The Sun. — London, England, 1859-03-28 00:00:00

SPORTING NOTES. NORTHAMPTON. The recent changes which have marked specula tion on the Northamptonshire Stakes have served to excite to an almost unprecedented extent the curiosity of the public, and to impart an additional interest and importance to the race. The betting has fluctuated so frequently that the reporters have been not a little puzzled to compile their lists of quotations, which have scarcely in appeared print when a new movement alters them and renders them valueless. The last incident is the sudden blazing up of Beacon, who has been supported by his owner and friends with a spirit and determination which are likely to advance him to the most pro. minent position in the betting. That the horse has improved under Manning's management was manifested last year, but his Cesarewitch running and his Cambridgeshire performance wouldindicate that he prefers a short course. Still, the fact must not be forgotten that he stayed as a two-year-old over the severe Feather Plate course. Beacon has, it is said, been neither sick ncr sorry since he came into the possession of Sir J. Hawley, and that he has recently been tried and not found wanting in any of the qualities required of him. His owner is too shrewd a turf tactician to make a mistake, and he has now the proper cattle to test the ability of his horses. These facts ren der me disinclined to deal slightingly with Beacon, because I have the deepest respect for the judgment of his owner in all racing matters. Little Agnes is reported to be so good that I am little inclined to believe the great things which she is said to have accomplished. How many pounds she is better than Archduchess her party of course can tell even to the turning of a hair. Seriously, however, John Osborne is a dangerous man to op pose, but his judgment is not infallible, and he may, or his friends may, have over-estimated the pretensions of Little Agnes. lam not one of her admirers, but her success may compel me to regret my prejudice. For Newcastle I have a strong partiality—a partiality which is founded on the merit which he displayed as a two year old, and which is warranted by the steady support which he re ceives in the turf market. The Isley touts and the Isley division are loud in their praises of him and bold in their confidence. The notion whi c h some people entertain respecting his inability to stay is scouted as ridiculous ; and, indeed, his backers seem to think the race as good as won. If Shafto's chance was as formidable as it was sup posed to be, then surely Newcastle mus t b e en titled to consideration. Mutineer seems to have retired, and why he ever occupied a prominent place in the betting I am at a loss to imagine. Last season he did nothing, and nothing was ex pected of him by the partisans of Whitewall House. The Newmarket air may however have brought out latent qualities which no one had sus pected, and which I will not believe in until I see them. Of the top weights I must adhere to Blue Jacket, who only requires staying powers to render him as dangerous as anything in the race. Through Borderer and Tournament, his party ought to be able to measure his chance to a nicety. The horse's career has, however, been unfortunate, for, like John Perrybinglele, he has several times been very nearly doing a good thing, and has spoilt it. His performance at Epsom, when a three-yr-old, is not likely, however, to be soon forgotton. Pan is much fancied by his own party; and, if my information be trustworthy, they have good reasons for their confidence. Stapleton did a good thing once with Sunbeam, and if his performance with the St. Leger victress was indicative of his true form, he must be held in high esteem for this race. I am not confident of his ability, however, and shall expect him to run well for about a mile and a half. Yellow Rose is a slow mare and well suited to the course, but the market movements would indicate that she is not " wanted." Her impost, including the 51bs. extra, is very lenient, and if she went to the post " with good intentions" I should 15e induced to trust her. The Bald-faced Stag would be better suited over a shorter course. He is a good-looking horse, and at an outside price he might . not be unworthy a small investment. Elaborate remarks IMPthe chance of Gladiolus would be superfluous; t e reader is as well ac quainted as I am with his pretensions. He has come through his engagements this year with suc cess, and although to-morrow he will meet superior company to that which he has yet encountered, yet I do not think his owner is " asking him to do too much." He has shown stoutness and improvement, qualities which must recommend him to notice. Bevis has supporters, but I am not among them. Without entering into a further discussion, I shall state•that the three animals most worthy of conside ration are, in my opinion, Newcastle, Beacon, and Gladiolus. For a " situation " I should recommend Pan. Of course North Lincoln is the " pet of the prophets" for the Whittlebury Stakes, and he will also be the " lion" of the Racing Stakes, albeit Mr. T. Parr will send his Derby colt into the arena to try conclusions with him. The running of the Newmarket and Wantage horses will be watched with much interest, as it will influence the relative positions of both Gaspard and Promised Land in the Derby betting. Queen Charlotte, Eltham Beauty, and Lady. well seem as trustworthy as anything amongst the nominations for the Stand Plate. I shall not attempt to discuss at length the com parative chances for Earl Spencer's Plate, but shall merely state my preference for ANCIENT BRITON, ZITELLA, and TIGHT-FIT. To extend my remarks to the ether events would, in the absence of trust worthy information, be superfluous. A FRESH MAN. ARRIVALS AT NORTHAMPTON. Tame Dear, Layton, Whimsical, Beacon, Baldfaced Stag, Special License, Yorkshire Grey, Blackthorn, Stapleton, Newcastle, Shafto, Broadbrim, Gladiolus, Vivace, Gallus, The Gem, Little Agnes, Paul Jones, Sir Hercules, Gin, Madrid, Gaspard, Vivandiere f (2 yrs), Theodora, Aneurin, Indifference, Tiara, Termagant colt, Madame Eglantine, Triangle, and Minster. NEWMARKET, SUNDAY. —The following have left here for Northampton :—Newstead, North Lincoln, Scribbler, Dejamira, Heresy f (2 yrs), King at Arms, Mutineer, July, Yorkshire Miss, Beatrice, A r tl ess, Schoolfellow, Courier, Delusion, Rope Dancer, and Digby Grand. THE NAVY. Her Majesty's paddlewheel steam-sloop Ardent, Com mander John H. Cave, returned to Woolwich on Saturday, to be docked for examination and re pairs. The officers and crew are to be transferred to the Hebe, and in case the damage to the Ardent should be found, as anticipated, requiring some considerable time to make good, they will be ordered for service, it is said, in the paddlewheel steam vessel Firefly, which is to be brought forward for commission for service on the West Coast of Africa. One of M. Delpech's double-action French pumps has been fitted on board her Majesty's ship Trafal gar, at Chatham ; and Mr. Wm. Roberts has re ceived instructions to furnish one of his double action twin pumps respectively on board the screw steam corvettes and sloops Jason, Rinaldo, Chame leon, and, Charybdis, under construction at Devon port, Portsmouth, Deptford, and Chatham. The screw steam frigate Liffey, 51, Captain Geo. W. Preedy, sailed from Plymouth on Saturday with stores for the fleet at Queenstown. The screw steam ship St. Jean d'Acre, 101, from Portland,. arrived at Plymouth on Saturday. She will probably , take in stores and provisions. The screw itteam ship Doris ' 32, Captain Heath cott, in Pt 'mouth Sound, took her powder on board on Saturk; The screw steamship Nile, 90, Captain Wilmot, was undocked at Keyham on Saturday. The screw , steam. frigate Topaze, 51, was docked in the Devonport Dockyard on Saturday. The sloop Ferret, 8, is to be brought forward for the pennant at Devonport, to , take the place of the apprentice ship Wizard, Lieut. Alfred P. H. Helby, recently lost. The Ferret is to be rigged by the crew of the Nile. Sir Robert Pandas, the Storekeeper-General, wa s last week on service at Devonport Dockyard. The following appointments were made on Satur day at the Admiralty :—George Williams, Master, to the Lightning ; John W. M. J. Hall, Master. additional - to the Fisgard; George B. F. Swain, Master, to the Algiers ; and Richard Sturgess,Mas• ter, to the Terrible. COUNT CAVOW? TO THE MARQUIS D'AZEGLIO. We are enabled to place before our readers the following important despatch : " TURIN, MARCH 17, 1859. ‘ 1 M. le Marquis,—Sir James Hudson, in a note deated the 14th of this month, a copy of which you will find enclosed, has asked me, in the name of his Government, if Sardinia would be disposed to fol:= low the example of Austria, and to declare in a formal manner (as Count Buol, on his part, declared Austria's intention not to attack Piedmont, in his despatch to Count Apponyi of the 25th January) that Sardinia has no intention of attacking her powerful neighbour. " Appreciating the motives which have inspired such a course on the part of the Cabinet of St. James's, we do not hesitate to answer him with the most perfect frankness, as we have done a few days since when he asked us to draw up a memorandum, clear and precise, of the complaints of Italy against Austria, and to indicate the means of applying a remedy. "In pursuance of aggressive acts (what other name can we give them ?) committed by Austria by the concentration of imposing forces on the Sardinian frontier; by placing on a war footing the army of Italy ; by the construction and occupa tion of new fortifications on ground which does not belong to her; by the occupation of the Legations ; and by the violation of treaties, the Government of the King, according to the law of nations, has a right to prepare to defend herself against Austria even by means of arms. England implicitly ac knowledged such a right when, a short time since, through the medium of her Minister of Foreign Affairs—by the weight of her great authority, by the solemn means of diplomatic action—she con demned the unjust measures employed by Austria in sequestering the estates of Sardinian subjects ; and agreed that if under such circumstances the dangers of war were prevented, it resulted from the great moderation of the Sardinian Govern ment. * " Accordingly, as her Britannic Majesty's Go vernnaent has acknowledged the abnormal state of Italy, and promised to Sardinia that England would endeavour to find a remedy for the evils complained of, the Sardinian Government, availing itself of such promises, and reserving its liberty of action in case Austria should abstain for the future from committing aggressive acts, Sardinia is ready to give her assurance that it is not her intention to attack Austria. And she agrees on this subject to make a declaration the same as that contained in the despatch of Count Buol, which, in reality, is nothing but a long and bitter accusation against Sardinia and the politics of the Cabinet over which I have the honour to preside. " The speeches delivered in Parliament explain ing our politics, the despatches and circulars which have been • communicated to the Cabinet of St. James's, and particularly the memorandum ad ' dressed to England and Prussia, in the justice of which Lord Malmesbury entirely agrees, explain and justify our conduct most completely. I think, therefore, I need not on the present occasion refute one by . one the arguments which Count Buol em ploys in his despatch, wherein he represents Sar dima as the real cause of the abnormal condition of Italy. " Such arguments cannot have any value with any impartial person who remembers the events which have succeeded each other from the com mencement of the present year. " The military preparations continually taken by Austria, and pointed out in my despatch of , have all preceded the justifiable action of the Sardinian Government. The Speech from the Throne at the opening of the Sardinian Parliament was only pronounced on the 10th of January, and yet on the 3d of the same month a new corps d'armee was suddenly sent to Austrian Italy. " Our loan did not take place until after Austria had en deavoured to negotiate a much larger loan in London. " Finally, if we have called out our contingent, leaving our reserves at their homes, it was not until Austria had ordered her Italian army to be placed on a complete war footing that we were convinced that we should find ourselves ere long in the face of one of the largest armies that ever crowded the soil of Italy. " These facts form a strange commentary , on the pacific protestations which close the Austrian de spatch, and it would be difficult to reconcile them, if, in the diplomatic note in question, we did not find the innate ideas of Austria on the Italian question. _ _ " Count Buol, after having rapidly examined, from his point of view, the events which have succeeded each other since 1848, finishes by declaring that if Italy is profoundly agitated, if the people are discon tented, if the Governments have done nothing to satisfy the legitimate desires of their subjects, this all originates in the views and spirit of turbulence which liberty has developed in Piedmont ; in fact, availing myself of Count Buol's words, Through the intro duction in that country (Piedmont) of institutions which work well when they have been developed and matured by ages, but which do not seem to be in accordance with the genius, traditions, and social condition of Italy: "Count Buol also points out, as a principal remedy to such a state of things (the gravity of which he does not attempt to hide), the united action of the great Powers, to be exercised with the object of modifying the institutions of Pied mont ; in fact by stifling the liberty of Piedmont, — Lombardy, Venice, and the other States of the Peninsula would become again tranquil. " Without admitting such a conclusion, and being convinced that the destruction of the liberal insti• tutions of Piedmont, instead of assuring peace, would —the Italians being reduced to despair—result in revolution—still we do not hesitate to acknowledge there is much truth in the thought which inspired this part of the despatch of the Austrian Minister. " The contrast presented by Piedmont with the provinces under the dominion of Austria is too striking not to produce a profound irritation in Austria. The example of Piedmont proving, con trary to the assertion of Count Buol, that the Italians are susceptible of a liberal and progressive regime, makes the military system of Austria more hateful to the people of the Italian Peninsula. The corporal punishments, the ever augmenting taxa tion, the fatal financial measures, and the abandon ment to the clergy of the rights of the State, make the contrast more obvious. " We acknowledge, therefore, that the liberty of Piedmont is a danger and a menace for Austria. According to Austria there are only two things to do—destroy the liberal institutions of Italy, or keep up her dominion over all Italy to prevent contagion from spreading over the other states of the penin sula which have not enough strength at their dis posal for suppressing the voice of the peeple. It is the second alternative which Austria has embraced, waiting the later arrival, and indirect action, the realisation of the first indicated means. "Austria, up to the present moment, has suc ceeded by secret treaties with Parma, Modena, and Tuscany, and by the indefinite occupation of the Romagna (which is now about to cease, accord ing to the declarations of Vienna and Rome), and by the considerable fortifications she h as so con- strutted, in making herself mistress of Central Italy, and thus binding Piedmont with a circle of iron. " It is against such a state of things, which is not justified by the Treaties of Vienna, that Sardinia has not ceased to protest for many years, calling for the intervention and support of the great Powers who signed the Treaties of 1815. " Such a state of things has for a long time con stituted a threatening danger to Piedmont, aggra vated of late by extraordinary armaments and other aggressive acts on the part of Austria which have forced the Government of the King to adopt defen sive measures and call the contingents under arms. " It is proposed that this state of things should cease, that Austrian dominion in Italy should enter within the limits formally stipulated by treaties ; that Austria should disarm, and that Sardinia, whilst deploring the unhappy fate of the popula• tion on the other side of the Ticino, should confine her efforts, as England has often recommended her to do, towards a pacific propaganda calculated more and more to enlighten public opinion in Europe on the Italian question, and to prepare the elements for a future solution. " But, so long as our neighbours group round them and against us all the States of Italy which border on us, and whilst th e y can freely- march tohfeythceall:ohaonldd u p p ia t c o enz th a e their troops on the banks as banks A (tr p a e n n s n fo in rm es e ; d s i o nto a fortress of the first order), con tinually threatening our frontier, it will he impos sible for us to remain defenceless in the face of the provoking and armed attitude of Austria. " The Government of her Britannic Majesty i s too enlightened and too loyal not to admit that w e cannot pursue any other line of conduct without betraying our rights, without offending our honour, whatever may be our desires to dissipate the clouds which threaten the peace of the world. " I request you, M. le Marquis, to read and give a copy of this despatch to Lord Malmesbury, and I avail myself,,&c.,-&c. (Signed) " CAVOUR." See despatch of Lord Clarendon to the Marquis d'Azeglio. The Journal de Rouen remarks :—The crops in Normandy present a most splendid appearance, which can not but be improved by the splendid weather. Rye is par ticularly forward, and is beautifully green ; lucerne and clover are in the best condition. Should no sharp frost or extreme wet visit us, all these crops will not only produce abundantly, but much earlier than usual." THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MARCH 28, 1859. THE BALLOT SOCIETI AND MR. WYLD, M.P. IOR BODMIN. TO THE EDITOR OF THE MORNING ADVERTISER. Sir,—The letter of Mr. Bontems in the Morning .Advertiser of March 26, 1859, is a justification, and complete justification, of the course I and the friends of the Ballot who support my addition to Lord John Russell's resolutions, intend pursuing. My amend ment is to add to the resolution, "And that at any election of a member or members to serve in Parliament the votes shall be taken by Ballot ;" and Mr. Bontems writes "that the course proposed to be taken by Mr. Wyld is quite in accordance with the opinions of most, if not all, the mem bers of the committee who are not in Parliament, including the Vice-President himself; and that they were only in duced to give way in consequence of the strongest remon strances from their leading Parliamentary friends, who in sisted upon it that irremediable damage would be done to the cause unless they did so." Is this so ? The Committee of the Ballot Society, who are well in formed of the public feeling —who represent public opinion uponthis great question—who have friends, correspondents, and branch societies in all parts of England—who are in daily communication with those who advocate the Ballot throughout the empire —these intelligent and well-informed gentlemen have determined that the course I propose is in accordance with their opinions," and yet they abandon their opinions, and the opinions of those they represent, "in consequence of the remon strances of their leading Parliamentary friends." Re spectfully, may I ask, who are these "leading Parlia mentary friends ?" The voters now on the register—the citizen who seeks to be enfranchised by the Reform Bill-- all those who ask for the protectiou of the Ballot, and who are looking to Lord John Russell's necessity as theit oppor tunity—demand, in the name of justice and of freedom, who compose this phalanx of " leading Parliamentary friends ?" What is their number Are they the veterans of the Ballot army; or are they the unwilling conscripts, who serve in our ranks, not because they like our banner or our cause, but because they are compelled to redeem their election pledges. Or are they unreal mockeries, conjured up before the eyes of the committee of the Ballot Society by some clever whip of party—by some office-seeker and would-be supporter of a future Government who wish to assume office without other pledges than mere vague gene ralities ? Mr. Bontems will find that he has rendered great service to the cause of the Ballot. He has informed the " leading Parliamentary friends" that the opinions of nearly all, if not all, the members of the committee of the Ballot Society are in accordance with the course I propose; and he has warned our "leading Parliamentary friends" that if any miscarriage should occur to my amendment the blame will be on their heads, and not upon the committee of the Ballot Society. And the unanimous approval of the recognised organ of the Ballot opinions leaves to me no other course but to persevere with my addition to Lord John Russell's resolutions, and to demand the support of the " leading Parliamentary friends" of the Ballot Society.--I have the honour to be, sir, yours, &c., 'TAMES WYLO. Gloucester-road, Regent's Park. THE BALLOT SOCIETY AND TEE MEMBER FOR BODMIN. TO THE EDITOR OF THE MORNING ADVERTISER. Sir,—l am sure your sense of fairness in matters affect ing personal and public character, and both are somewhat concerned in the case I refer to, will render it a pleasure to you to insert a few lines in reference to your leader of the 25th, so far as it relates to the Vice-chairman of the Ballot Society. 1 agree entirely with you it the opinion that the motion for the Ballot ought to be brought forward in con nection with Lord John Russell's amendment; and I en close you, in confidence, satisfactory evidence, that I have even very strong feelings on this point. When, therefore, I add that I am an honorary member of the Executive Committee of the Ballot Society, and frequently attend the meetingsin stirring times like these, you will believe that I am a fair witness on the points I refer to. Though a dissentient member from the majority of the committee on the subject of Mr. Wyld's motion, and though I so decidedly think the se cond reading of the bill is the time when a motion for the ballot should be made, I can yet assure you that the vice-chairman of the Ballot Society is, in that society, the very reverse of what you describe him to be. His position there is entirely due to his services. It has indeed been " promotion by merit." I never, in any lead ing official in any society—and I have been connected with many—saw such watchful, untiring diligence in a cause before. It is this which gives his opinion weight in com mittee meetings, and would give it weight in any meet ing of gentlemen. I have never seen anything but the reverse of wishing to be the "Lord Paramount" or " Ba show" among us ; nor indeed are the stiff and ardent Re formers with whom Mr. Whitehurst has to do, the men who would tolerate dictation for a moment. What I in close you in confidence will, I am sure, convince you that we are anything but " the veriest ciphers" in Mr. White hurst's hands. As to his "status in the political world," his "abilities," and so forth, that of course is purely matter of opinion. I would only remark that to the one object of the ballot he devotes his entire political energies. It is in deed enough for one man ; and 1 must say that amongst a tolerably extensive acquaintance with Reformers, I do not know one so versed in all that relates to the object of his political efforts. His vote for Lord John Russell may of course be fairly challenged. I happened, how ever, to be present at a meeting in London of gentlemen from all parts of the kingdom on behalf of the ballot, when he was asked his intention ; he avowed it, with the condition that if Lord John failed them in this Parliament on the Ballot, he should never vote for him again. I heard not one objecting voice raised. I think, sir, these few remarks on behalf of Mr. Whitehurst are due from, as you perceive, an independent MEMBER OF THE BALLOT SOCIETY COMMITTEE. [We have allowed our Correspondent to go much farther in praise of the Vice-President of the Ballot Society than we could have been expected to do from our remarks in Friday's impression of the Morning Advertiser. Perhaps his friend and admirer will, at his leisure, reconcile the Vice-President's fitness for his position and eminent ser vices to the Society, with his sending the details of the more interesting proceedings of the Society to a newly started paper, to the exclusion of journals which for twenty five long years had strenuously advocated the Ballot, when that mode of voting was far from being so popular as it now is. But probably our Correspondent may think this also onlyanother and striking proof of the matchless merits of the Society's Vice-President.—Ed. M.A.] THE BALLOT. The Right Hon. H. Labouchere has returned the following answer to the members of the Ballot Society of Taunton, who had forwarded him an address, signed by 287 registered electors, praying that he would support the ballot : " Belgrave -square, March 24. " Gentlemen,—l have received a requisition, signed by a considerable number of my constituents, asking me to sup port the ballot in Parliamentary elections. " Among the names which are appended to it I perceive those of many of my oldest and firmest friends, and. I hope that I need not assure them that it is with sincere pain that I take any course which is at variance with their wishes and opinions. " I will not attempt on this occasion to argue the ques tion of the ballot, for it would be scarcely possible for me to do so within the limits of a letter. I can only say that I continue to believe that a system of secret voting for mem bers of Parliament in this country would produce greater evils than any that it professes to remedy. With this con viction, I should be unworthy of representing you, or any other honest constituency, if I were capable of changing my vote while my opinions remained unaltered. " I am not conscious that I am unduly biased in this matter by any personal interest. I have often been told, and I believe truly, that I should be more likely to gain than to lose if the elections at Taunton were conducted on a system of secrecy ; and it is certain that I in no degree owe my seat to the exercise of any predominant influence in my favour. Those among you who are acquainted with my conduct as a landowner in your neighbourhood will be aware that I have always left my tenants as free in the use of their elective franchise for the county as I am myself. "And now, gentlemen, I am sure that you will deal as frankly with me as I have endeavoured to do with you. I have been your member for almost 30 eventful years ; and you have had abundant opportunities of judging of my prin ciples and conduct. It is for you to consider whether the difference which exists between us on the subject of the ballot really outweighs in your minds that general coinci dence of sentiment on other questions which has so long existed, and which I believe still continues to exist, between us. If this shall be your opinion and that of the majority of my constituents, I assure you that I have no desire that any claims which length of service may give me in the minds of many among you should preclude you from adopt ing that, course which may give you a more fitting repre sentative at the next election. Whenever that decision is made known to me I shall bow to it without a murmur, and shall take leave of you with no other feelings than those of lasting gratitude for the confidence and kindness which I have so long experienced at your hands. " I am, gentlemen, your obliged and faithful servant, "H. LABOTICHERE." GOVERNMENT EMIGRATION.—Her Majesty's Emigration Commissioners have given notice of their inten tion to receive tenders next Thursday, the 31st inst., for a ship to proceed to Melbourne, Victoria, to be ready for the reception of passengers on such day as the Commissioners may appoint between the 7th and 14th of May. THE CIVIL SERVICE.—The Treasury.—There are several vacancies in the Treasury for Supplementary Clerks, for which a competitive examination is announced ; com mencing salary £l2O per annum. War-office. —There are several vacancies for Junior Clerks, for which a competi tive examination will be shortly announced; commencing salary £lOO per annum. Law Department.—The Recorder ship of Norwich has become vacant by the death of Mr. Prendergast, Q.C. The Dockyards, &c.—Mr. William Campbell, Second-class and Senior Clerk in the Wages Branch, Pembroke Dockyard, has been promoted to the Acting First-class ; Mr. Richard Harwood has been ap pointed Temporary Clerk in Pembroke Yard. Customs.— Mr. James Baxter has been promoted from Second to First-class Tide Surveyor at Liverpool ; Mr. John Holloway has been promoted from Third to Second class Tide Surveyor at Liverpool Mr. Martin Byrne has been promoted from Third to Second Class Tide Sur veyor at Liverpool. Inland Revenue Department.—There are 20 situations vacant in the Inland Revenue Department, for which 60 candidates will compete on the 12th of April next. Stamps and Taxes Branch. Mr. R. N. Lucas, Surveyor of Taxes, Croydon, has been promoted to Faver sham, in the room of Mr. Kite, promoted to Cheltenham. Mr. Augustus Farr, Surveyor of Taxes, has been promoted from Pershore to Spalding. Mr. William Clark Shaw, Supernumerary Surveyor of Taxes, Liverpool, has been appointed Surveyor of Taxes at Pershore. Excise Branch. —Mr. Edward Thomas Crabb, Examiner, has been pro moted to be Supervisor of Aboyno District. Mr. Philip Taylor Evans, Examiner, has been promoted to be Super visor of Colchester District, relieving Mr. John Roche Davies, appointed Supervisor of Inverness District. Mr. John P. Mullany, Examiner, has been promoted to be S upervisor of Swansea District ' .—Civii Service Gazette. seebtedus byheal re t s h pr t s o ib o i responsibility [ADV ERTIFLEMENT.I—HoIIoway's Pills and Ointment.— Female Complaints.—On the mothers of E ng l an d d evo l ves ldmeasuus much and acdrirfiohyh daughters serious qu in entlalas ! securing thtooutghhetir culpable bashfulness at a particular period of life when all important changes take place in the female constitution; and upon the proper management of which hangs future happiness or misery. Neglect in as sisting nature has consigned thousands to despondency, disease, and premature death. Holloway's Pills, especially if aided by the Ointment, have th e happiest' effects in establishing these functions, upon the due performance of which our social position depends, and our race saved from degeneration. Mothers and daughters may safely use these powerful deobstruent remedies without feeing the faculty. THE REFORM DEBATE. (From the Times.) Even if this great Reform Debate should have no imme diate practical sequel, it will afford to future writers rare opportunities of studying the individual characters of our contemporary statesmen. On ordinary occasions politicians talk and vote and almost think in companies, regiments, and brigades, and you might as w e ll p re di ca t e the exact reli gious opinions of one of the Queen's Guards from his style of holdmg his firelock, as describe th e i nner p re dil ec ti ons of a Lord of the Treasury from a vote he gives on a division. But now, when party lies dislocated, if not quite dissevered, when the limbs no longer obey any com mon ruling impulse, we can luxuriate in plausible specula tions as to the native, natural tendencies, of individual minds. We can draw parallels after the manner of Plutarch. We can compare Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston as the great biographer compared Numa and Lycurgus. As Plutarch contrasts the cruel severity of Lycurgus in authorising the destruction of the Helots with the benignity of Numa in softening slavery by the inven tion of the Saturnalia, so we can note the atrox animus of Lord John, who would destroy altogether those clumsy bondsmen, who bear so feebly their burden of reform, and contrast it with the benignity and pity of Lord Palmer ston, who exhorts them to labour and live, and who has, like Numa, invented an expedient by which they shall for a little space even sit in the seats of their masters. There is a very natural tone in the speech of the Reform leader of 1831. He looks upon the British Constitution as the inventor looked upon the Strasburg clock ; he considers it as entirely a giece of Whig machinery which no one else can understand, and with wlish none but a Whig ought to meddle. There is in the matter and manner of his speech a mingled feeling of indignation and apprehension, a double sense of outraged property and alarmed affection. He sees in the intervention of the Tories upon this broad plateau of Reform nothing but an insolent invasion of his own pe culiar province ; he sees in the measure they have pro pounded nothing but " a disastrous change in the law and constitution of this country." It is " Russell to the rescue !" He goes back to Woburn, and, rummaging among the old banners of the house—putting aside the No-Popery banner of his great ancestor—tossing into one corner the £lO suf frage banner of 1832, postponing for a future occasion the Finality banner of a more recent convenience, he clutches the old-fashioned, general, indefinite, and uncommitting flag of "Parliamentary Reform," and, holding it aloft, he grandly says, in a peroration that draws down a storm of admiring cheers, "I defended it when young, and I will not desert it now that lam old." With this phrase of chivalric sound Lord John poised against the Trea sury benches that resolution which was to be to them a thunderbolt—to burn them up body and household. He had quite made up his mind to the inconvenience and unpleasantness of the scene of slaughter he was about to inaugurate. Let moderate and timorous men like Mr. Roebuck talk of consequences to the tran quillity of England or to the peace of Europe, Lord John scorned to pause on such a question. Let a dissolution come; and let Ministers hold up their bill on every hustings in England ; or let them resign, and then let the world see how ray were the dupes who would allow themselves to be fettered upon this question, and who would vote less with a view to the Reform Bill before them than with a wish to keep our foreign relations unchanged and our correspon dence with foreign Courts unjarreeby a sudden rupture in the medium of communication. Lord John responded for all. B e would cover us with his broad buckler ;he would be at once our deem and our tutamen • in his broad shadow let England sleep without a f ea r. His only condition was —" Stand not between me and my victims." He spake and launched his thunderbolt. It does not seem to have been of the true Cyclopean manufacture, but rather to have been a fabrication of the more recent schools of Congreve, or Shrapnel, or Norton; for, although it has frightened the opposite party a good deal, it has not yet quite blasted them ; and although it has created a great noise and smoke it has not yet exploded. The Ministers were like the Russians at the first advance upon Sebastopol—if the invaders could have acted at once the catastrophe would probably have been complete. But while the Parliamentary combustible was fizzing and smoking there was time to recover from the first shock; sandbags and windbags, but principally the latter, were thrown up a l'improviste ; neutral friends, some of whom had even assisted at the fabrication of the projec tile, came in to tender aid. Mr. Walpole first suggested that it was by no means so deadly as it looked at first sight, and Sir Stafford Northcote seemed at last to think that it was sent over with a rather kindly intention. It might be used as a bluelight, a lantern, or s. torch to light them through the dense fog certain to arise when they got into committee. The opinion still remained, and still does remain, that there is a nasty bounce in the tail of the thing, which sooner or later will divide its contents unequally between the house and the lobby ; but many re medies have been suggested to neutralise the effects of this inevitable explosion, and several wet blankets have already been rather efficaciously brought to bear upon this unquiet, but provokingly procrastinating, combustible. But, while making manifest the stern severity of our Ly curgus, we must not forget to shadow forth, in proper artistic and Plutarchian contrast, the benignity of our Numa. It may be said, perhaps it may be truly said, that Lord Palmerston had not the same strong innate feeling about Reform which Lord John Russell has ; or that, if he had, it pointed rather to the opposite pole of the political compass. But still Lord Palmerston stated the case very much as Lord John had done. He also thought that Minis ters ,I had sinned against the Constitution—that poor Consti tution which, like truth, appears sharply defined in a dif ferent shape to each individual vision ; that their borough franchise was too high, and their forty-shilling freeholder disfranchisement was unconstitutional ; that they were un profitable servants, and deserving of all condemnation. But mark the difference of the sentence ! Although the convic tion was upon the same indictment, Lord John says, "Die, that I may take your place and do mine own duty, which you have usurped." Lord Palmerston says, "Live, and live in purple and fine linen. I condemn you to £5,000 a year each and the patronage of the State. Live, that you may do the drudgery which I should probably be obliged to do if I were to kill you. Live and labour. Behold the nosebag, and behold the bit—open your mouths both and be content." It is doubtless pleasant to have an alternative. Even a dagger and a bowl is better than no choice whatever. There is an opening for a little dash of scenic heroism when the choice is between death and hopeless slavery. How say you, Lord Derby? Will you turn out with your herd and range the plains in the wild liberty of Opposition, or will you be stalled and stabled, and mashed, and curricombed, and clothed, and gently galloped in Lord Palmerston's stables and train ing-grounds ? How say you, Mr. Disraeli ? Will you fall under Lord John's sling, or will you suffer yourself to be caught and tamed by Lord Palmerston's silken lasso ? " I condemn you," said Lord Palmerston, quoting a precedent, "to keep your places." The same thi ng i s don e a t thi s day in China. Our old friend Commissioner Lin, whose life was forfeited for making a treaty with the barbarians, was, instead of being put to death, sent to govern a dis tnrbed province, and he travelled to his government wear ing slight golden fetters as a memorial to him of his state of condemnation. These things have happened, and may happen again. But hitherto they have only happened in despotic countries, and have only been submitted to by serfs acting under so dire a necessity and so material a compul sion that obedience could not be held to imply consent, and the execution of a servile task could not carry with it dis honour. It may be that Lord Derby is about to set us a new precedent, but he must be the guardian of his own honour. (From the Morning Herald). Between Lord John Russell and a large proportion of his supporters a great difference of opinion exists. The former desires to postpone legislation on parliamentary reform, the latter demand the immediate settlement of the question. The member for London not only seeks to render the pass ing of the Government measure impossible, but actually bids for the support of Reformers of every grade and degree. And this he does without offering a single pledge or laying down principles which might form tho basis of a settlement. In the difficult position which he occupies explanations might create embarrassment. His object is not to elicit truth, but to gain votes. Hence his resolution commends itself to Mr. Bright and his friends who will be satisfied with nothing short of revolution. Their principal aim is to defeat the measure, and this ambiguously-worded amend ment offers the most convenient weapon. Yet the majority of those who have spoken in its favour have openly declared that they neither wish to arrest the progress of the bill nor to assail the present Government. Many do not hesitate to assert not only that the continuance in office of Lord Derby's Administration is the sole pledge of the preservation of peace, buifU;ther, that Lord John Russell's elevation to power would be a national calamity. That which was intended as a vote of censure upon the present occupants of office has proved, beyond doubt, that they possess the confidence of the House of Commons, and that their political opponents are objects of general distrust and suspicion. This will probably account for the conflicting statements made by various members of the new coalition. Lord John Russell desires to censure the Government. Lord Palmer. ston assures the house that the success of the amendment cannot be construed in this manner. The feeling of the Legislature in favour of an immediate settlement of the question has been so strongly expressed that even the pro moters of the opposition are appalled at the results which their unconstitutional proceeding might, if successful, pro duce. Lord Palmerston is aware that a considerable majo rity of the Lower House would, were the direct issue raised, vote for the second reading of the bill. The noble lord naturally feels alarmed at having pledged himself to an amendment, which is nothing more nor less than a clever device framed with a view of making certain members of Parliament vote in direct opposition to their natural incli nations. Many of those who have promised to support Lord John Russell's amendment do not attempt to conceal their regret at having given that pledge. The member for London is literally dragging them through the mire, be cause, in an evil hour, they permitted themselves to be allured into a false position. In this dilemma Lord Pal merston steps in with a word of advice. He treats the amendment as a very trivial matter, and laughs at the idea that the Government or anybody else should view it in a serious light. Anxious above all ihings to put him self right with the representatives of the people, the mem ber for Tiverton bows to the decision of Parliament. So far does his zeal sorry him that he pronounces an eulogium upon Ministers for their patriotic conduct, and, without doing himself much good, places Lord John Russell in a most ridiculous and humiliating position. We do not, therefore, wonder at the murmurs that have since been heard in the ranks of the disconsolate Whigs. Their com plaint that while one leader is urging them on to the en counter, another advises them to throw away their weapons and quit the field, is substantially correct. Our task is not to reconcile these differences, but merely to show that they exist. At this moment, when a great subject is under discussion, they stand out in bold relief, proving in the most conclusive manner that combined action amongst the various sections of the Opposition is impossible. The leisure and repose of the Opposition benches afford a good opportunity for reflection and im provement, yet discipline has not been restored. Bitter hostility reigns amongst these warring bands. The lank and file have different watchwords, and the leaders are ani mated by very opposite feelings ; and until a change is ac complished the influence of both must be of an uncertain character. The desire of obtaining office obtains strong possession of their minds, though they cannot agree even upon the plan by which that object is to be secured. As for guiding principles, they have none. Lord John Russell seeks to avail himself of their infirmity in this respect. He asks their support for a resolution that means nothing. It is framed in such an ambiguous manner that it commands the sympathy of the democrats, whose cry is " war to the knife ' to the small boroughs, and who demand manhood suffrage, and vote by ballot, and those constitutional re formers who believe that the small boroughs form a valu able element of our constitution, and declare that a £2O county franchise is low enough. Thus, by the aid of those who think the Government bill goes too far, and of tl:• • who believe that it does not go far enough, the member for London strives to obtain the assent of a majority of the House of Commons to the most disgraceful parliamentary dodge of late years. His hopes, which we are informed were at one time high enough, have gradually . declined, and we believe that Lord John Russell is anxious to escape from the dilemma in which, by bie anxiety to obtain office, he has been placed. It is not the first time that his lack of discretion has led to inconvenience, from the consequences of which he has been the greatest sufferer. At any rate, the noble lord is once more in difficulty, and escape how or when he may, it can only be with a damaged reputation. (From the Morning Herald.) If the faculty of speech was really bestowed upon man for the purpose of enabling him to conceal his intentions Lord Palmerston's share in the debate on Friday evening must be regarded as a great success. On that occasion the leader of the Opposition declared—" When my noble friend the member for London showed me his atnendment on the Government Reform Bill, I said, I think your amend ment is excellent, and I am perfectly ready to give it my earnest and most cordial support.' " What joyful intelli gence to Lord John Russell I How ho must have chuckled over the admission, and rubbed his hands with glee as he thought of the success of his dodge ! He had actually taken in a politician whom it was no easy matter to entrap. The artful expedient produced under the specious guise of zeal for the interests of reform—though in reality a bold bid for office—could scarcely . miscarry. His noble friend had not seen through it, and had promised "his earnest and most cordial support." So, through the long and weary strife of words in whieh the precious hours of a ses sion overladen with pressing claims had been wasted, Lord John Russell felt secure and confident. No earnest ap peals to his patriotism could wean him from his uneasy am bition. No ominous forebodings of the dire calamities which the success of his factious scheme might produce, could induce him to swerve from his purpose. No winged shafts of indignant sarcasm, no taunts of party motive, could disturb his complacency. It was playing for a high stake, and he knew that he held the winning card. Our legislators and the public puzzled themselves in endeavouring to ascertain on which side the ex-Premier would throw the weight of his influence. At length the decisive moment arrived ; Lord Palmerston rose and announced his intention of giving the amendment of his noble friend his "earnest and most cordial support." Indeed, he confessed "It was the only method of at once bringing under discussion those two points which if left in the bill it never would have passed ; but which if taken out of it might leave the bill in such a state that the house would agree to go into committee upon it." Therefore Lord Palmerston earnestly advocated the adoption of his noble friend's amendment. Hav - ing done this, and thus, to his noble friend's infinite satisfac tion, promised his cordial support to his resolution, and further expressed his firm conv i c ti on th a t th a t resolution would be carried, the ex-premier proceeded to speculate on its consequences :—" It is asked what course will the Mi nisters pursue We are told that they will resign. Sir, I believe in no such thing. I think it would be a dereliction of duty on their part if they did resign." After some more remarks in this strain Lord Palmerston continued :—" But then, sir, it is said they might dissolve. 'Well, I have no greater faith in their dissolving. I believe if even such was their intention this house would be wiser than they, and would not lend its aid to a course which I think would be very injurious to the interests of this country." What, however, was the matter with the noble lord the author of the resolution while these extraordinary admissions were being made I Why that look of blank dismay 1 Can a thunderbolt have fallen at his feet ? Or is that look of mute despair caused by the melancholy conviction that the member for Tiverton has cracked the nut for his noble friend, and, taking out the kernel, handed him back the shell? What does it all mean ? Is it malice, or mischief, or a mixture of both ; and has Lord Palmer ston repaid with interest certain sharp practices of the last session of Parliament? Even-handed justice has again been at work, and once more the schemer is disappointed. What a humiliating position for a legislator who has stood so high, and was just flattering himself that he had again overthrown his opponents, outwitted a rival, satisfied an old grudge, and obtained the object of his ambition I To turn to something of greater importance than the de feat of a crafty scheme, let us endeavour to arrive at a con clusion as to the probable issue of this debate. Will Lord Palmerston's oracular assertion be verified ? Is it so "certain that this resolution will be carried ?" We do not believe that the house will be induced by plausible but shallow arguments to adopt a course which will only create difficulty and cause delay. This trifling with the subject must produce even worse consequences than inconvenience. Is it consis tent with the pledge which our legislators have given to her Majesty of offering the measure submitted to them by the Government a calm and impartial consideration? Is it dealing generously, or even fairly, with that Government which acceded to office under circumstances of peculiar dif ficulty, and have, relying upon that pledge, honestly en deavoured to deal with this intricate question, which their predecessors have studiously avoided ? We think not. Ministers had a right to expect that their bill would have been allowed to pass its second reading without this mockery of discussion, and then its various clauses and provisions might have been discussed, and, if expedient, amended. This is the course which Earl Grey, a veteran Reformer, as warmly devoted to the cause as Lord John Russell himself, and as well versed in the tactics of Parliamentary usage and of party contests, has advocated with a force of argu ment that is irresistible. There can, indeed, be no just cause for opposing the second reading of the Government measure. It does not contain a single provision that may not be dealt with in committee. Opposition members rise one after the other and concur in the same view, proclaim ing their intention of voting in its favour. The Solicitor- General has brought forward a happy precedent, and com mended this course by the declared opinions of no less authorities than the late Premier and Sir Charles Wood. In the teeth of these facts it will be hard indeed for Lord John Russell and his supporters to show that, as far as re gards the question of Reform itself, they had no other alter native. By seeking to defeat the Government measure they endeavour to postpone indefinitely any settlement of this difficult subject, and we think that those who are anxiously longing for the boon have not much cause to be gratified by their factious proceedings. Apart from the immediate question of Reform, in the event of a dissolution no party can present themselves to the coun try with so good a case and such confident expectations of support as Ministers and their adherents. The people believe that their rule has beeapatriotic and beneficent, and have no misgivings for the future. Look at home. Was there ever a time when tranquillity and the sense of security seemed more generally to prevail ? Was commerce ever more active ? Was prosperity ever more widely diffused amongst all classes ? Has any period witnessed mere determined efforts for the removal of abuses. which have grown up around and disfigured our ancient institutions, both in Church and State ? Was gre a ter encouragement ever be stowed upon every well judged scheme for the promotion of edUcation and the intellectual, moral, and social improve ment of the people ? Though others have aided in the work, Ministers have given the impulse and set the exam ple. In the course of a few months they have accomplished more than their predecessors performed in as many years. Then look abroad 1 To say nothing of the content and prosperity that prevail in our various colonies, of the sup pression of the great Indian rebellion, of the improved aspect of affairs in that vast empire, of the opening of China and Japan to our commerce, and of various efforts to advance Christianity and civilisation by wisely-framed treaties— does not what is now actually passing on the continent of Europe redound to the credit of Lord Derby and his col leagues ? Words would fail to describe the wisdom, the firmness, and the dignity with which, under circumstances of unparalleled delicacy and difficulty, the present Ministry have directed the foreign policy of Great Britain and re stored the country to her rightful position in the foremost rank of European powers. To their firm yet conciliatory policy it is mainly owing that Europe is still in the enjoy ment of peace, and that war and bloodshed have been pre vented. Are these men, who have served their country and the world, to be embarassed for the sake of gratifying the inordinate vanity of one who does not even enjoy the confidence of his own party? Is Lord Palmerston so pacific that we should at this crisis, when a word may evoke the storm, feel safe under his guidance ? 'Was Lord Claren don's management of the Cagliari business so satisfactory as to justify an effort for his restoration to the Foreign office ? Shall Mr. Smith or Lord Clanricarde be summoned to control the destinies of our Indian empire? The British public has had enough of these men. If a majority of the House of Commons could by any artifice be induced to reject the measure the present Ministry have offered, and compel them to bring their cause before the country, to the country they may conscien tiously appeal, in full and perfect confidence of obtaining that good working majority which will enable them to carry out the wise policy which has already produced so many beneficial results. THE NEW PATENT OFIICE BUILDING, (From the Mechanics' Magazine) It is tolerably well known by this time that a splendid library lies awaiting exhumation in the " dark arches" of the present Great Seal Patent Office, and also that covetous bands are endeavouring to drag library, museum, and offices all westward. "To South Kensington with them 1" was the first cry ; and now that this has become hopeless of success, "To Burlington-house 1" is the new note of certain gentlemen who have already more to do with the Patent Office than is desirable. Now, it is to the Commissioners of Patents, and especially to Sir Fitzroy Kelly and Sir Hugh Cairns, that we have looked for an official resistance to --s. these cries. That the removal of the office and library to Piccadilly would be a highly improper thing, must be very evident to all who think for a moment on the subject. The persons who visit them daily and hourly are inventors, patentees, patent agents, and lawyers. The first three classes have, as a matter of course, perpetually recurring occasions of attending both the office and the library; and as to barristers and solicitors, there are now no less than 3,000 registered deeds in the office, in which these gentle men almost exclusively are concerned. Now, do inventors, patentees, patent agents, banisters, and solicitors, congre gate at Chancery-lane, where the Patent Office and library now are, or at Piccadilly ? Further, it is well known that a concentration of all the law courts and offices, with which the Patent Office is most intimately concerned, is extremely likely to take place on ground adjoining Chancery-lane. Sir Richard Bethell, for one, has set his heart upon the accomplishment of this, and with the suitor's fund of unclaimed millions to draw upon, he will doubtless attain his end. With what reason, then, can the permanent removal of the Patent-office and library to Piccadilly be contemplated ? In the Patent Law Amendment Act of 1852 provision was made for the payment of certain sums, part in fees and part in stamp duties. The stamp duties were £5 payable on the law officer's warrant for letters patent; £lO out of the third year's fee of £5O ; and £2O out of the seventh year's fee of £lOO. Now, some official gentlemen or other —we know not who exactly—chose to put down these sums as so much " revenue," and paid them into the Treasury as such. In 1853, however, another act was passed con verting the whole of the payments (including fees) into stamp duties, and therefore abolishing his pretended dis • tinction between the two kinds of payments. But, strange to say, no corresponding change has been made in the man ner of keeping the accounts. Every year, away goes a large sum from the surplus patent fund as " revenue still." The amount thus abstracted since 1852 is nearly £90,000. The Commissioners estimated the " Revenue stamp duties" for the current year at £16,000 more. So that the actual sur plus fund raised from patentees since 1852 is at least £lOO,OOO more than the Commissioners represent. This sum ought—every farthing of it—to be available for the new building if required, and with it we have no need to go begging a bit of Burlington-gardens from Lord Derby. ETIQUETTE IN THE MONKEY TRlBE.—Mon keys have their code of etiquette as well as men ; and, as they do not possess cards, the correct mode in which a monkey announces its presence to a human visitor is by dropping a piece of stick upon him. Perhaps he may consider the stick to be only a twig fallen in the course of nature, and so take no notice of it. DOWII comes another stick, and if that does not cause him to look up, several more are let fall upon him until his attention is drawn to the assembly in the branches. This point having been gained, the next object is to let the intruder know that his company is un desirable, and that the sooner he takes his departure the more agreeable it will be for all parties.—Routledge' 111u,9- ended Natural Eistory, by the Rev. T. a. Wood, ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. HOME CIRCUIT.—LEWES, March 25. (Before Mr. Justice Wightman.) T.HE MURDER AT RYE. John White, 48, was charged with the wilfu' murder of his wife, Susannah White. The prisoner, who, when he was committed for trial in August last, was a strong, hearty man, appears to have suffered much mental agony sin ce he has been in confinement. When he was placed at the bar he appeared hardly able to stand, and a chair was placed for him to sit upon in the dock. Ile clasped his hands convulsively, and raised his face in an imploring attitude, and remained in that position during the whole trial, and whenever his children were mentioned he burst into tears. Mr. Barrow and Mr. Merrifield conducted the prosecution ; Sergeant Parry and Mr. G. Denman defended the prisoner. It appeared that the prisoner married the de ceased, who was a widow, and who was described as a remarkably fine, handsome woman, several years ago, she having at the time two children by her first marriage, and having born six others to the prisoner. The prisoner was formerly in the service of Messrs. Lee, the contractors for the Go vernment harbour works at Dover, by whom he was employed as a sort of overlooker • but shortly before the occurrence in question took place the prisoner had left Messrs. Lee's service, and had gone to Rye, where he was employed to superin tend some works connected with the harbour, in which they were also engaged. It would seem that the prisoner and his wife lived very unhappily together, and there was no doubt that he was jealous of her, and they frequently quarrelled in consequence. The murder was alleged to have taken place on the 27th of July last year, and it appeared that on the morning of that day the prisoner and his wife had a quarrel, and the deceased said that she would go to Mr. Druce, the foreman of the works at which the prisoner was employed, and get him to send her and her children back to Dover, and the prisoner, in reply, said that if she did so it would be the worst day's work she ever did. A few minutes after eleven o'clock the same morning the deceased was seen going in the direction 'of the works, and the prisoner was observed going after her, and the unhappy deceased was never again seen alive. On the following morning a boy named Bush, who was going to Rye to fetch letters, saw some object floating in a ditch close to the town, but took no notice of it at this time ; but seeing the same object on the following morning, he went to the spot and saw that it was the body of a woman, with one hand and part of the nose above the sur face of the water. An alarm was raised, and upon the body being taken out, it turned out to be that of the deceased, and upon Mr. Adamson, a surgeon, at Rye, examining it, he ascertained that the im mediate cause of death was suffocation, but there were also a number of slight cuts, apparently made by a knife, about the face and body, and the hands were also severely cut, apparently through having seized hold of the instrument while struggling with her murderer. There were marks of a violent struggle near the spot, and it was also evident that the murderer, whoever he was, had been into the ditch as well as the deceased, and footsteps were traced for a consider able distance in the direction of an old " ruin" called Cambar Castle, a few miles from Rye. The prisoner was seen on the same day lying on the ground near this spot, and at this time his clothes were completely covered with mud, and it appeared that he was wandering about until the following Saturday, when he was taken into custody by Butcher, one of the constables of Rye, in a nearly exhausted state, at a place called Rolvenden, in Kent. The prisoner at this time was still nearly covered with mud, and upon the constable telling him that he took him into custody for the wilful murder of his wife, he replied, " How do you know I murdered her ? Did anybody see me do it ?" The constable told him that he had better be cautious what he said, as he might have to repeat it against him, and the prisoner then said, " Where are my dear children ?" The constable replied that they were taken care of, and the prisoner then asked him where he had taken his wife to, and Butcher told him she had been taken to his house, meaning the gaol, where he resided. The prisoner then said, " This is a very bad job. What has taken place between me and my wife has all been caused by a man named Barlow. It would not have happened if I had been punished for something that happened in the bay of Dover six months ago." The prisoner did not explain what he meant by this last obser vation, but as the constables were conveying him back to Rye, he said that Barlow had taken impro per liberties with his wife in his presence, and that he used to insult him by asking him questions about his wife while he was at work. The con stable afterwards asked the prisoner where he had left his wife, and he said in the ditch close by the tramway leading to the works at Rye. He was then asked whether he had a knife ; and he said that he had one on Monday the 26th of July, the day before the murder, but that he had lost it since and did not know what had become of it. The shoes of the prisoner were subsequently removed, and they corresponded with the footmarks that were observed near the place where the murder had been com mitted. These were the main points of the evidence, but it appeared that while the prisoner was being conveyed to Lewes gaol, after his committal, he had a conversation with Johnson, an officer who accom panied him, respecting the murder, and, in the course of it, the prisoner said, " She agitated me— she agitated me to the last moment, and I took it all in good part, and if she had been persuaded by me and gone home, it would not have happened. I told her to go home and mind the children, and she would not." The prisoner then said that after the affair had happened, he went over several dykes, and fell head-over-heels into one of them, and if there had been a little more water in it, he should not have got out again, and after this he exclaimed in a passionate manner, " Oh, if they would but forgive me, what would I not do for my children." The above facts having been proved, Sergeant Parry addressed the jury for the defence. The jury found the prisoner guilty of man slaughter, and The learned judge ordered him to be kept in penal servitude for life. SOUTH WALES CIRCUIT.—BREcoN, March 24. (Before Mr. Justice Hill.) David Morgan, haulier, 18, was indicted for the wilful murder of John Davies, by stabbing him with a knife, at Ystradgan:ais, on the 26th of February last. He was also charged with the like offence upon the coroner's inquisition. The prisoner, who had a very boyish appearance, seemed much affected, and sobbed convulsively during the trial, the audience in the densely crowded court evidently compassionating him. Mr. Giffard and Mr. Rees appeared for the pro secution ; Mr. T. Allen for the defence. Mr. Giffard proposed to put in a deposition made by the deceased before his death. Mr. Allen objected to its being read, because it was not taken upon oath. The Judge, after some discussion, ruled the de position admissible as evidence, and it was read as evidence : " On Saturday night last, the 26th of February, I was sitting at supper in my house, in the parish of Ystradgan lais, in the county of Brecon, when the prisoner, David Morgan, who stands b e f ore me now , came t o th e door and asked me to give him a light for his pipe. I told him he should not come in, but I would give him a light if he wanted one. I then went out of my house and latched the door, and went into the adjoining house, occupied by a widow named Rebecca Phillips, who was there then. The priso ner followed me, and began blackguarding me. I told him to go home peaceably, and Mrs. Phillips also told him to go out, and he told her to hold her tongue, or he would strike her. She then caught hold of him, and pushed him out. I then came to the house where I lodged, and am now. When I got into the yard in front of the house the prisoner said to me, have hold of you again when you are by yourself, and in company with me.' Eliza beth Griffiths, who was present, said to me, How can you suffer such language from a boy ?' I then went after David Morgan to send him away. I told him to go home quietly, and I went down by the stile just under Job Griffiths's window. Before I got quite down to the stile the prisoner returned and struck me in the lower part of the bowels. I felt as if a knife had pierced me. The instrument with which I was stabbed was not very sharp, and seemed to rip me. I turned into Job Griffiths's house, and the prisoner followed me ; as I turned into the house I observed another person, whom I did not know, as it was dark, and I couldnot see his features. Boththeso persons followed me to Griffiths's house door, and as I was going in there I received a cut with a cutting instrument over the left eye and temple. I then went into the house and Mrs. Griffiths closed the door ; the shirt, trousers, and vest now produced are those I wore when I was stabbed ; and the holes in them are those made by the instrument with which I was stabbed. I heard Job Griffiths's wife call out to open the door, as they had knives. I swear that David Morgan is the man who stabbed me, because he was alone when I received the first stab. I knew him by his voice and his dress, and I dis tinctly saw his face by the light of the candle in Rebecca Phillips's house, when he went there fora light. I had the same feelings, when I was stilbed in the eye, and temples, and bowels. My aunt (Elizabeth Rees) told me that night not to let the prisoner in. Job Griffiths's wife was outside hQr door, which was closed, when I was stabbed. Upon exami nation I found I was stabbed in the bowels, eye, temples, and shoulder. C r o ss - exam i ne d by th e p r i son er—Now, John, did I do anything to you bef ore y ou touched me ? Answer —I did not touch you." Corroborative evidence was called, and a large number of witnesses proved that the prisoner was there with a knife in his hand, and that he was the first to rush upon the deceased. Mr. Price, surgeon, deposed—l was called to the deceased on the night of the 26th February, and found him lying on his back with his clothes open. His bowels were protruding from the lower part of his stomach from a wound about an inch and a-half in length, produced by some cutting instrument, such as the knife produced. There were two other similar wounds on the abdomen, but of a slighter character. I observed two wounds on the left temple, probably produced by the same instrument. There was also one on the shoulder, bt tween two and three inches in length. I attende d deceased until his death, which took place on the 1A th March. The cause of death was inflammation, produced by the cut in the bowels. The intestines had been penetrated. The prisoner's statement before the magistrate was, I had no intention of doing such. a thing." Mr. Allen, in a forcible address to the jury, said they had to consider whether deceased met death at the hand of the prisoner ; and, if so, whether the crime committed was murder or manslaughter. He contended that :there were many points in the case for the prosecution which made it doubtful whether the fatal blow was dealt by the prisoner or another person; and if the jury entertained a reasonable doubt they must give the prisoner the benefit of the doubt. But if they were of opinion that the prisoner's hand inflicted the fatal blow he asked them seriously to consider whether there were not many circumstances of passion and provocation in the case which would, make them incline to the opinion that under the influence of such feelings the prisoner rushed headlong into a deed which he had no intention to con emit. :- ----- A number of witnesses gave prisoner a good character. The learned judge in summing up detailed clearly the law of the case, instructing the jury that if the deceased fell by the hand of the p risoner in a mutual encounter the latter was guilty of man slaughter ; but if he drew a knife with the inten tion to inflict a wound, and that wound caused death, then he was clearly guilty of the crime of murder, and they must, as honest men, declare a verdict to that effect. After a long conference, the jury said. they could. not agree whether the verdict should be murder or manslaughter. The Judge offered to repeat any portion of the evidence. The jury declined this, and again retired to deli borate. After another long consultation they re entered the court, and, amid a death-like silence, they returned a verdict of " Manslughter." The Judge, in solemn terms, said this was one of those cases of manslaughter scarcely to be distin guished from murder. As a warning to others to avoid indulgence in bad passions, intemperance, and the use of the knife, the prisoner would be sen tenced to penal servitude for life. THE ARMY. His Royal Highness the General Commanding in-Chief made a visit of inspection on Friday to the camp at Colchester.. The East India troopship Wellesley, 1,013 tons, Capt. Smith, arrived in the Thames at Gravesend on Friday evening, having on board a large paxty of invalid and wounded troops, from Luckn ow, Cawnpore, Delhi, and the other mutinous distriicts in India. The wounded and disabled troops, to the number of 160 non-commissioned officers and men, embarked at Calcutta on the sth of December, and sailed on the 7th of th 6 same month. A number of the troops have been in India nearly 20 years, and several are very badly wounded, some having lost either an arm or a leg, or received severe wounds in their conflicts with the rebels at Cawnpore, Delhi, and Lucknow. On the disembarkation of the invalids at Gravesend they were conveyed to Fort Pitt, Chatham, where they were medically inspected by Surgeon-Major J. S. Prendergast, M.D., when 47 men were ordered into hospital for medical treatment, and the remainder forwarded to St. Mary's Invalid Depot, to await an inspection by a Chelsea board. On the Wellesley leaving Calcutta the John Bell, Lady Jocelyn, and Holmes dale were in the river waiting to embark invalid troops for England. The invalid troops belonging to the Royal Artillery were forwarded to Woolwich. The troops belonging to the Royal and East India Engineers at Chatham have commenced pontooning in the Medway, where a certain number of officers and men are engaged in this branch of engineering daily. The Black Ball clipper ship Donald MT:ay, which will sail on the sth of next month for Mel bourne, will take five officers and 101 privates, under contract with the Admiralty. Mr. Mouchet, the Storekeeper of Deptford Dock yard, after a long and honourable period of service, has been granted a retiring allowance of £653. Sir Wm. Armstrong, C. 8., Government Engineer for rifled ordnance, accompanied by Colonel Tul.loh and a number of officers composing the Select Com mittee of Woolwich Arsenal, went down to Shoe buryness on Friday last, and directed a course of experiments to test the merits of a new species of explosive fusee and improved shrapnel shell, his recent inventions. The issue of the experiments with both productions was pronounced extremely favourable, as containing the full requirements of the service. Some of the shells were fired from a 12-pounder Armstrong gun, over a range of 3,000 yards. The mere contact with the surface of the water on which it alighted caused the desired ex plosion of the shell. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL-31Ancn 26. It is only particular qualities of wheat which maintain late prices, and to-day flour was dull, as of late. YORK—MencH 26. To-day there was a limited show ofwheat, and a slow de mand . White samples realised 40s to 45s ; red, 37s to liOs ; barley of superior quality made extreme rates, malting of the best description selling at 34s to 36s per 30 stone; grinding, 28s to 30s Od In oats there was very little change, prices ranging from 20s to 22s per 24 stone. Beans scarce and at high rates, namely, 40s to 44s per 38 stone. Malt, 64s to Ms per qr. OXFORD—MARcu 26. At this corn market to-clay there was an average show of wheat, and the prices of all descriptions of grain were the same as last week. Business transactions were entirely confined to buyers for present consumption. CHELMSFOR We have to report more an for wheat, and prices tending ness doing. ,D—MARCII 26. imation in the demand to-flay upwards, with a good brtsi- Wheat, white 42s to 51s I Peas, Partridge-44s to 46s red 36s to 45s White 41s to 435 Barley 34s to 41s Boiling 42s to 48s Chevalier 37s to 45s I Dun 44s to 46s Grinding 27s to 33s I Beans, Tick ....38s to 40s Malt 57s to 66s Harrow Ticks 38s to 42s -• Chevalier ....72s to 73s I Mazagan 36s to 39; Oats 25s to 35s NOTTINGHAM-MARCH 26. The supply of wheat at our market to-day was very small, and the sales slow at is advance on the currencies of last week. Barley, of fine quality, as dear ; inferior sorts is lower. Oats, beans, and other articles unchanged. , , ... White wheat, new, 44s to 50s Barley, grinding.. 28s to 30s Red do. 39s to 44s Oats, old, .. 3oa to 34s Old white 44s to 4Ss New do 27s to 30s Red do.. 38s to 42s I Beans. 48s to 51s Barley, malting... . 38s to 44s Peas ....—s to ---s LEICESTER—MARcu 26. There was a small supply of wheat to-day, for which full prices were obtained. White ruled 43s to 46s per qr. ; red, 40s to 43s per o 6 stone. There was a short supply of barley, and a good business doing. In other articles trade was dull. DUBLIN-MARCJI 25. A limited supply of wheat, but there was a better feeling in the trade, and all good qualities realised the extreme prices of last week. Barley, beans, and peas in good de mand, at previous rates. Indian corn alone continues de pressed. R. d. s. d. Wheat, white 22 6 to 25 6 Do., red 2l 6 to 23 6 Do., new Barley Oats Do., black lO 6 to 11 0 s. d. s. 41. Do., new ..... 11 6 to 13 0 B ere ... 10 0 to 12 • Rapeseed .... 26 0 to 29 0 Oatmeal l3 6 to 14 6 Bakers' flour Indian corn BIRTHS. ABRAHAM.—On the 26th inst., at 30, Harewood -square, tho wife of Phineas Ab ra h am , E sq ., o f a s on. Boum:m-0n the 25th inst., at S ur biton, the wife of F. Boulton, Esq., of a daughter. HARFORD.—On the 25th inst., at 9, Cleveland - square, Hyde-park, the wife of Charles It. Harford, jun., E sq., of a son. LOPES.—On the 24th inst., at Maristow, Plymouth, the Hon. Lady Lopes, of a son. MARRIAGES HOLME-HOLLIDAY.-031 the 24th inst., at the Antient Chapel, Toxteth-park, Mr. George Holme, second son of the late Mr. George Holme, of Milnthorpe, to Margaret Elizabeth, the only daughter of Mr. James Holliday, of Liverpool. DEATHS. CLAY.—On the 16th inst., at Loches, Knightley Musgrave Clay, Esq., formerly of the 2d Life Guards, and. 9th Lancers, aged 69. CHRISTOPHER.—On the 23d inst., at Penton-place, John Danby Christopher, Esq., solicitor, of Argyle-street, aged 58. GRIMSTON.—On the 21st inst., at Kilnwick, Chas. Grim ston, Esq., of Gricaston-Garth and Kilnwick, Yorkshire, aged 67. HOLLAND.—On the 25th inst., at Regency-square, Brigh ton, the Hon. Frances Holland, widow of the Rev. Dr. S. Holland, and daughter of the late Thomas, Lord Holland. NEWNTIAM.—On the 21st inst., Mr. Frederick Newnham, historical and portrait painter, aged 62. Pnion.—On the 14th inst., at Gibraltar, L. de M. Murray Prior, Esq., 48th Regiment, son of Lieut.-Col. M. M. Prior, of Earl's-terrace, Kensington, aged 20. LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 112 Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the coun ty of Kiddies.; Moilday, Nandi 28,1868,; owl ( pal sci liv MI wir wi an, rat slio fool sea; led. lies diet] Roy lege No , Oxf (Stu Tro COI Prei Cub trial once thei 135.) PI disef blot( 4s. To Lou R.ar ON Ne tom', TE and with tong a vale R. an lane, Lond