The Sun. — London, England, 1829-04-06 00:00:00

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THE Commissioners for Victualling Nis Majesty's Navy, &c. do hereby give Notice, that • On TuzsDAy, the 7th of April next, they will be ready to receive Tenders in writing, (sealed up), and treat with ~."ch persons as will undertake to PURCHASE, and RE MOVE from the , VICTUALLING PREMISES at DEPTFORD, the OFFAL, consisting of BRAN, MIDD LINGS,and POLLARD, produced at his Majesty's Mill • in the said Yard, until the end of the present Year. The Conditions of the Contract may be seen at this Office. j England. __(Hear, hear. )—But he (Lorin Guildford) would I say, that if those laws which used to he considered good had not been abandoned, there would have, been no necessity for the present Bill. It, was said whilst the question remained unsettled there could - not be a United House of Commons, and that all the riling Went et the country were favourable to the a:Lims the Ilomen Catholics. That might he the opinions of some, but for his own part he had heard no argument to convince him that that was the case, They were giving political p aver to the Catholics, and yet, for sooth, that it was ■ lid Would protect the interest of the Pratestant Church of Ireland..—(Hear, hear.)—Ho t t believed the nation, in the histo r y o f an y f o rmer p er i o d, entitled them friend to the h on eone greatest ick re were dissatisfied by any measur e i n t ro d uce d by Govern ment. He knew that there w ere man y as piri ng m i n d s who would enter into any experim e ntal system for novelty and fame. They could not exi s t without it, men ny whose e d t e h x r e ol len t e b e eir former speet and attention, to accomplish that object. He did not say how far these remarks were applicable in the pre sent case. The Noble Lord here went into some historical facts connected with Magna Charts, the Reformation, and other periods, but from the low tone of voice in which he spoke we could not gather the pur pot tof hie observations. As soon as the Noble Lord be came audible, we understood him to say, that when the es tablished religion of this country was Catholic, the Clergy never could be subdued, unless the existing monarch was a tyrant, and he was fearful that the time might ar rive when it would be necessary to govern it by arbi trary and vindictive laws. He would not say that the Roman Catholics ought to be deprived of their reli gious privileges, in fact they were not, but he would con tend that political and civil rights ought never to be granted to the professors of a faith whose tenets were destrue tive of, all liberty--justice was the proper meaning of the word liberty, and that religion which did not practise justice ought not to have liberty. This principle had been acted upon for more than 2,000 years. It was his firm opinion that liberty and the Roman Catholic religion could not exist together. The patriotism by which it was said they were influenced for their country's good he was firmly persuaded had no other object than to ex tend their power and increase their influence. He earnestly besought Noble Lords to protect the prin ciples of that Revolntion which placed the present illustrious House of Brunswick upon the Throne of these realms—to protect those civil and religious liber ties that were held so sacred by our forefathers, and which he was convinced could only be done by objecting to the present measure. Lord LILFORD would not detain their Lordships any great length of time with what he had to gay, the most important question that could be put to the Bourse was, whether the adoption of these measures weedd be inconsistent with the safety of the Protestant re ligion as by law established. He thought that they were not inconsistent ; there were two grounds which called for the immediate adoption of them,—these ground were expediency and State necessity. Had the grounds of expediency been proved, he (Lord Lilford) was of opinion that it had, and most satisfactorily ; the question of State necessity may not be proved ; still the triumph of bringing in these measures when that shall hive been obtained will be great. What is to be done ? Are we to disregard the opinions of those parties who, of all ()theta, ate admitted to be best acquainted with the laws which more immediately effect that country, for whom the measure of relief is intended ; it is certain that one of two things must be done—concession to his Majesty's Ro man Catholic subjects must be granted, et the imme diate establishment of military laws in Irelanci--s(Hear.) —He (Lord Lilford) adhered strictly to the Protestant religion—a religion to which he bad been bred—he still would continue to adhere to it; and notwithstanding any charge of inconsistency that might be brought against him, he should give his vote in favour of the measures which bad come recommended from the Throne.—(Hear, hear.)—and he would repeat that no charge of incon sistency should induce him to withdraw his support.-. (Hear. )—He considered the adoption of these measures ae a necessary step to the obtaining of a second union. which would indeed make us one undivided empire; with regard to the securities which have been mentioned as ne cessary, his conviction was that the super-excellence of the Protestant Religion, as by law established, was the hest security that could be brought forward.—(Hear.)—The Noble Lord concluded by again giving the measure his sanction—a measure from which the happieit results would arise. LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 6, 1829. Each Tender must specify the price in words at length, kid bie delivered before One o'Clock on the day appointed ; aild the person who makes the Tender, or some person on • his behalf, must atteud to answer when called for. No. 11,407. PRICE 7D. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. REVENUE. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. M. WALLER CLIFTON. FRENCH PAPERS. NEWS FROM THE THEATRE OF WAR. 4 *. I. ABSTRACT of the NETIV• . 4.11EE of the REVENUE of GREAT BRITAIN, in the YEAR ed sth April, 1828 and 1889, dis_ tinguishing the Quarters. HOUSE OF LORDS.-(SATURDAY.) SPIRIT OF THE. LONDON JOURNALS. BERLIN, MARCH 29.—The Journal de St, p e t ers _ burgh of 21st March, contains the following article:— " We hasten to communicate to our readers the rapid and successful result of an expedition by sea on the coast of Rumelia, under the command of Admiral Kumani, who, in a Report of the g tit of this month, states, that on the 28th of February he had succeeded in making himself master of the fort of Sizopolis (Sessiboli), situated beyond the Borngas, on which occasion the Governor (a Pacha of Two Tails) and forty-six Officers of the Garrison were made prisoners; a great quantity of ammunition, provi sions, and eleven cannon, fell into our hands. The pos session of Sizopolis makes us masters of one of the best roads in the Black Sea." The doors of the House were opened at half. past Twelve o'clock, and strangers admitted, before prayers were read* (41 unusual circumstance). The crowd was not great. _ _ w-g. - Z-0' '-5.'- r, sfs; c„,", C o 6' en 7 cs I '4 The Duke of WELLINGTON entered the House a few minutes before One o'clock, and the LORD CHANCELLOR precisely at One o'clock. The space around the Throne was, as on the two former debates, crowded with Peeresses and Members of the House of Commons. The Bishop of CHESTED. having read prayers at ten minutes past One o'clock, The Duke of WELLINGTON moved the Order of the Day for resuming the adjourned debate on ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL. Netr 3 F, If) ct",—. 4 . .' 6eo q ,R. F i t.p ,..2 n-. g 1-417 & '', viaf , - , ci •-z COTSTANTINOPLE, FEB. 26.—The military prepara tions are very great, and every body is astonished that the Porte pays for every thing in ready money. Nobody can guess whence such large sums are derived, for the contri butions from the provinces, however considerable, are far below the expenditure. The Pot te even refuses offers of credit made by the European merchants. Fourteen regu lar regiments, of 2,000 men each, have lately been equip ped, and , are on their march to Shumla. Three frigates are ready to sail to the Black Sea. Corn is scarce here, and only flour mixed with millet is delivered from the ma gazines, at which the people are much displeased ; every precaution is taken to prevent any interruption of the pub lic tranquillity. BUCHAREST, Marten 14.—The Russian troops are ad vancing from all sides of the Danube, and it is evident that it is intended to invest the fortresses on that river. The Turks on their side are taking vigorous measures to defend themselves. Count Langeron, it is said, will leave the army, and have the government of Finland. General Berg, who was to have another dest;nation, will remain with the general staff of the second army. Large rein forcements, it is said to the amount of 20,000 men, are intended for the army of General Giesmar. conQctti P 92 tO 53:7•"3.>' • (i), . t wo - d c. 7 The Earl of GUILDFORD rose, and for some minutes was inatubble below the bar. When we could hear, we understood his Lordship to say that those laws which it. was now proposed to repeal were made to defend the Church against an intolerant state of the people. If they are now to be overthrown; what is to become of that Church ? We may construct a ship and, iiirnl4 without,a pilot, and which may be driven from place to place, at - perfect wreck, yet still a ship. King Charles thought pro per to protect the Church by the laws then made. He apprehended that there were laws for the regular• tion of every important thing from the earliest time. James the Second was a promoter of religious liberty, and the reason why the laws were well enacted, was well described in a letter written by the Prince of Orange. It declared it was necessary for the safety of the Church, that certain laws should be enacted and con tinued for ever. He drew a distinction between the penal statutes and the exclusive laws. He also highly approved of the exclusion of Papists. The right of the Catholics could only emanate from the King, though their faith told them that their power was derived from the Pope. It seemed from this, that the King could confer power and it was one of the first laws of self-preservation to exclude those fi•em its jurisdiction whom it was unsafe to admit to power. At the Revolution it was considered it would not be safe to admit Catholics to power. It was said that in all other • . C w t ... t- g et " O ~+~ ~~ C E. 4 § ME gk 54L - T t ,s(-= E r. 9. S A 0. .4r C") 4". .51,-NCO or, cf, _ - S ao " - ti„; 01 , 0 ??. 8 2 4 - g g CI, ....... CV CO I-1 Ckr rg1 1: came tete u'r V- t"--3 E: § t s • cr c.r r— 4 7.70: ccr —7' cv JASSY, MARCH 13.-008 of_ the principal officers of the suite of Jussuf Pacha arrived here the day before yes terday, and brought word of the death of that. Pacha at Odessa. It is said that he had several times in vain soli cited for permission to go to Italy or Switzerland. In order to remedy the want of conveyances, which was so generally felt last year, a train of 60,000 waggons, drawn by oxen, has been formed in Russia, which will shortly join the army. These waggons are distributed into divisions of 500 each, commanded by old half-pay officers, and at tended by four cannon ; the drivers are armed with a sabre, and a short gun, and are also to be provided with scythes in order to provide forage for their beasts, which, in case of need, are saved for subsistence for the army.— This will make an addition of 80,000 men to the Impe rial army, which is estimated at 250,000 men. §"ii tE a• - • 74 oc.,c-7 u I I 2. N , a ~ -. . , . § 0 al g 1 : 1 e" o TI 4 8 E g F'§g c r - n , 7,3 .f>l .1 , . 4E. :74.2. 0 'E . E "lif; -2 E 2 s § 2tEv,-.= , x "A's E •• 4;=.' ;:v2 countries contracts of this kind were implied, but in our country it is express. All power was dissolved in the absence of the King, whose authority was the key-stone, and ought to be the key-stone, to the arch of all solid legis lative enactment. Now, King Charles made this law, that the people should not be in danger of having their Constitu tion subverted. In one of the earliest debates on this sub- ject it was urged whether there was a contract existing with the King. The_Magna Charta was considered an irregular contract. It was maintained at the con vention there had existed certain laws, secured to the people by contract, which all Kings i❑ succession had been bound to maintain. He would ask, could any Parli.i nient, or any Ministers have advised any King to nullify Magna Charta? The convention proceeds to rectify Magna Charta; the Bill of flights contains a confirmation of what took place in the reign of Jain.% 11., and then there were FRONTIERS OF BOSNIA, MARCH 10.-The following are represented to be the Conditions of Peace proposed by Russia, to which the Porte refuses to subscribe : " 1. The forts of the Dardanelles :Alan be razed. " 2. The Commerce of the Sea of Alarmora and the Eusine shall be free to all nations. "3. Greece shall be recognised as an independent State. " 4. The Greek Patriarch at Constantinople shall be considered as a Diplomatic character. made two positive laws ; one to exclude . Catholics, and the other in favour of them. Noii , • here I d,) No. 11. ABSTRACT of the NET PRODUCE of the REVENUE of GREAT BRITAIN, ill the YEARS and QUARTERS ended sth April, 1828 and 1829, shelving the Increase or Decrease on each head thereof. maintain that this Bill brought into this louse is an infringement of the Bill of Rights. It may be said that the Bill was not so in express terms, for it never Lad been so stated. But after the convention, after the Bill of Rights, after the King had been set upon the throne, he said in his first speech to Parliament a new settlement is necessary. The Parliament then proceeded to enact the new law, not only a new Coronation Oath but this oath of Supremacy, according to the precise terms of the declaration of rights. The Act also of the 30th of King Charles the Second did least for the ex clusion of Papists from Parliament, this was recanted, and to chew the spirit with which it was, as soon as King William came to this country a law was made, extending to Ireland, to exclude Papists from the Par— liament there. There was another law expressly providing for the placing of a Protestant King upon the Throne of the country, and a parliamentary as well as a regal secu rity was required. Upon this subject the Noble Lord on _ _ " 5. The supremacy of the Russian flag in the Black Sea shall be recognised. " 6. The Christians shall have entire liberty for the exercise of their religion : the Churches shall have steeples and bells. Years ended April 5. ~--....------- 1828 1829 Increase. Decrease. Customs 16,569,029 15,842,827 726,132 Excise Stamps 6,479,880 6,641,590 161,710 Post Office 1,389,000 1,386,000 3,000 Taxes 4,785,683 4,849,208 63,525 Miscellaneous 734,906 539,462 195,441 47,182,816 47,758,410 1,500,170 924,576 Deduct Decrease ............ 924,576 Increase on the Year 575,594 Quarters ended April 5. 1828 1829 Increase. Decrease. Customs Excise 3,698,779 3,497,659 201,120 Stamps 1,652,732 1,627,959 24,773 Post Office Taxes Miscellaneous 101,709 77,005 24,702 9,898,361 9,351,449 l— " 7. The Christian and Jewish Communities shall be administered by Superiors, chosen from their own Body. 8. The Porte shall pay the Russians a military con tribution of six hundred millions of silver rubles, and Rus sians shall occupy Wallachia, Moldavia, and the Provinces in Asia, which it has conquered, till the whole is, paid. " 9. Servia, Wallachia, Moldavia, and Greece shall he placed under the protection of Russia." On the fulfilment of these conditions Russia guarantees to Turkey for ever the integrity of its territory, and its ad mission into the associations of civilised nations. The Porte, on its part, demands, first of all, six hundred millions of silver rubles, as an indemnity for the expences of the war, and an equal sum fur the fleet destroyed at Navarin. It will not enter into negociations till Russia shall have evacuated all the provinces which it has con quered, and withdrawn its army beyond the frontiers. BRUSSELS, APRIL 2.—A British Cabinet Messenger passed through this city last night, on his way from Vienna to London, with despatches. FRENCH FUNDS...-PARIS, APRIL 3.—Five per Cents. 108 f. 60c. 55c. 50c. ; Three per Cents. 79f. 50c. 40c. 45c. ; Bank Stock, 1,8601.; Naples Stock, 86f. 50c. ; Royal Spanish Loan, 84i-f. Ilaytian Loan, 505 f. Ex change on London, one month, 25f. 35c. ; three months, 25f. 20c. Cours Authentique. the Woolsack said that King William changed his opinions since the letter Av ritten by his order, but he thought that King William's own words were a better authority than even the words of the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack. >e on the Quarter 546,912 NO. 111. NCOME•and CHARGE on the CONSOLIDATED FUND in the QUARTERS ended sth April, 1828 and 1829. Quarters ended April 5. The great lacy of religious liberty —the Magna Charta of 1829 e—has arrived at yet another stage of its triumphant , Course .. all the artifices employed to disturb that course— end they were numerous, and some of them flagitious— ; ,have. been defeated. King and people have been alike abused : hi s Mijesty's confidence, and th e p re j u di ces o f 'his subjects, have been basely tampered with. Numbers . have keen enlisted against property, bigotry against cha . pity; ignollnte, against knowledge, obsolete and chimerical `ilakrnlA igainst eme rgenc i es pressing, immediate, and irre ; Aitible ; ' the worst extravagancies, of the coarsest and most sweeping jacohinism, have been set in array against 1 .every.soned maxim of right and justice familiar to the . "Conititution of England ; and to what end, ive ask, has • so much iniquity been mixed with so much effrontery, by " tho*t who worked the mechanism of the anti- Catholic multiplied debates have had an effect precisely opposite .that is that Which was proposed by their authors,— Binlotus accession to the votes in favour of the hue tte ..... growri out of every new comparison between r • S eeo hey made i n support.bf that measure, and in hos ty to it, as the contest was continued in either House . tif Parliament ; so that the majority in the House of Commons, instead of 100, which seemed to be the limit of the highest expectation at the first introduction of the till; swelled to upwards of 180 ; and that in the Lords, Which was estimated, no longer than ten days ago by the friends of Ministers, at 50 or 60, amounted, on the se : eond reading laet Saturday evening, to no less than one ' Hundred and five ! Such, in conformity with those sa 'Vary laws of which the origin may not be always mani fast, though it is, we apprehend, always active, which ltrect and regulate the affairs of men, has been the benefit reap e d by truth, from seeds of which her enemies were the sowers; and suph the punishment inflicted en fac tion by its own wiles and machinations ! Of the speeches delivered in the course of this debate of three days' duration in the House of Lords, we will commit ourselves rely to the assertion, that there was not one made against the Bill, which—whatever its merits might be as an ab stract diesertation—contained a single argument, or gave in evidence a solitary fact, which ought to have gained the extent of any practical statesman. It is proper to ac knowledge the merit, as compositions, of some of those Which were pronounced by the heads of the Church, more -especially hy the Primate of Ireland and the Bishop of Durham against the measure. The Bishop of Ox ford's, in favour of it, was fraught with powerful reasoning. Amongst the lay Lords, after the opening of the Duke of Wellington, which we have already glanced at, Lord Lansdowne's quick and vigorous reply `the 'Lord Chancellor's luminous and energetic expo sition of the state-necessity, which constituted the real wis , dorn of the measure—Lord Grey's fine constitutional argu ment--and Lord Plunkett's masterly annihilation of Lord ;Eldon followed by a deep, full, concise, and most im :Passive concluding speech, in self-defence, by the Duke Alr Wellington, will long be read and dwelt upon by readers :of Parliamentary history with pride and gratification, as PreKnant with political instruction. The desperate and 4 YlliteffOrt of Lord Eldon to move, by his mystic alto llions to the coronation-oath, the unshaken mind of an il itrioua personage, will meet with just the notice and re !Peet which it so obviously merits.— Times. ... ' _* - e believe few people were prepared for such an over -.lehelming nutiOrity as that by which the second reading -of the Catholic Relief Bill - was.carried on Saturday night. The highest niimber anticipated, even in quarters likely to be well informed, Was 60 or 70. A majority of 105, in li total of 129; annihilates at once the hopes of those who ',, Itceived that, they would be countenanced in their ap e to the ignorance and prejudices of the people, by the Ill..teligth of the opposition to the m easure o f Mi n i sters i n :the House of Lords. The cry was, Dissolve the Parlia- Aleut ; but they must now cry also, Annihilate the House Pt' Lords. What a state we must be in, if Parliament 1 7,41pathise so little with the country that votes of two to °lle, in both Rows, are not to be considered indicative of the sense of the nation ! When we see this great majority in both HOuses--and when, on the other hand, we look to the arguments urged in opposition to the measure —the narrow ground taken by the Bishops, with whom the se curity and prosperity of the empire, and the happiness of five or six millions of human beings, were not deemed of sufficient moment to be even taken into consideration —the pitiful cavilling of the Judicial faction respecting clauses in Bills and Treaties of Union, and the intention with which certain oaths were prescribed, as if the means were to be preferred to the end, the welfare of the nation, :the miserable arguments ad hominem of another class of oPponents, as if tke peeving that the Lord Chancellor and kr. Peel had formerly held opinions different from those .they now professed, were sufficient reasons for refusing , latent to a measure, the' necessity of which could not be ii denied. Wh en we di scover this poverty of mind—this htek of all Stat esman -lik e v i ews i n t h e opposers of the mea - s ure ---where a prOud array of talent was enlisted in sup ... Port of it--and when we reflect upon the important de , claration with which the Duke of Wellington closed the debate on Saturday night, we hardly know what to think of the circumstances by which the fate of nations :is determined. " When my colleagues and myself," Peid his Grace, " determined to adopt this measure, we did to With a determination to sacrifice ourselves and our popu my to the duty which we owe to our Sovereign and to the t°,lmtry at lar ge . W e k new ver y we ll, th a t if we h a d e iileen to, put ourselves at the head of the Protestant cry " 4 'No Popery,' we should have become much more po- Pldar than those who have raised the cry of ' No Popery' e gainst us. But we felt that in doing so we should leave d a n bur tben,,by which it must ultimately have been borne ~,,/ vn •• and further, that we should deserve the hate and —eel- Ilion of the country (cheers). '1 he Noble Earl on the erawbench (Lord Falmouth, we believe) has alluded r e rt kularly to me, and has mentioned the services which mus t . .lood enoug h to say I ren d ere d to t h e coun t ry . I 13 ; v go l od tbe Nobl e ' E ar l th a t I p er f orme d th e se services m*pute and under bad repute, and that I was neverdeterred, iom doing my duty because the cry of the country happened to be against me at the time " Is it true, then, that by adopting the course pursued by an Oppo sition, in both Houses, less distinguished for ability than i ,u_Y Opposition since the Revolution,--so little distinguished L%Weed, that the accession of a visionary enthusiast from eads, whose imagination had greatly the better of h;s dgment, was hailed as an acquisition of the first import tbee ;—.is it true, that by adopting the course so lamely 4 Vomited, and so little capable of being otherwise than illarely advocated, his Grace would have been, even for a ,_r: . 9e; more popular than he is ? It is a humiliating con 1111_, sion ; but we fear, that had he been wicked and unprin ,9'Pled, he would have been for a time more popular. The -71 y admiration which is entertained by all sensible and t,tf eating people of the conduct of his Grace throughout % tie busi ness is in a great measure au admission of the Path of the p os iti on , t h at, by adopting a policy calcu lated to perpetuate the miseries of one part of the United ,_•‘lagdom, and to endanger th e sa f e t y o f t h e w h o l e, h e 2 11 1 d have been more popular ; for, we do not lavish 7loiration on success in that which is easy, but success _'° th a t w hi ch is difficult, and the admirati on h ere i s : 11 ded on a persuasion that he has overco me diffi cu l t i es 111 ch no other man could have surmounted. With the pi ° : _ es tY peculiar to great minds, he has endeavour e d t o ex ,vtl.o away the merit of his achievement. The p o p u l ar ity r WI I rejected (he says) would not have been lasting. t hen have been boin down ultimately by the bur. p°ell it would h ave l e ft, a n d I s h ou ld h ave d eserve d th e ~ a nd execration of the country. In short, he merely ti: h ee to have it thought that he preferred future good 6P r esent temptation. But how few have courage to ) ,7 11 their y ularit for eventual good ! And how ii. . 11n Y are deterred from attempting the public good at the t h7tl of their own popularity, by the consideration that 1, themselv e e m a y fall a sacrifice in the attempt, and ,t t-l lt in in languagethe of one of our best historians, failure by r hereproach of History, too often the celave of Fortune." We confess we think not the t o utt uighly of the merit of his Grace, that he himself seems Aw e dervalue it. He has nobly succeeded—he might have e on (1 . , The intrigues of that hoary opponent, who, in the I,oe, of his long life, never entertained one thought tai ‘ , bad . not, directly, or indirectly, self for its object, aiir, t bave defeated his magnanimous attempt; and history s4C' t then have been the slave of the crafty old man, who, nk a .° ol l4lding the trumpet of a resistance so factious as a1(719.411-itditioua, (71 9.411-itditioua, would, if success had corresponded to his intentions, instead of praising his Grace and Mr. Peel, as he did on Saturday night, have held them up as perpetual warnings to deter from the ambition of attempting to place the institutions of the coun try in harmony with the happiness and prosperity of those who live under them. The Duke of Wellington has done his duty to his country ; and he has even forced from Lord Eldon the admission, that " lie believed, in his conscience, that the Noble Duke had made that proposition because he felt it to he his duty to the country ; and most assuredly that the Noble Duke should make such a pro position, at some time or other, would have been no mat ter of surprise to him." What he himself would have done, in similar circumstances, may be inferred from what was stated of him by Earl Grey. He would have been consistent in opposing improvement, till it was forced from bins by an imperious necessity, at a less convenient time for the country ; to say nothing of the evil and misery en dured, which might have been avoided. "In the year 1807, I, then holding the office of one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, brought in a Bill for the partial relief of the Catholics. Under the provisions of that Bill concessions were made to Catho lics entering the army, similar to those which had already received the sanction of the Parliament of Ireland. Does'the Noble and Learned Lord (Eldon) recollect the agitation and the fury which were excited against the Gevernmeat by the announcement of that measure ? Does he recollect the artifices which were then made use of—(cheers)—to inflame the minds of the people, and to impress them with the belief that the safety of the State, and sanctity of the Throne and the Altar, would be endangered by this concession ? Does he recollect that it was declared if this oath was removed, and Ca tholics admitted into the army, all would be gone—that it would be the beginningeof a Revolution ?—(Hear, hear.)—And, as a Noble Lord declared with some ap prehension the other evening, it was held both in that House and out of it, that if you gave the Catho lics the power of the sword, it would be easy for them to take all else they required—(Hear, Lear.)—Ths Sovereign, too, by the same arts, or worked upon by statements to which I do not wish to allude, was induced to declare, that any assent to a proposition such as that contained in the Bill would be a violation of his coronation oath, and destructive of the liberties of the people, and the result was, that the Administration, of which I was a member, became the victim of the popular arts resorted to for its destruction. Another Administration was formed, and formed too upon the principle of the strictest exclu sion of the Roman Catholics—an Administration from which a pledge was even exacted, that they never during their political existence were to attempt the renewal of that question which had produced the dismission of their predecessors. I, my Lords, have, however, bad the sa tisfaction to find that when I, observing with fidelity my oath as a Privy Councillor, to advise the Crown according to the best of my judgment, refused to abandon that course which I thought necessary to its safety; I say, I have had the satisfaction to find those who profited by my exclusion come down to the House and propose a measure of precisely the same description as that which they had denounced, and against which they had raised a cry of danger and of destruction, very much like that by which some persons now attempt to agitate this country. —(Cheers.)—Those very :Ministers who declaimed so virulently against any attempt to break in upon the Act of William the Third, actually came down to this House, and proposed to offer to the Catholics, not the army, which was the object of the Bill of 1807, but the navy as well as the army.; and that proposition passed into a law, I believe, almost sub sitentio. By this mea sure, a manifest invasion of the unchangeable Act of William 111., all ranks of the army and the navy were open to the Roman Catholics, and a person of that per suasion may even now obtain the rank of Commander in Chief.—(Hear, hear.)—l have taken the liberty to state the course pursued with regard to this Act, because I think it a matter of curiosity to know what was the course pur sued by Parliament in those times, which the Noble and Learned Lord (Eldon), no doubt, considers the best and the happiest times of the British Constitution.—(Hear, bear, hear, and a laugh.")—We wonder how the Noble and Learned Lord, after the recital of this chapter in his history, could afterwards look any of their Lord ships in the face ! He would not have been surprised if the Duke of Wellington should make such a proposition some time or other, just as he himself at one time made the proposition which at another time he had held up to the execration of the country, and against which he em ployed the arts to which be has now bad recourse, and, to his mortification, without success. If the straightforward conduct of the Duke of Wellington be virtue, what is the conduct which Earl Grey so faithfully pourtrayed ? His tory will be a slave indeed, if she do not render justice to his Lordship. This old man has been what the world calls astonishingly successful, and in a few years he will be called on to answer what he has done of good or evil. Instead of intriguing to defeat the magnanimous designs of the Duke of Wellington—instead of striving by low arts of popularity to raise a clatnour against his mea sure—instead of lying in wait to do all the mischief he can to it in its passage through the Committee—it would be well for him to meditate on the few concluding words which fell from his Grace on Saturday night, that he performed the services to his country, to which allu sion had been made, " under good repute and under bad repute, and that he was never deterred from doing his duty because the cry of the country happened to he against him." His Grace's declaration of abhorrence of civil war has, according to Earl Grey, " placed on his head a crown of immortal glory." What then shall be the portion of him, who, by intrigues, by base artifices, by appeals to ignorance and prejudices, exposes a nation to the hazard of that calamity? The Duke of Wel lington has, no doubt, in the proud reflection that he has intended well to his country, a reward beyond all price; but if the satisfaction of the good and the ♦irtu ous hereafter be in any manner derived from a knowledge of the consequences of their labours, surely the crooked and artful man, who, by unworthy means, seeks to destroy honourable men, and to defeat noble plans for selfish ends, will, in like manner, receive his punishment in the know ledge of the consequences of his deeds. It is true that Lord Eldon should reflect on these things. The love of a church does not necessarily mean a confidence in religion ; but of the two the latter is of most importance. The Duke of Wellington has gained far more than what he could have gained from the clamour of the rabble. He is a fortunate man in every sense of the word—and he de serves his fortune.—Morning Chronicle. SPITALFIELDS' WEAVERS. Last Thursday, Sir R. Vyvyan paid a visit to Bethnal green, for the purpose of personally ascertaining the extent of the distress at present existing in the district. The Hon. Baronet alighted at the Crown and Anchor, Waterloo town, where he entered into familiar conversation with about from 30 to 50 weavers, whose meagre countenances and attenuated forms, shortly convinced him of the truth of their deplorable condition. The Hon. Baronet then proceeded to the residence of an operative, and witnessing that " mansion of misery,,' he gave the woman a sovereign to provide bread and coals for her children, and left the neighbourhood, satisfied that the distress was much more extensive, severe, and afflicting, than what it was repre sented to be. A sort of hoax was played off on the weavers on Saturday mornir.g, by some persons announcing, by means of pla cards, that a general meeting of the craft would be held that clay at one o'clock, at 11r. Clarke's Tea Gardens. When the hoax was di , covered, the meeting, consisting of nearly 2,000 weavers, separated. Another meeting took place the same night, at the Duke of Gloucester Tavern, and the following letter, in reply to one requesting the Home Secretary to forward their ad dress to the King, was read : " Whitehall, 30th March, 1829. _ _ Sir,—Mr. Secretary Peel has desired me to inform you that lie is ea much occupledawith public business at present, as to be unable to appoint a time for receiving the Committee of the Bread Silk Weavers of Spitalfields ; but if you will transmit the address alluded to in your letter to this office, Mr. Peel will not fail to take the earliest oppor tunity of laying it before his Majesty.—l am, &c. &c. " Mr. Grove, &c., &c." " S. M. PHILLIPS." Mr. Grove, who had left the room after the above letter was read, returned soon afterwards, and said that an answer from his Majesty to their address was arrived, and it would be read at a public meeting en Thursday next. Yesterday a grand dinner was given by the Countess of SAITDWICH, at her residence in Dover-street. EXECUTION AT EXETER. The dreadful sentence of the law was this morning (Friday) carried into effect, at the Devon county gaol, upon Thomas Helston and William Trethrete. The un happy men, from the time of their conviction, at the Exeter Assizes, of an attempt to murder W. Jeffry on the highway, have continued to protest their innocence, and to pray incessantly with apparent devotion. This morn ing, after the prisoners had received the Sacrament, they were conducted to the press-room. As they passed along, Helston appeared to be devoutly praying inwardly. After their irons were knocked off, Treshrew said " I die as innocent as an Angel in Heaven ; bless the Lord, I have done nothing amiss, and hope God will have mercy on my soul. These are nearly the last words I have to say, and I am innocent." He after wards said, as money was short, they were willing to save four-pence, which was the reason of Helston's asking leave to lie in the tallet. Upon being interrogated as to the money found on him, he said it was the remainder of seven and sixpence, which had been given by his parish officers. Helston said they had never seen the man, and, now it was his dying hour, he declared himself innocent. Trethrew then said he was willing to die for the charge, but he never injured or saw the man, except at the public house. The morning was extremely flue, and, when the unfortunate men Lad ascended the drop, they appeared to give one heart-rending glance at the beautiful pros. , pect, which was about to be shut from their sight for ever. When the Rev. Mr. Chave ascended the drop he addressed the prisoners, reminding them that these were awful moments, and, if they had any thing on their minds to disclose it was now the time. Trethrew said, "As true as the Almighty is in Heaven, I am innocent of this charge, and am not telling you this with any view of getting clear." Helston added, "My conscience is clear; I never injured the man, and am innocent." The Re verend Chaplain again reminded him that, in a few mi nutes more, he would meet his God. Helston replied, " I have been a vile sinner; I have been a Sabbath breaker, and every thing that is bad ; but I never com mitted a highway robbery, or laid violent hands upon any man." Both convicts then shook hands with the execu tioner, and the Chaplain then proceeded with the usual prayers, in which both Helston and Trethrew devoutly joined. The fatal bolt was drawn as the last words pro ceeded from the Chaplain's lips, and the unfortunate men were launched into eternity. Their agonies were appa rently of very short duration ; if there was any difference, Helston appeared to suffer most. At the request of Helston, he was visited, whilst in the condemned cell, by a Wesleyan Minister. Before the execution, a silly woman applied at the pri son gate for a piece of the rope with which either of the malefactors should be hanged (this was to act as a charm against the effects of some disease) ; and another for per mission to rub the neck of a child afflicted with the King's evil with the hand of one them after the execution.—Mr. Cole, the Governor, had very prop er l y l e f t orders that such applicants should have a decided negative. JOURNAL OF A NOBLEMAN AT THE CON GRESS AT VIENNA.--The second portion of this interest ing narrative which is publishing exclusively in the New Literary Journal called the Weekly Review, appears in, the Number of this day. The following are some of the distinguished personages who figure on the scene :—The Duchess of OLDENBURG—Lord GLErrazava—the Prince de LIGNE—BRIperOr ALEKANDER—King of PRUSSIA— Emperor of AUSTRIA—King of B AVARIA—King of DEN MARK—King of WIRTEMBURG—Prince Royal of \Via- TEMBURG—Prince Rua' of BAVARIA and his brother Prince Cuaat.xs—Count DR CLARY_EUGENE BEAU HABSOIS. . - INCOME. Customs Excise Stamps s. Post Office Taxes Miscellaneous Tontine Money To Cash brought to this Account from the Ways and Means to replace the like sum issued out of the growing produce of the Consolidated Fund in Ireland, for Public Services CHARGE. Exchequer Annuities South Sea Company Bank on their Capital Dividends National Debt Trustees for the payment of Naval and Military Pensions Civil List Pensions Other Charges Surplus Exchequer Bills issued for the Conso lidated Fund, at sth Jan., 1829, and paid off out of the growing produce of the said Fund in the Quarter ending April 5, 1829 Surplus at April 5, 1829 Issued out of the Consolidated Fund, on account of the Supplies granted for the service of the year 1828 Total at sth April, 1829, to be pro. vided for by an issue of Exchequer Bills charged on the growing pro duce of the Consolidated Fund in the Quarter ending sth July, 1829... 9,729,938 9,496,841 Quarters ended April 5. £21,255 86,900 89,125 4,637,940 1,212,600 1,400,000 212,500 94,718 116,071 9,871,139 1,858,799 9,729,938 3,396,841 3,723,064 . 1 1829 . £21,255 86,900 89,125 4,637,796 521,909 292,670 212,500 98,367 136,278 6,100,000 3,396,841 9,496,841 326,223 5,671,556 The Observer of yesterday published a Supple mentary Sheet, with TWENTY Folio Columns of Satur day's Debate in the House of Lords. Although the publication of the Observer commenced at six o'clock in the morning, it is but fair to state, that many of the Newspaper Agents were unable, in this instance, to obtain their Papers until a late hour in the day.—A MONDAY'S EDITION of the Observer is regularly published at Four every Monday Afternoon, which is recommended for Country and Foreign Circulation. The following is the House List of Gover nors and Direcloars of the Bank of England for the year ensuing, viz.:— FOR GOVERNORS. Samuel Drewe, Esq. Governor. John Horsley Palmer, Esq. Deputy Governor. FOR DIRECTORS. John Bowden, Esq. - --- Cornelius Buller, Esq. John Cockerel', Esq. "William Cotton, Esq. Timothy Abrah. Curtis, Esq. George Dorrien, Esq. John Oliver Hanson, Esq. John Benjamin Heath, Esq. Samuel Hibbert, Esq. 'William Manning, Esq. William Mellish, Esq. Humphrey St. John Mild may, Esq. James Pattison, jun. Esq. John Henry Pelly, Esq. Charles Pole, Esq. Richard Mee Raikes, Esq. Sir John Rae Reid, Bart. John Baker Richards, Esq. William R. Robinson, Esq. Samuel Thornton, Esq. Stephen Edward Thornton, Esq. Thomas Warre, Esq. Money Wigram, Esq. Melvil Wilson, Esq. The Election for Governor and Deputy Governor will be held at the Bank, on Tuesday the 7th, and for Direc tors on Wednesday the Bth instant, from ten o'clock in the forecoeu fill four in the afternoon. £3,298,559 3,699,779 1,652,732 357,000 368,398 101,711 9,477,179 252,759 :3,232,895 3,497,659 1,627,959 313,000 368,304 77,005 9,146;322 350,019 When King William came down to this House requiring the abolition of the Sacramental Test, to which this House did not agree, he said I doubt net that your Lordships will sufficiently guard against Papists, though honest, you will leave room for the admissio❑ of all Protestants.— It was no less evident that such a contract existed from what the Speaker of the House of Commons said to his Majesty after the Coronation. In addressing his Majesty he said, "May the Constitution of the country be no longer dated from the time of Edward the Confessor, but from the days of William and Mary." This proved there was a contract by which his Majesty was bound to secure all the fundamental laws of the country, as he found them. Upon the death of Queen Anne, the Assembly of the States General consented to acknowledge the Elector of Brunswick, provided they were to be governed ac cording to the laws of England ; upon no other terms would they grant him their allegiance.—(Hear, hear, hear. )—lt was evident that the States General were interested in no other laws of England than those which concerned the Protestant State. Then what were these laws He had already drawn a distinction between the laws which governed the Church, and those enacted for the security of the Church. These securities were not solely confined to the Coronation Oath, but all those laws were now by this Bill to be obeyed. By the 80th Charles 11., a Papist was prevented from sitting in either House of Parliament. The civil obligations of the Coronation Oath came before their Lordships as joint guardians, with the King, of the Protestant establishment, and their Lordships were to judge when the King swears that he will to the utmost of his power maintain the supre macy of the Protestant Ch urOh,whet her they could conscien tiously advise him to deprive that Church of the protection which these laws afforded. The precise means by which its preservation was to be effected was not pointed out, but it could only he done by a confirmation of all the laws iu force for its security. He would not deny the om nipotence of Parliament to make or repeal laws, but he denied its power to repeal those laws, which were a compact between the people and the King, to which repeal the people had given no assent—but, on the con trary, from which they dissented, without appealing first to the people by a dissolution. Their Lordships should not condemn their posterity to slavery and superstition, and if there were any of their Lordships who entertained no fear for the safety of the church, they should at all events consider the calamitous consequences to their offspring, and should have compassion for their sons and grandsons, to deter them from consigning them to all the horrors of religious intolerance. It was contended, that this mea sure was brought forward for the purpose of creating a union among all classes of his Majesty's subjects, but many unions had taken place which were followed by no beneficial effects; there were more harmonious feel ings in separation than in such unions. The hi story of the world afforded no parallel which could be considered as a safe rule, in the present instance, but in no country in Europe was the spiritual power of the Catholic Church ad mitted to such unconditional power as would be given to it by the measure now proposed. The Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack told their Lordships that the Ca tholics disavowed the temporal supremacy which their Church formerly claimed, though be admitted that this disavowal was not communicated through a vote of the Council which was the only formal way in which it could be done ; as the Noble Lord admitted this, he should have told us when it was that the Catholic Church ceased to claim that supremacy which they had formerly adhered to. It was said by the advocates of this measure that the Roman Catholic religion had changed, but he would refer Noble Lords to a declaration of the late Pope, Leo XII. wherein he declares that it cannot change; and it should be remem bered that this declaration was made in the 19th century. —(Hear, hear, hear.)—There could he no safety in admitting a Roman Catholic into civil offices ; he was bound by his oath not to divulge any secret, let it be what it might, that tended in any way to lessen the power of the religion he professed. Now:if the Catholic religion was not changed, he would ask the Noble Duke at the head of the Government what had induced him to bring forward the present measure. He did not dispute the statement wade by the Noble Duke the other evening respecting the situation of Ireland, but if he under stood it right it only amounted to this that, England could not govern Ireland, but Ireland bad the power, to govern. Lords GROSVENOR and WESTMORELAND then rose at the same time,—the cry, however, for the latter predo minated. Earl WESTMORELAND then said that he hoped to be excused if he trespassed on their Lordships' time by a few remarks which he bad to make. The Noble Earl conceived that the House Was bound to the second reading of the Bill now before their Lordships. Noble Lords ought to have kept their opinions upon the subject until the Bill came to its last stage; the measures came recommended from the Throne, and the House is requested by these recommendations to well consider the subject. Ile (Earl Westmoreland) was of opinion that the House should go into a Committee. This measure is to make great and serious alterations in our laws. Between distant and speculative dangers, and pressing and urgent ones, we are now placed ;—it is between these two we are bound to balance, and upon that we take the question into consideration. My Lords, after what has fallen from Noble Lords, there can be no question of the necessity of well considering this subject. For me, upon this subject I have been unfortunate enough, as I am afraid I have agreed with but few friends. I have been considered as a Liberal.—. (Laughter.)—All the mischiefs that now press have been laid upon any shoulders.—(Continued peals of laughter.)—On the other side I have been marked—notte had the honour of being more marked, as a persecutor and a bigot, because I have always attended to that line of conduct which I have thought would best lead to the peace and tranquillity of the country, and by which I would continue to be guided.—(Cries of Hear, hear.)l say, my Lords, I had the great honour of giving to the people of Ireland every privilege that the British Constitution allows, with the exception of a few offices, and that of Members of Parliament. I resisted giving them seats in Parliament, and some political offices, and I don't envy the situation of many of those who acted otherwise but am rather proud of my conduct—proud that I was enabled to put the people of Ireland into all situations except seats in Parliament, and some offices ; and Ido not envy much this measure, which will at this day, in any way detract from the liberties of the people by taking from them their franchise. My Lords, I had the honour, much to the dissatisfaction of some, of doing that, and I shall now continue to do all in my power to give to the Catholics of England that which I had under his late Majesty the power to give to Ireland, and, I believe, if instead of yielding to their turbulence, due attention had been paid to the loyal Catholics of Ireland, the unhappy dilemma in which we are placed would net now have been brought about. However, in that dilemma we are now placed, and after the speech of the Noble Duke and his Majesty's speech there can be no doubt of the urgency of the measure. My Lords, the powers of Go vernment are paralysed. What is the cause of that? The great mischief then is the divisions of the Protestants of Ireland. That has given power to the Ca tholics, and taken away the power of resistance. In my mind it is necessary for the preservation of the Church, and the exigencies of the State, that the minds of the Irish Protestants should be set at rest.—(Hear.)—From what cause this dilemma arises may by some be considered doubtful. To what cause I shall attribute it in the first instance is, to the Noble Lords opposite. My Lords, I personally blame no man, but it is because it has been made the source of English and of Irish party that the subject has been continually worked upon, and the public irritated. The next party whom I charge with this are the landholders and gentlemen oflt eland, who, for election purposes, have sacrificed themselves and the state. My Lords, they have forgot their influence in their own country, and given their legislative powers to the Catho lies.—(Hear.)—But there is another class, and I am afraid I must put myself into it, I mean every Member of my Lord Liverpool's Government for the last ten years.— It is necessary, therefore, to look to the situation we stand in, and to give an account of it. In the first place, let us see what happened on the appointment, in the first instance, of a gentleman who entertained those opinions strongly, to be the Minister of that country.—(Hear.)— The Secretary . of State for that country is responsible for the consequences that have taken place, because it is im possible for any man to suppose that any Government fa vourable to the Constitution of this country could have placed in theGoverntnent of that country agentleman of his °pinions. We are bound to look with fear upon those persons who have thus conducted the business which has brought us int 9 this dilemma. My Lords, what was the next step? Perhaps the Noble Lord opposite (Eldon) will admit that it was the appointment of the Attorney General to that country, a person still different in his opinions upon it. The Noble Lord will, perhaps, excuse me for saying, and also a :Noble Marquis, a friend of mine, that however I may differ from them, I will do the Catholics the justice to say that they were al ways more ready and willing to execute the laws than the lawyers and Ministers of *is country.—(Great