The Sun. — London, England, 1859-07-29 00:00:00

I, 'HE CANADA STEAMSHIP IN COL LISION WITH AN ICEBERG. The Glasgow Herald publishes a letter from a gentleman on his passage to New York, to a friend in Glasgow, giving an account of a terrible col lision which the Canada had with an iceberg. The writer says :—" On Saturday, 9th instant, about 1.30 p.m., in lat. 48 deg. 40 min. north, long. 48 deg. 10 min. west, during a dense fog, and while about 230 miles from Newfoundland, the ship struck an immense iceberg, the same not having been perceived until about 300 yards from the ship, which was going full speed and with mainsail and yards set. The engines were immediately stopped, but only about a minute and a quarter elapsed since we struck, crushing and splintering the bowsprit like a reed, annihilating the cutwater, tearing up the forecastle deck, and staving in the bows of the ship. Death, speedy and inevitable—for it was feared the ship would fill and sink before the boats could be lowered— seemed imminent, and was apprehended by all for the space of five or seven minutes ; but if minutes are to be measured by the amount of sensations experienced in the time, they were the longest I or any one on board ever felt. The captain and officers of the ship, who behaved in the trying circumstances with great calmness and presence of mind, as soon as possible ascertained the extent of the damage done. Our hopes gradually rose as time elapsed, and there were no symptoms of the ship settling down by the head, and it was shortly discovered that we had fortunately struck on a perpendicular face of the b erg, and not where it extended under water, so that the principal damage to the bows was abo're the water line. This, with what must have been, as compared with others, the extraordinary strength of the ship proved our safety. We remained on the spot several hours to repair, so far as our 111 sans admitted, the damage, an d th e heavy part of t he cargo and luggage was shifted back to the af ter part of th e main sa l oon , so as to li ghten the ship forward, and lift the broken part still further out of the water. After this, so long as the fog continued, we went " dead slow," for another t hump, though greatly less severe, would have sent usdown a t once. The Americans on board, and ththere are many, are almost unanimous in saying at had it been a Yankee ship, cur fate would have been a very different one. From the immen 2itY of the shock, I have now no doubt of the _ ca use of th e s il ent and signless fate of the rresident, Pacific, and City of Glasgow."—Man cheater Examiner. TEE _RECENT CONSERVATIVE _DEMONSTRATION. have read in a London journal a flaming I,4M:tont of a " Great Conservative B anque t" held in aje rbY) which, we are assured, was the precursor of the utter ann ihil at i on of Liberalism in South berbyshire. El oquent speeches —great enthusiasm --ma g n ificent present s o f ven i son — w i nes o f the first vintage-- and the choicest specimens of fish rrom the ri c h preserves of Conservative magnates r -- in short a b anquet which for rare excellence and %. e finement of taste has not been witnessed in Derby e these deg enerate days. We naturally turned over Pages of the Mercury with laudable anxiety to vain the of outpourings of the orators. In . Itun did 4.L length eye follow column after column; until dest paragraph, ength it rested in astonished gaze upon a mo i:ecord preserved of som e d ozen li nes , th e only local /Ted of the wond rous b anque t descri▪ bed 111 _such brillia n t terms in some London journals. our . curiosity was arou se d, an d dili gen t inquiries Were instituted. yard at At length we discovered th a t in a perso the back of an inn in Sadler-gate a num b er o f ;terns assembled on W e d nes d ay week —" i n thun ,li assembled on discuss under a tent so me e nisou and nut-brown ale at a moderate charge, least to all who were not admitted gratuitously. uur dazzled imagination at once sobered down, and 312twithstandin g a ll the viva voce descriptions gi▪ ven t ° , l , the elo quence of our local Ciceros and Demos thenes', vie have arrived at the conclusion that some n/Tdeep reasons of state have prevented our contem ra,,is " iy . from disclosing to the world the rare d oings this great Conservative b anque t !" On behalf 43 f the orators who are th us so crue lly deprived of ." 1 1. e. fruits o f th e i r labours, we must protest against ull smode o f d ealing with them. It is too bad. wh at. have the done to be thus shrouded in ob scurity ? Why sh ou ld th e " grea t C onservative l ja , l l3r" be d e p r i ve d o f t h e exh i lirating feelings have Which a perusal o f th e speec h es would doubtless produced ? We are afraid that, if a satisfac ctory answer is not vouchsafed to us, we shall be ompell e d to publish some of the accounts sent of e remarkable gathering in the back-yard, Sadler gate. At any rate we congratulate the " great Con servative party " on this last demonstration, which E verything we ar e assure d , a most remarkable gathering. f‘verythin g was superb—from the speeches of the Jubilant Chairman and his Fides Achates, down to . the mugs of nut b rown — an d " especially the vent son ! "—Derby Reporter. WILLS AND BEQUEST& The will of the Hon. Sir William Henry Thorn ton, K.C.M.G., late of the city of La Valetta, in the island of Malta, Auditor-General, who died at La Valetta, on the 27th of January, 1859, was ad ministered to in London, on the 30th of June, 1859, by William Thomas Thornton, Esq., his cousin, one of the executors appointed for Great Britain ; George Barber, Esq., of the Audit Office, Malta, being the executor for Malta. The will is dated the 30th of July, 1857 ; by which he has made Provision for his servants, and has left the residue of his propert to the children o f hi s l a t e unc l e, Thomas Thornton, Esq. The will o f th e Hon. Wm. Dutton Turner, M.D., l ate of St. Catherine, island of Jathaica, who died at the town of Jago de la Vega, on the 13th of tune, 1858, was proved in Lo n d on , on t h e 29th of J ulio, 1859, by Daniel Powe r F renc h , E sq., the br other-in-law, one of the surviving executors ; Francis Robertson Lynch, Esq., the son-in-law, the other executor, having renounced the grant. The will is dated the 2d of December, 1850. He has bequeathed to his wife, for her life, all his real and Personal estate ; and at her decease he leaves the sa me to his daughters who may be unmarried ; if none, then to his two sons. The will of Col. Edward Drummond, who died on the 4th of May, 1859, at the New Steine, Brighton, was administered to, on the 21st of July, 1 2y Andrew Robe r t D rummond, Esq., the nephew. e principal bequest is the disposal of his books , io Words to this effe c t :—" Being of Scotch extrac tion, a n d b e li ev i ng the Episoopal Church o f Scot land to be the only true Church in Christendom, I leave the books which I have collected for the Purpose to the Rev. Alexander Lendrum, of uthiel Chapel, in conjunction with the warden of ' l li% College, Perthshire, to be disposed of as he should direct." The will of the Rev. John Morrison, D.D., LL.D., m inister of Trevor Chapel, Brompton, was proved en the 6th of July. It bears date the 23rd o f Jan -11111t1"5", 1856, appointing his wif e an d M r. Willi am ,2.,, ilo gman his executor s ; an d b equeathing to his VT his books, furniture, and all that he possessed, " 4 a lllustrated policy in ews.the London A ssurance A ssociation. N Letter ..ers from Corfu state that the Austrian Lloyd's steamers, which had remaine 1 there since the commencement of hostilities, were making pre- Parations for their departure. , THE AUSTRALIAN MAIL.—In explanation of the Aurther delay of the long overdue Australian mail, w . ble ethWas last heard of at Aden it is suggested that unfavoura . era may have caused ' a delay of two or three days t in rrival of the Calcutta and China mails at Suez . .he farmer would be detained waiting on the latter. The Inth e°, tmenience to the mercantile interests connected wi 'llatralia is severely felt, and furnishes a strong additional .a4l'gnment in favour o f th e i mmediate establishment of an -`44iti°tial mail service by the Panama route. - It appears that the new remittances now being made to the Government in India are to reach £1,000,000 male to of Bombay 666 000 is wanted at Calcutta, and 4133,000 at ' It •o f as stated that, upon good authority, Mr. Tzvi Breech won 423 0 d that his friends secured ' 0)00 as their share Of Starke's victory for the Goodwood Stak es. In • although the rate of the Bank of France is 4 per cent. At t Irk llr g the charge is as low as 11 per eet. and at Am cationsa erdara COAST TN BrUesels, and Frankfort it is 3 percent 4,EPENCES AT TYNEMOUTH.—The fortifi _o at the entrance of the Tyne are now assuming a c,.a re formidable character. Earthworks are being erected /or the reception of heavy s both in the castle yard and at Clifford Fort. The wallsgun surrounding rrounding the Castle have been looplaoled for the action of musketry in every supposed possible position likely to be required in defence. forPARIS REAPING MACIIINES.—The competition ateth prize proclaimed for the best reaping machine came fFieus The Emperor was present, and exhibited harvestlhe greatest interest in the proceedings. A wide extent of land had been divided in patches of wheat, rye, and barley, all nearly in equal proportions. The machines were catalogued under two distinct heads —the foreig,n machines 1!1:.1d those of French manufacture. The prizes for each division were the same--I,ooof. and a gold medal first prize, 6 00 f. and a silver medal the second ; 300 f. and a been voted as honorary prize to the machine considered the best of the whole, whether French or foreign. This prize, 103 Well as the first in the foreign division, fell to the lot of Messrs. Burgess and Key. Worked by two horses, its action surprised the assembly. The harvest fell before it With a precision and regularity never attained by human hand, while the quickness with which the work ores exe putecl proved an incontestible superiority over manual tabour. Moreover, this machine proved itself the only one in the field capabl e of being worked with the assistance of ojily one man, and by measurement it was known that the Burgess and Key reaper could clear a hectare of grain in CI 'lour and a half. GOOD WOO. 'IIIS DA T.) (BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.) NASSAU STAKES. Cantine .. Orlanda Heroine of Lucknow LATEST BETTING. NURSERY STAKES. 4to 1 agst Fedorowna (taken) 4to 1 agst Gridiron (taken) 6to 1 agst any other (offered) LAW INTELLIGENCE.-(THIS DAY. HOUSE OF LORDS. (Peers present—The Lord Chancellor, Lord Brougham, Lord Cranworth, Lord Wensleydale, Lord Kingsdown, and other peers.) GREVILLE V. BROWNE.-FURTHER HEARING. The Attorney-General, Sir Richard Bethel], Q.C., re sumed and concluded his arguments for the appellant. Another counsel followed on the same side. The late Mr. Browne by his will declared the legacies to his wife and daughters of £l,OOO each, payable out of his real and personal estate, and he gave the rest and residue of his estates to his son, with power of sale, &c. The son mortgaged the estate, and the question raised was whether the legacies were a preferable debt on his real and personal estates. The Commissioner, Lords Justices, and Lord Chancellor of Ireland held that the respective legacies were a preferable debt on the testator's real and personal estates. Their lordships, without calling on the respondent for a reply, affirmed the decision of the Lord Chancellor of Ire land, and dismissed the appeal with costs. APPEAL.--DIE AND MILLER V. LENNAN, EX PARTE. This was an appeal from a decision of the Court of of Session, in Scotland, holding the appellants liable in damages for an accident in a coal pit. The respondent did not appear. Mr. Anderson, Q.C., stated the case of the appellant. _ _ _ The Lord Chancellor said that the law was well settled that masters were not liable for accidents caused by the negligence of their servants. The other noble and learned peers present concurred. The Lord Chancellor reversed the decision of the Court of Session, and assoilzied the defendants (the appellants) from the conclusions of the action of damages. Costs were not asked by appellants' counsel. POLICE INTELLIGENCE.-(7.HIS DAY., MARLBOROUGH-STREET. OUTRAGEOUS ASSAULT ON A FEMALE.—Timothy Craw ley was charged with the following assault on a married female named Deem. The complainant said she was going home that morn ing with her basket of flowers, she selling them for a living, when the prisoner came behind her, tapped her on the shoulder, and handed her a shilling. She asked him if he wanted any flowers, and he said he wanted something else ; and on her telling him to leave her or she would call a constable, he struck her two violent blows—one on the mouth and the other on the nese, covering her face with blood. He then kicked her violently in the side, and said, seeing she was in the family-way, "that he would havo the child out of her." The complainant here held up her apron, which was completely saturated with blood. A constable named Wm. Parr said the prisoner was given into his custody by the complainant for assaulting her. He found her face covered with blood, and ahe complained very much of a kick the prisoner had given her in the side. Several persons were standing round at the time, who said they had witnessed the assault, and that it was a very brutal one. Prisoner said the woman called him bad names because he spoke to her. Mr. Eeadon—And notwithstanding that you see she is in the family way you treat her in such a manner. I shal fine you £5 or two months for this very brutal assault. THIS DAYS MARKETS. CORN EXCHANGE. The supply of English wheat on sale in to-day's market, coastwise and by land carriage, was very moderato. For good and fine samples there was a fair demand, at full prices ; but inferior qualities moved off slowly at late rates. The imports of foreign wheat continue on a liberal scale. For most descriptions we experienced a slow inquiry; never theless, late currencies were well supported. Floating cargoes of grain were steady in pries, but the transactions were by no means numerous. The few samples of barley in the market changed hands slowly, at late quotations. Malt was very dull, and inferior parcels rather cheaper. Owing to a large influx from abroad, oats were dull, and 6d per qr. cheaper. Beans, peas, and flour realised very full prices, with a fair demand. ARRIVALS THIS WEEK Wheat. Barl e y M a l t. Oats. Fl our. Irish . English ..... 2,310 ( 60 2,520 1,840 930 ... ... - Foreign ...... 18,840 2,170 1 41,680 560 skG bls NEWUATE AND LEADENITALL. The supplies of each kind of meat continue on a very moderate scale. Prime beef, mutton, and lamb are in im proved request, at full prices. Otherwise, the trade rules heavy. • Per Blbs. by the Carcass. s. d. a. d. Inferior Beef 2 10 to 3 0 I n f r. M utton. 3 s. d. 2to 3 6 Mid. do 3 2to 3 6 Mid . do .. • 3 Bto 4 0 Pm.largedo 3 Bto 3 10 r P r i me d o. .. . 4 2to 4 4 Do. small do 4 oto 4 2 Veal 3 Bto 4 4 Large pork.. 0 oto 0 0 ; Small pork Lamb, 4s 6d to 53 4d. BOROUGH HOP. Very favourable accounts are still coming to hand from the plantations ; however, the duty has been done as high as £260,000. The bine is now rapidly coming into bur. Our market is heavy, at almost nominal quotations. Mid and East Kent pockets Bos to 140 s per owt. Weald of Kent do 6ss to 75s „ Sussex do COLONIAL. TEA.—The public sales of this article are progressing with activity, and about 15,000 packages, including a con siderable quantity of Assam, have realised slightly higher rates, SUGAR.—Little alteration can be recorded in prices. Colonial descriptions have been rather inaetive, and the transactions in foreign qualities have been extremely limited. In the refined market the business transacted has been of a limited character, at about former rates. COFFEE.—The market has exhibited little animation. The few dealings recorded, however, have been at about former rates. RICE.—.At public sale soft grain kinds sold at a decline of is to is 6d per cwt., but other qualities maintained their previous value. The transactions in the private market have been extremely circumscribed. SALTP ETRE.—Rather more inquiry has been experienced for British refined, but the sales reported are unimportant. WooL.—The public sales of foreign and colonial are progressing with considerable animation, at the rate estab lished at the opening of the sales. TALLOW.—The market has shown rather more firmness, and prices are a shade higher. P.Y.C., on the spot, is quoted 53s 9d, and last three months 55s per cwt. THIS DAY'S SHIPPING. LONDON, July 29.—Wind this day at noon, West; light breeze, and cloudy at times. SOUTHAMPTON, July 28.—Wind W.—Arrived — Amelia, from Quebec. PORTSMOUTH, July 28.—Wind W.—Arrived—Flora, from Quebec. POOLE, July 28.—Wind W.—Arrived—Findon, from Quebec. TEIGNMOUTH, July 28 . —Arrived—Margaret, from Quebec. PLYMOUTH, July 28.—Wind W —Arrived—Margaret Ann, and Countess of Linden, from Quebec. NEWPORT, July 28.—Wind W.—Arrived—Arrived from Qu e b ec. g, CLYDE, July 28. Wind S.W.—Arrived—Shelia, from Surinam ; John Ferguson, from Trinidad ; Cuthberts, from Quebec ; Trojan, from Grenada ; Attila, from St. John's, Newfoundland. OFF QUEENSTOWN, July 28.—Wind W.—Arrived— Mischief, from Barbadoes, and proceeded for Belfast. (By ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.) SOUTHAMPTON, Friday Morning. Wind W.N.W., showery. Arrived—Cubana, steamer, from Ha vannah ; Majestas, from Rio Grande. Sailed—Georges, and Le Coq, for Cherbourg; Ondine, steamer, for Dublin. LIVERPOOL, Friday Morning. Wind N.N.W. Arrived, July 28 —Aphrodite, from Calcutta, George Hughes, from Quebec. (BY SUBMARINE AND BRITISH TELEGRAPH.) GRAVESEND, Friday morning. Wind W. ; light ; tide, second hour's flood ; weather very fine. Arrived, July 28—Hutton, from Genoa; Alice, from Nassau. DEAL, Friday Morning. Wind W. by N., moderate. Anchored—Lady Middleton, from London for Hon duras. S ailed—lrene, British Merchant, West, Isles of the South, and Rockliffe, with others outward bound. Indian According t o some P arl i amentary returns on finance, just p u bli s h e d , i t appears that t h e I n di an deficit for the current year was estimated, from accounts made up at Calcutta on the Ist April, IA £7, 243 , meet this it was assumed £5,000,000 would be obtained from the 61 per cent , loan lately opened, and £600,000 from the issue of Treasury bills. But at the last advices little more than a million had been subscribed, and conse -124. To quently upwards of £6,000,000 remained to be provided for. It is therefore assumed that the Indian loan to be It on Monday next will be for about £6,000,000 or £7,000,000. e • -`; THE SITN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 29, 1859. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY). The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. SECOND READINGS. The following bills on the motion of Lord REDESDALE, were road a second time :—Falkirk Police and Improve ment ; Llanrwst and Abergale Roads ; Norwich and Spald ing Railway ; Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton Railway ' • Perth, Kinross. and Fife Roads; S o uth Dur ham and Lancashire Union Railway; Cleveland Railway; Colne Valley and Halstead Railway; Lancashire and York shire, and East Lancashire Railway Companies ; Tendring Hundreds. THIRD READINGS. The following bills were read a third time and passed Londonderry and Coleraine Railway; Stokes Bay Railway and Pier; and Hereford and Brecon Railway. EDUCATION. Lord BROUGHAM complained that the explanation he had made on Tuesday night of what he had said on Mon day had been erroneously reported. He had been made to retract his former statement, whereas what he had stated was that he had understated the case of the petitioners. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. Lord T EYNHAM gave notice that on Monday next he should ask whether her Majesty's Government intended to abolish the property qualification for voters in their pro posed reform bill. DICKINSON'S DIVORCE BILL. This bill passed through committee. DIVORCE COURT BILL. The house then went into committee on this bill. Clauses 1 and 2 were agreed to. The LORD CHANCELLOR moved the insertion of a new clause to the following effect :—That the Judge Ordi nary should have preceence in this court next of the Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer. The clause was agreed to. The Earl of WICKLOW moved au amendment to the next clause, to enable persons residing in Ireland to peti tion the Court. _ _ _ Lord MONTEAGLE objected to the amendment. The feeling in Ireland was decidedly adverse to the bill. - After a few words from Lord Brougham, Lord St. Ger mans, Lord Cranworth, and several other peers, The LORD CHANCELLOR said as it appeared to be the feeling of the house that the amendment should be agreed to, he would not oppose it. The clause as amended was agreed to. On clause 3, which gives power to the judge to hear cases in private, The LORD CHANCELLOR proposed to insert the words, "for the sake of public decency." Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY said no doubt it was desirable that a great deal of the evidence given in this court should not be published, but at the same time the closing of the doors of a court of justice was a novel practice, and might be a dangerous one. There was no more reason why the divorce court should be closed than that the assize courts should be closed, many cases in the latter being quite as in decent as those in the former. He thought they should have the security of publicity in order to prevent injustice being done, The Earl of DONOUGHMORE opposed the clause, and remarked that they never closed the doors of that house, when, before tho establishment of this court, they heard such cases. Lord CRA_NWORTH thought tho court ought to have power to shut• out the public from these dreadful disclosures. The Earl of WICKLO W observed that many parties whom the expense did not deter from coming to this court did not come to it for fear of the publicity which would be given to their cases. He thought it well that they should have this feeling, and therefore he opposed the clause. The house divided on the question that the clause be agreed to : Contents Non. contents 9 Majority —l7 Clause 4 was agreed to without remark. On clause 5, - Lord CAMPBELL explained that the object of it was to prevent collusion, by submitting the case to the Attorney- General. After a short conversation, in which Lord Cranworth, Lord Brougham, the Earl of Donoughmore, Lord Wens leydale, and Lord Kingsdown participated, the clause was agreed to, and the bill was reported. DIPLOMATIC PENSIONS BILL. This bill was read a second time. CONSOLIDATED FUND (L 7,000,000) BILL. This bill was read a second time. CHIEF SUPERINTENDENT (CHINA) BILL. This bill was read a third time and Passed. CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY COMMISSION (CONTINUANCE) BILL. This bill was read a second time. !RIMINAL JUSTICE MIDDLESEX (ASSISTANT JUDGE) BILL. This bill was read a second time. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YE STERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at twelve o'clock. ELECTION COMMITTEES. The members to try the merits of the election petitions in the cases of the boroughs of Kidderminster, Cheltenham, and Limerick were nominated, and those appointed since on the Maidstone, Norwich, and Bury committees were sworn. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lords' amendments to the following bills were con sidered and agreed to :—Brecon and Merthyr Tydfil Junc tion Railway, London, Brighton, and South Coast Rail way, and Tweed Fisheries Bills. The following bills were considered and read a third time :—Bray Commons, and Ipswich (Borough) Fishery. Leave was given to the select committee on the Thames Conservancy Bill to sit and proceed with their investiga tion to-morrow. On the motion of Mr. WHALLEY it was ordered that the standing order 203 be suspended in the case of Lucette's Estates Bill, and that the bill be read a second time to morrow. SUPPLY. On the motion for going into committee of supply, Mr. HORSMAN, who had an amendment on the paper, asked whether the Government proposed to take the supply to-morrow. Mr. LAING answered in the affirmative, stating that it was intended to give supply precedence of other business at the evening sitting to-morrow. Sir J. TRELAWNY drew attention to the fact of a guarantee of £500,000 having been granted to New Zea land some two years ago, and complained that Parliament was induced to make it by a misrepresentation of tho cir cumstances on the part of Mr. Sewell. Mr. C. FORTESCUE said there was an impression at the Colonial-office that there was some misrepresentation on the part of Mr. Sewell, but that there was no such suppres sion of facts as would induce the Government to discon tinue the guarantee. The house then resolved itself into committee. The first vote of £4,000, for the establishments at Ber muda, was agreed to. On the vote of £6,898, for ecclesiastical establishments in British North America, come made Au T h pr e e. s Upon the mn o tp t dhe e De was Eveßt eE I t f i y m x 4 a c2 t e 9m l y 9 pBal foragri n e e e ßd d r ot o fi Mr. WILLIAMS conten d e d t h at t hi s vo t e s h ou ld l ong e since have dis a pp eare d f rom t h e est i mates. ; h i t s C o e l i u t i r n a b v i a a g , e n x q p u e i n ri d e i s tu o r f e th e e f G t o h v e er e n e m le e n n y t . rel H at e iv t e htiuntgheheet and tihn e colonies should be made self-supporting. Mr. C. FORTESCUE said the liability of this vote was incurred by the late Government. The Colonial-office had received no information from the governor later than last February. The income of the colony then amounted to £23,000, and the expenditure to £25,000, but the governor anticipated sales' of land to the extent of £lO,OOO, which would then leave a large balance in favour of the colony. The chief defect that existed in this colony was the want of efficient communication, and this defect the governor was endeavouring to remedy, as well as to develope, the gold resources of the colony. He had been warned by the authorities at home that he must not look to the Imperial Parliament for a continuance of the grant. Mr. WILLIAMS was of opinion that these votes ought to be regarded as loans, not grants. Mr. C. FORTESCUE said the Governmmt would do all in their power to render the colony self-supporting, but it would only be deluding the house to hold out a hope that any portion of the grant would be returned. The vote was then agreed to. On the of £24,728 for the governors of West India and other colonies, Mr. WILLIAMS maintained that this vote should have long since been discontinued, and moved that the vote be reduced by the sum of £l,BOO. Mr. NEWDEGATE suggested the propriety of the Government establishing a penal colony, so as to relieve the prisons in this country of the number of reformed and re forming convicts they at present contained. After some discussion, Mr. C. FORTESCUE defended the vote, and said that the hon. member for Southwark was most unfortunate in the selection of the governor whose stipend he proposed to abolish, as that functionary rendered the most important services to the Government. In reference to what had fallen from the hon. member (Mr. Newdegate), he would state that it was not the intention of the Government to establish any such colony as that to which he alluded. Mr. WILLIAMS satd that Western Australia received our convicts for a certain number of years, because they derived from them the benefit of their labour. How ever, he would not press his amendment if h e received the m ag i : a lliance that the subject would be consilere d b y Govern- The amendment was then withdrawn, and the original vote agreed to. The vote of X 19,350 for the salaries of stipendia r y j ustices in the West Indies and the Mauritius, were agreed to after a short discussion. Some minor votes, including £10,238 for civil establish ments on the weste rn coas t o f Africa, were also agreed to. On the vote of £4,299 for Labuan, Mr. WILLIAMS objected to the vote, which he regarded as little better than a "job pension" to a person named Brooke, who had founded Labuan for his own benefit and had afterwards palmed it off on the British Government. Mr. S. ESTCOITRT strongly protested against the dis respectful terms in which the hon. member for Lambeth had spoken of Sir James Brooke. Lord STANLEY said he thought the Government could d i s i‘ p l e r n s i‘ e i N . V IN L t h N i S E C s o O e n u y l 0 . gised the exploits of Sir James Brooke, whom he placed in the same category with Sir Walter Raleigh, and other distinguished adventurers. Mr. WILLIAMS disclaimed any intention of speaking disrespectfully of Sir James Brooke, and he merely referred to him by name. Ultimately the vote was agreed to. On the vote of £12,708 for the emigration offices at the different ports of the kingdom, ➢Tr. ADDERLEY gave notice that next session he would move for a reduction in this vote, so far as related to the commissioners and secretaries. The vote was agreed to, as well as several others, which elicited no discussion. On the vote of £76,404 for our Consular establishments, Mr. MONCKTON MILNES referred to the commis sion appointed to investigate this question, and said he con sidered that there existed a class of consuls which might be diminished and another more deserving class more adequately remunerat e d, w ith ou t an y additional burden on the country. He thought the only class of consuls that would prove beneficial to any commercial country should be composed of men of high standing and talent, who should be adequately paid, and who would occupy such a position that no G overnmen t would att emp t to tamper with them. In order to obtain that class they had wily to proceed on the principle of merit in selection. He regretted that some more beneficial results had not been realised from the efforts of the commission on which no ex- pense had been spared, tut which had not received the ne eessary Government co-3peration. Mr. WILLIAMS thought many of the consulships might be abolished, and he protested against the increase that had taken place in this vote. The salary of the con sul at Marseilles was increased from £550 to £9OO, without any increase in trade with that port having taken place, or anything having occurred to justify an addition of £350 a year to the salary of the officer. In Barcelona the salary of the consul was increased from £4OO to £550, and at Alex andria from £6OO to £l,OOO a year. The hon. member hav ing referred to other increases that had taken place in the salaries of the consular establishments, which he contended were entirely unwarranted, he concluded by moving an amendment to the effect that the vote should be red uce by £6,370. Sir M. FARQUHAR defended the conduct of the Go vernment, who had not the time necessary to present an ample report to the house on this subject at the commence ment of the session, but who had no intention of acting discourteously to the commission whose labours they fully appreciated. In some of the cases alluded to by the hon. member for Lambeth, the increase was justified by the in crease in the price of all the necessaries of life. He concluded by expressing a hope that the hon. member would not press his amendment. After a few words from Sir H. VERNEY and Mr. M. IVIILNEs, Mr. LAING said it could not be expected at present that the Government could go into the whole question that had been raised. The commission had recommended that the increase proposed should be met by a duty on shipping. That was a subject of great importance, and required con sideration. He defended the increase as being requisite. Mr. WILLIAMS replied. The aisendment was negatived without a division. On the vote of £67,363 for establishments in Chtaa, Japan, and Siam, some discussion took place, but the vote was agreed to. Oa the vote of £40,000 for Ministers at foreign courts, Mr. WISE drew attention to the fact that the real ex penditure for the purposes of this vote fell short consider ably of that which was granted, and he could not see the necessity of their voting from year to year a larger sum than they required. It appeared that they were to vote for the diplomatic and consular service, exclusive of the ex pense of the secret service and other branches, on less than £521,665 this year, of which £268,889 was to be appropriated to diplomatic departments. He called the attention of the house to the item of £5,000 for interpreters and clerks, and he contended that, except in the case where great talents were exhibited, the latter should be required to write well and speak correctly. In order to show the deficiency in the present system he al - luded to Portugal. They had a Minister with a salary of £5,000 a year, besides over £6OO a year to servants and attaches in connection with that official, and they had also a consul-general, vice-consul, &c., at Lisbon. Not withstanding all these officers, when this country wished to congratulate the King of Portugal on his marriage, they had to send a special mission to Lisbon for that purpose. He would not move any amend ment, but he trusted the Government would, next year at all events, direct their attention to the reduction of these votes. Mr. ELLICE said that it was most important they should maintain the efficiency of their embassy, if they wished their representatives in that capital to occupy the same position as the representatives of other countries. If they did not wish him to retain that position, it would be better to reduce him to the status simple of minister. Mr. LAING said that this vote had been very much discussed last session, and an explanation was then given to the effect that the details of the expenditure were, from their nature, a long time in reaching this country, and the fact was that the actual expenditure was always 12 months in arrear of the estimated expenditure. He was sorry to say ihat the whole £40,000 would be required this year, in msequence of the increase of the number of telegrams and other expenses incurred by the events that had taken place on the continent. Some further discussion ensued, but the vote was agreed to. On the vote n 21,969 for compensation and pensions for persons in the public service, Mr. WILLIAMS impressed on the Government the necessity of keeping down this branch of public expenditure. Mr. LAING said the Government were determined to do all in their power to reduce this branch of expenditure. Sir H. - WILLOUGHBY said there was nothing like the system in reference to this vote in other countries, which prevailed in England, and he thought they should com mence with the higher class of officials. Some minor votes were agreed to. GALWAY HARBOUR AND PORT ACT (1853) AMENDMENT BILL. This bill went through committee, was read a third time, and passed. NORWICH ELECTION COMMITTEE. The members nominated on this committee were sworn. KIDDERMINSTER AND KINGSTON-UPON HULL. Letters were read from the petitioners against the return of the members for these boroughs, stating that they with drew these petitions. NEW WINDSOR. A letter from the petitioners against the return of Mr. Vansittart was also read in which they announced a simi- far intention Mr. VANSITTART took that opportunity of strongly denouncing the mode in which election petitions were brought forward and withdrawn. As regarded his own case his election was a complete ovation, and being obliged to be absent he was returned by proxy. He entered into some further explanations, and expressed a hope that the house would interfere to put an end to the presentation of those sham petitions. The house adjourned at four o'clock. The house resumed at six o'clock THE INDIAN BUDGET. In reply ta Mr. BRIGHT, Sir C. WOOD said he would to-morrow (this day) give notice that the house should on Monday next resolve itself into a committee of the whole house for the purpose of en abling them to raise money. -He would then make a state ment on the finances of India. FOREIGN AFFAIRS. Lord J. RUSSELL, after having laid on the table some promised tmheaksetattheeosftaotuermfeonretiNgvnhiachfralirhs,avine preference to answering various questions which arise from I had we not arrived at such an advanced period of the ses sion.y I would still have postponed that statement had I to have postponed that statement expected that before Parliament rose there was a prospect that some definite settlement would have been agreed to, either by the other powers or in concurrence with Great Britain, which I should be able to announce to the house. But in the present state of affairs I think it would not be right to withhold from Parliament a statement on the pre sent state of those affairs ; and, in beginning that state ment, I am glad to find th at in the Ilfoiiiteur of this day there is an announceme n t th at the Emperor o f t h e F ren ch is about to reduce his l an d and sea force to a peace f oo ti ng . (Hear, hear.) I hope th a t announcement will be t h e augur y of continued peace. (H ear, hear.) I will not go i nto any details respecting e ven t s w i th regard to which the h ouse i s a somewhat familiar. sudden dd e n house an ids unexpected well a w are -manner. that peace H ( wa e s a made in r hear. The house likewis e i s aware that statements were ma d e b y the contending pa r ti es —b y the Emperor of the Frenc h on the one hand, to th e e ff ec t that he had expected that if t h e war had continued, its arena would be greatly enlarged, and that he might have to contend on the Rhine as well as on nieagtiootn the Adige. The Emp eror of Austria on the other hand, declared that the n eu t ra l powers were about to pro pose less acceptable to Austria than the terms of peace which he obtained by of direct a mediation, negotiation French. Now, tho ug h I think that both these reasons have a certain validity—b ecause no one can say that the Ger man Powers might no t h ave entered into the war before any t N: o ' i: hitch with hasa the s wo uld have been Emperor of the long time had e l apse d ; and it was i m p o ssible to say that the neutral pow ers m i g h t not agree to some plan of media• tion ; yet in ne ith er respect were the events thus for eseen and foretold matt ers of certainty. with regard to the neutral powers, a t a ll events, that concert had been agreed upon by, I b e li eve, any of them cer t a inly not by her Majesty's G overnment, either with Prussia or Russia, or both. Th ere h a d b een overtures of mediation made on the part of Prussia both to London and St. Petersburg. The despatch of M. von Schleinitz has been published in Ger many, and the papers I have just brought up contain the answer of her Majesty's Government to that proposition. But though these considerations have no doubt weighed with the contending Emperors in favour of peace, yet I be lieve there is a reason which has not been given in the state papers, but which, nevertheless, had its weight, and I should say cons id era bl e weight, both with the Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Austria. I think it was im possible that a sovereign who had never been on the battle field could have failed to have been struck with horror upon being present in a field of battle where mole . than 40 ,000—between 40,000 and 50,000 men, most of them in the prime and vigour of life—lay killed and wounded. I believe that sentiment had an effect upon the Emperor Na poleon, and I believe it made an impression on the Empe ror of Austria; and for my part I think it no disparagement of great sovereigns who have rule over mighty empires, that, while they maintain the policy of sovereigns they have the feelings of men. (Cheers.) The treaty of peace which was made at Villafranca on the 11th of July, con sists of two parts which are very different in their nature. One part is that which made peace between the Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Austria on the consideration of the cession of Lombardy to the Emperor of the French, which was to be imme diately delivered to the King of Sardinia. Now with respect to that matter, I do not think it is for us, who have taken no part in the war, to comment on or criti cise. (Hear.) If the Emperor of the French thought that he had made sacrifice enough of French blood and treasure, and that the further prosecution of the war would lead to an immense waste of life and property, I think he was fully justified and authorised in concluding a treaty of peace. (Hear.) On the other hand, the Emperor of Austria had no doubt a full right, considering the further sacrifice of m en and treasure he would have t,o make, by the cession of a pro vince to purchase p eace. T hat is a matter which was for their own consideration. The cession of that province does not snake any such disturbanc e of Europe as to give the powers of Europe a right to interfere' with regard to that settlement. Put the other part of the treaty is of a very different nature. It proposes an organisation for the future government of Italy. I observe that a noble friend o f wine (Lord Elcho) has given notice of a motion with regard to this country entering into any conference upon that subject. Now I observe the notice is given in terms which I must say do not at all apply to the proposition that has been made to this house . The proposition is :—" That it would be consistent neither with th e h onour nor the dig nity of this country, which throughout the late negotiations g which has preserved a strict dandimas used its earnest endear yours ten to din pr parties, anpahrtial neutrality between the n v ent an outbreak of h ostilities, to take par t in any conference for settlin g the details of a peace, the preliminaries of wh i ch have been arranged between th e Emperors of France and Austri a ." Thi s i s a pro position in which everyone will agree. It is now merely a question of arranging the details Of pt peace on which these two sovereigns had agreed. There is not a doubt it would not become the dignity of this country to enter into the settlement of these details. But when it becomes a question with regard to the future of Italy—when the whole fortune:of Italy for years to some will depend on what may be done either by the sovereigns of France and Austria alone or by the states of Europe sitting in congress, the question is one of a very different complexion. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of Clarendon, in 1856, when attending the conference of Paris to deliberate on the ques tion of peace between Great Britain and France on the one side and Russia on the other, thought it his duty, in con junction with the Ambassador Plenipotentiary of France,to bring the subject of Italy before the consideration of the conference. He did so on the ground that the state of Italy was important to Europe, and be declared that so long as the existing state of afiairs continued, and Rome was occu pied by foreign troops, they could expect nothing but revo lution. He said it behoved the wisdom of the Powers of Europe to consider what remedies they could provide. That was a statement on the part of her Majesty's Government which I have never heard impugned in this house,.that the state of Italy was a matter for their consideration, and that She peace of Europe might depend on the solution. On a question which affected the peace of Europe, the opinion of England ought not to be left in doubt. I will now, sir, state what is the proposal which has been made to us on the part of the Government of the Emperor of France ; it is not, as my noble friend the member for Haddington sup poses, thatthe Government of Great Britain should enter into a congress or conference for the purpose of consi dering the details of the treaty of Villafranca ; it is of a very different nature. Ido not think I can give the house a better conception of the nature of the proposal than by reading an extract from Count Walewski's despatch to Count Persigny, of which he left me a copy. I cannot produce the preliminaries of peace which he has also left with me ; they are signed only by the Emperor of Austria, and are altogether informal documents, and will require to be turned into a treaty to be hereafter signed. The articles of the treaty are nearly word for word the same as those which appeared in the newspapers, and therefore it is less necessary I should produce them ; but if there is any wish on the part of the house that I should produce the entire despatch from Count Walewski, I have no objection to do so. He says :—" A French and Austrian plenipotentiary are about to meet immediately at Zurich to convert into a treaty of peace the bases decided upon between their Majes ties. You are aware by my former correspondence that the Government has always desired to see the great Powers concur for the definitive settlement of, the affairs of Italy. His Majesty's intentions have not altered in this respect, and we hope that the powers will be able to meet, either in a congress or_a conference, to confer on all the questions raised by the actual state of things in Italy, and which are connected with general interests." I will repeat the last words to show what it is we are asked to do. "To confer on all the questions raised by the actual state of things in Italy, and which are connected with general interests." I The house will observe the terms are perfectly general, there is no reference to any treaty of peace. He adds—" I I need not add that the very nature of the new relations to be created in Italy will imply a preliminary understanding between the different states of the Peninsula, who will ne cessarily be called upon to assemble in order to deliberate upon the bases of the Confederation, whose establishment the two sovereigns have mutually agreed to further." Now, sir, with regard to the course which her Majesty's Govern ment have thought it their duty to pursue, we have not thought it necessary at present to give any precise answer to the despatch. We have thanked the Emperor of the French for the communication, but we have intimated, not in•writing, but through her Majesty's ambassador at Paris, that there are one or two other things necessary to be under stood before a conference is agreed on. One is that we should see the treaty of Zurich, which is also to be agreed on. We are told it is still a matter of doubt whether the treaty of Zurich is to confirm, under the signatures of the plenipotentiaries, the articles agreed on by the sovereigns, and deal with the details of the general principles they had agreed on. The treaty, however, may contain less than the preliminariss ; it may merely confirm the peace between the Emperors and the King of Sardinia, and not enter into any of the other articles, except the cession of Lombardy. It will depend, of course, on which of these courses is taken, and which will not be known until we see the treaty of Zurich, whether her Majesty's Government will find them selves in a position to advise her to accept the invitation. (Hear, hear.) There is another point to be considered I hold it would be utterly useless to go into any conference unless the Emperor of Austria was a party to it ; it is un derstood he objected, at the time he signed the treaty of Villafranca, to any conference or congrese whatever. As to a conference of the great Powers, from which the repre • sentatives of Austria would be absent, and probably the plenipotentiaries of Russia also, it would be totally useless to call that an assembly of the great Powers, or to attempt to settle the affairs of Italy. On these two questions, sir, depends a third. What will be the points which the con ference or congress would have to consider ? The treaty of Villafranca, I think, with regard to these questions has left the state of Italy quite unsettled. While these are matters of doubt, no advice given by the conference would be of any use, and in order to settle them there must be a community of views between the powers ; it would be just as good not to enter into it at all as to enter it with a view to breaking off on - a divergence of view which should arise at an early period. There are three matters of very great importance touched on in the treaty, and in my opinion in any treaty intended to settle the affairs of Italy these should form the foundation of its conception and execution. It is impos sible to say that the treaty itself contains any settlement of those matters which in 1856 raised tho anxiety of her Ma jesty's plenipotentiary at Paris, which in 1857 and 1858 have been matter of deliberation among the powers of Europe, and which were the cause of the very short and very bloody war which has just been terminated. The first question is raised in consequence of the strong opinion of the Emperor of the French in favour of the project of a confederation. The articles of the treaty do not say in terms that a confederation shall be formed, it only states that the two sovereigns will favour or will further the crea tion of a confederation. Novi sir, I believe the conception is a wise one ; it has this foundation—the evil of Italy has been that for centuries she has been a prey to the contend ing armies of foreign Powers, and if she could have an organisation of her own, if the several states of Italy could be united by a bond of union, bound by a federal bond, which is ono of a defensive character, such a federation would be strong enough to withstand aggression, and there would be no danger of, and no necessity for, the in tervention of foreign powers. I believe, then, it was a wise conception, but I must, at the same time say, I doubt very much whether the time has come when such a confedera tion can be carried into effect. Let us see what members are to constitute it ; it is proposed to make the Pope the president of it ; the Emperor of Austria is to be a member likewise, the two archdukes, and also the Ki ng o f N ap l es and the King of Sardinia. Now, sir, I own Ido not con ceal my belief that a confederation so formed is hardly for the benefit of Italy ; it is the nature of a confederation that those who constitute it should consider in concert all gene ral subjects. (Hear.) Sardinia, as we all know, and as we have observed with satisfaction, has for some years enjoyed free institutions, and the prosperity that belongs to them. How could it be expected that the Pope, as chief of such a body, and the Emperor of Austria, or one of the archdukes, as a member, could follow such a course or favour such views as would be put forward by the King of Sardinia or his minister ? Take, for instance, the question of liberty of worship. a question much favoured in this country; we have viewed with applause the establishment of freedom of public worship at Turin and in all the territories of the King of Sardinia—(hear)—in all his states there is now freedom of worship ; in Tuscany there is what is called li berty of conscience; an Italian who leaves the Catholic Church and becomes a Protestant;will not be allowed to assemble for public worship ; when the confederation come to meet and to lay down rules on this matter, how will it be possible to reconcile the opposite views which the Pope and the Emperor of Austria approve of with the liberty which the Piedmontese enjoy ? It appears to me that, although a confederation would be a good system if established in Italy, yet the proposition made by the peace of Villafranca will hardly fulfil the condition on which we could form a defensive united federal union. Then, sir, there arises another question with regard to the mode in which this treaty is to be carried into effect ; with regard to that it would be necessory to have a full and complete understanding, before her Majesty's Government would be in a position to assent to any reference to a confer ence of the great Powers. We all know that by an article of the treaty, very short and somewhat ambiguous, it is de clared that the Grand Duke of Tuscany and the Duke of Modena are to be restored to their states. There is great anxiety to know in what way they are to return. (Hear, hear.) The Grand Duke of Tuscany is in this position, not very dissimilar from one once occupied by a Sovereign in this country : he reigned by virtue of a constitutoin ; he violated and suppressed that constitution; his people made repre• sentations, and called on him to abdicate; he did not, but withdrew from the country. He is in the position of a Sovereign who has violated a fundamental law, and with drawn from the territory over which he presided . . That is a position very unfavourable to his return ; but it may be that the people of Tuscany, who enjoyed many years of happiness under may ppnea under the mild rule of the Archduke Leopold, a __cdesire to recall the son of the Grand Duke whohas a abdicated. y In quiry has been made with regard to this , tell the house that, although I ha v v e e rv no official assurance, ma in good reason to believe fact, I feel convinced, and have that the Emperor of the French has no intention to employ French troops for the restoration by force of the Grand Duke. (Hear.) I believe likewise from all I can learn, that the Emperor of Austria has no intention—at least, he has not avowed any — of using his troops for the purpose of re storing the two Grand Dukes. I think I may presume that if he did intend, the Emperor of the French would not con sent. This being th e case, shows at once, great difficulty in carrying the treaty int e ffe c t; Tuscan doubtful what the result will be. Thep opl of . y are now about to choose representatives according to the constitution which the 'Grand Duke had abrogated. They will consider for themselves whether they will, as we did in this country once, recall their Soverei g n ; i f so , her Majesty's Government would not oppose it; but if the representatives of the people of Tuscany, meeting to d ec l ar e the wishes o f the p eo p le, declare that under a certain Government, and under that alone, they can live happily, it would be impossible for any representative of her Majesty to go against that declaration. (Hear, hear.) Sir, with regard to the Duke of Modena there is a great dif ference of opinion. Some say he would be received with acclamation by his people ; others, that he can never be restored except by force. These are all points on which we must have the clearest understanding before we can go into a conference. There is yet another question the most diffi cult of all in Italy—l Mean the temporal government of the Pope. With regard to his supremacy, the declaration of the Emperor of the French and of the King of Sardinia has produced a change in Bologna and the neighbouring pro vinces. For the last ten years they have been kept in obe dience to theftpe by an Austrian garrison which has kept order in wn and district. Lord 4rndhurst lately stated the number of persons that had been put to death ay the Austrians under martial law. I do not dou bt the g reater portion of these had committed robbery, or other serious rious crimes; but go people like to have their criminal justice ad ministered by forelon troops—their own l aw set aside, and martial law to be applies) iustps4. 'f Consequence was that as soon as the Austrian troops itkp Bologna, the Cardinal Legate immediately followed them. 11 e . went away quietly in hi§ poach, no one molested him, but lie found he must leave as soon as the Austrians want. The ease puts me in mind of a story I have heard of a previous Cardinal Le gate of Bologna. Every one knows they often are the authors of very refined and witty sayings with regard to po litical affairs, of which, however, they are bad legislators and administrators. The Cardinal Legate was asked how the city of Bologna was going on. He said, " Very well, indeed, very quietly; but as to persons attached to the government of his Holiness, there is nobody but the Vice-Legate and myself, and of the Vice-Legate I am not very sure." (A laugh.) The go vernmen t o f B o l ogna h a d since been carried on by the citizens, and when Massimo d'Azeglio, a man re vered and beloved by all Italy, arrived with a commission for the King of Sardinia, it was calculated 70,000 persons attended his reception, and he was received with rapturous applause. How is the government of the Pope to be made palateable to the people of the Legations ? The Emperors of France and Austria say they will recommend the Pope to make indispensable reforms; but the Pope may say, as he has said, " I may be driven from my throne to the most humble village ; even there I will maintain my authority ; but while I am on the throne I must govern according to the dictates of my own conscience." It will be difficult to deal with this. I am told the Pope is not averse to the con federation, that he has even accepted the presidency ; but what will then be his position ? He has always said he ought not to mingle in affairs of war , and it is not hi s p ar t trbe at. the head of a confederacy hich must be formed with a view to kindle warlike operations. These, sir, are some of the difficulties which attend this question: The King of Naples, I am happy to learn, although he has not done all that the friends of popular institutions would de sire, has made a beginning of putting an end to the system which prevailed under the late King. It is said that amongst the institutions of the late King —worse even than the dun geons in which his victims were placed —was a sort of law, 1 which resembled rather the custom of denouncing suspected persons under the Reign of Terror in France. Under this law it was said there were in Naples 30,000 persons under the constant surveillance of adespotic tyrannical police, and in the provinces so many as brought the whole number to about 100,000. These persons were unable to practise any learned profession, unable to leave their towns or dwellings, constantly dodged by the police, who by the arbitrary powers vested in them, became more powerful even than the sove reign, more powerful than the landed aristocracy, more-pow erful than the Ministers of the Crown. The present King of Naples had made a beginning of putting an end to this. I believe he is sincere in his desire ; but as yet the police have been in a great degree able to thwart his wishes, and in many places have not carried out his desire. He has now however, chosen a minister, the Prince of Satriano, better known to us as General Filangieri, a man of decided views and firm conduct, and I believe that under his advice the state of Naples will be greatly ameliorated. Well, sir, things have now come to this position, that there is a treaty about to be made at Zurich, an d a confidential agent of the French Government has been sent to Vienna to settle with the Emperor of Austria what the conditions shall be. As far as I can learn the Emperor of the French is most anxious that the treaty should enable the Italians generally to have the privilege of self-government. Now, sir, whether that be probable under one sovereign or not, or whether the re forms would be more secure if there were two or three powerful states, I am convinced, and her Majesty's Govern ment are convinced, that an independent Italy composed of independent states in Italy would tend to the welfare of Europe, would avert many dangers which have arisen from the contests of foreign powers for its fair land and fertile provinces, and would give security for the future of Europe. I cannot say it is impossible that there may be a conference or congress; but this I will say, that it would not be wise of her Majesty's Government, and would be still less wise for this house to come to any absolute decision on the subject. (Hear.) It would never do for the Ministers of the crown of Great Britain, who have taken a part in every great con ference in Europe since 1815, who took a great part under Mr. Canning in the formation of the kingdom of France— who took a part under my noble friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs in the formation of the kingdom of Belgium and its separation from Holland—l say it would never be come us now suddenly, and without any reason, to with draw from any such meeting, any such assembly of the different powers of Europe, if there is any chance that the situation of Italy may be improved, peace confirmed, and the independence of States secured. (Hear.) At the same time, all the conditions I have mentioned must be well considered before any such assent is given. I must say no thing could be worse than to act in the way my noble friend the member for Haddingtonshire (Lord Elcho) supposed a Government could—to sit in a conference to settle the de tails of a treaty which had been agreed on by the other sovereign. No such thing has been contemplated. No such proposal was ever made by the Emperor of the French. He also said, and said truly, that Italy has been a source of constant danger, and the seat of periodical revolution,' and that the danger could not be averted, and revolution stayed, unless the powers of Europe in general then consented to a settlement, to which the people of Italy could give their consent, and which would command the approval of rea sonable and just men in all parts of Europe. Such being the views of the French, and such being the difficulties on our part, before we can take part in any such conference I will only say that, although the right hon, gentlemen op posite treat the regeneration of Italy as an illusion, and deem it worthy of a sneer, I must say that if a country so beautiful and so fertile, so endowed by nature, in which have arisen so many m en o f gen i us o f every kind—that country which has been the subject of the same melancholy chaunt, from the days of Petrarch in the 14th century, to those of Leopardi in the 19th—if that country can be placed in a position which shall give her some scope for her talents and her energies, and shall enable her to take the _place she ought in Europe as one of the European family, I for one, and I apprehend the whole of her Majesty's Government, will rejoice to see it. (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI—There was one portion of the noble lord's address which appeared to me to be somewhat more obscure than the house will be disposed, to deem desirable. I allude to that portion of the noble lord's speech in which he spoke of terms supposed to be offered to the Emperor of Austria by his allies, and by him regarded as of a severer nature than these which were extended to him by his op ponent. Now it would, I think, be desirable that the noble lord, having touched upon that subject, should have given the house, with respect to it, more information than I for one have been able to gather from his observations. The position of affairs is so critical ; so much depends upon the conduct of the Government of this country at the pre sent moment, and the influence of Parliament owing to the period of the year when our attention has been drawn to these important matters is necessarily so limited, that I shall offer no apology to the house for follow ing [the noble lord through some of his remarks.- In doing so I shall I think be simply discharging my duty to the country and my constituents, for it is but right that the public should be made aware of the sentiments and opinions of the house on this great question. The noble lord stated to the house, though in terms of a somewhat ambiguous nature, that a declaration had been made by the Emperor of Austria to the effect that he had consented to conclude the present peace, which all sides appear to think unsatisfactory, because it was shown to him that he must expect to receive severer terms if he were to have recourse to the mediation of his natural friends and allies. Now, I can not help pressing the Government for information on that point somewhat more clear and satisfactory than any which we have as yet received, and I trust they will not grudge the communication of such information to the house. Were there not, let me ask, certain projects of settlement laid before the Emperor of Austria which he found more severe than those which he has accepted ? Nobody can suppose that this matter is a pure invention of so great a personage as the Emperor of Austria. It would, therefore, be ex tremely satisfactory if the noble lord could assure the house that no projects of settlement emanating from the neutral Powers had by their agency, or the agency of her Majesty's Government, been brought under the notice of that Sove reign. The declaration of the Emperor of Austria, how ever, is precise. A very important neutral Power, Prussia, has come forward and stated that she knows nothing of such a scheme having been submitted to her notice. I do not collect from the noble lord that her Majesty's Govern ment were equally ignorant of that circumstance. I want to know whether they were in possession of such s scheme. I want to know whether, through the agency of her Majesty's Government, that scheme was placed before the Emperor of Austria. (Hear, hear.) I think that when Ministers come forward upon a critical occasion like this, and wish to influence not merely the opinion but the conduct of this house, we have a right to require from the Government liberal communications as respects their conduct. (Hear.) It has reached me—it may be perfectly unfounded, but it would be a source of satisfaction to this house and the coun try if they were assured that it is unfounded—it has reached me that the scheme for the settlement of hostilities which the Emperor of Austria, comparing it with the terms offered by his enemy, found so repugnant to his feelings and inte rests was brought to his cognizance through the influence and agency of her Majesty's Government. That, surely, is a communication which ought not to be concealed from this house, or treated, if true, in the ambiguous manner in which the noble lord has slightly touched upon it this even ing. It may be 'said that this plan for the settlement of Italy, which reached the noble lord as the responsible Minister of the Crown, and which he in his discretion took measures to place before the Emperor of Austria, was pre sented without offering any opinion of his own, and that her Majesty's Government were not, therefore, bound by it. But if this be so, I think hon. gentlemen wil agree with me that the very fact that her Majesty's Government were the organs of communication by which propositions of this na ture were laid before the Emperor of Austria is in itself a species of sanction of the plan which was presented. (Hear.) And if my statement be correct—if her Majesty's Govern ment so far agree that what I have stated is not incorrect, and if they defend their conduct on the plea that they gave no opinion of the terms which they were the organ of laying before the Emperor of Austria, it will be satisfactorytb mo ment the house, for it is of the utmost importance at a m m en pl t e th kn at: w w le e dg s e ho o u f ld th b e e s i o n hi p ee os t s . ess ( authentic t a willd assure us that they made no instructed possession of be satisfactory to the house if at the sam m e uu tim ioa e t t iou e Minis terstober those proposals; Minis ter to recommend Austria to accept t consider, if what I hear that it is utterly Majesty' Minister at Vienna nor instructed that o ad e m ut e t w o n d be correct, whit have because e ta let te d then stated—and house s e e ] m f ll o r b a e probable result is this is the probable result ?. unfounded—if what I h T ave b g e ml has obtained easier terms from his Emperor of Austria from those whom he has his enemy than he had . de scribed Her Ma' ty' his natural allies. les s Government as have, in fact, again committed the same mi s t a k e which in 1848. (Hear, hear.) At that they committedtime a ede by the Austrian Government proposition was made have been, through the influence similar to the terms which lllfiuence of the French Emperor, accepted. At that time the proposi tion was made to close disturbances in Italy by the relin quishment bloody war have become the bases of peace. (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's Government then was, I may sa y, thi s very ident i ca l Government, because affairs of this nature are carried on by two Ministers, the Fi rst Minister and the Secretary of State, and the only difference in the two re sponsible individuals is this, that the noble lord was then First Minister and the present First Minister was then Secretary of State. (Hear, hear.) Let the house observe how completely, if this account be true, it is a repetition of the fatal blunder of 1848. Then we repudiated the propo sition of Austria, and said that Venice and the Venetian territory must be a . part of the territory relinquished by the Emperor of Austria. We made that a sine qua non. In the present instance these propositions, so slightly noticed by the noble lord, were couched in the same vein, and con ceived in the same spirit. This neutral power—this natural ally—would not interfere to mediate except en terms of that severe character. But in the meantime the enem y of the Emperor of Austria bi ers himself milder terms, The Emperor of A• those terms, ..,ustria accepts What our Posit' affair is toed w ithout our, The on ? T interfern and without having obtained those WTO4 which we were the organ of introducing to the Emperor of Austria's notice. But what would our position have been. if when those terms of mediation were offered to us instead of giving them the sanction of our transmission, and in: degree of sanction involved in recommending them through the instrumentality of our Minister at Vienna to the acceptance of the Austrian Government —if free froth all prejudice and all passion, which unfortunately, as it appears to me, influence the English Government when this question is before them—if we had said to - France, " Those terms which you offer are too severe; although in their general spirit we agree with you they must be modified, and we will then recommend the Emperor of Austria to accept them?" If her Majesty's Government had done that if they had been the means of the Emperor. of Austria accepting the terms [which ultimately from the Emperor of the French he accepted, in what a diff eren t p os iti on we s h ould stand to Fra nce and Austria. We should be in a great po-: sition. We should be a powerful mediator between France 'and Austria for the general welfare of Europe, and Austria would not look upon us as one who had deserted her, Aus -trio would not look upon us with ill will, though speaking of us as her natural ally, but as one to whom she was in debted for the terms which she now only owes to her great opponent. (Hear, hear.) • I think that is a point upon which her Majesty's Government ought to deign to give more information to the house. (Cheers.) If it be true that her Majesty's Government, with all the experience of 1848, with the immense advantages which they have had in dealing with this question which they had not 10 years ago, have repeated the same blunder, renewed the same mistake, and placed the country with regard to this ques tion in so unsatisfactory a position, they owe much expla nation;to Parliament. (Hear.) Let me turn now to thepress ing business of the moment. No doubt, if not to-night, on some other night adequate information will be afforded upon the point on which I have touched. But let us look at the treaty of Villafranca and this proposition, with whioh we become acquainted for the first tithe to-night, for England to assist in carrying that treaty into effect, because that is he real question. Any conference or congress after articles _ _ of peace are concluded, attended by a Power who has had nothing to do with the war either by action or by advice, is in fact being called in to carry a peace intoeffect with which that Power has nothing to do, and arising out of a war in which she has not in any way been connected. Ido not mean to say that there are not grave circumstances which may justify such a course on the part of the Government of this country. I wish to treat the question with that tempe rateness which it requires, and in which spirit, from its se rious character, it behoves us to approach it. The noble lord says that this Treaty of Villafranca must be considered under twe heads. In the first place, he says there was a con siderable change of territory from this peace,- but it was no t a change of territory' whieh in any way, or Materially, af fected the balan ce o f power. Therefor,t, so far as that con sideration was concerned, it was unnecessary for England to attend the congress. I think it will be found, as a general rule which should guide us in these matters, that it never is the interest of this country to attend a congress unless what is called the balance of power is materially affected. The balance of power is a phrase sometimes treated with deri sion by those who do not understand it—(laughter)—I mean by it a change of territory which might create a pre ponderance of a Power perhaps alreadytoo powerful. I agree with the noble lord that there is nothing in the fact of the transference of Lombardy from Austria to Sardinia 'which at all affects the balance of power, and therefore, on that head, I agree with the noble lord that our interference for the present cannot for a moment be recommended. I maintain as a general rule that we should attend no conference where the balance of power is not affected, and the instances which the noble, lord mentioned at the end of his speech confirm and do not impugn the accuracy of that principle, because the balance of power might have been materially affected by the construction of the kingdom of Greece, and no one canfor a moment contend that it was not materially concerned in the settlement of Belgium. (Hear.) But, says the noble lord, although the balance of power is not concerned in this transference of a single province from Austria to Sardinia, there is a second head under which we must consider this Treaty of Villafmnca, and to what it will lead, and that is, what the noble lord calls the future of Italy. Now the future of Italy is a subject of very great interest. The noble lord says I have treated the future of Italy with a sneer. I have so often had opportunities of speaking on this subject in this house, and I have had the misfortune to differ from the noble lord so frequently upon it, that I will not take the trouble now to vindicate my opinions, as I wish to speak on the points of business before us. But I tell the noble lord this—that it is his misfortune to believe that there exists throughout Italy a Whig party, and until he gets that idea out of his head he will never be able to consider the question in a manner becoming a statesman of his degree. (Hear.) It has always been the fashion of the noble lord, when speak ing of Italy, to speak of establishing a sort of Brookes's Club at Florence, and that he calls poetry. (A laugh.) Whenever he begins to speak of Petrarch I know what it is going to lead to. (A laugh.) Several ,times he has done this when we have discussed the question before, and the noble lord will allow me to refer him to some observations which a little nettled him some years ago when we dis cussed this question. I told the noble lord then that the course he was recommending was one which must end in the con fusion of Italy—(hear, hear)—and which would bring into active operation all the secret societies of that country— (hear, hear)—and that, if he thought the regeneration of Italy could be effected by the secret societies of that coun try, he would find that he was only playing the game of some great military despot, who would reap the profit. But now, says the noble lord, we must look to the future of Italy. We must look to the future of Italy, because, when my Lord Clarendon attended the Conference at Paris, after the Russian war, her Majesty's Government were commit ted to a policy which acknowledged that it was their duty to counsel, and, if possible, to effect changes in that mis governed country. Well, but what was the position of Lord Clarendon after the Russian war ? It is very true that Lord Clarendon, knowing that at that time, as had often before been the case, but especially so at that time, the state of Italy was one which might lead to public disquietude, like a wise man—and I give his colleagues credit for shar ing the same sensible views—thought that that wasa period when, generally speaking, something like a wide settlement of the various parts of Europe should be made by the con ference, and that Italy should not be omitted—that that was a moment in which to recommend a course of policy which would prevent future disturbance and trouble. Ido not, of course, object to the course which ho took. As I stated the other night, it was exactly the same view which induced the late Government to recommend a congress with regard to the affairs of Europe. What you recommend be fore a war takes place, and much more what you recom mend in order to prevent a war, is a very different course .from what you ought to sanction and recommend after war has broken out, has been waged, and is concluded. (Cheers.) Why a congress is a very dangerous thing at all times, but it is never more dangerous than in such a case as the pre sent. War is a thing which no one in the abstract approves, and which, generally speaking, we endeavour to avoid, but does not follow because war is generally to be avoided that you ought not to go to war if necessary. If a congress was the course which, when there was a chance of preventing war, ought to be recommended, it was the duty of the Go vernment to recommend it. But the policy which Lord Clarendon recommended and supported at the Conference of Paris, though to a certaid degree it might involve in terference in Italy, which, con-idering that at that time there was imminent danger of some disturbance, offered to assembled Europe an opportunity of preventing it. But, says the noble lord, after offering a great many [arguments, the general tendency of which was to prove that if we wanted to go to the con gress we could not go—(a laugh) —a congress, speaking in the abstract, was the proper mode of settling this matter. The noble lord acknowledges that he cannot accept this in vitation unless a like invitation is made by the Emperor of Austria, and we have not heard that any invitations of that kind have been offered. But if the noble lord interested in the future of Italy were at once, in consequence of the treaty of Villafranca, to attend the conference in order to advance the future interests of that country, would he not be bound by the conditions contained in that treaty with reference to the future government of Italy ? What was the great object recommended at Paris by the French Go vernment, and I believe by the English Government ? It was to establish in Italy a secularisation of the Roman States. (Hear, hear.) The great point was virtually to reduce the Pope to the exercise of his spiritual power. But, by the treaty of Villafranca, I contend that the Pope is to be the head of a great confederation. The two policies are exactly contrary to each other. If you go to this congress, will you deal with the Duchies ? The noble lord says the Duchies are not to be dealt with; and though he has no authority for saying so, his instinctive feeling is that France will not interfere by f orce i n f avour o f the j eve that rejected rulers of the Duchies. He has reason to hope and believe Aus tria also will refrain from using force in their favour, r I think very properly. Well, how is the affair to be settled Why, it is not be settled by the interference of any Power in Italy. The noble lord says that the people of this coun trytheir thrones. Eng land in order to place the rejected rulers upon neca.hiswshoiunchd that is the case what is the use of going would not for a moment tolerate an interference by Eng (Hear, hear.) If upon three points on which he thinks discussion will arise to the conference? (Hear.) The noble lord has touched if tis conference takes place. First of all, he says there is the principle of confederation which he approves of; but he says, practically it would not work well in the present state But these of Italy. Then the noble lord mentioned a variety of circumstances with which, at present, he said, the principle to which 'would be matters to g oin e c a o ti nf on e s de o l f u r t o ir gio w ns oul t d olo u ra n ti sa on tis an fac d to fr ri e ly e w co o p ra e. hip ch (H se ea para r, htef doveTrnhement. Confederation, the noble lord referred would not come under the control of in coon is adapted to a 'the noble lord urged against a country if the people of that try could work it out ; and the cedes idea nf th e dee confederation. objections wtiyeh confederation would not apply. with all his anxiety to effect the regeneration of --y, and with all his equal anxiety to attend the congress for that object, the noble lord to-night has urged objections against that part of the plan which I hope may be practical, but which at least is recom mended by many high political considerations. Well, then, if according to the noble lord's views the confederation principle is not to be acknowledged, if according to his view there is to be no interference in the Duchies, if, in the third vernmentinstance, all that i s l e f t to be dealt with is th e P apal Go y, I ask, is it advisable that we should be drawn iuto this congress? (Hear, hear.) The state of Italy as sketched out by the articles of the Villafranca treaty is deemed, I know, by many gentlemen on both sides of this house to be of an unpromising character. If the congress is to proceed according to the articles of the Villafranoa treaty, our Government in accepting the invitation to attend the congress would accept a responsibility which I am sure no one here would wish to sanction. If we are to enter into conference in order to bring about a state of society in Italy not contemplated by those who have carried on this war, I ask this house for a moment to consider what is to be the issue of our labours. Either we shall fail in our object or we shall not. If failure be the result all will regret our interference; but if we carry our objectin2 effect—if w e es t a bli sh i n Italy a state o f soc i e ty at like the pr ogramme o f Mil an or t h e programmeto the of Tiverton—we must d o so by offering inducements other great Powe rs w hi c h I a m sure Parliament would not approve of, If, under all circum stances, _ re nces and o we should be chary about the engagements which nf has been waged, con gresses always lead to, surely when a war o when it has been closed on a sudden, when the responsibility of which we entirely disapproved, of all that has occurred e of which this Government is completely clear, and of all that may occur -is on be the height.of rashness and. precipitation by any act would it or any advice of ours to involve ourselves in the responsibility of a settlement occasion e d by not y a war for which we are answerable. (Hear.) I trust,, therefore,therefore, that the feeling of the house will b e so direct arid di s ti n ct upon this subject that her Majesty's Ministers vozll not feel it their duty to recommend her Majesty t o sen d tiny representative to this projected conference. I h ave no doubt immense difficulties in conseq uence o f the war ;and in here are consequence of the peace. We had nothing to do nrith the war ; we had nothing to do with the peace, and if d iffi culties arise in which we roust interfere, we shall interfere -with much greater eifeet and much more dignity if we are not introduced in the last act in order to save other persons from difficulties which they had created, and for which we are answerable. (Hear, hear.) There is oniy one•ob-• servation which I would make in consequence of thei nuttier" which the noble lord gave us, that la telegram