantly in communication with Sir John Gray just after it was decided to attempt the dis establishment of the Irish Church ? Does not Sir John Gray seek to overthrow Protestantism and to restore Roman Catholicism ? If so, then certainly Mr. Gladstone, having been in consultation with him, must seek to do the same. And Mr. Gladstone being the leader of the Liberals, the whole party is just now seeking the downfall, total and.entire, of Pro testantism and the aggrandizement of Popery. It is as plain as a problem in Euclid--according to Mr. Ferrand. THE FENIAN PRISONERS. Dublin has held its meeting to protest against the retention of the Fenian prisoners. Four thousand people gathered in the Rotundo to demand the release of the captives. Mr. Butt, Q.C., said the motto of true Irishmen should be " Bide your time ; put ,yo I r trust in God, and keep your powder dry.' f Government persisted in retaining the prisoners any profession of conciliation was useless. Mr. Williams, of Dungarvan, said the prisoners would not accept mercy; they demanded justice of the English Govern ment, and if it was refused let the blood be on their own heads. He did not advocate a resort to the sword ; that doctrine was out of date. TF{E HEALTH OF LORD DERBY. The statement that Lord Derby is seriously ill is contradicted. His lordship is, however, understood to be suffering very much from the exertion which his recent speech in the House of Lords caused him. THE OTEREND, GURNEY, AND CO. PROSECUTION. Several of our contemporaries have begun to an ticipate a failure in the Overend, Gurney, and Co. prosecution. Not so Dr. Thom. He writes that he still intends to go on with his case, notwith standing the refusal of the Lord Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench to allow him to conduct it in person, notwithstanding that he cannot afford to pay for counsel, that the public do not, and that the Treasury will not, help him. He still declines to engage counsel ; but ho is going to " stand upon his rights" to conduct his own prosecution in his own way. Another road out of the complication is sug gested by Mr. Darby Griffith, M.P. He writes offer ing towards the engagement of a counsel a dona tion of £lOO, and suggests that others should join in the subscription. THE ROYAL COLONIAL SOCIETY. The Colonial Society seems to be going ahead. Formed only twelve months since to facilitate com munication between returned colonists, and to collect and spread information on the state of the colonies, it has gathered to itself a large number of the prominent men of the day. Its president is Viscount Bury. . Among . its numbers are the Dukh of Buckingham and Argyll, Earl Granville, Lord Houghton, Lord Churchill, Sir Stafford Nortlicote, and Sir William Denison. The annual meeting was t h i a t c l t e b o e f e n r p o l y e a a i s , edo so t the ee henceforth h let i y t a n d o o i t t vr h n e held on Monday. It was stated that her Majesty mill th al a i rhen as " The Royal Colonial SoCiety." THE srEz CANAL. A number of gentlemen assembled in the Town Hall of Liverpool to hear the explanation on Monday of the progress of the Suez Canal works from Mr. Bramley Moore, late Chairman of the Liverpool pocks and Barbour Board. Mr. Moore said that he took this step because he had had so many applications for information since his return. The supply of fresh water through the whole course of the works was a point of great importance, and it was a serious consideration -Se94tialked. TDE LORD'S DAY REST ASSOCIATION. The Working Men's Lord's Day Rest Association held their annual meeting on Monday evening The secretary read an abstract of the report, which stated that the efforts to keep the Crystal Palace closed on Sundays had been successful. The friends of the association had, at the suggestion of the committee, purchased stock in the company, so that they now held 6,000 votes. At the . late general election the members of the association exerted themselves to procure the rejection of all such candidates as had declared them selves to be favourable to the Sunday opening of museums. Efforts have been made to secure Sunday rest on the Continent, and forty-two newspapers out of fifty-seven in Germany have ceased to issue a Sunday edition, by mutual agreement. Mr. Charley, M.P. addressed the meeting, and com plained of the abolition of six-day cabs. Resolutions in support of the association were adopted, and the proceedings terminated with a vote of thanks to the chairman, Mr. 'l'. Chambers, M.P. WORKING MEN'S CLUB AND INSTITUTE UNION. On Monday a conference of representatives of working men's clubs and institutes was held at the society of Arts, Adelphi. It was decided that the council should appoint auditors whose services might be rendered available to any working man's club. A dis cussion. was held as to the best mode of carrying on the educational element in clubs, and it was resolved that the Government should be urged to extend aid to - night-schools and educational institutions not in connection with certificated day-schools, and that a deputation should wait on the President of _the Council of Education. It was suggested that the society might render useful services to the clubs by engaging lecturers,• encouraging contersaziones, and establishing reading-rooms and libraries. The repre sentatives of the various clubs who were present agreed to give due consideration to the proposals made to them. AGRICULTURAL PROSI'I C 'S. The uncertainty of the weather continues to ex ercise a depress'ng influence upon agriculturists, and their anticipations of the harvest are not very cheerful. With regard to the most important staple, accounts vary considerably. In Essex the dull and showery weather has kept the crops backward, and sonic anxiety is felt. In Lincolnshire the wheat has improved in appearance, though it will not be a great yield. In Norfolk and Suffolk the weather has been cold and stormy. In Cumberland the wheat crop is expected to be light in consequence of the injury done to the young plants by the frost. From Leicester much the same accounts are given. From all parts comes the same - cry for warm and settled weather. The barley crops are unfavourably spoken of, and are likely to prove under average. Beans and peas are flourishing, swedes promise well, and the crops of trifolium arc good. The grass is heavy, and the pastures luxuriant ; so that the winter pro vision is much more promising than last year. Those agriculturists who are wise enough to drain and cultivate their land in a liberal spirit are now reap ing their reward in the superiority of their. crops. TIGHT LACING. Society is returning once again to an old vice. Ladies arc becoming enamoured once more of unnaturally small waists, and they are using tight lacing as a means to obtain them. Periodically the tight-lacing rage seems to set in, and continually ladies have to be warned that in producing taper waists they may bring on consumption, crooked shoulders, a red nose, and a train of other evils. But the warning is heeded only for a time, and then for gotten. They want to have some one continually urging them to care more for health than for very questionable beauty. That is beautiful which is natural ; by implication that which is unnatural is not beautiful. Certainly small waists produced by tight lacing are unnatural. THE GENERAL COUNCIL. Our Rome correspondent states that the works for the Council will begin in St. Peter's immediately after the feast of SS. Peter and Panl, and the transept will be given up to the carpenters, decorators, &c., who are charged with the task. The expenses, including those of the lorlging and maintenance of poor bishops, and the tra velling expenses of the foreign consulters and theo logians, will be upwards of £12,000, and the repairs of the cupola, necessitated by the action of the air, especially on the side towards the sea, will be £4,000 more, which, however, will be defrayed by the revenues of the " Fabrica." The mosaics round the nave and transepts, consisting of the words of Christ regarding the mission of Peter, are to be executed in azure letters on a golden ground, and these, if put in hand now, will not be finished till 1875 at the earliest. THE BELGIAN RAILWAY DIFFICUM. The wearisome dispute between Belgium and France relative to the right of the latter over the railway lines of the former, is still unsettled. The commission, consisting of , three members from each State, has not been able to effect anything. The news published in the French official papers is always the same ; the commission has been sitting, its members have not been able to agree on the principal points in debate, fresh instructions have been sent for, and another meeting will speedily be held. Such is the stereotyped bulletin which once more makes its appearance in the last issue of the Patric. The question is called a purely economical one, utterly unconnected with the domain of politics ; and yet the commission neither com pletes its work nor gives up the task. It has now been at work for about a month. The Brussels journals are actively disputing about the exact point of difference between the two Governments, but the fact that they are unable to agree is certain. POLITICS IN BELGIUIL Belgian politics are at present in a position not unlike our own. The Upper House, the Senate, has defeated the Ministry three times on a bill for the Abolition of Imprisonment for Debt, and the Ministry is in an all but hopeless dilemma. Like the ' Gladstone Cabinet, it commands a large majority in the Chamber of Representatives, or Lower House, but is in a minority in the Senate, or Upper House. The Chamber sup ports the Government, the Senate systematically frustrates it. It is quite within the power of the King to dissolve the Upper House, which is an elective assembly ;. but this course, it is feared, would be of no avail. It is matter of certainty that a similar majority would be reelected, for the influences which enabled the senators to secure their election will enable them to keep their places. They are, indeed, elected by the same citizens who choose the deputies ; but then no Belgian can be made a senator unless he is 40 years of age, and pay at least £B4 a year in direct taxes. The choice is, there fore, very limited, and the magnates who now sit are so powerful that they have practically a monopoly. To dis solve the Senate would, therefore, only inflict upon the Ministry the fresh mortification of seeing pretty nearly the same members re-elected. It is open to the Ministry to resign, but it is questionable whether a Cabinet with such a majority in the Lower House ought to resign; still more questionable whether another Cabinet would com mand the assistance of the Lower House. It is a very singular situation—one House nullifying the work of the other, and no remedy apparently. FESTIVITY IN TURKEY. A correspondent of the Independance Bel,re announces that great preparations are now being made in Constanti nople for the circumcision of the SultAn's vounz sons. WlZA..==.ll;',..7c;hait_=cia_9oitagLitti.ihiLhead‘ TliE KHEDIVE. The independatice Beige confirms the statement that the Sultan, greatly irritated at some of the Khedive's indepen dent proceedings, did make representations to the various European Courts respecting the manner in which the Viceroy ought to be treated in order to keep him in remembrance of the fact that he was a vassal of the Porte. *But the Khedive has since sent explanations which have dissipated, all inquietude, and the relations between the two potentates are now of the best. SPANISH DIFFICULTIES IN CUBA. The telegram by which we announced that the Spa niards in Cuba had found a new and formidable enemy in the shape of the yellow fever is fully confirmed by intelli gence through Madrid. The malady has broken out at Havanna with great virulence. More men are wanted— the cry from Cuba is always " More ;" but the Madrid Government thinks it unwise to send them until October, on account of the fever, NETV ENGLAND ENMITY TO ENGLAND. (From the Anglo-American Times.) One of the dangers of placing reckless and inex perienced men in power is, that though they may appreciate the immediate effect of what they do, they may not see, or perhaps do not care, what will be the ultimate, more lasting, and more important effect. When General BUTLER was instilling into the orphan children of Gloucester, who came to decorate their fathers' graves, a hatred of England, he was setting an example to be eagerly followed by Southerners from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. The conversation, he imagined, between parent and child would come with greater force when spoken by Southerners over the graves of those who had died to uphold the " lost cause," and we have little doubt that these words will be transplanted from the soil of Massachusetts, and bear their fruit of bitter hate in many a Southern cemetery. Ile thus turns a mournful ceremony, conveying to the mind the blight and horrors of war, while furnishing a touching lesson in favour of peace, into a thirst for revenge. As if he intended to make the feeling lasting, he selects as his cause, events which oc curred a hundred years ago. Thus he combines, in this speech, doctrines the most opposed to Chris tianity, and the most detrimental to the progress and well-being of his country. First, the propriety of nourishing hatred ; next, that the feeling should be everlasting, going back to affairs impossible now fairly to adjudicate on, as bald facts alone remain, withoutthe motives andiufluenceswhich ledtothem; finally,revenge,and the necessity of handing it down from father to son till accomplished. No man knows better than Gem BUTLER that there are tens of thou sands in the South who could, from the bottom of their hearts, speak his words to their offspring, to inculcate detestation against himself and the very peof le he was addressing at Gloucester. Had he heard such a speech made to an assembly in a Southern graveyard to implant au undying ani mosity against New Englanders, he would have thought it as wicked as it was foolish, but he well knows the fact that no New Englander hates an Englishman in anything like the degree that the Southerner hates the New Englander. If England accepted the feeling he taught as inevitable, she might place the Union in jeopardy merely by directing the full force of her emigration to the Southern States, where it would be absorbed and acquire as is usual the ruling passion of the Southern people. Continental unity can be attained only by a commuaity of interest and sentiment ; and of all nations the one which has most to lose by scatter ing broad-cast over its territory seeds of hate is the United States. That just, eminent, and upright. Judge, SALMON P. CHASE, wrote what really should be engraved on the American mind, in reply to the invitation to decorate the graves of the Union dead at Charleston, words which we last week gave. There might be some reason in a speech so wholly opposed to the sentiment of the Chief Justice as that of BUTLER, if by turning American hatred into a foreign channel he could get it all out of the country, or at least directed away from the con tinent ; but its effect is the reverse, for, like other noxious weeds, it has a habit of spreading on the spot and where not intended, choking the growth of good seeds, the truth of which is shown by a glance over America. No man can read the papers of Canada or of the Southern States without being aware that it requires little fostering to grow large crops of animosity. Here is an extract from a Quebec paper " There must be an end of concessions, an end of humouring', an end of all attempts to keep peace between the two countries, except by acting so as to allow the Americans to realise the fact that, nation for nation, we are, and shall probably continue to be, their masters. If it must be, we will fight them, and to a certainty we will thrash them." On annexation, it remarks, " Canada will be more likely, in the distant future, to annex some por-- ion of the United States." A New York paper, alluding to the spirit of the Canadian press, gives several extracts, which it as serts to be a fair sample of the bluster usually in dulged in with regard to American affairs all over the Dominion. Here, then, we have undeniable proof that both north of the St. Lawrence and south of the Potomac the feelings are hostile to the Union, feelings not generated by any diversity of interest, by any distinguishing marks of race, but arising from " pure cussedness," such as good men as well as wise men should do all they can to eradicate. While Gen. BUTLER depicted England as a power of monstrous selfishness and iniquity, the Cauadisns uphold a connection which makes them mere colo nists, preferring that status to the dignity of Ame rican citizenship, a citizenship many Southerners would join an invading army to shake off. In this there is doubtless food for reflection, as it'ought to teach those BUTLER addressed that there was some thing wrong in his deductions. If we, they might ask, are so good and such a suffering community, how comes it that we are disliked by Americans who know England best, and who cherish their association with Britain, while others, fellow-citizens of our own, prefer the Britisher to us? It would have been an awkward fact for the orator to deal with, and would have struck with most effect at his doctrine; for this cultivation of enmity in children, is at the root of the matter, the vice having spread and turned against palpable, not abstract, enemies. Those who are educated to hate get an object they can see and which can feel their spite, and this is most readily done at home, wherein lies the reward of love, for harmony prevails where love has been successfully taught. By falsifying and misrepresenting a people the young may imbibe prejudices against that na tion difficult to overcome ; but the example is catch ing, for the ground being prepared one section of the Continent can readily be rendered inimical to another, and the foundation is laid of those differ ences which may not only prevent the fusion into continental unity of North America, but split up the Republic. - It is, then, as a home policy, unwise teaching, and it is as unjust as unwise. Surely, if the children of New Englanders are to re venge acts done by the English great-grandfathers the existing generation, they ought to weigh in the other scale the benefits derived from Ens._ land. Did the thought suggest itself to General BUTLER, or any of his hearers, that he in English, with an English name, was addressing others also with English name in a town called after an old cathedral city of England, while the coun try around him was known in the States as New England ? Did it occur to any of them to go back to a period prior to that descanted on by BUTLER, when the Mayflower landed her English freight from Old Plymouth at New Plymouth, and com menced a settlement, whose principles were destined to permeate the Continent? What are those prin ciples but the genuine birth of English freedom seeking a more congenial atmosphere than feudal Europe in which to spread. England colonized New England, and New England colonized the States. From England then came the language, the laws, the religion of the Republic, and if there is much that was hostile in England to the ideas with which the colonists of the Mayflower were bued, it was inseparable from the increasing civiliza tion contending against the remnants of barbarism, and the best, purest, and most thoroughly English sentiment was that carried over the.ocean in the breasts of the Pilgrim Fathers. That their teaching, their liberty, laws, religion, and social habits have but little differed from.those gradually assumed in the old country, is evident from the fact that no two communities so differently situated as regards the physical features of the countries they inhabit could at this moment be more thoroughly in har mony. It is a marvellous fact, which we cannot 'too often repeat, that this is the case ; and yet, if we are to believe the assertions of many, there is no part of the United States in which England is more hated than in New England. We know this to be untrue, while we fully admit that, under a sense of recent injury, a strong feeling of irritation pervades the New England community. But it is worthy of careful investigation bow it comes to pass that men who directly derive their origin from England, whose names are nearly all English, who assert that they have preserved the tongue in its greatest purity, where English literature is read only in a lesser degree than in England, who seek the graves of their fathers in English churchyards, should politi cally, cherish such an animosity. No one cares for the rowdy scum of New York, the tools of vile agitators, and the organs which represent them, be they Democrat or Radical ; but the case of New England ought to be understood, so that the cause might be ascertained and the evil removed. It bears absurdity on its face, and it surely cannot be difficult to bring into harmony those who have so much in common, and to neutralize such a senseless course as that taken by General BUTLER and other leading men of Massachusetts. COLOURED RACES IN ,4111EILIC,1. Whatever may be the ability, judgment, expe rience, and reading brought to bear on the subjects constantly arising at Washington, there is no doubt that they are the most important now handled by any statesmen. From the fuss made in Great Bri- tam over the disestablishrnent of the Irish Church, it might be supposed that the wellbeing of mankind was involved in maintaining the ascendancy in Ireland of the Church of England. While many of those who have been arguing or listening to the end- less reasons advanced ou either side would have heard with the indifference of ignorance how Ame rican statesmen settled some questions, or of the in- extricable difficulties in which others had become en tangled, yet these measures are of a really world-wide interest—of importance, beyond comparison,greater than ;he disestablishment of the Irish Church. Pro- minent among the American problems is that of races; not the temperament differences only, with the hostility generated by oppression which distin guish the Anglo-Saxon from the Celt, but those of colour, of organism, of idiocrasy, habits, and t istes ; in a word insuperable, between men born and bred on the same soil, who can have but little in common and cannot amalgamate. Of these races the United States have three to deal with. First in import ance is the Negro; next stands the Red Indian ; and lastly, at present, but shortly to come far be fore the others in importance, are the Chinese. An indifferent spectator surveying the scene might exclaim, " Here is a pretty kettle of fish !" and doubtless many an American statesman has looked with no small perplexity to the solution. Circum stances enter into the ordinary difficulties, which make them beyond measure greater than they would be elsewhere, more especially two—first, the pride of race which marks the Anglo-Saxon, or if not that pride, at least that prejudice of colour, by WEL LINGTON truly pronounced to be the most marked of aristocratic' distinctions. Though there is no race more thrown into contact with children of the tropics than the Anglo-Saxon, yet no other nou- ishes so inveterate a dislike againstsuch contact. The most coloured of the coloured is the negro, and there fore the negro is to him the most repugnant. Here then we have the extreme contrastsbrought together. But in connection they might still be divided by a broad line were it not for the institutions of the country, for that line is opposed to the principles on which the American Commonwealth grounds its government, and this is the second circumstance to which we have alluded. It is a strange fact that where the aversion is the greatest that the institu tions of the ruling race should be those which im pelled that race over the line, and thrust the negro [nto social contact with the man whose property he lately was. Nosuchdifficulty ever before arose-as that now puzzling the statesmen of America. To any other race the negro would not be so offensive, and no other race would allow principle and theory thus to over rule the social and domestic arrangement by which each race is compelled to fall into and is kept in its place. Therefore the difficulty would not be likely to occur anywhere else, but if it did occur it would ba in a very modified form. On the 7th June the City authorities of the political capital of the Union were elected, and a negro obtained the post of register, a negro barber at Willard's Hotel became an Alderman of the First Ward, and seven other coloured men were turned into councillors. The City Council had decreed that in all hotels, places of amusement, public conveyances, and churches the negroes should be placed on a social equality with the whites. This was to come into effect on the day of the election, and a disturbance was anticipated at the theatre that evening, as one of the two pro prietors having determined that negroes should not be admitted to the boxes and stalls, although his partner did not object, had openly stationed men at the door to see this order enforced. Fortunately, for the s tke of peace and order, no negro availed him self of his new-born rights, but that he will refrain in the future is to the last degree improbable, and the election itself in which two men were killed and several wounded, successful though it was in the African interest, show that he can very un scrupulously use physical force whenever he has it at his back. The riots at Washington were wholly unwarrantable, arising from " cussedness" alone, as the only cause was the desire expressei by the mob to hang one of their coloured fellow-citi zens because he voted the Democratic ticket. We will then soon see how the social equality enactment works at Washington, with the fact before us that the Executive of the nation being located in that city the PRESIDENT himself cannot escape the direct decision of acting on it, either inviting the negro civic dignitaries to his receptions and balls, or ignor ing it, and setting an example which the nation will not be slow to follow. Washington is the focus of fashionable soniety in the Union, which is a good deal of a bureaucracy; the high official personages and legislators having much social weight in the community. What is done at Washington receives wide publicity, and the most prominent Americans who sooner or later find their way there, are ; able through the press to attract great attention to all they do or say. We may then await with interest intelligence of the social career of WILLARD'S bar ber, as well as the others, knowing that the reception he meets with from the Executive will have its effect for good or evil throughout the country. It is easier to enact.laws making all equal, than practically to establish such an equality socially ; but' this, after the XVth Amendment has become a part of the Constitution, is what remains for the SUMNER party to achieve. Perhaps it will be found that, like the mix ture of oxygen and hydrogen, the races, when thus pressed, may come together with au explosion, and produce something wholly different from that de signed. We believe the attempt to be a blunder of enforcing on a reluctant people this social equality, for the best intentions are often defeated by our haste to see them realized. We imagine something good, and fret after settling that the good is to be, to find that it is not, and will not come. A certain pro cess has to be gone through, the progress of which we may not detect, and destroy our work in the ill-ad vised endeavour to hurry it. If the Anglo-Saxon race has a prejudice against colour, that prejudice is almost wholly grounded on the comparative weakness of coloured races. Wherever the reverse is the case a marvellous change has been seen. Take, for in stance, the New Zealanders among savage tribes ; the Seikhs among Asiatic people. The hard fights,' and we may add reverses, of the British and Colo nial forces before thepahs of the Maoris established a respect everywhere felt among Englishmen for the New Zealander. The drawn battles and wide fields cov e r ed with *ad, the d6bris strewn over despe-' rately contested battle grounds, raised the Seikh out of the rank of ordinary Asiatics, and established his prestige to last for decades. So with the Red In dians, for wherever they fought the Americans On terms of equality, rifle for rifle, man for man, knife .for knife, very little was heard of social re pugnance. On the contrary, they became the heroes of American romance, and the greatest of American novelists made the AborigineS the sub ject of most of his tales. Social equality is more than anything groanded on respect, and the re spect of the Anglo-Saxon can Only be commanded by strength, physical— whereby we mean courage—or intellect. Had the negroes themselvLs achievel their freedom.by force of arms that respect would have been at once accorded, but as another hand than their's struck the blow, no laws can be made to impart it. It must then be by the growth of educa tion, training add habit, and it wholly rests with the African himself, for lie will command if he 'call establish an educational superiority, arid effectu ally organize for his own protection, learning to u e the privileges accorded him by law. Then he will have acquired strength, an I with that strength the respect of the Anglo-Saxon. We last week discussed the Red Indians, a race which has become more a philanthropic than a political problem. They enter into no social question i❑ the United States, and, although they take an important place in the consideration of the outlying settlements of Kansas, Colorado, Arizona, and'New Mexico, the Union as a whole hear of the Cheyenne and the Sioux outrages as Englishmen hear of massacres in New Zealand. But vastly different is the question of the Chinese, for that is, indeed, a problem. Some assert that the Chinese never emigrate, that they reside, but do not settle ; that they go to California to work for years, and return to China with their earnings; yet this is a mistake. Those who know* the East are aware that the Chinese colonize ; that Singapore is a Chinese town, that Penang is also; and even Calcutta largely so. To the islands of the China seas the Chinese go as settlers, and are there born and buried. Australia and California are not only new places to them, but far away and too costly in the first instance for the transport of a family. Hence the Chinese have not as yet set tled in California, and it is imagined on the Pacific slope that the habit of the people is oppOsedto such settlement ; arguing, that they need not fear an in road of these yellow-faced Mongols to claim poli- tical privileges, to elect mandarins on the American, Pacific Coast, and to send men with tails to Congress. Chinese nature will be foutid on investigation not materially to differ ft otn that of other-children of ADAM. California is the finest field for emigration in the world ; the political privileges they will enjoy on the Pacific slope when they realize them, will be something unique to a Chinamen, and may prove attractive. At any rate gold will allure, and the fact is undoubted that the most inviting was t e and the densest population are face to face. The pro bable consequence will be that the crowded popula tion will flow into the hungry waste, and what is probable is what is happening, for 2,000 arrived at San Francisco during last week. That they will come is not only certain, but is the actual fact, nor they only, but Japanese as well; and the:question then is, how will Anglo-Saxon institutions work in the bands of such as the Chinese? Mr. SUMNER has gone to California to see ; and a New York paper tells him that he will find the Chinese problem of much more interest there, than the Ahibanza question ; but whether SUMNER appreciates it or not, it is infinitely more important, not merely to California, but to the Union. The system of preventing men front exercising a privilege the law accords may work just now, but will fail when the White man on the Pacific slope is in the presence of a far more nu merous Yellow-faced race; and from whatever aspect this question is regarded, it stands out prominently as one of the highest moment, a performance not lessened by the telegram of yesterday, that "a Convention of the citizens of Tennessee, Missis sippi, Alabama, and Arkansas, has been called to adopt measures to secure the introduction of Chi nese labour."—Anglo- American Times. .., „,.) " Electricity is Life."—A nest of medical quacks adopting the foregoing motto of Mr. Pulvermacher, of 200, Regent-street, have recently been unearthed by proceed ings taken in the Court of Vice-Chancellor Matins, by that eminent originator of patented appliances of medico galvanic science. The profession of electrical science if not "life" to these quasi doctors was their ostensible means of living, and even if Mr. Pulvermacher has taken their life by taking the "means whereby they live," he has in his exposure of their nefarious impositions conferred a benefit upon the public, in addition to securing his own property in inventions which aro the result of thirty-five years of scientific experiment and study which have proved a boon to suffering humanity. Dr. Hammond, alias Dr. Watson , •" Henry James, Esq., Harvay Burrows, Eq., W. Hill, C. T. Raphey, M.R.O.S, &c.. endeavouring to pass se . medical practitioners, and advertised colourable imita- tious of Mr. Fulvermacher's galvanic inventions. Bu t . ' tk the general opinion of Vice-Chancellor Malins may • be gathered from his giving utterance to the following expressions on the case :—" It was an outrageous thing a that the public should be so deluded." "It was a pity that 'f. the public should be victimised by these abominably false statements ;" " the tactics pursued by the defendant was ' one of systematic i m p os t ure, an d h e muc h regre tted 1 , A r i , there was not somebody on the part of the public to • put a stop to these thi ngs; " an d th a t w hil s t h e had ; heard the defendant's affidavit, "the tactic s p urs ued bY the defendant was ono of systematic impost ure , and he much regretted there was not somebody on th e p ar t of the ~. , public to stop it; anything more disgraceful he never , saw." Considering the vital use to society o f Mr. Pul vermacher's "medico-galvanic system," as exhibited ill his beautiful apparatus and appliances, it is clear that his i efforts for the punishment of quacks who are robbing - 1 him of the proceeds of valuable discoveries, while de- i ceiving many unsuspecting patients, are deserving of -, the pub'ic support and praise. Sir Charles Locock, Sir 4 Ronald Martin, Sir R. Holland, Sir Wiiliam Ferguson , ft. Dr. Steveking, and others of the elite of the medical , profession, came forward on the occasion to maintain i yti , his well-earned repute, although stating at the same time that it was not their habit ever to give 4 certificates ; and it was upon such overpowering evidence in the interest of medical science that Vice-Chan- ' ~t celior Malins decided that Mr. Glass, Q.C., should sustain the suit, and that the case should stand over for further 1 , hearing. ir r _i [ADVERTISEMENT. I—Holloway's Pills.—Health's Foul!' V, tain.—lt cannot surely be necessary to remind any inte/ 11- ' gent reader that the purity of the blood determines every 1. ?, - invalid's health and vigour. Holloway's medicine searcheS _ out the slightest taint in the vital fluid, and ne u t ra lises or ' I expels it, so that the circulation supports th e sys t e m, in place of sowing the seeds of decay. Wh en ep id em i c s are r • , advancing, and disease is steadily on th e i ncrease, it be- " hoves every one to have a restorative like these pills readY r , to set right any irregularity in stomach, liver, b owe ls, or s f • ; kidneys. [AD VERTISEMENT.] Dyspepsia (Indigestion), Constipat 1 0 , 0 Debility, Consumption, and a ll nervous, bili ous , s t omac h, an u liver complaints in every stage, are only aggraiated and accele rated by drugs of every description, but perfectly curable by pn Barry's health-restoring Revalento, Arabica Food, as proved bY thousands of cases which had been considered hopeless, such as —cough. asthma, also diarrhoea, haemorrhoids, liver complaints, flatulency, nervousness, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, diphthe ria, catarrhs, colds, influenza, noises in the head and ears, rheu matism, gout, impurities, eruptions, hysteria, neuralgia, irrita bility, sleeplessness, acidity, palpitation, heartburn, headache , debility, dropsy, cramps, spasms, nausea, and sickness, even ill pregnancy or at sea, sinking fits, bronchitis, scrofula, tightness of the chest, pains at the pit of the stomach and between tha , shoulders, &c. We quote a few:—The Pope's health restored bY v Du Barry's Food. Cure No. 68,413—" Home, July 12, 1866—The health of the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, abandon ing all other remedies, he has confined himself entirely to Du' Barry's Revalento, Ambles. Food, of which he consumes a plate ful at every meal. It has produced a surprisingly beneficial effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot praise this excellent food too highly.—From the "Gazette du Midi," July 25. Cure No. 46,270 -Mr. James Roberts, timber merchant, of FrintleY. Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deafness. Cure No. I,77l—Lord Stuart de Decies, Lord-Lieut. of Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia No. 49,832—" Fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms sickness, and vomiting.—Maria Joly." Important Caution.-- Beware of the many unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, without authority, Baron Liebig's name is most auda ciously attached. 2 4 1 l a b s t 1 4 n o s s , . a_ t A I l s s o lidDU v. ; I B l A b R 2 R s y 041 R; E T A B L 4 E s N 6 r d A A 5 R 1 b l a ß l i e l As CHOCOLATE 2 o l e b o s LA 22 1. 0 11 : POWDER is packed in tin canisters: for 12 cups at 'is, for cups at 3s 6d, for 48 cups at Cs, for 288 cups at 30s, for 576 cups at 55e —being about one penny per cup. The 30s and 55s tins are sent free of carriage in England on receipt of Post-Office Order. RAR 0. Y Dt BARRY and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London ; and all Grocers and Chemists. 4 tfr 4 ..._,,, *,,,A ! •, i • -(A • BIRTHS. Buoows—On the 27th inst., at Ashstead, Surrey, the Wife of Henry Brooks, Esq., of a son. ETANncocic—On the 26th inst., at 1, Merrion square, St Dublin, the wife of the Hon. Robert Handcock, of e son. ~~ ~ ~ 'ya AfARRIAGES. DE TESS IER — WESTBY—On the 29th inst., at St. Maryle bone Church, Lieut.-Colonel the Baron De Tessier, to Horatia Caroline, youngest daughter of the late Nicho las Westby, Esq., and the Hon. Mrs.Westby, of 9, York- - gate, Regent's-park, and co. Clare, Ireland. WALFORD -SNOW--On the 26th inst., at Newington, y• Wm. Walford, of 63, Bedford-gardens, Campden-bilft Kensington, to Elizabeth Jemima, second daughter of Mr. R. U. Snow, of Manor-road, Lorrimore-square. DEATBS. CHAMBERLIN —On the 26th inst., at Brighton, John Carr Chamberlin, aged 47. DALZIEL—On the 27th inst., at Edinburgh, Geo. Dalziell W.S. PRITCHARD—On the 27th inst., Edward Pritchard, of 3 1 1 King-street, Snowhill, aged 68. London: Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREWS' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TUE SUN Office N 0.112, Stran d ', in the Precinct of.the Savoy, in the Veunty of Mb:L.1100 ,1 Wednesday, June 30, 1.1360. f; ~:, 1 N , t i ;-;.' • .~ ~, ~i R L J