The Sun. — London, England, 1859-12-08 00:00:00

_PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. Yesterday afternoon a meeting of gentlemen in - favour of Parliamentary Reform, convened by a Reform Committee sitting in King-street, Cheap side, was held.at the Guildhall Coffee-house, Gres- Iham-street, Mr. William Hargreaves acting as chairman, to confer together as to the course to 'be taken in the present position of the question. Mr. Bright, M.P., was present and spoke at some. length on the subject, and so were also Lord Teyn lkaim, Mr. Clay, Mr. Kershaw, M.P., Mr. Bristow, M.P., Mr. Samuel Morley, Mr. Cox, late M.P. for, Finsbury, Mr. Sergeant Parry, Mr. Alderman Grubb, Mr. W. C. Sleigh, barrister, Dr. Challice, Mr. P. A. Taylor, the Rev. H. Richard, Mr. W. Janson, the Rev. R. Everest, Mr. Sefford Allen, Mr. E. Whitehurst, Mr. G. Dawson, Mr. Passmore Edwards, Mr. Edward S. Pryce, and many more, iincludinn• deputations from the provinces. It was intended that the meeting should be similar in cha racter to the one which was convened by the same committee last year, not, as the circular concerning it stated, of the nature of a political demonstration, but simply for deliberation and counsel, and it was limited to those who had received invitations to attend. The CHAIRMAN reminded the meeting that at the last conference, held that time 12 months, a Tory, Government was in power, and the course of the Iteform partv was then clear enough. The Reform Bill of that Government, which conceded more than 'was expected from them, was still far short of -what the country anticipated, and was eventually scouted, as it deserved to be. The course of action at present open to this conference was more difficult, for they had now to deal with a Whig-Radical- Conservative Government, on whom earnest Re formers must look with suspicion, and he was anxious that something should be elicited at the present meeting not . exactly in accordance with the Conservative element of that Government. They knew that the present Prime Minister had never been friendly to reform, and the old Whigs were, to say the least, lukewarm upon the subject. (Hear.) Within the next month the Government would decide upon the Bill they intended to pro.- pose, and the amount of concession to be made to the just demands of the people would depend very much upon the degree of pres sure that might be exerted from without. (Hear.) some false scents had been thrown across the path of Reformers. He looked with some apprehension upon the Rifle Corps Movement. He did not, how ever, wish to disparage that movement ; but if it vas to he regarded as of equal importance with the cause of reform, they ought to watch it—aristocra tic as it was—with some jealousy, lest it should be used as the pretext fora false cry that nobody wanted reform. (Hear, hear.) His own feeling was that the middle classes were placed in a most de grading position, more so than the working classes, who as a body were deprived of their political rights. Their views and feelings were neutralised by the influence of landowners and monopolists, and upon Reformers devolved the duty of bringing about a satisfactory state of things. Ire did not, doubt the country would accept a really honest in stalment of reform. The Reform Committee had nothing to do with any particular Government. They would accept instalments from any Adminis tration, but their exertions would not cease until a thorough measure of reform was obtained as the best means for securing the economical and efficient government of the country. (Cheers.) Mr. AV. JANSZN moved the first resolution : " That this Conference desires to express its cordial acknowledgments to Mr. Bright, M.P., for the ability with which ho has urged the question of Parliamentary reform on the attention of the country, and for the care and labour he has bestowed, at the request of a preceding Conference, in the preparation of a Bill, which in its main provisions, as set forth by him, appears eminently adapted to meet the wishes of the great body of earnest Reformers throughout the kingdom." Mr. BP.ISTOW, "M.P., seconded the motion, but_ reserved to himself the right of canvassing and deta in.- with Mr. Bright's bill in such a manner as he should deem best whenever it might be prepounded in the House of Commons. He was a strenuous advocate of the ballot, believing that, without that protection, no extension of the franchise would cor rect the abuses of our Parliamentary system, and that it would be worse than useless to extend the suffrage to the humbler classes of the community. He therefore urged the Reform party to make the concession of the ballot the sine qua non of their acceptance of the Government measure. (Hear.) He also advised them to adopt the tactics of the Whigs and Tories with the view to. bring Liberal members up to " the scratch" by a " whip" when their votes were required. The resolution was carried unanimously. Mr. P. A. Tat Lott then moved,— " That, in the judgment of this Conference, no measure will be regarded as a settlement which does not include a large extension of the suffrage both in counties and in boroughs ; an equitable redistribution of seats in proportion to the population and property of the constituencies ; an assimilation of electoral laws for England, Scotland, and. Ireland; the repeal of the Septennial Act; and such pro tection to the voter, by means of the ballot, as may arrest that corruption and intimidation which have been so fear fully prevalent in the late election, and which threaten to undermine the political institutions of the country." He held that the object of the meeting was to give nationality to the Government and representation of the people, and he recommended them to culti vate the good wishes of the working classes by rais ing a distinctive standard, such as manhood suf frage. (Cheers.) Lord TEYNIIAM seconded the motion, and in doing so expressed his conviction that every man of full age, from the highest to the lowest, against whom no charge of disqualification was brought and subtantiated, should be entitled to vote, and that the only qualifications for the exercise of the fran chise should be manhood and intelligence. Mr. Sergeant PARRY supported the resolution, believing that it embodied the principles on which a Reform Bill ought to proceed—a bill which would give to the working. classes a greater share Of political power than they now had. and one which he believed was now attainable. One of the greatest safeguards against bribery and corruption was the largeness of a constituency, as was exem plified by the metropolitan constituencies, where bribery was almost unknown, or only existed to an extent which had little or no influence on the re sult of the elections. The subject of Parliamen tary reform was now quite ripe for legislation, and in the h a nds of Mr. Bright the people would have coa - Flttence that their intcrez:tt were safe. Mr. CLAY, M.P., also spoke briefly to the motion, giving it a conditional support. Mr. BRIGHT, who on rising to speak was loudly cheered, said lie wisht'd to state in the first place that he was very much obliged to the gentlemen who had supported the first resolution, because he felt that the course he had taken might be open to some little misrepresentation, and, with those who never looked charitably on what anybody did, pos sibly to a little sUspicion. The resolution referred to the.eare and labour which, at the request of a preceding conference, he had bestowed upon the preparation of a bill upon the subject of reform, which, in its main provisions, appeared to him eminently adapted to meet the wishes of the great body of earnest reformers throughout the kingdom. It was more than a year since that conference . was held, and he had not from that day to this referred to what was said at it ; but, speaking from recole lection, he believed that he had not failed to point out his knowledge and his appreciation of the difficulties .of the task to which he was requested to devote himself. (Hear, hear.) He stated then,: he believed, as he had stated since more than once,. that it was not in the nature of things that a non— official member of the House of Commons should be able to pass through that house A satisfactory and a comprehensive measure. on a great public ques tion like this—(hear)—and that it would be necessary that the bill, to succeed, should be in troduced by the united force, and defended by the united force and interest of a Cabinet. (Hear.) The object of his prepaying the bill with a view to submit it to the house was, not so much that he ex pected to be able to pass it, as to lay before the house and the country something; which should in dicate to Parliament and to the Government the sort of measure which those who were in favour of re form were looking for at son . .e not very distant period. (Cheers.) He prepared that bill with the help of two or three friends, for whose assistance he was exceedinglygrateful, for he never should have been able to accomplish it if left to himself ; and he stated to the country as explicitly as he could its. main features, and thought there was no point of any importance which was left in doubt after the various speeches he had made upon the subject. (Hear.) But that bill was not brought before the House of Commonl. The 7.;entlemen who supported Lord Derby's Government and party were very an:li ons indeed that it should be brought before the house, so that its large and, as some people thought, itiaiarming features, might, hr cnntrasted with the moderate propoitions of their own measure ; think ing that c.ert 4ltt -persons would be induced to sup port them under the apprehension that there was no.point en which Parliament could act between the bill of _Lord Derby and the one he (Mr. Bright) th•ouveht it best that Lord proposed. Tie, howeve r - " Derby's bill should be bef ore the Louse, era be looked at by itself, so that they might he , ,able m it. Ike result pro perly to formt. correct opinion lie was that he (Mr. Bright) withheld his bill, and Lord,Derby's bill, as they knew, was destroyed and buried, and tor it. he believed and hoped there was no kind of resurrecting. (Hear. hear.) Then came the question whether his bill .should come on, to which he believed there was an allusion in the re port which had been read. He went down to the house on the night the dissolution was announced. He intended to give notice for the introduction of that bill—(hear) —but the dissolution turned everp thing " topsy-turvey," and nothing could be done. A most important member of the present Government (Lord,J.Russell) declared before the dissolution what -were his views of the measure of reform svhich he would be prepared to introduce if he were a Minis ter. The noble lord stated a £lO franchise for counties, and a 1:6 rental franchise for boroughs, with the wiping off of some 30 scats from small boroughs, he should be prepared to propose with the intention of transferring those seats to certain large constituencies thereafter to be decided upon. They were in a very different position now from that which they occupied last year. They had the bill which he had prepared in compliance with their wishes beforethem, but with respect to which there were the same difficulties which, as he had stated, existed at the time ; and they had also be fore them. thegeneral features of the measure which Lord John Russell had said, if he were a Minister, he would be prepared to submit to Parliament, and from which it was but fair to presume the Govern ment would not in any essential particular depart. - He entirely concurred with Mr. Clay, that the Li beral members of the House of Commons should . hold themselves free to act as circumstances might dictate: No doubt they would have, as soon as Par liament met, a proposition from the Government, and he would assume that it would be in its gene ral features and provisions such a measure as Lord T. Russell had sketched out. The great crime of the' Pill 'of 1832 was that it purposely excluded the great body of the working classes. It admit ted a large number of the middle classes, but. it left the condition of the working classes exactly the same as it was before. (Hear, hear.) The propo sition of Lord John Russell, though it fell very . much short of what he (Mr. Bright) proposed, was at any rate one that avoided the great - fault of the Bill of 1832—for, although it would leave out a vast number of householders belonging to the working classes, and some- belonging to other Josses also, it would certainly not be an intended exclusion in the nature of an insult, to purposely bar them out like the bill of 1832—but, wherever it differed from the bill of 1832, it would be a bill of admission to the working classes. (Hear, hear.) He found from the newspapers that the Govern ment had been obtaining returns, with the view of ascertaining the number of persona likely to be ad mitted under a £6 rental franchise, and during the last, session a return upon the same subject was moved for by Mr. Buxton, with regard to Scotland. That re:urn he believed to be correct, as it was also instructive, and the particulars of it were minutely stated in a letter which had appeared in the news papers. He (Mr. Bright) moved for a similar re turn in regard to England, but it was found that there was no means of furnishing it with anything like accuracy. Previous to the prorogation he urged the matter upon the Government, and since the ses sion closed they had attempted to obtain it,—that was, to ascertain the number of electors that would be added in the existing Parliamentary boroughs if a£6 rental franchise were adopted. They had seen the returns from several of the boroughs; but, judging from what he knew of several of these boroughs, he believed those returns to be exceed ingly incorrect. But, making all allowances for the inaccuracy, they must, nevertheless, come to the conclusion, from the information thus furnished, 'that a £6 franchise would—at least in many of the boroughs—give a large addition to the existing number of electors. In many it would double the present number ; in a few it would nearly treble it ; and in many more it would add a proportion varying from 20 up to 30, 50, and 60 per cent. The difference was this; in a quiet-going, old fashioned, sleepy borough, which might be said to be finished—where no building had been going on - for many years, nor was likely to go on for many years to come—where no new streets were forming —where the working classes did not congregate, because there was nothing for them to do, and where rents were low in addition—the increase would not perhaps' be more than 20 or perhaps 25 per cent., and in some cases probably it would be even less, but when they came to the growing towns of Lancashire and Yorkshire—to places like Birmingham, where industry was active, where the population was well employed, well paid, and, consequently, constantly increasing, where new houses were continually being built, and there was a demand for houses of an improved quality, and where rents were rising because of the demand, there the increase under £6 rental franchise would be very large, although it would still leave out numbers who, in his opinion, ought to be brought in. It might include, perhaps, many who would be of no advantage or credit to any constituency, but still the increase would be such that, looking at the general result of any Parliamentary election there under such a franchise, it must necessarily be an election declaring the opinion of the great body of the people. (Cheers.) That being so, the object of representation would be so far accomplished. and it would be neither frank nor honest to say that the Government proposition—assuming, as he had a right to do, that it would be that which Lord John Russell indicated many months ago he should be prepared, if he were a member of the Cabinet, to introduce—was unworthy of the acceptance of men like himself and others who had been for so many years labouring for the advance,if not for the final settlement of-this great question of Parliamentary reform. (Cheers.) He had said that the returns as to the numbers who would probably be brought within the operation of a £6 resident franchise were, so far as the English boroughs were concerned, very inaccurate ; but there were two points to which he would call attention with referenCe to the great increase there would he in the large. boroughs. He had seen only a very few of them, but lie had made inquiries in his own neighbourhood, and he found that there were certain timid people who were surprised at the vast numbers that would be added. The inequalities now existink in different electoral boroughs between the number of voters and the population were astonishing. Some time ago Mr. Baines showed that in Leeds the number of electors was inconsiderable in proportion to the population as compared with some other towns. These inequa lities would exist still, but the reduction of the fran chise to £6 would give a greater increase in such places than in others where the present proportion of the electors to the entire population was much larger. These inequalities would be observed, and would startle timid people who thought that because a man worked six days in the week 'in the most skilful and persevering manner to sustain him Self and his family he was to be reckenecl a dangerous person as regarded other 'classes of society. When they consi dered that in the bill of 1832 an enormous excluSion was perpetrated as against this class, ofcourse if in the bill of Mil it was intended to remedy this evil it must be a bill of a great and a generous admisSion. He Loped, therefore, if there were people who feared that in certain places the increase of the franchise would be somewhat larger than they - contemplated, that they would take courage when they found that in many other Boroughs the increase would be very little. If they went upon the principle of enfran chising the working classes, and it was complained that where the population consisted principally of those classes the increase would be very largein deed, and if they came to have in certain places a £6 franchise because the working men resided there, and an £8 franchise in others because the inhabi tants consisted principally of a different class of persons—a principle to which he apprehended neither the Government nor Parliament would as sent—they must have the same irregularities which existed at the present moment. No moral man could look at the objections by which it was charac terised, and consider the propositions which he and his friends intended to support until they were carried out, without admitting that the result of the change would be infinitely better for the mora lity and the happiness of the country than that of the present system. (Cheers.) It had been stated by a previous speaker that he had met with one or two persons who said that, because the working classes combined against their • employers, they ought not to be entrusted with the franchise. He (Mr. Bright) drew an entirely different conclusion. In the United States, where all.clstsses enjoyed the franchise, so far as he knew, strikes against capital were unknostn. - If as an employer of tabour he were to address himself to the capitalist class he would ask them •to look at the matter •in this light.' By the - representative system as we now had it the country was divided into two dis tinct nations—all those who occupied houses abode £lO le-year, being 6,000,000 of people, re presented by a -proportionate number of adult males; and all those who occupied houses rated below £lO, and who should be represented in like manner by their proportion of adult males,but we re no t. It was obvious, therefore, that by raising up this distinctithr the poluilution was di vided into two nations., separated from each other by a gulf which a very small percentage of the Ii e rls s i a n ic g l what as were fl•igh frightful talbtilneg to pass was Z i .t l t t 1 1 ) 1,- ; e L l people in p whom oliti c l a ..je i. l i z t a ts s , o bored o o m i t w from participa tion ( 1 1 ) t e g t - t x -a n d s e te ll ( t i t a b r r:l i n ie ll ar o . f ) w ~l'e thus ere not a n a o , t_ a t n o : titre of our own wrong, and . made that wronn• ground for.the continued ex c l us i on o f the- work'inn• classes from their fair share of political power. The evil cifect of this exclusion worked in this way. The great body of the working classes felt that they had, no interest in polities ; the constitution rejected them, and, as in the case of the tenant farmers who had votes, but were not allowed,to use them freely, they took no interest in politics; for, knowing that they must always vote one way, and that being the wad 'of the landlord or his steward, they felt it wobld he a matter of ease to them if they were ex cluted'altogethar from the franchise. They knew nothing about politics, or the influence of public THE SUN, LONDON TIATASD.AY EVENING, DECEWEII 8, 1859. opinion upon_the.Ciovernment anVarliament ; the. landlords being the only authorities to whom they looked for remedying the political evils to which they might be subjected. So it was with the work ing classes, when a grievance affected them, instead of regarding it as the effect of evil laws or of op pressive taxation, they charged all the evil to the capital by means of which they were employed. They knew nothing about Parliaments, or Cabi nets, or monarchies; but they did know the ca pitalist who employed them, and with whom they were in. daily contact, and feeling a pressure from a cause with which he could have nothing to do, they got up a fight with him, because, being shut out'from the free consideration and examination of those great political questions which affected the wellbeing of the working classes more severely and directly. than • any other, they were unable to dis tinguish the true causs of the evils of which they complained. As an employer of labour he held that every man who had capital so invested had the greatest possible, as he believed, the most direct interest, in extending the elective franchise to, the largest possible number of those who were employed by him. Let them once feel that they were not oppressed by those injudicious and: unwholesome divisi andhonse hal t no doubt that h the law had created among them, i the strike in London, or any strike in Lancashire or elsewhere, the more the men could feel that in the law and the constitution they were upon an.equa-, lity with their employers and all other classes, the less would they bo disposed to combine in narrow sections and trades to wage war, not against their enemies but against the greateet friends they had in the world—the capitalists by whom labour was maintained. (Cheers.) 'With regard to those timid gentlemen who were so terrified at the prospect of admitting large numbers of the working classes, they must show to them that the conduct of those classes for many years past had been deserving of all the praise which. had been bestowed upon them, and much more. (Hear.) He was not himself ac customed to praise the working men ; ho .did not like patting men upon the back ; he would rather show his appreciation of them by offering them free admission to • those political .rights to which he deemed himself entitled as a citizen of a free coun try. (Cheers.) And now, with regard to the Go vernment, he should he very sorry. to say a word that appeared ill-natured or that was calculated to increase their difficulty in dealing with this ques tion. Unquestionably the Government would have difficulties, and very considerable difficulties, to overcome: .When Lord John Russell's proposition was made last summer there was a general feeling in the . • country that it was, the sort of offer that would be likely to be received as being a long way from the absurdity: of the Reform Bill of Lord Derby's Government, while it also left at a considerable distance - the advanced scheme which the Reform Association' had laid before the coun try. (Hear, hear.) And although many wished that it had *gone further yet, looking at the result of the late eleetione and at the discussions which had taken place in Parliament and out of Par liament, he believed he was justified in saying that great numbers of all classes of reformers were willing to acquiesce in the fairness of Lord J. Rus sell's proposed measure. (Hear; hear.) He spoke of the fairness of it taken from that noble lord's point of view; surrounded by his associations, and k no wing the insuperable difficulties by which legis lation was beset at every step in such a question knowing the state of the public mind--sa state not of perfect satisfaction, but yet of what he might call toleration or acquiescence, he thought they had a right to urge on the Government that there should be no'departure in an adverse sense from the terms which Lord J. Russell offered, upon which the elec tions took place, upon the faith of which the pre sent' Government came into office, and upon which alone he thought the Liberal party could be justi fied in giving to the Government all the support in their power in the event of such a measure being introduced. At all events such a measure would be an honest one. It might not be the best, but so far as the Government were concerned it would be fairly carrying out that which they offered before they were a Government, and would at all events exonerate them from any charge of treachery or feebleness. Upon these grounds, therefore, he felt that he and those who acted with him would be bound in honour to give to the Government el the support in their power in promoting the enactment of such a law. - (Hear, hear.) That: was the course which he -should take. At the same time he agreed with Mr. Clay, that he could not be bound—he should never think of being bound—nor did this resolution pretend to bind anybody as'ao his perfect freedom of action under whatever circumstances might arise. He should not oppose-the Government Bill, because it did not in clude the ballot; if it should so happen that the ballot formed no part of it. Provided it offered a fair suffrage, and that extension of the suffrage which they had a right to expect, he would give it his support: (Hear, hear.) If it were a measure intro duced in good faith, as in that case it would be, he should feel that he was not doing his duty to the hundreds and thousands who would be included under such a bill, but who were now excluded, if he placed himself as a difficulty in the way of the Government in their endeavours to pass it. He wished the Government success with ail his heart. and the great element of their success would be their adherence to what they had already offered, and a firm resolve to rely on the good sense of the country at large, believing that even those of their countrymen wo might consider that there were some short-comings in . the • Bill, but who, being anxious for reform, would be prepared to extend to them a generous. and hearty'support. (Cheers:) If they would take up the question in this spirit, de termined to stand or fall by it, they might depend upon it that they would find force enough in Par liament, in the country, and in. the press to carry the measure to a successful termination. But it would be an unhappy thing and fatal tp the Go vernment it' they receded from the £6 borough franchise. If there was to be only the difference of some 20s. between the franchise proposed by Lord Derby and thiit which after all the present Govern ment were. disposed to accept—for Lord -Derby's G ivernment, it was said, would in their extremity have agreed to an £S franchise—what justification could they advance for turring out the late Cabinet and taking office themselves ? • Considering the corruption which had taken place at the last elec tion—the exposures at Wakefield, Gloceeter, Nor wich, Berwick", and other places whose sores were as bad, but from which the bandages had not been stripped—(a laugh)—he was more than ever re solved to support any attempt that promised to place our electoral system upon a basis where we could approach it with satisfaction, and feel that we were not doing a dishonour to Liberty itself when we boasted of being a free nation. He inti mated, in conclusion, that should the Government Bill fail he would introduce the one which he had prepared, and which he said was in so perfect a state that it might he brought in at any moment. (Hear.) • If he' did not go so far as some of his friends desired, he hoped they would give him credit for seeing difficulties which were not perceived by-them, and that they Would not imagine that he had with drawn a hair's breadth from the principles ho had ever professed, or that his feelings in favour of a more extended reform were less iatense than at any former period. (Cheers.) Mr. Luellen', 'as a manhood suffragist, said the working classes had no confidence in them because they did not go out boldly for that measure. All their speakers admitted the justice of the demand for that suffrage. Mr. Bright himself bad just ad mitted it; yet as a body they did not demand it, and he told them at once that that was the secret of their weakness as a body. The people were not apathetic, bat they had lost all confidence in leaders, because those leaders themselves were not true to principle. He denied that the working classes did not understand politics. They understood politics better than any other class, certainly better than the middle classes, or at all events they thought so, and that came to the same thing. (Laughter.) Mr. BRIGHT did not mean to say that there were not great numbers of the working-classes who did not know as much about politics as other classes; but the fact. of their exclusion from the franchise had a tendency to make political questions of less interest to them than if they had votes, as he wished them to have. (Hear, hear.) The resolution was then agreed to. Mr. RAWLINGS, of Liverpool, moved—" That, to meet the expenses of the Parliamentary Reform Committee for .the ensuing year, a subscription list be now commenced and publishe The resolution having been egr eed to, Mr. Fa Form:A, of Manchester,. moved--•-•" That, inasmuch as the defeat of the obnoxious and illusory Reform Bill of the Derby Administration was ac complished by the zeal and co operation of Parlia mentary Reformers, this Camfarence appeals to them to continue their efforts: with unsparing earnestness, mind to be pr pared, (iv the produc tion of a new Refortu Bill bye the present Govern-. merit, to pronounce with equal promleitude upon its fitness to satisfy the just requirements of the coun try." He approved of the course Me . Bright pro posed to take with reference to they Government measure., The resolution was seconded by Mr. it. Cosrt.i7.i, and, after sonic .übscrvations from Mr. ELT, was agreed to. The proceedings closed with a vote vf thanks to the chairman. [AnyruTrsii'mv.: , ';T:l-- . -- Mr. Benson, Lndgatt-bill, has ju: t published a new illustrated pamphlet on w Itches (free by post for two stain). It c<hr ud be toad by .111 who are about buying a watch, a 3 it cont ..ins prices and iirsnortant information, as to—What watch to Imp I where itc 'tray it I and how to use ii I MR._ERNEST JONES. ; ON DIRECT TAXATION. The Manchester school has issued a financial pro gramme in favour of direct taxation, much of it, like the .corn-law repeal agitation, very good as far as it goes, but practically merely a decoy to draw thepeople off the right political scent. For this purpose the financialist:speeches are highly spiced with political allusions. We arc told that we have a class Parliament, that the rich impose taxes to suit themselves, and spend them to subserve their own interests. All very true. But if .the asser tion proves anything, it is manifestly the necessity ' of an alteration in the electoral law, and that a financial reform agitation before a suffrage agita► tion is simply putting the cart before the horse. But we. will suppose that by getting up a great agitation under false pretences Messrs. Bright and Cobden could force from Government a reform in the system of taxation, of what benefit do the working classes suppose this would be to them ? I repeat that the result could be obtained only by holding out false hopes to the people—hopes of plenty of work, high wages, and cheap food. Would these, I ask, flew from direct taxation, or even from Government? Nothing of the kind, un less other and most radical reforms accompanied the financial change. Labour, like everything else in this country, up to the very soul of man (as witness the sale of livings and patronage), is an article of barter. If taxation decreases in amount. prices fall in amount; and if prices fall in amount, wages do not remain stationary—they fall in proportion. Invariable experience has proved this. Nay, the presumption from such experience is, that they fall disproportionately. Of what avail to the working classes is, then, low taxation and cheap Govern ment, unless the demand for labour be increased, or the supply of labour diminished ? Not the slight est. I now come to, another point. There is not a greater bugbear in the world than this said one of taxation. • Suppose that a country depended on and existed on its home trade entirely, that it supplied all its own wants, it would not make the least difference to the people as a whole, or to the working clae3ses in particular, whether taxation were high or low. A certain amount of purchasing power implies the employment of a certain amount of lab Our power, and whether that purchasing .power be in the hands of A or B. makes no other difference to C. who, I will assume, represents the working man, than that he would have to supply his' labour to A instead of B, or to B instead of "A, according to the amount of taxation and the appli cation of its proceeds. It is only in as far as fo reign trade or competition with foreign countries is affected by taxation that an influence for good or evil can be exercised towards the working classes. But how will a change to direct taxation operate on the British working man ? It cannot alter his condition in the least, unless accompanied by a reduction in the amount of taxation to a very serious degree; and it will not benefit him even then, unless, as I - have already said, other and very great social changes accompany the measure. If cheap Government were to _accompany direct taxa tion, that is if, in other words, the amount of taxation were to be reduced, the British manufac turer would, without a doubt, be able to compete more easily with the foreign manufacturer. If, in such a case, the British employer reduced•the price of his goods, the working man would gain nothing (subject to a reservation I shall make below) ; for with the reduced prices the employer would not be in a better position to pay higher wages than at present. If, on the other hand, the employer did not reduce the price of his goods, his profits would be increased, although his market would not be extended, there would be no increased demand for labour at home. The labour surplus would there fore remain the same, and it is the labour surplus, not the master's profit, that regulates the Nice of labour. But I will suppose that the employer 'loners the price of his goods. In that case he would certainly either increase his market, or, at least, prevent its debrease through foreign competition as rapidly as would other . - wise occur. This brings me to the reserva tion I have. alluded to above. The point re served is, tha. 4- , according to a superficial view, al though there might be no rise in wages, there might yet be an increase of employment, or at least a diminution of employment might be prevented for a time. This I readily admit is possible, but the benefit would be of the most transitory kind, since foreign competition would rapidly "overtake" the advantage, if I may use such an expression, and the increased development of machine power would neutralise the demand for labour. The benefit accruing to the working ,classes 1 would be therefore of the most infinitesimal kind and of the most transitory nature. It is doubtful, more than doubtful, whether any benefit would accrue, because the employer would probably prefer making large profits on his present amount of busi ness to extending his business by lowering his prices ; in which case, although small capitalists (or large ones as competition grew fiercer) would certain lyfprocced at last to reduce prices, that they might undersell each other, yet some time would elapse before this took place, and that time would be filled by the increased development of machinery, which would neutralise the direct benefit that would accrue to the working man. It will be seen from the above remarks that I am decidedly in favour of direct taxation, but I feel convinced, if the working classes expect any tangible benefit, any benefit worth an. agi tation, any benefit equivalent to an abandon ment of s uffrage-agitation, to result from Mr. Bright's scheme, they are vastly mistaken. The en tire scheme is in the interest of the employing classes only; and this disadvantage would attend its suc cess, that theY, having accomplished what they de sired for themselves, would say not another word about the enfranchisement of the masses of the people. • It may be said that in the above I admit that a system of direct taxation will not injure the work ing man, and must benefit the manufacturing em ployer. Be it so; my object simply is, not to oppose direct taxation, hut to show the working classes that Mr. Bright's taxation movement is not worth em barking in to the exclusion of that to them vastly more important work, a reform in our electoral system. THE BRIBER.Y - PRQC_EERINGS AT OR TVICII. The Norwich town council, at a special meeting held on Tuesday afternoon, well sustained the inte rest of the -proceedings instituted with a view to the repression of bribery in that city. The meeting was convened by a requisition to the Mayor, signed by three Liberal and three Conservative councillors. Mr. Sims Reeve, a member of the Liberal party, moved a resolution to the effect that the peace and welfare of the city would be best promoted by the cessation of political strife, and that, with a view to the attainment of that objectfurther legal proceed ings against Mr. Henry Croxford, Mr. Albert J. Collins, and others, for conspiracy be stayed. Mr. Reeve supported this motion in a speech of con siderable length, his two main arguments being— first, that it would promote the peace and welfare of the citizens generally to stop the inquiry com menced into the alleged. attempts to corrupt. Mr. Joel Fox (which he denounced us a party prosecu tion got up by the Liberals against the Conserva tives) ; and secondly, that the funds at the disposal of the council could not be applied to the support of . the . proceedings. Mr. Reeve, referring to the refOsal of Mr. Harvey, the banker, to answer the goes/ions addressed to him, said it arose from a be lief that it was his duty as a commercial man. not to violate the confidence reposed in him by his customers ; so far from Mr. Harvey being a party man, he had scarcely ever Toted at all in municipal or Parliamentary elections, his whole attention being devoted to commercial pursuits. Mr. Field seconded the motion, and, while expressing an abhorrence of bribery, said be must deprecate the prosecution of one particular. offence at the expense of the city. Lord Bury .and Mr. bchneider, he added, offered on the evening before the sitting of the ComMittee of the House of COmmons by whom they were unseated to bribe Sir Samuel Bignold, their Conservative opponent, with the view of inducing him to withdraw his case. This had been stated publicly in the papers, and had notheen denied by Lord Bury or Mr. Schnei, der. but the Liberal party in the council had never said a word about it. The council, he contended, ought to ask themselves•whether as party men they ecold prosecute cases of bribery with clean hands, and he believed they had much better apply them selves to the consideration of some plans to prevent for the future the disgraCeful state of things . which had prevailed. Mr. Gibson, in moving an amend ment to Mr. Reeve's resolution, to the effect that the council believed that the due administration of iesiie„, was essential' to the ' . iieace and welfare of N fr orc.,ielf, and that the proiehitiou should, there fore, he proceeded with,: itsked—waS there no honour or regard for public virtue and morality left in the council? A great deal had been said about the cessation of-political Strife ; but what was lie to understand by the phras e? Ilid Sir Samuel Bignold withdrawn his opposition as regards the coming - election next spring?: I . lave you, Sir Samuel?" said the speaker pointedly, amid much laughter. Sir Samuel Ngnold, amid renewed mer riment, replied, " Why, I had it over with you the other day, and you .concurred with me;" to which Mr. Gibson replied, " What you read to me as the . basis of a proper understanding I assented to, but you told me the other day that it was not entered into at all." Mr. Gibson resuming hi s argument in support of the amendment, said there could be no peace without purity, and therefore let justice be done. If the magistrates of Norwich were afraid to do their duty, let the matter be taken out of their hands, and it be transferred to a higher power.' Mr. J. J. Colman seconded the amend ment, and, recapituating the course which the pro ceedings instituted had taken—proceedings with which the public are familiar, as they have been copiously reported in The Sun—said he feared persons of higher station than either Mr. Croxford or Mr. Collins were concerned in the matter. Pressed by the Conservatives to name the indivi duals to whom he referred, Mr. Colman replied " Sir Samuel Bignold and Mr. Harvey." Sir S. Bignold, with considerable warmth, said Mr. Col man had grossly insulted him withour having a tittle of evidence to sustain his statement. He must call upon Mr. Colman to state the grounds upon which he sought to implicate him (Sir S. Bignold) in the matter. As all the world knew his connec tion with railways, insurance offices, &c., led him (Sir S. Bignold) frequently to the Norwich banks. at all of which he kept accounts ; and the fact that he was at Mr. Harvey's bank on the 9th of Novem ber was quite consistent with his not being in any way implicated in the alleged attempt to bribe Mr Fox. He defied Mr. Celman, or any one else, to implicate him in any way, closely or remotely, in the transaction. Mr. Colman said the proceed ings, then, ought to go on, that gentlemen occupy ing a high station in the neighbourhood might have an opportunity of vindicating themselves. Mr. Druery, on the part of the Conservatives, taunted the Liberals with having obtained their ascendancy in 1835 by bribery, And, referring to Mr. Harvey, stated that all the money transactions connected with the election of Lord Bury and Mr. Schneider, the late Liberal (unseated) members, passed through that gentleman's bank. Mr. Druery also urged that if the council were sincere in their crusade against bribery they should adopt the suggestion of Lord Brougham, and endeavour to have it made felony ; the stone would then be set rolling, other cities would take the matter up, and some good might be done ; but at present there was only a mummery of purity bandied about from side to side. There could be no objection to private indi viduals taking proceedings at their own expense, but let them not dip into the city purse for such a purpose. This argument was repeated by several other Conservative councillors, but after further discussion pro and con, personalities and very acri monious observations being indulged in, the Mayor said he had heard nothing with reference to the alleged attempt to bribe Mr. Fox to show that no crime had been committed ; and,therefore, he should decline to put the resolution submitted by Mr. Reeve, as it had a tendency to compound a crimi nal offence. Mr. Reeve strongly commented on this proceeding, remarking that if the Mayor refused to do his duty, he and his friends would call upon him to leave the chair. Several Coun cillors insisted on the Mayor being bound to put the motion, after he had once consented to convene a meeting specially to consider it. Even tually, Mr. Reeve altered his motion, so that it simply tended to rescind the order passed at a previous meeting for instituting proceedings. Mr, Gibson withdrew his amendment ; but Mr. Young moved, and Mr. Bacon seconded, a direct negative to the amended resolution. A division was then taken, and Mr. Reeve's motion was car ried by 28 votes to 19—Sir S. Bignold, Sir W. Foster, and Mr. W. Wilde, jun. (against whom in formations have been preferred fsr bribery at the general election), voting with the majority. Mat ters will not end here, a large number of the Liberals having determined to continue the inquiry by means of a private subscription. The city is greatly ex cited on the subject, and it will be difficult to calm the troubled waters. The adjourned inquiry is, according to the arrangement made a fortnight since, to be proceeded with before the local magis trates to-day (Thursday); but further delay will probably now take place. POLICE INTELLIGENCE—Dec. 7. MANSION-HOUSE.---James Powers, 26, was charged with committing a rape upon the person of Hannah Percival, in the warehouse of her em ployers, Messrs. Chavasse and Co., iron bedstead makers, 10, Upper Thames-street, on the 18th of November last: 7 Hannah Percival, a neat-looking girl, with an ample show of crinoline, said—l live at 16, Little Trinity-lane, City, with my mother, and am 16 years old on Saturday. I have worked for about three months at Messrs. Chavasse's, Horseshoe Wharf, Upper Thames-street, where the prisoner was employed as foreman. The warehouse is close to the river. I was on the second floor, and my duty was to wrap up bedsteads. There were about six ether girls employed there, and two or three married women. We went at nine in the morning and stayed till six .in the evening ; and the prisoner, who used to put out the light himself, told me, soon after I first went there, to stay atter the other girls were gone to put the fire out. A fortnight ago last Friday I put out the fire, and went down stairs with a candle to show the pri soner a light. The door of the first floor was open, and he'put the key into the lock, and pushed the door to, and caught hold of my hands without say ing anything, but afterwards pushed me against the wainscoting, pulled up my clothes, and said I - must oblige him. I could not get away from him, although I struggled and called out several times, and he succeeded in his object. (She here described the perpetration of the offence) After doing it, he said, " This is the first time." I made no answer, but went down stairs and went home to my mother. I did not tell my mother that night, nor the next. morning ; nor did I tell my sister, who is a married woman, and works in the same warehouse. The first person I told was Mrs. Dawson, who also works there, and I did not tell her till the prisoner had re peated the offence. I went to work the next morning without saying a word to anybody, as I .did• not like to speak about it. On the Friday following, while the other girls were gone to dinner, I took the prisoner his dinner, and he threw me down on a bedstead, and again had connexion with me againd my will. I strug gled with him, and as he was pulling me alone. my dress got torn against the bedstead. Afterwards I went home to dinner, but did not sayanything about it to my mother. Next day, which was Saturday, I told Mrs. Dawson about it, and last Friday I told my sister. Mrs. Dawson examined my linen, but I did not. show it to my mother or to anybody else. On the Wednesday after the second Friday he threw me across, a plank in his counting-house, and com mitted the offence a third time. That was in the evening. I did not notice the time particularly, but the- other girls were none. Last Saturday he aFked me to say nothing about it, and if any one said anythinr , abont it, to deny it ; for he said it was very hard if he could not have a lark without having it talked about in the warehouse. Mr. Goodman (chief clerk) —Are you sere that he did all this against your consent ? Witness—Yes, quite. Mr. Goodman—Did your mother notice that any thin(' was the matter with you ? Witness—Yes, after the second time she noticed that I looked very heavy with sleep, and she asked me if anything was the matter with me. Mr. Goodman—Well, what did you tell her ? Witness—l told her there was nothing the mat- ter. Mr. Goodman—Why did you tell her that ? Why did you not tell her the truth Witness—l did not like to. Mr. Goodman—But if it was done'against your will, why should you not like to tell her ? Witness—Why, I was afraid she would throw the blame upon me. My sister told my mother last Friday, and on Saturday I went with my mother to the station-house. I have been examined by a medical man to-day. Mr. William Costall May, surgeon, 13, Great Trinity-lane, deposed that ho had that morning examined the girl Percival, and had found no marks of violence. Since the 18th November marks of violence might have dilappeared. Elizabeth Dawson, a married woman, deposed that she worked at Messrs. Chavasse's factory, and had never seen any impropriety on the part of the prisoner towards the girl Percival, who, however, told her a fortni g ht or thr ee weeks ago, that the prisoner had had. connexion with her three or four times, but never showen her her linen. Witness told the prisoner of it, who immediately called Percival up to the table, and sa id, 6' Hannah, how came you to say this cruel thing of me ?" She made no reply, and he asked her again, upon which she said, " No, sir ; you only tried to do it." On Saturday night witness met Percival's mother, who told her to ask the prisoner for some money, and she would say nothing about it. WitnOs asked Mr. Powers, who said he was not ga - :lty of it, aid would not give her a shilling. Ibyitness told the mother, who then s!=id she would glue him into custody. Goodinnn---Ycn have seen nothin , r between them yourm2lf ? Wiiness—No, only last Wednesday or Thursday I saw Percival give him a very imprudent book, called " Fanny Hill." She had brought it there as her own, and lent it to a named Sewell. She took it from Sewell's hands and gave it to the pri soner. I had heard of this affair a fortnight before. Maria Bradley—l am a married woman, and am sister to the proseeutrix. I work at the warehouse. When I heard some of the girls talk about this affair last Fridav ; I did not believe it, and I asked her, if it was true. Then she told me that the pri sonex had ruined her. She said he came out of his counting-house and caught hold of her as she was ihowing him a light down stairs, and that as she was calling outOie said it was of no use hallooing, L• as no one would hear her. I asked her why she had not told her mother, and she said she was afraid, as he had threatened her. I told her mother the same erening, and the next evening her mother went to the station. I did not know my sister had such a book as " Fanny Hill." Prisoner (who had hitherto put no questions) — What did you say on Friday when I asked you what you were leaving for ? Witness—l did not tell you ; but I said to some of the girls that I should not come any more, be cause you were paying some of them more money than you paid me, although I was doing the best work. I thought you did it to favour them, so that they might not tell about you. Elizabeth Sewell, who also worked at the factory, deposed that Hannah Percival told her about three weeks ago, that the prisoner had been with her three or four times, first on the stairs, then on a bedstead, then on a board, and then on some bed sacking. Witness knew a book called " Fanny Hill," which the prosecutrix brought for her to read. As she was reading it the prisoner came in and said, " What's that going on there ?" Percival said it was only a book called t " Fanny Hill." He said, " Let me look at it ;" but some of the women said, "No, don't." He, however, took it out of her hands, and gave it back to Hannah Percival. When Percival said he had been with her she said it was against her consent, but told witness to say nothing to any one else. Afterwards, when the prisoner called her into the counting-house, she denied it before witness, and said he had only tried to do it. Prisoner—When " Fanny Hill" was about, who were there besides you and Percival ? Witness—Mrs. Bradley and Mrs. Dawson. Prisoner—You hear that, my lord. Mrs. Bradley said she knew nothing about such a book. Mrs. Percival, mother of the prosecutrix, said— I knew nothing about this till last Friday, when my other daughter told me, and next evening I went to the station-house, but they told me my daughter was too old, and they thought I could not do anything in it. The week before last I noticed that my daughter Hannah was very heavy with sleep, and spoke to her about it; but she told me nothing. After my other daughter told me, on Friday last, I spoke to Hannah about it, and she told. me the prisoner had ruined her. I said, " You wicked girl, why did you not tell me before ?" and she said, " Oh, mother, I did not like." I saw Mrs. Dawson on Saturday night before I went to the station. She told me she would speak to the gentleman about it, and let me know on Monday morning what he said. I did not ask her to speak to the prisoner, or get any money from him. She said she would go to him, and ask him what Hannah was to do to hide her shame, and on Monday morning she told me that Mr. Powers would give her nothing, as she had been ruined on Paul's Wharf-pier, and that he could prove it, which I deny. She promised to come up again yesterday afternoon, but I did not see her. Hannah Percival re-examined—l had the book "Fanny Hill," which I got at home. My brother had brought it there. I took it to the factory and showed it to Sewell. I did not read it myself, but there were some pictures init. I did not lend it to the prisoner. He took it from Sewell's hand, and said that was nothing to look at ; he had one at home a good deal better than that. He told me he had come from Birmingham, and that there was not so much noise made about things there. That was last Friday, when he told. me to deny it. He said that when he was at Birmingham ho could go where there were 50 women, and laugh and joke as he liked, and nothing was thought about it. He said he could take a woman away and keep her all night, and when they came back to the factory next morning nothing was thought of it at all, but that his joke with me was all over the place. Smart, a detective—l went to Messrs. Chevasse's factory this morning, and saw the prisoner on the second floor there. I told him I must apprehend him for a rape on Hannah Percival. He said, " Bless my heart, this is a conspiracy. lam inno cent of the charge." I then took him into custody. This completed the ease against the prisoner. Mr. Alderman Abbiss (who sat for the Lord Mayor) —lt is my intention to commit you for trial. It is a ease upon which I shall not myself adjudi cate. Prisoner—l can calla witness who was with me all night on the first time she mentions. Mr. Goodman—But you cannot call a witness who was with you on all the four occasions. Have you anything to say in answer to the charge ? Prisoner—l wish to say that it is a gross con spiracy to obtain money, knowing that I am inno cent of the charge. Mr. Goodman—Will you call your witness now or at the Old Bailey ? Prisoner—l wish for a remand or to be admitted to bail. Mr. Goodman—lf you wish we will call your witness. Prisoner—l should prefer a remand to enable me consult my solicitor. Mr. Goodman—There can be no objection to that. Mr. Alderman Abbisi-4hen I shall remand you. The prisoner was remanded accordingly. WORSHIP-STREET—THE SHOREDITCII MUR DER—COMMITTAL OF TILE PRISONER.—Jas. Moore, charged with the wilful murder of Mary Ann, his wife, was brought up for final examination. Charlotte Cawtato;ne examined—l am a married woman, and reside opposite the house where the pri soner and deceased lodged. I have seen her pass in and out the house. On the Monday when his wifa was found murdered I saw him leave the house at about half-past niniA o'clock in the morniAg. He closed the door and walked away towards Earl street. He was dressed in a black coat and hat. I did not observe his trousers. There was nothing unusual in his manner_ I saw him return about a quarter to three o'clock on the afternoon of that day. Did not hear any disturbance in the morn ing. On the previous evening I observed him look ing front the upper room window. He was in his shirt-sleeves. Prisoner—l was not there; it was my wife. David Calcott—l am an " attendant" at the I-lox ton-house Asylum. The shirt produced, and said to have been found in the prisoner's room, is very similar to those I issue. It is stamped with an " 8," the number of the ward in which the prisoner was in. I believe it to be the same shirt he had on when he loft the asylum, but I will not swear to it. I produce one precisely similar. Mr. D'Eyncourt (to the Inspector)—Have you ascertained anything certain respecting the piece of steel found in the neck of the deceased, and which is supposed to be a minute portion of a razor-blade. Inspector Bricknell—A cutler to whom it has been shown expressed a belief that it had come from the notch of the razor in question nearest the heel but was linable to speak positively. The evidence of the witnesses was then read over, The accused listened attentively, and objected to. some portion of each as being untrue. When the testimony of Mrs. Turner was concluded, he asked, " Why did you not, on hearing screams of ' mur der,' burst open the door ?" the answer to which pertinent question wag, "After my interference the cries subsided, and I thought that all was right." The prisoner rejoined, "Then I think that you were very wrong ; and I wish to state that when I was told I had a clean shirt on, my answer was, 'Not since Sunday.'" Mr. D'Eyncourt—Prisoner, you are charged with the crime of murder. Prisoner (excited) —No. Mr. ])'Eyncourt—You are not required to say anything in answer to the accusation, but whatever you do say will be written down and may be used as evidence against you at your trial. Mr. Beard (who was again in attendance for the prisoner)—Do not say anything. Prisoner—l will ask if I am not to be admitted to bail ? Mr. D'Eyncourt—Certainly not Prisoner—Why? I can find plenty of bail to show that I am not insane ; but settle it among yourselves. The depositions having been completed by Mr. Arthur Stafford, the second clerk, the witnesses were bound over, and the accused fully committed to Newgate for trial. The magistrate complimented the inspector in charge of the case on the care and expedition with which he , had produced the necessary evidence. The child of the Prince and Princess Frederick William of Prussia—" Der kleine Fritz" (Little Fred) as he is called by the Berlinese—is said to be a remarkably strong and healthy boy. [ADYnansnmENT.]—The following are not the least re • markable among the numerous extraordinary cures without medicine effected by Du Barry's delicious lic,dth-restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, of indigestion (dyspepsia), flatu lency, constipation, nervous, bilious, and liver complaints , Cough, az-them. consumption, and debility. Cure No. 47,11 d 7iss dac-)1-,s, et Nazing "Ticrrp.ge, tidal 01am-cress, frerts : a CIIPC of eytreme nervousness, indi gestion, ~ , .rithe, i ngs, spirits, and nervous fancies. Cure Eli7;abeth Yeoman, Gatencre, near Liverpool: a cure of ten years dyNpensia and all the horrors ofmeryous irritability. Cure 18,21 . 6—Dr. Andrew Ure, of constipa tion, dyspepsia, nervous irritability. Cure 34,210-1)r. Shorland, of dropsy and debility. Cure 36,212--Captain Allan of epileptic fits. Cure 46,814 —Mr. Samuel Laxton, Leicester, of two years' diarrhoea. Cure 54,812 — Mies Vitninia Zeguers, cured of consumption, after her medical adviser had abandoned all hopes of recovery. In tins, at. Is. 6d. ; 11b., 35. ; 21b., 59. 9d. ; 51b., 125.; 121 b., 16s. The 101 b. and 1216. tine carriage free, on receipt of post. allize order. Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, London . Fortnum, Mason, and Co., 182, Piecadilly; Abbis, 60, Gracechurch-street ; ~Strad;Cbepde ; 63, and 150, Oxford itrect ; 330 and 431, a •49 and 60, Bishopsgate• itreet ; 85, q otten ham-court-road. Also at Dublin, Bewley and. Draper ; at, Ildiuburg7i, Raitnes end Co.; 4t, Livorpool,,Nixon and TheW; at Manchester, Sharp and Scott; at York, ;flainva, 13'ancbard, and:C.). ; at St uth ampton, son. COUNTRY MARKBTS. NEWARK—DEC. 7. There was a moderate show of wh eat to-day, both old and new. Buyers operated more freely, and in some in stances prices were is higher. Malting barley and in request. Oats a limited show at late rates. Beans scarce, in fair request, and at late rates. White wheat, new, 46s to 52s Barley, grinding.. 21s to 304 :Red do. 403 to 46s Oats, old, .. ...... 24s to 283 ( )1d white 453 to 52s New do .......... 266 to 284 very dear, I Led do.. 40s to 406 Beans. ........... 46/5 to 50s B arley, malting 36s to 44s Beans, new ...... 406 to 44, HULL—DEC. 6. The corn market was well attended by farmers,. an tes. d a fair business was done in English w heat at fully late ra Foreign held firmly, at previous quotations. Barley at a alight decline. Oats, beans, peas, and Indian tern with out any noticeable change. 4611 Od to 506 Od Wheat.... Old white per qr ......... Old d 42s Od to 450 0d..... New red .. 42* 0(1 to 45 0(1 New white ... . ... 46 g o c l to M S 0 ~ 4 . ~ ........ 42* Od to 45s Od New red ... Dantzic Konb 7 kc. old white 48 s Od t0.55s Od Dutch, Belgian, and French.. 45 s Od to 47s Od Baltic and Hamburg, red .... 44 s Od to 46 6 Od St. Petersburg and Riga, old. 408 Od to 428 Od Barley.... English malting 36s Od to 40s Od Grinding 3 os Od to 32s Od Saal and Oderbruck Holstein and Danish 3OB Od to 31s Od Grindinr , Oats English, ' old Archangel and Riga, per st Os 101 d to-- lid Friesland and Dutch Oslld to 08110 Swedish and Danish oBlld to 9/1111d Btins ....English, old, per qr 46s Od to 488 Od New pigeon 4 ,0 40298 Od 3 New tic. Egyptian Peas Foreign breakers : Od 0d tot 4 Od Grinding Tares ....Winter Indian Corn 's2s Od to 3398 Od Linseed, feeding sos Od to 52s Od crushing • 44s Od to 50 , 0 Od Linseed cakes (Hull) £B 10 0 to ..0 1 6 ° 5 0 Foreign • 7150 to S )„.,., Rape cakes 415 o to I 5 ! A u Bones 415 oto a . - MELTON MOWBRAY—DEc. 6. rate There was a fair show of wheat to-day, wit h $ ntv—e 44+ - business at the annexed prices :—White wheat, newt Od to 48s Od ; red, 40s Od to 44s per 36 stone ; barifi D i ! fair supply, at 40s to 43s malting, and 28s to 325 0 (L e " qr. for grinding; oats, 265 to 0d34; per 24 stone; 11 7 4— ' 44s to 52s for old; new, —s per 38 at. MARKET HARBOROUGH—DEc. There was a fair supply of wheat, which mot it ra— steady demand, at about late rates. White wh eat, 42s 0 46s ; red, 38s to 44s per 36 stone. Barley in litnitecigil,;ll: tities, and good demand, on former terms—old, 330' to a new, 22s to 38s. Oats were a fair show, from Vs to 3 09 per 2t stone. Beans (old), at 44s to 48s ; nevi, 383 to 411 per 38 stone. DUBLIN—DEC. C. and Our market was pretty well attended this morninf.2_ there was a moderate supply of everything, osPedi B , l ll7 ,;s wheat, and oats were in slow demand, supporting Friu': rites. Barley at fully late currencies, the finest malting.. qualities 3d to Gd per quarter higher. Indian corn As unaltered, with but little doing. 2 s. d. li. d. s. fl• . s ' il Wheat, white 28 oto3l 0 Do., new ..... 11 oto 12 0 a Do., red 27 0t029 6 Bere Do., new .... 21 0t024 0 Rapeseed i th I Barley - 0 Oats Do., black l2 oto 12 6 Indian corn .. 32 o to 34 CORK—DEc. 6. R e { The following were the -quotations this mornirig wheat, 23s Gd to 278 0 1;• white, 26s Od to 23s Od; baler Od to Hs 6d ; oats, 9s Gd to 14s 6d. COAL MARKET—DEC. 7. (rrices of Coal per Ton at the close of th• market.) s; d. Walls End. Bowers'Westllfirtley..l4 6 Middle's West Hnrtleyl4 6 Byass's Bebside . West Hartley Davison's West' Hart- Gibson .............. Hough Hall .......... Riddell .............. West Stanley • • • aosfort h ............. 'Whitworth.. ......... South Durham . • • • • Powell's Duffryn St; Garway and D ley ' ' . 'l4 ' 6 Lambert's West'llart- ley ' ' 14' ' 6 West Hartley llastingsHartley 14 6 Howard's West Hart ley ..14 6 West Wylam l4 3 Ships at mark Malting . ....... Nixon's Duffryn.• • Northumberland..• 41—Sold, 19. FOREIGN MAIL PACKET LIS In the following:table E signifies that letters are ( IC I by evening mails from London. and M by morning DESTINATIONS. Despatch of Mails. Port of Despatch, Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via. Marseilles Bahamas and II arana via New York Dec. Dee 1179, [Dec. 23, E Dec. 7, E jSouthnmP• Canada, Pc. (by Canadn. pckt:) Cape of Good Hope, Ascen sion, and St. Helena China, Penanz and Singa-1 pore, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseilles Gibraltar, via Southampton I I onduras and Blewfields India (Calcutta) and Ceylon, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via South ampton Ditto, via Marseilles Lisbon, Brazils, Buenos Ayres, and F. Islands Lisbon, Vigo, and Oporto Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseilles Mexico and Havana Newfoundland United States and British N. America (by British packet) Ditto (by U. S. packet) West Coast of Africa, Ma deira, and Teneriffe West India, California, Vene zuela, Chili, Porn, Grey town. New Granada, &c. Jun. 5, F., Dec.2o, E Dee. 10, M Dec.! 12, M I Dec. 17, M ;Liverpool. (Liverpool. Devotiport Dec. 20, MI ;Dec. 10, E' (SouthamP: Dec. 12, M Dec. 19 j,► iSouthamp• SouthamP• Dec. 9, M Dec. 7, M SouthamP. Southamp.. due oor Pee' . 22 De. /4 . Jan, 1 DO. 13 Dee. 1° DO. 16 peal°/' Dec' 1 loverdtde TAIL 6 ' Ae6 11 ISonthamP• ,SoutliamP• Dec 12, M Southamp. Dec. 10, 1 ••. .Tan. 2. M Southamp• Dec. 9, E Galway •• • • Dec. 9, E Liverpool.. Dec. 7, E Southamp. Dec. 23 E Liverpool.. Dec. 17. M Southamp. Dee it oferdq Ij*n. Deo% "; iDN. '6 __ THE ROYAL CllAßTEß.—Yesterday (Wedneedg) Joseph Rodgers, the intrepid Maltese seamen, who sersA ashore with a rope from the wreck of the Royal Charts was presented at the Liverpool Sailors' Home with the„k i i which had been awarded him b y the Board of Trade. ls" pr esen t a tion was made by Mr. T omlinson, a member of thg Local Marine Board , wh o informed Rodgers that on 1118 return home from his next voyage to Australia in I °_, B s t eu nrr Great Britain he would be p resented with a 811 r;, medal by tho Board of Trade. Rodgers has taken UP abode in the Sailors' Horne, and has deposited £ 27 in "'— savings bank of that institution. GROSS CASE OF PERJURY.—On Saturday W i t' Palmer, a married woman, the wife of James Palmer , Si n t; maker, was committed for trial at the ensuing AlSi zeg -- Staffordshite, on the charge of wilful and corrupt tha tperjuri On the 25th of Noi-Prnber she swore in the same court ier on the previous day she saw one William Brett, on o of j ' itt husband's workmen, take her husband's watch from snl fi r g the shop, and walk off with it. This sheasseverated sovre by times, and a yoang- woman partially corrobarated,llB hop saying that she saw Bratt go towards the part of til e bi d where the watch hung, put up his hand, and return it to (t pocket. Since the committal, the parents of * Ti e ; Rigby, a neighbour of aged thirteen, found an d melting down the silver case of Palmer's,'a watch in a small f e learnt afterwards that he was in possession of the work ws s o tch watch. On questioning the bo • they found that the was Palmer's, and that the bo3, ), had taken it from th e ei- We on the day in question, and that deeming the worked t h had watch to be the" Prettiest part" (as he himself said), „ s preserved them, whilst he melted the case. Brett, n ,:7 0 -- h thus proved to have been innocent of the charge for 0 11 he was committed, is now out on . [ADVERTISEMEN Pills.—Fo r s. —For Indus" from any derangement of the liver, stomach, or the orbs stion, Stottiath, and Liver Complaints.—Porsons suolfe_nrinKs of digestion, should have recourse to liollowaY'll po lls, there is no medicine known that acts on these psnlw' bon complaints with such certain success* They ere* the the tone of the stomach, increase the appetite, Pnr: " co n. tore blood, and correct depraved secretions. In b0we...„1 plaints they remove their primary cause, sad semi ,4," he e, the patient to sound health. Nervous or sick heaqs; by ad depression of spirits ma be e co n urse of these Pills. Theyar y are composed of rare WO _r oue without the admixture of a grain of mercury or any llo3 ' poison, and are as safe as they are efficacious. IRTHS. Cox.Tarn.—On the 7th inst., at Old Charlton, Kent, t be wife of George Collier, Esq., barrister -at-law, of a son-. HANBURY.-011 the 7th inst., at 42, Great Cumberlanw place, the wife of George Hanbury, Esq., of a daughter' WALB.—On the sth inst.. at Shelford near Cambridge/ the wife of Lieut.-Col. Wale, of a datighter. WHIISTER.—On the sth instYeerton-Yl-11$11i. ckenham, the wife of the . Rev. William Twi We tern t''' r a son. MARRIAGES. h MAclNNEs—Hoinr.—On the 6th inst , at Christ C h Hampstead, John Reynolds Maclnnes, Egq•,- riulilie son of the bite General Maclnnes, to Anna iktaria, t eldest daughter of John Gurne y Hoare, BIT, of 11°1r Rl/48-tAenaid.s. —JEWELL.—On the 7th inst., st Fleet-street, Mr. Thomas Chapman It yells, of Nottiv gi hill, to Anne, youngest daughter of Mr. John Jewill i f ° Bride -lane. Fleet-street. DEATHS. r L, BOA irtn.—On the .sth inst , the Rev. Richard Board, 1 3 _,- - 1.,„ for sixty-seven years . vicar of Westerham-with-r,"`-‘ bridge, aged 96. Ctiancery-lane, Mr. John Bradley, aged 76 1 -COUr t t BRADLEY.-0 the 7th • (2;ilfe L r l d -- -li ° tt St. Bride% n inst., at Rolls House, Rol $ Bu - rt t, .r c i e t t l:.e for 2 n 9 i t e h rly ul o t t .., t tl e r fi . r E m d ~Aortaiulitni 1310.tit°6,:rf aged 53, ion , Cl,....itic.—On the 6tl, inst., atNew.roacl, Itenning 11 I. ' Joseph Clark, aged 87• 1 e in Dottot,ls.—On the sth inst., ,at 16, Chesham..P.ac jos his 77th year, the Right .1-lon. Lord William fifth Keith Douglas, the youngest brother of Charles, e , Marquis, and ohn, sixth Marquis of QueensberrY represented the Dumfries district, of burghs iu r" • ment for 22 years. RoosfsirtivOiennstbhuer2BB,tlsitqui I(tf.,(a3tooLdegahlo ilr,:s,s,Raogbedertoß. °eel :: 1 11 '" TRENC/E.—On the 6th inst., at 81, Marine-parade, 13. ton, Genera'. Sir Frederick W. Trench, aged 84. oNlioN : Printrand, rriutered and , h at The S Offic ed by MUR Nat, PO V° Vi la ' of No. IN, St et; e, Straud, in t.UO P reo i u ct of tho Savoy, 59.; ia tbe aola 14,14 106 ex, Thursday, December 8, 19 04. 1 Ar EVER !loons, Eox-o1 Tx the PI ringto THE) DE be ope MAN] pertor the Pt Extra every I farew( ._____ AP 1161) street, %trod Btalls, sad C R° Wood public Great Xlla, Work past 7 AF Band. Past 8, Wade TH NOTI W thie Will be la Hal alon, Thia elep.A T With I EVE/ tpp ra • Dast 8 lion, I DT , .-___. T~ A : 11 . : 13 .22'g• witotO DI CA ' T' ~~ 11 0 w e, pressi In the rrioe R