The Sun. — London, England, 1858-07-13 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—(YESTERDAY.) . THE OATHS BILL, On the order of the day for considering their lord ships' reasons for insisting upon the amendments to this bill, The Earl of DERBY said he bad an amendment to move which would materially alter the character of some of the reasons, but het would net do so until after the noble earl opposite (Granville) bad stated the objections he entertained to those reasons generally. Earl GRANVILLE thought the Government had taken a some w h a t s i ngu l ar cour se upon this question, and that it would have been much better if the noble earl at the head of the Government had taken his stand on the second reading of the bill of the noble and gallant earl (Lucan). No doubt the noble earl bad been placed in some difficulty by the speech of the Lord Chancellor, wb ich did not come with much grace after the statement of the noble earl that he was prepared to accede to some satisfactory arrangement of the question. The noble earl (Granville) proceeded to comment upon the "reasons" as absurd and unnecessary. It was childish to suppose that the Howie of Commons had not already made up their mind to admit the Jews to Parliament through the noble and gallant earl (Lucan). These " reasons" seemed to indicate that the House of Lords desired to have the last word in the controversy with the House of Com mons. When it had been determined to settle the ques tion amicably, it was worse than idle to attempt to com plicate the settlement of it. The Earl of DERBY explained that the reason why the Government had not consented to the adoption of the amendment of the noble and gallant lord (Lucan) on the second reading of the bill which had been sent up from the Commons, was in accordance with the gene rally expressed wish of the house that some time should be afforded for consideratlbn. He had stated on a for mer occasion he had not changed in the least his opinion with respect to the propriety of admitting the Jews into the legislature, bat the bill to which the Govern ment had agreed was one proposed with a conciliatory view alone, and there was nothing inconsistent with that state of the case in putting on record their reasons far dissenting from the principle of the original bill ton which the bill for admitting the Jews was founded. It was not inconsistent with a due regard to courtesy to the House of Commons, which had sent up their reasons for disagreeing to the Lords' amendments to the bill, for their lordships to state their reasons in reply to those of the Commons, for disagreeing from the principle of the bill. The noble earl went seriatim through the reasons assigned by the Commons, and the correspond ing reasons put forward in reply by the Lords. He contended that their lordships were perfectly correct, and were fully justified in stating, among other objec tions to such a course, that in their opinion the denial of the Saviour was a moral disqualification for legislating for a Christian country. The last of the reasons which bad been drawn up on the part of the Lords, he proposed to omit. He repeated that there was nothing whatever discourteous to the House of Commons in the course which was proposed to be taken, and hoped that the house would, by consenting to the reasons assigned, vin dicate their own conscientious opinions, while they left the Commons, at the same time, the full liberty to act in such a manner, so far as they were concerned, as they might think most consistent with their feelings and their duty. With respect to the 4th resolution, be could not concur. The opinion which it expressed was, that the prayers offered up at the commencement of the proceed ings of the house on each day would be a mockery if there should happen to be present during such service any person who might deny the great Christian doctrines of religion. He proposed, therefore, to move an amend ment to that resolution. (Hear, hear.) The Marquis of LANSDOWNE hoped that for the sake of the dignity of the house their lordships would not consent to the passing of these resolutions. (Hear, hear.) He had been for many years a consistent sup porter of the policy of repealing the disa b ilities of the Jews, and did not think that there was the slightest pro hibition to be found in any part of the Holy Scriptures, or.in the doctrines of the Christian religion, which pro hibited the admission of Jews to a share in the legisla tion of a Christian country. It was idle to suppose that the Jews could be admitted without the authority and sanction of the House of Lords, indeed the permissive power which they proposed to accede to tne House of Commons was dependent entirely upon the decision of the House of Lords. Now then, after a siege longer than that of Troy, their lordships bad decided upon showing a flag of truce, but they propose to annex with their surrender the most extraordinary conditions pos• sible. (Laughter.) He reminded their lordships of the old advice offered by Lord Mansfield to a brother judge, to give his opinion, but not to venture upon the reasons. Posterity would be sorely puzzled to know, upon an ex amination of the journals of the house, what were the reasons which guided the policy of their lordships. Fu ture historians would find in the journals perhaps of the same day, a declaration that the Jews were unfit to have a seat in the Legislature, and a bill giving a power— permissive, it was true, but still the power—to the House of Commons to admit the very same persons whom they solemnly declared to be disqualified to a share in the business of the Legislature. (Hear.) He objected, therefore, to the reasons which had been given, and hoped their lordships would not adopt them. The Earl of MALMESBURY said that be had con tinuously opposed the measure for the admission of Jews into Parliament. When en a former occasion he had expressed his opinion that the time had arrived when a compromise might be effected, he ex pressly guarded himself by stating that he had in no respect changed his opinions on the sub ject. That compromise was one in obedience to political necessity, but be and other noble lords who were favour able to that compromise, felt it imperatively necessary that there should be no future mistake as to the moral opinion which was still entertained on the subject. (Hear, hear.) It was necessary that a reply should be given to the reasons of the Commons, and according to precedent tbatreply had been drawn up by the committee appointed for that purpose. The reasons drawn up were those of the majority of the house, and it was a most unprecedented thing for the minority to take any exceptions to the reasons which had been an drawn up. (Hear, hear.) The reasons were not drawn up by the Government, which had really no more to do with these reasons than the minority of their lordships. (Hear, bear.) The Earl of CARLISLE cordially rejoiced at the vir tual success and triumph of a cause in support of which he bad spoken just 25 years ago, and to which he had since given a uniform support. He wished that the settle ment of the question could have been accompanied with a more appropriate act than that to which the house was now invited. If the language of the resolutions was cor rect, then he contended that there ought to have been no compromise. (Hear.) The Earl of HARDWICKE supported the resolu tions, and said that he was very glad to have an oppor tunity of coming to a compromise on this long-disputed question ; and he contended that these resolutions were an essential part of the compromise. (Hear.) Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY I:contended that these resolutions, if agreed to, would be considered as those of the whole house, and the extent to which the Government was responsible for them was endorsed by the announcement on the part of the noble earl at the head of the Government, of his intention to propose cer tain amendments in them. The Government, in making these c )ncessions, ought to have done so freely, gra ciously, and ungrudgingly, rather than in the manner whith had been adopted. He looked upon the hypocrisy of those resolutions, in the face cf what the Government bad done , with respect to this bill, as most discreditable to the House of Lords. (Hear.) The Duke of NEWCASTLE said that he had heard the speech of the noble lord who had last addressed the house with great credit, for up to the present time there bad been no display whatever of anything like acrimo nious feeling. (Hear.) He thought that great allowance ought to be made to noble lords who bad supported the Government from the position in which they were placed, and the greatest credit was due to the noble earl at the head of the Government for the sacrifices which had been made by him in order to bring about a settlement of this long-vexed question. (Hear, hear.) He thought it would have been better that the question should have been postponed than that an imperfect measure should be introduced Reasons 1,2, and 3 were agreed to. Their lordships then divided on the amendmEnt pro. posed by the Earl of Derby to be substituted for the 4th clause— Contents Non-contents Majority —8 Thd sth reason was agreed to, and the 6th struck out. The remainis.g reasons were agreed to. THE JEW BILL. The Earl of LUCAN moved the third reading of this bill. The Earl of GALLOWAY entered his protest against the third reading, declaring that he had never been a party to any compromise to admit the Jews to Parliament. There might be subjects on which it would be well to listen to the plea of "expediency," but this was not one o f th em. Th e country, he b e li eve d , was in favour of the Jews teicg excluded from Parliament. (Hear, hear.) He moved that the bill be read a third time that day six months. Lard DUNGANNON also strenuously opposed the bill. By admitting those who denied the divinity of our Saviour, the prayers now offered up at the commence ment :of their deliberations would be little better than a mockery. Lord COLCHESTER (who spoke from one of the Ministerial benches below the gangwa)) trusted that the noble lord would not press his motion tor rejecting the i'l to a division. Their lordships then divided Contents for the third reading.... 33 Non-contents iVlajcrity On the question that the bill do pass, A NOBLE LORD gave notice of a clause providing that no resolution for admitting the Jews to Pall,ament should be moved in either house without due notice iu compliance with the standing orders. Lnrd REDESDALE deprecated any interference with the forms of proceeding of the other hou , 2e, The noble lord moved as an amendment that no Jaw contractor should be at liberty to sit in Parliament. Lord LYNDHURST said that if no resolutions were passed in the House of Commons the Jews would be placed in a worse position than they were at presant. The Earl of DERBY hoped his noble friend would not proceed with his clause. (Hear.) It would not be wise to trench upon the free action of the other house. On the other band, there could be no danger of any surprise. Lord REDESDALE cnnsented not to press his clause. The Earl of HARRINGTON was sorry to be obliged to oppose a measure in which the noble and learned lord (Lord Lyndhurst) took so &ep an interest. Nor bad he a word to say against the personal character of Baron Rothschild, but it was a farce to say that the in- troduction of a rich Jew to Parliament was the consum mation of the victory of civil and religions liberty over bigotry. He opposed the bill because it was contrary to the institutions, laws, and religious feelings of the people of this country. Many of the Jews were loan contrac tors, who, in a moment of national peril, lent money for the carrying on of wars, which might advance the inte rests of despots. The Jews bad been ennobled because they had lent money to despots. He would rather see a good Mohammedan or Hindoo sit in Parliament than a Jew of this description. The Earl of DERBY said it would be unfair to put the Jew upon a different footing to the Christian, if elected to Parliament. (Hear.) The resolution of the noble earl would interfere with the privileges of the House of Com mons. The resolution was quiteinconsistent with the title of the bill. No distinction ought to be drawn between the subjects on which Jew.: and Christians should vote. The Earl of HARRINGTON said that during the last war large sums of money were sent from this country to Holland for Russian purposes, the result of which was that a measure was passed prohibiting such loans. But he would not press his amendment. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of GALLOWAY, in resisting the final stage of the bill, said he would not discuss the question on the ground of religion or of expediency. But the time might come when a profligate Minister might receive a large bribe for recommending the Sovereign to create Jew peers. The bill then passed. CHURCHES, &c. IRELAND) BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. NISI PRIUS COURT (IRELAND) BILL. This bill passed through committee. ENCUMBERED ESTATES (WEST INDIES) BILL. This bill passed through committee. Their lordships then adjourned at 20 minutes past 8. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.) SALE OF POISONS BILL. This bill was brought down from the House of Lords by Mr. Secretary WALPOLE, and read a first time. TELEGRAPHIC COMMUNICATION WITH INDIA. Mr. BRADY asked the Secretary for the Treasury the following question :—" If it be the intention of the Government to take into its consideration the proposi tion of establishing a submarine telegraphic line of com munication, as suggested by Mr. Sergeant Glover, and sanctioned by concessions from the Governments of neighbouring States, from Plymouth to Cape Rocco, near Lisbon, thence to Gibraltar and Malta, where it will join the established line from Malta to Corfu, en route to India." The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was not the intention of her Majesty's Government to take into their consideration the suggestion referred to. Her Majesty's Government had nearly completed their arrangements for carrying into effect a plan which they thought preferable to the other. THE BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Mr. A. SMITH asked if the understanding that opposed business should not be taken after 12 o'clock was to be adhered to ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER eaid that the understanding referred to was for the general advantage of the house ; but of course it was open to modification, when it was the prevalent opinion of the house that opposed business should be proceeded with after 12 o'clock. With respect to the particular motion referred to on Friday night, it was not to be supposed that when a Minister of the Crown proposed by the in troduction of a bill to carry out au award made by a learned judge it would come under the category of op posed business. (Hear.) And that was his reason for bringing the subject forward after 12 o'clock on Friday night. Sir DE L. EVANS asked the Secretary of State for War whether there was any objection to lay on the table of the house a copy of any report which might have been made by the superintendent of the carriage depart ment or other authority at Woolwich, of the result of the late trial of Bray's improved traction engine, as applicable to the conveyance of heavy siege artillery ? General PEEL said he had no objection to lay the report referred to on the table of the house. THE MASSACRE AT JEDDAH. Mr. LIDDELL asked the Under Secretory for Foreign Affairs if the attention of her Majesty's Go vernment had been directed to the report of the massacre of English and French at Jeddah, and if so what steps had been taken in reference to it ? (Hear, hear.) Mr. S. FITZGERALD said the hon. gentleman bad received no other information on the tragic and unfor tunate subject than was known to hon. members and the public through the medium of the telegram referred to. He had no doubt the story would be found to be too true —(hear, hear)— and immediately on the receipt of the telegram referred to the noble lord at the bead of the Foreign Department eent'a telegraphic communication to Malta, in anticipation of the arrival there of the Indian mails, with instructions to the commander of the Cyclops to proceed to Suez and on to Jeddah, and to use every means in his power to bring the perpetrators of this ter rible outrage to justice. (Hear, hear.) Captain Watson, of the Indian equadron, had also been sent to to seed two of his vessels to co-operate in every way possible with the captain of the Cyclops, and to use forcible and aggressive measures if necoesary te attain that object. THE SLAVE TRADE. On the motion for going into committee of supply, Mr. HUTT called the attention of the house to the report of the committees on the slave trade in 1848 and. 1849 ; and to move, " That it is expedient to discon tinue the practice of authorising her Majesty's ships to visit and search vessels under foreign Sags, with a view of suppressing the traffic in slaves." The hon. member referred to a similar motion he introduced to the notice of the house about eight years' since, which was negatived by a large majority. Since that time he had not troubled the house on the subject, but he thought the time had now arrived when be might with propriety return to the sub ject. They had now bad eight years additional experience, and the repeated attempts at suppression of the slave trade by an armed force had brought their usual results with them. He believed public opinion bad greatly changed within these few years, and he con sidered that many hon. members who were members of this house in 1850, and then opposed him, had commu nicated to him their intention of expressing regret at the course they then teak, and of their determination of amending their conduct in that respect if they could get an opportunity. (Hear, and laughter.) His object on the present occasion was not to embarrass her Mejes ty's Government, or place them in a critical posi ion by calling upon them to adopt a particular plan for the suppression of the slave trade, but to elicit a discussion on the subject for their future guidance. The hon. mem ber proceeded to argue that an armed force could not suppress the slave trade, but that, on the contrary, it aggravated its evils, whilst at the same time it constant'y brought this country into a very difficult and delicate position with America and France relative to the right of search. In support of his views the hoc. member quoted from the report of the slave trade commission at Havana, which went to show that the slave trade in Cuba was never in greater activity than now. (Hear.) Mr. Burke, in his letter to Mr. Pitt, said the slave trade could only be put down by the countries who imported slaves, and not by an armed force. It was impossible, so long as there was a market and the high price of slaves continued, to suppress slavery. The hon. member quoted the opinion of Capt. Hamilton, Sir C. Hotham, Commo dore .Anson, Mr. Bandineld, Sir S. Lu-hington, and Sir F. Buxton, in favour of his views, and referred to the large meeting against elavery held in Exeter-hill in 1851, in which the noble lord the mem ber for the city of London took part, and the result of the accumulated testimony he bad quoted was that our system of suppression by the intervention of an armed forcehad failed. He wished it had done nothing but failed —but was the house really aware of what was now going on on the coast of Africa ? He believed not, for if they and the country did, he felt satisfied they would not rest quiet until the thing was put an end to. (Hear, bear.) He also quoted the late Duke of Wellington's statement to the Congress of Verona in 1822, that armed interven tion relative to the slave trade augmented its evils. (Hear, hear.) If that were the cash ;len, it was tenfold more true now. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member then graphically and feelingly described the horrors of the slaves when confined in baracoons previous to embarka• tion, the dangers of embarkation, and the horrors of the middle passage, and added that Mr. Bandineld estimated the loss by deaths, from disease, hunger, thirst, and fatigue, at 25 per cent, and Sir E. F. Buxton at 33 per cent., for which the house and the country were respon sible from not having put an end to the horrible system. (Hear, heat.) He next referred to the difficulties this conotry had been plac.d in with America and France arising from the right of search, which, he said, the maintenance of an armed force bad created. Our system had done no good; on the contrary, it was largely pro ductive of evil, and therefore he would put it to the house earnestly but respectfully whether such a system ought to be continued. Mr. CARDWELL said the motion of his hon. friend was not a motion for the withdrawal of the squadron from the coast of Africa, but it wanted the House of Commons to pass a resolution which would have the effect of fettering the hands of Government as to the in structions which they should give to the commanders of that squadron. Now, that was a proposition which he did not think the house was likely to adopt. His non. friend had reminded them what was instituted some years ago with respect to the efficacy of the squadron ; he had told them a great deal of the committee of which he was chairman, but he told them nothing of the com mittee of the other House of Parliament, which at the same time conducted a similar inquiry, and which, upon fuller evidence, had come to an exactly opposite conclu. sion. What makes the distinction between the reports of the taro committees ? Why, the committee of the House of Lords unanimoesiy expressed that the squadron had not been ineffectual in putting down the slave trade, on the contrary that it had cleared 2,000 miles of the African coast from the accursed traffic. Well, and what was the result of the investiga. tioo of the other house of Parliament ? Why, after ear nestly debating the question—after day by day keenly contesting the point at issue--it was determined by the casting vote of his hon. friend (Mr. Hutt) to adopt the report which he presented. Well, but how was that re port received by the house? Why, by a very large ma jority it was determined to throw over the report. So that if the hon, member referred to his committee, he (Mr. Cardwell) would refer from the committee to the decision of the house. But what was the grand vaticina tion cf the report ? Why, that to put down the slave trade with Brazil was a hopeless undertaking. It was in 1850 that this debate about the hopelessness of putting down the slave trade with Brazil took place ; and what had become of that very trade before the year 1851 had closed Why, it was entirely wiped out. Yes, f or tifi e d by the ? resolution of the house in the preceding year, the Government of the day sent out instructions to the squadron of the coast to act with becoming vigour ; and the consequence was that the Brazilian Minister was obliged to appear before the Chamber, and to declare it was utterly impossible for the Government to contend against the determination of a country like England. And now, to refer to the committee of 1853, what was the language of that committee ! Why, in their report they said it was gratifying to find that the slave trade on the coast of Africa was in a different state from what it was in the year 1848, and that it had been so ranch reduced ; and they trusted that the efforts for its sup pression would be persevered in. Upon what evidence did his hon. friend rely for the support of his views ? His hon. friend seemed to forget that it was after hear ing the evidence of Captain Hamilton and Sir Charles Hotham that the committee came to the conclusion to which he had just referred. Again, the evidence of Mr. Bandinell had been influenced by the statistics of Dr. Clift, who was himself interested in the slave trade. On the other hand, what were the results before them ? Why, upon a line of coast of 2,000 miles the trade had been entirely suppressed, and in lieu of it had sprung up a native traffic in cotton and palm oil of the most remarkable character. Now that traffic must inevitably be destroyed if the squadron was withdrawn. Then, again, let them consider what would be the fate of the various Christian missions in Africa if the squadron was withdrawn. Why, even the American missionaries had recognised the vast protection which they derived from that squadron. Well, then, after haring paid Spain a sum of 400,0001. to induce her to enter into treaties with us ; after having gone out into the world every where soliciting allies to our policy, could they now turn round and say they were ready to dismiss that hation from that contract I No, he sincerely trusted the house would adhere to its opinions of 1849, and give no sanc tion to a retrograde policy. (Cheers.) Mr. S. FITZGERALD said that as the opinions which he should lay before the house were similar to those with which the house had just been favoured, he should have preferred if some one with opposite views had risen to address it ; still he believed they would not be unwilling to grant him an audience, inasmuch as he had it in his power to lay before them some important facts with respect to the present condition of the slave trade. But in the first place he must be permitted to say that he believed the country would be but little in clined hastily to reverse the policy which had been so considerately adopted. Again, he would ask, did any one imagine that if England bad not taken up the firm position that she did upon this question that Portugal and Brazil would have been induced to follow the same course. The hon. gentleman had called his own policy successful. Now, upon that point be (Mr. Fitzgerald) had come to conclusions entirely different from those of the hon. gentleman ; and in confirmation of his con clusions he would state in the first place that while 15 yearn ago the number of slaves iexported annually from Africa amounted to 155,000, the numbers imported, on the average of the last three years into Cuba were only 15,000. (Hear, hear.) While, within the last few years, the value of the exports in articles of legitimate commerce had increased so enormously as to amount at present to considerably more than 2,000,0001. And , while a few years ago not a single puncheon of palm oil was procurable from the Bight of Benin, the quantity exported last year amounted in value to not less than 700,000/. Now, what he wanted to impress upon the house was; that although they might not have succeeded in putting down the slave trade entirely, yet they had succeeded in rendering its pursuit so difficult that in an immense district on the west coast of Africa the people bad surrendered themselves to legitimate traffic, and he was bound here to testify to the chivalrous efforts of the Portuguese Government in putting do wn slavery, and if there was one person of that nation whose efforts were more particularly worthy of recognition, it was those of the 'Viscount Saldanha. (Hear, hear.) Looking to the information that was before them, he must say that it was not to India, it was not to other countries which had been spoken of, that they ought to look for a farther supply of cotton, but it was to Africa. One of our con suls there wrote that last year the exportation of cotton and cotton goods from Africa to Brazil amounted to no less than 7,200,0001b5. weight, so that before many years elapsed England might expect to receive a very large sup ply of cotton from Africa. He had eo hesitation in say ing that the French had no intention to co-operate in this traffic. When the emigrants arrived in the French colony, they were carefully attended to. He had seen the regulations which were adopted with regard to them, and he was of opinion that there could be nothing better fur their protection, but at the same time her Ma jesty's Government had represented to the French Government that buying men and setting them free in French colonies, must necessarily lead to the continuance of the slave trade on the coast of Africa. It was impos sible to suppose that if the French purchased from the chiefs those who were already slaves, those chiefs would not have recourse to war as before, in order to obtain them. He might refer to an article which appeared that morning in one of the morning papers, taken from the Revue des Deux Mendes, which expressed a hope on the part of a very eminent writer that the French Govern ment would at once inquire into the matter, and take care that that whicliwaa intended as a benefit, namely, to obtain free labour, should not lead to the continuance of the slave trade, and he thought, therefore, that the hon. member for Gateshead's prophecy would not be re alised. The hon. gentleman bad referred to differences which he bad reason to believe would take place between the United States of America and England, and which he thought might throw additional difficult:es in the way of our abolition of the slave trade. With reference to that point, he would repeat what he had stated on a pre. vious occasion, namely, that her Majesty's Government bad not considered themselves justified, or that it was worthy of the dignity of a great nation, to urge a plea which was not warranted in fact. They said, on the con trary, that they were ready to proceed on the plan pro posed, that where the flag of America was not fairly borne on a vessel in which it was seen, that there we should exercise not the right, but that we might take upon ourselves the risk to see whether that ship properly represented itself. General C 339 had stated that this was a right that they should not have scrupled to make use of themselves, and that he could not but look upon it as a most satisfactory statement. That morning he had received an opinion of General Cass, in refer ence to the course which his Government bad taken upon that difficult qnestion, and so far from showing that we had difficulties in our way, the house would be glad to hear that the course taken by her Majesty's Government had been properly esti mated by the Government of America, which he believed would lead to the adoption of some course which would sweep away for ever all those difficulties to which the bon. gentleman the member for Gateshead had alladed. He had received that morning a letter from Lord Napi r, in which he said that General Cass stated to him his opinion that the course taken by her Majesty's Government was worthy of a great and generous coun try, which was ready to recognise an error inconside ntely committed. Lord Napier added that General Cess assured him most emphatically of his confidence in the declarations made by her Majesty's Government, and that the Government of th© United States would at once give their earnest and attentive consideration to any proposal which her Majesty's Government might suggest for the protection of the nationality of vessels, and the right of the flag under which they sailed. (Hear, hear.) He thought, therefore, that the hon. gentleman the member for Gateshead might disabuse his mind of their having in view a prospect of difficulties het wean this country and America, which would prevent the Government maintaining that just and humane policy which had been fur so many years the pr:de and beast of this country. (Hear, hear.) He would only add that a short time ago he informed the house that it had bean a matter of consideration on the part of the Givern went whether it was necessary to withdraw the squa dro❑ from the coast cf Cuba. It was obvious that as long as we were on that coast unsupported and uncouu tenanced by the American Government in the highway of their commerce, we might run the risk of detaining some vessel engaged in legitimate commerce. That difli. culty would no longer exist, for General Cass had informed Lord Napier that ships of the American Government proceeding to the Cuban waters had received instructions of the saute character as those proceeding to the coast of Africa, while the present American squadron on the coat of Cuba would be prepared to co-operate with us upon the most friendly footing. He (Hr. Fitzgerald) expressed his earnest hope that the house would not sanction the proposal of the hon. gentleman the mem ber for Gateshead, for the Government had adopted their policy from no sordid motives. It was a policy they had maintained solely with a view to the maintenance of the rights cf humanity and to promote the oFj.lct of Ctn.:Bien civilisation. Fir himself he might say that it was a gratification to him that thus, on the threshold of public life, although in a subordinate position, he was able to express, on the part of her Majesty's Govern ment, their determination not to give up that policy for which SO many eminent men bad struggled, and which he hoped it would always be the pride of this cJantry to maintain. ([Tear, hear.) Mr. M. GIBSON said that judging from the speech of the hon. gentleman who had just sat down, he was induced to believe that there was very little difference bet yeen the views of the Government and those of the hon. member for Gateshead, who never intended to in• c'ude in his motion the vessels of those nations who had granted us a right by treaty to search their ships. With those nations with which we had speal rights he did not propose to interfere, but what he did say was, that we should not in an indiscriminate manner authorise our naval officers to search foreign ships with a view to the slave trade, Now that was exactly what the Go vernment was going to do. It seemed that cow a rational course was to be pursued, that the Ameri can Goverment were to look after the ships bear ing the American flag, and that England was to exercise the legitimate jurisdiction it possessed over English vecaels, but we were to desist from visiting vessels under foreign flags merely from speculations on slave traffic ; that orris to say, England was to have the right of visiting English vessels to ascertain whether there were slaves on board, and Americans were to have the ;awe privilege. Ho was g:a.l to sc. , e that this policy of visiting ships in Cuban waters had been discontinued by her Majesty's Government. (Hear.) He felt convinced that such a cour3e could not have been persevered in without leading to most serious conse quences. It vi 38 clear that we never had any right t o mearch o r v i s i t ships except they were Engli:h vessels or v ssela of c.)untries which had granted us a r ght by special t rea t y, and he coceidered that cur proceedings in Cuban waters had been a violation of the law of nations. Ile thought that her Majesty's Government deserved the thanks of Parliltnent and the country for ordering our officers to diecontio,u3 the course they had hitherto adopted. The hon. gentleman, the Under Sec r - t4ry for the Fore'gn Department, had told the bou,e, in reference to the general policy of the Government on the coast of Africa, that he anticipated the beat results from it. He said that there had been increased trade and increased exportations of various articles. He hoped the hon. gentleman might not discover that all this bad been the result of slave labour, and that the slave trade had been by theEo means increased. The hen. gentleman THE STJN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY_ 13, 1858. said the slave trade had diminished, that not so many slaves as formerly were now exported from the coast of Africa. Well that might be the case, and for a very good reason. The demand for slaves in the Brazils had lately ceased, and they did not require that amount of slave labour which they formerly employed, and which was produced on the coast of Africa. All who now carried on the slave trade were Spain and Cuba, and to a con siderable extent our dear friends the Turks on the Medi• terranean, and these got as many as they required. He undertook to say that no member of that house would assert that those who dealt in slaves could not easily ob tain as many as they pleased. (Hear.) Then the situation we were in was clearly this--we were paying a million a year, or something like it, to obtain an extension of mari time police to put down the slave trade ; and those who required slaves were getting as many as they wanted. (Hear.) There was evidently something wrong there. Either the system was utterly inadequate, or it was an unmitigated evil in itself. (Hear.) What then was the effect of the squadron ? It was this, that Cuba got as many slaves as she required, but in order to supply her demand a greater number had to be exported from Africa, to allow fez. that margin which would be occas sioned by our capturing or liberating any of them on the passage. These were sent in less roomy vessels, lees attention was paid to their health, and various expedi ents were resorted to, fatal to the unfortunate slaves, to elude the English cruisers. So that for the sake of capturing a very small percentage of slaves from Africa to Cuba, a great amount of suffering and death was in flicted upon the great body of those who were exported. He believed it could be proved that this country was extending the miseries of the slave trade to an increased number of Africans, and we fancied because ve9 captured a few and liberated them, we were suppressing the slave trade. (Hear.) He could not understand why the operations of the squadron had done so much for Bread and nothing for Cuba. In Brazil the slave trade had been abolished by the force of public opinion, for it was a mistake to suppose that we in England monopolised all the moral feeling of the world, and that no other nations were alive to the obligations of morality and re ligion. Other nations were able to view the slave trade in the same light as ourselves. Brazil viewed it in that light, and the Brazilian government passed a law to cease that trade, although it had been untouched by the squad ron. (Hear.) It had been said that the squadron had exercised a very beneficial effect upon the Brazils. He (Mr. Gibson) did not believe it. He believed that if there had been French cruisers in the Channel when we had slaves, that fact would not have tended much to pacify us. He believed that the squadron and the Brazilian Act of 1845 tended very much to put off the time when the Brazilian Legislature was inclined to legislate upon this subject, and that the stave trade would have ceased much sooner if it bad not been for that offensive act of Parliament to capture Bra eilian vessels, arid English law courts to deal with them without any treaty rights to make any such enactments. His principal object that night was to ask the house to repeal the Brazilian Act of 1845. The committee of 1853, of which he believed the present First Lord of the 'Admiralty and the president of the Board of Control were members stated in their report that the cessation of the slave trade in the Brazils, furnished a reason why the Government should repeal the act of 1845. Now, what was the relation of the Brazils with regard to the slave trade? It was that if any subject of the Emperor of Brazil were found involved in this trade it should be regarded as an act of piracy. That was their engage ment with this country, and it had been fulfilled to the letter. An adequate machinery had been established in Brazil to give tffsct to that law, and we had no cause whatever for maintaining that Brazilian act of 1845 which was only passed upon - the ground that the Bra zilian Government had faired in fulfilling its treaty obligations to this country. He (Mr. Gibson) was in the house when that act was passed, and he protested against it at the time. Lord Aberdeen, who was at that time Foreign Minister, made a promise to Parliament, which was communicated to the Brazilian Government, that when the slave trade had ceased, or Brazil had entered into treaty arrangements with this country to put it down that act should be repealed. Those events had occurred, and he thought it was the bounden duty of this country to see that its promise should be fulfilled, and the act of 1845 repealed. The export trade of Brazil with England amounted to between twelve and teirteen millions a-year. Englishmen held a large amount of shares in their railways, and interest upon their debt. Under these circumstances, and that the slave trade was suppressed there, it behoved Eng land to strike off its statute book that offensive law, and to place the relations between the two countries upon a more satisfactory footing. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Cardwell) had spoken of the missionaries, whose advocate he had become ; but he (Mr. Gibson) had spoken to many missionaries, and he found that univer sally they relied upon the doctrines and the opinions they taught, and not upon the broadsides of our men of war. The same views were held by the British and Foreign Slave Society, whose report spoke strongly upon this matter, and urged the abolition of the Brazilian act of 1845. The report of this society (portions of which the right hon. gentleman read) also showed that the Turks were extensively engaged in the traffic of young negroes, who suffered most fearfully from Oriental cupi dity. This traffic it was alleged had greatly increased since the war. When they considered that the only two countries which carried on the slave trade, Turkey and Spain, both of which were deeply indebted to England, some other means should be taken of reaching them than the miserable little squadron we had now engaged. When the Ot man Porto and the Government of Spain were convinced of the soundness of our moral views, they would no doubt take measures to put down this iniquitous trade. (Hear.) Mr. A. MILLS thought it was very important that it should be borne in mind that Spain had received a large amount of money from us for the suppression of the stave trade, and that it had violated all treaty en gagements. He shared in the satisfaction which had been expressed in the statement of the Under Secretary of State for the Home Department, for it showed that the American difficulties were over, and that although in this matter we had two unfaithful allies, we had entered upon better days. Ho hoped that upon this subject they would hare some ex pression of opinion from the noble lord the member for Tiverton. Mt. GURNEY considered our past efforts for the re pression of the slave trade had been eminently successful. All agreed that the slave trade and legitimate commerce could not coexist in the same locality. It was clear that no difference of opinion existed upon that point, and it might be remembered that in his evidence before a com mittee of that house, Sir Charles Hotham, a high au ho rity, said the two could not co -exist for any length of time, that the two could not permanently extend them selves, and that where the two prevailed, slavery would beat the other completely out of the market. The honourable gentleman gave •a very encouraging view of the expert of cotton from West Africa to Brazil, supporting his views by voluminous statistic-, The heathen natives had entered into legitimate com merce. He thought all experience was in favour of the system adopted by Admiral Bruce, that of preventing the embarkation of negroes rather than trying to capture them after einba.t kmant. There was a very considerable trade carried on by negro traders, who embarked small c trgoes. This trade was much checked by the weight of duties, and one great hardship was that a ship break ing 'milk at Sierra Leone or Bathurst to land a email portion cf the cargo paid tonnage on the whole, as if the cargo had been lauded. Sir G. B. PEG HELL said that if this motion was agreed to the cotton trade would entirely disappear, falling a prey to the pirates along the coast. To give up the right of search would be to abandon all our treaties with Spain, with the native chiefs, &c , after p:tyieg enormous price, 400,0001. which with the interest would now amount to 630,0001., to Spai❑ for this very right. Sir C. NAPIER recommended the employment of a large number of steamers on the coast of Africa. If that class of vessels had been employed when the squadron was first formed the slave trade would long have ceased to exist. One objection he had to the present system was the mode of rewarding officers and men by prize money. He did not desire to see slavers captured so much as to prevent slavers from leaving the coast. No doubt the officers and men employed upon that station deserved reward, and he would give them double pay, but at present the prize -money was an encouragement to officers (although he did not say that they acted upon it) to allow the embarkation of slaves, He was informed that the e-xtent of the coast to be watched was only about 1,500 miles, and 15 or 20 small steamers would soon put an end to the slave-trade there. The right hon. gentle man the member for Ashton (Hr. Gibson) appeared to confound the right of search with the right of visit. We had never possessed the right of 4.,enrch as r .garded America, but the right of visit was a different thing. A ship might pass ahead of a vessel whose character it was desirable to know, and dropping a boat might send on board and ask to see her papers without at all delaying her voyage. They had no tight to open a hatchway. If England had been allowed to search American ve-sele, and America to search English vessels, the slave trade might have been soon put down. He was glad to hear that the Ender Secretary of State was about to take a course satisfactory to both parties, and hoped that hence forward England would not be called upo❑ to apologise for every trifling excess of duty on the part of English captains. All chance of quarrelling with America would be removed if strict orders were given to all cap tains of English vessels to flow suspected slavers, and if they were found to be American not to interfere with them. Mr. ROEBUCK had often considered this question, putting himself in the condition of the slave, and consi dering what ho should do if any one made him a slave ? (A. laugh.) His answer was, that he should use every means in his power to make himself so dangerous to his master that he would not wish to have another slave. (Elear, hear.) Ltt them not then imagine, from any thing he should say, that he was a friend to the slave trade. It was an unholy traffic, not more degrading to the slave than to the master and all engaged in it. It was the greatest stain humanity had ever brought o❑ itself. (Hear, hear.) What the question of the hon. gentleman sought was, that all our vessels should in future desist from exercising any right of visitation or of search. He differed from the gallant admiral, who made a distinction between the right of search and the right cf visit, and said we were entitled to one but not to the other. He held that we had no right to either. We were now about to give up all attempt to maintain a right of visitation of American vessels. Our attempts had been to prevent the exportation, not the importation o f slaves. Those attempts had utterly failed. Cuba ob tained as many slaves as she wanted, and as we had in creased the difficulty of exportation, the effect was that a larger number was embarked to make up for losses. We had, in fact, increased the number ex ported and not diminished the number received. Our endeavours bad been wholly mischievous, our philan- f thrcpy had injured mankind. Our loss of money and risk of war had been wholly nugatory. He wanted that answered. It was not enough to point out increase in commerce, and say that trade in goods and in slaves was incompatible. That was an error. The trade in slaves had gone on from the beginning, and the Increase in other trades was owing to the increase of demand. Our endeavour to put down the slave trade was no cause of the increase of legitimate trade. It was really a stain on our name that we had bullied Brazil, and truckled to America. Brazil, though she imported slaves, had made the slave trade a piracy. We passed our acts of Parlia ment, which we said should be at an end as soon as the slave trade was put an end to. That had occurred, and we took credit for it, but the fact was the trade went on until the Brazilians themselves put it down, because they found the black population was increasing to an extent that they regarded as dangerous. It behoved us, by re pealing that act of Parliament, to give that to a less powerful state, Brazil, which we were yielding to a more powerful nation, the States of America. The arguments he had used bad not been answered. The right hon. member for the University of Oxford bad made a bril hant speech, but had given the go-by to his arguments. (A laugh.) If it could not be shown that our efforts had tended to put down the slave trade, it was useless to talk about the increase of trade. It was very well to talk of the horrors of the passage, but the effects of our efforts had been to increase those miseries. They were packed in barrels, which would not be done if the trade were left open. This was done at a risk, but that risk was covered if only a small proportion were landed. The motion was a humane one. The failure was owing to France and America, but they were too strong for us. We were wise to yield, for a war with America would be ten times more disastrous than the slave trade. America did not mean to put down the trade, nor would she give us any right of visita tion. Any slaver would only have to hoist that bit of bunting—the stars and stripes—and we could not search her. The squadron was to be removed from Cuba, and any trader in human flesh need only hoist the flag of the freest country in the world to cover his human cargo. He congratulated our free cousins on that result. We had failed in our efforts to put down the slave trade in consequence of their conduct, and the shame was not ours but theirs. Sir J. PAKINGTON—The speech of the hon. mem ber for Sheffield has formed an exception to the almost unanimity which has hitherto distinguished this debate, and, though it supported the views of the hon. member for Gateshead, it-certainly was no answer to the able speeches of the right hon. member for Oxford, and of my hon. friend the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs. (Hear.) As to the speech of the right hon. member for Ashton, though it also was in favour of the motion be fore us, every one must have felt that it was delivered in an entirely different sense from the speech of the mem ber for Gateshead. The house has a right to complain that the speech of the member for Gateshead was not in accordance with his motion. The first notice which the hon. member gave was to call attention to the continu ante of the squadron ; he afterwards altered his motion to one respecting the right of visit and search, but every one must feel that his speech was mainly directed to get ting rid of the squadron altogether. (Hear.) The hon. and learned member for Sheffield has spoken in the same sense. He tells us that our efforts to put down the slave trade have entirely failed, and that the best thing we can do is to withdraw our cruisers. I deny altoge. ther that that assertion is supported by facts. (Hear.) We may not have succeeded to the extent that we de sire, but we have accomplished great thine, and if it were not for our efforts the slave trade would have been far more active. (Hear.) In the years 1856-7-8, the Bra zilian slave trade was enormously large, our squadron on the coast of Africa was in consequence very largely in creased, and within a few years after that the Brazilian slave trade was at an end. In giving evidence before the committee; of 1848 the noble lord the member for Tiver ton said he thought it was sanguine to expect that the Brazilian slave trade would be reduced in 10 years as low as the Cuban slave trade then was, but by the efforts of our cruisers, aided no doubt by circumstances in Brazil, the noble lord's expectations were exceeded, and within two or three years the Brazilian slave trade had ceased. The Cuban ;lave trade woe then low, but it revived soon after, and that revival was caused mainly by the weaken ing of our squadron rendered necessary by the Russian war. The hon. and learned gentleman says that Cuba, notwithstanding our cruisers, can get as many slaves as ever she wants, but the fact is directly the reverse. From the latest accounts we have received it is certain that notwithstanding the revival of the slave trade, so great is the difficulty found iu importing a sufficient number of slaves into the island to maintain cultivation, they have recently been reduced, as an experiment, to import a considerable number of ladiansfrom Yucatan. (Hear, hear.) I do hops that this house, for the sake of a great policy so long maintained, will unanimously de cide against doing away with the squadron. But the suppression of the slave trade is not the only benefits which will flow from the maintenance of the squadron. If our efforts are continued—if the slave trade is not allowed to revive—Africa is the quarter to which wemay look with greater certainty than to any other for our future supplies of cotton. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the argument which has been used that the station is unhealthy for our sailors I can only say that that i s no t the conclusio n a t w hi c h I have arrived after all the in quiries which I have made. No doubt, to those who go on shore, or navigate the rivers, the climate of Africa is dangerous, but for the cruisers who keep at sea the sta tion is no more unhealthy than many others to which our sailors are sent, lam informed, moreover, that the station is by no means unfavourable to the discipline of the navy. I must say that I think great praise is due to the officers who have had command of these squa,lrone. They have had a very difficu;t and delicate duty to dis charge, and speaking generally, they have performed it with great discretion and ability. Tne hon, and learned member says that her Majesty's Government have truckled to the United States. I give a distinct denial to that assertion. There was nothing in the lan guage used by the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs to justify it. Her Majesty's Government have met the Government of the United States in a frank and conci liatory spirit, and the Government of the United States have responded in a frank, conciliatory, and generous manner, and we have reason to hope that the result will be that arrangements will be made between the two countries for some definite mode of verifying the flag as sumed by vessels and avoiding the extreme difficulties which surround this question. (Hear) Should such be the result I think the house will admit we shall have reason to be grateful for the slight difference which has for a moment interrupted the relations between the doestw two countries. (Hear.) I regret, that the hon. gentlem a n not intend to press his motion to a division, fur I think it would be satisfactory to the public to see the over whelming majority by which I am sure the policy which England has so long maintained would be supported. (Cheers.) Mr. BUXTON supported the continuance of the cruisers off the coast of Africa. Ho considered they an swerers two purposes, one, the suppression cf piracy, and the other the suppression of the slave trade. denied that the cruisers were the cause of increasing the horrors The same horro rs th at now of the " middle passage." prevailed existed before the establishment of a squadron off the coast of Africa. The sla ve s hi p had now but one deck instea d of several, and th e passage was completed in a less space of time than formerly, s o that to a certain extent the horrors of the middle pas sage had been modified. He proceeded to show that our ships cruising off the coast and at the mouths of the rivers disturbed the operations of the slavers, and when they bad those valuable cargoes on board they run the risk of being captured before they arrived at their desti nation. Surely that must check the trade. What would it be if the slavers were free to make their arrangements at their leisure, and arrive and depart at their pleasure. The establishment of a squadron wag an experiment, but it bad worked well. It was only during the Russian war, when the sq aadron was dimin ished, that the trade began to revive and apparently flourish. Our consul at Cuba stated that during the flourishing save year of 1856 he beli eve d t h ere were not more than 6,000 or 7,000 slaves imported into that island. Slaves cost about ten dollars, and fetched in Cuba be tween 401. and 801., which showed there must be some official obstacle to enhance the price, and he contended it arose from our squadron being a serious impediment in the way of the slave trade, The squadron had probably not been efficient in destroying the slave trade, but it had had the effect of keeping it down from rising to seven or eight times its present amount. The west coast of Africa pro- due articles valuable to this country, and he believed - if cotton was to be Extensively cultivated there, it would absorb the African population in free labour, and he a further check on slavery. He had read an extract from Lieu tenant May's despatches to Lord Clarendon in November last, speaking in high terms of th e i n d ustry and intell ec t of the inhabitants. There was a prospect of a rapid g rowth on the west coast of Af r i ca o f commerce advano tageous to this country, but th e s l ave trade was the death of legitimate commerce. It therefore appeared to him that there was a magnificent prospect for legitimate c ommerce on the west coast of Africa if they cools only get rid of the slave trade. (H ear. ) To let louse they slave trade in Africa would be nothing more than letting loose war, havoc, and ruin o n th at country, and lower ourselves in the eyes of the civilised world. (Hear.) If we pursue our present course it would be found a wise one, but the other course, if adopted, would be a penny wise and pound foolish one. (Elear, hear.) Lord C. PAGET could net understand how it was hon. members urged that the officers of her Majesty's navy considered the slave trade was to be put down by the keeping up a squadron on the coast of Africa. He had his pocket full of letters he had received from offi• cers on that coast, stating that their efforts were futile for the suppression of the slave traffic. (Ulcer.) Admi ral Bruce, lately on the African station, stated that the suppression of the slave trade could never be effected whllet Amer ea and Spain imported them. He (Lord Paget) could speak from experienee of the horrors of our system. It had been his lot to capture two slavers, and although it occurred some years ago he should never forget a scene that was beyond description, He on one occasion chased a slave br;g for 17 hour=, and afterwards captured her, when he found 480 wretched creatures on board. These poor creatures had been for 17 hours un able to move —they had been without any food and water (luring that time, and he found 480 ravicg mad creatures on board that ship, and the scene beggared all descrip tion. (Hear.) This was not an isolated case, and every officer who went in chase of a slaver involved the poor creature in a similar amount of misery. (Hear, hear.) No gentleman can realisefrom what be reads the misery her Majesty's officers and men sustained on the coast of Africa. The station was injurious to our own officers and men, and although the majority of them returned with the ships, nine-tenths of them came home with their constitutions destreyed. He considered they were midtadieg the public by keeping a squadron on the coast, and if the motion had been introduced earlier, be should have been prepared to have shown its beneficial working before a committee if one had been appointed. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. PAKINGTON wished, in explanation, to say that he had not represented the station as a healthy one. What he had said was that the officers on it did not suffer more from ill health than did the officers on some other stations. (Hear.) Lord PALMERSTON said that the object of his hon. friend's (Mr. Hutt's) motion seemed to be to put an end to all naval operations for the suppression of the slave trade; and the right hon. gentleman the member for Ashton (Mr. M. Gibson) urged the house to ask the Go vernment to rescind the law applicable to the slave trade in Brazil. Undoubtedly if these two objects were accom plished the slave trade would become rampant to the ut- most degree, and, as they all know, commerce on the coast of Africa would cease. The motion of his hon. friend was peculiar in that sentimeut ; because Mr. Windham was described as having said, " Perish commerce ; live the constitution ;" but his hon. friend made a little variation and said, " Perish commerce ; live the slave trade." (Oh, oh). If mere assertion was sufficient, his hon. friend's ease would be unanswerable, because he had gone on from assertion to assertion ; but unfortunately alt his assertions had been diametrically opposite to the fact. (Laughter.) Hon. gentlemen said our policy had not been successful. Our policy had been eminently successful. The hon. gentleman had said that our squadron had increased the sufferings of the negroes. That assertion had been proved to be diametrically opposite to the fact. The hon. gentleman had asserted that as long as there was a demand at Cuba there would be a supply to meet it. Now, it was notorious that the supply at present fell far short of the demand. (Hear.) Within the last four or five years we had put an end to the slave trade on the coast of Brazil. (Hear, hear.) On that coast no less than YO,OOO slaves were landed every year; and the house might conclude that at least three times that member had been shipped. (Hear, hear.) The unfortu nate Africans were now in some instances taken in wars set on for the purpose. In others, they were captured after the burning of villages, and the massacre of the old people and of infants. Then the horrors of the middle passage 1 His noble friend (Lord C. Paget) ascribed those latter horrors to our interference ; but the case mentioned by his noble friend proved the benefit of our operations, for he (Lord C. Paget) rescued those 480 poor people and made them free. Was not that a great act of mercy ? His noble friend had said that officers came home decrepid and disabled ; but he was in him self a contradiction to that assertion. (Laughter.) By pu ting an end to the slave trade in Brazil, we had pre vented the landing of at least 200,100 negroes annually on the coast of that country. (Hear, hear.) It was said that no credit was due to this country for t,hc aboli tion of the Brazilian slave trade, but to the Brazilian Government. He denied that assertion. (Hear, hear.) We commenced operations of a very vigorous character on the coast of Brazil in 1850, under an aot passed in 1845. In consequence of some representations made to Sir J. Hudson, our minister, by the Brazilian Govern ment, those operations were suspended, and with what result ?—why the renewal of the slave trade. How ever, our operations were recommenced ; and, finding us d, termined, the Brazilian minister went down to the legislature and asked it to adopt the law putting an end to slavery in that country. (Hear, bear.) Therefore, when any man told him (Lord Palmerston) that the abolition of the slave trade on the coast of Brazil was not owing to our exertions, but to the growth of opinion in Brazil, he treated that assertion with the contempt it deserved. (Oh, oh, and hear, hear.) He did not mean to say that there was not, at the time to which he re ferred, a party in Brazil who entertained sensible notions on the subject of the Slave trade, and wished to see it put and end to 'for the sake of Brazil itself—(bear, hear) ;—but the people rsj Aced in their hearts at the course taken by Great Britain, and which led to the annihilation of the slave traffic in their country. The suppression of the slave trade in Brazil, so far from doing an injury to the people of that empire, had led to the development of their resources— ' the employment of capital on public works of a very beneficial character. So long as this c auntry bad the act of 1845 in reserve the Brazilian government would ad here to the course they had been compelled to adopt ; but if that act was repealed a return to the slave trade on the coast of Brazil would follow as a certainty. If the slave trade on the African coast were kept down, in a very few years our commerce with the West Coast of Africa would exceed our commerce with Brazil. (Hear, hear.) Sources of commerce of great importance to this country had been repeatedly pointed out in ground nuts, palm oil, and cotton. They were told that those articles had grown up because the demand for them increased. Why, there was always a demand for them; but how p as pi n y o a s s e l c o u n r g ity as the country w as l a id for life and pr o p erty ? w c o a u s l t d e, t h a n e rde there supply When the demand was for human flash there could be no supply of the articles of legitimate commerce. Now, with regard to the supply of cotton, Afric was of the utmost importance to this country. It was nearer to us than India. He believed the cotton districts of Africa were more extensive than those of India ; the access was easier, and he believed that in a very few years the sup ply of cotton from Africa would prove more valuable to this country than that of any other in the world, America alone excepted. On commercial principles then, he said it would be the height of folly to reverse their policy. How did the case stand in a political point of view This country, from 1815 down to the present time, had stood forward among all the nations of the world in its endeavours, not only by its own example, but by inducing other countries to concur in the abolition and suppression of the slave trade. That also had been eminently successful, because several countries had followed our example in abolishing slavery, and every maritime country, either by treaty with us or by its own law, had reprobated the traffic and endea voured to prevent it. France was at one time a great slave trading country ; it had put down the slave trade, and more recently it had abolished slavery altogether. Portugal was at one time a great offender ; he was happy to say that not only had Portugal abolished the slave trade, but that its present government had it in contem plation to propose to the legislature a law for the pro spective abolition of slavery in its colonies. (Hear, he .r.) But the motion now before the house proposed that we should abrogate our proud position—that we should turn round in the moment of suclcteisawiecahasnthdrausseaythhiwteLese w p r t a i o l t l i r r s e e h l trace our steps, and we will now set an example to the d w o o u r world e t d h the o very m u opposite ch t u our o f credit. that w treatiesg ove n e u m sw e e n h o t i of hh honourawd a shi note h o t e o r nv t e o wr y s h re o eh w e ottento c e a i y a l e pridedaindifference se t iv eichival rousst but he had little doubt that the Spanish Government would awake at last to the disgrace it had brought upon itself, and that we should see the slave trade in Cuba vanish like the slave trade in Brazil, and that this country would then have the satisfaction of feeling that her efforts had not b een thrown away, and that she had achieved one of the noblest works that any nation in the world had ever accomplished. He admitted that to do this we must make sacrifices. But what great work was ever accomplished without great sacrifices ? It our efforts were successful the people would not grudge the cost. Of this he was certain, that if they were now to poll the people of England on this question they would say, "Persevere." (Hear, hear.) Mr. GILPIN complained of the noble lord having entirely misrepresented the views of the supporters of the motion. He objected to the further maintenance of the squadron, because the squadron had failed to ac complish its object. They might have a partial success in suppressing the slave trade, but as long as America encouraged it. their efforts for its entire destruction would be unavailing. Mr. P. O'BRIEN, who bad a motion on the paper to somewhat the same effect as the honourable member for Gateshead (Mr. Hutt), begged to be allowed to with draw it. General THOMPSON must say an enormous corn. mercial fallacy prevailed iu the speeches in favour of this motion. Now, if it was a fact that for every slave that was landed in Cuba four were embarked from Africa, that of itself was a circumstance which told very power. fully against its advocates. (Hear, hear.) Mr. DRUMMOND said, although the hon. member for Northampton (Mr. Gilpin) might whitewash him self, he could not whitewash the hon, gentleman who brough s t forward the motion before, the house. Tnat hon. gentleman distinctly laid down the grand idea that the way to govern was by the commercial principle of getting whatever we could no matter by what means. (A laugh.) The great principle of commercial inter course said the hon. gentleman—the principle of supply and demand--mutt override everything. (An hon. member, "He said nothing of the kind !") There were hon. members now in the house who were not present when the hon, gentleman spoke, but those who were present when he addressed the house would remember that he said they ought not to interfere with that prin ciple, because they would be interfering with the great principle of free-trade. (Mr. Hutt said the bon. gentle. man misrepresented him.) He would then pass on to moth r subject. Thebos. gentletrae and some who sup ported him dwelt on the horrors of the middle passage, and imputed them to the policy pursued by the Govern. ment ; but the horrors of the middle passage at present were nothing compared with what they were before the Government entered on the present course. The hon. gentleman also said that it would be a dreadful thing to incur the risk of a war on this subject ; but he (Mr. Drummond) maintained that the bloodiest war ever waged was nothing in comparison with the daily miseries of this slave traffic and the sufferings of the negroes when they arrived in that country which was often held up as a model of civilisation and liberty. H e happened to be present at that great meeting to which the hon. gentleman had alluded, and he there maintained the argument he now maintained. He there said that if a man stole another'e watch or horse, and sold it to A, and A. afterwards sold it to B, did not the owner try to follow his property and get it back ? The same principle held good with regard to a matter far more important than a watch or a horse Personal liberty was the first right of man ; and if any one attempted to make him a slave he had a right to kill that person, and kill him he would if he could. (A. laugh.) His firm conviction was, as he stated at the meeting referred to, that this thing would never be got rid of, except by a rising on the part of the blacks them selves, and he should heartily rejoice when ho heard that they had risen and inflicted some poor measure of abort justice on the people who now held them in slavery. The hon. gentleman said that the English boasted ex ceedingly of their morals and humanity. Now, he thought that if there was any part of the community which liked to be flattered more than another it was the honest old English merchant and the honest old English manufacturer or trader, who were willing, for profit, to trade with the Devil himself. (Laughter.) It was his firm conviction that the love of money and trade— carried on under the name of free-trade—really ate out of the country anything like moral and religious feeling, i and the arguments of the hon. gentleman were chiefly addressed to that point, which he held in utter detesta tion. (" Hear," and a laugh.) Mr. COGAN supported the motion, believing that n* matter how anxious England might be for the increase of commerce : she ought not to forget the interests of humanity. The house divided and the numbers were— For Mr. Hutt's resolution Against it Majority The mction was consequently lost. The house then went into committee of supply. On the vote for 11,0501. for the mixed commission established under the treaty with foreign powers for the suppression of the slave trade, there was some con fusion, but it was agreed to. The CHAIRMAN then reported progress, and the house remtned. PUBLIC BUSINESS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, he understood that the Oaths Bill and another bill of im portance connected with it would probably come down to the house to-morrow (this day) and it would be necessary to make some arrangement far the discussion of these bills. In the course of the present week, too, he should ask the opinion of the house on a bill for securing the purification of the Thames. (Hear.) GOVERNMENT OF NEW CALEDONIA BILL. The house went into committee on this bill, On clause 1, which fixes the boundaries of New Cale donia—on the south, the frontier of the United States ; on the east, the watershed between the streams which flow into the Pacific and the Atlantic and Icy Oceans ; on the nortb, the 55th parallel of north latitude ; and on the west, the P a cifi c O cean, Mr. CHRISTY moved an amendment, making the eastern boundary "th e ma i n c h a i n of the Roeky Moue. tains," and the northern boundary " Simpson's River, and Vie Finlay branch of the Peace, River." Sir B. LYTTON said he did not object to the amend ment. - Mr. ROEBUCK suggested that it would be desirable to comprise the whole of the British territory up to the Russian boundary. After some conversation the amendment was agreed to. Mr. HOPE objected to the name by which the new territory was to be designated. He thought it might with more propriety be called "Pacifica" than "New Caledonia." Mr. ROEBUCK directed the attention of the right hon. baronet to a proclamation of Governor Douglas, which, it appeared from the papers of that morning, had been issued to the gold-diggers, and expressed a wish to know whether any instructions had been sent out from the Colonial -office with respect to that document. So far as be (Mr. Roebuck) understood the proclamation, it referred to the mainland, over which the Governor had no control. Sir E. B. LYTTON said he had seen the proclamation to which the hon, and learned gentleman referred, and that it would appear to be formed upon a misconception of the rights of the Hudson's Bay Company, which did not justify a blockade of Fraser's River. He thought. however, that great excuse should be made for Governor Douglas in the difficult position in which he was placed, while he could assure the hon. and learned gentleman that the proclamation would receive the serious consi deration of the Government. Mr. CROSSLEY wanted to know whether the right hon. baronet would not accede to the proposition of call ing the territory with which the bill proposed to deal by a more appropriate name than that of New Cale donia ? Sir E. LYTTON said several names had been sug gested, but none had been very favourably received. The last proposition to call the territory Pacifica has not been received with enthusiasm. Respectful consideration would, however, be given to the subject, and possibly the name mieht be altered. Mr. ROEBUCK recommended that the Indian name should be sought out and adopted in a translated shape. (Hear.) Mr. CHRISTY did not see much objection to the name. The whole territory bad received the name of New Albion from Drake 300 years ago. The clause was agreed to, as were also the remaining clauses. Mr. ROEBI.TCK salad whether it was intended to ir• traduce any provision into the bill securing to the colo nists the to benefits of English laws as f ar as th ey were ap- picable the circumstan ces ? roe SOLICITOR_ GENERAL said the very fact of establishing the colony would carry by its own force all English laws that were applicable to the state of the colony. The bill also provided that the governor should have power to make laws suitable to the emergency, but it required that those laws should be submitted to Par liament as speedily as possible. The house then resumed. The Clerk of the Petty Sessions (Ireland) Bill passed through committee. RAILWAY CHEAP TRAINS BILL. This bill was read a second time. MILITIA BALLOTS SUSPENSION BILL. This bill passed through committee. BISHOPS' TRUST SUBSTITUTION BILL. Tois bill passed through committee. Mr. HARDY obtained leave to introduce a bill to authorise the enclosure of certain lands, in pursuance of a special report of the Enclosure Commissioners of Eng land and Wales. The bill was brought in and read a first time. The house adjourned at two o'clock. THE LATE FATAL ACCIDENT ON THE SOUTH-EASTERN RAILWAY. CLHAM, ONDAY. The adj ourne d inquiryHl into the circ M umstances attending the deaths of Alfred Wood, John Chart non, and the Rev. Thomas Wood (a Dissenting minister), who died f rom the effects of injuries th e y sustained at the accident which occurred at this place on Wednesday evening, the 30th ult., was resumed this morning p.t the Alma Tavern, before Mr. Delasaux, the county coroner. The evidence taken was exceedingly volnminons ; and, as it turned upon the technical doubts in volved on the immediate cause which led to the accident, it is not necessary to reproduce it. Suffice it to say, that after a careful summing up of the coroner, The jury returned a verdict of accidental death, with a strong recommendation that no train should pass the curve between the whistle board and the Chilham station, at a rate exceeding 25 miles an hour, and that the road should be carefully at tended to and kept in good running order and re pair, especially Vie curve. Five guineas per cent has been pail at Lloyd's on the insurance of the steamer Royal Charter, which has now been out 92 days from Melbourne, with 405,000/. in gold ; and to Effact fresh insurances ten guineas would probably have to be paid. [ A nvEarlssuzsr.l—The salutary effect of Du Barry's deli cious Revalenta Arabica Food in removing Indigestion (Dys pepsia), Flatulency, Constipation, Nervous, Bilious, and Liver complaints, Cough, Asthma, Consumption, and Debility with out Medicine, is admirably displayed by the following letters: Ridlington Rectory, Norfolk, Juno 10, 1850. No. 4,203. Eight years' dyspepsia, nervouseess, debility with cramps, spasms, and nausea, have been efrectually removed by Du Barry's health-restoring Food. I shall be happy to answer any n considerable time I have suffered severely from a violent pain in my left side, extreme flatulency, accompanied by an intolerable sensation 43( heart burn, and other disagreeable symptoms of dyspepsia. Various remedies, alleged infallible, were tried in vain, and for a long time I was never twenty-four hours without violent pain ; indeed I was unfit for the performance of my daily duties. I was induced to try your food. In less than an hour I found relief, and my recovery was very rapid. The duties which previously had been an intolerable burden became a delight. ful exercise, and I have since accomplished more labour with less fatigue than I ever expected to be able to perform. I have never had a return of my complaint—l remain, &c., D.Tuonas. Supported by testimonials from the following celebrated Pro. fessors of Chemistry; Dr. A. Ure; Dr. Shorland; Dr. Harvey; Dr. Campbell ; Dr. Gattiker ; Dr. Wurzer ; Dr. Ingram ; Lord Stuart de Decies; the Dowager Countess of Castlestuart; Major Ggn, Thomas King, and many other respectable per sons, whose health has been restored by it, after all other means of cure had failed. Suitably packed with full instruc. tions, In canisters, llb. 2s, 9d.; 21b. 4s. 6d.; 51b. 11s. ; 121 b. 225. The 121 b canisters are sent carriage free on re• ceipt of Post-office order. Barry Du Barry, and Co,, 77 Regent-street, London. Important Caution against the fear. fal clangers of spurious imitations. —The Vice-Chancellor Sir William Page Woud granted an Injunction on the 10th March, 1854, against Alfred Hooper Nevill for imitating "Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Pond." BIRTHS. BIRCH —On the 11th inst., at 27, Park-street, Grosvenor square, the wife of John William Birch, Esq., of a son, FREEILIN—On the 12 . ai inst., at 6, Camden-square, thee wife of Charles E. Freeman, Esq., of a son. GIODOLPHIN—On the 9th inst., at Broomlands, Kent, tbe wife of Captain Henry Godolphin, of a son. HILL—On the 10th inst., at Walthamstow, the wife of the Rev. N. Frank Hill, of a son. MARRIAGES. GOUGH CLARKE On the Bth inst., at St. Luke's Chu rch, eheltouhani, Captain Geo. Thomas Gough, 12th /I oyal Lancers, to Mary Charlotte Stanley, eldest daught4 r of Stanley Clarke, Esq., of Cotteawold House, Che iten ham. YAT MAN -- TURNER—On the Sth•inst., at I3anwell, Somer set, the Lev. J. A. Yatman, of Winseorn be-hill S onier setshire, t o A nna Vi ctor i a Bl ac hl ey, youngest dal; ghter of the Rev. William Hamilton Turner, vicar 0 Eau well. D E .A. T SS. BIRON —On the 10th inst., at H aro ld' s -cross, near Dublin, James Biron, Esq., aged BG. CHARLTON—On Charlton, Esq., taged76he 10th inst., a t Acton, Middleser, F. BAILEY—On the Bth inst., at Harefield, near Southamp ton, Arthur Bailey, Esq., for many years a magistrate for the county of Hants, aged 72. HAMILTON— On the 6th inst., drowned by the upsetting of a pleasure boat, near Hyde, Major George Hamilton, lute of the 10th Regt. SIiTcHELL—O n the 9th inst., at 23, St. Bernarel'Ekeres cent, Edinburgh, Major-General John Mitchell, aged 73. NEWENIIA3I —On the Otis inst., at Silchester, Hy. 25 . ewn• ham, Esq., aged 73. : Printed and Published by MU DO Y'3UNO, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tite stos Office, No, 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in theo g eonntr of Middlesex, Tues.lay, July 13, 1858, MR. EIR ENT tons by Mr. every evening e: Admission Is., at the Royal ( Cramer, Beale, 2 NI R. CE AFTE HALL, at Titre CAROL ;" and (for the Last Tii Tree Inn, and " Stalls (number : Unreserved Seat Hail's, Publlshei Acre. CREMO] —THIS Ballet—Royal : Crystal Platfor binnerof the Lie PETE and BAI Marionettes— Si CHRIST THREE TAINSIENT.. Circus—ltalian commencing at Back. Is. The Patrons ( Company start FATH: PHYSt( Portant subject Market), at Fqt KAHN': aIARRIAGE, A receipt of twelr CRYST] GRA of BENEI lowing eminent kiss Stabbed and Madame C Herr Dick, Mr 40 first violins, double basses number upwar the profession. number 800 vc course of the c and Manrer's doctors, M. Bet Wednesday, tho Season ticket h Seats and Tick( Reserved seats, principal librar "CYNCEa,O7 YSTA the usual Agent ALRAM r . nary and Brillts and oymn , sti ~,„rerform ances iiveni ng at 8 o i Private Doze Pit, is. , Gait No fees for book Linder *** On W M -uaY and Even benefit of Mr.' ' Volunteer Artl N.B.—Arr an the Original GI Palace, on MO. F (Y- R. BE NJA Southi turer. Ternac of the year, fol to any distanc cricket clubs, 4 at full length, 1 METT SE 131.. "' Lon A don S "us on Tan N.B. Pollute Assured within being deducted 1. BRITA: Empowers( BRI'l 1.14u0z-G1 Number of Annual Int Multi) upsvan Every descr Without panic T. 7, Bank-bit THE ACC] LEstd. 18.1 The busine having been CostrANi all the Deed of Travellers' al same terms Total 1 Claim ; Annus . Insurance s Gents, and Dili pith or 'mitt P rospectuses, the Chief Ott 7, Bank Ba INTER -11- 0 ilshedl 8 837 0[E has been and Policies of as: curring with annual prensi tile death be Of grace. T HE Empowered VIVO ' EDII Wm. Ken Samuel K John Elli( Professor Steam c nex may. 1860 Polley taken ent in The folly national I The o so ( Tw-th Ilve Y ear t; subs its rove 0 one htu Its ann The nu About Since It al three h For prc tan, 142, 142, Sti T tit, 8E Just pat s EL" on and o n from yi d 10 Manh riaao in remarks r aPiterie urinary, ennaphdz atrier 11emt 1838 1841 1845 1848 1851 The Caleut Circa Colon