The Sun. — London, England, 1859-06-10 00:00:00

they were arming the country. That was just the point upon which the policy of the Government was most popu lar—(hear, hear, and cheers)—and any . Government that expected to have the support of the people of England must maintain the coast defences, arm the people, and especially must maintain an efficient navy. (Cheers.) The noble lord the member for Tiverton once gave a description of the views of the hon. member for Northampton on war. He said that if the French came here the hon. member for Northampton eTiti;;el;flhat we ought not to oppose them, but invite them to tea—(a laugh)—and then tell them over the urn that they had done wrong to coming here, and that 6leyWlpet to g;3: back again. (Alaugh.) The hon. mem ber for Northampton was one of the Liberal united party, and how could that hon. gentleman consistently support a Government that was arming the country ? Mr. GILPIN said he was sure the hon. gentleman: would not willingly misrepresent him. Immediately after the statement made by the noble viscount, he published a let ter in the Times, stating that he was not the author of the pamphlet from which the noble lord quoted, and that he had no more to do with the principles of that pamphlet than the noble lord himself. Since that the author had published his name. He was a merchant in the city. Ho had nothing whatever to do with the principles set forth ix that pam phlet. (Cheers.) Mr. B. SEYMER said that if he had misrepresented the hon. gentleman it was quite unintentional. (Hear.) He begged, however, to ask the hon. member for Birming ham whether he still retained the opinion he had expressed that the large military establishments of the country were merely a system of out-door relief for the aristocracy? Did the hon. gentleman think that the military establishments which the Government believed and which the country believed to be necessary were only kept up for the purpose of benefiting the aristocracy? (Hear.) If he did think so, he could, cf course, act upon that opinion, and then how could he be expected to arm the country for defence ? (Hear, hear.) The noble lord the member for Tiverton had said that the Government were mistaken in supposing that ag gression had come from either France or Sardinia, and that, in fact, it was Austria that had commenced the war. He (Mr. Seymer) thought the less said upon that point the better, for in .1848 the noble lord had gone up to the last moment lecturing Austria upon the impropriety of attack ing Sardinia, until at last Sardinia chose to attack Austria. The Government were not mistaken in the present instance as, although Austria had apparently taken the initiative, no one who knew anything of the state of Northern Italy could have the least doubt that Piedmont intended to make War upon Austria. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord also said the Government could not prevent hostilities because they had not a Parliamentary majority to give them weight in European councils; but would the course suggested by the noble lord have improved the case? He told the Govern ment not to resign, but to accept his bills, to do his bidding, and by discrediting themselves they might succeed in their foreign policy. (Hear, hear.) The Government, however, thought otherwise, they thought it better to try and im prove their Parliamentary position, and they had done so. (Hear.) The noble lord accused those who sat opposite to him of being favourable to Austria. As an independent Member, he (Mr. Seymer) declared he had no sympathy with Austria. He did sympathise with the Italians, but not with the French and Sardinians attacking Austria. (Hear.) He distrusted the interference of a despotic power in favour of liberty—(hear, hear)—the first consequence of which had been the suspension of liberty in Sardinia. He admitted that he did not understand the question of nationalities, although he did understand the question of constitutional liberity. If the question of nationalities were raised, there was no knowing how soon our own turn might come. The lonian Islands were not easy under our protectorate, and Russia, which had more pretensions to interfere for Greeks than France had to interfere for Italians, might claim a right to attack us. He did distrust France as a pro tector of Italian liberty. Who had put down the Roman Republic—who kept down liberty now in Rome ? Was it not France ? (Hear, hear.) In saying that he had no sym pathy with Austria he must observe that this country had no cause of apprehension from that Pcwer. If she had overrun Piedmont and (which God forbid) even if she had annexed that country, England would not have added a frigate to her navy, or a battalion to her army. But it was not the saxes in the case of other Powers, and the instinctive feeling of this country was evinced by the feeling which now generally prevailed that we should take every precaution to render ourselves unassailable. When it was said that we ought not to increase our Mediterranean fleet, ha would observe that we had to protect Malta, Gibraltar, and the lonian Islands, which were a part of our empire. (Hear, hear.) He must say he thought the Government had taken a wise,course in arming the country and in maintaining a strict neutrality, and, believing that the Liberal party were not united enough to carry out their own principles, while the Conservative party was united and the strongest in Parliament, he should give his decided opposition to the amendment. (Hear.) Sir J. GRAHAM then rose, and was received with cheers and counter cheers. He said—l don't rise to enhance the value of the reported speech of the noble viscount the mem ber for Tiverton, much less to depreciate the value of the re ported speeches of the hon. member for Birmingham. I shall hot now follow the hon. gentleman who has just sat down into a historical sketch of the decline and fall, as he thinks, of the great Liberal party, neither shall I speculate upon the prophecies in which he has indulged as to its future po licy. I find the question before us to be this—Shall the Government which the hon. member for Dorset supports continue in the possession of power with the consent of a majority of this house ? (Hear, hear.) That is the issue to be decided, and to that issue I will endeavour to address the few observations which I have to offer to the House. Now, Lam placed in a somewhat painful position. (Ironical cheers.) I have been driven from the seat which by the forbearance, or, indeed, grace of hon. gentlemen oppo • site I have some time occupied in this house, and having been received upon these benches—(ironical cheers and counter-cheers)—hon. gentlemen opposite cheer because Pain has been inflicted upon an humble individual— (laughter) but I do not believe that sound of triumph augurs an ultimate victory—(hear, hear) — having been received upon these benches, I am not Permitted to give a silent vote. I would gladly have given a silent vote, but the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the leader of the party opposite, has thought fit to indulge in observations which rendersilence on my part impossible. (Hear, hear.) Now, that right hon. gentleman occupies the Proud position of leader of this house, and, being so, is at the head of the largest and most respected body of gentle flen in this country. I may be mistaken, but I have al ways believed that among gentlemen there was an esta blished rule—(laughter and counter-cheers)—what, sir I has it come to this ? After such an attack has been made upon me by the rightjion. gentleman opposite, am I not to be allowed to offer any explanation to the house ? (Cheers.) I cannot believe that is a course which will be sanctioned, even by a new House of Commons. (Renewed cheers.) I was saying, sir, that where an error has been committed and an explanation has been asked for, and when there has been an admission of error, an apology for error, the expres sion of regret, and when that expression of regret has been allowed to be published, I thought there was an established rule among gentlemen that the subject should not again be revived. (Loud Opp os iti on c h eers .) B u t it seems that I was i n error, for the leader of the house has thought fit to revive this subject. (Cheers.) I should be sorry, indeed, if this debate upon a question involving the policy and the interests of a great nation were allowed to grovel in the ground, and to be degraded into a mere question of person ality, instead of being elevated to those higher regions where such important subjects ought to be discussed ; but, Since that topic, upon which I gave an explanation in an ewer to the right hon. gentleman the Secretary of State for War, has been revived, I may be permitted to say that I adhere to the statement which my answer contained, that, although I was decidedly wrong in saying that the altera. tion in the amount of billet money was made by an act of Prerogative, Parliament not sitting, yet I adhere to the statement that it was proclaimed on the eve of a general election—(shouts of " Oh, oh !" from the Ministerial side, met by Opposition cheers), and that the alteration was used for election purposes—(cheers)—and, however painful it may be, since the matter 'has been forced upon the house by the leader of the house, I will produce my evidence of the facts. (Renewed cheers.) The son of the right hon. Secretary of State for War was a candidate for Devonport. naturally proud of the name which he bears, and of his connection with the right honourable gentleman, he avowed himself, in his first address at Devonport, to be the son of the Secretary of State for War, and almost immediately after his first appearance in Devonport as a candidate there was issued a placard, which I will now read to the house. (Cries of "Oh I" from the Ministerial benches, and cheers from the Opposition.) "A Fact for the Licensed Victuallers and Beershop keepers. (Laughter.) The present Government have taken care that, from the 25th of April inst., every person upon whom a soldier is liable to be billeted shall be paid four pence per day, instead of three half-pence. (Ministerial cheers.) At a moment like the present, when recruiting is going on to a much larger extent than usual, this boon is One of great consequence— (Ministerial cheers)--and evi dences the desire which a good Conservative G overnment— (loud cheers from the Opposition)—has to remove oppres sion and wrong wherever it may be discovered. (Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) Licensed victuallers and beershop-keepers—(laughter)—will appreciate this boon— (renewed laughter)—and understand well the difference between a Conservative fourpence and a Whig three half- Pence." - - - (Loud laughter and cheering from the Opposition benches.) The placard concludes with the motto "V ivat Regina." (A laugh.) Well, Sir, the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer next referred, I think , to the subject of the rep ara ti o n and re-occupation of the barracks at Berwick. understand that an election petition from Berwick has b een presented to this house. (Hear.) I have reason, there fore, to believe that that matter will be the subje ct of judi cial inquiry, and until the opportunity for such inquiry is given I shall abstain from further reference to it. (Cheers.) S 0 also with regard to the packet contracts at Dover and the Lever contracts at Galway. The hon. member for Falmouth (Mr. T. G. Baring) has to-night moved for returns with respect to the Dover contracts. The noble member for Ti "ten in his speech on Tuesday night expressed his opi nion? in which I most decidedlyconcur, that these questions Z l ust be submitted to a severe scrutiny, and that scrutiny I Will not anticipate. (Cheers.) The next point, I think, to Which the Chancellor of the Exchequer referred was the Catholic alliance. Upon that question I may say that th roughout my political life I have, to the utmost of my Power, defended the claims of my Roman Catholio fellow- Subjects to perfect equality of civil and religious rights. (C heers.) I have stood by them in circumstances where 7 4 ,y of their former friends failed to support them. (Cheers.) d ld my utmost to prevent the passing of the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, and 1 have uniformly supported every just de !nand whtch they could make for the full and free exerciseof their religion. (Hear, hear.) I certainly did observe with re gret that, during the late general election, ecclesiastical P°Wer was used, or said to have been used— (Ministerial cheers) —to influence Roman Catholic voters against the Li beral Party, and I think that infinitely more has thus been do ne than co u ld h ave been done by their opponents to injure th eir cause. I w ill sa y no more about that. I think that their hlall Catholic voters, and even the heads of the Roman C atholic Ch urc h , have a perfect right to exercise an inde- Pendent judgment upon these subjects, but I must say I was astonished when I saw that my hon. and learned friend the member for Dundalk (Mr. Bowyer) was reported to have declared upon the hustings that the Roman Catholics had reason to expect that her Majesty's present advisers would grant a charter of incorporation to a Roman Catholic univer sity in Dublin. Now, Sir, faith will remove mountains—(a laugh)—but the credulity that could lead men to suppose that a charter of incorporation, revised by the right hen. Attorney-General for Ireland (Mr. Whiteside), the member for the Protestant University of Dublin—(laughter and cheers)—and with the great seal ofi Ireland appended to it by the hands of Lord Chancellor Napier—(renewed laughter and cheers)—would be granted to a Roman Catholic univer sity in Dublin, implies a belief in miracles exceeding any thin' that could be conceived of infantine simplicity. (Cheers and laughter). But, Sir, the latest charge of the Chancellor of the Exchequer appears to me the most serious. It refers to a statement I made that it was reported that a large sum of money had been collected for election purposes among the noblemen and gentlemen of the Conservative party, and that it was boasted that Lord Derby had headed the subscription with the large amount of £20,000. Now, this matter has been dealt with by Lord Derby himself. fie has denied the subscription of £20,000; he has denied the subscription of £10,000; he has denied the subscription of £5,000; but I do not see that Lord Derby has denied that he subscribed even £2OO. (Cries of " Oh," from the Ministerial side, laughter, and Opposition cheers). Not only has he not denied his subscription, but he distinctly admits the existence of a fund of the description to which I adverted, and a subscrip tion to a large amount. - Nay, more. With great playful ness he said that subscriptions of this natnre take place at every general election, and that the assertion that these large funds existed had no doubt produced upon some of the elections an effect very different from what I had antici pated. The noble lord was satisfied with giving to these reports, erroneous in a measure, a contradiction in terms so courteous that I rejoice in havinc , this public opportunity of thanking him for the courtesy of his denial. (Loud Ministerial cheers.) But, sir, the Chancellor of the Ex chequer declared that upon this matter he was the repre sentative of Lord Derby, and again reterting to his position —the highest in this house—l must say, that he indulged, in his denial, in the use of an expression which during my long experience in Parliament I have never heard equalled. (Cheers.) I will say that his denial was couched in terms so offensive that I am almost ashamed to mention them. (Renewed cheers.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I rise to order. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman (Sir J. Graham) quoted a statement made in an anonymous paragraph. In his speech he referred to the statement as one he had re ceived in that manner, and which he did not make upon his own authority—(cheers)--and that anonymous para graph I characterised as an impudent fabrication. (Renewed cheers.) That paragraph was in my possession, was pub lished and circulated in the newspapers beforo the speech of the right hon. gentleman. I might have regretted that the right hon. gentleman should have assumed, even provi sionally, the truth of that paragraph, but I certainly never meant to attribute to his statement the terms which he has quoted. (Cheers.) Sir J. GRAHAM continued—l really, sir, am rather perplexed as to the course I should adopt with respect to the explanation now given by the right hon. gentleman. He said that the statement was "an impudent fabrication." (Ministerial cheers.) Well, sir, in all my intercourse with that right hon. gentleman, I am not aware that I have ever said or done anything which could have given him reason to offer me personal offence. I could hardly believe that you, sir, would have permitted the use of such an ex pression if it had been clearly applied to a member of this house. I did not think the rules of this house would have justified it ; and certainly it was not for me to call the right hon. gentleman to order. The SPEAKER—I think that, perhaps, if I state to the house the impression which the use of that phrase made upon my own mind it may terminate this rather painful discussion. (Hear, hear.) The impression made upon my mind at the time (and I distinctly remember the terms em ployed)---certainly was that, as the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer has explained, the fabri cation in question had been made use of, but that it had not originated with the right hon. gentleman the member for Carlisle. (Cheers.) Sir J. GRAHAM—Certainly, sir, what the right hon. gentleman has said, confirmed by your high and unim peachable authority, is some satisfaction to my wounded feelings. (A laugh and cheers.) But the right hon. gen tleman went on to remark upon the mild influences of age, presenting in his own persona contradiction to tho Hora tian maxim— " Lenit albeseens nimos capillus ;" because he was an illustration of the fact that one might lose one's curls and still retain one's taste for sarcasm. (Laugh ter and cheers.) I must say, sir, on this occasion that I had the honour of a seat in the house when the right hon. gen- tleman first took his place in it. I early, indeed immediately, recognised his great abilities, and without envy, without the slightest grudging, I have watched his rise to his present pre-eminence. But intemperate language in a position such as the right hon. gentleman occupies is always a proof to me of a falling cause--(cheers)—and I regard that speech and those expressions as a happy omen of the coming suc cess of this motion. (Renewed cheers.) The right hon. gentleman will pardon me if I express to him an opinion. I regard him as the Red Indian of debate. (Laughter.) By the use of the tomahawk he has cut his way to power, and by a recurrence to the scalping system he hopes to prevent the loss of it. (Cheers and laughter.) When the right hon. gentleman uses towards one who has offered him no offence—(" Oh, oh I") —language of the tone and character which he has applied to me, I say this, that I was as tonished at the rudeness of the assault—(" Oh, oh !" and cheers)—but I readily forgive it on account of the feeling of anger and of disappointment at blighted hopes by which it was dictated. (" Oh, oh 1" and cheers.) " Nunc ad te, et tua magna, Pater, consulta revertor," I gladly turn from these personal topics, but under the circum stances I felt it impossible to leave them wholly unnoticed. (Hear.) I now pasion to review some of the acts of the late Go vernment--(laughter)—l mean of the present Government. On Monday next, perhaps, the expression I inadvertently used will be more apposite. (Laughter and cheers.) Like the hon. member for Dorsetshire (Mr. Ker Seymer) I was a party to the overthrow of the Government of the noble viscount the member for Tiverton. I voted also as that hon. gentleman did on the China question. I never gave a vote with more confidence. I never looked back upon a vote with less regret. So likewise with regard to my vote on the Conspiracy Bill. I voted with the majority on that occasion,. and, having overthrown the Government of the noble viscount, ii appeared to me to be a public duty not upon captious or light grounds to oppose the Government which succeeded it. I appeal to the house, I appeal even to hon. gentlemen on the Treasury Benchwhether through the whole of last year I did not give them a fair support whenever it was in my power to do so. During the progress of the India Bill I did my utmost to render the passing of that measure as easy to them as possible. With respect to the motion of my right hon. friend the member for Oxford, I agreed with them in defending the Oude Pro clamation. Did I conceal my opinion? Did I not rather do my very utmost to aid them ? On no occasion until the introduction of their Reform Bill did I refrain, when a sense of public duty allowed of it, from supporting them. I may be permitted to advert, as other hon. members have done so, to the first India Bill which they proposed. I see opposite to me the noble lord the Secretary of State for India. I admire his talents ; I think highly of his administrative skill ; I sometimes almost regard him as the spes altera of Rome. For the first India Bill I believe he was not immediately responsible ; but it was a bill not actually stillborn but smothered with ridicule almost before its first feeble cry was heard, (Laughter.) The noble lord afterwards brought forward a measure of substitution, and I must be allowed to say that in dealing with the grave difficulties of India he has not been very successful. After the termination, or rather the overthrow of that fatal mutiny by the skill of our generals, the gallantry of our troops, and the ability of the civil and military servants formerly attached to the East India Company two great difficulties remained. These were the financial affairs of India and the reorganisation of the Indian army. Now, how has the Government handled these Feat questions ? With respect to finance and debt, the tatement was officially made to the house about the Bth of howeve r r, e l7E i t Februaryance that the Indian Exchequer would require assist to the amount of £5,000,000 sterling. A month, estimate wads h d a e r fi d e ly ien el t ap h sed before it turned out that this millions ; and it now sumeemnytaioT f t o h f is n h e o a us rly e to another provide fi v a e further loan to the extent re-organisation of th e army. w £5,000,000. Next as to the Europe has for some ti me pastl3 as to that problem a t this moment ? While the state of What is the position of affairs troops as to cause anxiety g A l iessehn late as March la s t th e ha ve b een a t th e in many quarters, 100,000 E n o p E x p e o e s n i t t e i v c e o r n o o e v r e of r n m t h e e n w t s o o r l u d g . ht to send to I n di a 10 co panies of artillery. I do not see the hon and gallant m - em . m ber for Westminster (General Eva ns ) i n his 1 house, all know that it was by the intervention of tli ' is ae the earnest entreaty of that gallant officer, backed I:tl f i t e t o pinion of many other hon. members, that the sending out of those 10 compan ies of artiller y was prevented. Jut is that all ? The reorganis ation of the Indian army is, after all, the capital difficulty with which the Government and the Legislature of this country have to contend, with a view to giving security to our Indian possessions. Well, what has the Government done with regard to that great question ? They threw it down before a commission. There are arrayed on that commission two Secretaries of State, the Secretary of State for India, the Secretary of State for War, the Commander-in-Chief, and Indian autho rities, and servants of the Crown. They are so exactly balanced in numbers, so equally divided in opinion, that they have, as I believe, looking to the evidence and the questions put, a Seerktary of State on each side, the Com mander-in-Chief and the Queen's officers inclining one way, while the Company's servants and other authorities incline the other. The consequence is that this great question not onrests in suspense, but is the subject at this moment of the reatest conflict of opinion, and it remains still unde cided..vl by the authority of her Majesty's advisers. Talk of that which 7 Where could you have wider division than the which exists between the Secretary of State for India, this w impo n rt d an y t e ___ ar C . om A ntander-in•Chief, and the Secretary of State for the subject of fin j an ec ce s t u t h heir t unite d d counsels . are necessaryA todbring to a I definitive A notiv e disposedsolution. v! needlessly to O pp ose . the Government, or to offer any hostile remarks upon their budget ? Without the' budget of last year, but what was that willingly o ruP upon the responsibility of intervention of Parliament, upon direct taxes in the shape Government, it allowed two millions of allowed to remain unritote income-tax to be remitted. It upon tea and sugar. It increased millions of war taxes peace to the extent of two millionsased our debt in time of that sum has since been repaid, it by a fresh loan, and if of the balances at the exchequer, ci.only have been so out paramount importance to keep full which it is an object of as at the present. (Hear, hear.) The e o critical a juncture Dorset has adverted to the subject of ben*member church-rates.for Here, aga i n , notwithstanding my earnest desire G over nment, I found it utterly impossibleto support th e t the measure which was brought forward by the ocountenance gentleman the member for Cambridge University. right hon. ap peared to me to violate every principle for which it a Church man could contend with respect to the union Church and State. It offered a premium to Dissent scnt with outs between satisfying assenters—(hear, hear)—it left an angry con t ro versy open ; in short, a more feeble effort to deal with a great difficulty was never witnessed in this house. (Hear.) So with rasped to the Jews. Of all the impotent conc l u sions that Parliament ever arrived at, I think the so-called settlement of the Jew question decidedly the worst. (Hear, hear.) It leaves the difference between the two houses untouched, and, so far from preventing controversy, it is so shaped that in each session the questien can hardly fail to be revived. Already, sir, you have had ample proof that it has not put an end to angry and disagreeable con tention. (Hear, hear) I now turn to foreign affairs, though I do not intend to travel at length into that matter. I must say, however, that I heard with surprise a statement made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer the other night with re gard to Austria. He said, speaking of the resolution pro posed at the end of the late Parliament by the noble lord the member for London, that the carrying of t hat resolution altogether raralysed the influence of England with the Cabinet of Vienna, that it converted the Government, as it were, into a dead body, and rendered its counsels unavail ing. I am open to correction, but if I am not much mis• taken, if was after the vote in question that the Government of Lord Derby advised the Government of Austria to suspend its threatened invasion of Sardinia until a proposition made at their instance to France and Sardinia had received an an swer ; and, so far from their influence being paralysed at Vienna, in an evil hour the Austrian Government hearkened to their counsel, and suspended the invasion of Piedmont for four days, to their own great and, perhaps, irreparable loss. (Hear.) I differ from the hnn. member for Birmingham with regard to the policy of the Government in arming the fleet Their conduct in that respect has been, I think quite correct. (Hear, hear.) With the view of mediating at a fit opportunity between the contending parties, and in the interests of peace, it is right that England should be strong, and strengthening our fleet has this great advantage, that to continental Powers who fight with armies England so armed cannot be an object of suspicion or anger. (Hear, hear.) The dissolution of the late Parliament, however, is a point upon which the Government are fairly liable to se vere censure. That dissolution was in theory a rash and improvident measure, while practically has led to evil re sults. (Cries of "Oh I" and cheers.) I am not speaking of evil results in a party sense, but of evil results in a na tional sense. (Hear, hear.) Is it seemly that the First Minister of England, having made a declaration of policy in the House of Lords, and circumstances varying, and he seeing it to be necessary more or less to correct his state ment, should not have an opportunity of making that cor rection in Parliament, where his authority is supreme, but should be driven to explain himself at a civic feast in the Mansion-house of the city of London ? (Hear, hear.) The Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs has talked of the levity of hustings speeches, but what was the extraordinary gravity of the speech which he addressed to his constituents at Horsham ? Some doubt had been thrown upon the ques tion of the relations between France and Russia. There was no opportunity of answering any question here or in the House of Lords ; Parliament was dissolved ; and the hon. gentleman was compelled by a sense of public duty to make the following important communication from the hustings at Horsham : "In connection with the question of the supposed alliance between France and Russia, the Government of this country considered it their duty to address to the Emperor of Russia a direct and categorical inquiry as to whether such a treaty containing anything hostile to England did exist; and the answer received from Prince Gortschakoff was as follows : ' I do not deny that there may exist a written engagement between France and Russia, but I canatsureyouinthemost positive manner that such arrangement contains nothing that in the most distant manner could be interpreted as consti tuting a hostile alliance against Europe. If Lord Ma]- mesbury should be questioned on this subject, he may answer with confidence in the above sense, and I give you my personal guarantee that the declaration will not be falsified by the facts.' " Mr. S. 'FITZGERALD- I may be permitted to state that in one report of my speech the language which the right hon. baronet has quoted is certainly attributed to me ; but if the right hon. gentleman refers to other journals—(a laugh)—he will find that the word "Europe'' is simply a misprint for " England." The expression used in the an swer received from Prince Gortschakoff was, " a hostile alliance against England." Sir J. GRAHAM—I am glad to receive the explanation of the hon. gentleman, but could anything prove more con clusively the inconvenience, to say the least, of having such important matters communicated to the public in an elec tion speech, with imperfect means of reporting, and what must be the opinion of Prince Gortschakoff whn he hears that during an interregnum of nearly six weeks our Govern ment were driven to the necessity of publishing the con tents of important despatches from the hustings at an elec tion? (Hear, hear.) But the awkwardness does not end here, for I understand that the Chancellor of the Exche quer gave to his constituents at Aylesbury a somewhat dif ferent account of the Russian despatch. The Under-Secre tary for Foreign Affairs did not deny that Prince Gortschakoff admitted there was a written engagement, but I think the Chancellor of the Exchequer said at Aylesbury that there was no written engagement. The CH ANCE LL OR of the E XCHE QUER—No treaty. (A laugh.) • • _ Sir J. GRAHAM—No treaty—a written engagement as distinguished from a treaty ; but if there be nothing hostile to England in this written engagement which is not a treaty, why has it not been communicated to England ? (Hear, hear.) Has it been so communicated ? If it has not, that is a circumstance of the utmost gravity, capable of exciting serious apprehension, and showing how dangerous it was to disable the Crown from taking the advice of Parliament at so critical a juncture. (Cheers.) Now, I have before said I entirely approve of an efficient armament. But during the interregnum, and when the Government, as described by Lord Derby himself, was in the position of an officer about to be tried by court-martial, with the judgment not yet pronounced, when he could not tell whether his sword would be returned to him or not, — under these circumstances her Majesty's Government has, without the advice and knowledge of Parliament, taken twe of the most important steps with regard to the army and nary any Gevernment has ever adopted. (Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches.) Well, public necessity may have justified those measures. (Cheers.) I am not prepared to deny that they were necessary. (Cheers.) But I say this, adopting those measures exposes her Majesty's Government to a most awkward alternative. They either knew there was an imminent danger of war, or they were ignorant of it, and were grossly deceived. Ido not think they would attempt to deceive us; but being deceived themselves, and having recklessly dissolved Parliament, they were involved in a great constitutional difficulty, and dealt with the army and navy in the manner I must shortly describe. First, with regard to the navy ; they have issued by proclamation an offer of a large bounty, £lO to able sea men, ato ordinary seamen, and £3 to landsmen. Now, I deny that any offer of a bounty was necessary for able seamen; the gallant member for Southwark has stated that the number of able seamen likely to be obtained by the bounty is small ; but, small or great, the offer of the bounty involves an im mense principle. What will be the effect of the bounty on the sailors already in the navy ? What will be its effect on the system of continuous service ? All the efforts of every naval Administration have been directed to increase the number of men entering for continuous service. But what man would enter the navy for a long period, knowing that in time of peace, on any apprehension of its disturbance, a bounty of £lO would be offered ? (Hear.) I have always contended that giving a bounty raises the rate of wages in the merchant service in a corresponding degree. I under stand that the wages in that service have, since the Govern ment proclamation, been raised 20s. a month. Taking the number of men in the mercantile marine at 300,000, what is the amount of the increase of £l2 a-year per man? • It is the heaviest tax to which the shipping interest could possibly be exposed; and it would bear it were it neces sary; but is it necessary ? During the Russian war, I resisted the plan of a bounty, yet I and my colleagues succeeded in manning the fleet. lam persuaded that this plan of a bounty in time of peace fpre stalls that which is the compensation for the compulsory service formerly exacted in time of war. You have had recourse in time of peace to an expedient that should be strictly reserved for a time of war, and I believe the mea sure is imprudent and impolitic in the highest degree. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the army, the Govern ment has, by another proclamatism, encouraged the arming of the entire'sommunity ; but I am wrong in saying the en tire community—it is one class of the community only. But if the system is carried out this class arming cannot stand for a momeht; and if you arm the whole community the utmost precaution will be necessary—precautions care- . fully considered and wisely framed—or the consequences' will be dangerous in the highest degree. On this subject I will refer to an admirable passage in the works of M. Guizot. When Louis Philippe came to the throne it was his duty to act in the organisation of the National Guard of France. Of this - measure M. Guizot says—" The danger and the merit of the National Guard consist in the excite ment of hopes essentially different. The powerful organi sation of this body gave great satisfaction to those who were uneasy with respect to the independence and foreign influence of the nation." (That is the view of the leading journal of the day in this country.) "The friends of order hoped to find in the National Guard a force made to main tain order, should tne army fail from its weakness or disaf fection. The Liberals flattered themselves that the National Guard, being always available, a great standing army would no longer be necessary." (This view is also enter tained in this country.) " The democrats were delighted to see the great body of the people armed, and thus placed in a position to interfere with effect in the management of public affairs." Now, I think these sentences are pregnant with warning. Yet Parliament, not being sitting, by an act of the prerogative alone, the first step has been taken towards the establishment of a National Guard. (Hear, hear.) During the interregnum, the Executive, with a bold ness far exceeding its strength, has decided questions with regard to both armyand navy greater than any Government ever before dealt with. I will now only trouble the house with one short reference to the subject of reform. This was one of those questions on'which I found it impossible to continue my support to her Majesty's Government. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, and said truly, with respect to the £lO county franchise, that the Government thought it expedient to accompany it with stme counter vailing provision, that might modify the application of it. When he came to speak of the borough franchise he said that the great danger, in his view, was "keeping the word of promise to the ear" while "breaking it to the hope," Now, that is an exact description of what the Government did with regard to the county franchise ; they contrived to neutralise it, and even to throw its influence in the opposite direction. But we have not fought this battle in vain. Her Majesty's Government has discovered the expediency of a lower franchise in the towns, and even of its redistribution, and the disfranchisement of some of the small boroughs. It these offers had been made as frankly before the dissolution as they were on Tuesday night, I am satisfied that a bill might have been carried with the consent of a large majority of this house, to which the other House of Parliament would have assented, and this angry question of the reform of her' 'Well, M and ajes is this's G o n v e e w r n t m e e h n i t m h ? a v l e s now a d c i o s m e e e v e t r o y . Parliament might have b een se ttl e d on th e very b as i s w hi c h h (Cheers.) r a s d . e ) lately C in consequence of the general election? It is the view which the sagacity of the rigllt ,hon. gentleman the member for Oxfordshire and the integrity of 'my right hon. friend the member for the University of Cambridge pointed out to them. (Cheers.) Well, now where are we The principle of identity of suffrage being essential in ttle view of her Majesty's present advisers any lowering of the franchise in boroughs was dangerous, inadmissible, and in favour of the views of those democrats with whom I and the hon. member for Birmingham are classed. (Ministerial cheers.) So dangerous was it that it was not to be tolerated for a moment. Gentlemen behind there cheer. (Hear, hear, and - laughter.) What, may I ask, is your view of it ? Are you prepared for a £lO franchise without compensating provi sions, and are you prepared for a considerable lowering of the franchise below £lO and in an extension of disfranchise merit and redistribution of seats ? (Hear, hear.) Is that your view ? Say so with the Government, and then all the difficulties with respect to reform will for tire present be at an end. But I say that groat questions have been paltered with, great hopes have been excited. I have some sympathy with the late House of Commons which th e right hon. gentleman the member for Droitwich treats with so much contempt. I think that it was treated in an unworthy manner. But you shall hear, both with respect to the dissolution aid with respect to the vote of want of confidence, wor ds which convey with the utmost vigour and perspicacity the opinion which I entertain as to this amendment ; and perhaps the house will bear with me when I say that it is with this quotation that I mean to conclude. 'The words are these— " For the exercise of the prero gative of dissolving, for the time, for th e mo d e, for the occasion, for all the circum stances attending a dissolution, the advisers of the Crown will be responsible to a future Parliament. It is a despe perate effort by means of agitation and excitement to prop up for a while a tottering Ad m i n i s tration. (Hear.) There is a tim e w h en the measure of the iniquities of a Govern ment is full. Th ere is a time when if they refuse to listen to the voice of friendly to attend to gentler hints, forbearance m warning or end, and the plainest language must be spoken to them." The The quotation I have read from are the words of Lord counter cheers ) — when Derby in ]B4l—(cheers and I had the honour of voti ng w i th hin Peel, of want of confidence. 4. , 0n a motion made by Sir IL The time has arrived. Hints are disregarded, The plainest 11 language must be spoken. The noble marquis has proposed words sufficiently intelli gible, about which there can be no mistake, and without THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 10, .t 5359. hesitation I give my support to the amendment of my noble friend. (Loud cheers.) Mr. WHITESIDE—The right hon. gentleman who has just spoken, with more than his usual ability and lucidity, has informed the house—and I must say in a somewhat confident tone—of the certainty of the amendment of the noble lord being affirmed by the vote of the house. If, after a fair and impartial hearing the house is of opinion that the amendment ought to be carried, why of course the decision will be one to be submitted to with cheerfulness and respect by her Majesty's Administration. (A laugh.) But before that decision is arrived at common justice re quires that something should be said and heard on behalf of an Administration whom the right hon. gentleman, with all deference to him, has maligned. We were prepared for this amendment, long before the noble lord gave his notice, by the discussions that for some weeks before the meeting of Parliament took place in the press. I confess that I read those discussions with pain and humiliation. (Laughter from the Opposition and cheers from the Ministerialists.) There was in them no exposition of principle, no statement of future luminous measures. There was no profound policy sketched out, but the burthen of all the articles was this—will the noble lord the member for London agree with the noble lord the member for Tiverton ? (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Oh ! happy day; oh 1 joyful hour—the noble lord the member for London smiles at the noble lord the member for Tiverton. (Laughter.) The Morning lowers, a dark cloud brings on the day, for the noble lord the mem ber for Tiverton frowns on the noble lord the member for London. On the smile or on the frown of the noble lord the member for Tiverton, according to the opinion of the advocates of that noble lord, depend the hopes, the fears, the fate, and the glory of England. Her Majesty's Govern ment are still in their places, but why ? Because the noble lord the member for Tiverton in his last speech in the last Parliament condemned them to maintain their places. (A laugh.) .What did the noble lord say ? He said, Why you are a most provoking party, your discipline is so perfect, your order is so complete that when I wish you to speak you maintain silence. In anticipation of the noble lord we were silent ; while he spoke of course we were speechless, because we were under the wand of the Enchanter. (Laugh ter.) But what has he said ? From the position he holds I suppose he rose to expound the principles of the new coali tion. And how did he argue his impeachment ? Was there ever, even for a man of his imagination, a speech more singu holy destitute of freshness or novelty ? (Hear, hear.) He commenced with the old story of the Conspiracy Bill, and I must say the noble lord was not very respectful to the last Par liament that heard that measure discussed and that decided against it, because he expressed no remorse, no repentance for having introduced that bill. In point of fact, while he commented upon the conduct of the Government he cen sured the Parliament that censured him, and so disposed of the conspiracy Bill. Then he proceeded to India. But how tiresome it is to refer to an old debate, to discuss how the India Bill was carried. From a practical man we might have expected a proof, if that were possible, that the Government of India under my noble friend was weakly, in efficiently, or corruptly conducted. If the affairs of India have been wisely and well managed it is a poor ground on which to impeach the Ministry to refer to a former debate which led to the carrying of the measure under which the Government of India is now conducted. (Hear, hear.) Well, then, he said, all your domestic measures have been failures. Now, the noble lord is a fair opponent in debate. Is that accurate ? I might ask him, when attacked with respect to the domestic measures of this country, with what measure of utility his name is to be associated. (Cheers.) Might I take the liberty of inquiring of him what is the character of that measure for the sale of land in England, on the introduction of which the hon. and learned member for Wolverhampton congratulated my hon. and learned friend, the Solicitor-General, upon serving a Ministry that allowed him to bring forward a measure of so large a nature ? (Cheers) What right has the noble lord to asperse the Administration and say,—You never proposed a domestic measure that was not a failure, throwing out that imputa tion in the lump, but not condescending to details ? The noble lord who moved his amendment in a speech that was very graceful and eloquent, and contained, I presume, an exposition of the principles of unadulterated Whiggism— (a laugh)—expounded what the principles of Mr. Fox were. He said he wished to see those principles upheld by the great party to which he belongs, instead of the opinions of Pitt and Castlereagh being acted upon, and he stated cor rectly what the opinions of that great champion of popular liberty were. I admit thirt Mr. Fox advocated the principle of non-intervention in the affairs of foreign States. Nay, he went the length of insisting, against Mr. Pitt, that when the French nation cut off the heads of the King and of the Queen of France England had no right to interfere. (Hear, hear.) I admit the principles of the noble lord, and the only thing I quarrel with is their application, because, adopting his principle and adopting the argument of the noble lord, I shall insist upon the vote of the hon. member for Birmingham as a just man against the speech that he has made to night, if he would rather, as he stated on a former occasion, vote against those who would be in favour of a policy of interference, than vote for those who would be in favour of the disfranchisement of one or two rotten boroughs. I shall apply myself solely to the question of Italy. Diplo matists are pleased to say that there is something in the question of foreign politics which is difficult for plain, every-day men to understand, but there is no such difficulty in this case. The noble lord who moved this amendment and the noble lord the member for Tiverton argue that the conduct of the Government has led to this war, and that the management of forei g n affairs would be in safer and wiser kinds if transferred to those who sit opposite, but I will disprove that by a very short and temperate statement. What was the state of Europe in 1848 ? Louis Philippe was overthrown, France could not engage in th e affairs of Italy, because she was in a state of disturbance. Radetsky and the Austrians had withdrawn from Milan, and the Austrians proposed to the English Government to deliver up the whole kingdom of Lombardy if we would act as mediators. The noble lord was informed that the fate of Italy was in the hands of England,. because France could not interfere. The noble lord himself has stated that the object of the great act of 1815 was to exclude the French from Italy—that Lombardy was forced almost on Austria, and that she took it unwillingly to preserve the balance of power. The noble lord has contradicted me once before, unfortunately, in this matter, but I hardly think he will contradict me again. Let me call the attention of the right hon. baronet the member for Carlisle to the part which he took in this very transaction, because how he and the noble lord are to sit together in the same Cabinet I cannot un derstand. (Laughter.) ;A special message came from Austria to the noble viscount, and offered to the noble vis count the entire kingdom of Lombardy if we would inter pose as mediators in the quarrel. After 10 days' conside ration the noble viscount answered that England would not interfere unless Austria would also agree to give up Venice. Lord Ponsonby apprised the noble lord that Austria would not give up Venice—and our offer was refused. Radetsky drew the sword—the war broke out in Italy—what fol lowed everybody knows, and I assert that the noble lord is thus the author of all the confusion which now prevails there. (Cheers.) Lord Normanby knows the truth of this, for four months afterwards the noble lord opposite wrote to him a despatch imploring him to use all his influence with the French Government to induce Austria to repeat the offer she had made, but Austria refused, and told us it was too late. (Hear.) The right hon. baronet the member for Carlisle, who to-night stands up by his eloquence to en deavour to bring back the noble lord to power, investigated this question carefully and closely, and let me read to you the bitter words in which he described the noble lord's con duct and character. " Austria," he said,— " Austria, at the moment the first onset was made, ap pealed to the noble viscount and to her Majesty's Govern ment, in the midst of its difficulties, to mediate between her and Piedmont. But what was the sine qua non on our part towards a friendly Power in the midst of difficulties ? The noble viscount insisted, as a condition precedent to an accept ance of the mediation, that Austria should not only abandon Lombardy but surrender Venice ; and as Austria would not consent to the surrender of Venice, the noble viscount de clined to undertake the mediation. It is impossible to say what has been the effect of that act of the noble viscount. My belief is, that the insurrection of Hungary was the con sequence ; and, what I regret as much as any man, the in tervention of Russia, the interference of that country to crush the Hungarian insurrection having thus been rendered necessary." That is pretty well—(cheers)—but I maintain it to be true, if it were not I would not quote it. (Cheers.) And now follows worse : _ _ • _ _ "Has the noble viscount promoted the cause of Italian liberty by the cause he has pursued ? Piedmont was twice in one year at the mercy of the invading army of Austria. Rome is in possession of the French army. Lombardy is under the military rule of Austria. Venice was reconquered. And we cannot forget the daring exploits in Naples, which the noble viscount was so anxious to uphold." (Cheers.) That is the summary of a foreign policy of a Minister who has told you in this debate that the foreign policy of this country is in such unsafe hands that unless you transfer the management of it to him—him, who is branded by the right hon. member for Carlisle as the author of the war in Italy and the insurrection in Hungary—you will not discharge your duties to your constituents. (Cheers.) I see opposite, too, a right hon. gentleman who signed the circular to call the meeting at Willis's Rooms, who under stands the Italian question well, an'a he, I remember, in this very matter charged the noble viscount with what I should be slow to impute to him—equivocating with the ambassa dors of Foreign Powers, and dealing with the Ministers of other States in the spirit of an attorney. (Loud cheers.) That is the opinion of a right hon. gentleman, the member for Wilts, who called a meeting to restore the noble lord to power. It was in reference to a matter of which I dare say the noble lord the member for the city of London will re member something—the political escapades of Lord Minto in Italy—"the wanderingmissionary," as Sir W. Molesworth called him. (Laughter.) Did any man ever hear of a Government sending out a nobleman to exhort the subjecti of a foreign State to insurrection, to make speeches to the crowd from a balcony, and call odt to them " Viva r Inde penza d' Italia." (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman gave the house an admirable summary of all the absurdities and follies which were perpetrated by that noble lord under the direction of the noble viscount opposite. This is what he said " Well, we got deeper and deeper into the mire of those arrangements—till, step by step, the noble lord arrived at the conclusion, that Sicily must be separated from Naples, and set up as an independent State. Sicily, with a popula tion not exceeding that of this town—the only question with him being whether that State should be a republic or monarchy. We began by promoting constitutional reforms ; we ended by promoting separate nationalities." The ability with which the factsrelating to this matter were investigated by the right hon. gentleman, and the scornand ridicule which lie heaped upon them, convince me that, if with his experience and knowledge of Italian affairs he sits down in the Cabinet of the noble lord, it will last but a very short period. (Cheers.) Without all their teeth drawn I can't conceive how this happy family is to get on—(laugh ter)—but I am convincal that if such a Cabinet did not speedily fall to pieces it would plunge the foreign policy of the country deeper into the mire than it had ever been be fore. (Cheers.) I agree with the noble marquis who moved this amendment, that Fox laid down correct prinoiples as to the foreign policy of this country ; but I submit to him that I have shown the noble viscount opposite to have violated them most signally in this instance at least. (Cheers.) What is the meaning of non-intervention ? Every law book on international law lays it down that you haye no right to interfere in the domestic affairs of a foreign nation, but I should like to ask any reasonable man—not a diplomatist — why did we withdraw our ambassador from Naples ? As I understand if, the meaning of that act was that France and England were of opinion that they had a right to enlighten Naples as to the manner in which she ought to conduct her internal Government. It could not mean anything else, for 13 Naples never showed any disp c ssition to attack or insult us that I ever heard of. What tin becomes of the noble lord's practice of Fox's principles of n o n-intervention ? (Cheers.) But what do you say to the noble" ,lord's behaviour to Belgium F Belgium is a free State ; Belgii am took no part in the Rus sian war, and never made an. r attack upon us; yet, what was done by the famous Tr, laty of Paris with respect to Belgium ? Why, Lord Clare/16 lon arid the representatives of France, without any notice to, Igelgium, signed a treaty, purely, I believe, to gratify :Emperor of the French, compelling her to modify her p :ess according to the demands that might be made upon her the Government of France. (Hear, hear.) These are my chort grounds for stating that the foreign policy of the noble lord hag been incomprehensible, and that you ought not to change the Administration at least' upon that ground. But there are other points that have beea made in the course of tliis dis cussion, and I come at °ace to the speeches of the hon. member for Birmingham and the right hon. baronet the member for Carlisle. It has been said that comparisons are odious ; but I protest that I prefer the manly, open, bold, and candid oppssition of the hon. member for Birmingham to the slow, subtle accusations of the right hon. baronet, delivered with much solemnity, but with no small sarcasm. (Hear.) The right hon, baronet comes before you, he says, an injured man, and in a most unforgiving manner he for gives you. (A laugh.) What right has he to represent himself as an injured man ? I, too, like others, have read his speech at Carlisle, and I have to call him to account now for his imputations upon me and the Government of which I am a member, and he shan't escape me. When the right. hon. gentleman speaks under the blue flag of Carlisle a sacred flame of vehemence is kindled within his breast, and he employs a very different tone there from the calm, and solemn, and deliberate manner in which from the heights of his philosophy he lays down his maxims for your adoption. But what right had he to attack my right hon. friend at the head of the Admiralty, or my gallant friend the Secretary for War, in a manner so unjustiable that he has been compelled to withdraw his accusations ? (Cheers.) Is it only the honour of the member for Carlisle that is sacred in this country ? What was the meaning of his coming here to-night fortified with his placard in his pocket ? What was his accusation ? It was that an act of corruption had been perpetrated by a gentleman as pure in his public conduct as any man who ever crossed the threshhold of this house ? And what is his excuse for that unjustifiable charge ? That he had forgotten that the change made in the allowance to the soldiers was done under an Act of Parliament. He admits that he was entirely mis taken; and then, he says, "I charged an act of profligacy and corruption. I find that I was all wrong, but you ought to be greatly obliged to me for confessing my error, when I couldn't help it." (" Hear," and a laugh.) The real fact is that the War-office circular to which the right hon. baronet referred was the immediate consequence of the pass ing of the Mutiny Act. It was issued and signed by the Secretary of State without any communication whatever with the Secretary at War, and the Under Secretary who drew out the circular was Sir B. Hawes, who is, I believe, an excellent Whig, and according to the tenets of gentle men opposite a Whig can do no wrong. The right hon. baronet this evening said that ho would not notice Galway and the Lever line of packets ; but I say that he shall no tice it. (Hear, hear.) I assure the right hon. gentleman that when his speech reached Ireland it very much hurt the feelings of many persons there; and you will observe that the advocate of popular rights speaking on the hustings considers that he has a license there that wouldn't belong to him elsewhere. He says—" What is the case as to Gal way? Here I can speak more positively." He certainly was more positively wrong if possible. (A laugh.) But must read his charge in his very words. After stating the nature of the Cunard contract he comes to the charge of corruption, his object being to account for the result of an election which had recently taken place in Ireland, not ac cording to the truth, but according to his own uncharitable exposition of the matter. When I have shown the right hon. gentleman that his statement is utterly groundless, I have no doubt that, with the same generosity that has characterised his retraction of all the other charges, he will. in the handsomest manner possible, make reparation 4 , 4 ; those whom he has aggrieved. His charge is this : Now Government bethought themselves, at the in stance of a valuable body of members in the west Ire land, that it would be desirable to add to this cotir,eunica tion a communication by Galway, at a cost of 170,000 a year. I say it would have been cheaper for t!„e people of England to give the Government £100,01)',) capital to be expended in secret service money in buyt ag up the Galway votes and debauching the voters ratl2e:e than £70,000 under contract for seven years." The charge is too plain to 1 1e misunderstood. You, the members far the West of Ireland, made a corrupt proposi tion to a corrupt Government, and that corrupt Govern ment, on the eve of an election, made this bargain, whereas it would have been cheaper to have bought you, and to have given you the means of debauching the voters of Ireland. The right hon. gentleman is familiar, I have no doubt, with the writings of Sheridan, and he will remember that that incomparable wit describes those who draw upon their ima gination for their facts. Where, I ask, were the facts to justify that statement made upon the hustings at Carlisle? What authority had he—l will not say for inventing, but for imagining that charge which he brought against a body of members of this house, and against the Government of which lam a humble member ? That accusation is utterly destitute of foundation. (Cheers.) I beg to inform the right hon. gentleman that neither Lord Eglinton, nor Lord Derby, nor any member of the Government would be guilty of the foul practice to which he adverted any more than he would himself. What are the facts which he did not make himself acquainted with ? In 1852 I sat upon a committee which was held at the Mansion-house in Dublin, when:a most eminent merchant, Mr. Guinness, was Lord Mayor of Dublin, and upon the committee were Mr. G. A. Hamil ton, Colonel Latouche, the present Chancellor of Ireland, the Lord Mayor, and myself. The question which was submitted by a large body of mercantile men to that com mittee was, whether, in consequence of the great traffic that existed between Ireland and America, it might not be possible to establish a packet communication be tween Galway and Halifax, which the map showed to be the shortest line of communication between the two conti nents. I ventured myself to write a pamphlet on the sub ject—although the discerning public would not read it—(a laugh)—to prove what I had believed for many years. The Belfast Chamber of Commerce investigated the subject, and so did various other mercantile bodies throughout Ireland. The Belfast iren said, "If we get this communication from Galway, we will complete the lines of railway from the west to the north—we will semi all our traffic to the west of Ireland—we shall have a mail which will give us our letters and remittances two days earlier than we receive them now ; , and as an integral part of the British empire we think that we have a right to this accommodation." (Hear, hear.) Now, what was the contract ? Not one farthing has been paid upon it yet, and never will be unless it be possible to construct that description of vessel which shall make the passage from Galway to Halifax in six days. When those vessels shall be made and that accomplished the contract may take effect; but not tell then. Now, every member of Parliament from the north, south, east, and west of Ire land was in favour of that communication; but the right hon. baronet, instead of viewing with favour the feeling of an entire nation, and recognising its right to demand a moderate stipend to promote the traffic between two great and free countries, turns round upon the Govern ment, and stigmatises them as corrupt for listen ing to these just and reasonable demands. I warn the right honourable baronet, and he will excuse me for giving him this warning. The elections for Ireland are over. For the first time since 1829 a Conservative majority has been returned. (A. voice—How ?) Let him not suppose that if he do, by the confidence of the country, gain political power, that he can use it not to promote and advance the good of all classes. (Hear, hear.) Is it true that Galway is corrupt ? Why the noble lord who represents that town is in opposition to the Government. The interest of his family is rather given to the noble viscount. I never heard that he has been corrupted by the contract. I have never heard it, and I do not believe it. He will vote, I suppose, against the Government, as he has always manfully done, and that will be the best refutation of the charge that the members of the west of Ireland have been debauched or corrupted. (Hear, hear.) The next point which the right hon. baronet made was the Catholic compact. Too long the Whigs used the religious question for their own benefit. (Cheers.) As long as the Roman Catholics of Ireland voted for the Whigs they were a virtuous, enlightened, grateful, and consistent people. After the Whigs have for many years possessed power and done nothing—after long experience of their in ability to do any good for the country, the Roman Catholics think fit to exercise the franchise in favour of native gen tlemen who in former Parliaments have been their repre sentatives. They say they are tired of all agitators, Peelite and Whig, and they have returned—to their honour be it spoken—men whomthey canbelieve. (Cheers.) I now inform the right hon. baronet that I will retort on him; coalitions are odious. As for myself, Ido represent my native university, and it is the highest honour which I can ever hope to possess. But the right hon. baronet is mistaken if he sup poses that I am about to join him and the religious jour nals, as they are called, which write up the noble viscount by defaming and maligning the Roman Catholics because they thought proper to support, without corruption, men who, I trust, will benefit the empire. A coalition is a very odious thing. There has been a coalition Government. The noble viscount was Home Secretary, and the right hon. baronet was then in office. A coalition was made in Ire land which will never be forgotten, as zhe saying is, "while grass grows and water flows." Mr. John Sadleir was made a Lord of the Treasury. (Cheers.) I have just had in my hands the papers relating to the last of that party. He was placed in the Income-tax-office, and has become a defaulter. One was expelled from this house. Another left it, and another was likewise in the Income-tax-office, and carried off some thousands of pounds of the public money. (Cheers.) That was a coalition which we can all understand and re member. lam of opinion that the rank and distinction which were then given to the leader of the bank gave credit and circulation to its paper, and when ruin overtook the former he asked who was it placed this man in power. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord the member for the City of London is not likely to inquire how it happens i thatis on he ers doe al s not possess that popularity in Ireland to which virtues, commanding talents, and great distinction p might entitle him. I have always received the greatest courtesy from the noble lord, but insult is remembered more than injury. He has described the Protestants as a miserable, • monopolising party. He has described the Roman Catho lics in a passage which is not original, for I found it in one of the orations of Mr. Fox. (Derisive cheers.) . Lord J. RUSSELL—I quoted from Mr. Fox, and I stated at the time that Mr. Fox had used it. (Loud Oppo sition cheers.) Mr. WHITESIDE—We have only been accustomed to it in Ireland in its original shape, and I am glad the noble lord was so candid as to refer to the authority which he quoted. (Loud cries of "Oh I") It is a very small matter to quote from Mr. Fox. We all do it, and we cannot quote from a higher authority. It was said that when Parlia ment created the £l2 voting franchise in Ireland the Con servative party wonld be destroyed ; but the fact is that it is ten times stronger. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. bart. talked of the Catholic combination, and said he had read in the speeches of the hon. member for Dundalk something about a charter, and that we had granted it. — S - ir J. GRAHAM—I said it was incredible that you should advise it. Mr. WHITESIDE—I understood the right hon. baronet to insinuate that, coupled with the fact that I am member • for a Protestant University, though it is not exclusively Protestant, and has not been for the last 60 years, I was to assent in some way to this charter which is to be granted hereafter to a college in Dublin. Sir J. GRAHAM—I said just the reverse, that it was i n credible you should a d v i se such a charter. 41ear.) Mr. WHITESIDE—That is a mode of speech. When a man wishes to state anything he says it is quite incredible. (Loud cheers.) I will give a clear and satisfactory account of what happened on that subject. Twenty - five members of Parliament waited a s a deputation upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as 25 members waited upon 'him in reference to the land question, and they asked the Minister to be good enough to consider the subject. It was totally unconnected with the elections, and I believe occurred a month or two before the election. Let me ask wh they should not do so, if they thought fit? (Hear, hear. We see what am the ideas of the right hon. baronet. I mem bers of Parliament only ask what he approves, they are very well behaved men, but if they notify that they have a de mand to make o a public nature, which is published in the newspapers, 't is some conspiracy. These 25 members did wait upon. the Minister. The Minister heard them for the first time in his life, and informed them that the subject would be considered. Neither myself, nor the Chancellor of the Exchequer, nor the Lord Lieutenant, nor my noble friend the Chief Secretary, nor any one that I know ef, directly or indirectly, gave any promise, express or implied, to induce those gentlemen to give any vote they do not choose to give on this or any other night. (Cheers.) The right hon. baronet is a ccus t ome d t o give us the chilling tes timony of his experience of political life. lam not a very old member, nor have I long been a servant of the Crown but I understand it to b e m y d u t y, as a servant of tb?e Crown, to act directly, honestly, and in a manner will bear the test of investigation, and I do not undere:,, ed the policy to which the right. hon. baronet is accus4,,orned if it be that description of policy to which he mayre f erre d . (Hear.) I will state everything in reference o the Catholic party without reservation. They called or the Minister and asked hint whether he would undel ak --- a settlement of the land question. I believe that is a 'question to ched. The hon whichmem they are sincerely and conscientiously 'atta: ber for Dungarvon applied to . me to know when those bills would be brought in. 11 priest who had b een e called attention to the case of a v Ticted and deprived of the value of his improvements, av -v2l he asked whether such a grievance could not be mine died. I answered that I thought it could, but I never to ! .d any man living, save members of the Go vernment, what would be the provisions of the measures I should T.:epos°. ;They had not the shabby mode of coming and Faiing, " Before we vote, tell us what you can do for us." (Hear, hear.) That independent party have never asked directly or indirectly for a place, and they have never received it. The hon. gentleman refused to be a magistrate of the town which he represents, which I think an absurd decision, because a Roman Catholic has a right to be a magistrate as much as a Protestant. (Cheers.) Mr. Fagan, who is now no more, called attenti on t o th e i nvestigation into the 'University f Dublin,*and said that all the recom rnendationa had not been carried into effect. My noble friend uudertook that question, and we did found some ad ditionea scholarships, which were thrown open to members of the Roman Catholic religion. (Hear, hear.) I am not astamed to have advised and to approve of that measure. Hear, hear.) If the Roman Catholics prefer to come to the ancient university which I represent they will be heartily welcome; they will meet with no insult, no discour tesy; they twill inform their minds by the study of the noble works of antiquity, and will 'come to public life better prepared for the duties which they have to discharge. That has been our conduct with reference tQ Irish measures; and if the people are contented with them, that is the highest praise which the Government can receive. The hon. and learned member for Cork (Mr. Serjeant Deasy) very feel ingly objected to two appointments—throse of the Chan cellor and the Attorney-General. Their was very natural. He thinks that those officers might be, changed with advan tage, and he possesses both the abili ties and the inclination to undertake their duties. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He asked me what the criminal cod e is to be. A measure has been prepared establishing bne criminal statute law for England and Ireland. The conspiracy to murder question and some others are cle•Alt with in that measure, which, while it reduces the ce.aes in which offences are to be punished by death, 'simplifies and consolidates the law ; thus accomplishing "that which, under the administration of the noble visraunt, the Statute Law. Commissioners could never effect Was it, then,' worthy of the right hon. baronet,—is it 'worthy of eminent men in this country to try to raise ar B ainst us the religious question in Irel an d ? (Hear, hear .) We have not compromised our faith or our religion. - We hold both sacred, but we have learnt to think we can rr.aintain both with perfect sincerity and consistency, with charity and justice to all classes of our fellow country mela ; and I am of opinion that the people of Ireland will, whey, they are once satisfied of that, be as willing to give their cor Hence to the Protestant gentry of that country as to any other set of politicians. Never forget the Income-tax. Never forget the conduct of the right hon. gentleman the member for Wells, who, immediately before the debate on the budget of 1852, penned up a small number of Irish members in a corner, and told them that they might be sure the Income-tax would never be extended to Ireland. (Hear, hear.) They rejected the budget, they destroyed the Go vernment, and they got in return the income-tax and a personal explanation. (Cheers.) Recollect that when you give your votes, and do justice to the present Government. Sir R. Peel, when about to be condemned according to the principles of Rhadamanthus, who punished first and in quired afterwards, once said in this house : " I call upon you not to condemn before you have heard, to receive at least the measures I shall propose, to amend them if they are defective, to extend them if they shall fall short of your expectations ; but at least to give me the op portunity of presenting them, that you yourselves may consider and dispose of them." I ask the house, is it just upon the invitation of the two noble lords who have now composed their differences to de stroy the ministry before they have been heard ? (" Oh, oh," and cheers.) And to do it, why ? Observe the fair and manly argument of the hon. member for Birmingham, how unlike the speech of the right hon. baronet I That hon. gentleman said, " I do not object to the dissolution. Ido not object to your foreign policy. Ido not charge you with corruption at the elections, because I have no facts to go upon." On what ground then, does he quaerel with us ? Upon the one single ground of Parliamentary reform. The hon. gentleman is about to descend from being the leader of a great party to become the follower or assistant of the noble lord the member for Tiverton. The noble lord will, no doubt, be very comfort able when he has on one side of him the right hon. member for Ashton-under-Lyne, and on the other the hon. member for Birmingham. (A laugh.) Biography is a delightful study. The hon. member for Birmingham is a master at sketching character, and the noble viscount the member for Tiverton is not behind him in that art. The hon. member for Birmingham has sketched the character of the noble viscount, and the noble viscount has returned the compli ment. The hon. gentleman said of the noble lord— "I have observed the noble viscount's conduct ever since I had the honour of a seat in this house, and the noble vis count will excuse me if I state the reason why I heave often opposed him. The reason is, that the noble viscount treats all these questions, and the house itself, with such a want of seriousness, that it has appeared to me that he has no serious, or sufficiently serious, conviction of the important business that so constantly comes before this house. I judge the noble viscount as a man who has experience, but who with experience has not gained wisdom ; as a man who has age, but who with age has not the gravity of age, and who now, occupying the highest seat of power, has (and I say it with pain) not appeared affected with the due sense of the responsibility that belongs to that elevated position. We are nowin the hands of these two noble lords. They are the authors of the Russian war. It lies between them that peace was not made at Vienna upon some proper terms, and whatever disasters may be in store for this country, or for Europe, they will lie at the doors of these noble lords." (Cheers.) The noble viscount has favoured us with his view of the political character of the hon. member for Bir mingham. Speaking of that hon. gentleman, he said— " He (Mr. Bright) asks me to explain the meaning of the balance' of power. Now, the hon. member for Manchester and I differ so much upon almost every question involving great principles (cheers), that I am afraid I shall be unable to gratify him by complying with his request to explain the meaning of the expression the balance of power.' The hon. member, however, reduces everything to the question o pounds, shillings, and pence, and I verily believe that if this country were threatened with an immediate invasion likely to end in its conquest, the hon. member would sit down, take a piece of paper, and would put on one side of the account the contributions which his Government would require from him for the defence of the liberty and in dependence of the country, and he would put on the other the probable contributions which the general of the in vading army might levy upon Manchester (laughter) ; and if he found that on balancing the account it would be cheaper to be conquered—(renewed laughter)—than to be laid under contributions for defence, he would give his vote against going to war for the liberties and independence of the country rather than bear his share in the expenditure which it would entail." (Laughter and cheers.) Now, sir, I think that a coalition of persons who entertain these agreeable opinions of each other will form a Ministry of which England may be proud, I entertain no doubt that the noble lord and the hon. gentle man will enter upon their duties each with a solemn sense of his responsibility and a firm determination never to yield to anything said by his colleague. The hon. member for Birmingham has a great horror of war, but the members of his philanthropic sect have a peculiar way of making war in their own Cashion. I remember hearing a story of a Quaker who, being on board a ship which was attacked b y pirates, and finding one of them boarding the vessel, clasped him round the waist and dropped him overboard, saying mildly, " Friend, thou hadst no business here." (A laugh.) And in justice to the hon. member for Birmingham I must say that I have no doubt that if an enemy touched our shores, he would be found among our volunteers, and that if he did not fire a rifle he would wield a bludgeon with no little execution. The policy of the hon. member is one of neutrality, but his neutrality means a general disarmament of the country. (Hear, hear.) He says that he will vote for the noble viscount because there is no danger from Aus tria or Sardinia ; he has n o suspicion of any other country, and the best way to show that we have no suspicion is to break up our army, dispose of our ships, and disband our sailors. (No, no, and cheers.) Is that the policy of the noble viscount ? Why, there is not a more bellicose Mini ster than he. He would not allow the honour of England to enemy. be n v T a h d e e d p , e n li o e r y h e f e r t h s e o i l n desecrated ehle viscount by a t foot and that of ff thean hen. member for Birmingham are wide as the poles asunder. Why, then, does the hon. member support a the noble lord ? He says to thgempnresieianyt Government, eh know h t_ l hr o y u e g u h you; I my views while th ll a h t e I able cannot to carry power, and therefore I am det erm i ne d that you wl change places vlenryever well shall says,, , lit m h ill th m e a n k o e bl t e he lo n rcl ob .'i e I T erd he t h he on. Minister, h in en or hearvethadetnle gentleman in effect member for Tiverton kill him and go on breaking may squeeze what I can out of that, him. then, like Warwick, I will king up Ministry after . until I have accomplished that which is the darling object of my life." (Hear.) Now that is a clear and intelligible policy, and it i s manfully avowed. I cannot help congratu lating the h on. gentleman, as well as the right hon. member for Ashton and the right hon. gentleman the member for Wilts, who signed the requisition convening the meeting which took place at Willis's Rooms, on the prospect of the entire unanimity of feeling w hich is likely to pervade the Government of which they are to be members, and upon the circumstance that while they are prepared to agree on matters of principle, they are perfectly ready to set aside mere matters of detail ; such, for instance, as the b a ll o t . (Cheers.) The speech which was made on that question by the late Attorney-General in the course of last session must no doubt have been very_ flattering to the feelings of the noble vicount, in whose Administration he served, while he:must have ,been equally flattered to find that his own remarks upon the same occasion were characterised by one of the staunchest of his adherents (Mr. Berkeley) as "complete rubbish." (Laughter.) For my own part, I have read with no little regret certain statements which have been made as to the constitution of that future Administration which the noble viscount appears so anxious to construct. I have se en placarded the names of more than one hon. and right hon. gentleman, members of the Liberal party, who, it is said, are to be consigned to political extinction. The noble viscount, it seems, is about to take, not a cordial, but, it is to be hoped, a respectful farewell of his old friends, and to find his new Colleagues below the gangway. (Hear, hear.) That is not a course which is likely to enlist the sympathies of an united party, such as that to which I have the honour to belong. (Cheers.) We have stood by one another in the conflict, and we certainly shou ld not dream of pla s card - ing the names of those gentlem en in our ranks them " wh had always been true to their le aders, or sa y ing new Ministry is to be form e d b y the sacrifice of the most A • res p ec t a bl e m embers of the old:" (Cheers.) But, perhaps, it is somewhat presump tuous in me to advert t o a subject of this delicate nature. (A laugh.) I shall content myself with saying further that the question upon which you are called upon to decide by the noble mover of the amendment under discussion is whether, as matters stand, the existing Ad ministration is entitled to your confidence. With respect to the answer which you will return to that question I have come to a different conclusion from that at which the noble viscount opposite seems to have arrived. I confidently an ticipate that your verdict will be pronounced in fof the Government. (Loud cheers.) - Mr. M. GTBSON moved the adjournment of the debate. The house adjourned at 20 minutes to 1 o'clock. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S-THURSDAY. Rot more than half a dozen subscribers were pres en t, and the only bet laid was 500 to 20 agst Thormanby for the Derby, 1860. CHELMSFORD RACES.-THURSDAY. The Cup Stakes of 50 soya, added to a handicap sweep stakes of 10 soya each, 3 ft. Certain penalties. The second to save his stake. One mile and a half. (11 subs.) Mr. W. Trower's Conductor, by Humphrey or Mentor, 4 yrs, 7 s t 41b (Swift) 1 Mr. Mellish' s T ame Deer, 6 yrs, 9st 21b (inc. 91b extra) Colonel Tevi s ' s Ki (Fordham) 2 ng of the Gipsies, 6 yrs, Bst 121 b (S. Rogers) 3 Harry Bluff and Naughty Boy also ran. Betting—Even on Tame Deer, 6 to 4 agst Conductor, 7to 2 agst Harry Bluff. Won by a length and a half; bad third. - The Monks' Hall Stakes of 5 sovs each, with 25 added, for 2-yr-olds ; colts, Bst 31b; fillies, Bst. The winner to be sold for 0 sovs. Half a mile. (3 subs.) Mr. Fleming's f by Connaught Ranger—Pegotty's dam, Bst 61b ' ... (Norman) 1 Mr. J. Ward's fby Sweetmeat—Mayday, Bst (J. Rogers) 2 Mr. Evans' Confusion, Bst 31b Betting-5 to 4on the Mayday filly, 7to . 4 agst the Pe gotty's dam filly. Won by a head, bad third. Tfie win ner was bought in for 155 guineas. The Queen's Plate of 100 guineas ; 3.yr-olds, 7st 7M ; four, 9st ; five, 9st 61b ; six and aged, 9st 91b. Two miles. Mr. Rigby's Tournament, by Touchstone, 5 yrs, 9st 61b (Fordham) 1 Mr. C. Devan's Independence, 3 yrs, 7st 71b (F. Adams) 2 Mr. Barker's Arrow, 5 yrs, 9st 61b (Swift) 3 Captain D. Wright's Harry Bluff, 4 yrs, 9st (S. Rogers) 4 Betting-5 to lon Tournament, who won by half a length, bad third. The Mahlon Stakes of 5 sous each, with 20 added, for 2-yr olds and upwards. Optional selling weights, &e. Ralf a mile. (7 subs.) Captain Bayley's Miss Eleanor, by Alarm, 3 yrs (£4O), 7st 41b (A. Edwards) 1 Mr. Alexanger's Brine, 2 yrs (£4O), sst 71b (Clark) 2 Mr. Angell's Ochiltr ee , 3 y rs (£6O), B e t (Fordham) 3 The following also ran :—Mayday filly, Hassock, Crino line, and Foretop. Betting-6 to 4 agst Miss Eleanor, 7to 4 agst Ochiltree, 4to 1 agst Brine. Won by a neck, a length between the second and third. The winner was sold to Captain Hunt for 95 guineas. The Town Plate Handicap of 50 sows. Winners extra. (One mile.) Mr. J. Holland's Little Nat, 3 yrs, sst 101 b (J. Daley) t 1 Mr. Angell's Ochiltree, 3 yrs, Est (A. Edwards) t 2 Mr. Hodgman's Yorkshire Miss, 3 yrs, Est 61b (car. Est 81b) Indulgence and Eardrop also ran. Betting.—Even on Yorkshire Miss, 4 to 1 agst Ochiltree, sto 1 agst Little Nat, Bto 1 agst Eardrop. A dead heat with Little Nat and Ochiltree ; Yorkshire Miss a bad third. Deciding heat-5 to 4on Little Nat, who won by two lengths. Welter Handicap of 10 sovs each. Gentlemen riders. Pro fcssionals extra. One mile. (4 subs.) • Mr. Angell's Target, 4 yrs, lOst 31b.... (Mr W. Bevill 1 Mc Evans's Naughty Boy, 5 y rs , lO s t 101 b (C a pt. Hunt 2 Mr. B. Land's Hassock, 3 y rs , 9 s t 91b ... (M r. Edwards 3 Betting-4 to lon Target, who won by a length and a half ; two lengths between the second and third. The Scurry Handicap Plate of £3O. Half-a-mile. Captain White's July, 4 yrs, 7st 91b (Fordham) 1 Mr. Blanton's Polly Johnson, 4 yrs, 9st 21b (D. Hughes) 2 Mr. Harvey's Hebe, 4 yrs, Sst 21b (Norman) 3 The following also ran :—Leukothea, Miss Eleanor, fb y Launcelot, and Sunningdale. _ Betting:-5 to 4 agst July, 2to 1 agst Polly Johnson, 5 to 1 agst Leukothea, 6to 1 agst Sunningdale, 7 to I. agst Hebe. Won by a length, a head between the second and third, good fourth, BETTING ON THE COURSE. ASCOT CUP. 3to 1 agst Leamington (taken) DERBY 1860. 1000 to 30 agst colt by The Flying Dutchman, out of Canezou (taken). BEVERLEY RACES.—THURSDAY. Scurry Stakes. _ Jeannie Deans .. Knayton Gin 3 Twelve ran. East Riding Handicap. Flash-in-the-Pan Attraction Meanee colt 3 Seven ran. Londesborough Produce Stakes. - 1 Restes .. - 1 Predictor 2 Golden Dream Twelve ran. Holderness Hunt Stakes. Cheery Chap. Premier... 1 0 Six ran. Gold Cup. Attraction Lazy Lass Charlotte Thirteen ran. There were two starts for this race; the first, Donati came in first, but the Stewards decided they must start again, Donati then refused to go to the post. HUNGERFORD RACES-THURSDAY. The Craven Stakes (Free Handicap), of 5 so y a each, with 30 added. Mr. S. Jacob's Eltham Beauty, by Kingston, 3 yrs, sst 31b (W. Bottom 1 Mr. Wren's Glen Eagle, 5 yrs, 7st 31b (Johnson 2 Mr. Blanton's Broadlands, 4 yrs, 7st 71b..... (Mortimer 3 The following also ran :—Katherine Logie, Bogtrotter, and Kinnersley. Betting-6 to 4 agst Eltham Beauty and Broadlands, 5 :o 1 agst any other. ._. . Kinnersley won the race easily by a length and a half, but was disqualified, as the jockey, on going to scale, was found to be over weight, having weighed 7st llb. The race was then awarded to Eltham Beauty. The Berkshire Stakes (Handicap) of 20 soya each, 10 ft, with 100 added. Mr. It. Ten Broeck's Olympias, by Pyrrhus the First, 3 yrs, 6st 71b (Custance) 1 Mr. F. Higgins's Sobersides, Est 71b (W. Bottom) 2 Mr. Gulliver's Apollo, 4 yrs, Bst 91b (Reeler) 3 The following also ran :—Princess Royal and Clara Webster. Betting-5 to 4on Sobersides, 4to 1 agst Clara Webster, 5 to 1 agst Olympias. Clara Webster and Olympias made the running alter nately, Olympias winning cleverly by half a length ; Sober sides defeating Apollo for second place by three lengths. The Wild Dayrell Stakes of 15 sovs each, 5 ft, with 50 added. Mr. J. Merry's Lady Falconer, Bst bib (inc. 31b extra) (Plumb) 1 Mr. Matthews's Agra, Bst 21b Sherborne also ran. Betting-5 to lon Lady Falconer, who made all the running, and won by two lengths. The Ladies' Plate (Handicap) of £6O. - _ Mr. C. Thorpe's Barege, 4 yrs, 7st 21b: (Ducker) tt 1 Mr. Payne's Cock-a-Whoop, 3 yrs, Est 21b (Drewe) t t 2 Mr. J. Powney's Felicitas, 3 yrs, Est 111 b (W.Bottom) 3 Katherine Logie, Little Gerard, Twilight, Lady Peel, and Pauline, also ran. Betting-7 to 4 each agst Felicitas and Little Gerard, 5 to 1 agst Bare g e. An excitin g s t ruggle resulted in a dead heat. Felicita s was beaten a length from the pair. De ciding heat won by a short head. The Selling Stakes of 3 sous each, with 20 added. Mr. Douglas's F usee , b y Orlando, 3 yrs (£2O), 7st. 81b (Johnson) 1 Mr. W. S. Matthews's Athenian, 2 yrs (£2O), sst 81b (W. Bottom) 2 Mr. Blanto n ' s A rm i n i us, 3 yrs (£3O), 7d Illb (Mortimer) 3 The following also ran :—ch f by Cobnut out of lona, Tapioca, and Norton. ESCAPE AND RECAPTURE OF THREE CONVICTS. —On Tuesday afternoon, as a large party of convicts were employed in the construction of the river wall, adjoining Chatham Dockyard, three of them contrived to effect their escape. At a moment when the attention of the warders in charge was turned to another part of the works, the three convicts stole down to the water's edge, and having seized a boat comm ented pulling across the Med wa y, i n th e direc tion of Cockham-wood, near • Upnor. They were, however immediately missed, and were pursued by the warders in another boat. The convicts refusing to stop when called upon to do so, the warders discharged their muskets at the th e m, but without effect. Just a s th e o the r boats reached attack hacito approachedk Other boats, however, soon came t o the assistance of th e warders, and the men were conve y e d back to the prison. the the convicts s hore, threatenedwarders (ADvEßTisEmENT.)l—Holloway's Pills: When we them, upon which them w ith their oars. con sider how uncertai n are life and health, an d their value is of appreciated by all human beings, it is st range, r in re d ee ee rvi d, e to observe, how often men neglect the means v g these blessings at even the most tr ifli n g cost. T hey pay heavily to insure their premises f rom fire, or their goods from accidents by flood field, but they often put off box of Holloway's Pills, w hich they might keep by them as a charm which will protect the an unfailing sa fegua rd, as until it is too late the expenditur e of rof a few shillings on a p ossessor against a ll diseases. They must certainly do good. If used accor ding to the instructions given with r.J—The following are some of many [ADVERTISSMEI, cures without medicine effected by thousand extraordinary delicious Health Restoring Revalenta Arabica Du Barry's of Indigestion (dyspepsia), flatulency, constipation, each box, they never fail. Food nervo us, bilious and liver c om p la ints, cough, asthma, con sumption, and debility :—Cure No. 41,617 . Wi nchester, December 3, 1847.—Gentlemen, —I am happy to be able to inform you, that the per s on for whom our Revalenta was procured has derived very great benefit from its use ; dis tressing symptoms of dropsy, dyspepsia, and constipation of long standing have been removed, and a feeling of re stored health induced. Having witnessed the benefleal effects in the above mentioned case, I can with confidence recommend it, and shall have much pleasure in doing so whenever an opportunity offers, &c., &c.—James Shorland, late surgeon 96th Regiment.—Cure No. 52,4'22. 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