The Sun. — London, England, 1860-09-22 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 22, 1800, BENSON'S WATCHES. " Perfection of mechanism."—Morning Post. Gold Silver 2to 50 guineas. Send 2 stamps for Benson's Illustrated Pamphlet, descrip tive of every construction of watch now made, with their prices. Watches sent to all parts of the kingdom free by post, or to India and the Colonies for ss. extra. 33 and 34, Ludgate-hill, London, E.C. Established 1749. T HEATRE -ROYAL, HAYMARKET. Lessee, Mr. J. B. Buckstone. THIS EVENING the performances will oommende with THE OVERLAND ROUTE. Messrs. William Farren, Buckstone, Compton, Chippendale, Rogers, Miss Florence Haydon, Miss Weekes, and Mrs. Wilkins. After which, the now farce, entitled FITZSMYTHE OF FITZSMYTHE HALL. Messrs. Buckstone, W. Farren, and Rogers ; Mrs. Wilkins and Miss Henrade. To conclude with FISH OUT OF WA TER . Mr. Compton. Commence at JDELPHI, NEW THEATRE-ROYAL, . Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. Benj. Webster. Great Success of the new Drama, by Dion Bonrcicanit, Esq., The Colleen Bawn."—Miss Agnes Robertson every even ing. THIS EVENING, THE LOAN OF A LOVER. Messrs. w. Smith, Billington, Romer, C. J. Smith, and Miss Emily Thorne. After which, THE COLLEEN BAWN. D. Bourcicault, D. Fisher, Billington, Falconer, Stephenson. C. J. Smith, Romer. Miss Agnes Robertson, Miss Woolgar, Mrs. Billing - ton, and Mrs. Chatterley. To conclude with MUSIC FIATH CHARMS. Mr. David Fisher. Doors open at half-past 6—Commence at 7. Box-office open f'rom 10 till 5. No charge for booking. Private boxes, £2 2s. ' • Family Boxes; :El. Orchestra Stalls, Ss. ; Balcony , 4s. ; Front Circle Stalls, Ss. ; Pit Stalls, 25.; Pit, ls. 6d. ; Amphitheatre, 1s ; Gallery, eed• Actin,g Manager--Mr. Wm. Smith: A STLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE.- -/=.l. Proprietor and Manager, Mr. Wm. BATTY. Last Nights of " Mazeppa." This Evening, Lord Byron's splendid Illpo-drama of MAZEPPA AND THE WILD HORSE , wit h entirely new and beautiful scenery, costly costumes, and appointments, Introducing the largest stud of highrly-tr ed Horses, Po nies, Buffaloes, and Camels in theo W To be followed by Scenes in the Arena by the Star Riders of the day. Doors open at half-past 8, perfgranCe COMMeIIOB at 7. Box-office open daily fro m 11_ ti_ll _ Stage Manager — M r. W. WM. Director of the Arena—M. Felix Revolts. CANTERBURY ERY HALL NG, CONCERTS._ EVENI A Grand Selection from MARTHA, And Selections from DINORAH, TROVATORE, MACBETH, And numerous other Entertainments. Balcony, ls , —Hall. Bd. Comic Vocalists—Messrs. George Hodson (the Irish Come dian and Mimic), and C. Marshall. The ETHIOPIANS, consisting of 17 performers (organised expressly for this Establishment), for the performance of Vocal and Instrumental Music, Comic and Sentimental, with Negro delineations, anecdotes, dm, in addition to the usual entertainments. The Fine Arts Gallery is open from 5 till 11 on Sunday Evening, THE WEATHER.-Srx OFFICE, SEPT. 22, 1860. THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE. 63—this day at noon. 53—lowest this morning and during the night. 61—highest since noon yesterday. • BanomETER-29.76 ; falling. WlND—Westerly ; rather fresh, with heavy rain, and very dull weather. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. THIS DAY.—Morning, 6h. 31m.—Afternoon, 7h. 3m. To-moßitow.-Morning, 7h. 39th.—Afternoon, Bh. 21m. .t., , 1 1 ::1 4, if ' 'c'tt . tc _.i 1, - ; - , alqi , ,. , - ."-e" . ,' ,'-'24z.,-N— -t ,-i '..,'-'l-!'.-'-',',:a: 4. ,.... -f 4- . ..g ... " ti - sl' , :-_-;1.,-) .n.l':',. , .'t,,, . 4 ....; 1 7,„,1 0 , ' - bpoic L ZCAritc:r'"-- 4 ''''' - -t c- -,,, a • THE SUN. LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPT. 22, 1880. England has a profound interest in the great party struggle now so rife in America. Who shall be the next President ? is perhaps a question the answer to which, some would say, is no concern of ours. It is of even more practical concern than whether GARIBALDI shall emancipate Italy. It is quite a mistake to imagine that all our interest in it centres in its ultimate bearing on negro emanci pation, though the deliverance of more than three millions of our fellow-men from, the most cruel bondage ever known on earth will never fail to be a delightful hope to Englishmen. We have an international and a commercial interest in the elec tion which will be made next November of a magistrate to preside over one half of the English race. A noble, and, in an oratorical point of view, a splendid speech, just delivered by Senator SEWARD, a name well and favourably known in England, places this truth, unintentionally perhaps, in a clear light. We have not for a long time read anything more truthful and manly from America. It is quite free from all that half-schoolboy oratory, exaggera tion rather, which detracts so much from the prac tical effect of American speaking. We should think this ppeech must have a marked effect on the coming elections of the delegates who are to elect the Pre s:dent. We can only say, if it has not, it ought to have. It mirrors to the whole republic so faith fully its present position, traces it so clearly to the mistaken policy which was initiated 40 years ago, and urges so convincingly the reversal of that policy as the grand essential for the salvation of the Union from its present difficulties and evils, that sensible and moderate men throughout the States must feel that Mr. SEWARD has proved the case of the Republican party, and the claims on the United States of its representative, Mr. ABRAHAM LIN- COLN. Mr. EVERETT resented and controverted, in a very able speech, the remarks of Lord GREY, in the House of Lords, on the darker phases of American democracy. But his lordship hardly drew a darker picture than `Zr. SEWARD . now does. The great error of Earl GREY lay in ascribing to democratic institutions what is really the work of the most aristocratic institution on earth, that of slavehold ing ; it is the slaveholders of America, and the moneyed men to whom their estates are mortgaged, who have created nearly all the evils that Lord GREY too accurately depicts. It is they who have corrupted the native and Irish mob, and used them for their own purposes; they who have degraded the administration of justice ; they who have passed Acts, and got decisions from the Supreme Court, at which humanity shudders ; they who have dis graced the Union in its foreign relations, till small or weak neighbour States dread its violence and filibusterism, and great foreign States expect chicane or rudeness from its Cabinet. Here is a picture, which, though long, is worthy of promi nence ; had it been drawn by an Englishman it would have been severely denounced in America, and perhaps in our great cotton capital. Having shown that the Government of the United States has failed to "secure respect and goodwill abroad, and good order, contentment, and harmony at home," he proceeds thus :-- "The Canadians certainly neither envy nor love us. All the independent American plwers, from the Rio Grande to Cape Horn, while they strive to construct Governments for themselves after our models, fear, and many of them hate us. European nations do indeed revere our constitu • i ions' and admire our progress, bat they generally agree in pronouncing us inconsistent with our organic principle, and capricious. The President inveigh s against corruption among the peop l e . The immediate re presentative s of the people in Congress charge the President with immoral prac tices, and the President protests against their action as subversive of the executive prerogative. The How ie (Inc,. presentatives organises itself convulsively amid confessed dangers of popular commotion. The Senate listens unsur- Prised, and almost without excitement, to menaces of vio lence, secession, and disunion. Frauds and violence in the territories aro palliated and rewarded. Exposure and re • sistance to them are condemned and punished, while the just, enlightened, and reasonable will of the people there, though constitutionally expressed, is circumvented, dis obeyed, and disregarded. States watch anxiously for un lawful intrusion and invasion by citizens of other States, while the federal courts fail to suppress piracies on the high a gas, and even on our own coasts. The Government of the Union courts and submits to State espionage of the Federal mails, while the States scarcely attempt to protect the personal rights of citizens of other States, peaceably pursuing harmless occupations within their fraternal jurisdictießs." This is only a part of the picture ;—Mr. SEWARD proceeds to show how universal is the dissatisfac tion ; but the discontent of all is just the hopeful sign, in his view. He seems desirous to exonerate ' individuals from overmuch blame, and to throw it chiefly on parties; since everything, he says, de pends on the almost powerless individual States man being supported, powerfully or feebly, by his party. He exposes vigorously the ephemeral cha racter of all the parties, and then boldly traces the whole mischief to its source. That he shows to have been the departure of the country from a sound and healthy policy in 1820. In this we must entirely agree with Mr. SEWARD. Up to that time the spirit of the constitution had been held to be restrictive and repressive of slavery, and its object to carry out its own well-known and noble fundamental pr inciple. Then, how ever , commence d the struggle respecting the admission of Missouri, as a slave State, into the Union. It was refused a dmission for three years; but the issue was the f a mous, or rather infamous, Missouri compromise, by which slavery 1 was prohibited only to the north of a certain pa ra ll e l o f latitude. From that period has dated the rapid demoralisa tion of the American Government, of the American people, and even of the American Christian Churches. The slaveholders were emboldened, yet Cunning as well as energetic. They alternately Ca joled and threatened the free States, and filled the Presidential chair, the Supreme Court of the United States, the Senate, and even the army and navy and every federal State office, down to village post master, with their creatures. When the Missouri compromise, pronounced final at the time, stood in their way, they enforced its repeal; when they found that their slaves preferred to escape from the happiness of the domestic institution into the Free States, they actually procured the enactment of that infernal Fugitive Slave Law, which is un equalled in the iniquity of its provisions, not to say of its principle, by any law in any civilised State whatever. And thus they have gone on, till they have made slavery the permeating and controlling spirit of the whole American Union. The slave power dominates everywhere. It gives its hateful character to laws, and customs, and manners. Overthrow this power—place men in office who see in it an evil to be checked, to be ashamed of, and not to be nurtured at the cost of all that should make a country dear to Freemen—and the whole political tone of things at home and abroad would be quickly changed. Every Christian nation has, therefore, an interest in this change. Mr. SEWARD, thereupon, boldly counsels a return to the policy from which they should never have departed. He observes that forty years, the long, weary period during which this fatal policy has been pursued, is not more in the life of a nation than a single year in that of an individual ; and then nobly adds—" It is not more true that per sonal persistence in error leads inevitably to ruin than it is that every nation exists by obedience to the same moral laws which direct individual life, that they are written in its original constitution, and it must continually reform itself according to the spirit of those laws, or perish. My humble advice, then, fellow-citizens, is that we return and re-establish the original policy of the nation, and henceforth hold, as we did in the beginning, that slavery is and must be only a purely local, tempo rary, and exceptional institution, confined within the slave States, where it already exists ; while freedom is the general, normal, enduring and permanent condition of society within the jurisdiction, and under the authority of the constitution of the United States." He well knows, however, that all kind of dangers are threatened, but in reply to all questions, of what disasters and calamities will follow the elec tion of Mr. LINCOLN and the reversal of the Slave policy, he replies "No dangers, disasters or cala mities. All parties will acquiesce, because it will be the act of the people, in the exercise of their sovereign power, in conformity with the constitu tion and laws, aad in harmony with the eternal principles of justice and the benignant spirit of the age in which we live. All parties and all sections will alike rejoice in the settlement of a controversy which has agitated the country and disturbed its peace so long. We shall regain the respect and good will of the nations, and once more, consistent with our principles, and with our ancient charac ter, we shall, with their free consent, take our place at their head, in the advancing progress tea wards a higher and more happy, because more humane and more genial civilisation." Grouse shooting has led the way to partridge shooting—partridge shooting is leading the way in ,s turn to pheasant shooting—Parliament has been " up" now nearly a month—the French Emperor has been leisurely making a holiday tour through Savoy, through Nice, through Mar seilles, into Corsica, into Algeria—and Mr. COB DEN is still pottering away in a back office in a back street of Paris over that wretched Commer cial Treaty ! The marvellous concoction is not yet quite finished. It requires a little more sim mering in the pot before the mess of pottage that we have allowed ourselves to be sold for (and with ourselves the Nizzards and Savoyards also !) before this wonderful mess of pottage cars be fairly uncovered and served up for the simulta neous enjoyment and refection of Frenchmen . and Englishmen. We are still left to imagine the delicacy of the coming flavour. We are still left (for that matter) to conjecture the character of the various ingredients. The first account given to us of the feast in preparation was cer tainly enough in all conscience to make our mouths water with expectation. Unluckily, however, we got a momentary glimpse of the compound seeth ing there in that ex-official, or perhaps we should rather call it more correctly (remembering Mr. COBDEN'S anomalous diplomatic charactet), in that extra-official cauldron, over yonder, in the French capital, in the Rue Quelquechose. It was the merest momentary glimpse, it is true, but it was glimpse enough in all conscience, neverthe less. It was sufficient to satisfy any mind of ordinary intelligence that the good things there brought together were almost entirely (if not entirely) contributed by ourselves that the French, instead of contributing their fair share, had absolutely contributed Nothing at the period of that premature, and, th ere f ore i n one respect, most untimely eclaz:rcissement. All the encouragement we have since been able to obtain in regard to the still incomplete Commercial Treaty has been the constant iteration by its negotiators of the assurance—that, if people would only wait patiently, they 'should see what they should see ! And so forth with these and like empty phrases of ambiguity. And - meanwhile—time going on—Nice and Savoy have been absorbed into the French empire—the Nizzards and Savoyards have been visited by the French EmPEltOß—the English Parliament has been prorogued the Lords and Commons have been dispersed —and we are as wise as ever in regard to this vaunted Commercial Treaty. 111 r. COBDEN is till carefully hiding his light under a bushel there in Paris. The silence still remains unbroken by a word of comprehensible explanation. Eng land is still left altogether in the dark as to any good that can be reasonably expected yet to come of it all through this wonderfully consistent Free Trader's mysterious negotiation of a treaty of left handed Reciprocity ! We can't help recollecting another series of com mercial arrangements entered into between Eng land and France now upwards of seventy years ago —as far back as the year 1787—namely, upon the eve of the great French Revolution. And remem bering those mercantile dallyings between France and England, we cannot but recal to mind the words in :which Mr. BURKE commented upon the then newly-contrived reciprocity treaty, negotiated at Mr. PITT'S instigation. " The right hon. gentler man," said Mr. BURKE, " had talked of the treaty as if it were the affair of two little counting houses, and not of two great countries. He seemed to con sider it a contention between the sign of the Fleur de-lis and the sign of the Red Lion, which house should obtain the best custom." That certainly appears to be the one sordid ambition of our new advocate of reciprocity. His negotiations are con ducted less with an eye to anything like enlarged statesmanship, than with a view to the completion merely of a petty mercantile transaction. Don't we recollect the exclamation uttered in the House of Commons, in the very nick of time, by Mr. COBDEN'S Fides Achates, the member for Birming ham ? Don't we remember how Mr. BRIGHT blurted the whole truth out, when he ejaculated, " Perish Savoy !" Fain, seemingly, are these Man chester wiseacres to reverse, in the instance of JOHN BULL, the mythical history of ULYSSES. Fain are they to stuff the " Ancient Mariner's" ears with cotton, so that he may not receive warning from the voices either of breakers or whirlpool, but may run the double hazard of Scylla and Charybdis, deaf to those imminent chances of peril and even of destruction. In the scornful phraseology of Mr. BURKE, it is to Mr. COBDEN and to Mr. BRIGHT absolutely merely as a contention between the sign of the Red Lion and the sign of the Fleur-de-lis. By the death of Major-General Sir Michael Creagh the following promotions will take place :—Colonel Hastings Doyle, Inspector-General of Militia in Ireland, to be Major-General ; Lieut.-Colonel Pattle, King's Dragoon Guards, commanding the cavalry attached to the China Expedition, to be Colonel; and Major John Henderson, 16th Regiment, to be Lieut.-Colonel in the Army,—Army and Navy Gazette. The command of the cavalry depot at Maidstone, shortly to become vacant by the promotion of Colonel Bal ders, will be filled, as we intimated some time since, by the transfer of Colonel Hope Gibsone from Canterbury. Col. Gibsone will be succeeded in the command of the cavalry depot at Canterbury by Colonel Charles Hagart, C. 8., late of the 7th Hussars.—Army and Navy Gazette. We regret to have to state that cholera of a some what malignant character, has appeared amongst the troops at Gibraltar. The dreadful disease has for some time existed amongst the :civil population in Spain, and gra dually 'extended first to Algesiras, from thence to the Spanish lines, and subsequently to Gibraltar. On the 16th of August, about four days after the first appearance of the disease amongst the civil population, a soldier of the 2d battalion, Bth Regiment, was attacked ; and since that time up to the 12th of September twenty-five cases have oc curred, fourteen of which proved fatal. The wife of a Sapper has also died, and two children of the Bth Foot. Every precaution that sanitary science could suggest to prevent the further spread of the epidemic has been adopted by Sir William Codrington, on the advice of the principal medical officer, Dr. Paynter.—Army and Navy Gazette. THE WEATHER AND HARVEST.--Sinee our last (remarks the North British Agriculturist) the weather has been favourable, little rain having fallen. In Edin burgh the amount for the month to the present date is only half an inch. On the west coast, however, there have been several days of almost continuous rain, which has retarded harvest operations. On the east coast cutting has proceeded with very little interruption, and on many early farms cutting of the cereal crops is completed. In one or two cases the whole crop is already secured in the barn yard. As the harvest operations advance, the general opinion is that the crop is unusually bulky, and on the whole will be above an ave rage as to the produce of grain. The only drawback is oc casional fields of wheat which will not come up to an ave rage, the fields having been thinned of plants during winter. The potato crop still continues highly promising, and the tubers in the early planted fields are nearly matured. The demand to purchase by the acre is very active, and prices have advanced. In some exceptional cases, turnips are attacked by a fly which is raidly consuming the leaves. This will necessarily check the growth of the bulbs, and lower their feeding qualities. As yet, the damage done is limited, and with the occurrence of cold weather the fly will disappear. The Swedish and Norwegian Minister and Coun tess Platen returned to town on Thursday after an absence of a few weeks spent in visiting the Duke and Duchess of Northumberland at Alnwick Castle, and Mr. D. Carnegie, of Stronwar, Perthshire. MR. COBDEN AND HIS CONSTITUENTS.—The fol lowing letter from Mr. Cobden, M.P., has just been recoivid by Mr. A. Stewart, of Rochdale :—" Paris, Sept. 17, 1860, —Dear Sir,—l am obliged by your note inviting me, on behalf of the general committee of the Roohdale Reform Association, to visit my constituents, on my return to Eng land, before attending any public meeting. I have under taken to present myself at Guildhall, to acknowledge the presentation of the freedom of the city of London ; but, be yond this, I will enter into no public engagement until I have had the opportunity of attending a meeting at Roch dale. I see no prospect of completing my task here until the end of next month.—l remain, dear sir, very truly yours, RICHARD COBDEN.—A. Stewart, Esq." CHRIST'S HOSPlTAL.—Yesterday being St. Mat. thew's day, the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriffs, con formably with ancient usage, went in state to the famous seminary of Christ'slllospial, at which some 700 boys are now being educated, to hear the orations delivered by the senior scholars who are about to proceed to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. The ceremony was preceded by Divine service in Christ Church, Newgate-street, at which the Rev. Michael Gibbs, M.A., the vicar, read prayers, and an appropriate sermon was preached by the Rev. John D. Williams, M.A., of Trinity College, Cambridge, formerly a Grecian of Christ's Hospital, and now Head Master of Christ's College School, Brecon. At the conclusion of the service the civic dignitaries and governors of the hospital— among whom, besides the Lord May or , were th e Sh er iff s Phillips and Gabriel, Alderman Sir F. G.Moon,Deputy Holt, Deputy Lott, and Mr. William Gilpin, treasurer of the in stitution, proceeded to the great hall, where a numerous company had already assembled, accompanied by the Rev. Dr. Jacob, the Upper Grammar Master, Mr. Chapman, the first French Master, and the rest of the teachers. Orations laudatory of the founder, King Ed ward VI., and of the benefits conferred by the Royal hospitals, were then recited —in Latin by Charles Victor Merriman, Third Grecian, Exhibitioner of the Queen's College, Cambridge ; in Eng lish, by the same student, as locum tenens cf John Webb Hickson, First Grecian, about to p rocee d to 'Worcester College, Oxford; in Greek, by Ebenezer Morris, Fourth Grecian, who is proceeding to Trinity College, Cambridge; and in French, by Arthur Fenning Millett, Second Grecian, Montefiore prizeman of the present year, and Ex hibitioner of Trinity Hall, Cambridge. To the English oration rather a sorrowful interest was given by the circum stance that it was the composition of one whom illness pre vented being present to deliver it. The French oration of Mr. Millett was a very spirited performance, both in matter and manner, and was greatly applauded. ENFORCEMENT OF THE MILITIA BALLOT AT Wn.ExitAm.—Steps are now being taken for the enforce ment at Wrexham of the Militia Ballot Act, passed in the last session of Parliament. Notices are being issued by the overseers of the poor to every householder, requiring them to supply a list in writing of the Christian and surname of every man residing in his dwelling-house, between the ages of 18 an d 30, di s ti ngu i s hi ng a ll who claim to be exempt from serving in the militia, and the ground for such exemption, within five days from the issue of the no tice, under a penalty, if neglected, of 45. FATAL ACCIDENT.—Great sensation was created in the Grove- roa d , Mile-end, yesterday, by a fatal accident. Since the murder of Mrs. Emsley the house has been in charge of the police, and for the last month has been occu pied by a constable named Watson, 180 K, with his wife and family. About 11 o'clock in the forenoon, a boy about four years of age, son of the officer, fell out of the staircase window, and was killed on the spot. CAPTURE OF THE ROBBER OF £4,000 WORTH or JEWELLERY.—In formation has been telegraphed to Mr. Webb, inspector of the C division, at the Vine-street police station, to the effect that the lad Giles, in the employ of Mr. Hendsey (late Hawley), jeweller, of 123, R egen t- s t reet, was in custody in Paris. He will,therefore, in d ue course, be brought before the magistrate in London. It is said that the whole of the valuable property, for which a reward of £5OO was offered, has been recovered. THE FIGHT FOR THE CHAMPIONSHIP. --Yes terday, at the sitting of the county magistrates at Roches • ter, Robert Brettle, who fought Mace for the championship, Harry Crutchley, Daniel Crutchley, and Richard Long_ more, were placed at the bar charged with tumultuously assembling, with other disorderly persons, in the parish of Allhallows, near Yantlet Creek, to disturb the peace, and resisting and assaulting the police in the execution of their duty. The Chairman said the bench considered that the evidenc , 3 failed to establish anything against Brettle, and he would be discharged. With respect to the other three defendants the case was different, and they would be re manded for a week, on putting in bail and entering into their own sureties. A piscatory sportsman, some time ago, while in a shop in Edzell, observed hanging up what h e imagined was a hand bag net, and, after examining the article, thought it admirably suited for his purpose, and accord ingly asked the cost, remarking that such an article would be convenient in catching trout. His astonishment was great when he was informed that it was a lady's crinoline 1 —Montrose A51(44444 LATEST NEWS The following telegrams have been received a' Mr. Reuter's office : VIENNA, SATURDAY, In yesterday's sitting of the Reichsrath the com mittee presented its report on the state of the finances, which it declares to be most unfavour able. The committee also pronounces itself against the proposed conversion of interests. M. von Plener, Minister of Finance, stated that the account given by the committee of the state of the finances was exaggerated. The Minister, however, acknow ledged the necessity for a change in the system. M. Maager said that the question of currency could only be solved by the creation of proper institutions. Count Rechberg, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, declared that the Ministry was not authorised to follow the discussion on that ground. Count Clam Martinez, the reporter of the committee, denied that the committee had taken too gloomy a view of matters, and claimed a change of the system which had been followed up to the present time. The report of the committee was in the end unanimously adopted. • COBLENTZ, SATURDAY, According to reliable information, Baron von Schleinitz will have a conference at this place, on the 9th October, with Lord John Russell, who is to accompany her Majesty Queen Victoria. PARIS, SATURDAY. The Moniteur of to-day publishes the following telegram, dated Perpignan, 21st Sept., evening : "Their Majesties have just disembarked at this port. Their passage had been protracted by rough weather. Their Majesties will arrive to-morrow evening at St. Cloud." The Moniteur also publishes the text of the speech of the Emperor at Algiers. The Emperor said :—" My attention has been solely devoted to forward the interests of Algeria, over which colony Providence has called us to diffuse all the benefits of civilisation." The Emperor concluded by saying: —" Peace prevailing in Europe will permit France to display still more generosity towards her colonies." The Constitutionnel says :—" The Chevalier de Nigra, the Sardinian Ambassador, has left Paris. A secretary will remain to conduct the business of the legation." NAPLES, SEPT. 18 ((via Genoa It is said that Garibaldians have disembarked at the mouth of the Garigliano and intercepted the communications of the royal troops, between Capua and Gaeta. It is expected that Garibaldi on his return will operate against Capua. He has been to Palermo, and on the 17th instant published a freSh procla mation to the Palermitans, repeating that he will only proclaim at Rome the constitution of the Ita lian kingdom, and that he will not accomplish the annexation at present. No ministerial change has taken place at Naples, TRIESTE, SEPT. 21 The Austrian war steamers in the Neapolitan waters have been ordered to return to Trieste, as the Austrian Government, on account of the offer made by the King of Naples to Garibaldi to join him with an auxiliary corps against Venetia, can no longer offer hospitality to his Majesty. FRANCE. BOURSE, Sept. 21.—Notwithstanding the arri val of the English funds with lower quotations, the market has been well maintained, and prices show an improvement on the closing rates of yesterday. For the account, Threes are now at 68f 271 c; Mobilier, 690 f; Orleans, 1,390 f; Mediterranean, 896 f 25c ;. Austrian, 470 f; and Lombard, 472 f 50c. The following are the last quotations :- 41 per per Cents 95 50 Credit Foncier 895 Do end month... Belgian 4 3 per Cents Do. end month 6B 55 ' Roman' 77 50 Bank Shares 2810 Austrian Credit Mobilier.... 695 Spanish Threes 47 75 Do. Account 697 501 Home Debt RAILWAYS. Cash. Account. Orleans 1395 .. 1395 Northern - .. 962 50 New ditto . ... 870 .. 870 Lyons and Mediterranean 903 75 .. 903 75 Geneva . .... 347 50 .. 350 Southern Western Eastern Sardinian . . .. 386 25 .. 387 50 Austrian ...... 472 50 .. 473 75 Lorrbard . . AMERICA. LOSS OF THE STEAMER LADY ELGIN AND THREE HUNDRED LIVES. GALWAY, FEIDIT EVENING. The Atlantic Royal Mail steamer Prince Albert, which arrived at Galway last evening, brings ad vices that the steamer Lady Elgin was run into by a schooner and sunk in Lake Superior on the Bth inst. Three hundred lives are said to be lost. Advices from Honduras state that Walker eva cuated Truxillo on the Ist inst., in compliance with orders from the commander of the British man-of war that had arrived. News from Japan to the 22d July announces that the Portuguese commission had arrived to conclude a treaty. An American ship had sailed for Shang hai with a cargo valued at half a million dollars. Advices from Mexico state that Miramon, on his return to the capital, resigned the presidency, but was re-elected by the Council of State. The Prince Albert having left Galway for New York on the 28th ult., has taade the passage round in 24 days. The Orange difficulty at Lortogonto (?) had been arranged. The Duke of Newcastle accepted the Mayor's apology. The Atlantic Royal Mail steamship Prince Albert, from New York on the 11th, and St. John's on the 15th, has arrived. She has made the passage from St. John's in five days 18 hours. She brings 100 passengers. The steamers Bohemian, Illinois, America, City of Washington, and City of Manchester, had arrived out. His Royal Highness the Prince. of Wales left London, in Canada West, for Niagara, on the 14th inst. The republicans had carried the lVfaine election. COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE. NEW YORK, SEPT. 14. Stocks have improved. The cotton market is steady. Breadstuffs have slightly declined. Pro visions are steady. NEW ORLEANS, SEPT. 14. Cotton has declined lc. The sales to-day amount ;o 2,000 bales; middling is quoted 10+, to 10.1. THE GREAT EASTERN.--- , ln consequence of the ship's bottom having been what in nautical parlance is termed "hogged" when lying at Southampton it was by no means so foul as most people anticipated. About the water line and at the bottom a quantity of green slimy mat ter was found ; below that, and by no means very thickly studded, patches of a, fringelike seaweed only were seen, varying from one to three inches in length, and adhering very loosely. This at once upsets the theory that so many entertain as to the cleansing of her 'bottom causing an in crease of two or three knots per hour in her speed. In fact, a most mistaken notion is but too prevalent about the Great Eastern's rate of sailing. She has already considerably ex ceeded what was expected of her by 'Mr. Brunel—viz., an average of 14 statute miles per hour, with which scale as a basis all her coal accommodation was framed. Daring the week a large number of men have been engaged cleaning her bottom and painting it,after which a coating of M 'lnnes's patent metallic composition was laid on. This is a prepa ration presenting a smooth and slippery surface to the waver, and by lessening the friction it increases the speed. Of this it would take about two tons and a half. It was expected that these operations would. all be concluded by to-day (Saturday). the ship appears to havo lost none of her attractions, and the receipts per week may be set down at VOO clear. She will in all probabj.lity be removed from the gridiron on the Ist of October. THE PENINSULAR MAIL SOUTHAMPTON, SATURDAY. The Peninsular and Oriental Company's steamer Tagus, Captain G. J. Babot, with the above mails in charge of Lieutenant Campbell, R.N., has ar rived. She brings 18 passengers, eight boxes specie (value £3,340), and the following cargo :-233 boxes eggs, 62 half-chests lemons, 421 half-boxes grapes, 18 quarter do., 650 baskets figs, 50 boxes tomatoes, 18 baskets potatoes, and 41 packages sundries. The Tagus sailed from Lisbon on the 17th, Oporto 18th, and Vigo the 18th. During her voyage she experienced to Vigo light northerly winds, with very heavy head sea across the Bay of Biscay, first part north-westerly winds and heavy sea, latter part fresh south-westerly winds with thick rain ; up channel light winds with smooth sea, followed ,by fresh south-westerly winds with thick rain. On the 17th, off the Rock of Lisbon at noon, passed two small paddle•steamers, towing what appeared to be a dredging machine, rigged as a schooner, and steering to the southward. On the 21st, at 10.15 a.m., spoke the Peninsular and Oriental steamship Ripon, steering to southward and westward. The Royal mail steamship Oneida, with the out ward Brazil mails of the 9th, arrived at Lisbon on the 14th, at 7 a.m., and sailed again at 6 p.m. same day. In the harbour of Lisbon were the usual Portu guese squadron, and two French war steamers, L'Eclair and Tisiphone. Lisbon exchanges for this packet were quoted on the 17th inst. on London 541 ; Paris, 528 ; Amster dam, 421 ; Hamburg, 48 ; Genoa, 526 ; Rentes Three per Cents., 471 to 471 ; Coupons, 451-, ; De ferred, 35,1; Lisbon Bank Shares, 555 milreis ; Oporto Commercial Bank Shares, 260 milreis; and Oporto Mercantile Bank Shares, 251 milreis. THE ROAD MURDER. FROME, Friday.—There is very little doubt that the inquiries which Mr. Slack (of the firm of Slack and Simmons, solicitors, Bath) is now making into the circumstances attending the Road murder will, to a great extent, clear away the impenetrable mys tery in which this terrible tragedy has hitherto been involved. Mr. Slack is employed by the magistrates of the Trowbridge division of the county of Wilts, and his examinations, which have extended to the whole of Mr. Kent's hoiisehold, including Mr. and Mrs. Kent, are conducted under the sanction and at the expense of the Secretary of State for the Home Department. At present, the examination is only such as a solicitor makes when getting up a case, and is merely preparatory to a public exami nation before the magistrates. Who it is that Mr. Slack has in his mind's eye as the culprit is not very clear at present. The evidence he has collected being et parte will, of course, not be given to the world ; but we learn that sufficient has been elicited, in Mr. Slack's opinion, to justify the magistrates in placing some one on his or her trial. The attend ance of witnesses is, of course, entirely voluntary, and the only ultimate result of refusal to give infor mation to Mr. Slack will be that his brief will bepro tank) imperfect, and the examinations of the objecting witness will take place in public. Mr. Slack's office is not to judge or report, but simply, as a solicitor, to collect evidence for the hearing of the case before the magistrates. In his inquiries Mr. Slack has been volunteered any amount of sagacious advice and active assistance, and has been deluged with correspondence from amateur detective. Inspirations under mesmeric influences have produced wonderful revelations, which the " mediums" are ingenuous and disinte rested enough to devote to the interests of justice for a " consideration." Others, not actuated by any sordid motives, convey their ideas with greater freedom, but delicately hint that, of course, they shall expect a portion of the reward which has been offered. Mr. Slack, however, persists in rely ing solely on his own unaided judgment, and declines to accept the proffered mystic or material services of his correspondents. He expects to ter minate his inquiry to-morrow, when, doubtless, some decided course will be taken.' DREADFUL OUTRAGE AT WA.RIUIV TON. Yesterday, Thomas Kendall and William Ley land, two ruffianly looking men, and Elizabeth Leyland and Ann Green, the former a middle-aged, and the latter an old woman, were charged at War rington with having robbed and caused the death of Mr. William Yarwood, of Appleton Thorn. Che shire. The principal evidence given was that of Martin Brogan, a hawker, residing in Warrington, who said he was in the neighbourhood of Golden square on Saturday night, and saw the persons Kendall, Leyland, and an old man. The old man was going out of the Market shed, and the prisoners were going in. Kendall knocked against the old man. The old man said to him, " What are you doing ?" Kendall said that if the old _ man did not go, he would make him go. There was an old woman with the man, and Kendall made a blow at her, because she called them blackguards. The old man got between Ken dall and the woman. Kendall then seized the old man by the hair of the head and struck him. The woman continued abusing the men, both of whom afterwards made a savage attack upon Yarwood, whom they knocked down and kicked.—Subsequent evidence went to prove that the old woman, Ann Green, was an accomplice of the male prisoner and Elizabeth Leyland. About 12 o'clock the same night William Parker, sen., hearing a noise in the street went to the window, and there he saw Yar wood holding Ann Green by the throat, and calling out for the police, saying that she had robbed him. A crowd assembled, and the woman Green recognising one of her acquaintances, called to her to go and get some of her friends to rescue her. This person went, and presently several men, accompanied by Elizabeth Leyland, came and res cued Ann Green from the hold of Yarwood, knock ing him down and kicking him on the ribs and head. This took place in the midst of 20 or 30 spectators, but no one interfered. Yarwood lay moaning in the street for a quarter of an hour, and when at length he was taken into an adjoining house, it was found that he had been robbed of his money, and had received a frightful wound on the back of his head. When the surgeon arrived, he found the man in a dying state, several of his ribs having been kicked in, and he being frightfully otherwise injured about the head and body. He died soon afterwards. The examination yesterday being merely a preliminary one, the prisoners were remanded. The inquest, it is understood, will take place to-day, and a post-mortem examination of the body will be made. WILLS AND BEQUESTS, Thomas Cotterill, Esq., of Birmingham.—The will, with seven codicils, of the late Thomas Cot terill, of the town of Birmingham, who died in London on the 12th of last month, at the age of 81, was proved in the principal Court of Probate, on the 12th of the present month, by three of the executors, William Scholefield, Esq., M.P. for Bir mingham, who is the testator's nephew, and Thos. Samuel Girdler, and Daniel Bell, jun., Esqrs., both of London. The deceased possessed a very large fortune, the personalty, together with foreign secu rities, amounting to £1,000,000. This immense mass of acquired wealthlhe has bequeathed aitibng the different members of his family, with the excep tion of some legacies and annuities to his executors and trustees, personal friends, and others, and of charitable bequests to the amount of £5,000, which he has left to various institutions in Birmingham, and a sum of £2,300 to the Chancellor of the Ex chequer towards the extinction of the National Debt.—The late Most Noble Sophia, Duchess of Cleveland, wife of the Most Noble Henry, Duke and Marquis of Cleveland, K.G., and daughter of the fourth Earl of Poulett, who died at the family seat at Raby Castle, Durham, last year, had not made any disposition of the property she possessed in her own right ; it therefore devolved upon the duke, her husband, to administer thereto, before he could legally take possession of her grace's property and effects. Letters of administration were accord ingly granted to the duke by her Majesty's Court of Probate so recently as the 29th of August last.— Colonel Pack, C.B. : His will, bearing date the 23d of January, 1855, was proved in London on the 15th of September by his brother, Captain Dennis, William Pack-Beresford, the acting executor (his brother the captain acquired this name on suc ceeding to the estates by the will of Viscount Beresford). The colonel's personal property was sworn under £9,000, which, together with his real estates, situate in England, Wales, and Ireland, he has bequeathed to his wife for her life; he has also left her an annuity of £4,000 charged upon the estates which he derived under the will of his mother, the late Right Hon. Lady Elizabeth Louisa de la Poer Beresford Reynell, daughter of the first Marquis of Waterford. Her ladyship was twice married, and survived her late hus band, Lieut.-General Sir Thomas Reynell, Bart., K.C.8., who died in 1848. The deceased colonel has left his own acquired estates, upon the de cease of his lady, amongst his daughters, the colo nel having no male issue. The gallant officer died on the 17th of August last, at the early age of 43.—Illustrated London News. MR. SEWARD'S SPEECH AT DETROIT. Senator Seward's speech to the citizens of Detroit, Michi gan, on the 4th inst., is a noble effort, and reads like the first song of triumph in honour of the beneficent revolution in the national party of the United States which will be inaugurated by the election of Mr. Lincoln in next Novem ber. While Mr. Seward was yet a candidate for the presi dency the composition of his speeches was alloyed by a too evident desire to conciliate the " Conservatives" of the North, and disappointed the earnest men of his party. His laboured speech in the Senate, after his return from his Oriental tour, called forth the fierce sarcasm of the great abolitionist, Mr. Wendell Phillips, upon his " parade of the dictionary." Since the Republican National Conven tion set the New York senator aside in favour of " honest old Abe" of Illinois, the play of his intellect is freer, and the speech at Detroit has never been surpassed either by himself or the other Republican orators of the United States. He begins by saying that the Federal Government of the United States " has failed to secure respect and good will abroad," and "good order, contentment, and harmony at home :" " The Canadians certainly neither envy nor love us. All the independent American powers, from the Rio Grande to Cape Horn, while they strive to construct Governments for themselves after our models, fear, and many of them bate us. European nations do indeed revere our constitutions and admire our progress, but they generally agree in pro nouncing us inconsistent with our organic principle, and capricious. The President inveighs against corruption among the people. The immediate representatives of the people in Congress charge the President with immoral prac tices, and the President protests against their action as sub versive of the executive prerogative. The House ofßepre sentatives organises itself convulsively amid confessed dangers of popular commotion. The Senate listens unsur prised, and almost without excitement, to menaces of vio lence, secession, and disunion. Frauds and violence in the territories are palliated and rewarded. Exposure and re sistance to them are condemned and punished, while the just, enlightened, and reasonable will of the people there, though constitutionally expressed, is circumvented, dis obeyed, and disregarded. States wateh anxiously for un lawful intrusion and invasion by citizens of other States, while the federal courts fail to suppress piracies on the high seas, and even on our own coasts. The Government of the Union courts and submits to State espionage of the Federal mails, while the States scarcely attempt to pro tect the personal rights of citizens of other States, peace ably pursuing harmless occupations within their fraternal jurisdictions. The people are not satisfied. The Republi cans are not, neither are the constitutional union men. Even the democrats are no less dissatisfied. They certainly are dissatisfied with the Republicans, with the National Union men, with their own administration, with each other, and as I think even individually with themselves. The North is not satisfied. Its masses want a suppression of the Af frican slave trade, and an effectual exclusion of slavery from the territories, so that all the new and future states may surely be free states. The south is not satisfied. Its masses, by whatever means, and at whatever cast, desire the esta blishment and protection of slavery in the territories, so that none of the new states may fail to become slave states. The East is discontented with the neglect of its fishery, manufacture, and navigation, and the West is impatient under the operation of a national policy hostile to its agri cultural and social developments. What government in the world but ours has persistently refused to improve rivers, construct harbours, and establish lighthouses, for the protection of its commerce ? New and anomalous com binations of citizens appear ; in the north, justifying armed instigators of civil and servile war, in the south, devising means for the disruption and dismemberment of the union. It is manifest that we are suffering in the respect and con fidence of foreign states, and that disorder and confusion are more flagrant among ourselves now than ever before. I do not intend to be understood that these evils are thus far productive of material suffering or intolerable embarras ment, much less that the country is, as so many extrava gant persons say, on the high road to civil war or dissolu tion. On the contrary, this fair land we live in is so blessed with all the elements of human comfort and happiness, and its citizens are at once so loyal and wise, and so well sur rounded by yet unbroken guarantees of civil and religious liberty, that our experience of misrule at the very worst never becomes so painful as to raise the question how much more of public misery we can endure ; but it leaves us at liberty to stop now as always heretofore with the inquiry how much more of freedom, prosperity, and honour, we can secure by the practice of greater wisdom and higher virtue ? Discontentment is the wholesome fruit of a dis covery of maladministration, and conviction of public error is here at least always a sure harbinger of political reform. The last 40 years have constituted a period of signal and lamentable failure in the efforts of statesmen to adjust and establish a federal policy for the regulation of the subject of slavery in its relations to the Union. The failure has not resulted from the faults of individual statesmen, but from the character of the political parties on which they relied for power. An individual statesman is of small account un less he has a powerful party to sustain him, and even when the leader in administration is thus sustained, he is, although never so earnest or wise, everywhere and at all times ineffi cient and imbecile, just in the degree that the party on which .Bust, Q.- cap. telous.- Having averted the blame from individuals, and directed it towards parties, he arraigns at the bar of history the late Whig and native American and the present disrupted de mocratic party. "What has become of the several political parties which have flourished within your time and mine ? That dashing, unterrified, defiant party, whose irresistible legions carried the honest and intrepid hero of New Orleans on the shields, through so many civil encounters, that generous though not unprejudiced whig party, which apprehensive of perpetual danger from too radical policies of administration, so often, with unabated chivalry and enthusiam, magically recom bined its bruised and scattered columns, even when a capri cious fortune had turned its rare and hard-won triumphs into defeats more disastrous than the field fights which it had lost—the recent American party, that sprang at one bound from ten thousand dark chambers and which seemed only yesterday at the verypoint of carrying the government by a Coup de main—all these parties that for brief periods seemed so strong and so unchanging, have perished, leaving no deep impression on the.history of the coun try they aimed to direct and rule for ever. The de mocratic party, too, that has clothed itself so com placently with the pleasant traditions of all preceding parties, and combined so felicitously the most popu lar of our national sympathies with the most inveterate and repulsive of our conservative interests, that has won the South so dextrously, by stimulating its maddest ambition, and yet has held the North so tenaciously and so long, by awakening its widest and most demoralising fears—what is its condition ? It is distinguished in fortune from its extin guished rivals only by the circumstance that both portions of its crew, divided as the hulk breaks into two not unequal parts, retain sufficient energy in their despair to seize on the drifting wrecks of other parties, and by a cunning though hopeless carpentry, to frame wretched and rickety rafts on which to sustain themselves for one dark night more on the tempestuous sea of national politics. All these parties, it is now manifest, were organised not specially to establish justice and maintain freedom and equality among an honest, jealous, and liberty-loving people, but to achieve some material public advantage of temporary importance, or to secure the advancement of some chief to whose discretion, as if the government were an elective despotism instead of a republic, the distribution of its patronage and the direc tion of its affairs should be implicitly confided. " These views of the characters of our modern parties are by no means newly conceived on my part. In that high and intensely exciting debate in Congress in the year 1850, which brought the two then dominating par ties into a com promise at the time solemnly pronounced irrevocable and eternal, but which was nevertheless scattered to the winds of heaven only four years afterwards, the great statesman of Kentucky denounced party spirit, as he assumed it to be rag ing throughout the country, as pregnant with the imminent and intolerable disasters of civil war and national dissolution. I ventured then to reply that, in my humble judg men t, it was not a conflict of parties that we then were seeing and hearing, but it was, on the contrary, the agony of distracted parties, a convulsion resulting from the too narrow founda tions of both of the great parties and of all the parties of the day, foundations that had been laid in compromises of natural justice and human rights—that a new and great question—a moral question transcending the too narrow creeds of existing parties had arisen—that the public con science was expanding with it, and the green wither of party combinations were giving way and breaking under the pressure—and it was not the Union that was decaying awl dying, as was supposed, of the fever of party spirit, but that the two great parties were smitten with paralysis, fatal indeed to them, unless they should consent to be im mediately renewed and reorganised, borrowing needful ele ments of health and vigour from a cordial embrace with the humane spirit of the age." [Mr. Seward grows bolder, and asks why political parties have been low-toned and ephemeral ] " But, fellow-citizens, to exempt our statesmen by cast ing blame on our political parties, does not reach, but only approximates the real source of responsibility. The parties of our country, what are they at any time, but ourselves, the people of our country ? Thus the faults of past admi nistration, and of course the responsibility for existing evil s , _ _ are brought directly home to yourselves and myself--:to the whole people." When did a departure from the right and safe way occur ? Not in the revolutionary age, not at the date of the estab lishment of the constitution, not in 1800, nor in 1812. Mr. Seward fixes upon 1820 as the point, when the virtue of the people of the United States failed them. "In 1820 the nation had unconsciously reached and en tered a new stage in its successful career, namely, that of expansion. We all know the advantages of expansion. They are augmented wealth and population. But we all know equally well, if we will only reflect, that no new ad vantage is ever gained in national more than in individual life without exposure to some new danger. What then is the danger which attends expansion ? It is nothing less and can be nothing less than an increase of the strain upon the bonds of the union. The time had come to organise government finally in the newly -acquired territory of Lou isiana, on principles that should be applied hereafter in all cases of further expansion. This necessity brought into glaring light a new object, namely, since the only existing cause of mutual alienation among the states was slavery, which was already carefully circumscribed by the ordinance of 1 787, that anomalous institutions must now be further circumscribed by extending the ordinance to cover the new states to be established in the Louisianian purchase. To this end a new and humane impulse naturally moved the country, namely, the freedom of human labour. But although statesmen qualified for the crisis appeared, no party stood forth to support them with constancy, and the country, after a temporary glow of free-soil excitement, subsided into cold indifference and so a compromise was f m r e a e d e labourwh ich and divided capitalthi s newly-acquiredin slaves, iat wiwhich, he, d n ftoamfraeeirendao trial n r between aalodf slavery—a mem ora bl e compromise, only 34 years, proved to be effective only in its concessions to slavery, while its greater guarantees of freedom were found unavailing and worthless. History says that the compromise of 1820 was necessary to save the Union from disruption. I do not dispute history, nor debate the settled moral question of the past. I only lament that it was necessary, if indeed it was so. History tells us that the course then adopted was wise. Ido not controvert it. I only mourn the occurrence of even one case, most certainly the only one that ever did happen, in which the way of wisdom has failed to be also the way of pleasantness, and the path of peace. It was, in 1820, therefore, that the national deviation began. We have continued ever since the divergent course then so inconsiderately entered, until at last we have reached a point where, amid 'confusion, bewilderment, and mutual recriminations, it seems alike impossible to go for ward or to return. We have added territory after terri tory, and region after region, with the customary bold ness of feebly resisted conquerors, not merely neglecting to keep slavery out of our new possessions, but actually re moving all the barriers against it which we found standing at the times of conquest. In doing this we have defied the moral opinions of mankind, overturned the laws and sys tems of our fathers, and dishonoured their memories by declaring that the unequalled and glorious constitution which they gave us carried with it, as it attends our eagles, not freedom and personal rights to the oppressed, but slavery and a hateful and baleful commerce in slaves. wherever we win a conquest by sea or land over the whole habitable globe. While we must now, in deference to his tory, excuse the first divergence, it is manifest that our sub sequent persistence in the same course has been entirely unnecessary and unjustifiable. New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Canada, what remains of Mexico, all the Wes t Indies and Central America, are doubtless very desirable, but we have waited patiently for them, and now likely to wait until they can be acquired without receiving slavery with them, or extending it over them. Nay, all the re sistance we have ever met in adding Spanish American ter ritories to our Republic has resulted from our wilful and perverse purpose of subverting freedom there, to blight the fairest portion of the earth, when we found it free, by ex tending over it our only national agency of desolation. We may doubtless persist still further. We may add conquest to conquest, for resistance to our ambition daily grows more and more impossible, until we surpass in extent and apparent strength the greatest empires of ancient or modern times, all the while enlarging the area of African bondage ; but after our already ample experience, I think no one will be bold enough to deny that we equally increase the evils of discontent and the dangers of domestic faction." Deviation once begun it was easier to continue on than to return. The country was all the time growing more pros perous and populous. The African race was abject and unpopular. Few realised that the whole human race suf fers somewhat in the afflictions which befall the most de spised of its members. Alarms of disunion were also sounded to terrify the northern masses. "We love and we ought to love the fellowship of our slaveholding brethren. How natural, therefore, has it been to make the concessions so necessary to silence their com plaints rather than by seeming impracticability, in what was thought a matter of indifference, to lose such genial companionship. Again, at least, present peace and safety together, with some partial guarantees and concessions of freedom, were from time to time obtained by compromises. Who had the right, or who the presumption to say with the certainty of being held responsible for casting imputa tions of bad faith upon our southern brethren, that these compromises would, when their interests should demand it, be disavowed and broken? Other nations, we have assumed, are jealous of our growing greatness. They have censured us, perhaps with unjust asperity, for our apostacy in favour of slavery. How natural, and even patriotic, has it been on our part to manifest by persistence our contempt and defiance of such interested and hostile animadversions." Lastly, the subject of slavery in the territories is a little complex, and the masses of the people could not be made to understand its importance all at once. Mr. Seward then advises the people to retrace the course they have been pursuing for forty years. " It seems a bold suggestion to say that a great nation ought to reconsider a practice of forty years' duration ; but forty years of a nation's life, are equivalent to only one year in the life of an individual. The thought is at least con sistent with political philosophy, for it is not more true than it is that every nation exists by obedience to the same moral laws which direct individual life, that they are written in its original constitution, and it must continually reform itself according to the spirit of te--ele-- , perish. My humble .uviee, men, xeuow-citizens, is that we return and re-establish the original policy of the nation, and henceforth hold, as we did in the beginning, that slavery is and must be only a purely local, temporary, and excep tional institution, confined within the slave States where it already exists, while freedom is the general, normal, en during and permanent condition of society within thejuris diction and under the authority of the constitution of the United States." Mr. Seward then sums up the reasons which prompt him to give this advice. Slavery is unjust and inhuman in its very nature, and it can never be wise voluntarily to perse vere in extending an institution that is intrinsically wrong or cruel. Slavery is a source of weakness. Virginia and Texas are thrown into a panic by the appearance or even the suspicion of a handful of men within their borders in;. stigating civil war. Thirdly, there is no room for African slaves in the Federal territories. They are wanted for European and American free labour. " If Elope wanted more sugar and cotton, let her send her free labourers hither, or into Italy, or into the West Indies, or into the East ; or if it suits them better, let them engage the natives of the cotton growing regions in the old world, to produce cotton and sugar voluntarily and for adequate compensation. Such a course, instead of fortify ing and enlarging the sway of slavery here, will leave us free to favour its gradual removal. It will renew or intro duce civilisation on the shores of the Mediterranean and throughout the coasts of the Indian Ocean. , Nor will the argument that the party of slavery is national and that of freedom sectional, any longer avail, when it is fully understood that, so far as it is founded in truth, it is, only a result of that perversio n o f th e constitution which has attempted to circumscribe freedom, and to make slavery universal throughout the republic. Equally do the re proaches, invectives, and satires of the advocates of slavery extension fail, since it is seen and felt that truth, reason, and humanity can work right on without fanaticism, and bear contumely without retaliation. I counsel this course farther, because the combinations of slavery are broken up, and can never be renewed with success. Any new combination must be based on the principle of the Southern democratic faction, that slavery is inherently just and be. neficent, and ought to be protected, which can no longer be tolerated in the North ; or else on the principle of the Northern democratic faction, that slavery is unworthy or federal protection; which it is insufficient in the South., while the national mind has actually passed far beyond both of these principles, and is settled in the conviction that slavery, wherever and howsoever it exists, exists only to be regretted and deplored. I counsel this course farther, because tke necessity for a return to the old national way has become at last absolute and imperative. We can ex tend slavery into new territories, and create new slave states only by re-opening the African slave trade, a pro ceeding which, by destroying all the existing values of the slaves now held in this country, and their ieeeeeee, would bring the north and south into complete unanimity in favour of that return. Finally, I counsel that return be cause a statesman has been designated• who possesses, in an eminent and most satisfactory degree, the virtues and the qualifications necessary for the leader in so great and generous a movement; and I feel well assured that Abraham Lincoln will not fail to reinaugurate the an cient constitutional policy in the administration of the Government successfully, because the republican party, after ample experience, has at last acquired the courage and the constancy necessary to sustain him, and because I am satisfied that the people, at last fully con vinced of the wisdom and necessity of the proposed refor mation, are prepared to sustain and give it effect. But when it shall have been accomplished, what may we ex pect then ; what dangers must we incur ; what disasters and calamities must we suffer ? I answer no dangers, dis asters, or calamities. All parties will acquiesce, because it will be the act of the people, in the exercise of their sove reign power, in conformity with the constitution and laws, and in harmony with the eternal principles of justice and the benignant spirit of the age in which we live. All par ties and all sections will alike rejoice in the settlement of a controversy which has agitated the ccuntry and disturbed its peace so long. We shall regain the respect and good will of the nations, and once more, consistent with our principles, and with our ancient character, we shall, with. their free consent, take our place at their head, in their ad van progress towards genialdsahig tiohee i r vi a l n ia d a mo n.,, rehappy, becaus e more humane Pr uman gr e and more We fear that the state of affairs in New Zealand will render it necessary to despatch another regiment to that colony. The 2d battalion of the 14th, which sa il ed about a fortnight since, had been under orders before intelligence of the disturbances reached this country, being intended to • relieve the 65th Regiment, whose period of colonial service had more than expired. Although the battalion might do very well for ordinary service, yet it i s only about two years in existence, and we fear that a regiment so young is not very well calculated to contend with enemies so formidable as the rebels have unfortunately proved themselves to be, and a seasoned regiment from India or from home would be invaluable to the interests of the colony, which would be most seriously affected by anything like a prolonged contest. —Army and Wavy Gazette. i