The Sun. — London, England, 1858-03-02 00:00:00

which might have been naturally expected upon the minds of an enthusiastic and aensitive people. The peril which the Emperor and Empress had escaped doubled and trebled the enthusiastic feeling and the indignant loyalty which burst forth upon the instant. From every quarter were poured in addresses of congratulation and thankfuleess that lives so valuable to France and to Europe had been saved. Nor was it by France alone, but by the British - residents in France, and by the inhabitants of various parts of this kingdom that these feelings of thankfulness and congratulation were testified. But, unfortunately, my lords, it transpired that among the small band of miscreants by whom this outrage was perpetrated were some at least who, having been com pelled to;.flee from their own country, had for a certain period of time been enjoying and abusing the hospitality of England. iHear, hear.) Supposing the circumstances bad been reversed—supposing that her Majesty, going among her subject 3 with that frank confidence which characterises her, knowing as she does that in the loyalty and affection of her people she has her best and securest guard, and surrounded by a lo y al and devoted multitude, had been exposed to an attack upon her Royal person while proceeding to the opera-house in Londen—what, I ask your lordships to consi ler, would have been the feelings of the people of this country, what would have been the indignation of the people of this metropolis' And if it had come to their knowledge, as it undoubtedly would in such a case, that that das tardly attempt was not the work of any native-born subject of her Majesty, but the preconcerted design of a band of assassins who had abused the hospitality they had received in a neighbouring country, I put it to your lordships whether you think that their censures and their indignation would have been very cautious or very dis criminating l (Hear, hear.) I cannot therefore wonder, however, deeply I may deplore, that upon the news spreading through France that this atrocious deed was the act of refugees coming straight from England with the enthusiastic expressions of loyalty and congra tulation at the safety of the Emperor there should have been mingled more especially from the army of France, some expressions which,leseeing how unworthy they were as applied to England, must naturally have wounded the feelings of the people of this country. Under the cireums stances, my lords, I think that such expressions ought not to have been too nicely scanned, even if his Imperial Majesty, with that frankness and candour which he has always displayed in his relations with England, had net fairly avowed the regret he felt that such linguage, ac companying the manifestations of loyalty to himself, had been suffered to appear in the public papers, and thereby to create a just resentment in the people of this country. (Hear, hear.) But, my lords, I should be sorry, indeed, to think that those expressions, whatever they may have been, truly represented the calm and deliberate feeling entertained towards England by the great and noble army of France. I will not believe it, my lords, for true valour never indulges in bombast—(near) —and I should be surprised to find that those who were the authors of these intemperate addresses were in reality the most dis tinguished among those glorions i soldiers of France, who, in many a hard-won battle on 'the fields of the Crimea, fought and bled in honourable rivalry with their British allies, and have therefore learnt how to appreciate British bravery and British ce-operation. (Cheers.) It is now more than 100 years since we have had in England any of those civil disturbances which compelled many of the citizens of this country to take refuge in foreign lands. We cannot, therefore, judge (out we ought to make allowance for French feeling) hew annoying and irritat ing it must be, and would be to ourselves, if in a neigh bouring town on the continent we were conscious that many disaffected persons were concentrated together, entertaining the most hostile sentiments towards the Go vernment of this country, and bent upon overthrowing it by the most treasonable designs. My lords, although the oppression must be most grievous and intolerable which can justify any man or set of men in exposing their own country to the horrors of civil war, yet when that dreadful state of affairs arrives—when the sword is drawn in civil strife in defence of opposing prin ciples, whatever may be our own predilections or our own opinions, we cannot but regard with respect and sympathy those to whom fortune has been unfavourable, on whatever side they may have struggled. Whether they be those who, from an un wavering sentiment of loyalty, stood to the last by an unpopular and ill-fated Sovereige, or those who, from a desire to rescue their country from tyranny, have risen in unsuccessful revolt, if they have fairly and in the open field maintained their principles by the sword, at the risk of their fortunes and their lives, public sympathy will always follow them in their misfortunes and in their exile. (Hear, hear.) Contemporary history may not be as indulgent; but posterity will do justice to those who, from whatever cause, have suffered in defence of doc trines which they honestly believed to be sound and true. If we look back to the periods of our own civil war, when men here contended earnestly and vehemently for principles truly and deeply implanted in their minds, and sternly upheld them in the field of battle—if we revert to those distant times and view them by the light of history, we can even now sympa this)" with the gallant and devoted Cavaliers in the days of their affliction—we can sympathise with the stern Puritans, whose ardent love of liberty led them to prefer poverty and exile to the violation of their con scientious convictions. There is no man, however warm an admirer he may be of that great deliverer W?lliam 111., but looks with sympathy on the faithful attachment to a fallen monarah of many of the followers of James 11. And coming down to a later, and happily the last, period to which I can refer in our own history for an illustration, even at this day, devoted as this country is to the House which now so auspiciously reigns over us, no man can look back without a feeling of sym pathy and admiration upon the heroic and romantic sacrifices made by the supporters of the unhappy Stuarts. (Hear.) But, my horde, if we have this sympathy for men whose misfortunes have followed their open and manly defence of their principles by the sword, no such sympathy is due, and none is extended either by con temporary history or by impartial posterity, to those who, in order to attain their political ends, resort to the base and vile means which characterise the designs of the assassin. (Hear, and cheers.) If there is one degree of infamy beyond that which attends the man who wields the assassin's knife, that infamy belongs to him who, lacking 'the only palliation of the assassin's guilt, the bold sacrifice of his own life—skulks in safety at a distance, and, plotting and desising crimes and assassinations, sends forth his wretched tools to perpe trate and suffer for deeds which he has the heart to con ceive, but not the boldness to execn:e. (hear, hear.) And these men call themselves the friends of liberty. Why, my lords, these men are the bitterest and most determined foes of liberty. They are those who cause every right-thinking mind to shrink from connexion with the purest and holiest cause, because they pollute by the vile machinery they employ—they are those who in their own country rivet the chains of slavery and oppres sion—they are those who drive from their shores every upright and every honourable mind— they are those who compel the treachery of the assassin to be met by the machination of the secret spy—they are those who by their dark designs make des potic sovereigns have recourse to measures more despotic still, and by their conduct they do the utmost to destroy that liberty of which they presume to call themselves the constituted champions. (Cheers.) Are men, then, who so conduct theme dees—are man who thus abuse the hospitality and asylum which E cglan 1 affords them—are these men, whom the law of England protects and shelters, to commit crime among us with impunity ? No, my lords, they are not. There's not a crime of which these persons can be guilty, there's not an approach to such a crime, for which the law of Eng land does not provide. Not only assassination, not only conspiracy e to assassi na t e , b u t even an i nc item e nt to as sass nate, whether by publication or by word of mouth, is an offence recognised by the law of England whets the guilt of the accused person shall be proved. But it is naturally said, " If these things are dor e—if these crimes are concocted in England and in London, how is it that the Government of England has not the power to pre vent their repetition 1' My answer is perfectly simple ; but let me say that I can understand that persona be lieving that Government had the means of so dealing with such supposed offenders might consider that we exercised an unfriendly part in not using those powers. Still the answer is plain and obvious. Although the law provides remedies for all those shades and colours of crime, yet the law cannot be put in force until the crime is established. (Hear, hear.) Intention, unaccompanied by any overt act, so long as the intention remains in the mind of the party alone conceiving it, affords no ground for prosecution. Of the great number of those whom misfortune has driven to these shores the vast propor tion I firmly b e li eve are h one stly and honourably ob taining_n a living i n thi s coun t r y, and are performing the duty of peaceful citizens. (Hear, hear.) Others there arc no doubt, who aro engaged in pursuits which are of a me naeineanddangerons description ; but, as I have a l ready these said,perso na are all amenable t ) the law—if even the law does not that you have provide a sufficient remedy—the moment guilt. Brit with us seunst evidence . to satisfy a jury of their picion is not crime—suspicion does not warrant thepunishment of crime, and notoriety is a word which is not recognised think, owing in our statute book. (Hear, hear.) It is a to nd th in e total difference between the law in thin counts and respect that some misapprehension has been excited i n Francs in t h i s England io ought do ~t ;2 .t France as to what the Government of do to meet cases of this description. hesitate to say that it is the duty of Geyer '', I as it is in its power, carefully to w p a e tc c h ted th o e n f m p l a l e e n e t e ' e s e o i n ia g r , of persons who may justly be sus tines, nor do I doubt that the late Government—orlegalPraarci;' Government that was ever foimed in this country—would en its utmost,subject to the laws of this country, topro teet friendly l e i c k e s h tla m ie, w a cul :a e t v ion against machinations and attempts satietyba jaryl.h joßtirfotretrithhuantatlriebvueLyl the Queen herself is :o b n r ri7 to plead ; to th a t t r ib unal she appeals for th e p rotee tionl'l'a" Person y le a ra n d t h " a t I in fact, so incorporated with 70% can not for a moment believe th-at'l it would enter th e mind of any foreign Sovereign to even the possibility of alteration in that respe % e n t g i g n e t ' t e pru dence of the country. (Hear , hear.) What, thenuwas r's the course taken by the late Government so 130011 as in telligence was received of the attempt,. and of the ba?py if f a ilure" of the attempt, upon the life of the Emperor of the French? Her Majesty.'s Govern a mztj on l t t o hi t n h k e v c e o r:y . properly directed uestion whether the existing law was directed their immediate sideration of the q Protection of foreign Sovereigns, or for b adequate more h • view they introduced into Parlia e adequate provision might not be whether some . called for. With t g of that bill was eecured by a went a bill, of the merits of which I shall at present say nothing. The first rea.ein, very I think, simultaneoub y i 1 considerable majority of the House of Com_ i m w on t s_ l ; but, most unfortunately, as the introduction of that bill a despatch was read from Count Walewski which was unanswered at the time by her Majesty's Government, and which was laid befsre the public without answer or explanation. My ' I will not refer to any terms which are cotaineldisn ri that despatch. I have no doubt it was the wish and sole intention of Count Walewski to draw attention to the state of our law, and to ask whether that la - re was suffi cient for the exigencies of the case, and, be ;oral question, if those views had been founded upon a correct view of the case, there would have been a serious imputation on the law of this country, I think, if her Majesty's late Government bad felt themselves bound to accept this despatch, that they would have acted more for the inte rest of the cause in which they were engaged if—not entering into argument, controversy, or discussion — they had pointed out to the French Government the misapprehension into which they were apt to all. (Hear, hear.) It is idle to deny that the production of that despatch did produce a meat unfavourable im pression upon the discussion in this country. At the i same time don't let me be mis understood. Its most important to bear in mind th at the vote at which the House of Commons arrived had no reference whatever to the merits of the bill which was thrown out upon the second reading, an d that they are just as free as before to pass the second reading if they please. It is impossible to deny that the introduction of a politic , ' element interfered in a considerable degree with a calm, impartial, and deliberate reflection upon the measure itself ; but we must regard these questions in a judicial spirit. Now, what was the resolution that the House of Commons came to on the nth Feb. ? Was it a rest). !lotion hostile either . to the principles or the provisions of the bill—was it a resolution adverse to all charge in the criminal law of the country—was it a resolution which would give the slightest countenance to the atro \ cions act of conspiracy ? No ; the resolution was this— That this house hears with much concern that it is alleged that recent attempts upon the life of the Emperor of the French have been devised in England, and expresses its de testation of such guilty enterprises ; that this house is ready at all times to assist in remedying any defects in the criminal law which, after clue investigation, are proved to exist, yet it cannot but regret that her Majesty's Government, previously to inviting the house to amend the law of conspiracy by the second reading of this Bill at the present time, has not felt it to be their duty to make some reply to the important despatch received from the French Govern ment, dated Paris, January 20, 1858, and which has been laid before Parliament." TFIE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENINW MARCH The question, therefore, was not one as between Parlia ment and a foreign country. It was ernpleaticatly a question as between Parliament and the Ministers of the Crown. (Hear, hear.) Upon that resolution being carried her Majesty's late Government resigned office, and the first duty which the present Government had to perform was to consider what coarse they should take with refer ence to the state of affairs which had been produced by that decision of the House of Commons. My lords, her Majesty's Government came to the resolution, upon which they will feel it to be their duty to act, in fill conformity with the ' vote of the House of Commons and on terms of friendly conciliation, to point out to the French Miuieter the misinterpretations and misconstructions which have been placed open his despateh, ar.d in the most amicable manner to request of him an explanation which may remove the painful impres sion now prevailing amorg the English people. (Cheers.) If I know anything of the friendly feeling which his Imperial Majesty has at all times shown to this country—if I know anything of his earnest and cordial desire to maintain the British alli ance, which is as beneficial to the one nation as it is to the other—if I bear in mind how readily he has always been to listen to representations and counsels given in a friendly spirit and made in a friendly quarter—l am led to entertain the sanguine hops that the answer to the despatch which my noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has undertaken to prepare and to transmit to France will be such as to remove from the minds of the people of this country all irritation, and enable us calmly and deliberately to proceed to the con sideration of the important question of the amendment of the law. (Hear.) It is, of course, not desirable that I should enter into further details upon this subject at the present time. Tee course which her Majesty's Government may deem it their duty to pursue must in a great measure depend upon the character of the re ply which they may receive to their friendly communica tion ; hut I say without hesitation that in the meantime it is their bounden duty—and it is one which they will not shrink from performing faithfully and vigorously—to put in force the existing powers of the law for the purpose of checking by the strong arm of the law these dangerous and alarming conspirators. (Cheers.) At the present moment—and I speak therefore under some difficulty, because I should be very unwilling in the slightest degree to prejudice the cases which are now pending before the courts of justice—proceedings are being taken against a person named Bernard as a party concerned in the conspiracy which led to the recent attempted assas sination of the Emperor of the French. Another person, and I blush to say it, a British subject, is now a fugitive from justice under a similar charge. Against a third person, for the publication of a work containing instiga tions and incitements to assassination, proceedings are pending before a British Court of justice ; and no fur ther back than 48 hours ago the attention of her Ma jesty's Government was called to another publication of a similar character, but, as it appears to me, of a still more violent tendency, and that publication also has been without a moment's hesitation placed in the hands of the law officers of the Crown. Should their opinion , be that it affords reasonable and legitimate grounds for prosecution, Her Majesty's Government will not hesitate for a single moment in putting in force the existing powers of the law. (Hear, hear.) For, my lords, with all my desire to maintain inviolable now and for ever, under all circumstances, that right of asylum to refugees which it is the pride of this country to afford, without distinction of eauee, of principle, or of opinion, I delay it is an intolerable grievance that per sons who owe their life and their safety to the protection which we afford there should basely and ungratefully reward this country for the shelter and asylum it gives them by a course of conduct, by publications, by insti gations to crime which may have a most dangerous ten dency towards embroiling England with ono of its most faithful and also one of its firmest allies. (Cheers.) My lords, if upon the present occasion I were addressing your lordships at the commencement of a new session, and after having with my colleagues had leisure to con eider during the recess the measures to be submitted for the consideration and approval of Parliament, I should of course feel it to be my duty to lay shortly before you what the measures were to which 3our attention was to be called. Buc your lordships must be aware that from the shortness of the time which has elapsed since we ac cepted office it has been impossible for us to prepare any thing like a programme of business to be laid before Parliament. The attention of the other house must no doubt he occupied for a considerable time with making those financial arrangements which are requisite at this period of the year fur the purpose of carrying on the bu-d• neEsof the country. There is, however, one measure to which Ithiek it my duty even, at this early stage, to advert, because it is a measure which upon full and anxious con sideration her Majesty's government have determined to introduce to the notice of Parliament. My lords, it cer tainly was my opinion, and it was the opinion of most of those with whom I have the satisfaction of acting, that while the state of India was such as it is at present— while a revolt, or rather an insurrection, was raging in a considerable portion of our dominiaes in the East—it was not expedient to divert the attention either of the Government or of the East India Company from the consideration of the matters which were immediately pressing to a discussion of any change is the constitu tiers of the executive admieietration at home. But, my lards, the House of Commons, by a very large elejoray —a majsrity, I believe, of 147 member i in a furl house —affirmed the proposition that it v.a3 desirable to con• seder the question immedia tel y , mainly with the o' ject of transferring to the Croein the authority hitherto exercised by the East India Company. I think that vote materially altered the position of affairs. It placed the Company in such a situation that they could not after it passed, command the same amount of p'iblic confidence and of public support as they were entitled to receive previous to the decision of the House of Commons. Therefore, my lards, after the best and maturest con sideratien whiek we can give to the subject, it is the intention of leer Majesty's Government to introduce a measure, which is now being prepared by my noble friend the President of the Board of Control, which we trust will effect most of the objects contem plated by the Bill of the late Government, and which we hope will at the same time be free from some of the objections at!aohing to that project. 0! course, it would not be expedient for me to enter into further details upon the present oecaeion ; the measure, indeed, is not yet framed ; but I think it my duty to say, even at this early period, that in the course of the present session it is our intention to deal with the question of the govern ment of India, and we hope also to pass a just and satis factory measure. (Hear.) ely lards, it would be i ile for me to enter into any general description of the opinions or the views which I hold up in public affairs. Such abstract declarations are in point of fact of little or no use. They are mere words which may be construed into any sense, or, as sometimes happens, into no sense. (Hear.) I can only say, my lords, that the policy o. the Government to which I belong will be that which I hope might naturally be expected from the com position of the A.dmin'stration — viz., that while we firmly and strenuously maintain the great institutions of the country we shall nut hesitate to propose and support measures of undoubted improvement and I progress, and to introduce, whenever necessary, safe and well-considered amendments. (Hear, hoar.) My lords, there can be no greater mistake than to suppose that a Conservative Minis . ry necessarily means a sta tionary Ministry. (Hear, hear.) We live in an age of constant progress—moral, social, and political. We live in a time when art and science are making rapid strides, when knowledge is daily more and more widely diffused. Our constitution itself is the result of a series of perpetual changes. Like the venerable old country-houses of England, it has been formed from outline, but adding time r to time by successive occupants, with no great gable there, and ni n akin; egard to architectural uniformity or regularity of in another place, as might appear a window here, throwing out a beauty of the external fre t s a h accommodat ion snit, not t t o the the tante. importance,m,ar,, convenience ear and comfort of the inhaln eeetettang else, the My lords, in constant progress, improving ' ''aine 'urea must b e ' adapting our instl 4 • they are intended meeting the leads me, my lords, to I shall have to trouble importance and of great is the duty of her Majesty's I mean the question n9me of Parliamentary Reform,polities as in ,rnproviug upon the clidursued— utt.ns to the altered purposes'system, inurt o o:ere, and by i „i which which means the consideration system of representation in the th d e" land "t 6:2: v c"nge" yonlarsti sneetion upon which This l difficult— one °iv' i icli Government one which , which commonly nlent t g o e chn ; ider • or in m , o fit ( !tin t 't - the and arra,gemengt oclrathe Hoeee of Commons, \ly lords, I am old en oughto th re e m l nb n er e , fo a r n m d t tc . : ll ba ve been in the Cabinet not when discussion, and whe w n a i s framed, but when it was under b. look back to the violence of feeling, to the ittanes4 of political excitement and of party spirit, and to the pas sion which accompanied the passing of that great and important measure, my wonder ie, not that there should be in it defects and blemishes which the experience of 25 years has aptly brought to light, but that under such c.rcurastances there should have been devised and carried through Parliament a measure which for so long a period has to a certain and no inconsiderable extent effected its purposes and satisfied the people of this country. (Hear, hear.) My lords, believing that, with all its anomalies and all its imperfections, that Act has given to the country a representative system the result of which is a House of Commons which fairly and fully represents the feeling of the numbers as well as of the intelligence and the property of this country, I should myself have been well satisfied if it had been the plea sure of i rarliament that no legislation upon a subject so exciting should be celled for or demanded from the Government. (Hear, hear.) I cannot however exclude from my consideration the fact that for three or four years not only has a demand been made, but a promise has been given by successive Governments, of the intro . election of a Reform Bill. This promise has been given occasionally even in the nameof the Sovereignand in the speech from the Throne. My lords, I must venture to say that I think it is a practice not deserving of imitation to appear in the speech from the Throne personally to pledge the Sovereign to measures which have not been well and fully considered by her advisers, and which they aro not at once prepared to lay before Parliament. (Hear, bear.) In my opinion it is highly inconvenient that from session to session a queetion of etua this import ance and of this interest should be perplly kept dangling before the Legislature, and that session after session it should be hung up till a future day, and my lords, having regard to the inconveniences arising from this state of things, and to the promises which succes sive Governmen:s have made, I have felt it my duty in conjunction with my colleagues to look into this hn portaut question. I will not pledge either myself or them to introduce either now or at any time a Bill upon this subject. I prefer to go beyond rather than to fall short of any pledges or promises which I may give in this house ' • but this I may say, that as swim as the pressure of Parliamentary business enables us deliberately and carefully to consider the question, we will direct our attention to the defects which exist in the laws regula ting the representation of the people in Parliament, and to the amendments which may be made in those laws ; and that we will give that attention with the s ncereaad earnest desire to trifle no longer with this great cpaestioe, but with the hope that we may be able in the near session of Parliament to lay before the Legislature and the country a measure upon that subject which may for a time settle a matter of such deep importance, and which, if we cannot hope to please everybody,—which would indeed be a mist extravagant expectation,—tray at least be accepted as a fair and reasonable measure by moderate, impartial,Und well-educated men. (Cheers.) I am aware that in making this early announcement I am perhaps somewhat premature, but I thought it was desirable that your lordships and the country should at once know that, while we are not prepared in this session of Parliament to introduce or to assist in passing any measure dealing with so extensive a question, we are prepared at the very earliest moment practicable to give our dilig-ntand anxious attention to the subject, with the earnest hope that that consideration may lead to a sac cessful issue. (Eiear, hear.) I have now addressed your lordships at greater length than I could have de sired the observations which I have found it necessary) , to make upon my assumption of the important office which I have now the honour to fill. My lords, I cap only conclude, as I began, by assuring you that I deeply feel my own incompetency for the discharge of the duties of that office ; but this I can truly say, that I bring to their performance an earnest and con scientious desire faithfully and diligently to discharge them as in the sight of God and in the presence of the people, Small as I know my powers to be, and great as ere the difficulties I shad have to encounter, there is One who guides the destines of all, and who from the efforts of weak and inadequate performers can produce great and signal effects. Trusting to His guidance and to His blessing, I will venture to take upon me the charge which has been entrusted to me by my Sovereign, and I fervently hope and trust that, be my Administra tion long or short, when I retire I may retire without a stain upon my public character, and with the consci ousness that I have not left England in a worse position than that in which I found her. The noble earl resumed his seat amid loud and prolonged cheering. Earl GRANVILLE (who was very indistinctly heard in the gallery), had not one word to object to the state ment made by the noble earl as to the course of events which had resulted in his accession to office. The noble earl had most fairly and kindly admitted that after the vote of the House of Commons, which was in effect a declaration that in the opinion of that house the honour of the country had not been kept intact, it was impas sible the late Government could have :any other alterna tive than to resign. Her Maje:ity having accepted their resignations, took the perfectly constitutional course of sending for the head of the Conservative party, who formed the majority of those by whom that hostile vote was carried ; and that vote having been so carried, and the noble earl having been RO called upon by her Majesty to form an Administration, he would not have been justified in declining to accept the trust. (Hear.) The only misconstruction that could possibly arise upon this point was in regard te the character of the vote itself, and the nature of the diplomatic consmunication that had taken place between the two Governments of Eng land and Franco ; but as he believed that his noble friend (Lord Clarendon) would go with far more effect into that matter, he would leave him to explain how the facts of the case actually stood. He svinhed, however, not to be misunderstood in one par:icular, viz , that he did not shrink in the slightest degree from the responsi bility of defending the course taken by his noble friend in reference to M. kValetveki's despatch. Thcre was one point upon which he thought it important that the noble earl should have made a more distinct declaration, and that was the character which the Government attributed to the vote of the House of Commons which had resulted in the change of Government. He, the noble earl, had expressed a decided hope that the present Government would be able to introduce a measure which, without violating the constitution of this country, would tend to preserve friendlyrelations with France, and remembering the statement made by the, present Lord Chancellor and the votes of the Conservative party in reference to the introduction of theta' of the late Government, and the de cla.rations of the present Home Secretary and the Presi dent of the Board of Trade, as to their approval of the principle of that measure—he thought it impossible that any other construction could be put upon it than that which the noble earl had given to it. Consequently, it was with no little surprise that he read that morning, in the address of a most important member of the nob'e earl's administration—the first law adviser of the Crown —written deliberately to his constituents, that he, " in coalmen with the chiefs of the Conservative party in the House of Commons, supported the amendment to the bill on the ground that its provisions afforded no effective remedy to the evils proposed to be redressed, and that the bill itself was an evasion of the principle of indepen dent action which has hitherto been held sound, alike by the Parliament and the people." What that meant, he (Earl Granville) scarcely understood; but at all events, it went to a complete condemnation of the principle of the bill. (Hear.) With regard to the motives with wh:ch the noble earl took office, he believed them to be patriotic. But the noble earl had spoken of the dn.. cultiee he should have to encounter. He (Earl Gran ville) could assure him that those difficulties would not arise from the position in which he and his colleagues had loft the country, and he trusted the noble earl would ( xeuee him if he went over a few particulars to show that the members of the late ministry felt they bad some reason not to be ashamed of the manner in which they handed over the government to their successors. Their lordships would remember the circumstances in which his noble friend (Lord Palmerston) formed his government. He formed it after every leading statesman had confessed his inability to attempt the task. The great dif f iculty" they then found was the Crimean war. Indignation bad been excited at the state of the army, and that indigna tion was directed most unjustly against certain indi viduals—but owing to the meaeutes of the noble duke (Newcastle), and subsequently the measures of his noble friend near bins (Lord Panmure), the army was brought to as efficient a state as any that had over taken the field, and the war was brought to a glorious and successful termination. And he might further say, that, having been sent officially to Russia after the war had been so successfully closed, where he was received with the greatest courtesy, he found that the defeat was considered snore complete on their part than we on ours considered the victory. The objects for which the war bad been undertaken had been fully conceded in the treaty of peace. As far as he spas aware no objection had been made in either House of Parliament that that treaty did not completely carry out those objects, and this, at all events, he knew, that those objects had not been allowed to be frittered away in the course of the subsequent proceedings. An , ther war had been entered upon by the late Government—the war with Persie. He defied any one to say that we had not, with an in considerably small less on our part, completely estab liAled our military prestige in that part of Asia—ob tained every object for which the war was begun, and had placed our relations with Persia on a sounder foot ing than they had ever stood before. Then there was a war with China, which had been alluded to by the noble earl. That war also, he hoped, bad been brought to a conclusion. And though it had been said that without the infliction of the most barbarous cruelties it would be impossible to capture Canton, and that, conquered, it would be impossible to h old it, that reduced and taken posses sion of by the ferces sent town had been against it, w h a tever had been experienced in holdin g it. (Hear, nnd, as far as he had yet heard, no difficult y hear.) We had, moreover , besides taking possession of Canton, taken possession als o of t heindividual to whom, more than any other person, was to be attributed the inconveniences and differences that had led to these hostilities. He was glad to believe from the tone of the noble earl, that, accepting the China affair in the favourable p isition in which the late Government had left it, his practical good sense would induce him to take those reasonable and just advantages which from the capture of Canton might be derived not only by this country but by the civilised world. The noble earl bad alluded also to another difficulty which the la'e Govern ment had experienced—the Indian mutiny—but in that to surmount i Y n case also he thought from what the noble earl had stated, that the result in his mind vas sati - factory. And that, exe/pt in regard to ()ado —and he Zl_Pne eA ssl the noble earl did not adopt the view expressed in India, great wan t left for the noble earl's governin , at, g% of his a few weeks ado, that we ought to ack caus e lathe events which had taken place gre a t, difE, : to tt.e con., 1 it it sawl in t g w t ei th t e t t i °et:, Ilelsiceoyr ofalndia.anxietyth ey awne rl ar ` h e late government but in da alar m, boud to do, they had never for one moment doubted of the ultimate re. mit. The noble earl had expressed his satisfaction at the position in which the illustrious duke the Commander in-Chief, and his noble friend (Lord Panmure), had placed the military preparations of the couetrv, and bad said that he had no idea of fading them in such an effi cient state. One of the difficulties of the late ministry was this, that while it was obviously inconvenient and inexpedient to produce to Parliament and the public all the details of the military arrangements made by the government, the general statements with which they were c ,nepelled to content themselves coull not be tested. Ile therefore felt especially grateful to the noble earl for the testimony he had borne to the efficiency ia which he found those arrangements en his accession to office, and he now stated in the presence of those who might contradict him if they could do so, that while the military preparations of the country generally were in a satisfactory state, and in semerespects such at they were never before, that with regard to the army it was never so efficient as at the close of the late war, nor was the effective strength of the soldiers of this country ever so high as it was at the beginning of the Indian mutiny. It was important that this fact should be known to the public, and he was glad to have the opportunity of mak ing the statement. Then with regard to the efficiercy of the transport service it was onl y necessar y in p roof of that to mention the fac t that as man y ae 60,000 men had been n rt s e e t from sent rfromem thisthe Chinese c try t o expedition, lndia, the whole of besides some 5,000 which had been conveyed without lose, (Hear, hear ) He contended that credit was due to the late govern ment for their exertions in thie respect—exertions whieh had excited feelings of astonishment throughout Europe. Going from India to the other colonies, they found them in a satisfactory state. Some were working out the problem of se lf-government, but all were peaceful and content—eo much so, that in the last accounts from the Govertner-General of India he stated that no further force was required there to put down the mutiny and restore order—that troop-horses and stores were conti nuing to come in from other colonies, which they could spare in consequence of the perfect tranquillity that pre vailed in these colonies. Turning to the state of affairs at home, their lordships would recollect that a great commercial disaster bad happened last year ; he alluded to the commercial panic which occurred in Nov. last. No one, he believed, attributed that disaster to any act or policy of the Government, and he believed that the only step they took in the matter was sanctioned by everybody in and out of Parliament as the right step taken at the right time. (Cheers.) Without taking any credit to the Ministry with which he had been connected on that ground, he thought it most gratifying that, not withetanding that the failures had been computed at net less than 50,000,000/. arising from that panic to the end of the past year, improvement had already set in, and the funds had been continually rising until they reached almost too far—except while checked by the change of GovernMent. And as regarded trade, there was an appearance (1 general revival and more general employment of the labouring classes, who, he must say, were entitled to the thanks of the country for the pa tience they had displayed during a period of very severe ( distress. He was averse to troubling theirlordshipe with a ny detail, but at tie same time should be reluctant to pass over altogether the law reforms which the late Go vernment had been enabled to carry into effect. There was the measure in reference to the ecclesiastical courts, which, after twelve times in as many years having been attempted in vain, was last year brought to a successful i ss ue. There were other measures of importance re lating to the commercial interests of the country which they had also succeeded in passing—as the Limited Liability $lll. There was also the measure with regard to secondary punishments, and the act for the distribution of an efficient police all over the country. These were all measures for which he thought the late Government were entitled to some credit. He would not go into further deteil then, but upon a future occasion he would be enabled to show that with respect to the im portant sul e ject of education more real progress had taken place during the time the late ministers were in office, as regarded the opening of the Universities, the increase of schools, and other matters, than at any previous period. He thought it would have been convenient if the noble earl had stated what course he proposed to follow on this question of national education—whether he adopted the plan of the First Lord of the Admiralty or of the Presi dent of the Board of Trade. (Hear.) He trusted, at all events, that the noble marquis opposite would act upon the existing system, and, in doing, s, would remember that increased grants involved increased responsibility. He mentioned these subjects, because, although the lets Government had no great brilliant achievements to boast of, he should be sorry if it were thought that they had neglected these measures which contributed far more than brilliant achievements to the real happiness of the people. Ile thought he had stated sufficient to show that they had net left the country in greater difficulties tbao they had found it. He now came to the declaration of the noble earl as to the future course of his government. Putting aside those general statements as to the princi pies of conservative progress which were to guide the new Ministry, and which must decide their value by the manner in which they were carried out, there were some points on which he thought it would have been satis factory if the Della earl bad favoured the house and the country with some more definite information, but which, n evertheless, he would not press upon him if ho objected to do so. What course the noble earl proposed to take with regard to the achni4..ion of the Jews to Parliament they bad not been informed. The Earl of DERBY—That is out of the question now. Earl GRANVILLE d:d not think it was out f tho question that some information should be looked for, under the circumstances, as to the intentions of Govern ment, which certainly excited a great deal of anxious curiosity out of doors, and upon which some of the lead ing members of the present Cabinet took opposite views to the late Government. There wa-i another peint upon which he considered the noble earl should have aff rded some further information, and that was with regard to reform of our representative institutions. The noble earl might have stated that he proposed to deal with that question at once, or that hs intended, as he had said, to censid r the best means of framing such a bill, with the ceefiderat expectation that next session he would be enabled to present it to the comithwation of Parliament. Teat he admitted was a fair and legitinwe ceurse to adoot. Still it would have been more satisfactory if the noble earl had stated whether or not he concurred in the views which bad been put forward by one member of his Go vernment, who, in his address to his constituents, de clared hie readiness to support and assist in any measure for the extension of the elective franchise to every man in Britain qualified by property or by education to exer. cise it with independence and intelligence ; and is a re. distribution of the boroughs and towns possessed and unpoesessed of the franchise, Eo that ell above the rank of villages may be represented in the Legislature. It would have been desirable that they should know whe ther that was a description of the Reform Bill which the noble earl had in contemplation, or whether it was merely a statement put forward by one of his enpperters in the hope 6f securing a few votes. (Hear.) Tuere was one other subject upon which he intended to speak with great forbearance, a nd that was the course the noble earl pro reed to take in reference to the Conspiracy Bill. As he understood the noble earl, be proposed to send a despatch to France in reply to that of Count Walewski, and that upon the a nswer t r that despatch the course of Govern ment would depend. (hear.) This was a matter in regard to which he felt that a great moral responsibility rested upon any individual who, by ais tongue or his pen, in any way i fluenced public opinion. (Hear, hear ) It the noble earl had proposed such a bill as he had suggested, the members of the late Government would be glad to give him their best support in carrying it into a law, but as h e h a d not, he (Earl Granville) was anxious not to say ono word that c iuld in any way tend to increase he excitement which unfortunately prevailed both on this and on the other side of the water, and which the people of both nations naturally felt when they fancied, however mistakenly, that the national honour had been assailed. (Hear, hear.) The noble ea rl had stated that he had not entered upon office with feelings of exultation, lie (Earl Granville) was perfectly sure hat the feelings with which the noble earl had assumed the high and responsible task he had undertaken were creditable to him, and would redound to his honour. (Hear, hear.) At the same time he could net wholly disconnect the noble earl's responsi bility 'coin the course which had been taken in other places, n-r forget that the course taken by the noels earl was one much disapproved of by many of the noble earl's followers. The noble esrl'a course in that house had always been such that, while his eloquence added to the' inte est, of their debates, his conduct had added to his own character and dignity, (Bear, hear.) He was glad to have the opportunity of saying so, for during the last three years he (Earl Granville) had experienced the greatest personal courtesy and forhearancefromthe hands of the noble earl; and it was that courte , y And forbear ance that had enabled himself and his late colleagues in office to Pertorin duties which he for one confessed he felt at first totally inadequate to undertake. (Hear, hear.) Ile could assure the noble earl that the feelings with which he (Earl Granville) and his friends now entered into opposition were not clouded by one hitter personal feeling towards the noble earl. They Lad been BO short a time in opposition—(a laugh)—that it would be hardly fair to question what they had yet done as an indication of the course they intended to pursue—nor should he have referred to this matter at all, but that it appeared some misunderstanding bad arisen as to an observation made by en, the other day with respect to the noble earl's conduct when Lord Aberdeen's Government came int) office, What be then stated wan, that when Lord Aberdeen asked for an adjournment for a week in order that he might have the opportunity of forming his Go vernment and preparing a statement of his policy, the noble earl grudged to allow an adjournment for more than three days. Since then he had referred to " Han sard," and found that the noble earl said, in answer to Lord Aberdeen's proposition, that he thought 24, or, at most, 48 b e ample time. (Hear.) But bourn would be that was net all—durieg their short term of opposition they had certainly exhibited much more a ensideration for the noble earl than the noble earl had done, when he resigned, for his successors, and when, besides grudging the adjournment asked for, he made a lengthy and elo quent speech by no means calculated twfacilitate the task of his nob'e friend who had just undertaken to form the new Government. They (the present Opposition) thought it more fair either to the noble earl who had undertak en th e t as k, o r to any other pereon who might be sent for, to announce the fact of their resieattions at once, 'leaving her Majesty toss send for whom she pleased, than offer any ggestions as to Having resigned, who should be their successors. and the nobl e lord having undertaken the Govern ment, they, as party men, would endeavour fair l y to judge of the n o ble lord's rneasur CP , a id to act without parnality ; an d a s Englishmen the y hoped that the noble .3rl would not a Y to Inset any esfteoee f u,ti o witn which the: tete Gov, rinueet had hat. t , cen ten ; but if such difficulties should ari se, they trussed that, under the blessing of Divine Providence, the noble earl would be able to meet them and bring them to a success ful issue. (Hear, hear.) In COLlcilaiQD, he apologised to the house for the length at which he had detained them, and thanked them for the indulgence they bad extended to him. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of DERBY, in explanation, stated that when, on the 20th December, Lord Aberdeen proposed to move the adjournment of the house for a week, he (the Earl of Derby) expressed a hope that he might be enabled to complete the cabinet arrangements in 48 hours, and he stated that as it was important members should be enabled to pa's their Christmas in the country, he thought the house should adjourn over from the Monday to the Thursday instead of to the following Monday, and that was what took place. (Hear.) The Earl of CLARENDON--My lords, I feel obliged to my noble friend near me for imposing upon me the task of making some observations upon certain matters that have weighed upon the attention of the government, in connet t on w th the department over which I have bad the honour to preside. My lords, in respect to those past matters involving important national interests both at home and abroad, there has been so much misapprehen sion, so much misrepresentation, and there exist.; even now, in my opinion, so much doubt in the public mind, that it is difficult to give to them that calm consideration they deserve and demand. It has been generally assumed in this country that the language used by France towards this country has been insolent and threatening, and that an attempt has been made to bully us into compliance with her wishes. Intending asl do to appeal to the calm i judgment of the house, I rejoice that the noble earl, in vigorous and eloquent language, has called yourlordships' recollection to the middle of last January, and has asked you to remember what were your own feelings and the feelings of the public when we first heard the news of the attempt which had been made upon the life of the Emperor of the French. It was no exaggeration on the part of the noble lord to say that throughout these realms that atrocious attempt was vie wed with all the horror and di.gust that it was certain to produce in the minds of Englishmen, and that that feeling of disgust and abhorrence was in this country at least equal to that which was felt in any other country in the world. (Heal.) It is unnecessary to say that in those senti ments the late Government fully participated, and that they also shared in those feelings of shame and indigna tion a bleb every honest Englishman must entertain that such a plot should have been conceived and brought to maturity by a knot of men who were availing them selves !of the asylum this country affords, and who thereby violated the hospitality and security afforded t, them by our laws. Atd the first thought of the Govern. meat, on hearing of these transactions, was whether it was possible to frustrate the schemes of the persons im plicated, whether the existing law was sufficient, or whether we could, without violating the fundamental principles of our constitution, which holds every man innocent until proved guilty—(hear, hear) —reach the acts of those foreigners who have so grossly abased our right of asylum. My lords, the result of our delibera tions was to refer the whole matter to the law officers of the Crown. We felt it to be a point of honour with unto pursue this course, and we wiehed to show.that we had not looked with apathy or indifference on the tran saceions which had just taken place. We bad already gone as far as the law allowed us in stopping expedi tions fitted up in hostility to foreign states ; and I ask whether any expedition could be conceived more hostile to a friendly state than that which Orsini and his com panions fitted out for the aesassinat on of the Emperor of France. (Hear, hear.) We thought it incumbent on us to devise some means to frustrate such schemes. We felt that it was due to the people of France, and to public opinion in England, to make it known, on the highest legal authority, that great crimes did not in this country meet with encouragement or impunity. We fell that it was a point involving not only national honour but grave national interests, to see whether a change in our law was necessary, and, if necessary, practicable, because, next to France herself, there is no country which has more reason to be grateful for the providential interposition which saved the Emperor than has this country. (Hear, hear.) Because, as my noble friend has said, it is not only that there is an intimate alliance between France and England, but that their interests are so interwoven, are of such a magnitude, and th, connection is so close that nothing could happen fir good or evil in one country which would not immediately vibrate through the other. It was under these feelings that her Majesty's late Government referred the matter to the law officers of the Crown, and we were deter , rained, if some measure was found to be necessary, to mark our sense of what had occurred, by immediately laying IMO measure on the table of the House of Corn mono. At the same time M. de Persigny placed in my hands Count Walewski's despatch, saying that it had been his duty to address the Government on the refugee question, inviting thorn to consider what measures might be necessary in reference to it. At the same time he told me that although it had been thought necessary to make a communication to her Majesty's Government, the utmost care had been taken carefully to avoid the use of any expression which might offend the people of Eng land. I told M. de Persigny what I had told hiie often before, which I had also mentioned to M. Welew. ski, and which I had more than once also had the honour of stating to the Emperor, tbat no consideration on earth could induce the Parliament to pass an Alien Act. (Hear, hear.) The law of asylum I told him could not be infringed, and that there were certain principle, of law too sacred to be infringed for any purpose what. ever. ( Hear. ) I said at the same time that it required no impulse from without to set in motion the existing law against conspiracy if evidence could be obtained, but that from want of sufficient evidence the law had not been as yet put in force. I said at the same time it might be a, question whether the existing law was sufficiently stringent, but the whole question had been referred to the law officers of the Crown, and moreover I tald that I had written to the Attorney-General in vitinghis attention to certain points, and stating the importance clan earl) decision. Nothing could be more temperate, more mode rate, or more straightforward than has been M. de Per. signy's conduct throughout the whole of this matter, as such of your lordships as have the pleasure of knowing him will be ready to believe. (Hear.) Nothing could be further from his language than any intimation of an attempt to use pressure, which I told him would be resented from one end of England to another. (Cheers.) He said that he sought nothing of the kind, that his go vernment felt entire confidence in the friendship of Eng land, and that, so perfect was the solidarity of interest. between the two countries, they believed that whatever was necessary would be done without pressure of any kind. Now, with respect to Count Walewskee despatch, respecting which so much has been said both in and out of doors as to its containing insults to the honour and interests of this country, I must say that having read it carefully I have failed to find the slightest tendency to insult in it from beginning to end. (Hear.) I am certain further that no insult was intends +, and I am sure that in public as well as in private affairs, the animus should be the first thing considered in debiding whether or not any communication was insulting or cffeneive. (Hear, hear.) Thero was one thing which I felt most strongly whilst Count de Persigny was reading the despatch, and that was that if plots were being continually batched in France against our own sovereign, if three attempts had bean made to carry these plans into execution, and if or, the last occasion the Queen and the Prince Consort had been saved only by a miracle, while 156 people were killed and wounded in front of the Opera-house, and that after all I addressed such a despatch to the French Go vernment as Count Walewski had addressed to outs, that then this country would have looked upon me as a very feeble exponent of the national horror and indig nation. (Hear, hear.) lam astonished that any one could have so misunderstood that despatch as to say that Coune Walewski charged the people of England with encouraging assassination, when the whole tenor of the despatch is precisely the contrary. He says —" In recording these circumstances, I at once add how much the government of the Emperor is persuaded of the sincerity of the sentiments of reprobation which they created in England. It is equally Convince that with such proofs in their possession of the abuse of libspitality, tho English Government and people understand at o: cr to what extent we are justified in directing our attention to them." The whole despatch in fact relates to a limited class of refugees in this country, and I say that any man who understands French, or having read the translation represents it otherwise, is guilty of gross and wilful misrepresentation of is sentiments and meaning. (Hear, hear.) S rice I left the Government, but not the Foreign-office, a despatch has been received from Lord Cowley', who expresses the desire of Count Walewski to make known to the Government his regret and astonish ment at the manner in which his despatch has been misunderstood by the people of England. The count expresses his astonishment that he who had resided so many years in England should be suspected of applying to the generality of the English people that which he knew applied only to certain classes of refugees in England. It is equally untrue to say that Count Walewski asked us to interfere with the sight of asylum. Nothing can be more clear than his approba tion of that right, or of the manner in which it is offered to the political refugees of other county. e+. The Earl of MA.LMESBURY asked what was the date of the despatch to which the noble earl alluded. The Earl of CLARENDON—It arrived the day before I left the Foreign office. I have no right to produce it, but of course it is at the noble earl's disposal. Count Walewski says :—" No one appreciates and respects more than we do the liberality with which England is disposed to exercise the right of asylum in regard to foreigners, vietimsiof poli tical struggles. France, for her part, has always looked upon it as a duty of humanity never to close her frontiers to any honourable person in misfortune, whatever might be the party to which he belonged ; and his Majesty's Go vernment does not complain that its opponents should find refuge on the English soil, and live the re in irace, remaining faithful to their opinions, to their very passions, under the protection of the British laws." Ho aforwards says :—" In submitting these questions t o her Britan nic Majesty's Government, itself, it Governmen t of this Emperor does not merely diseharge a duty towar ds it re-echoes the sentiment of the country, which, under the influence of the most legitimate anxiet y , calls upon it to t do so ; and which, in a matter where the common intents among all nations and all governments is so clear, consi ders itself entitled to reckon upon the concurrence of Eng land. The repetition and the wickedness of these guilty enterprises expose France to a d an ger agalyst which Her Butannic i bound to provide." Finally , he sa y s : Majesty's Government can assis t us in averting tby affor d • in us a guarantee of security which no state can refuse to a neighbouring State, and which we are authorised to ex pect from an ally. Fully zelying, mor eover, on the high sense of the English Cabinet, we refr an from indicating, in any way, the measures which it may see fit to take in order to comply with this wish. We rest entirely upon it for estimating the decisions which it shall deem best cal culated to attain the object ; and we are firmly per sua d e d that we shall not have appealed in vain to its conscience and to its goodwill." Now, there may be words in ti a despatoii which might beonettted ; but, taki ng th e de spatch in its entirety, I maintain that it contains neither insult nor memos, nor pressure of any kind. (Hear, heir.) I ask, any lords, was it possiblepossiblethat the Fr. n t h Govern ment, after the atrocious attempt of the 14th dauuary," should not make some communication ; and., bein g inevi table, I ask, could it have been made in a more , temperate manner? (Hear, hear.) •It was, infect, such language as one friend would address to another, from whose home an 2, 1858. attempt had come on his life or security. In such a case I Conspiracy to Murder Bill has been better understood. the iuj ured friend would say :" An attempt has been made i My noble friend, the Lord Chief Justice, described the bill upon my life ; I know that you did not wish it SUCCCEI3; as an important ame .dment of the criminal law ; he, how and lam sure you will do all in your power to prevent its ever, approved of it, and expressed his hope that their repetition." What would your lordships have tho'ught of lordships would pass it when it came to their house. It the person so addressed were he to reply, "lam s wry that was never disguised that the object of the late government I these people have attempted to kill you , but you must take was to check these conspiracies against the Emperor of the care of yourself, and, as you presume to allude to them, French, but beyond that it does not go. When the true I can tell you that nothing shall induce me to alter my character of that bill comes to be considered, lam greatly . domestic regulations." Clotho it how you will such was mistaken if the upright and generous people of this oonn substantially the answer which her Majesty's late Go- try will see any humiliation in supporting the passing of vornment was required to return to Count Walewski's this bill. (Cheers.) despatch. lam aware that after the vote of the House of Lord ST. LEONARDS made a few observations, but in Commons my noble friend opposite will not write such n so low a tone that hardly a word reached the gal ery. So despatch. (A laugh.) I could almost write the de s p atch far as could be understood, he appeared to be stating that myself. I did not answer it, and I say "I" because I con- his chief reason for declining the Chancellorship was the eider that on me rests the responsibility of not answering want of physical strength. more than upon any member of the Government. Why did LORD CAMPBELL AND THE LATE ATTORNEY we not answer it? We felt that great allowance was to be GENERAL. made for the feeling that was universal iu France, stagger- Lord CAMPBELL begged their lordships' attention for ing as she was in her escape from an imminent danger. a very few minutes in his own justification, without attack- We wished to avoid going into any unnecessary centre- ing any person whatever. It was necessary that he should versy, and we thought we should better exhibit our sym- do so, because his character as a judge had been assailed. pathy with Franca by considering what our course should It had been supposed that he had in that house given an be, without attending to any of the nonsense which was be- opinion respecting causes which were, or might shortly be, ing talked or written on the subject. It would have been depending before him. If he had done that, he should easy—the opportunity was, as it has been said, tempting have done what would have been most reprehensible. But —to have written a despatch which would have made a he had only done tha which he considered his duty to do good figure in the blue book, and have used that despatch he had given his opinion upon an abstract question of law. as the justification of a restrictive measure. But we were Unless he could do so, for what purpose had he a Seat in not anxious to figure in a blue book, and, besides, to make their lordships' house? That practice had been adopted our answer to Count Walewski satisfactory, it was neces- by the most illustrious of his predecessors. With respect ware that it should be true, and that we should be able to to another question, viz., the taking notice of what took disprove his assertions. Now, I assert that they could not place in the other house of parliament, he agreed that, ea be disproved, and for this simple reason, that they were a general rule, such a practice should be abstained from ass true. (Hear.) Count Walewski says : "It was in Eag- one most inconvenient. But there were exceptional cases, lend that Pianori formed the plan of striking the Elope- and such a case bad arisen. Looking to what was stated ror ;it was from London that, in an affair, the recellec- in the public journals as having been laid down for law in tion of which, is still recant, Mazzini, Ledru Rollin, and the case of aliens, and believing that such statements would Campanella directed the assassins whom they had furnished have the most mischievous consequences, he had felt it with arms. It is there, also, that the authors of the last his duty to contradict the statement which had been made. plot have leisurely prepared their means of action, have He was bound to believe that the hon. gentleman to whose studied and constructed the instruments of destruction speech he referred did not intend his speech to be andel , . which they have employed ; and it is from thence that stood in the manner in which it had appeared in the pule they set out to carry their plans into execution " And lire journals, but from this speech, as reported, mischievous then proceeds to say :—" But, M. le Comte, how diffe- consequences would not unprobably have followed. He rent is the attitude of the skilful demagogues established (Lord Campbell) could only say that he was recommended in England. It is no longer the hostility of misguided by some of the judges of the land, and by other persons ip. individuals, manifesting itself by all the excesses of whom he placed great confidence, to take the earliest op the press and all the violences of language ; it is no portunity of stating what the law was, and he had accord longer even the work of the factious, seeking to rouse ingly done Po. opinion and to provoke disorder ;it is assassination Lord BROUGHAM entirely concurred with what had elevated to doctrine, preached openly, practised in fallen from the noble lord. If other opinions were correct, repeated attempts, the more recent of which has just struck then no member of their lordships' house—for they con- Europe with amazement. Ought, then, the rights of stituted the ultimate court of appeal—ought to give an asylum to protect such a state of things? Is hospitality due opiuion on a question of law. to assassins ? Ought the English legislation to contribute to THE ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. favour their designs and their plans, and can it continue The Earl of DERBY said he was informed that the to shelter persons who, by their flagrant acts, place them House of Commons had adjourned to Friday week. He selves beyond the pale of common right, and under the ban therefore proposed that their lordships should adjourn to of humanity ?" That, my lords, is strong language, but it that day fortnight.—Agreed to. is literally true. My noble friend answered the question by The house then adjourned at a quarter past 8 o'clock. saying that we had a law against conspiracy, but it could not be brought into operation, because there was not suffi cient evidence against the perpetrators of the crime. We have had at one time publications brought under our notice, which we would have prosecuted but for the insuf ficiency of evidence. At anot her time the substance of a speech advocating the murder of the Emperor has been transmitted to us in English, but we could not prove the French words. It was only very lately that a most den serous publication was circulated at a meeting, half of the expenses of which was paid by Bernard, aid as the law stands we could not approach it. Now, knowing all this, although Count Walewski did not, how could I as an honest man say he was mistaken in saying that assassina tions were concocted in this country —(hear, hear)—and, on the other hand, what good purpose could have been served by admitting the truth of the assertion, and at the same time expressing our regret that we were unable to grant any redress? Such being the state of things, I suggested to my noble friend at the head of the Government that it would be better to be content with the explanation which I had offered to M. de Persigny, and not to enter into a written controversy which might continue that exacer bation in France which all friends of the alliance should wish to see calmed. I said that it would be much better to wait for the report of the law officers of the Crown, and see whether a bill could be introduced and passed through Parliament. We should then have had the benefit of the debates in Parliament, which would show to the French Government and the French people to what extent the people of England were prepared to go, and beyond which they would not move. I thought then, and I think now that that was a friendly and cautions course. Ikn )ve how we were condemned for our silence in another place, and how Lord Hawkesbury's despatch has been used against us and set up for a model, but any one who knows the history of the two periods must be aware that there is no possible parallel between them. Recollect that in Lord Hawkesbury's time the First Consul was at enmity with this country and looking for a pretext to quar rel, and, besides, made the most extravagant demands upon the British Government. On the other hand, Count Wa lewski carefully abstained from making any demands on us, a difference which I wonder did not occur to the House of Commons. In 1802 the French minister, M. Otto, wrote to Lord Hawkesbury on the 17th of August, making the following demands : —First, that effectual means should be taken to repress the newspaper attacks on the First Consul; seconds that two French bishops should be sent to Jersey ; third, that Georges and his adherents should be transported to Canada; fourth, that the Bourbon family should be re commended to repair to Warsaw ; and lastly, that such of the French emigrants as continued to wear the dechrations of the old regime should be sent out of the country. (Hear.) Such conditions required an energetic answer, and Lord Hawkesbury's answer was certainly energetic; but it must be remembered that then we had an Alien Act, and neither is it to be supposed that in consequence of Lord Hawkes bury's answer nothing was done. On the contrary the First Consul, although refused his first demand, the English Go vernment declining to take any steps to alter the laws of the press, obtained apromise of the removal of the bishops should they attempt to stir up the French people to rebellion. The British Government also premised the removal of Georges, and expressed itself quite willing that the Bourbons should remove to Warsaw, although not prepared to deny thorn the right of asylum provided they did not disturb the peace of the country. The trial of Peltier was promised : and with respect to the emigrants wearing decorations, Lord Ha wkes bury said their number was so few as to make them of no account. Yet that is the despatch which is considered to have preserved the honour of the country. But, although I did not send an answer to Count Wale wski's despatch, I repeatedly and in great detail informed my noble friend, our ambassador iu Paris, what were our views and opinions respecting it, what we were able to do, and what we could not do in reply to it. The French Government were thus made aware of our views and intentions, and if they had a desire to invite us to a means which would be repugnant, to. the honour of England, they were informed confiden tially that it would be totally impossible to grant it. The despatch which had reference to those private letters is now in the possession of your lordships, but in order to give your lordships an idea of what these private letters were, I have referred to them this morning in my letter-book, and I trust the house will permit me to quote them. On the 21st January I wrote—" The more I think of the whole matter the more allowance I make for the feelings of the French, who believe themselves to be in imminent danger, aewl that England, if she choose, might put them in safety. We know that this is not the case, and that we cannot prevent conspiracies ; but this cannot be understood by men who are profoundly ignorant of our laws and customs, and who reason 'respecting England by analogy with other states, where police regulations and measures of public safety are always passively submitted to. Such men think only of their own perils, and of the unfriendly obstinacy of England in doing nothing for their protection. I have, therefore, been perfectly frank with M. de Persigny, and have spoken to him in the sense of what I have written above. He brought me to-day a despatch from Walewski, I which hal been seen and approved by the' Emperor. It was, I think, more moderate in tone, much more so, I think, than our mut etis mutandis would have been. It is impossible for any one to behave more loy element and like a gentleman than M. de Persigny does upon this painful matter; for while he is in a state of extrema agitation, and fully shares the feelings of his countrymen respecting the attentat, ho makes as much allowance for our difficulties as you or I could do." On January 23d I then wrote:— " The refugee question has been discussed in every possibl e form, and may with truth say that there has been an earnest desire to do something which will both clear this country from unjust imputations, and at the same time give some satisfaction to public opinion in France ; but the difficulties, when ono comes to the practical point of what that something shall be, are beyond imagination great, and everybody agreed that to ask for authority to send away every or any foreigner when a foreign government may suspF ct. or say they suspect;, without even adducing any proof of guilty purpose, is utterly out of the question. We might just as well ask parliament to annex England to France." On the 2d of February I wrote .—" A. bill is to be introduced when parliament meets which will make conspiracy to murder felony, and you must rely upon it that if the bill passes it will be amply sufficient for the purpose, and immeasurably better than if we passed a power to send away people on suspicion ; for what is to con stitute suspicion, or to wake a man suspected ? —a denun ciation from the French police ? If so, it is clear that we should be perpetually asked to send away people on mere rumour, or perhaps the personal vengeance of spies, and that the only result would be ill-reeling between the two governments. Parliament, however, would never grant such a permission, because, setting aside all other reasons, it would be inverting the fundamental principles of juris prudence in this country, where a man is always considered innocent until he is proved to be guilty, and we he shoul l d d have to propose that he be considered guil t ty e until added :—" What I foresaw has e o i c h eu! , prove himself to be innocent." And on d the 4.h e F x e e u t i e . te l . d g r n e ation caused by tho merit, or rather, I should say, th of the regimental addresses, is publication in the Mo"hite"ronnt 2 ry. eople here care universal throe throughout t are c much too free ourselves with our thing about abuse ; hard t words,reat, abnudt that which no man here c . n e ko of wi resenting l at a nd pens and our tonguewsteo think themselves rather than submit to menace. Now, my there is no risk or danger to which . Englishmen ” will not ex pose lords, it is not my object to trespass on your attention, but merely to show what were the communto diens which were made to the French government. Lord Cowley was eon writing that despatch, and it was censur e d by adl3rmeLeini for r n of the House of Commons. Now certainly there may have heels one or two sentences in that despatch which I had rather see omitted ; but I thought it better to lay it on the table entire than merely to give what would have been called extracts. (Hear, hear.) But that is a minor question ; the important point is whether the bsuepdpiespsertolvtehdatbyLtehrde very Corde persons matters contained in that despatch were -true ; and it is Y w' hardl y which could bl dehitoemthhaet applied for confirmation, no less persons than the Emperor bi to w w r and his council of state. I think your lordships cannot doubt the accuracy of that statement ; and I ask you whether any rational man, not blinked by party spirit, could say that in this matter we sated in a way derogatory tp the - national honour? (sear, hear.) It is now five years since I received the seals of the foreign department, and although I am not going to enter into the general ques tion of our foreign affairs, I can with confidence say that during these five years, perhaps the most anxious of the alliance, the honour of toe coon ry has not been tarnished in my hands. (Hear, hear.) This bill has been mis' e presented ; it has been called an Alien Bill, whereas it i uo more an alien than it is an English bel (A laugh ) It has been called a French bill ; wuereas, as I told you, it was in the laboratory of the law officers before Count Walewskee despatch was received, and before the ad dresses of the French colonels were published in the Meal teur. And even at the last moment this errof seems to have continued, for in the address of Ihe Atternee -Gene ral, published this morning, it is said that the bill is " an invasion of the principle of iedepenc'e it action which has hithe,o been held wiere I by tees Parliament and the pee e in - -.inn , e -e e n ewy ~,. ~;,) i: 1 , 1,1,1 • t ,,s ; ,; •-. tirat time iu Lilt) ut.L.,l house, i,utt i 11,,, alter idle ki,, ,, p- tch of. Count Walewski was received, and, it was well known, had not been answered. Error and tuisrepre sentetion, indeed, has followed this bill from the earliest to the present moment, I rejoice to say that here this HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(YEsTERDA.Y.) The SPEAKER took the chair shortly before 4 o'clock. Sir J. SHELLEY presented a petition from a place in Sussex in favour of the Church-rate Abolition Bill. A singular circumstance immediately afterwards oc curred—Sir DE L. EVANS rose to present a petition from the opposite--thd ministerial—side of the house. The two members for Westminster, therefore, seem to be divided. Ms. Weguelin entered the house at ten minutes past four, and went to his accustomed seat behind the ministerial bench. Finding that he was amongst a new " set," he cast a hasty glance around, and then delibe rately walked to the opposite side of the house, amidst the cheers of his friends. NEW WRITS. Sir W. JOLLIFFE moved for the following new writs, which were ordered, For North Northumberland in the room of Lord Lovaine, who has become a Lord of the Admiralty. For Chichester in the room of Lord Henry Lennox, who has become a Lord of the Treasury. Mr. Inniskillen in the room of Mr. Whiteside, who has become Attorney-General for Ireland. ADJOITRNaIENT OF THE HOUSE. Sir W. JOLLIFFE moved that the house, at its rising, do adjourn until Friday, March 12. He said it was not the i❑tention of the Government to proceed with the East Indian Loan before March 12. LIGHTHOUSES. Mr. A. SMITH gave notice that on the 18th of March he should renew his motion for a select committee to Dr quire into the erection of lighthouses at Godrevy. THE BRITISH BANK DIRECTORS. Mr. BRADY gave notice that after the recess he should ask for a return of the expenses consequent upon the prosecution of the directors of the British Bank. MORTALITY AMONGST THE FOOT GUARDS. Mr. LAURIE gave notice that on the 12th of March he would call attention to the mortality which had pro' vailed amongst the Foot Guards in the metropolis. COLONIZATION IN INDIA. Mr. EWAEtT said that on an early day he woula attention to the subject of colonization in India. THE PASSPORT SYSTEM. Mr. M. MILNES gave notice that on Tue.daY, the 23d of March, be would call attention to the subject of passports in France. THE EAST INDIAN LOAN BILL. h Mr. HAMILTON said the house would barmy s ked to go into committee of supply, when the and Wit regard to navy e3timates would be presented. the East Indian Loan Bill, he said there Was au urgent i,eeeesity for the East India Company being fur ninhed with additional powers to meet the exigencies arising out of the present state of affairs in India. Nevertheless it could not but be allowed that this bill was of so important a character, and that it cos toinod so many important provisions, that the final stage of the bill should not be taken in the a bseees of the responsible officers of the Crown. He therefor: moved that the further consideration of the bill oloul be deferred until Friday, the 12th March. Mr. WHITE said he should ohjeot to any monel being given to the new government until their opinions were made known. He hoped their political measures would be better than their political morals. (Laughter.) The motions for the adjournment till Friday week, and the postponement of the East Indian Loan Bill were agreed to. THE LORD LIEUTENANCY OF IRELAND. Mr. ROEBUCK gave notice that after Easter he should renew his motion relative to the abolition of the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. The house adjourned at a quarter before five. Country Markets. CHELMSFORD—FEB. 26. The wheat trade to-day was in a rather dull and the rates of last week barely maintained. SPru'el corn firm, but beans a slow sale. Wheat, white, old, per s. s. qr. 45 51 Oats, new 45 51 Peas, red, old 42 46 new 40 96 Barley 31 40 Chevalier 38 44 Grinding 23 32 Malt 70 73 Chevalier 72 73 L. 6 . .24 29 ~40 43 .3s 42 ..39 44 _3B 40 ..36 SS .36 40 32 3 , i4. 5 :32 Partridge••••• ...... White ........... Boiling ........ Dun ............. Beans, Tiale ........... Harrow ticks Mazagan. ..... Ditto, new.. COLCHESTER— Fu t. 27. A more liberal supply of wheat, and the condition irs proved. The trade stow, at ab out the same as last vreede, rates. Pine malting barleys r eadil y taken, with a fAir mend for thin parcels for see d. Beans and peas fulli dear, and supply small. Prices to-clay were as follow :—Wheat, white , 465 to 5°6 red, 42s to 465; barley, 36s to 43s ; oats, 22s to 304: Matzugan, 3ls to ;-,65 ; middle and small, 36s to 40e; Pea°' white, 40s to 42a ; grey, sOs to 425. Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn, tzc., rec ei in the port of London, from the following volts, fr° ll Feb. 21 to Feb. 27, both inclusive. v AA O 0 • 3 A 4 Colchester — 19& 450 Harwich — -- 240 Leigh litaldon - ) - 1 1 15 68 84 i KIRKCALDY—FEB. 27. e had good es of ain to -day of all kinds. Sale s quick, and prices of suppli barley and oats 6d to ls per qr higher than the rates of last week. Beatl ll . ,l Wh ea t. Barley. , Oats. I First 4Bs Od I 30 s 01 245 Od Os ° Second .4 3s 01 I 28s 61 I 23s 01 08 (VA Th i r d 32s 01 22 s 01 18s Od I Os "" COAL BIARKK I I.-11.1A.RCEI 1. Prices of Coals per ton at the close of the market s. (1 1 WaUsenet, as. e . s e.. Walk©r Walker Primrose .. ..... ..12 6 3 Ward's West HArtley _l6 0' Fietten 23 8 7 Riddell 23 Wal'send, &c. Ikamhton Goforth l7 6 South H e tt on 23 ° South Durham ...... Ships at market, 18 ; sold, 17. BIRTHS. BURY—On th© 27th ult., at 6, Park-terrace Westbourne. park, the wife of Edward Bury, Del , of a ' MINTER—On the 26th ult., the lady . 1r ilunter° of Sim Esq . •, of a daughter. JARRETT—On St. David's-day,Mrs. Griffith Jarrett, 31, daughter. Poultry, a JONES —On of the son 27th tilt., at Upper Westbourne- of terracot Ilyde-park, the wife of W• H. j o nes, Sq.' , . daughter. MARRIAGES. MonnisoN—PHILLIPS—On the 25th tilt., at 5. Ani C i f Luton, Robert, the fifth son of Win. Mrrison, Mqii''w Clifton-villas, Peckham -rye, to Laetitia, second 05 u ter of Wm. Phillips, Esq., of Luton, Bedfordshire: iicr. STAFF—DALB-012 the 27th ult., at Lambeth Chure_)!,f, Francis E ivrard Staff, of Laws: n-street, Great late road, to Mary Elizabeth, eldest daughter of thel to R. Dalo, of the Lion Brewery, Lambeth. DEATHS, gr. Ga ° ' ABED—Ou tho 24 t h ult., at the tjhartei-houd-, Aked, aged 0:3. BAUGL--On the 27th,ult., at Eastbourne, Pe Baugh, it,N., aged 62. 13. ' ut. Edward e 28th ult. BLAKE —On the 8i ,, k ,,, Us+, M.D., R.N., aged 70. , at the Grove, Camberwell, vice- a dmiral 06 CROFTON—On the 23d ult., at Clifton, Hon. George A. Crofton. _ , ' ' '''-`"--- --,' PX:ill=hz,d by-lALtilDt) k ' • Ifs. re OCa, 0 of o , 112, Strand, Printer, atTia ,3MS 112, Strand , in t he Preoinet of the N avoy, Olga °42l° ofOloonc, Tuesday, 31 are h 2, .