The Sun. — London, England, 1829-05-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE LONDON JOURNALS The proceedings in Spitalfields continue w ith unabated violence. We know not whether the ban ditti have been fed during the day out of charitable contributions, in this attempt to ruin or alienate the manufactures of their country. Let it not be thought that we are severe in our animadversions on the jour neymen; we only reprehend their efforts to ruin themselves as well as their employers. Can they not see that when once full employment returns, they will obtain their prices,and the masters, being then in competition with each other to supply their customers, will outbid each other? No, they wilt not see this. The masters had best, therefore, take proper measures. Let th.m withdraw, as much as they can, their work from Spitalfields. It would be ca , y to place active artisans, who would work if they dared, in distant places, near which there is frequent correspondence by coaches ; and on no ac count should they ever again employ those who are in league with the banditti, and admit them into their houses for the purpose of cutting the work out of their looms. Never again shall we hear with pa tience of distresses in Spitalfields. The silk trade ought, with all suitable dispatch, to be removed out ..f that quarter, and dispersed in different parts. We would not have Parliament interfere at all in the question : let the silk business find its level. A con ference between a body of the masters, and certain delegates of the journeymen, tool; place last night, but led to no result.—Times. The question of the introduction of poor laws . into Ireland was brought before the House of Com mons last night, by Mr. Villiers Stuart Since the Union (said Mr. V. Stuart) the two coun tri-,s bad been so immediately identified, that it might he said that their interest was one and indivisible, and it was -itnpossible to maintain that Parliament could legislate s-deiy for the one without reference to the institutions of -the other." England cannot have poor laws while Ireland remains without them; for the poor laws of the former in this case enable the Irish to destroy the Ettuli.h labourers. This point is very forcibly put, ill, a pamphlet, just published, by G. Poulett Scrope, &c. a Wiltshire Magistrate, under the 'time of ." A Plea for the Abolition of Slavery in E.ngland, as produced by an illegal abuse of the Poor Law, common in the Southern Counties." 3lr. Scrope calls for the extension of poor laws to Ireland— Not merely as an act of justice and charity to the Irish peasantry, or of policy, as tending to promote the re-anquillity, industry, and productiveness of that portion of the empire ; but chiefly because I look on it as an una voidable measure of self-protection on the part of Eng land, whose labouring classes are borne down to the ex treme of poverty by the competition of the starving Irish, and whose landholders are actually supporting a large part (f the Irish poor out of the English rates. For it is clear as long as there is a single supernumerary labourer in England, every Irishman who comes over and gets work, rn.iist throw an additional Englishman on the poor. rate of Iris parish ; which is precisely the same thing in its effect on the interest of the landholders as a body, as if the Irish man remained at home, and was maintained out of the English poor-rate. The law ensures subsistence to the Englishman, whether he meet with work or not—the lti,timan must either get work or starve. Competition under such unequal circumstances can only end in the Eng lish labourer being every where supplanted by the Irish, and inalatained in idleness out of the parochial funds. Let the rate-payers look to this in time !" But the poor laws have another justification,— t!‘ev are as necessary to the welfare of Ireland itself :1 7 : - they are to the protection of England. Mr. V. Stuart put the question on this issue : " I want no nian (he said) to vote for my proposition on the ab !comet principle of charity. I stand in need of no such accessary argument. If I cannot prove that the interests of the landholders of Great Britain .:nd Ireland are as much identified with the pro sperity of the labouring classes as the labourers themselves; if I fail to show that this measure will h,ve a tendency to raiF.e the Irish labourers from ;heir present depressed condition—l will admit that iny ease is a bad one, and does not deserve the sup port of the Flouse." The poor laws in England were passed for the protection of property, and not from any feeling of humanity towards the poor, though they accord with the dictates of humanity. It was found, by experience, that the law could not s-eeure to industry the fruits of its exertions, without makinri, some provision for the destitute; for se e verity had no terrors which the cravings of hunger could not Gvercom e. Branding, burning out the gristle of the ear, all manner of punish ments, were thrown away on the vagrant mendicant, who respected no property till his necessities were attended to. " Why was it," said Mr. V. Stuart, " that commerce, wealth, manu factures, and industry formed the characteristic at tributes of Great Britain, while Ireland, With a cli mate as genial, a soil as fertile, gave birth to no manufactories, no commercial speculation, accumu lated no capital, but was the universal prey of po verty and destitution ?" Because law cannot be enforeed in Ireland. And why cannot law be en forced in Ireland ? Because the absence of poor rates plunges them in a state of destitution,, which sets all law at defiance. There can be no accumu lation of capitalno restraints on the multiplication of paupers, but occasional famines, and the typhus wl_tich follows in their train. In the first part of a treatise on " The Causes and Remedies of Pau perism in the United Kingdom," by Mr. Wilmot Ilortonjust published, a correspondence between him and the Marquis of Westmeath is gives by way of an Appendix, which shows the absolute impossibility of enforcing law in Ireland. The peasantry through out the south and west of Ireland do not cultivate by capital, but depend on corn-acres—that is, they follow a practice somewhat a-kin to that of the sa vage mentioned b Montesquieu, who to get the fruit cuts down the tree—they supply the want of manure and outlay by paring and burning the soil, which bicomes afterwards barren. " This barba rous practice (says Lord .Westmeath) is hemming us in on every side with a wretched population. I pledge myself that it is a practice actually plung ing us in deeper misery every day. , Corn-acre-ing of land is universal in the south and west of Ireland. humble opinion it is one great cause of the undue increase of population, because it enables the pau per (do but suffer him to occupy land) to force a 5--w crops without regard to consequences, which are invariably barrenness. It enables a man who has no cattle, nor the manure resulting from the management of such, to extract a crop of potatoes and a few of oats, and then the soil is destroyed. The re-action upon society is now felt. The penalty for this is at the rate of ten pounds per acre, re , roverable before two Magistrates (forms duly ob served), and with a right of appeal. The ground must be surveyed by a sworn surveyor. The sur veyor must be willing to expose his life, by carrying on his share of a process which interferes with the supply of food expected by the swarms of poor. Aecor(iingly a surveyor employed Li/ me was beaten dreadfully, and had his arm broken for acting; and last week a bailiff in my service narrowly escaped with his life, having been pointed out to the peo, pie, fourteen miles from this town, as having ap peared before the Magistrates even to give evidence in suet) a case." His Lordship says it has been his invariable practice, when leases have fallen in to him, to let his land to the tenantry he found in occupation, and never to a middleman ; that he did so upon the special understanding that they should neither miderlet nor corn-acre, nor burn—that a large proportion of them owe him two years' rent, and some more, and some six years' rent and that he would forgive them all they owe would they but go away. " I show," he says, " that they were introduced by fraud, and in breach of positive agree ment ; for having foreseen years ago the evils which must follow from such subdivision of land, I left nothing undone there which would secure me against surreptitious settlements on my property. Cottages were built and subdivisions made, in de fianee or my standing regulations." " I have no doubt, by law," he adds, " I should be justified in foreing the parties out of possession, if I had the physical power to do so ; but in Ireland, as it is, who dare assist me ?" I said I would agree to for give them their arrears if they would consent to go and leave me at peace. So I would; but I shall not tender this office individually, because it would do me no good. I could not use the land in patches. The remaining tenants would, by trespais or ill-will, make it useless to me ; but if theY ''would all go, I could put sheep on and improVc the laud without an effort; and, if so disposed, let it in large farms to solvent tenants, or bring in a colony of Scotch afterwards. Besides, admit that I was willing to embark in the expense you pro pose (for emigration)—what security does the law give me, that, with the same stock of te nants I originally let to, I should not be, if I live ten years, just situated, as to what I complain of, as lam now ? It gives me positively none."—: The well-informed author of "Letters from the Irish Highlands," says, " I have yet to -mention the habits of pilfering, so common among our poor, arising, no doubt, in a great measure, from the cause, —viz. the pressure of occasional want, and which is another difficulty which large farmers have to con tend with. You cannot fail to remember the story which I sent you, of the destruction of a whole crop of turnips in one night; and although the de predations are not always upon so extensive a scale, yet nothing that the farmer can raise is free from the attacks of his poor neighbours." How is it possible that capital can be employed in the cultivation of land when the law affords no security to the culti vator ? The wretched pauper lives as he can, with out forethought and without restraint; and the face of the country is covered with beggars, who can never emerge from that situation, and who will not suffer their place to be supplied by others. Mr. Wilmot Horton very happily ridiculed the nonsense talked by Mr. William Lamb and Lord Goderich, which had been cheered by the House. To tell an Irishman that the remedy for the evils which afflict his country is patience, perseverance, determined en terprize, and unwearied labour, when the very evil is the absence of demand for his labour, is no doubt very edifying. If these Senators had said to the Irishman, get a rope and hang yourself, the advice would have indicated cruelty, no doubt; but it would have been intelligible, at all events, in a case where the complaint is redundancy. Mr. Horton observed " no one who gravely considered the question, could suppose that it was possible to destroy the poor laws of this country; and, therefore, the only course left would be to introduce them into Ireland. Taking it as an abstract question, he was willing to admit that it would be judicious to introduce a modification of the poor laws into Ireland; but he was well convinced that no modifi cation could prove efficient, as long as that country laboured under the evil of a redundant population." But the poor laws would force the landholders of Ireland, in self-defence, to put a stop to the growth of this redundant population. At present the efforts of one gentleman are paralysed by the negligence or inordinate avarice of others. If a needy man, tempted by the Si. or 101. obtained by corn-acreing, surrounds me with a necessitous pauper population, in vain I embark capital on my grounds. Pass a Poor Bill, and the landlord, whether he will or not, must, if he hope to have a farthing from his land, commence the clearing of his land from the pauper occupants. These poor creatures will nor, as now, be left to starve, or to live by the violation of law. The Bill will provide for the destitute, but it will prevent the multiplication of destitution. The motion of Mr. V. Stuart, " That it is expe dient at an early period of next Session, to con sider the propriety of introducing a system of poor laws into Ireland, &c." was met by Lord F. L. Gower by the previous question. But his Lordship observed, " the course he felt it his duty to pursue on the present occasion was one which imposed on him the necessity—in courtesy to the Honourable Gentleman, and in explanation of the motives that influenced him—to state, that though he should meet the motion in direct hostility, he did not intend thereby to impute that it was unfounded or mischievous: he alluded, of course, to his inters, doh to move the previous qnestion; but the Hon. Gentleman might'be sure, that it was far from his wish to pass the remotest degree of condemnation on the measure he advocated, or on his lnotivesfor bringing it forward on this occasion." This, from the Secre- tary for Ireland, is saying a great deal. "He ob jected on principle to any measure on the part of the House which pledged it to a distinct line of conduct, or which went to lay down any distinct subject of discussion for a future period." Mr. Spring Rice, Mr. Dawson, and other Irish Gentlemen, are averse to poor rates for the very reason that ought to make English Gentlemen insist on them. They wish to throw their poor on the English. They wish to have the making of poor, and to let the English maintain them. They wish to be land owners, without any responsibility. But, as Sir Francis Burdett observed, " it is just and beneficial that the Irish Landowners should maintain their own poor," The speech of Mr. Brownlow was highly honourable to him. The motion was with drawn ; but we have no doubt of its success next year. Nothing but a poor rate will prevent the Irish landlords from manufacturing poor.—Morn ing Chronicle. There are few qualities which, when pushed to an extreme, are less creditable to individuals, or more injurious to the public interests, than that which is known under the specious name of " po litical candour." We do not wish to see public dis cussions carried on, either in Parliament or else where, in the tone of personal rancour which has sometimes distinguished them; but there is, on the other hand, a manly independence and fearless dis regard of givini , offence, without which any thing like freedom is lost in public discussion. There are those who think that the Press sometimes carries this a little too far. That may be so ; but of this we are quite sure, that in Parliament there seems a chance of its being lost sight of altogether. In deed, unless a little more spirit is infused into pub lic men, and this precious candour is in some de gree laid aside, we stand a chance of seeing every thing like a strong inquisitorial Opposition in Par liament entirely lost to the country. Of the way in which this candour acts upon public men and public concerns, we would instance the milk-and water sentiments attributed to Mr. Baring in his late speech relative to the absurd and monstrous doctrine that a man can and ought to be at one and- [ft same time Governor of Madras and Member for the City of Canterbury. How is Mr. Baring represented as opening this case to the House ? Why by stating that he has long known the person of whom he complains, and that he "was quite convinced that he was a person who would not do any thing which could give offence, or lie disagree able to the great body of his constituents." Why it is because his conduct is disagreeable to the great body of his constituents that they have ineffectually petitioned the House to remove him from his seat. It is because of this that Mr. Baring himself takes up the matter; yet, when the matter comes to issue, in steps " political candour," teaching the Hon. Gentleman to blow hot and cold in the same breath, and actually neutralising, if not stultifying, his own propositions. But the most notable in stance of this candour (remarkable alike in the occa sion and the person resorting to it) occurred in the questions which Mr. Hume asked a short time since relative to that "job ofjobs," the new settlement on the Swan River. If there were an uncompromising straight-forward man left, we should say it was Mr. Hume; and if there were one topic which just now called more than others for straight-forward and un compromising dealing, we should say it is one where a Minister is charged with serving his relatives and connections in an undcr•hand manner, by a large grant of land belonging to the public. Yet how does Mr. Hume deal with this, at least most ques tionable proceeding, if not disgraceful job? Why he sinks the manly .independence of his political character; and calls in this n ew-fangled candour to his aid ; and begins with assuring his opponents that he does not believe the fact, which nobody upon earth doubts; and then rests quietly satisfied with an explanation, which must at least, we should think, have changed his belief and removed his doubts, if he really had-any. We mean no offence to Mr. Hume or Mr. Baring when we thus treat them as public men with that freedom, the apparent want of which we complain of in themselves. It is because that- they are eminent, and above suspicion, that we lament the more that they should afford specimens of this new quality, which, in otheil fol lowing their example, may be prostituted to t 4 worst of purposes. Freedom of speech is one of the high privileges of Parliament; it is what the people have a right to look for from their Rep re ',. sentatives. In short, though it may be vastly con venient to Ministers to have a ca'sdid race of oppo. nents to deal %vitt), the public would rather see a fearless one. Jobs and abuses must be dealt with like deep and dangerous wounds, not with the salves and "lotions which we apply to trifling sores.--, llioAing Herald. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MA NSION- HOUSE. CONSPIRACY TO DEFRAUD A . SEANIAN.—On Wednesday a case came on before the Loan MAYOR which, on account , of the ingeni o u s p l an o f i mpos i ng upon sa il ors now i n practice amongst crimps an) their associates, excited a. great deal of interest. John Pesman, Anthony Colvin, and C. A. Quirley, were charged, under the 7th and Bth George IV., cap. 29., sec. 53., with having obtained money from William Rees, a seaman, by false pretences. The case is as follows:—Rees is a seaman on board the ship Royalist, South Sea Man. He arrived in England in that ship on the 22d of March, and was entitled, accord ing to the contract between the owners and crew, to one ton of oil out of every seventy tons which were brought home in that ship in lieu of wages. The ship was stated to have brought home upwards of 140 tons of oil, so that Rees's share amounted to two tons and upwards. On the 25th of March, John Pesman, slopseller, in the neigh bourhood of Wapping, wished to purchase the seaman's share of the oil at '7O/. per ton, but did not find him wil ling to deal. This refusal upon the part of the seaman was the means of throwing him into a dilemma, from which, of all people in the world, a seaman was most anxious to escape. He had lodged, before his last visit to the fishery, at the house of the defendant Colvin, and upon this occasion he had taken up his abode at the house of one Sullivan. On going home one morning he was met by one Forbes, a stranger to him, who said he was come to take breakfast and a walk with him. Colvin soon afterwards cane to the house of the landlord Sullivan, and desired Forbes, who appeared to he a Sheriff's officer, to take the seaman into custody. This was done, and he was con ' ducted to the Mitre public-house in Aldgate, where Pea man, who wanted to purchase the oil, was, and where Quixley soon made his appearance. Colvin then demanded money for board to the amount of 71. 139., and the ex pences of the writ, amounting to 11. ss. ; and the person who acted as sheriff's officer on the occasion refused to let him go without payment of the costs as well as Colvin's charge. The seaman believed that he owed Colvin some thing at the time, and Pesman renewed his proposal to purchase the oil, an offer which the calamity that befel unfortunate Jack induced him to embrace, notwithstand ing his present landlord's advice rather to submit to he locked up in gaol than to discharge the amount. The seaman consented to sign the bill of sale to Pesman, and received from that person a cheque for 441. 6s. 6d. The memorandum, which was signed by Pestnan, was drawn up by Quigley, as was the bill of sale, which gave Pesman a csntroul over the two tons of oil ; so that all the defen dants were perfectly aware of the nature of the transaction. The LORD MAYOR had beard of the scandalous tricks which were played upon unthinking seamen. It was the practice amongst crimps and slopsellers in the neighbour hood of Ratcliffe-highway to get some fellow to pretend that a siilor owes him money, and to produce mock bailiffs to pretend that they have a writ against the poor man, and to swear that they would take him off to prison if he re fused to pay the amount immediately. The sailor, being intimidated by the prospect of a gaol after his three years' labour, for that is the time frequently occupied in whaling voyages, sends off for a slopseller, who agrees to pay the debt and costs, as the false demand is called, and compels the defendant to sign a power of attorney or bill of sale, authorising the receipt of all his wires. This species of plunder was, his Lordship believed, daily going forward. The counsel for Pesman contended that there was nothing in the circumstance stated that showed that hie client was guilty of any fraud or intention to act- unworthilyor. He' bad given the cheque in part payment, and had pledged him self to give the amount of the whole quantity of cash to which the seaman might be entitled. The ship's accounts were not, as yet, made out, and therefore it was impossible to say what the seamen's claims are ; but there were always in such cases great deductions to he made. It was here stated, upon the part of the seaman, that his share would amount to two tons and three barrels, so that he was minus upwards of 90/. This memorandum, drawn up at the desire of Penman, and signed by him, is rather a curious one. It is as follows : " I, John Pesman, have thisday purchased from William Rees, of the ship Royalist, his share of oil, at 701. per ton. If he should be entitled to more than '7Ol. per ton the balance I promise to pay. (Signed) " J. PESM A N." The LORD MAYOR advised that all the parties should be prosecuted for a conspiracy against the seaman. He did not consider that the cases of Pesman and Quigley came within his jurisdiction, but that of Colvin certainly did, and he should call upon him for bail. Without Colvin's assistance Forbes could not have falsely arrested Rees. Colvin protested that the money was fairly due to him, and that Rees had frequently more money. Mr. Phillips—Can you prove, or do you pretend to say, that Forbes is a sheriff's officer? Colvin--No; I know he is not; hut I was obliged to do that to get my money. C., • The Loan MAYOR-1 consider the case a most serious one. I shall send a warrant after Forbes, and I recommend an indictment of all the parties for a conspiracy. Colvin then found bail for the attempt to defraud, and the warrant was issued for the apprehension of Forbes. GUILDHALL. Messrs. Jonathan and William Paine, brothers, and co-partners in the " decorative line," were placed at the bar of this office yesterday, charged by the nocturnal au thorities of the ward of Castle Baynard with having done divers disor lerlinesses against the peace of our Sovereign Lord the King, and the quiet of the said ward. It appe:n•edl that in the dead of the night, between Wed nesday evening and yesterday morning, Jerry Sheen, a patrol of the ward, was " quietly pad-rolling Pauls"— that is to say (in the vulgar) he was " patrolling St. Paul's Church-yard ; when in the north-west corner thereof, he heard a strange grunting and grumbling as of some person "mighty uncomfortable; and, upon his walking himself up to see what it might be, he found these two prisoners, Jonathan and William Paine, on the ground together— William on the broad of his back, grumbling gt ievonfilY ; and Jonathan lying across him rummaging his pockets.— " What is it you're after ?" said Jerry Sheen, laying hold of Jonathan by the leg, and sedulously endeavouring to pull him off the prostrate William. " Let me alone, * said Jonattan, clinging still closer to William,—" Let me alone —he has been robbed of his watch !" " Och and it's your self knows nothing about it at all, I dare say !" rejoined Jerry ; still pulling Jonathan by the leg ; but the more he pulled the more closely Jonathan clung to the prostrate William ; and therefore Jerry, finding he could make no handle of the leg, very prudently relinquished it ; and tiking hold of Jonathan by the back of the collar, he, by dint of much tugging, succeeded in pulling him off and setting him up on end ; for which piece of service Jonathan instantly rewarded him by " an ugly thump." Jerry was not so much surprised at this, for he had some doubt that - Jonathan had been robbing, if not Burping, William ; but he was not long in doubt, for he had scarcely received the thump from Jonathan before William jumped up and gave him another ! So then Jerry was convinced that they were both " bad ones ;" and, calling for help, they were both, with some difficulty, taken to the Compter. William undertook to he spokesman for .their mutual defence.—" The witnesses," said he, " have given a very erroneous account of the affair ; hut, however, that I will reply to by and by. The fact is, please your Worship, I am a freeman of the borough of Malden ! and we (the freemen of the borough of Malden) have a dinner once a fortnight at the Crown and Cushion, in London•wall."— (" At which they drink success to Members who have the most money," observed a Worthy Magistrate, who happened to ha standing by the Sitting Alderman.) " I and my brother dined there last night," continued the brother of Jonathan; " and, after the dinner and all that sort of thing was over, we remained to have some talk with the landlord about the whitewashing of some rooms; and, he being engaged in conversation with some gentlemen in the coffee-room, who had not gone, we"— " F or pity's sake, Sir," said Mr. Alderman ANSLEY, " do not perplex us with a long story about borough din ners and whitewashing;—tell us why you and your brother, if he is your brother—were struggling on the ground to gether in St. Paul's Church-yard, at midnight ? and why you both struck the patrol ?" " I was rapidly coming to that, Sir," replied the free.: man of the borough of Malden ; " but the fact is, that as I and my brother were returning from the dinner, three men rushed out of somewhere upon us and robbed me of of my watch; and my brother was merely feeling my pockets to ascertain that fact, when the watchman came up and treated us with the greatest violence." All the witnesses positively denied that Messrs. the Free men had been treated with any violence at all, though their conduct richly deserved it ; but the landlord of the Crown and Cushion came forward and gave them the " best of characters," and the Alderman allowed them to " speak " to those they had assaulted ; after which speak ing they were discharged. MARYLEBONE. A Mr. Kane, whose father is a hosier in Pall-Mall, was charged with assaulting Admiral Maitland. The Admiral stated, that the prisoner came to his residence that mm u. ing, asd presented him with a bill amounting to 101. Its. for goods supplied so far back as 1815. He (the Admiral) said he had no knowledge of the debt, and Mr. Kane de- . Glared he would not leave the house till it was paid, The Admiral said he provided himself with a stick, and again desired the defendant to leave the house; but he declared he would not till his bill was paid, and aimed a blow at his (the Admiral's) head, with an umbrella, but which he, warded off with his stick. The defendant was at last ex pelled from the house, and he then raised a disturbance by pulling the bell, and was given into custody. Mr. Kane, in his defence, repeated that the money was due to his, father. and numerous attempts had been made to recover; it.—He was ordered to find bail. Edward Turner and Thamas Crowther were charged with the following daring highway robbery : The prosecutor, a gentleman named Davis, residing at 57, Seymour-place, was proceeding home on the previous evening along Salisbury-street, Lisson-grove, when he was hustled and knocked down by five fellows, of whom two were the prisoners. The gang robbed him of a gold watch and appendaa ' es, a sovereign and some silver, after which they ran off towards North-street, where the prisoners were secured by Earle, a watchman. The others made their escape. Mr. Davis's property was not found upon the prisoners, who denied having been concerned in the robbery.—They were committed for trial. QIEEN.SQUARE FRAUD.—Two men, named Groves end Warby, coal dealers of Fleet-street, Bethnal-green, were charged with fraud. The prisoners, who hawk coals about the streets, called at the residence of Mrs. Wall, in Stafford-row, Buckingham -gate, and offered to sell her some coals for one shilling per bushel. Mrs. Wall agreed to purchase nineteen bushels and a-half at that price, which they measured in their cart, and then conveyed them into Mrs. Wall's cellar. A person named Marsham, who was up to the tricks of trade, observed them measuring the coals; and, instead of putting them into the sack, he saw they threw them over the sides. He gave information of the circumstance to Mrs. Wall, and the coals were remea.sured, and produced only seven bushels. The prisoners said in their defence that it was all a mistake. —They were committed for the fraud. PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. NEW YORK, MARCH 28.—1 t will be recollected that about two years and a half since, the republics of Mexico, Colombia, and Central America, invited the President of the United States to send plenipo tentiaries to a general congress of the representatives of all the American nations, to be held at Panama. Envoys were in consequence appointed by him : they proceeded no further than Mexico, the congress at Panama-having adjourned to meet again at Tuca baya ; but this adjourned meeting never took place, and the envoys of the United States returned home, after a perfectly fruitless journey. The instructions given to them have just been made public by the late President, and as they relate to objects materially connected with the views- and interests of Great Britain, a short notice of them will probably engage attention. Amid a great many professions of disinterested ness, of an ardent desire to promote the welfare of the American continent, it is easy to discover in these instructions the insidious policy which has long actuated the Government of the United States, vaunts of their power with an inward conviction of their real weakness, a profusion of philanthropic sentiments to conceal their sole aim, their own advantage. Eminently commercial as are the people of the United States, their trade with the Southern Re publics is_ already very important to them, and, con trasting their roc and characteristic advantages with those of the SotAern Republics, it is not unreason able for the Northern States to look forward to the period when the carrying trade of the southern, and the most advantageous branches of Commerce, shall chiefly centre in their .hands. The only rival that they apprehend is Great Britain, and they par ticularly fear that she, by her power, influence, and activity, may obtain from the New States some ex. elusive commercial privileges which will counterba lance the natural advantages the United States pos sess. It is under this apprehension that the envoys to Panama are instructed to say, that the Southern Republics " ought to reject all propositions founded upon the principle of a concession of perpetual com mercial privileges to any foreign power. The grant of such privileges is incompatible with their actual and absolute independence. It would partake of the spirit, and bring back in form the state of ancient colonial connexion." And further, to propose "That no American nation shall grant any favours in cora -1 merce or navigation to any foreign power whatever, either upon this or any other continent which shall not extend to every other American nation. And, secondly, that whatever may be imported from any foreign country into any one American nation, or exported from it, in its own vessels, may in like manner be imported into or exported from the same nation in the vessels of every other American na tion, the vessel, whether national or foreign, and the cargo paving, in both instances, exactly the same duties and charges, and no other whatever." It will be superfluous to point out how very advantageous these principles, if adopted, would be to the trade and navigation of the United States : it is curious to follow the President in his reasons in support of them,—that President, who it will be re collected, recommended and approved the Ta riff law. He foresees that " the Southern Re publics may object that their marine is yet in its infancy, that ours (that of the United States) has made great advances, and that they cannot be prepared for this reciprocal liberty until they have made some further progress in establishing theirs. But how is that to be remedied ?—by a system which aim at engrossment ?" Oh, no. "If the new states would build up for themselves powerful marinO, tries must seek for their elements, not in a narrow and contracted legislation, but in the abun dance of their materials for ship-building, the skill of their artisans, and the cheapness of their manu factures,—in the number of their seamen and their hardy and enterprising character, formed by exposure in every branch of sea-faring life, by adventures in eve ry ocean, and invigorated by a liberal, cheerful, and fearless competition with foreign powers." All this is vastly well, and probably true; but why not apply the same reasoning to manufactures in the United States ? May it not with equal justice be said, " that if the United States would build up for themselves an extensive manufacturing system, they must seek for its elements, not in a narrow and contracted legislation, but in the abundance and ex cellence of their materials for manufactures, the skill of their artisans, and the cheapness of their manu factures, —In the number of their workmen, and the consequent low puce of labour,—in their laborious character and knowledge acquired in every branch of manufacture, adapted to every market; invigorated by capital, and by a liberal, cheerful, and fearless competition with foreign nations ?" Another proof o f the sensitiveness of the United States on the subject of exclusive privileges granted to other nations may be found in the instructions given in regard to Hayti. The President says, that should a recognition of the independence of Hayti be pro posed at the Congress, he does not think it would be proper to accede to it, because that island has a rate' of duty one -h a l f below that which agreed to receive for eve r th e pro d uce o f F rance , atis exacted, from all other nations. The envoys are further instructed ". to propose the adoption of those maritime . principles for which t h e United States have ever contended, and eape daily throughout the whole period of the late Euro- , • pean wars." These are stated to be " the abolition of war against private property and non-combatants upon the odealy;" - and' if fhiii la Mt - lieCOdtillo;tfien , "-chat free ships shall make free goods."- , The Pre -1 sident might have added, that however much the United States may have contended for these prin ciples, they have not been very successful in pro. curing their adoption, and it is very natural they should not have been, for they are only urged be= cause they would be highly advantageous to the United States. The President may talk as he does of the two great maritime Powers, Great Britain and the United States, but close observers know, that as a maritime power, there are none in Europe pretending to the name that are not far superior to the United States. - A maritime power that has in commission one 74, four 44's, eleven 18-gun 'sloops, and four 12-gun sloops, - cannot be very imposing,. particularly ‘ehen . its revenue solely depends on its: foreign commerce, which. a war with another marl-: time power would destroy, and thus prevent its in creasing materially its strength. No delusion can be . greater than that which generally exists in regard to . the power of the United States. Fully competent to repel aggressions on their own territory, they are incapable of waging war beyond it, or of carrying. on a war of conquest. The nature of their institu tions, the character of their population, absolutely , forbid it. lam not prepared to say that this state of things is to be deprecated; but let the people ofi the United States be satisfied with the substantial benefits they enjoy, and not have the silly vanity to lay claim to military prowess. To return to the embassy at Panama. The Pre sident next gives insti uctions to his envoys of rather a singular nature. It is to propose that a declara tion should be made by ail the American nations, " that no European power ought to be allowed to plant colonies on this continent"—a declaration which he says with a good deal of self-complacency, " they should rest in confidence would command universal deference." Notwithstanding all the ver biage employed by the President, it is very evident , he has only in view that part of the shores of the Pacific Ocean where there are some conflicting claims of Russia, Great Britain, and the United States, and in spite of the importance he attaches to this joint declaration, I doubt much whether it will have any effect with either of these powers. He asks, " what would Europe think of an American attempt to plant a colony there ?" They would certainly think it very extraordinary,---probably, that the natural order of things was reversed; but I am sure they would never think of preventing it by such , a joint declaration as is here recommended. The President lastly adverts to the situation of the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico. These islands surpass in extent and productiveness all the British West Indies. New plantations are daily formed in them, and the inhabitants are all growing rich : they owe these advantages to the facility and ex tent of their slave-trade. The United States carry on with them a more important and lucrative com merce than with any other country; and as matters cannot be more favourably situated to the United States than they are at present, the President of course desires that no change should take place. He opposes it by a Jesuitical kind of reasoning on a par with that which pervades the whole of this state paper. "If Cuba had the ability of maintaining an independent self-government, we (the United: States) should prefer to see it in that state," but it had not; and were it able to break its connection with Spain, the slave population would be dangerous to the white, and to those parts of the United States to which it is adjacent. A guaranteed independence is next inquired into, but this is also inadmissible, because who were to be the guaranteeing powers ? Here England is again the bugbear. Lastly, its conquest by, and annexation to, Colombia or Mexico. This the President particularly disapproves; and to dissuade those republics from the attempt, dwells on the strength of the fortifications, the forces of Spain in the island, and says, that to preserve these last possessions of Spain, there is reason to believe, ' that if she should not be openly assisted by any of the European Powers, she may receive from them covert but irresponsible aid. He, in addition, directs the envoys to state, that the United States have too much at stake in the fortunes of Cuba, to allow them to see with indifference a war of inva sion. Thus, had Colombia or Mexico the power (which they have nut) of dispossessing their enemy from a position whence he continually annoys them, they are not to be permitted to do it, because it would clash with the interests of the United States. What becomes of the credit to which the United States lay claim for having been the first to acknow ledge the independence of the Southern republics ? Was not their situation formerly precisely the same as that of the islands in question is now, with this sole difference—that from the southern con tinent the flag of the United States was strictly ex cluded by thejealous restrictions of the Spanish Go vernment—that in the islands it is admitted tinder every advantage ? It is proper to add, that the instructions above alluded to were long withheld from general publica tion. It vas only the day preceding that on which Mr. Adams quitted his official duties, that he then, " from a sense of justice to the Government from which they emanated," availed himself of the last opportunity he would have of making them known. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. LIVERPOOL. WEDNESDAY, MAY 6.—High water II minutes past one o'clock.—Wind S.W.—Arrived the Lady Douglas, Archer, from Berbice ; Packet, Goldsmith, from Cal. cutta and Mauritius ; Norval, Boyd, Carthagena ; Aim, Bird, from Savannah ; Mediterranean Packet, Hewan, from Zante ; Jane, —, from Charlestown ; Marshall, from Whitshaven. CLEARED OUTWARDs.----CEOWD, Wray, for Mira rnichs ; Jonge Arrow, Elizabeth, De Wyk, for Dordt ; Lycurgus, Coffin, St. Petersburgh; Zeno, Lawson, for B uenos Ayres ; Christina Cornelia, Noordt, for Dordt ; Orion, , for Dantzic; Lucas, Lassells, for Boston; Caledonia, Brown, for Nova Scotia; Hartonia, Watson, for Savannah ; Atlas, Adams, for Boston ; Hawk, f;r Cronstadt. An Italian Messenger arrived from Ancona at an early hour yesterday morning with despatches for Sir GEORGE MURRAY from Sir FREDERICK ADAM, the Lard High Commissioner of the lonian blinds ; and also from Sir P. MALCOLM, for Viscount 111ELvILLE. • We have heard it confidently stated that Ma dame VESTRIS is married to a Captain PnimArs,—we believe of the Guards.—Brighton Gazette. On Friday, several Catholics applied to the Corporation of Drogheda for their freedom, which they were refuaed.—Dublin Morning Register. Apple trees, both in this county and Somer set, are showing an abundant and strong produce of blossom, which, owing to its extreme lateness in the season, is the more likely to do well. All vegetation (save wheat in the ground, which is very fine) is much later this spring than usual.--Exeter Alfred. A woman living at the Rock of Cashel was safely delivered a few days ago of three fine boys, who, with the mother, are doing well.—Dublin Morning Register. At Herefordshire Quarter Sessions, the Chairman, E. POOLE, Esq. announced in Court, that the finances of the county were in such a state as to enable the Magistrates to reduce the rate one-third.— Cheltenham Chronicle. The number of adult persons out of work in Pai.ley is stated at upwards of 1,100 ; and the number of boys and girls unemployed is about as great.— Glasgow Chronicle. We are sorry to perceive the new pavement in Fleet-street already falling into deplorable and dangerous ruts. Leaves of trees were probably the first vege table substances used for Writing upon. The leaves of the Cuinean Sybil, and the oracular leaves of the oaks of 'Do dons, were of this description; even to this time, in some parts of India, leaves of various kinds of palm are applied to this purpoie. GERMAN PAPERS. I ,i ,rnbases L .l No agmaunc, -Airitz.;2B;:-LuTlier English.A. , t , t Munich lately gave an euteitainment, in corn- . s t , of the passing of the. 8i11..10r. , 4he tetnee 4l / 4 11 # 6 ,, 5 ., ei ' Catholic% ~, ~-s, .; :.i - :.ti ' -: , - .1 - , ;' '.•.,....:...- eta,: FBA -REPORT, APRIL 240-... The: business: 4o " e fair, both in the last and:the preeent erisildd all expectations; especially .with.:reepgoix=en i glli 'Swim goods.. The apprehensioas fthsvfwatti'e""- rit that our fair miht suffer by the conapttielle#_.,,,,iftlist Offenbach, have. wholly vanishet.rmid 4' , ..„...___,, A 11 1 1 ' - i i ii:" l lS , leather is the only a rti c l e o f i m p or t ance . ..it -Vw7,0.10 every other article the busineis la donerfotsAtOl e ...4oll- city, and chiefly con fi ned to-Ressian_arutPreee?7 - ,.. - factures, so that the f a i r a t Off en b ac h is rsithe ,t. „, : i2 tege to us. ' ' " - ' 1 t ~' ''',l,_.".." - - • telie MUNICH, APRIL, 23.—The day. before-eFrr4 ' e ' Ministry transmitted to: the Academy; of . i iiezbi University, and Gymnasia, as well.lietsftheakiet_ J`L a heittlt : the circle of the Isar,. the, noWiregelimietts4eteee . kio rw- 44 1 4 ; whieh have been so long and eagerly elpeated." 3 .. ( 4 , 11 ,4 been also sent to th e au th or i t i es of iErtrothlre eir°'", ette r e ‘l instructions for the introduction of -, thire ree°l 7- jdot Thus it will in a few days be spread over:the Abp_ dorn, and probably rec e iv e d every where wi41 1.-- th e r etif , it has excited here, and the same gratitude:tow . 77: 4 4; Sovereign, who has hereby given afresh prooPer '.;iiiilt: ' sire to see the progress of genuine civilixatiein i et . ti. his kingdom. According to the new plan,' t he ll o Grammar Schools are distinguished from the 0;7; 4 0 the pupils are to attend the former till the ageet fp years. The te a ching of l anguages is - to ' bsi o; ' . tit 4 these establishm e nts, in which history, ttlet7,. I, li &c. .will be taught at the same . tiine;'''''7 4 , : iiet; which religious e d uca ti on w ill b e a. princ? , The Gymnasia will have a more special ohjeetftgli paratory schools for the universities. These eirtabw;iii! will be rendered independent of every influence 02 °00 retard their progressive i m p rovemen t, an d the Prt.i.d will receive salaries more adequate to the iroporttSte their functions, and the class of teachers in .9 .:0 7.' raised in rank and in public opinion. We d . Wansaw, Aran, 21.—The Bulletinof the Late' tains the Convention which was concluded on the ; a v ', ol lyo . Sept. 1828, but not ratified till th e 17th of Febtute7 0 - year, between the Governments of .litaalmrattri ~ , ,by, for the liquidation of the affairs of the l a t e Graitingt I nte ! of Warsaw, by which the reciprocal c l a ims ' . 7 .- .? settled. VIENNA, APRIL 25.—The Austrian Observe 1 1144 iH a supplement containing the detailed list of the lerr ' l l Land minority in the House of Lords on the second f _ l'„er.! :of the Catholic Emancipati on Bill, b eca use futT l : . itict i universal interest excited by th e f a t e of the ' . 1 301- !" , .House of Lords, this list may have a p er manent b . ; r: interest." Bak Sheri; VVIENNA, APRIL 25.—Metalliquee 97i ; .1,103 i. A Russian Cabinet messenger passed through this cifit :' on his way from St. Petersburgh. t o L on don, Wit patches. ee, VIENNA, Aram 26.—We have received the . 0 . Journals of 28th March and 4th April. The fleet .. .,iff ber contains details of the military operations- in 17 '7 Greece. .04 The Greek troops make a rapid p rogre ss is Lot and it is ',Aid they already occupy the strong p 000.1! Makrinoros, a chain of mountains in Aearnanis, ik uu s tor all the Greek captives who submitted to the Turk' the fall of Missolonghi have again revolted. tile. The castle of Lepanto surrend e r e d t o th e Greek' ° 0 1 ; I or 27th of March, and it was expected that the tosellje same name, as well as Missolonghi, must soon se from a total want of provisions. I of. The resignation of Demetrius Ypsilanti, who tee s joe fended at the nomination Of the President's b ro ther s , post of Governor of the Provi n c es o f th e G ree k Cee t!L 6P- iit tri has not been accepted ; and, it is said, he has ee11., 04 1; to retain his command. Letter s affirm that the,',o National Assembly is convoked f o r th e m iddle 0 1 .. .,,,,,)e and that the election of Representatives will he 11" according to the law paasdd at Epidaurus.. The President intended to have an interview st 149- 00 lizza with the military chiefs, and afterwards $0 Patras and Corinth. SURREY SESSIONS, M&y 6. John Shrives and Mary Anne.Stiriites -vete . 1 ' 1 ", dieted for violently assaulting and ill,trestigg l4*° _ beth Anne Shrives, a child nine years of-agr,l . female prisoner is stepmother to tha-cha& • William Philp was an officer . . of the City , Polie:i. and lived in Vine-yard, Bermondsey. On-* - of April he saw the child, Elizabeth Shrives, 9lttilt at the door of the house in 'Which the prisoner Pv k c is She was crying, and appeared in the mo st miserti r condition that human nature co u ld conceiiej'l'„ , head and face w e r e b ru i se d i n a dreadful,lool% There were black and blue,marks over` and under. l 4 eyes, and one of the ears was much - stvollenL k . oi,i there was blood remaining on the faceitui.olvw ,• Oat% Mary May resided in the same court with, jibe prisoners, and had been in the habit of siO n f are d' child for the last three years. She alwar 91/1)- g r a; : ,' in a bruised and filthy state. Witness had' Shrives beat the child, irk a very y unme rciful.stu a r e o f and had also se e n h er t a k e t h e child by thi t t h h e e e h t e h a e d r ,.an lv d t it h h r e o s N s v ,h h a e d r a fr l o so m s o e n e / e t n h d e o p f ri th sot enu"' er j4 i re , Shrives knock her doWn in' a brutal manner. • father told witness that h e h a d during the late lt, made the child carry water up eta rs; an d dreg • her till her chemise froze to her back; and the 4 l scrubbed her back until the blood came.. She ' t • seen the child with blood streaming down its ' k rk audits clothes.sticking to the skin .with . blood filth. - Mary Price said she li ve d n ext • ete soners, and had often h ear d' heavy s tripes` itiflict upon the child. ° Samuel Wedge h a d l o d ge d in the prisoners ' hod for some time. Wh enever h e went home from vO r ,.. he found Mrs. Shri ves beatink the child with a stt" or stick in a crue l manne r. Witness admitted hal l P o S i said that h e wou ld so oner be scored like pork than giv e ev id en ce against the pr6oners..T 1 door to the. p, i rr bad another c hild, b orne by Mrs. Shrives, cal,,, " little Johnny," w h o was a l w ay s mated and suffered to do as he pleased. Sarah Phillips lived next 'door to the prisonern and went into their room one day, and saw the cm" close to the fire crying, and the father, t aming O V her. The child was holding a. piece of china so,cws to the fire that her fingers were scorched, and,tb..f..- flesh " frizzled" up with the . heat. The child was here placed in the witness.bo* b e : fore the Jury. Her face b ore the- marks a aysa' wounds, and her head was b r uised, and ia.seYe' parts the hair had ceas e d to grow. Her face, 1141 : 1Ag .,:, w and feet, were still considerably swollen. She appeared to have been rathir a ell-looking'ila itl / 4 n ii , The Jury, without waiting for a summing-UP the Chairman, found both the prisoners Gutlty Here the female prisoner called out to the 'CO:: man to be merciful; upon which a fe m ale voice 1-- the crowd exclaimed—" Yes— " ' That mercy she to others 'show% That mercy show to her'.— your Worship." The CHAIRMAN sentenced the prisoners each tv " two years' confinement in th e C oun ty G a ol, t h e re to be kept to hard labour." The woman fainted—but the father of the child heard the sentence with perfect apathy. BIRTHS. On the 4th inst. at the Priory, Homerton, Mrs. Samuel Amory, of a son. On the sth instant, at Dulwich-hill, Mrs. Henry Young' of a son. MARRIED. On the 6th instant, at St. Marylebone, by the Rev. Henry Sawbridge, John, the eldest son of John Archer Iloublon, Esq., of liallingbuty-place, in the county of Essex, anti of We'ford, Berke, to Ann, daughter of CaPt' W. Deans Dundas, Royal Navy, and grand-dough& of Charles Dundas, Esq. M.P., for Berks. On the 2d instant, at Tettenhall, by the Rev. Robert Wrottesley, M.A., Stubbs Wightwick, Esq., .of Dunstan, to Dorothea, daughter of Richard Fryer, Esq. of the Mere, in the county of Stafford. •-• DIED. On the 28th ult., at Exmouth, aged 21, Mary, daughter of the late Rev. Charles Eking. On the 29th ult., at his father's house in Norwich, agea 23, Henry, the second son of John Blake, Esq., of S t ' Peter's College, Cambridge. PRINTED and PUBI:13111tD by MURDO YOUNGli_iit . th! OFFICE, -112, ST SAND, LONDON.. •