The Sun. — London, England, 1859-05-23 00:00:00

If. KOSSUTH ON THE WAR IN ITALY. The following is a more extended report of this celebrated orator's speech than appeared in our impression of Saturday : M. Kossuth, who was received most enthusiastically, spoke as follows : My Lord Mayor, Ladies, an d Gentlemen —The cloud, called the " Italian Question," has at last be gun to discharge the electric fluid with which it was over charged for more than forty years. It is a momentous event What likely to become epochal in the history of Europe. is the position which England ought to take in this critical emergency ? Your lordship, whose opinions canes with them a threefold authority, that of an independent English patriot, that of a tried and consistent friend of liberty, and that of the exalted representative of this great commercial metropolis of the world—your lordship has answered the question. The position which England ought to take, and from which she ought not to depart, is that of honest neu trality and strict non-intervention. (Cheers.) I feel greatly honoured in being permitted to take part in the prOceedings of this evening, though I know that in my individual capa city my humble opinions can prend to no weight with this distinguished assembly. Bu t t hough by the stormy waves of national adversity I was cast a homeless exile on the shores of this country—the happy home of the free and the sanctuary of the oppressed—still, the municipality of this great metropolis deigned to receive me as the represen tative of the down-trodden Hungarian nationality—up wards of one hundred cities, boroughs, a nd corporations followed in the wake, and the liberal instincts of the people of England and Scotland vouchsafed to make me the deposi tory of the tokens of their sympathy for my native land. Thus, my Lord Mayor, it fell to my lot prominently to stand identified in public opinion.with the cause of the pressed nationalities, nationalities, and of European liberty. Such being the peculiarity of my individual position, I for one, c annot help deriving corroborate persuasion from the coinc id ence that the conclusion at which your lordship has arrived from an English point of view is exactly the s ame at which • I have arrived from a European poi nt of view. (Cheere.) As an exile, as a Hungarian, as a member of an oppressed nationality, as a man identified in all his aspirations with the • cause of its emancipation, I repeat, as an ardent prayer, what your lordship advanced as the well-matured vote of an England •: English patriot—that . should deliberately adhere to the policy of hone st neutrality and strict non-interven tion. (Hear, hear.) If, in consequence of this concurrence of opinions, 'I were to be asked whether I anticipate that the war which is just commencing may eventually result to the advantage of the cause with which every aspiration of my heart is identified, I should unhesitatingly declare that I do anticipate such an eventual result, provided England does not divert into a wrong channel the natural course of events by interfering with the war. (Cheers.) This antici• pation does not flow, my Lord Mayor, from the excitement which recent events must naturally have operated on my feelings. Adversity is a great teacher, my lord, and the icy finger of time is a mighty disenchanter. I have much suf fered in the last ten years of my tempest-tossed life, but in compensation I have learned something—l have learned not to clutch with eager impatience the fleeting forelock of illu sory hopes. I have learnt with calm reflection to trace the • law of concatenation between cause and effect which pre sides over the logic of history. Taking my stand on this law, I rest my anticipations on the incontrovertible axiom that the difficulties of the oppressor may become a chance of deliverance for the oppressed. I see Francis Joseph of Aus tria—the murderer of my nation—:(loud cheers)—the blood stained usurper of my country—engaged in a great war. I reflect on the relative position of the contending parties and on the strategical necessities which must develop themselves in the course of the war, and I come to the conclusion that at no distant time emancipation will be within the reach of some ef those nationalities the oppression of whom by the • house of -Austria is the great European nuisance, without the removal of which, patchwork arrangements may be de vised calculated to disguise for a little while longer the dry ' rot of the political structure of Europe, but both; a permanent peace and a settled condition of the Euro • pean community are utterly Impossible. Your lordship has appropriately !alluded to the royal proclamation by which her Majesty's Government has entered into a public pledge to abstain from taking any part, directly or indi rectly, in the war which has just commenced on the Conti nent, and to maintain a strict and impartial neutrality. . This certainly is a right move in the right direction. Con dign credit is owing to her Majesty's Government for the constitutional spirit which they displayed in showing due regard for the demands of public opinion, manifested with more than ordinary emphasis, both from the hustings during the elections, and by numerous meetings held since. So far so good. But I make bold to say that if it he desired that the proclaimed neutrality should assume the character of a settled rule, not subject to eventual modifications, it is, even more than before, necessary that the expression of public opinion should not relax ; nay, that it should be made even more explicit than hitherto, in order that no room may be left for any doubt as to the sense in which the people of these realms desire the proclaimed principle ef neutrality to be understood, and as to the consistency with which it ought to be acted upon. Neutrality is a general expression, yet it implies a special meaning the bearing of which can not be fully fathomed unless we have it clearly understood with which of the contending parties her Majesty's Govern ment would side if they were not to remain neutral. (Hear, hear.) Now, my lord, Ido not remember to have heard of one single official or semi-official declaration which has left the impression on my mind that if her Majesty's Govern ment were not to remain neutral they would side with Sar dinia and France against Austria. But I have heard of many declarations forcibly leading to the inference, that the alternative was either neutrality or else support of Aus tria. (Loud cries of " No, no.") It was always universally admitted that in the *beginning England was to remain neutral ; but it was- added, that she should watch what turn events would take, and should arm in the meantime, so as to be prepared to do—what? To repel any ag gression on her territories, colonies, and depen dencies ? course, that should be done, that would be done, and gloriously,-too. " Come, the three corners of the world • in arms"—you know the rest of the proud, bold strain. But this has nothing to do with neutrality or non-neutrality ; this is a question of attack and defence, and the plainest common sense reflection will suggest that England will not be attacked in this war, if she does not run into it hereon'. (Cheers.) No, it was said that England should artr4 in order to be prepared to protect her interests. Again, I should say so far so good ; only that 6' interest" is a very vague word ; it mat , mean nothing, or it nifty mean any thing to suit the fancy of the coming moment. (Hear.) But we have been vouchsafed a foretaste of what it might mean. We have been told that if a French fleet should enter the Adriatic, it might be the interest of England to oppose it; we have been told, and on high authority too, that if Trieste were to be atteeked, it might be the intefest of England to defend it ; nay, the inspired ministerial den didate for the West Riding of Yorkshire even told the elec tors that it might be the interest of - England to protect Venice. From what ? Of course, from the great misfor tune of getting emancipated from the detested yoke of Austria. (Cheers.) Thus, turn it as we may, the alterna tive is this—either England remains neutral, or else she will be brought to support Austria. If in this war Eng land were to depart from the principle of strict and impar tial neutrality, you would be in dang er of seeing the colours of England nailed to the mast of A ustria—you would have the fair name of Britannia coupled to that Babylon of abomination whose power rests on a tissue of conduct which, as Professor Newman remarks, in his work on the Crimes of the House of Austria, even in the ancient hea then times caused the holders of power thus gained to be regarded as self-outlawed, hateful to gods, and descry ' ing of no defence from men. This feature of the case, that departure from the principle of neutrality means support• of Austria, should never for a moment be lost sight of. It will convince every true-hearted Englishman that, though the proclamation of neutrality is deserving of unre served approbation, there is much left to be watched, to be cleared up, and to be controlled by public opinion. The im portant question is—What is the world to understand by the assurance that the English Government are firmly purposed and determined to abstain from taking any part in this war ? Is this declaration made under the tacit proviso that England will remain neutral provided the war remains re stricted to Italy, or is it meant to intimate that England will adhere to the principle of impartial neutrality and strict non intervention, although, in the natural course of events, the area of the conflict may happen to be extended to other parts of the Austrian dominions, and the eventual issue of the complications happen to be correspondingly enlarged.? I Wish this assembly to come to a proper conclusion on this subje c t, I shall, therefore, with your leave, my lord, enter on a bri e f i nqu i ry as to certa i n preconceived ideas—l might vfell_call them p re j u di ces — w hi c h, if .they are not empha tically repudiated by public opinion, will be likely to drift England into the war, in spite of the prospects held out by the proclamation of neutrality. These prejudices turn, in the first place, around a radically erroneous interpreta tion of what is ca ll e d the Italian question ' • secondly, around the undue re gar d s w hi ch we hear professed on the part of England for the treaties of 131.5; thirdly, around what diplomatists call the localisation O f the and lastly, around that greatest of a ll imaginable misconcep tions, that the integrity of the Austrian emp ire is essential to the maintenance of the balance o f power. May it please your lordship to allow me to make some remarks on each of these points. First, as to the real merit of the Italian ques tion. .There are commotions which owe their origin to maladministration and misgovernment. These may h e put to rest by seasonable concessions, improvements, refor ms , But, my lord, ill-governed as Italy is, with the exception of Piedmont, the Italian question is not of this character. The problem imperatively claiming its adequate solnti on i n the Italian question is not such or another form of Govern ment, such or another abuse or grievance, demanding such or another improvement, concession, redress. No ; the Italian question is a question of nationality. And because it is a question of nationality, the first and foremost p oint in its practi ca l so l u ti on i s, the total and definitive expulsion of Austria from itary---(cheers)—her expulsion in such a manner that she should not be able to go back. (Ileneived cheers.) Many political questions may admit of a compro miss ; but this is one of those which cannot admit of com promise. Either Austria must be definitively ejected from Italy or else, do what the powers of Europe may, the Italian question will recur again and aga i n . N o atiministra tiv-e reforms, no re-adjustment of provincial frontiers, could conjure it, and no terroristu could stifle it. Nothing short of the utter extermination of the Italians could secure the rule of Austria in Italy: -and a nation of twenty-six mil - lions baffles even extermination. la ell wrote Lord Napier to Viscount Palmerston, in 1848. "The Italians may be crushed, but will not be extirpated. The enthusiasm of hope will kindle, and the broken thread will be knit again and again." It is front this nature of the Italian question that already, in 1844, when the Papal dominions were even worse governed than they are now—and to say this is tb say vary much indeed--(laughter)-:-the moderate liberal parts , —I say the moderate party—deelared to the Papal Corn . missaries that howsoever dreadful, howsoever insupportable were the particular sufferings of the Roman people, their questions with the Government had for them but a scenll dary interest—the principal was Italy—that what revolted their feelings more than anything else was, that the. Papal Government had made itself the slave of Austria in ' Italy, and that whenever an opportunitl for fighting the A. - ustrians should offer itself, the Romans would join in the • fif•ht with the energies of a wearied and indignant people, because the life of all Italy was elevated to the sentiment of nationality . It is likewis; j owinYie this nature of theltalisn question, that when Veni c e and Lomb a rdy had . t, en in • 1!,18 the whole of Italy united in a crtuade against Austria. The same nature of the Italian question explains the fact that when, in 1848, from fear lent the French might enter Austria offered to the Provisional Government of Ntilan the unconditional independence of Lombardy, with fs.culty to dispose of themselves a they might please, the Milanese rejected the offer with the declaration that they would never separate themselves front their Venetian bre thren, and that they would fight not for Lombardy, but for ]ltaly. It is equally front this nature of the Italian ainestinn ghat we see, at this very moment, the people of Piedmont, I ;hough happy and contented with their own condition; cheer ::'illy accept all the sacrifices and sufferings of war, waged in the most barbarous manner by the enemy--(hear)—that King Victor Emmanuel having inscribed on his banner the ne d p e ndence of Italy, sees a great numb er o f republicans `rallying aroufld him, just as the mona rc hi sts would have rallied round the banner of Italy if the republi cans had un f arled it with a reasonable prospect of success. It is from tits same cause that Tuscany threw itself into the arms of the King of Piedmont ; that volunteers from . all parts of Italy flock to the banner of the King; that the most extraordinary measures of rigour have to be resorted to in Naples to prevent the people from joining them ; and, last, not least, to the same cause is it due that we see the French received with joy and enthusiasm in Italy. (Cheers.) Now it does strike me that in all the transactions preceding the declaration of war by Austria there was this shortcoming in the policy of England, that the Italian ques tion was not viewed as a question of nationality, but was viewed as one that might and should be solved on the basis of Austria retaining her Italian possessions, if she would only consent not to interfere with the rest of Italy. I shall not now enter on the task of showing that it is the strangest of all strange misconceptions to believe that Austria may be left in the possession of Venice and Lombardy, and that she could be bound by any treaties, by any arrang,ements , not to exert the preponderating influence of her position on central and southern Italy in the direction of that principle of unmitigated despotism in which the house of Austria lives and moves and has its being. To show this I should have to refer to diplomatic documents which plight not to have escaped the attention of contemporary statesmen, but which would carry me to a greater length than I can afford on the present occasion. Therefore I will only remark, that unless it be explicitly understood throughout Europe that the maintenance of Austria in her ill-gotten Italian posses sions does not enter into the intents and purposes of Eng land, no proclamations of neutrality will preserve your country from, sooner or later, being drifted into the war in consequence of entangling alliances, for which it is manifest that mighty influences are at work. (Hear.) It is a strange sight to see what is going on in Germany. That the Ger man nation, which hardly ever was united in any single purpose, should appear ready to sink for once all dissensions in the determination to resist a supposed dash of the French at the Rhine—this, my lord, justly commands the approba tion of every sensible man. There is, however, much of a false alarm at the bottom of that agitation, as it is perfectly absurd to suppose that the French Government, having already one war on hand, could meditate an attack on the Rhine—an attack directed, not against Austria, but against Prussia and the confederated minor states—an attack which would be sure to put a mighty European coalition in battle order against France. The fact is, that there are influences at work to turn thp, patriotic feelings of the German nation to the profit of the house of Austria, for maintaining their foot planted oil the neck of other nationalities, which have as much right to assert, or to re-assert, an independent na tional existence as Germany has to maintain hers. (Cheers.) But believe me, gentlemen, in spite of the prevailing excite ment, the noble instincts of the German nation could never be deluded into the disgraceful part of being made the valet de beereau (hangman's assistant) of the House of Austria, for enslaving other nationalities, unless it was sup posed that England's government sympathised with Aus tria, that England's government thought her entitled to retain her Italian possessions, and was favourable to the idea that the integrity of her dominions should be main tained. (Hear, hear.) Unfortunately, it has been pro claimed in Parliament, by the official organ of England's foreign policy, that Austria has strong claims on your sym pathy because she is kindred in race to Anglo-Saxon Eng land. (Laughter.) 'Well, I am bound to remark, in all humility, that this pitiful appeal to your commiseration happens to be a very unfortunate display of proficiency in ethnographic studies. The unnatural compound of hetero geneous elements, formed by a long series of usurpations, which goes by the name of Austria, is so far from being kindred in race to England, is so far from being German, that, though at the last census of 1851 the government of Austria employed both artifice and terrorism to establish for their dominions the character of German nationality ; they found it impossible to raise the number of their Ger man subjects higher than to about seven millions out of a population of 37 millions. (Hear, hear.) In fact, Austria is the only Power in Europe which has no national charac ter ; it is of no country, of no race—it is just a dynasty and nothing more • it is simply the House of Hapsburg —no, not even that ; everything in that accursed house is usurpation, down to their very name ; they are not Hapsburgs, they are Lorrain-Vaudemonts, rebellious crown officers of France, as Napoleon I. used to style them—not they, but the Lords Den . bigh of the house of Fielding are the only Hapsburgs on earth. However, since such declarations of sympathy, coupled with recognitions of the pretended rights of Austria, went forth in an official manner from the English Government, it is not to be wondered at that the impression prevails throughout Germany, and throughout the Austrian dominions, that in spite of the declaration of neutrality England will come round by and bye, and in one way or another will find some pretext for either directly supporting Austria or assisting Germany in supporting; her. (Hear, hear.) This impres sion exerts such a detrimental influence on the spirit of the oppressed nationalities as I am sure every liberal-minded Englishman will lament. On the other hand, it pushes Germany into a false direction, which if not checked in time will, sooner or later, first entangle England into untoward combinations, and then drift her, under some eventual pretext, into the war. I think it, therefore, urgent that, while approving of the policy of impartial neutrality and strict non-intervention, the public opinion of the English t nation should emphatically repudiate the idea of lending, under any circumstances, her support to. Austria against the nationalities op reseed by her. (Loud cheers.) I now come to the pretended inviolability of the treaties of 1815. It is the more important to have the mist of prejudices cleared away in this regard, as it can admit of no doubt that should it so happen (which God forefend !) that Ehgland were to depart from the principle of neutrality it would be done in favour of Austria, it would be done on the ground and under the pretext of the inviolability of the treaties of 1815. It is woeful to remember, my lord, that the sovereigns who, on pretence of asserting the liberties of Europe, enticed the nations to shed their blood in streams for nearly a full quarter of a century, and to waste away the prosperity of generations for the preservation of dynasties, at last re quited the deluded natfuis, at the Congress of Vienna, by selling and bartering t e ‘tem like cattle, and by treating Europe like an allodialfarnie (Bear, hear.) Thus it isl that Lombardy, thus it is that Venice, the Fairy City, robbed of its glorious independence of th irteen hundred y ears' standing, were tossed over like a cr!cket-ball into the grasp of the House of Austria. (Hear, hear) These last forty four years of Italian life, with their groans, with their ever-growing hatred and discontent, whit their ever-recur ring commotions, conspiracies, revolts, revolutions, with their scaffolds soaked ' in the blood of pan - efts, with their horrors of Spielberg and Mantua, and with the chafing anger with which the words, " Out with the Austrians," tremble on the lip of every Italian—these forty-four years are recorded in history as a standing protest against those impious treaties. The robbed protested loudly enough against the compact of the robbers. (Cheers.) Yet, for sooth, we arc still told that the treaties of 1815 are invio lable ! Why, I have heard it reported that England rang with a merry peal when the stern inward judge, conscience, led the hand of Castlereagh to suicide ; and shall we, in , 18.59, be offered the sight of England plunging into the in calculable calamities of a great war for no better purpose than to uphold the accursed work of the Castlereaghs, and front no better motive than to keep the accursed House of Austria safe ? (Cheers.) Inviolable treaties, indeed 1 Why, my lord, the forty-four years that have since passed have cribbled those treaties like a sieve. The Bourbons, whom they restored to the throne of France, have vanished, and the Bonapartes, whom they proscribed, arc restored. (Hear, hear.) Tsvo changes—the transformation of Swit zerland from a confederation of states into a confederated state, and the independence of Belgium , have been accom plished in spite of those treaties, to the profit of liberty ; but for the rest, the distinctive feature of the cribbling process through which those treaties have passed is this, that every poor plant of freedom which they had spared has been uprooted by the unsparing hand of despotism. From the Republic of Cracow, poor remnant of Poland, swallowed by Austria, down to the freedom of the press, guaranteed to Germany, but reduced to such a condition that in the native land of Guttenberg, not one poor square yard of soil is left to set a free press upon, everything that was not of evil in those inviolable treaties has been trampled down to the profit of despotism, of concordats, of Jesuits, and of benighting darkness. All these violations of the inviolable treaties were accomplished without England once shaking her mighty trident to forbid it; and shall it be recorded in history that when the object is to drive Austria from Italy, when the natural logic of this - undertaking might present my own native land with a chance' of that deliverance to which England bade God speed with a mighty outcry of sympathy, rolling like a thun der from John o'Groat's to the Land's End—that deliver ance for which prayers have ascended and are ascending still to the Father of mankind from millions of British hearts—shall it be recorded in history that at such a time, under such circumstances, England plunged into the hor rors and calamities of war—nay, that she took upon herself to make this war long and universal, for the mere purpose of upholding the inviolability of these rotten treaties, those highwaymen compacts, in favour of despotic, priest-ridden, bankrupt Austria, good for nothing on earth except to spread darkness and to perpetuate servitude ? (Cheers.) There you have that Austria in Piedmont carrying on war in a manner that recalls to memory the horrors of the bygone ages of barbarism—(loud cheers) —allowing her rigorously disciplined soldiers to act the part of robbers lot loose upon an unoffending population, to offer violence to helpless women, to outrage daughters in presence of their parents, and revel in such other savage crimes as the blood of civi lised men curdles at hearing related, and the tongue falters in relating. (Hear, hear.) Such she was always • these hor rors but faintly reflect what Hungary had to suffer from her in our late war. (Hear.) And shall it be said that _Eng land, the home of gentlemen, sent her brave sons to shed their blood, to stain their honour, in fighting side by side • with such a " Soldatesca," for the maintenance of those highwayman-compacts of 1815 to the profit of that Austria? No, let the people of England raise loud their mighty voice —let them thunder forth the forbidding words, " No, this shallnot be," let them give to the government of the na tion the pillar of the nation's clearly expressed will to lean 1-, aga a in n against t the af .a Pell, remind o th em th a t th e y are the ministers of England 1. influence Austria, andaf foreign fortify insidioustheir national w his position peri n g There is danger, I tell you, men of En land there •danger before your do ors . D o not g blindly confide iis n appearances. The wooden and iron bulwarks ale of England went forth to the Mediterranean with se silent papers should have had something to What if those Orion, moored athwarl the port 141. g to do with the ship and so as to impede the disembarkation of French troops, refusing i t u indigna tion move an inch out of the way ? It is ruurecl petty ship. of the Genoese was loud, that England's en na t v h al officers annoy m an N a ce: to recurrencero w them a f t to their isti,aleittuepioina.ohyreetba,suret were obliged to stay all night ashore, as even oNl'-ariations, and, as chance, m ay be design, butat all events calculated to annoy the French and Italians, and to provoke some untoward shouldgondolier hear re o fu f se th d e collision, t; upon the e talked d n o d f o in f stirringwhich y you have been appropriately.warned by the Times, y ou may go to bed one evening believing yourself at peace,- and may wake on the morrow finding yourself at war ? And all this for:the glorious purpose of vindicating the inviolability o f the precious treaties of 1815. (Cheers.) Let the people's voice keep England out of war till Parliament meets. Par liament will keep her safe when it shall have mot. (Cheers.) The hustings gave a guarantee for this. But if the eople relax in watchfulness, the evil of an " Acc omplished p fact" may come betw e en which even Parlituneat may find it dif • ticult to redress. The third point Which I have to elucidate is what diplomatists cull the localisation of the war. If this expression has any meaning at all, Ales wean t to say that rim i war shill be fOught out on Italian territory. Well, my lord, I apprehend that those who say ti , .} talk absoluta nonsense ; they have not consulted the most elementary principles of 1 strategy. If the war hi to have any issue, the A-astriansinust I not only be ejected front Italy they must be ejected iu such a ' manner that they shall not b able to go back ag4ill• Tac tical victories, without a strategical result, never have finished a war, nor ever will. (Hear, bear.) Now, in die t le zir of the fortified defensive position of the Austrians, he tv.leen the llinciu and the Adige, and at a liti, distance beyond' the Tagli ennento, is the frontier line which sepa rates Lombardy and Venice from the other dominions de Austria. Well, imagine that the Austrians, attacked in front in that famous position, despair of holding- their ground, and retire behind the Tagliantento. Does England mean to say that France and Piedmont 41111 be forbidden to follow them ? (Hear.) Does England mean to say that Austria, being at war, should enjoy all the advantages 0 neutrality in her seas, or. on her own territory ?—that she has only to retire beyond a certain thie, there stop, and mock her enemies, because these would be obliged, by the localisation principle, not to overstep the Italian territory, (Hear t h 'ear.) Why this is absolutely preposterous. (Hear.) We in on T war of independence ejected three armies in suc cession fn lm our territory ; they flew across the frontiers of neighbour lug Turkey, and we did not follow them from re spect for th e neutral rights of our neighbour. But Turkey , did not disa. sin the ejected Austrians, as by the law of na tions she °nett to have done ; and the result was, that they came back, acid t sttacked us again. (Hear, hear.) How ever, in that erase they retreated to a territory which was not their owsi awl, therefore, was und er the rights and duties of neutrality. But in the present case it is pretended, upon the 4,rinciple of localisation, that Austria, though bel ligerent, should enjoy all the privileges of neutrality in her own'seas and on her territory. She does not confine her means of Nsarfare to those resources which she might draw from Italy; they w euld be scanty resources indeed.. No, she uses every nook of her dominions, whether connected with the Germanic confederation or not, for raising armies, and drawing every implement and supplement of warfare from everywhere. Yet it is pretended that the powers with whom she is at war should hold her territory inviolable be yond Italy; it is pretended that she may be belligerent, but should be thought neutral too. (Hear.) Again I say that is absolute nonsense. (Cheers.) There is yet another conside ration. The strategical position of Austria in the 'famous square between the Mincio and Adige, with its four fortresses on its four corners, one of them, Verona, not a mere fortress, but a fortified camp, capable of sheltering 60,000 men— that position is not 'what it was in the famous campaign of 1796. It was like am embryo then, it is like a giant now. (Hear, hear.) And diplomacy comes with its idea of locali sation, and claims from France and Piedmont that they should be content with a front attack—content, as it were, with running their heads against a wall ; and that they should abstain from taking the power of Austria in flank or rear, either by sea or bar land, or any other point of her dominions. Why, the pretension is absolutely monstrous ! (Hear, hear.) Then, what is to be inferred from these con siderations, with regard to the policy of England ? It would be utterly vain to speculate upon what England would have to do if France NV9re to dash at the Rhine, and occupy Belgium, or attack Germany, because no man in his senses can think that the Emperor of the French can be ex tremely anxious to get Prussia and Germany to turn upon him while he has Austria on his hands. If he be attacked by them, he will of course defend himself, and will not be without allies I imagine ; but that he should intend to attack them is an idle dream. Therefore, you ought to consider the war, such as it is; Piedmont and France on the one hand, and the House of Austria on the other; and on this ground I should ask;—Are you willing to guarantee with your blood and money to belligerent Austria the privi leges of neutrality for her non-Italian possessions ? Are you willing to have your country plunged in war for the purpose of protecting Austria from such military operations as, consistently with the law of nations, her antagonists may think fit to direct against her without Italy ? If you are not prepared to do this (as I trust you are not), well 'then, do not rest satisfied with vague declarations, but go straight to the practical point, and let it be clearly under stood by the Government, that whether the battle-field be confined to the Po, or extend to any other portion of the Austrian dominions, you wish England to maintain a strict and impartial neutrality, and that you will as little vote one penny of subsidy, or sacrifice one drop of English blood, for the safety of Austria in the Adriatic, on the Danube, or on the Theiss, as you would do it for her safety on the Po. (Cheers.) I think it both urgent and important, my Lord Mayor, that public opinion should'be explicit in its mani festations, because I cannot forget that some distinguished members" of her Majesty's Government hinted at the possibility of England flying to the rescue of Austria, if she were to be attacked in the. Adriatic. (Hear, hear.) And I ask what is that Austria to you, that she should be hugged. to the protecting bosom of Britannia, at the cost of your blood to be shed in streams, of your money to be spent by hundreds of millions, at the cost of bringing incalculable confusion into your commercial re lations, inflicting deep wounds, it may be incurable wounds, on your prosperity, checking your progress, and arresting the course of your peaceful reforms? (Hear, and cheers.) What, I ask, what is the house of Austria to you ? (Re newed cheers.) Is its existence advantageous to your com mercial interests ? Why, just consult the latest returns of the Board of Trade, and you will see that your commerce with small but free Belgium is nearly six times as extensive as your commerce with the big Austrian empire. (Hear, hear.) Uruguay nearly equals it, the Philippine Islands, poor Norway, and little Greece, rank each before Austria. But I know that when the heterogeneous compound of that European nuisance is once dissolved, your commercial in tercourse with Hungary alone must be ten times as exten sive as it is with the whole Austrian empire now. Or is it true,. as some have told you, that Austria is your useful ally, both faithful and true? (Laughter.) Useful, indeed I know that Austria was the insatiable pensioner of England; that she was the bottomless sack into which England poured millions from the life-sweat of her industrious people. I know that in the late French warn you gave her the little snug sum of 17 millions of pounds; but what advantage you have got from her in return is not yet recorded in his tory. (Laughter.) T know that you have saved Austria, but I do not know that you areindebted for yoursafety, for your rank among the nations, for your prosperity, or for your freedom to her. (Cheers.) A dear ally she was to you, for sooth; only too dear. But how " useful ?" That I have Yet to learn. Austria your ally, faithful and true ! Why gentlemen, remember the Crimean war. Cast your eyes at the gloomy churchyard field before Sebastopol. It is faithful Austria, that pale phantom of death, that sent your heroes to die in vain on that barren field, while she stood idly by without firing a shot, without raising a finger, in return for all your consideration for her. (Hear.) But if I can find no answer to the question, " What is Austria to England ?" I could tell you a tale of horrors about what Austria is to the great birthright of mankind—liberty, what she is to freedom of conscience, what she is to culture and enlightenment, what she is to everything that good men prize. No, Eng land cannot, England will not, load herself with the re proach of oppressed millions by stepping between Austria and retribution, for which she appears to be marked by the finger of a long-forbearing but just Providence, whose ways are often mysterious. And why, I ask, why should England plunge into the calamities of war to keep that Austria safe? One answer is given to this question which brings me to the last chapter of my remarks. It is said that the integrity of the Austrian empire is necessary to the maintenance of the balance of power. Oh, this word, spectre as it is, that cannot' stand the light of common sense, this word is a terrible Moloch, to which right, justice, political morality, freedom, and the existence of nations, have been immolated as so many holocausts. (Hear, hear.) Let it not be said that England persisted in perpetuating the sacrifice. I shall not now enter on a theoretical elucidation of the fallacies of this cabalistic, abracadabra of balance of power, which unlike that of the olden Syrians, creates the diseases which it is in tended to cure. I shall restrict myself to one remark of a practical character.. Artificial states, without either organic cohesion or harmonising cement, are an incitement to war, instead of constituting a check upon it. (Hear.) Against what kind of preponderance is the Austrian empire meant to constitute a barrier? Evidently either against Russia or against France. Well, as to Russia. There are in the Austrian empire 17 millions of people belonging to the Sclavonic race ; all of them discontented, because not only oppressed politically, but also deprived of national exist ence. Now, imagine Russia desiring to strike an ambi tious blow anywhere. 'Will Austria be a barrier to her ? Was she ever a barrier at any single moment of the past ? Why, Russia need only to say, as the Czar Alexander instructed Admiral Tsitsakoff to say if he found Austria playing fast and loOse, " Ye 17 millions rise against the oppressor of your nationality—here I am to help you ;" and they will rise ; and where will Austria be ? This is the reason why Austria did not dare to draw her sword in, the late Crimean war. Is that a barrier? Why, it is a high road inviting ambition to an easy march. (Cheers.) Now, reverse the picture. Let those 17 millions be d e li vere d frointhe Austrian yoke, and they would be what Sclavonic Poland was till quartered with the concurrence of Austria. Again, as to France. On the 19th November last I spoke at Glasgow the following words :—" In any war in which France will stand on the one side and Austria on the other, .France has but to advance to the frontiers of any of the nationalities oppressed by Austria and say, ' Here I am to help you, rise and throw off the yoke of Austria,' and they will hail the invitation with enthusiasm." You are just on the eve of seeing this anticipation realised in Italy. As the French advance you may see in them new Deucalions raising up an Armed foe to Austria from every stone. And you may see the anticipation by-and-by realised in other quarters too. If Austria held not Italy in her grasp, would an Italian question be possible ? No, Austria is not a barrier; her very existence is the sword of Damocles sus pended over the settled condition of Europe, it is the cavern from which the kriNisiCan volcano is fed. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Let Austria vanish' into the gulf of eternal perdi tion which is yawning for her—(cheers)—and we may yet hear, perhaps, of local revolutions, but they will remain mere domestic affairs ; European wars of ambition will be come for ever impossible, and you will not see any longer the lifesweat of Europe drained' by the keeping up of large standing armies, because the independence of every nation will find a guarantee in the independence of all. (Cheers.) The truth is veryplain, my lord. The nations agglomerated into the artificial compound called Austria certainly contain considerable elements of power ; but it is a very great mis conception to deduce from this fact the inference that the Austrian empire is a powerful ingredient in what is called the system of the balance of power. The world has pro gressed, my lord. The sentiment of nationality which 50 years ago the dynasties aroused for the protection of their thrones is strongly developed everywhere. If it be strong in the German nation it is equally strong in the Italian, Hungarian, and Sclavonic nationalities—nay, even stron ger, because these are subject to foreign domination. Therefore the fact is, that the nations which are yoked together under the strictly military rule of Austria detest that rule. Con sequently, in any war waged against Austria, one or another of them, it may be all of them, will always be found ready to join any foreign power against Austria. Those nations, emancipated from the yoke of Austria p would certainly form powerful bulwarks of Europe's independence, but coupled together by force and violence in an unnatural compound which they detest, they are not a barrier but a vulnerable point of Europe's peace and security. (Cheers.) I have thus endeavoured, my Lord. Mayor, to elucidate the four points which I beg the meeting well to consider, because it is on the view which the English natimrshall take of these points, that the policy of England will eventually depend.' (Hear hear.) There is one point more to which I desire to advert. It is said that if the Italians, if the other nationali ties whom Austria holds in bondage, would act alone, Eng land would not feel tempted to intervene, but the French intervention alters the case. (Hear, hear.) It is said that the Emperor of the French cannot be actuated by any other than ambitions views—(hear, hear)—that he means con quest ; and this England should not allow ; nor should Italy, ca' the other oppressed nationalities, lend their hands for exchanging one task-master for another. (Hear, hear ) These are grave considerations, indeed, and here is my brief, plain answer to them. It is easy to say that the oppressed nationalities should act alone. Unity of will and harmony of design are not everythine. ; action must be combined on a preconcerted plan, and before that combination• can be arrived at in countries where speech is stifled, and the press is gagged, the disciplined army crushes the unorganised o h ; t :d ea : riab masses, liberty-loving l t l i oe n v d l2,fl the' hangman odpiTed the rest. (Hear, hear.) This is the key to the mystery b n o i n il d li a o g n e s maybe b an e i‘fint:irt which iut re 11 3 g t on ... i t i r I,, e ih:sai:odai a sfu r tt e do:t i oenes t cap h efio,dl e : nel instances oppression edelolseroldlded soldiers nrs i n history b lt i t . :l ye th ,as e i:ti rs in , was achieved The United States naoi,findnA:nristeh and r America a Data fleet of 500 sail independence. (Isms, hear.) Even it was N ' v v i tehn these England, that heroic and , of despotic D in utc e h st G ab r l e i Orange Cant to the rescue of her liberties. (Hear.) We Hungarians achieved our independence without foreign as ssasnce, but it was by foreign intervention that wo were minds of Governments and of aristocrats that they raise call the intervention of the enslaved. What curious change has su dden - come on a over the in Sicily, at route, 34101d0- we in Baden, in Schleswig-Hol, F a ill-eunteritin c l ry tal l y ga ? il lriy h , at m t y lu l y ord, for about 40 years have scarssi ly beard of anything else than foreign interven liberty. Therehas wh4eseniati:Vterlt:trioninitgaSl)airthlitti s ti t o e n in, resainst one poor word of ob- I do not know that Englao hsieverdrawn her laNivtbeaNrtuaa:p:ehial_avenesry,d, isinn*oPuroiendntilignaaorinyet: sword to forbid it. Sometimes a tame - remorAtranc e may , have been offered ; but in the case of ray own dear native land gneand's GoYerginellt had not even THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MAY 23, 18594 1" servatiort to offer. (Hear, heart) Well, here at last is a case in which a chance of emancipation from the yoke of Austria is presenting itself by an intervention (if interven. tion it be), and a hue and cry is raised against it, and prin ciples are invoked in favour of oppression which were never invoked in favour of the oppressed. (Hear.) It is afdiscredit able hypocrisy.. Let Austria be replaced in the position into which the heroic arms of my nation had hurled her in 1849, before foreign intervention lifted her up from the dust, and be sure neither Italy nor we shall want any assistance; but if England permitted Austria to be saved, and the rights of nationalities to be crushed by foreign intervention, let it not be recorded that, when such intervention might have turned to the advantage of the oppressed nationalities, then only was it opposed for the first time by that England which was so much indebted herself to foreign assistance for her deliverance from oppression. (Cheers.) Besides, in this case there is not exactly intervention, there is war between established governments. That one or more nationalities may take advantage of the opportunity is, I should think, not exactly a proper reason for England to throw, Brennus-like, her sword into the scale in favour of Austria, a name synonymous with oppression, and with the murder of nationahes. (Cheers.) What may be the special motives which induced the present ruler of France to engage in. this war I do not pretend to know, but I know what cannot i)e in his interest, and therefore cannot be in his intentions. It cannot be in his interest to enter on the career of a conqueror, because that would be positive ruin to him, as it was the ruin of Napoleon .I. Nay, though that great captain was certainly an ambitious man, yet I feel perfectly certain that if he was to rise this day from his grave, with all his high-towering ambition, not even he could enter now on the career of a conqueror. At certain times certain things are impossible ; and this is one of them. Furthermore I know that it cannot be in his interest, nay, that it is positively against his interest, to aim at the oppres sion of nationalities. (Cheers.) It was the irreverent disre gard of the sentiment' of nationality which sent Napoleon I. to die a fettered eagle on the scorching rocks of St. Helena ; it is the same irreverent disregard of the sentiment of nationality that will shatter to atoms the tottering throne of perfidious Austria. And verily it does strike me that Napoleon 111. is not exactly the man to repeat the fault by which Napoleon I. fell. By doing good to the oppressed nationalities he may earn great moral advantage; by doing them harm he could not earn anything but ruin for himself. (Cheers.) In forming my opinions I take for a starting point interests, not men; and knowing that in matters where so much is at stake men are not likely to disregard theirinterest, I dare trust to the soundness of my conclusions. And after all there is some guarantee in the force of circumstances too. Suppose— I give you as a supposition —suppose the logical development of the present war should offer to my own nation, not an incitement to hazard ous desultory riots—these I 'should sternly advise her to - avoid but should offer her such a chance as would, with reasonable prospects, place her indepen dence within the reach of her own determination, would you advise her to reject the chance because, under the mysterious dispensation of Providence, it would have come to her from a Bonaparte ? Why, she would be a fool to reject it. (Cheers.) Hungary cannot be made a French department ; she is both too strong and too distant for that ;. her distanCe alone places her out of that danger. (Hear, hear.) And even as to Italy. Hated as Austria is by every Italian, the iron rod of Austria was strong enough to pre vent Italy from organising and arming the nation. Thanks to the assistance of Franco, they can do it now. . Let them be wise enough to take advantage of the occasion, and, having had assistance in getting delivered from the foe, if they should not know how to secure their future indepen dence from their friend, they would not deserve to be free. (Loud cheers.) When the fate of nations is trembling in the scale, woe to the man who, loving himself more than his fatherland, would allow himself to be guided in his judgment by his personal sympathies and antipathies rather by what he owes to his country. I love my fatherland more than myself—more than anything on earth ; and, inspired by this love, I ask one boon—only one boon—from Eng land, and that is, that she should not support Austria. England has not interfered for liberty ; let her not interfere for . the worst of despotisms on earth—that of A us t r i a. (Great cheering.) The only boon I ask is strict neutrality ; and this, too, I should not ask if I were not certain i n my conscience that England's interference in the war would bring incalculable calamity on this your free and happy country, without any possible present profit or future com pensation. (Hear, hear.) I owe, and gladly profess to owe, eternal gratitude to England. I should feel it much like a misfortune befalling my own native land s h ou ld Eng land inconsiderately rush into a calamitous course by coup - ling her own fate to that of the House of Austria. (Hear.) The English nation has mighty destinies in her hands. Please to bear well in mind this, that no war can be thought to have assumed European proportions, unless Germany and Russia become parties to it. Now, my lord, I am of opinion that, though the German nation be uncom monly excited, Germany will not fly into the war to the rescue of Austria unless Prussia takes the lead—(hear, hear) —thus abjuring the policy of Frederick the Great, which raised her to the position of a first-rate power. And I, for one, considering the attitude which the Czar of Russia would be likely to take in such a case—l, for one, cannot think that the Regent of Prussia will risk the dangerous hazard unless he shall be made sure of being supported by England. .Thus it evidently depends on the resolution of England whether or not this war is to assume general European proportions ' • because if Austria, from reliance upon England ' s support, plunges it into the war on the side of Austria, it is more than reasonable to anticipate that France in that case will be supported by Russia. (Hear, hear.) Let, therefore, her Majesty's Government well pon der over the consequences of a rash, inconsiderate step, and let them weigh well the immense responsibility of their position.. The course which the national interests of Eng land recommend is very clear. Keep yourselves out of harm; develop your own freedom ; advance your own prosperity ; go on steadily on the road of progress, to your own advan tage as well as to that of humanity and of civilisation ; and allow me to express a hope that if, under the merciful dis pensation of Providence, a chance of national emancipation should arise, from the present complications, for any of the nationalities whom Austria holds in bondage, the good wishes and hearty prayers of this free, generous nation will not be with the oppressor, but will be with the op pressed ; that England will not be backward in cheering the endeavour with her approbation, and in encouraging it by her sympathy. (Great an d long-continued applause.) THE NEW PARLIAMENT. MEMBERS RETURNED. The following is a complete list of the Members who have . been returned to the New Parliament, distinguished as " Liherals" and " Conservatives" Places. Names. • L C. Abingdon .. • . Mr. J. T. Norris .. 1 Andover .. Mr. Alderman Cubitt 1 Mr. D. Fortescue 1 Anglesea .. Sir R. Bulkeley 1 Arundel Lord .E.• Howard .". .. 1 Ashburton .. Mr. Astell . 1 • . Ashton .. .. M r . T. M . Gibson . 1 Aylesbury .. Mr. T. T. Bernard 1 Double returx Mr. S. G. Smith .. • . 1 Mr. T. V. W en t wor th 1 Banbury .. Sir. C. Dougla s .. 1 Barnstaple .. ~ Mr G. Pott s • .. . 1 .. ,Mr. J. H. Davie .. 1 Bath.. .. Mr. Tite .• 1 Mr. A. E. Way .. •• 1 Beaumaris Hon. W. 0. Stanley .. 1 Bedford Mr. S. Whitbread .. 1 Major Stuart .. •• 1 Bedfordshire .. Mr. Hasti n g s Russell .. 1 Col. Gilpin .. 1 Berkshire .. M r . W a lt er Hon. P. P. Bouverie .. 1 Captain V ernon .. • • 1 Berwick .. .. Captai n G or d on • . 1 Mr. R. A. Erie .. • • 1 Beverley .. .. Mr. Walters •1 Major S. Edwards . •. 1 Bewdley .. Sir T. Wi nn i ngton .. 1 Birmingham .. Mr. Bright .. 1 Mr. Scholefield 1 Blackburn .. .. Mr. Hornby .. •• 1 Mr. Pilkington .. 1 • Bodmin .. Hon. P. L. Gower 1 Dr. Michell 1 Bolton ' .. Mr. J. Crook .. 1 • Captain Gray :. •• 1 Boston .. .. Mr. H. Ingram .. 1 Mr. W. Staniland .. 1 Bradford .. Mr. W. 11. Wickham .. 1 Mr. Titus Salt .. 1 Brecon .. .. Colon e l W a tki ns . 1 Breconshire .. Mr. G. C. Morgan 1 Bridgnorth.. .. Mr, J. Pritchard .. 1 Mr. Whitmore 1 Bridgewater .. Colonel Tynte 1 Mr. Ki ng lake 1 Brighton .. .. Sir G. B. Pechell .. 1 Mr. W. Coningham .. 1 Bridport .. Mr. J. A. Mitchell 1 Mr. K. D. Hodgson 1 Bristol Mr. H. Berkeley 1 ___, • • • • Mr. W. H. Gore Langton 1 Buckingham .. Sir H. Verney 1 Mr. J. C. Hubbard Buckinghamshire.. Mr. Disraeli 1 Mr. G. C. Du Pre .. 1 Hon. W. G. Cavendish • • 1 Bury (Lancashire) Mr. F. Peel.. 1 Bury St. Edmund's Lord A. Hervey .. 1 Mr. J. A..Harcleastle .. 1 Caine .. Mr. R. Lowe . 1 Cambridge .. Mr. K. Macaulay . 1 Mr. A. Steuart 1 •. • • Cambridge University Mr. Walpole 1 Mr. Selwyn Cambridgeshire .. •. 1 Mr. E. Ball • „ Mr. H. J. Adeane 1 Canterbury .. Sir W.. Somerville .. 1 Hon. 11. B. Johnston .. 1 Cardiff .. Colonel Stewart .. 1 Cardigan .. .. Mr. E. Prose , Cardiganshi re .. M r . P owe ll Carlisle .v Sir J. Graham .. 1 Mr. Lawson 1 Carmarthen .. Mr. D. Morris .. 1 Carmarthenshire .. M r . D. J ones 1 Mr. D. Pugh 1 Carnarvon Do. .. Mr. Wynne „ , Carnarvonshire .. Hon. E. G. Pennant 1 Chatham Sir F. Smith „ „ Chester .„ .. E ar l G rosveno: . „ Mr. Humberston •• 1 Cheltenham .. C o l o n e l P. W. H . Berkeley I. Cheshire, North .. Mr. W. T. Egerton. 1 Mr. G. C. Legh , „ Cheshire, South .. Sir P. Egerton .. •• 1 Mr. Tollemaehe „' 1 Chichester .. Lord 11. Gordon Lennox 1 Mr. H. W. Freeland .. 1 Chipneuham .. Mr. Lsley • • Mr. R..P. Long Admiral Wakott Mr, A. Bathurst . Mr. Ponsonby Mr. J. T. 'Hopiiood Lord Naas Mr. Steel Mr. Miller Mr. Papillon . ML It. Davey Mr. St. Aubsrn Mr. Agar Robartes Mr. N. Kendall Mr. E. Ellice Sir J. Paxton Lord Ashley Mr. Goddard .. Hon. C. Howard .. Mr: Mara/1M) Colonel Lowther .. General Wyndham Schenley Christchurch .. Cirencester , . Clitheroe Cockerinolith Colchester Cornwall, WeA Cornwall, East Coventry .. Clicklade .. - 1 . • - 1 • • - 1 • • 1 • • - 1 • • • • • • •.. - 1 •••• 1 • • • • 1 1 • 1 .. . - 1 . • 1 .. .. 1 • • • • 1 _ - 1 Cumberland, East Cumberland, West PaTtMoUth 1 •.• 1 : - 1 - 1 •0 1 is Places. " Names. • L. C. Denbigh Boroughs Mr. Mainwaring .. .. 1 Denbighshire . .. Sir W. W. Wynne •. 1 Colonel Biddulph .. .. 1 Derby .. .. Mr. M. T. BasstE.. .. 1 Mr. Beale .. .. .. 1 Derbyshire, North Hon. G. Cavendish .. 1 Mr. Thornhill .. 1 Derbyshire, South Mr. Evans .. .. 1 Mr. Mundy .. 1 Devonport Sir R Perry .. 1 Mr. J. Wilson .. 1 Devonshire, North Mr. .. 1 Hon. C. H. Trefusis 1 Devonshire, South Mr. Palk • • 1 Mr. Kekewich 1 Devizes .. Mr. D. Griffith 1 Mr. S. VV. Taylor .. 1 Dorchester .. Mr. R. B. Sheridan .. 1 Mr. C. N. Sturt •• •• 1 Dorsetshire -.. Mr. Ker Seyraer .. .. --1 .._ _... Mr. G. Sturt Hon. W. H. Portman .. 1 Dover .. .. Mr. Nieholl Sir H. Leeke 1 Droitwich .. Sir J. Pakington 1 Dudley .. .. Mr. H. B. Sheridan .. 1 Durham City .. Mr. Atherton .. 1 Mr. J. H. Mowbray 1 Durham, North .. Lord A. V. Tempest 1 Mr. H. D. Shafto 1 Durham, South .. Mr. J. Farrer , 1 Mr. H. Pease 1 Essex, North .. Hon. W. Beresford 1 Mr. Dn Cane .. .. 1 Essex, South .. Mr. T. W. Bramston .. 1 Mr. J. W. P. Watlington.. Evesham Sir H. Willoughby.. .. 1 Mr. E. Holland . 1 Exeter .. Mr. It. S. Gard 1 Mr. E. Divett 1 Eye Sir E. Kerrison. 1 Finsbury .. Mr. T. Dunconibe 1 Sir S. M. Peto 1 Flintshire Hon. T. E. Mostyn 1 Flint Boroughs Sir J. Hanmer 1 Frome Lord E. Thynne 1 Gateshead Mr. W. Hutt .. 1 Glamorganshire .. Mr. C. R. Talbot .. 1 Mr. H. 11. Viviaß 1 Glocester Mr. W. P. Price 1 .. - Mr. Monk 1 Glocestershire, E... Sir C. W. Codrington 1 Mr. It. S. Holford 1 Glocestershire, IV.. Mr. Nigel Kiagscote 1 Mr. J. Bolt.. 1 Grantham Hon. F. Tollemache 1 Mr. W. E. Welby 1 Greenwich .. .. Mr. W. Angerstein 1 Mr. Alderman Salomon 1 Grimsby, Great .. Lord Worsley 1 Guildford .. .. Mr. Bovill 1 Mr. J. H. Onslow 1 Halifax .. .. Sir C. Wood .. 1 Mr. J. Stansfeld 1 Harwich .. Hon. W. Campbell 1 Captain Jarvis 1 H as ti ngs Mr. F. North .. 1 Lord H. Vane .. 1 Hampshire, N. Mr. G. S. Boothe :: 1 Mr. W. B. Beech .. 1 Hampshire, S. .. Sir J. Jervoise .. 1 lion. R. H. Dutton 1 llaverfordwest .. Mr. J. H. Philipps 1 Helston Mr. J. J. Rogers .. 1 Hereford (City) .. Colonel Clifford .. 1 Mr. G. Clive • • • • 1 Herefordshire • . Lord W. Grah am 1 Mr. J. King King.. 1 Mr. Mildmay • • • • 1 Hertford .. .. Hon. W. F. Cowper 1 Sir W. M. Farquhar 1 Hertfordshire .. Sir E. B. Lytton 1 Mr. A. Smith .. 1 Mr. Puller .. 1 Honiton. Mr. A. B. Cochrane 1 Mr. J. Locke .. 1 Horsham .. .. Mr. S. Fit zgera ld .. 1 Huddersfield .. Mr. E. Ak roy d 1 Hull.. .. Mr. J. Clay.. 1 Mr. J. Hoare 1 Huntingdon .. General Peel • 1 Mr. T. Baring 1 Huntingdonshire .. Lord R. Montagu .. 1 Mr. E. Fell owes , 1 Hythe .. Baron M. De Rothschild .. 1 Ipswich .. Mr. J. C. Cobbold 1 Mr. H. E. Adair 1 Kent, East.. .. Sir B. Brid ges .. 1 Mr. W. Deedes 1 • Kent, West .. Lord Holmesdale 1 Sir E. Filmer 1 Kendal Mr. G. C. Glyn 1 Kidderminster .. Mr. Bristow King's Lynn Lord Stanley 1 Mr. J. H. Gurney.. 1 Knaresborouzh .. Mr. T. Collins .. 1 Mr. B. T. Woodd 1 Lambeth .. Mr. W. Roupell 1 Mr. W. Williams .. 1 Lancaster Mr. W. J. Garnett 1 Mr. L. Gregson 1 Lancashire, North Colonel Patten 1 Marquis of Hartington 1 Lancashire, South Hon. A. Egerton .. 1 Mr. W. Legh 1 Launceston Sir Brenton Haliburton 1 Leeds .. Mr. E. Baines 1 Mr. G. S. Beecroft 1 Leicester .. Mr. Biggs 1 Dr. Noble 1 I Leicestershire, North Lord J. Manners .. 1 • Mr. Hartopp 1 Leicestershire, South Lord Curzon. 1 Mr. C. W. Packe 1 Leominster Mr. G. Ha r dy 1 Hon. C. B. H an b ury 1 Lewes .. Mr. H. Fitz ro y . . 1 Mr. H. Brand . . 1 Lichfield .. .. Lord A. Paget .. 1 Captain Anson 1 I Lincoln .. Major Sibthorp 1 Mr. Heneage 1 Lincolnshire, North Sir M. Cholmeley 1 Mr. J. B. Stanhope 1 Lincolnshire, South Sir J. Trollope 1 Mr. J: H. Packe 1 Liskeard .. Mr. M. Gray 1 Liverpool .. Mr. T. B. Horsfall.. --1 Mr. J. C. E war t 1 London, City Lord J. Russell .. 1 Baron L. Rothschild . • 1 • Sir J. Duke • • • 1 • Mr. R. W. Crawf or d 1 Ludlow .. Colonel Herbert .. 1 Mr. B. Botfield 1 Lyme Regis .. Mr. W. Pinney .. 1 Lymington.. .. Mr. W. A. Mackinnon .. 1 Sir J. Carnac 1 Macclesfield Mr. E. C. Egerton.. 1 Mr. Brocklehurst 1 Maidstone .. .. Mr. C. Buxton . 1 M. W. Lee .. 1 Maldon .. Mr. T. S. Western.. .. 1 Mr. Peacock 1 Malmesbury Lord Andover 1 Malton lion. C. W. Fitzwilliam 1 Mr. J. Brown • • • . 1 . Manchester M r. T. Bazley . 1 Mr. J. A. Turner 1 Marlborough .. Lord E. Bruce .. 1 Mr. H. Baring 1 Marlow, Great • . Colonel Williams 1 Colonel Knox .. •• Marylebone • . Si r B . Hall • James .• 1 Merionethshi re E Mr. W. E. Wynne 1 Merthyr Tydvil .. Mr. H. A. Bruce .. 1 Middlesex .. Mr. R. Hanbury ' 1 Mr. G. Byng 1 Midhurst .. Mr. W. T. Mitfo r d.. 1 Monmouth 80. .. Mr. C. Bailey .. 1 Monmouthshire .. Mr. 0. Morgan 1 - - - • Colonel Somerset 1 Montgomery Dis trict Mr. D. Pugh 1 Montgomeryshire.. Mr. H. W. Wynn .• 1 Morpeth .. Sir G. G re y „ . 1 Newark .. Mr. G. Hodgkinson • • Mr. J. Handley .. • • Newcastle-on-Tyne Mr. Headlam .. • • 1 Mr. Ridley • • • . 1 Newcastle-xn-Lyme Mr. W. Jackson .. 1 Mr. Murray 1 Newport, Isle of Wight Mr. R. W. Kennard .. 1 Mr. Philip Lybbe Powys, 1 Norfolk, East .. Mr. Howes 1 Colonel Coke .. 1 Norfolk, West Mr. B. Gurdon .. 1 Mr. P. Benti nc k 1 Northallerton Mr. W. B. Wrightson .. 1 Northampton .. Mr. V. Smith .. 1 Mr. C. Gilpin .. 1 Northamptonshire, North Lord Burghley - 1 Mr. G. W. H un t 1 Northamptonshire,• South Colonel Cartwright 1 Mr. R. Knightley 1 Northumberland, South .. Mr. H. G. Liddell 1 Mr. W. B. Beaumont •• 1 Northumberland, North .. Lord Lovaine , Sir M. Ridl e y 1 Norwich .. Lord Bu r y 1 Mr. Schneider • • • • 1 Nottingham .. Mr. Paget 1 Mr. Mellor • • 1 • Nottinghamshire, North .. •Mr. J. E. Denison.. . 1 Lord R. Cli n t on .•, 1 Nottinghamshire, South • Lord Newark 1 Mr. W. 11. Barrow • •• •• 1 Oldham Mr. W. J. Fox 1 Mr. Cobbett •• 1 Oxford Mr. Cardwell : : •• , 1 Mr. Langston .. • • Oxfordshire .. Mr. Henley • • •• Colonel North .. • • Mr. G. Harcourt .. • • Oxford Unive rs ity M r . Gl a d s t one • • •• — 1, Sir W. Heathcote .. • • ^ Pembroke Sir J. Owen • • • • 1 Pembrokeshire .. Lord Euilyn.. • • •• 1 Penr3rn and Fal mouth .. Mr. T. G. Baring .. Mr. S. H. Gurney 1 Peterborough Mr. G. Whalley .. 1 Mr. T. Hankey 1 Petersfield Sir W. Jolliffe , L Plymouth .. .•ord Valletort Mr. Collier 1 i Pontefract Mr. M. Millaos • • .. 1 Mr. Overend • • • • , 1 Poole Dorsetshire Mr. Danby Seymour Mr. O. * W. Franklyn ** 1 1 S Portsmouth . • ir F. Baring Sir J. Flphinnton Preston .. .. Mr. C. P. Grenf e ll .. 1 Mr. R. A. C ross Radnor Boroughs.. Sir J. C. Lewis Radnorshire .. Sir J. B. Walsh Reading Sir H. Keating •• •• 1 Mr. Pig go tt • • • • 1 .. Hon. Mr. W. Monson •° • • I. * Mr. F o lj am b • • . • Lord G a l way .. 1 Mr. a Ri ch • • 77 1 Mr. M. .. . 1 .. 1 .. Mr. J . G reenwood .. • • 1 'lr. J. A. Warns 1 Reigate .. Retford (East) .. Richmond... - ... Ripon Places. Names. L. C. Rochdale .. Mr. Cobden 1 Rochester Mr. P. W. Martin •, 1 Mr. Sergeant Kinglake .. 1 Rutlandshire Hon. G. Noel .. •, 1 Hon. G. Heathcote 1 Rye • • • • Mr. W. A. Mackinnon 1 Salford .. Mr. W. N. Massey .. 1 Salisbury .. .. General Buckley 1 Mr. M. Marsh .. 1 Sandwich .. .. Lord G. Paget , . 1 Mr. Hugessen 1 Scarborough .. Sir J. V. Johnston .. 1 Hon. W. F. Denison .. 1 Shaftesbury Mr. G. G. Glyn .. 1 Sheffield .. Mr. J. A. Roebuck .. 1 Mr. G. Hadfield .. 1 Shoreham .. , Sir C. Burrell .. •• 1 Mr. S. Cave • • 1 Shrewsbury Mr. Slaney • • 1 Mr. Tomline .. 1 Shropshire, North Hoa. 11. C. Hill .. Mr. Ormsby Gore Shropshire, South Lord Newport • . •• 1 Thin. W. R. Clive .. .. 1 Somersetshire, East Sir W. Miles .• •• 1 Mr. W. F. Knatchbull 1 Somersetshire, West Mr. C. A. Moodie .. .• 1 Mr. A. A. Hood •• 1 Southampton Mr. Wilcox 1 Mr. Digby Seymour 1 South Shields „. Mr. Ingham .. 1 Southwark Sir C. Napier _ 1 Mr. JohnLecke .. 1 St. Ives :.„ .. Mr. H. Paull .. •• 1 Stafford Mr. J. A. Wise .. 1 Mr. Salt Staffordshire, N. Mr. C. B. Adderley 1 Lord Ing-estre 1 Staffordshire, S. Mr. H. H. Foley .. 1 Mr. W. 0. Foster .. 1 Stamford .. Sir S. Northeote Lord R. Cecil Stockport .. Mr. A. J. Kershaw .. 1 Mr. J. B. Smith .. 1 Stoke-upon-Trent Mr. Alderman Copeland .. Mr. J. L. Ricardo .. 1 Stroud. .. Mr. Horsman 1 Mr. Scrope 1 Suffolk; East Sir F. Kelly Lord Henniker .. •• 1 Suffolk, West Lord Jermyn .• 1 Major Parker .. 1 Sunde:t land Mr. W. S. Lindsay .. 1 Mr. Fenwick 1 Surrey, East .. Mr. T. Allcock 1 Mr. Locke King .. 1 Surrey, West Mr. H. Drummond 1 Mr. Briscoe .. .. •• 1 Susseit, East Lord Pevensey 1 Mr. G. Dodson .. 1 Sussex, West Earl of March .. •• 1 Mr. H. Wyndham .• 1 Swansea .. Mr. L. L. Dillwyn.. .. 1 Tam ,orth .. Sir R. Peel .. .. 1 Lord Raynham .. 1 Taunton .. Mr. Labouchere .. 1 Mr. A. Mills Tavisitock Sir John S. Trelawny 1 Mr. A. G. Russell .. 1 Tewkesbury lion. F. Lygon 1 Mr. J. Martin .. 1 Thetford Thirsk .. Tiverton Totnes .. .. Lord Euston Mr. A. Baring • Sir W. P. Gallwey ~ • Lord Palmerston 1 Hon. G. Denman .. 1 ▪ Earl Gifford 1 Mr. T. Mills .. 1 Tower Hamlets .. Mr. A. S. Ayrton 1 Mr. C. Butler 1 Truro .. .. Mr. A. Smith .. 1 Mr. M. Smith, Q.C., 1 Tynemouth Mr. H. Taylor .. 1 Wakefield Mr. J. C. Charlesworth 1 Wallingford .. Mr. R. Malins 1 Walsall .. .. Mr. C. Forster .. 1 Wareham Mr. Drax 1 Warrington .. Mr. Greenall 1 Warwick Mr. G. W. Repton 1 Mr. E. Greaves .. .. 1 Warwickshire, N. Mr. Newslegate Mr. Spooner Warwickshire, S. Mr. C. Mordaunt .. .. 1 Mr. E. P. Shirley ~ 1 Wells ~ .. Sir W. G. Hayter .. 1 Mr. H. Jolliffe .. , 1 Wenlock .. Colonel Forester .. , 1 Mr. M. Gaskell Westbury Sir Lopes M. Lopes .. 1 Westmoreland Colonel Lowther .. 1 Earl Bective Westminster .. Sir De Lacy Evans .. 1 Sir J. Shelley .. 1 Weymouth .. Lord Grey de Wilton .. 1 Mr. G. R. Brookes .. 1 Whitby .. .. Sir R. Stephenson 1 Whitehaven .. Mr. G. Lyall 1 Wigan .. .. Mr. H. Woods 1 Colonel Lindsay 1 Wight, Isle of Mr. C. C. Clifford .. 1 Wilton .. Mr. Antrobus 1 Wiltshire, North Mr. S. Estcourt 1 Mr. Long .. 1 Wiltshire, South Right Hon. S. Herbert 1 Lord H. Thynne 1 Winchester . Mr. J. B. East .. 1 _ _ .. .. Mr. J. B. Carter .. .. 1 Windsor .. Mr. W. Vansittart .. 1 Mr. G. M. Hope .. 1 Wolverhampton .. Mr. C. Villiers .. .. 1 Sir R. Bethell .. .. 1 Woodstock .. Lord A. Churchill • • -- Worcester .. Mr. W. Laslett .. .. 1 Mr. 0. Ricardo • • • • 1 Worcestershire, E. Mr. J. H. Foley .. .. 1 ~ Mr. Calthorpe .. .. 1 Worcestershire, W. Lord Elmley .. , 1 Mr. FW. Knight .. 1 Wycombe „ . Sir G. Dashwood .. 1 Mr. T. Smith ~ .. 1 Yarmouth .. Sir E. Lacon .. .. 1 Sir 11. Stracey 1 Mr. Westhead .. 1 York Colonel Smyth 1 Yorkshire, East Riding Lord Hotham 1 Hon. A. Duncombe 1 Yorkshire, North Hon. W. E. Duncombe 1 Mr. E. S. Cayley 1 Yorkshire, West Sir J. W. Ramsden 1 Mr. F. Crossley 1 IRELAND. Antrim County .. 1 General Upton .. 1 Armagh City .. Mr. Bond .. 1 Armagh County .. Lieut.-Col. Sir W. Verner 1 Mr. Close .. .. .. 1 Athlone .. .. Mr. Ennis .. .. .. 1 Bandon .. .. Hon. Mr. Bernard . 1 Belfast .. .. The Solicitor-General pf .land Engl4 _.. .. • • • • •-- - Mr. Davidson .. .. Carrickfergus .. Mr. Torrens • • •• - Carlow City .. Si r J o h n A c t on .. .. 1 Carlow County .. Captain Bunbury .. •• 1 Mr. Bruen .. .. •• 1 Cashel .. .. Mr. Laneg.au .. • • 1 Cavan County .. Hon. Mr:Maxwell •• 4 Hon. Captain Annesley .. 1 Clare County .. Colonel Luke 'White .. 1 Colonel Vandeleur .. 1 Clonmel .. .. Mr. Bagwell • • • • 1 Coleraine .. .. Mr. Boyd .. . • • • Cork City .. .. Mr. Fagan Mr. Beamish .. .. 1 Cork County .. Sergeant Deasy .. .. 1 Mr. Scully .. .. .. 1 Donegal County .. Mr. Connolly .. .. 1 Sir Edmund Hayes .. 1 Down County .. Lord Edwin Hill .. .. 1 Colonel Forde .. .. -- 1 Downpatrick .. Mr. Kerr „ .. .. 1 Drogheda .. .. Mr. M'Cann .. .. 1 Dublin City .. Sir Edward Grogan .. 1 Mr. Vance .. ... .... __.— 1 1 Dublin County .. M r . H am ilt on Colonel Taylor 1 Dublin University Mr. Lefroy .. :: ~ 1 T m h r e . Attorney-General .. 1 Dundalk .. .. .. .. 1 Dungannon .. Hon. Mr. Knox .. .. -- 1 Dungarvon .. Mr. Mag u i re .. .. 1 Ennis • • .. Rt. Hon. J. D. Fitzgerald 1 , Enniskillen . • Hon. Mr. Cole .. •• 1 Fermanagh County Mr. Archdall .. •• 1 Hon. Mr. Cole .. .. 1 Galway County .. Sir Thomas Burke .. • 1 Mr. Gregory • • •• 1 Galway Town .. Lord Dunkellin .. • • 1 Mr. Lever .. .. .. 1 Kerry County .. Right Hon. H. Herbert .. 1 Viscount Castlerosse .. . 1 Kildare County .. 31r. Cogan .. • . • • 1 Mr. More O'Ferrall .. 1 Kilkenny City .. Mr. Sullivan .. .•• 1 Kilkenny County Hon. W. Ell is . • . 1 Mr. Greene .. • • • • 1 Kinsale .. .. Mr. Arnott .. . • .. 1 Leitrim County .. Mr. Brady .. • • • • 1 Mr. W. O. Gore .. .. 1 Limerick City .. Mr. Russell .. .. .. 1 Major Gavin .. .. 1 Limerick County .. Mr. Monsell.. .. .. 1 Colonel Dickson .. .. _ 1 Lisburn • • Mr. Richardson .. .. _ 1 • • Londonderry City.. Sir Robert Ferguson .. 1 Longford County . • Col. Henry W hite .. .. 1 Col. Greville • • 1 Louth County .. M r. For tescue .. ... . 1 Mr. Bellew .. 1 Londonderry County Captain Peel Dawson .... — 1 Sir F. Heygate • • .. —1; Mallow .. .. Mr. Longfield Mayo County .. Captain Palmer Lord John Brown .. 1 Meath County .. Mr. Corbally .. :: 1 Mr M‘Evoy Monaghan County Mr. Leslie . • • •• 1 1 INSlirr.George Fo • rster • • •• 1 Mr. Tottenham • • •• -- 1 New Ross .. .. P N o e rT r ar y lingto • • • • • n . :: Capt? D ui a n wso • n • Darneri .. -- 1 1 Queen's County .. Mr. Michael Dunne • • 1 Roscommon County Sligo County .. ColonelCl I;s 4,r u e n n ni ---:. :: 1 .. 1 Mr. Goff , • . 1 Sir R. G. Booth ~... .. 1 Mr. Cooper .. .. .. 1 Sligo Town .. Right Hon. John Wynne 1 Tipperary County The O'Donoghue .. .. 1 Tralee • Mr. Waldron .. .. 1 . • Capt. Daniel O'Connell .. 1 Tyrone County .. Right Hon. L. Cony .. 1 Lord Claud Hamilton .. 1 Waterford City .. Mr. Blake .. .. „ 1 Mr. Hassard .. .. 1 Waterford County Mr. Talbot .. .. .. 1 Captain Esmonde .. .. 1 Westmeath County Sir Richard Levinge .. 1 Mr. Pollard-Urquhart .. 1 Wexford County . • Mr. M'Mahon .. .. 1 Mr. George .. • • .. 1 Wexford Town .. M r. Redmond .. .. 1 Wicklow County .. Mr. Hume .. .. .. 1 Lord Proby .. .. 1 Youghal .. • • Mr. Butt, Q.C. .. .. 1 SCOTLAND. ▪ Colonel Sykes 1 Lord Haddo 1 . . Mr. A. S. Finlay 1 • Mr. Cranfurd 1 Aberdeen . • Aberdeenshire Argyleshile Ayr Di:atrict Places. Ayrshire Banffshire Berwickshire . . Buteshire C aithn oss-shire . . Clackmannan Dumbartonshire Dumfries .. Dumfriesshire .. Dundee .. Edinburgh.. .. Edinburghshire Elgin District .. Elginshire Falkirk District .. Fifeshire Forfarshire Glasgow .. Greenock .. Haddington District Haddingtonshire Inverness-shire .. Inverness District.. Kilmarnock .. Kincardineshire .. Kirkaldy District.. Kirkcudbright . . Lanarkshire .. Leith District .. Linlithgowshire Montrose .. Orkney .& Shetland Paisley Peeblosshire . Perth .. Perthshire Renfrewshire Ross and Cromarty Roxburghshire Selk irkshire Stirling Stirlingshire St. Andrew's . • Sutherlandshire Wick District Wigton District , Wigtonshire Total Liberal Majority Ashburton Bath .. Bedford Berwick Bodmin.. Chester Colchester Devizes Dover Do wnpatriek Frome Helston Hull .. Barnstaple .. .. Boston .. .. .. Carlisle.. .. .. Carlow • • , . Chippenham .. .. Cirencester .. .. Cricklade .. .. Glocester (City) .. Hastings .. .. 16 1 •• 1 •• 1 •• 1 •• 1 5 •• LOSSES. JGHS. 1 Mallow.. • • 2 Newport • • 1 Newry .. . • • • • 1 Plymouth .. . • 1 Pontefract .. . • 1 Truro ... .. • • 1 Tynemouth .. . • 1 Wareham .. . • 2 Weymouth .. • • 1 Windsor .. • • 2 Yarmouth .. • • Total .. • • GAINS. LIBERAI BORO HMS. 1 Limerick • • 1 Maidstone .. • • 1 Newark • • .• 1 Rochdale • • • • 1 Sunderland .. • • 1 Wakefield .. • ' Total .. • • LIBERAL LOSSES. COUNTIES. South Durham .. East Norfolk .. Clare .. • • .. South Derbyshire .. Li nierick . • • • • • Londonderry .. Roscommon .. Waterford .. Wexford •• •• • South Wiltshire • South Warwickshire South Lancashire .. South Essex .. West Kent Total .. .. LIBERAL GAINS. COUNTIES. Berks Berwickshire Louth .. .. South Lincolnshire .. .. Yorkshire (West Riding) .. Total COUNTRY MARK_ETS. OXFORD--MAY 21. To-day the attendance was numerous, and the farirr a brought forward large supplies of wheat, for which w e , was a slow demand, owing to the high prices asked. Be tl %; of which thero were more on offer, ruled about the sartle last week. Barley dull. Flour a firm trade, at £2 to i 2 per sack. CAMBRIDGE—MAY 21. s a m t aLl g. su h p e p r l p y ri o e f e w s. 4e m at, or f e or d w oin hi g eh i f . :l was There a fi r was barley, and recent rates being obtained for coarse sawP,;;; lag demand, a very In oats and beans the trade ruled slow, at about pre" — rates. Wheat ... .54s to 58s 1 Oats,. 24 s to 280 White do 58s to 60 s I Beans .......... 469 to 48° 0 Barley ... .. 32s to 38s I Peas ......... ....--s t° NORWICH—MAY 21. en ded The supply of wheat limited, an d higher prices dem in the little business transacted. Oats rather a small 0 11 °:d Barley in slow req ues t, an d a t a d e cline. For beau sl' peas we merely repeat previous quotations. ROCHESTER—MAY 21. At to-day's market there was a limited show of whit which sold moderately at 2s per qr more money . 0 111 4 to week. White, good, sold from 56s to 60s ; inferior, 545. Red wheats realised 43s to 545. Foreign in demob prime lots fetching is to 2s more money. Barley W6'4, no means an active sale, and prices nominally u, ll'faeri Oats steady. Beans and peas firm. Most of the Po have advanced the price of flour is per sack. LEICESTER—MAY 21. fair s ho w o f pat, At this day's market there was a 24; and the trade ruled firm at 60s to 638 per qr., being 10 ,ring advance upon last week. Only a moderate business in barley, at fully late prices. Oats and beans scarce? .60s to 63s Beans *** firm in price. to 38. Wheat .56s to 60s Oats... ..... 3 03 White do to .. 52 s to Barley .38s to 46s Ditto, old ...•••• • NOT TING HANI—MAy 21. an d the de : ea gl e The show of wheat was pretty fair, rather slow, at about the currencies of ther c u t ti edin b g usinel There was not much barley on offer passing, at about late rates. Oats in made late prices. Beans were scarce. 98 to 32° , White wheat, new, 605 to 65s I Barley, grinding' • s s to SQ: Red do. s2s to 60s Oats, old, ..... 32 Old white 6os to 65s New , do .......... 30s 62 " 50s os Red do.. 54s to 59s I Beans. 440 0 Barley, malting.— 38s to 45s Beans, new ,linfiutedasupply, OS- CHELMSFORD —Max 20. The farmers brought in a large quantity of wheat tol in expectation of higher p rices, but the mi ll ers andl be chants held off; only a few of the finest samples 0 01 P., pe t sold at late rates , and befo re the close a reduction of li r qr. had to be submitted to. 4 811 Wheat, white 48 s to 62 s Peas, Partridge .. 445 to ~, ... re d 458 to 58s Whit e 4 0 to 4 8 11l'' Barley 32s to 42s B o ili ng ..... .46a .. o to 44 , Chevalier 348 to 45s D un 42 8 ' t '' ) 450 27s to 35s Beans, Tick 4lB G r inding 4 5. Malt 60 s to 66s Harrow Ticks 410 to t• 0 zagan .... Ch e valier 63s to 69 s M a .. 3961 Oats 26s to 35s DUBLIN—MAY 20. 0 1 There was a very slow and depressed market te" a liaill the great majority of sa mp l es o f all denominations barely s up' remained unsold. Th e va l ues of Tuesday Wer e bf" ported. Wheat, white.. 30 0 to 32 0 Do., red ...... 28 0 to 31 0 Do., new .... 23 0 to 26 0 Barley ...... 17 0 to 19 0 Oats ........ 15 0 to 16 6 Do., black.. . . 14 0 to 15 0 4 ' e. u. 13 0 6 to 12 Do., new •• •• • 1 0 11 0 tc• 2 9 • Bere . ....... 26 oto 1 1 0 Rapeseed .• • • 1 5 oto 8 0 Oatmeal ...... 16 oto • Bakers' flour .; 30 0 to 34 Indian corn • LLo CRINAN CANAL.—The commissioners hairtskie cided, for the p resen t a t least, that this useful nil low ari d ti etel- surer vre. n I s i h:l n l a b r e y r s e th st p o . red to its fer condition, es are in progress for o ca rm eying out the debris so a the wit° 'f BIRTHS. CooPE.—On the 20th inst., at Rochetts, Essex, Octayius E. Coupe, Esq., of a daughter. Rife of LEY.—On the 20th inst., at 51, Chester - squ are, the Homy Ley, Esq., of a son. MEYNELL.—On the 20th inst., at Sand's end) Mrs. F. R. Meynell, of a son. SYMONDS.—On the 19th inst. , at the Close , Norwich, wife of the Rev. H. Symonds, of a zon. 3IARRIAGES. GORDON—SAms.—On the 19th inst., at Christ C.- A - do o Lee, Hugh Mackay Gordon, eldest e on of the lato the Gordon, Esq., of Blackheath-park to Susan Asalobs.La , eldest daughter of the late Charles He witt Sams, of Lee. fo..orch , MAY—BAun.—On the 21st lust , at St. James's t--.`7. to Edmund George May, Esq. , Of 65, Regent-stre" Jenny Baur, 20, Blenheim-road, St. John's-vrood• EAT S. EYRE.—On the 18th in D st , at Jersey, El i za b e th, relict ° f al. late George Eyre, Esq., of Londo , aged 90. q do FAVELL.—On the 19th inst., John Favell, Esq ., °f"' $f park-gate, south. HAnuEr.—On the 20th inst., at 9 Earl-Street , Blackfriar4 Sarah, wife of Key Hardey, Esq., - surgeon. r ick la a i e • o T dr l g i 4e o y7 llNE.—On the 13th inst., at Kensington, Fre", } e , e youngest d s son m onft Major vil , LAMBERT.—On the 20th inst, at South-street, Green Edward Lambert, Esq d ~ age 83. •S' icruF - .N T.—On the 13th inst at Folkestone, George .) Nugent, Esq. calerif SILLERY.—On the 20th inst., in London, Robert ,-- Esq., M.D., of Charlton Lodge, Dover. __—....--e. .- • , 0 ylitYs LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO it of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The SU4Office,Nt; Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the conl au Middlesex, Monday, May 23, 1859. Names. L. Lord J. Stuart .. 1 Mr. Duff-Gordon .. • • 1 Mr. Robertso n • • 1 Mr. D. Mure Mr. Traill 1 Mr. IV. P. Adam .. 1 Mr. P. B. Smollett Mr. Ewart Mr. H. Johnstone .. Sir J. Ogilvy .. Mr. Moncreiff Mr. Black Earl of Dalkeith Mr. G. Duff.. Mr. C. Bruce Mr. Merry . • Mr. W, • • - •• 1 1 emyss Lord Duncan .. Mr. Buchanan .. Mr. Dalglish Mr. Dunl o p •• 1 Sir F. Davie .. • • 1 Lord Elcho • • • • Mr. Baillie • • Mr. Matheson . •• I Mr. Bouveri e • General Arbuthnot . • Colonel Ferguson .. • • 1 .; Mr. Mackie • • Sir E. Colebrooko .. • • Mr. Miller • • Captain W. Hamilton .. Mr. Baxter .. . . • • 1 Mr. F. Dund as • • • 1 Mr. C. Ewing .. 1 Sir G. Montgomery Mr. Kinnaird Mr. W. Stirling .. Sir M. S. Stewart .. Sir J. Matheson .. Sir W. Scott . Mr. E. Lockhart .. Mr. Caird Mr. P. Blackburn .. Mr. E. Ellice . Marquis of Stafford Mr. S. Laing Sir W. Dunbar Sir A. Agnew • • •• 1 1 •• _ LIBERAL BOROT - - 1 •• .• .. 1 .. 1 .. 1 • • -: • • '-'.... . - 1 .. _ • • 1 •• ..353 302 • 51 ,~~.