The Sun. — London, England, 1860-06-20 00:00:00

MONEY MARKET AND CITY NEWS. CITY, Two O'CLOCK. About £64,000 has been announced from Aus tralia by the Omar Pasha, and further supplies are expected without delay, as several vessels are now overdue. _ _ _ There.is very little alteration to notice in the appearance of the money market, but a larger business is reported, and increased activity is likely to prevail during the next fortnight. The rates, however, have not undergone any material variation. About £14,000 in gold, being a portion of the recent American arrival, was sent into the Bank of England yesterday. The Foreign Exchanges yesterday afternoon ex hibited a further downward movement in the rates on Vienna and Trieste. The South Australian Government Bonds, re deemable on the Ist proximo, will be paid on the day following, together with the half•yearly interest thereon. In the Liverpool Cotton Market, yesterday, the demand was rather active, and 10,000 bales were disposed of at about previous rates. The Railway Share Market was more animated, and prices tended upwards. The Committee of the Stock Exchange have been requested to make Saturday next a holiday, in order to enable the members, many of whom are volunteers, to attend the grand review. No deci sion has yet been announced, but there is an im pression that the application will prove successful. Notice has been given that the dividend on the following securities will be paid on and after the 2d proximo, viz., Russian 4 per Cents., Canada Sterling Debentures, Nova Scotia 6 per Cents., New Brunswick 6 per Cents., Virginia State 5 per Cents., South Carolina 5 per Cents., Boston City Sterling 41- per Cents., and Havannah Railroad 7 per Cent. Bonds. There has been very little business in Public Securities to-day, and the changes in prices have been unimportant, Consols being 931 Specula tion is extremely dull, and very few bargains are reported for the investing public. New Loans still form the leading topic of conversation. The New 3 rper Cents. and the Reduced are flat at 931 h ; India 5 per Cent. Enfaced Paper is irm at 971, ; ditto 51 per Cent. ditto at 1022- ; and the Deben tures are 961 1 ; Exchequer Bills, 2s. to 7s. prem. The transactions in the Foreign Stock market have been limited, and prices are tolerably firm. Turkish 6 per Cents, are 77 to 771 ; ditto New, 60 to 601 ; Portuguese have improved to 45?,-, . ; Brazi lian 41- per Cents. (1858) to 88 ; ditto Scrip to 4 dis., and Russian 5 per Cents., to 1091 ; ditto 41 per Cents. remain at 97 ; and ditto 3 per Cents., at 64i. The Ocean Marine Insurance shares are 11 4 pm. ; the Thames and Mersey .1 to 4 prem. ; and the Universal, par 1 prem. _ _ In the Railway Share Market the transactions have not been extensive, and prices varied only to a limited extent. London and Blackwall, Midland, and South-Eastern have receded about ss. ; North British have advanced 15s. ; and Edinburgh, Perth, and Dundee, 10s. The Foreign and Colonial Markets are very dull. Sambre and Meuse are 51. 5,1; East Indian have advanced to 1021 1021, and Grand Trunk of Canada to 30i t 30/. Great Indian Peninsula have declined to 99ti. Joint-Stock Bank and Miscellaneous Shares have been very inactive. Oriental Bank have im proved ss. ; Union of London, 10s. ; Red Sea Tele graph have declined about ss. BRITISH FUNDS—ONE O'CLOCK. Bank Stock 3 per Cent. Reduced Annuities . 938 I New 3 per Cent. Annuities Annuities, 30 yrs, expire sth Jan., 1880 — Ditto for 30 yrs, expire sth April, 1885.... 161- India Stock Ditto Enlaced Paper, 5 per Cent. — Ditto 3 per Cent. Ditto 51 per Cent. Ditto Debentures, 1858 Ditto Bonds £l,OOO Consols for Account, 10th July 9 3! i I India Stock, 5 per cent. — Ditto Account Exchequer Bills, £l,OOO, lid D tt,. £5OO 4 7 Ditto Small FOREIGN FUNDS—ONE O'CLOCK. Brasilian 6 per Cent Ditto 41 per Cent. 1858 BB Ditto Scrip Portuguese 3 per Cent., 1853. 458 Russian 5 per Cent. 1822, £ St lO9l Ditto 4/ per Cent 97 Ditto 3 per Cent., 1859 Spanish 3 per Cent Ditto New Deferred Ditto Account Ditto Passive Turkish 6 per Cent .. Ditto New Loan Ditto Account Dividends on the above payable in London. Dutch Exchange, 12 Guil. 21 per Cent — Ditto Certificates, 4 per Cent. TWO O'CLOCK. Consols for Account, ex div 93i 1 TILE VICTORIA CROSS. (From the Gazette of last evening.) Th 9 Queen has been graciously pleased to signify her intention to confer the Decoration of the Victoria Cross on the under-mentioned soldiers of her Majesty's army, whose claims to the same have been submitted for her Majesty's approval, on account of acts of bravery performed by them in India, as recorded against their several names, viz : Pensioned-Sergeant H. Hartigan, 9th Lancers—For daring and distinguished gallantry in the following in stances :—At the battle of Budle•ke Serai, near Delhi, on the Bth June, 1857, in going to the assistance of :Sergeant H. Helstone, who was wounded, dismounted, and sur rounded by the enemy, and at the risk of his own life car rying him to the rear. On the 10th October, 1857, at Agra, in having run unarmed to the assistance of Sergeant Crews, who was attacked by four rebels. Hartigan caught a tulwar from one of them with his tight hand, and with the other hit him on the mouth, disarmed him, and then defended himself against the other three, killing one and wounding two, when he was himself disabled from further service by severe and dangerous wounds. Sergeant Robert Ewart, let Battalion, sth Regiment — For conspicuous devotion at Alumbagh, on the 14th Sept., 1857. in proceeding under a heavy and galling fire to save the life of Private E. Deveney, whose leg had been shot away, and eventually carrying him safe into camp, with the assistance of the late Lieut. Brown, and some comrades. Private Patrick M'Hale, Ist Battalion, sth Recipient— For conspicuous bravery at Lucknow on the 2Actoher, 1857, when he was the first man at the capture of one of the guns at the Cavvnpore battery—and again, on the 22d December, 1857, when, by a bold rush, he was the first to take possession of one of the enemy's guns, which had sent several rounds of grape through his company, which was skirmishing up to it. On every occasion of attack Private M'Hale has been the first to meet the foe, amongst whom he caused such consternation by the boldness of his rush, as to leave little work for those who followed to his support. By his habitual c olness and daring, and sustained bravery in action, his name has become a household word for gal lantry among his comrades. THIS DAY'S SHIPPING. LONDON, June 20.—Wind this day at noon—South ; moderate breeze, and cloudy weather, with occasional showers of rain. FALTAtorru, June 18.—Wind S.W.—Sailed—Acastus, for Trinidad. QUEENSTOWN Juno 17.—Arrived—Windennere, from Demerara. PLYMOUTH, June 19.—Wind S.Vir.—Arrived — Bilboa, screw steamer, from London. (BY ELECTRIC IBLEGRAFIL) SOUTHAMPTON, Wednesday Morning. Wind S. (BY SUBMARINE AND BRITISH TELEGRAPH.) GRAVESEND, Wednesday Morning. Wind S ; light ; tide first hour's flood ; weather fine. DEAL, Wednesday Morning. Wind W., moderate. GREAT ACHIEVEMENT OF MECANICAL IN GENtrnr.—There is now to be seen at B d ennett's, the well known watch manufacturer of Chea • gold hunting watch. of so remarkable a character as i t 3 o st w e ll a deserve descrip tion in our columns. In addition to being a timekeeper . of the utmost precision, w ith ments. compensation. balance, and cylindrical adjist sprir!g, it exhibits on the dial plate the following different in dications : first, the equation of time • the moon's age ; thirdly, the month of the ye'or • fourthly, ny, day of the month, in addition to the hours, minutes, thed seconds as in an ordinary watch. The mechanisms,"ans contrived that any one or the whole of the hands may may be set forwards or backwards at pleasure without deranging the rest. Mr. Bennett, the man u f ac t urer of this re mar kable production, naturally regards it as one of the highest triumphs of modern horological science; for these ex traordinary timekeepers have hitherto beenconsidered rather as .mechanical rriftrvels thanas of practical use. In this case every movement is laid down in the strictest pro portion and based upon calculations of an absolutely scientific character. Although it has taken more than a twelvemonth in its productiorp and is enclosed in a hand some gold case. it is within the compass of a pocket time-keeper. We strongly recommend those of ou'r'readers interested in mechanical science to avail them selves of this opportunity of gratifying their curiosity as to What is possible to be effected by the enterprise of one of our leading watch manufacturers.—Mechanics' Magazine. PREFERENCE SHARES. Closing Business Share Railways. Paid. Price. Done. 25 IBlythe and Tyne 10 per c. pref. (issued at £5O all !Iris. & Exet.4 p.ct.stock 100 96 98 /20 IDo. do. do. Shares stock 'Caledon £lO, 41 per cent 100 101 103 1014 12.10 i Do. Quar. Shares, No. 2. all 'Cork & Bandon, 51 p. c. all 20 Cornwall, 5 per cent. all 61 Dun.Perth&Aber.Jun all 51 61 stock E.Angn.Class A 7 &sp.c lOO 101 103 stock Do. do. Class B 6 p.c lOO 112 115 stock Do. do. Class C 7 p.e lOO 109 112 stock E. Conn. Ex. sp. c. No. I i 100 110 112 stock Do. do. No. 2 100 109 111 stock Do. New 6 per et. stock. 100 125 127 stock ;Eastern Union, 4 per ct. 100 81 83 stock Do. 5 per c.nt. guar._ 100 stock 'Edin.&Glas. sp.c. shares 100 110 112 stock I Do. 4p. c. gua. S. &D. 100 90 92 stock !Edin. Perth& Dun. 4 p.c. 100 75 76 stock 'Furness, 5 per cent 100 stock Glas.& S. West.g.a. sp.c. 100 118 120 stock Great Northern, sp. et. 100 116 118 stock Do.sn.c.Redm., 10 p.c.pm 100 111 112 112 4 12 stock !Do. 1 p. c. do. do. 100 IDo. sp.c. Redm. 5 p.c. pm 83 85 87 10 Gt. Nh. of Scoticl. Ist pf. all stock Gt. Sn. & W (Ireland)4 1 100 97 99 p. et, pref. stock 50 great West. (Berks and Hants) Ext. sp. et 6 stock IDo. Redeemable, 41 p.ct lOO 100 102 , stock Do. Redeemable, 4p. ct lOO *0 92 stock Do. Trrecleemible, do._ 100 92 94 stock Do. 5 p.ct. Redeem. Pref. 100 103 103 8 Do. Birm. Pref. Shares, all 91 101 10 Ot. W. Ches. 8 p.c. pf.sh. all 17 18 171 10 Do dcs p. ct. pref all 101 101 stock Do Birmg.guar. stock lOO 74 76 261 Do. Che-ter gua. shares all 191 201 131 Do. do. do. 20 Do. do. do. stock T.an.&York 6p. c. stock lOO 139 141 stock Do.Barnsl.st.£s flq 10d pc 100 stock Do. 6 per c. (E. Lan.) stock Lon.& Brig. 5 pc.gu. No.l 100 116 118 stock Do. sp. c No. 2 100 116 118 stock Do. gun. 6p. c. stock Do. do. 5 p.c. No. 4 100 116 118 stock Do. do. 41 per cen'. 5 Do. do. 41 p. c. shares 2l stock Do. 7p. ct. Pref. stock lOO 154 157 stock Do. 6p.c. do. (W.E.&C.P ) 100 132 136 stock Do.4p.e.S.(div.dettil '65) 100 68 70 25 Lon. Chat. and Dover ill 20 22 stock Lon. and N.W. Coy. and Nuneaton, sp. et._ 100 116 118 stock Lon. & S.W, 7p. ct. stock 100 152/ 1571 121 Londondy. & Cole. 4 sh. all 121 Londony. & Ennis. / sh. all 12 121 stock Man. Sh. &Lin. 6 per et. 100 126 128 6 Do. £6 stock Do. 31 per cent 10 Do. redeem. 6 per cent 5 1 p 121 Mary oort & Car., 4p. c all 124 Do. 41 per cent., all stock Mid. Con. 6p. stock lOO stock Do.Con.Bris. &'Bir. 6 p.c lOO 140 142 stock Do. 41 p. c. pref. stock lOO 103 105 6 Do. with option till 1860 3 4 1 p stock Do. Leic. & Hit. pref. st. 100 94 96 1 „ Newport, Aber.&c.pref. 5 all 9 1 101 " p.c.redeem.at 5 p.c.pm. 10 Do. Perpet. 6p. c. with option till 1866 12 10 Do. till 1869, Ist is 9 1 1/ p 121 Do. do. 2d R 2/ —p stock ,Norflk sp. c. Ex. st. 1846 100 stock 'Do. 51 p. c. Pref. do. 1847 100 stock Do.sWay.Val.Ex.st.lB47 100 stock North British, sp. c lOO 110 112 stock Do. New, gua. sp. c lOO 10 I Do. Bor. Un. g. pf. shs 1 4 4 p 10 Do. do. do. all stock Nth.Dey.Rail. &Dck.Co. 100 stock IN-East.Cons.Pref. 4p. c. 100 91 93 97 stock !Do. Berwick, 4 p.c. Pref. 100 96 97 17 Do. do. do Q 13.4. 1 4C. 20 Do. Leeds, 6p. e. No. 1 13 121 Do. do. Quarters, 1848 9 25 Do. York, H. &S. Purch. 10 p p 20 ,Forth Staffordshire all 23 24 stack Ox.Wr.Wol. 6p. c. Ist g. 100 124 125 125 stock Do. Redeem. 2d gun lOO stock Do. Irredeem. 2d gun lOO 120 123 122 10 Rhymney Guaranteed, all 84 ;Scottish Central. new pf all stock Scottish North-Eastern 31 p. c. pref. stock lOO 73 75 stock Do.Aberdeen,gua.6p.e. 100 stock Do. 7p. c. pref. stock 100 10s. South Devon, Ann. 10s. all 101 11 10 Do. Fixed 4/ per cent. all 1.0.6 South Eastern (Reading Ann., 1.0.6) stock Do. 41 per cent. lOO 101 103 stock Do. Fixed Ist is. 100 101 103 stock , outh Wales, gua. 4 p.c. 100 89 91 stock Do. 41 per cent. lOO 99 101 stock S.-Yorkshire, 4p. c. gua. 100 86 88 25 Stock. & Dar. Asp. c all 28 29 25 Do. B 6 per cent all 33/ .341 331 25 Do. C 6 per cent all 33 34 stock Watrfd & Kilkny, 6p. c lOO 44 48 LINES LEASED AT FIXED RENTALS. Railways. Bedford and Bletchley, Buckinghamshire Chester & Holyhead.. Do. do. 61 per cent. Do. do. 5 per cent. Clydesdale Junction.. Colchester, Stour Val. E.Lincolnshire.a.6 p.c. EXTnion,HTlvih Sul Do. Woodbridge . . Gla.Bart&Neils,Drc.t. Paid. Leasing IClosing Business Co.'s. , Price. Done. Ln & NAV Ln &N.W 96 98 Do. Do 125 127 Do . 113 115 Caledonit 103 105 E.17.&E C 16 17 Gt. North. 138 140 E.Counts. , 44 44 Do. New . Gloster& Dean Forest Hartlpool.Dek. &Rail. Hull and Selby Do. Shares Do. I Shares .... • • • Lana& Carl. gua.s p.c. London & Greenwich Do. Preference . . Lon.,Tilby.& Soutend. L ow estoft, gua. 4 p.ct. Do. 6 per cent ... • • • . • Mana,Buxtn. & Matk. Mid. Bradford Prefer- 100 Caledonia 100 all Gt. West.l all Yk.N.&BrI all Yk.N.Md. all Do. all Do Stock .... • - • • • •I Newmarkt.,BuryEx 1 guaranteed 5 p. c. J Northn.dt Eastn. 5 p.c. Do. do. 6 per cent Do. Fixed 5 per cent ' North Western Preston and Wyre. I Do. Stares A. Roystn.Hitch., & She Shrewsbry& Hereford Do. Do. South Staffordshire Wilts and Somerset.. Wimbledon & Croydn. 100 Ln.,t N.W 100 S. East 100 Do. 100 Peto .15 Co 100 Norfolk 100 Do. all I L NYT&M' 100 l Midland 5. 5.6 E.O ounts all Do all Do all Do. . .... all Midland all B ' L N . y W k . all Do, .. . 100 Gt. North.. 100 T.Brassey, all M'Clean..l 100 Gt. West.l all L.& Brgtn Docks. SHARE MARKET-(TRIS DA .T. ) ORDINARY SHARES AND STOCKS. Share Railways. I Pai d. I I Closing Business i ; Price. I Done. 'Belfast and Ballymena IVol , and Str. Val. La., and Ch Junc Blackburn , I Blyth and Tyne Shet: and Mid. Co Bristol and Exeter Caledonian Carmarthen & Cardigan Cork and Bandon Cork, lilrock., &Passage Cornwall A ( A gets no div D 0 `s - ' Do Il ' until 6pc peran. hasbeen pd. toB Dublin & Belfast Junc. Dun., Perth, &A b. June East Anglian Eastern Counties Eastern Union, A stock Do do B do Do Nw A. late EU3ds. East Suffolk 8 Si 74 76 111 12i 61 71 103 105 911 911 Do Edinbur2h & Glas,crow Edin. Perth, &Dundee Forth & Clyde Junction Furness .......... !Glasff. and S. Western Great Sthn. of Scotland, Great Northern Po do A stock Do do TI do Gt. S. t W. of Ireland Great Western . . Do Str Val gla. stock Irish Sonth-eastern Lancashire & Yorkshire London and Blackwall ,Lon., Brii ht.. &S Coast Lon d., Chat., and Dover Lond. ,t 5 Nth. Western Do eighths Lond. k nth. Western L'derry ct Coleraine L'derry do Ennisto Man. Shef. & Lirroln . Maryport and Carlisle. Do do shares 3Tetropolitan Midland Do !Arming:. & Derby' Gf. W. of Ireland Do A shares Mid Kent.-- Do, Cray Line ...... Newcastle and C irlisle New., Aber. St — Herd& . Newry & Armagh, def.. Newry, Warnpt. (St Ros. Norfolk.. N , hn. Counties Union.. North British Nror.Dev.Rail&Dk.stozli A stk ; A recs no d. until 6pchas beenpd.B Do B stock Nth. Ea stern—Berwick Do do , G.N.E. purchase Do Leeds . Do York . . North London North Staffordshire N. and S. W. Junction Not. dt Grantham Rail Oxf.Wor. & Wolverptn Peebles...... ....... • • Portsmouth Rhyme ey ....• • • • Scottish Central Scot. N. E., Aber. stock Do Scot. Mid. stock Shropshire Union Sittinobourne & Sheer. South Devon ...... • • • • South Eastern South Wales . S. York. and River Dun Staines, Wok,. and Wok Stockton & Darling-ton Do do Stockton & Hartlepool Taff Vale .. ........ Do Pref. No 1 ThamesHavenL k&Rail Ulster .. Do •• . • Do Vale of Neath Victoria Sta. and Pim Waterford & Kilkenny Waterford Limerick West C-rnwall . . West L0nd0n........ Do Ist class ...... Do 2nd class ...... Worcester & Hereford 6} 7 8 9 16 17 54 55 36 38 25 27 77} 7q 291 30 103 105 113 115 113 115 130 13? tl2i 113 i 69 691 60 65 101} 105 70} 714 1144 115 i 11 12 101 i 102 R d ip 93 04 10 11 41 41i 3 2d 117 117, 94 96 10 11 7 6di 54 56 34 _3d G 2 63 951 951 51! 511 81 81i 104 106 4 3f _ _ 61 44 - 45 114 116 32/ 331 87 89 49 51 4 3d 43 45 851 56 67 69 78 80 '6 8 381 391 81 9 p 551 55i 2 3,1 p 8 d ip 53 58 10 11 51 Of 2 1 d 13.14 stock stock stock stock stock stock stock stook stock stock stock stock stock stock stock stock stock stock stock stock 25 stock 124 stock stock stock stock stook 60 stock stock stock stock stock 25 stock stock stoca stock stock stock stock stock 10 stock stock stock stock stock stock 12 10 stock 13 stock :111 113 208 211 63 65 115 120 94 97 21 4 96 98 * I P 55 57 14i 15 '135 138 103 106 101 1 1 93 95 7i 81 Share stock Commercial lOO stock Do. 4 per Cent.yret.3lin lOO _ stock East and West Indies loa _ stock Londonloo stock St. Katharine lOO stock Southampton lOO stock Victoria 80 Do New ...... . 2 id ii) r a id . Closing 1 Business Price. Done. 30} 30 MI 0 704 114 log 83 } 100 100 100 [6 13 4 100 100 100 174 all THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 20, 1860. BRITISH POSSESSIONS. in Close• , Share Railways. Paid. &• Businessdone 1 Frice. 100 (Atlantic &St Lawrence all 85 87 --; C I Bom.,Baroda&.ent Ind' stk 100 964 971 Gu. 5 psr cent.. 18 Do, Do. B 131 4 d 1 d 201 Buffalo and Lake Huron all 41 41d 201 Do. New 10 Do. Preference ...... all 61 64 100 Buffalo, Brant,&G od rich! 1 I 6 p. et. bds. Aug. 1, 1872 , 100 75 80 1 00 Do. do. July 1, 1873 100 70 75 100 Do. do. June 1, 1871 100 6S 73 5 Clcutta.&S.Eastn. (Lim) 1. 30.4 ( 1 II) 20 Cape,Eastn.Prov. (Lim.) 2s. 20 Cape Town & Dock Scrip Is. 21 14 d 20 Ceylon Guarantd. 6p. c 74 14 1 d 171 Demerara all 20 Eastn. Bengal g,u. sp. c 5 1 4 d stock East Indian, gu. sp. c. 100 102 1021 1021 4 20 Do. F Shares Ext lO par 417 20 Do. Jubbulpore lO par 1 p 100 Do. 41 pc. Debentrs all 99 991 stock Do. sp. c. Deb., 1864 all 101 1014 20 Geelong & Melbourne all 21 22 sto. Geelong Corporation 6 100 per cent. Bonds ... stock Grand Trunk of Canada 100 30 31 301 i 4 100 Do. 6 per cent. Pref all 91 93 94 1 00 Do. 6 per ct. Debentr all 60 62 604 e 0 1 00 Do. 7 per cent. 1862 100 Do. do. 1867 100 Do. do. 1872 stock GLlndiarenin.gua.sp.e lOO 994 1001 991 20 Do. New gua. sp. c 6 4 d 1 d i 20 Gt. South.of India (Lim) n , li lid guaranteed 5 per cent. '`" 204 Gt. W. of Canada Shares all 114 114 114 20/ Do. New 100 Do. Bonds pay. '76, with all 97 99 opt, till '6O 100 Do. do. '7:l till '6O all 97 99 100 Do. do. '73 without opt all 97 99 100 Do. 51 p. c. do. '77 do. stock Madras, guar., 44 p. C lOO 88 90 stock Do. do. 5 per cent lOO 981 991 stock Do. 44 p. c. Extension 100 92 93 20 Do. Fourth do lO 11 4 d 20 Do. d 0..... stock Melb.Corp. 6p. c. Bnds lOO Newßrunswick & Canda 20 Ry.&Land(Lim.)g,.6pc an 5 7 Class A Capital Share ▪ Do. do. Land do 20 jDo. do. B Capital do. Do. do. Land do. 20 Oude (Limited) stock Scinde .......... ~.1...z 100 100 101 'lOO4 20 Do. Punjaub .... :?: „z all 11 d 1 d 3/ 20 Do. Do. ..... .. a 9 5 d stock i Do. Indus. St. Flo. _ ? r ",, 100 954 964 / 20 IS t.A ndrews & Quebec 18 10 (Trinidad (Lim.) Scrip 1 1 1 d FOREIGN RAILWAYS. 19 Antwerp & Rotterdam all 41 41 20 Ardennes..... 20 Bah.&S.Fran..Lim.7p.o ; 7 4 id 5 Belgian East. Junction all 4 1 20 Beziers to Graissessac.. all 10 Buen.Ayres &S. Ferndo, 2.4 p 6 Carmeaux Mine & Rail all 21 24 100 I Copiabo .... .... ,'_-...... all 10 Ditto Extension .... all 14 14d 20 Dutch Rhenish ........ 15 54 5141 20 Eastern of France .... all 231 24/ 20 Grand Rus. Guar. 6p. c. 6 1 20 Do. do. all 20 Great Central of France all 20 Gt. Luxem., Con. shs... all 61 7 20 Italian Junction .. ... all 1 20 Lake Constance & Bale. all 20 Lierre & Turnhout all I 20 Lyons & Geneva ...... all 2 334 Maria Antonia ... all 10 Do. New ............ all 1 20 Namur & Liege ........ all 84 81 1 20 Do. 6p. c. Pref......... all 194 191 16 Northern of France.— all 384 394 f 20 Do. New Shares . —... 12 —— p i 10 Norwegian Trunk Pref all 8 9 84 , 20 Paris,Lyons, & Mediter. all 3t4 35 20 Paris & Orleans.. .... all 53 55 1 20 [Recife & S. Fran. (fern.) gua. 7p. ct. Bin...—. 13 11 14 d 1 20 Riga & Dunaburg...... 10 ( 10 Rome & Frascati 20 Royal Dani5h.......... all 13 15 , 5 Royal Swedish ........ all 4 Do. 7 per cent. Pref.... all 1 20 Sambre & Meuse ...... all 54 54 51 1 1 10 Do. 54 per cent. Pref..... all I 84 81 20 San Paulo, lim, g.. 7p. c. 2 4 4d I 20 S.Aust.&Lomb 'Wile tin 12 pr 4p 3 1 20 Southern of France.... all 20 2t 1 81 West Flanders . ...... . all 54 64 10 Do. 61 p. c. Preference.. all 91 94 1 20 W. & N.W. of France .. all 22 23 1 23 Western of Austria.... 6 20 Western of Switzerland all f 6 Wiesbaden 6 Do. 8 per cent. Pref all 20 Zealand 1000 29 31 4 5 37 39 19 21 13 15 120 125 6 8 2 2 27 241 251 31 33 99 100 104 106 106 198 2 1 32 10 stock 25 stock stock stock stock ip 11 ld 1 Oid 1 i It 21 3 p 1i did 1 d, 10 15 1 1 4 i pr stock 100 stook 45 48 73 75 11 13 p d p 20 22 5 50 1 4 5 6 1 120 130 341 351 91 101 carried into effect. It was one that he believed would have satisfied all reasonable Dissenters ; but the effect of that bill was to abandon the high ground taken up by Church men. (Hear.) Infidelity prevailed most in the urban parishes, and there, too, Dissenters were most numerous. It was, therefore, there that the Church required all the resources it could command, and yet in these urban parishes the most rev. prelate proposed to give up church rates, be cause they:could no longer be raised there. The bill which he (Lord Lyvedon) now proposed had been introduced into their lordships' house in 1858, when it was rejected by a very large majority, but the noble earl opposite (Earl Derby) who was then in power, thought the subject was of such importance that he undertook that a bill should be intro duced by the Government. A bill was introduced by Mr. Walpole, which proposed that any one should be relieved from the obligation of paying church rates who chose to say that he was a conscientious Dissenter. The bill contained other provisions modifying the law of mortmain, and autho rising the rate to be levied upon the owner, instead of the occupier. But the compromise failed to obtain the sanction of the House of Commons, and the next step was the intro duction of Sir J. Trelawny's Bill, which was passing rapidly through the other house when their lordships adopted their usual course when the Commons were pressing an unpala table measure upon them, and 'appointed a committee to consider the subject. He found no fault with the proceed ings of that committee, but would only remark that, being appointed at the end of the session, the attendance was scanty and the evidence incomplete. Three witnesses were examined whose evidence produced great effect—Dr. Foster, Mr. Morley, and Mr. Osborne. The two first-named gen tlemen frankly avowed that the abolition of church rates was not their ultimate desire, but that they wished to de stroy the whole Church establishment. That avowal ought not to have caused much surprise, for it had repeatedly bee' made by Mr. Hume, Mr. Pellatt, and others in the House of Commons. It was, however, made a ground of argument against the abolition of church rates that those who chiefly advocated that proceeding were anxious to go still further. He did not think there was any force in that argument, because it had not been shown bow, if church rates were abolished, the position of the Dissenters to attack the Church would be strengthened. He believed it would be just the contrary, for the country could never be agitated upon a merely theoretical question. Only a real grievance such as church rates were could sustain agitation, and he thought that by yielding an unequivocal, uncertain right the position of the Church would be greatly strength ened. The committee also examined Mr. Osborne, a Wes leyan Methodist, who, speaking individually, did not object to church rates, but said there were no means of ascertain ing the general sentiments of the body to which he be longed. That opinion, however, was expressed in the 815 petitions that had been presented to Parliament from Wes leyan methodists in favour of the abolition of church rates. The evidence of the witnesses whom he had mentioned had a certain effect, and was, no doubt, one of the causes of the diminished majority in the other house. But there was another cause for the decrease in the majority. If it was desired to pass liberal measures through the House of Commons the first and last sessions of a Parliament were the most auspicious periods. In 1859, when fresh from the hustings, hon. gentlemen were ready to vote for the abolition of church rates, but in 1860 their fervour had somewhat abated. Probably in 1861, 2, or 3, as the case might be, they would again vote against church rates before reappearing upon the hustings. It was to be regretted that the noble duke who presided over the committee had not thought fit to introduce a bill founded on the report, or to have met the present bill by resolutions in accordance with that report. The principal recommendation in the report was that persons desirous of being exempted from the pay ment of church rates should give notice of their objections to the churchwardens, and such persons should not be per mitted to take part in any vestry called for the purpose of making or applying such rate. There was no requirement of a religious or conscientious objection, but any ground of objection whatever was to exempt a man from the rate. Objections had been made to the voluntary principle that it would be humiliating to clergymen to require them to go round their parishes to beg subscriptions. But there would be just the same humiliation if the recommendation of the committee were carried out, for the clergyman would have to go round and invite persons not to object to the rate. A more complete voluntary system could not be conceived than the plan set forth by the committee. He had now mentioned the various compromises that had been suggested upon this subject. It was clear that compensations, com promises, and substitutes had all been exhausted, and no thing was left but to deal boldly with the question. He hoped their lordships would not, because the majority in the other house was slightly diminished, back out of the pledges which they had heretofore given on this subject, or vote for the continuance of a law which they had admitted could not be maintained. A majority of nine was, he allowed, a small one, and the number was also ominous, but he trusted that this would not therefore be fatal to the suc cess of the bill. He believed the existence of church rates tended much more to the disadvantage of the Church than of Dissent, and he did not advance this opinion on his om n authority. Mr. Gladstone said : " Now, I say, in the first place, that the state of the law of church rates is a very great grievance to the Church itself. In a multitude of parishes the church rate is con tested. If it is obtained among tuiimostieß and heat tburn ings, where it is so contested it inflicts the greatest evil, misfortune, and impediment on the Church than it confers benefit on it ; and it the rate is lost what again happens ? Why, that the Church is left entirely without support from the rate, and so far is put on the same footing as the fabrics belonging to other denominations of Christians; but only so far, because it is left to those denominations who are connected with other fabrics to associate themselves as a body of private individuals for the maintenance of their own fabrics, and to take into their own hands exclusively the management of the funds they may please to vote for such a purpose ; but that it is not competent for members of the Established Church to do. Take the case of a parish where the bulk of the ratepayers were indisposed to support these rates, but where a portion of them were disposed to do so. It is not competent for that part of the parishioners who are so disposed to constitute themselves into a body for the purpose of applying their means to that object, and it is beyond all doubt that if, notwithstanding these difficulties, gentlemen belonging to the Church of England choose to subscribe for the maintenance of their Church, the applica tion and disposal of the money they thus raise is not placed under their own control, but they are open to be run in upon. and to have the control of the application of their money taken out of their hands and put into the hands of the very men who perhaps the week previous had voted against the levying of a church rate. That, I say, is a great grievance to the Church." This was, in point of fact, a great grievance to the Church, and it was a giievance which, as long as this impost re mained, it would be impossible to remedy. If, on the other hand, the rate were got rid of, a measure might be at once introduced and carried, enabling the Church to tax its own members, and no Dissenters could offer plausible objection to such a bill, or if they did they would be laughed out of Parliament. But on what ground were the conscientious objections of the Dissenters now divegarded ? Could any thing be said against the Dissenting body on the ground of immorality or irreligion ? The names of Bunyan, Baxter, Lardner, and Robert Hull would rise to every one's lips in conjunction with the names of other men whom the Church would be to glad to receive into her bosom. He would not enter into any statistics to show the relative numbers of Dissenters and Churchmen in this country, or the exact number of petitions presented on one side or the other. He would even assume the truth of the calculation made by that very sanguine friend of the establishment, Dr. Hume, of Liverpool, that the members of the Church com prise 67 per cent. of the population. But were there nat in every town large numbers of Dissenters who were anxious to be relieved from this rate? Why was it that Parlia ment did not impose an education rate ? Because they thought that a compulsory impost would diminish the vo luntary subscriptions. The same principle applied in the present instance, and he would ask where religion had ever been advanced by compulsory levies ? Probably a Dissen ter would have no great cbjection to contribute towards the repair of a structure which he venerated and an edifice he admired ; and if the compulsory rate were abolished he be lieved the Dissenters would be most willing to subscribe towards such an object. Sir Morton Peto, for example, had subscribed £5OO towards the erection of a parish church at Plaistow, and this would be the case with many other Dissenters if the support of the Church edifices were left to depend on voluntary efforts. It was for the in terests of the Church itself, then, that the removal of this impost was most to be desired, and it was Dissent which gained most by its continuance. At all events, if the bill were not passed, care should be taken to lay down what were the legal charges to be defrayed out of a church rate. The Rev. Mr. Champneys said these charges comprised the repairs of the edifice, the washing of the surplice, and the cost of the communion wine. Now it was only natural that Dissenters should object to the two last items. Mr. Champ neys had stated that when he first succeeded to his present charge he found that the washing of the surplice cost 12 guineas, and the communion wine 18 guineas, there being only 16 communicants. In that case wine appeared to have been given to the churchwardens, clergyman, and other persons ; and was it surprising that, with such abuses, the Dissenters complained of paying church rates ? These were the grounds upon whichhe asked their lordships to pass this measure. He should prefer a substitute if one could be found, but a substitute had been looked for in vain, and the supporters of the bill therefore had been compelled to resort to entire abolition. It appeared to be hoped that the agita tion on this question would subside. That reminded him of the man in the play whose house was on fire, and who it was proceeding to assist in extinguishing the fire, when he ex claimed, " A sudden thought strikes me. Perhaps will go out of itself." Now this agitation would not go out of itself, and he entreated their lordships not t o relax in their endeavours to make it subside by reasonable legislation. True it was that from various causes the majority had dimi nished in the other house, but none of the remarkable men who had given in their adhesion to the bill failed to support it still. It should be steadily borne in mind that the chief supporters of the measure in the other house were net Dis senters, whose wish it might be to destroy the establishment —churchmen were its leading advocates. (Hear.) The majority comprised seven Cabinet Ministers, one ex- Premier, and the present Prime Minister, of whom it would not be said by the right rov. bench that he was an unworthy son of the Church, or that his recent appointments to the episcopal bench had been prejudicial to the establishment. (Laughter.) Among other members in that majority he recognises the rising hopes of the country. Who stood higher in public esteem than Lord Stanley? His lordship was for the abolition of church-rates, and so were Lord Ashley, Lord Grosvenor, and the Marquis of Hartington. (A laugh.) Were those enemies of the establishment, or were they not as sincere friends to the Church as any of their lordships could be? (Hear, hear.) He trusted that if he had not been able to carry conviction to their lordships' mind he had said nothing calculated to offend their religious feelings. Before he sat down, perhaps he might be allowed to address one word in the way of re monstrance to the right rev. bench. If he were addressing an assembly of attorneys who strained to the utmost every possible technicality of the law, he would deserve to be laughed at if he engaged in any Quixotic endeavour to induce them to give up any right,however uncertain, for the sake of peace and good will. (Laughter.) Buthe was now speaking to men who knew there was no exercise of the Christian virtues equal to that of self-sacrifice, and who had for the benefit of the Chureh and the advancement of religion con sented to be shorn of some portion of their episcopal revenues. He entreated them, then, not to raise their hands to strike their Dissenting brethren ; but, in the words of Mr. Secretary Stanley in 1834, to consider whether the in terests of the Church were advanced by the desecration of the houso of God by squabbles about church rates; or, in the words of Sir R Peel, whether social harmony should be allowed to be interrupted by these discussions. (Hear.) In the sincere and solemn conviction that the present mea sure would tend to make the Church more popular and to promote the interests of religion itself, he moved the second reading of the bill. (Hear.) The Duke of MARLBOROUGH said that with regard to the first ground on which the noble lord had based his motion—the ground, namely, that all attempts at a com promise on this question had failed—he had to remark that those attempts failed because the Dissenters expressed a clear and positive determination to stop short of nothing less than the entire abolition of church rates. The second ground on which the noble lord urged his motion was that the church rate was a bone of contention, and that it tended to promote and keep alive the odium theologicum. But, on the other hand, he would ask the noble lord to consider what must be the feeling of the members of the Established Church when they saw these persistent attempts of the Dissenters to deprive the Church of its revenues, and all attempts at compromise rejected because they were the ad vocates of the voluntary principle. The noble lord in the course of his speech had given utterance to many fallacies. He told them that church rates were a legal obligation without a legal remedy for their enforcement. But why was the state of the law such that there was a legal obligation without a legal remedy ? There used to be a legal remedy in the ecclesiastical courts, when men's minds and• consciences quailed before the censures of those courts. It was true that this was no longer the case ; but the noble lord, if he were logical in his reasoning, instead of asking for the abolition of church rates, should have proposed to find some other remedy or substitute. The noble lord endeavoured to lead the house to suppose that the Wesleyan Methodists, who amounted to one• half the Dissenting community. in England, were in favour of his measure, whereas the fact was that the Wesleyan Conference never sanctioned this agitation. The noble lord had said that the amount of church rate col lected had fallen, and he argued from that fact that the rate had fallen in the general sympathies of the people. But the cause of that diminution wasto be found in the opposition to the rate, and the disposition of the church to make compro mises, and not to ask for more than was absolutely required for the repair of the church fabric. The noble lord had oom mitted a great error in putting this question on the same grounds with the important questions of reform, the corn laws, and Jewish disabilities. With regard to reform there was an acknowledged evil, an acknswledged necessity ; and it was carried repeatedly by increasing majorities. The same with regard to the elm laws ; the famine in Ireland was a sufficient reason why the corn laws should then have been repealed. The question of Jewish disabilities was one which peculiarly affected the other house, and it . was not likely that their lordships would long oppose thle wish of that house. In a case where the interests of religion were concerned there was an instance in which their lordships had made a stand, and had refused to pass a measure for the appropriation of Irish ecclesiastical property. He hoped that they would now pursue the same course. He would ask, who were really in favour of this measure ? Was the noble lord himself really anxious that it should pass ? If so, why was it that, though the bill was brought up from the Commons on the 13th of April, he di I not give notice to move the second reading till 24 days afterwards ? The Church of England was not in favour of the measure. The noble lord had mentioned some attached members of tho Church in the other house who were in favour of it, but no ono would say that they represented the Church at large. The noble lord himself had described members of the other house as apt to be swayed more by the wishes of their constituents than by their consciences, especially as a dissolution approached. (Hear, hear.) Nor could much weight be attached to the opinions of members of the church in those places where rates had been refused. The right rev. prelates must be allowed to be more accurate representatives of the church than those to whom the noble lord had referred. As to the country being in favour of the bill, it was only neces sary to look at the retitions that had been presented. When the bill was read a second time in the other house, on the Bth February, only 12 petitions with 407 signatures had been presented in its favour. It passed the second reading by a very diminished majority. Last session it was up wards of 70. In the intervening period the inquiry by their lordship' committee had produced a great result; the evidence had been made widely known; it had removed the mistaken impressions of many, and had shown that the measure would be fatal to :the institutions of the Church. The majority in this session diminished from upwards of 70 to 29. That was a significant fact for the supporters of the measure. They felt that they must be up and doing, and they resorted to a settled organisation for working up peti tions and obtaining signatures. The vast number sent up in a short time showed that there had been some such spasmodic effort, and was no proof of the settled convic tion of the country. By the the 28th of March, the bill having been read a second time on the Bth of February, there had been presented 4,972 petitions, with 546,000 signatures ; That was the result of the organisation of the Society for the Liberation of Religion from State Control, and was no test of the feeling of the country. But was the Government itself in favour of the passing of this measure of abolition ? Lord Palmerston, in 1855, speaking on a similar measure, had said that he certainly could not bring himself to think the measure was likely to receive the sanction of both branches of the legislature ; nor did he think that the support of the fabrics of the church was sufficiently pro vided for thereby. He added that he would not support the measure for the sake of any momentary popularity out of doors; a person in his position ought not to support such a measure unless he felt that it was demanded by the inte rests of the country at large. Different measures of com promise had been alluded to, which it was not necessary then to discuss ; the question now before the house was one simply of abolition, pure and total. The question was, had any case been made out for absolute abolition ? (Hear, hear.) He contended that no such ease had been shown. Such a measure would be a violation of one of the most essential charters of English liberty—namely, Magna Charta itself, which contained these words : " That the Church of Eng land shall be free, and have all her whole rights and liber ties inviolable." If this was not one of the rights of the Church of England, perhaps the noble lord would inform them what was. The recent decisions of their lordships' house had materially altered the views of the country on this question. Those decisions had settled the right of the vestry to levy a rate ; and whether the rate was granted or refused, the same right inhered in the Church. Dr. Lush ington stated in his evidence that in consequence of those decisions disputes on church rates had been very great . ) , diminished within the last Seven years; and, in fact, within the last few years, scarcely any such disputes had been brought before the courts. Ho (the noble duke) denied that this measure was necessary for the sake of peace. Then was no question of peace ; disputes were materially lessen ing. They might abolish municipal elections for the sake of peace, or elections made at any public meeting whatever. (Hear, hear.) But the bill was recommended on another ground, because its supporters were unable to find a substitute for church rates, or to suggest a compro mise. Because they were unable to amend the law they would destroy it. This was like the conduct of the physician who, having a very difficult case to treat, which baffled all his skill, gave directions on leaving the house to put an end to the sufferings of his patient by a very sum mary process. If the parishioners wished to oppose a rate they could do so now in vestry. The noble lord had talked of churchmen staying their uplifted hand, and not striking their ;dissenting brethren. But their dissenting brethren were not by any means defenceless ; they had useful little tracts and manuals placed in their hands, whereby they were taught how to defeat a rate, and with such aid their advisers told them that it was almost impossible to levy a legal rate. (Hear, hear.) Much stress had been laid on the sacred principle of voluntaryism. The noble lord said "destroy church rates, and you will increase voluntaryism tenfold ; the pockets of Churchmen will be opened ; their Christian sympathies will be enlarged; and contributions will flow in from every quarter for the purposes of the Church." But were there no contributions now flowing in for those purposes ? Did not the Church of England at present rest on a voluntary basis to a far greater extent than any other religious body in this country ? Look at the efforts for building churches. The Incorporated Society had made grants, in 1858, to the amount of £13,000, which were met by local contributions of £175,000. In 1859, the society had made grants of £17,000, to meet local funds of £195,000 ; and in 1860, grants of £22,000, to meet local funds of £240,000. (Hear, hear, from the Government side.) He presumed the meaning of that cheer was, that as so much had been done, more might be done. He would prove that the contrary would be the case. The last straw broke the camel's back; and they could not, year by year, rely upon voluntary effort to raise such an amount as was now de rived from church rates. Look at what the Church of England was doing in education. In 1854, the grants of the Privy Council to meet corresponding contributions by the Church of England were £209,000 ; while the grants to all the Dissenting denominations in the country were only £116,000. In the two followingyears the figures stood thus: To the Church. o. 00000000000000000000 1855 £240,000 ......... 1856 268,000 ......... 155,000 The Church was doing its work well ; its members were I not reposing on their past efforts ; and When the argument was used that Voluntaryism was equally available to the Church as to the Dissenters, the answer was that the Church was as as much a Voluntary institution as any one Dissenting sect in the country. But there was ono great difference between the Dissenters and the Church. Dis senting chapels were very small buildings; the buildings connected with the Established Church were Dirge and expensive. Whenever a church was consecrated, it was set apart, solemnly dedicated, perpetually and irrevocably; to the service of God. Not so with Dissenting chapels ; they moved from place to place. If a congregation failed, the chapel was shut up, sold, or disposed of. Dr. Hume men tioned the case of nine chapels in Liverpool which had oc cupied 26 different sites within his knowledge. Then the Church of England was essentially the church for the poor man. The sustentation of the church could not be rested on pew rents, for in many parishes the poor were the sole occupants, and they had not the means of paying. Those poor congregations had in many instances been called into existence by large manufactories, the owners of which did not live in the parish, but had trans ferred their residence to more salubrious and agreeable localities. They subscribed to charities, schools, and per haps churches in their own neighbourhood ; but where there was no tax imposed by law, they would not feel them selves called upon to contribute to the expense of divine worship for their workpeople. This was p:oved by the evi dence of the Rev. W. Champneys and Dr. Hume. Dr. Miller, of Birmingham, stated that the restoration of the spire of his church had cost upwards of £7,000. That had been raised by subscription, because he was a very popular • minister. But the ministers of the Church were not ap pointed by the people; the wishes of the congregations were not consulted in the selection of ministers ; therefore it was leaning on a broken reed to trust to the popularity of ministers for the support of the church. (Hear.) The case of the Rev. Air. Yorke, of Birmingham, was one in point. He stated that the efforts he was obliged to make for the restoration of his church, at a cost of several thousand pounds, became so painful to his parishioners, that he was regarded by them as a nuisance, and his influence in the parish was destroyed. He could go much further into the effects of abolishing church rates in parishes. Their lord ships had evidence to show that a diminution of poor rates was actually attributable to the voluntary contribution made for the relief of the sick and poor in his pariah. He had his district visiting societies, which were supported by voluntary contributions. But once put another burden upon the voluntary contributions of churchmen, and these funds would suffer, and in a parish where church rates were abolished and the support of the church left to volun tary contributions, these rates and burdens would again arise in a more onerous form. He must advert to the question which had been raised by the noble lord in regard to the special nature of the evidence which had been adduced to their lordships' committee as re garded the ulterior objects of those persons who had united in the endeavour to carry a bill for the abolition of church rates. He remembered that he mentioned some two years ago their system and objects in that house. He stated that there were ulterior objects in the minds of certain per sons with regard to the abolition of church rates, and he was met by a reply from the noble lord opposite--if his me mory served him right—that he did not believe any one en tertained those views ; but that church rates were to be got rid of merely as a question of funds. But Lord J. Russell, in the year 1854, saw a little further. Ho said we had an established church ; we had an hereditary aristocracy ; we had an hereditary monarchy ; that all these things stood together, and his opinion was that they would fall together. He must therefore oppose this bill, as tending to subvert one of the great institutions of the country. He (the Duke of Marlborough) would advert to what had been stated to be the Parliamentary action of these gentlemen. Dr. Foster was asked to state generally what were his objections to church rates. He said, in reply, that perhaps he had bettor preface that by saying, he did not encourage the abolitionof church rates any further than by assisting those who came to him for advice, and by directing the conduct of the Par liamentary management. It appeared that these gentlemen had a Parliamentary committee, of whom Dr. Foster was chairman. Their object was to promote the cariying of what they termed " our bill." Part of their system was to act upon the constituencies ; and Mr. Morley, a member of the society, said that there was a constituent part of every repre sentative body who had in view as an ulterior measure the entire secularisation of church property. The society had corresponded with every constituency in the country, and there was not only a degree of compulsion which they could bring to bear upon noisy demagogues, but there was also a course of action which candidates understood perfectly well. By these means, in a space of eight weeks, they were enabled to prepare 4,000 petitions, containing half • million of signatures, and get them presented to the other house of Parliament, nor would they rest con tented so long as a single broad acre was left to the possessions of the Church of England, or a single com muted tithe given to the support of her clergy. He had already called upon their lordships to observe that there was no suggestion here whether there was any other plan which might be proposed for the settlement of the difficulty. Speaking for himself, he might say he desired nothing but a fair, equitable, and just settlement of the question, and no exertion should be wanting on his part if he could see his way to any satisfactory solution. At the same time with respect to the just and equitable view of the case, their lordships' sense of justice would be too accurate to allow them to believe that the arguments put forth by the noble lord opposite would satisfy the demands of justice, or even sound policy, upon this question. Their lordships knew that, this was an ancient tax, involvingancient-rights,which wer e of the highest importance to the interests of the clergy, and to the interests of the poor who were committed to their charge. He had pointed already to the extent of the orga nisation of those whose avowed object it was to promote the bill for the abolition of church rates ; and not only that, but also to bring about the secularisation of the entire mass of the pi operty of the Church, which was subservient to the benefit of the poor, and to the Church of the people of this land. Their lordship s had these things in evidence, and they would therefore conclude it to , be their wisest policy to accept no compromise whatever. They would not, he be lieved, consider it consistent with fairness, wisdom, justice, sound policy, or even with reliious duty itself, to pass the second leading of this bill. He therefore begged to move that it be read a second time that day three months. Lord WENSLEYDALE said he wished to detain their lordships a few minutes only whilst he endeavoured to give a more correct statement of the existing state of t'ae law with regard to church rates than had been presented to their lordships. It was an error, which was widely entertained by the people of this country, to suppose that a majority of the parishioners in vestry assembled had a right to say whether there should bo a church rate or not. That was a complete mistake : the law had not been so laid down in the celebrated Braintree case. Every parish was undoubt 'edly under a legal obligation to provide a church rate. The only question was as to the mode of carrying that obliga tion into effect. One of these modes was by making a bye law, in order to make which it was necessary that a majo rity of the parishioners in vestry assembled should consent. At the same time the obligation to make a church rate was considered to be a spiritual duty, and its enforcement was left to the operation of the spiritual court. The penalty provided by the ecclesiastical court for not making a church rate was to put the parish under an interdict, a remedy which of late years was virtually impracticable. What their lordships decided in the Braintree case was, first, that it was not possible for the churchwardens of a parish to make a rate in the absence of the parishioners; and secondly, that a majority of the parishioners in vestry assembled could make a rate which was binding on the minority of the ratepayers of the parish. The omission to make a rate was nevertheless punishable by ecclesiastical censure to this day. It was an error to suppose that the majority of the parish in vestry assembled had a right to decide whether or not they were legally bound to make a church rate. Earl DE GREY and RIPON said he was surprised to find that the noble duke, instead of discussing the various compromises which had been proposed by himself, as ap peared by the report upon their lordships' table, had rested his argument upon the principle which led directly to the maintenance of church rates as they now existed. The noble duke did not speak of a compromise, except in a single instance. But he distinctly made clear throughout the whole of his speech that what he wished to be done was, that the law should remain as it now was. The noble duke had gone as far back as Magna Charta, and had said that if church rates were to be abolished, it would be a violation of Magna Charta ; because Magna Charta declared that the Churc h it of England should retain all the rights and s afraid privilegesthat the possessed at present. If that were so he wa great charter had already been frequen tly violated, and he should feel alarmed if this violation were added to th e long list which had preceded it. ( Hear, hear.) But then, said the noble duke, as the noble lord (Wensleydale) h a d also said—" You haves lega l ri g ht —a le g al dut y ; but there enforce as a timeth a that duty," h t y e . n " the viola.. " True,"' isaidsnotrhe ch tion of this duty could be activ e l y prevented, i n th e h a l :- e m n e noble eb by u w k h e i , " bu you t there e i w cyon days of ecclesiastical jurisdiction!' But he (Earl. de Grey) thought their lordships must not go back to the Jaye of the great charter, or even to the days when eotlesiastical jurisdiction prevailed. They must look at the, question as it stood at the present moment, and with reference to all that had taken place up to the present year. The noble and learned lord had given a statement of the law of the case, which he (Earl de Grey) would not venture to dis pute, but ho was quite content to take the vi-aw given in the report upon their lordships' table, namely;, that a church rate could' only be made assessable upon . the parish by a majority of the parishonerg ; :that there was no remedy to enforce its imposition at common law, whilst, as the noble duke admitted, penalties against a no n-ratepaying parish could not be enforced in the eeelesiasti4 ;al courts. The noble duke appealed to Magna Charta, and F ;earned to think there Was no reason at all why any person sl iould be relieved from the payment of church rates. He did , not mean to say that the noble duke would not be willing, a a a measure of justice, to relieve those who were not membe rs c,f the church from this payment, but he did not seem t o think it was any grievance, or that there was any subsf Tantial ground for the active agitation which had been curie( 1 on by the Society fo r the Liberation of Religion from Cl torch Contro] a be il e : whilst this society was a recent one, t question had in agitation fully 30 years ago. LThet had te attempts to settle it by way of a copepr o o vina iss • In 1834 a that chlirell bill was brought in by which it was IF ded The noble duke 'rates should wholly cease and deternairo BRITISH MISES. Stare ! ? Mines. P a id . I Closing Business Price. Done. Alfred Consols (Philack) 2.11.10 4 4/ 20 British Iron Clifford — 240 250 Devon G. Cons. (Tavlst ) 1 445 455 East Bassett (Illogan) 3O 1321 1371 -- East Caradon 1 2.14.5 8 4 51 E. 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Caradon (Liskeard) 5 661 681 West Seaton Wheal Basset (11log•an) 51 150 160 Wheal Buller (Redruth) 5 90 95 ,Wheal Edward (Cals.) 61 2: 21 ,Wheal Kitty (U.Lelant) , 1.7.2 14 15 Wheal Mary Ann (Men.); 8 21 22 Wheal Trelawney (Lis.) 51 27 28 FOREIGN MINES. 20 Australian 1 BonAccord Copper,Lim l ss f d pr 35 Brazil. Imp. (is. at p`• 274 20 Do. St.Johndel Rey,Lim 15 30 31 CI 5 Do. Land and Mining - Co. all 1 Clarendon Cons.MinCo. a die. 40 Cobre Copper . Copiapo l6 11 13 1 DunMoun.Cop.Ming.Co all 1 2 Fortuna. 20 General all 23 25 2 Gt. N. Cop. of S. Austr 1 4 d par 14 Kapunda (Limited) 1 15 14 p 3 Linares all 105 114 5 Lusitanian 2 4 d p 1 I Mariquira all 1 IN.RhineCopotS.Aus.L loa. d 20 Pontgibaud Silver,Lead Mining and Smelt all 5 7 5 Port Philip 1 1 Scottish Austrin. (L.) los, d • 28•2•84 United Mexican . 11 2 14 1 Worthing (Limite • • d).. all 4 1 ! Do l9s. 1 1 JOINT-STOCK BANKS. 100 Agra&UnitedServiceßk 50 - 40 Australasia • 25 Bank of Egypt all 211 22 100 Bank of London 50 54 56 555 20 Bank of Turkey 3 50 Thitish North American all 20 Chtd.Bank of India, &c. all 191 20 25 Ch. Mer. of In. Lon.& CL all 30 32 100 City 100 Colonial 25 20'11 Corn. Bank of Canada all 100 Commercial of London 20 Eng., Scot., t Aus. Ch all 161 161 20 ;Gen. Bk .of Switzerland all -- 20 I Lon. Char.Bkof Austral all 224 23 23 50 (London and County 50 ;London Joint Stock 100 ;London & Westminster 20 601 100 !Nat. Prov. of England . 35 20 'Do. new lo— 50 ;National Bank .... 25 20 !New South Wales ...... all 20 iDo. new 25 Orient. B. Corporation 20 Ottoman Bank all 174 184 100 Provincial of Ireland 10 ,Do. new all 25 ,South Australia 25 !Union of Australia 50 !Union o' London l2 25 44 100 Unity Mutual .. COLONIAL GOVERNMENT SECURITIES. fran.Gov. 6 p.c.Ja. & July 100 115 117 Do. 6p. cent. 188 , 100 - - Do. 6p. cent. 1881 100 I - - Do. 6p. cent. 1882 100 - - Do. 6p. c. Feb. & Aug. 100 1110 112 Do. 6p. c. Mar. AL Sept. 100 1110 112 ( Do. 5 per cent lOO 1024 1024 1025 I Do. Scrip 42 N.B.Gov. 6 p.c. Ja.&July 100 108 109 Do. 6p. c. Ap. & Oct. 100 N. S. W. Gov. sp. c., 1866 100 100 101 Do. sp. c., 1871 to 1876, 100 1(.0 101 100 Do. 5 p.c.,1888 & upwds 100 100 101 1005 (Nova sterl S i c n o g, l 8 Scotia Gov. 6 p. c. ; 100 1081 1091 S.Aus.Gt 6 p.c.1878 & up. 100 110 112 Vic. Gov. 6 p.c. Ja.&July 100 - - Do. do. 6 p.c. Ap.&Oct. 100 1071 108 1075 1 107 i 108 MISCELLANEOUS. Anglo-Mexican Mint Atlantic Tel. (Limited) Australian Agricultural Berlin Water (Limited) British Americas Land B.&l.Mag. Tel. A. (Lim.) Do. 8,7p.c.11111852 (Lim.) Do. C. (Limited) Canada Land Chan.lslands Tel. (Lim ) Cop. Min.ofEng.&Smltg Do. Pref. 7 per cent Crystal Palace Do. Preference Do. 6 p. a Perpet. Deben Electric Telegraph Do. New English & Aus. Copper Gen. Stec 1Q Wavigati Great Ship (limited) Po. 17i TA oi. Preference Indian & Aust. Telegr. Lon. District Tel (Lim.) London Discount (Lim.) L.G. Omnibus Co. (Lim.) Madras Irr. and Canal Mediter. Electric Teleg Med. Exten. Tel. (Um ) National Dis. Co. (Lim ) Nerbu.Coal&lron (Lim ) Netherlands Land Do.B p.c.Pref..iss.ati dis N. Br. &NovaScotiaLand N. B.Australasian (Um.) Oriental Gas (Limited). Do. New Shares (Lim.) . Orintl.ln.Steam(Lim.)A Ditto B. Ditto C Pee l ß.Lnd.&Min.(Lim ) Pen. & Oriental Steam Do. New Red Sea& Ind .TeL g.4lp.c Rhymney Iron Do. New Royal Mail Steam Scot. Austin. Inv. (Lim.) South Australian Land Submarine Tel Scrip Do. do. Registered Tr. & Ln. Co.ofUpr.Can. Van Diemen's Land 100 all all :all 5 28} 13 14i 24 3 IMPE RIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) The LonD CHANULLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Walchet Harbour, the Border Counties, and North British Railway Bills were read a second time. The Upper Mersey Dues and the London and Blackwall Railway Bills were read a third time and passed. CHURCH RATES. The Duke cf SOMERSET presented petitions in favour of the abolition of church-rates. Earl DE GREY and Lord TAUNTON presented similar petitions. The Earl of DERBY presented petitions from the Uni versity of Oz ford and places in Lancashire against the abolition of charch-rates. Viscount DUNGANNON presented similar petitions. The Duke of MARLBOROUGH presented similar peti tions. The Bishop of LONDON presented 50 petitions with a similar prayer. A great number of petitions, both for and against the abolition, were presented by Earl Granville, the Duke of Rutland, Lord Stanley of Alderley, Earl Nelson, Lord Lyvedon, Lord Teynham, the Earl of Shrewsbury, and Lord Redesdale. Lord LYVEDEN, in rising to move the second reading of the Church -rates Abolition Bill, said that he must crave more than a usual portion of their lordships' indulgence. He was aware he should be obliged in the discharge of the duty he had undertaken to utter opinions adverse to those of many noble lords, and, fearing that he might say some thing uncongenial to their lordships' tastes, he had cause to apprehend that they might visit upon the cause the awk wardness of the advocate. When the noble duke below him brought this subject forward in 1858, the noble earl apposite (the Earl of Derby) said he should like to see the peer who would be bold enough to undertake the task he had now risen to perform. But so far from being a reproach to him that he now came forwarl to declare his opinions, it would be rather a reproach to him if he failed to advocate an object dear to those with whom during 30 years of public life he had acted, and in whom he had placed unlimited confi dence. He could not also but remember the ups and downs that had befallen all political questions in the present ge neration. A few years before the passing of the Reform Bill of 1832 it was impossible to excite public interest in the sub ject of reform, and Parliament refused to transfer the fran chise from East Retforl to Birmingham. The Government of Lord Melbourne were expelled from office in 1841 for proposing a fixed duty on corn, and in 1846 the corn laws were swept away from the statute book. The conduct of Parliament upon the admission of the Jews was even more analogous to the present case. In 1841 the Jewish Civil Disabilities Removal Bill was introduced and thrown out. In 1848 the second reading was carried in the other house by a majority of 70. In 1851 the bill was read a second time by a majority of 25. It was re-introduced in 1853, and in 1858 the bill was again brought up again to their lordships' house. The door was then left a-jar by their lordships by which the Jews were allowed to gain admis sion into the other house. The present bill might also meet with repeated rejections, for the admission of the Jews was not only a question affecting the Church of England, but even the ark of Christianity itself was said to be in peril. The result of admitting the Jews had been that four or five gentlemen of undoubted character and position had taken their seats in the other house. Yet the Church was not in danger from their presence, and the ark of Chris tianity was still carried about in safety. This led him to hope that at some time or other something might be done to relieve Dissenters from the payment of church rates. It might be said of him that in coming for ward to propose this bill, be was an enemy of the Church. He could assure their lordships that by early education and mature convietion he was a sincere friend to a Church establishment, and that in asking their lordships to agree to this bill he was by no means the enemy of the Church, but was really promoting its continuance and popularity. (Hear.) The law, as it had been declared by the highest legal authorities and by the report of the committee, declared that the payment of church rates was a legal obligation, but that it was supported by no legal remedy. This was not a right of any great value. He could understand either a moral, religious, or pecuniary obligation. But a legal obligation, without a legal remedy, puzzled him, and he should like to know what such a right would fetch in the market. At the first blush it might not sc:ern clear why a church rate should not be levied as well as a poor rate or a highway rate. But the difference had been well stated by Mr. Sotheron-Estcourt, the late Home Secre tary, in his evidence before the committee, to consist in the religious element. No man's religion led him to assert that no roads should be made, but there were numbers of persons who said that there ought to be no compulsory rate for the church. The legal duty of asking for the rate might be dis - charged by the churchwardens and the clergyman, but no moving power existed of compelling a church rate to be made. He would not go into the antiquarian branch of this sub ject, which had been fully expounded by one of the wit nesses examined before the committee. He would, therefore, only remark that if the tax were obnoxious and odions, it was of very little consequence whether it existed in the time of Alfred the Great or Edward the Confessor, when the rate was perhaps paid willingly, and when there were no Dissenters. Their lordships were now asked to deal with an acknowledged evil. Lawyers, divines, statesmen, and politicians had, for the last 20 years, agreed in declaring that church-rates were a great and crying evil, and that matters could not long remain in their existing state. Looking back to the course of legislation during the last half century, it was painful to think how little had been yielded to reason, and how much to fear. In 1829, when he first entered Par liament, the claims of the Roman Catholics had just been yielded to the fear of Irish insurrection. The Reform Bill was granted from the fear of English commotion. The Corn Laws were repealed from the fear of a famine in Ireland. He did not mention these facts by way of menace. Their lordships might reject this bill without any fear of Birming ham Unions and marchings to London. But its rejection would cause heart-burnings and hatred, the odium theolo gicum, animosities in parishes and brawlings in church. Compromises on this question had been proposed by such men as Lord Althorp and Mr. Walpole ; and if any two men were ever formed by nature to carry out a compromise they were the men, for they were friends of the Church, and enemies to no class, but both completely failed. Lord Al thorp proposed to take £250,000 out of £550,000 which formed the church rates, and put it on the land-tax, leaving the rest to be raised in the old way; but his proposel was not accepted either by Churchmen or Dissenters, and it fell to the ground. If they compared the two proposals of Lord Althorp and Mr. Walpole together, they would see how much the state of the cass had altered. Lord Althorp stated the amount of church rates at £550,000, whereas Mr. Wal pole stated the amount to have fallen to £250,000, while the voluntary subscriptions were £260,000. So that while there was a great falling off in the church rates, the voluntary rate raised co supply the deficiency had risen to £260,000. (Hear, hear.) The next compromise attempted to which he would refer was that of Sir J. Easthope, who proposed t 3 throw the maintenance of the fabric of the church on the pew rents. He wished to call their lordships' attention par ticularly to this proposal, because it was opposed by the members of the Church of England, on the ground that the Church of England was the church of the poor man, and that pew rents would interfere with his privilege. That was, no doubt, a beautiful theory, but was it a matter of fact ? The same thing was said of the law as they were ac customed to read in Blackstone and other writers on the constitution; and it remi n d e d him of the saying of Horne Tooke, that so was the Loadon Tavern if they paid for it." (Hear, and a laugh.) On the subject of the Church being open to the poor without pew rents, he would refer to the report of the committee on religious destitution. In that report special reference was made to three of the principal churches at the West-end of the metropolis ; St. James's, St. George's, Hanover-square, and the parish church of St. Marylebone. In St. James's the report stated the seats were all let, producing a rental of £1,400 a-year, though there was no legal authority to raise more than £3O per annum by pew rents. The same state of things existed in the other two churches ; and he might observe that it was st in all the great towns of England. No doubt there were what were called free seats, but he believed these were occupied by any but the poor. He asked their lordships if they ever saw at church in any large town more than one or two persons who could be strictly called poor ? (Hear, hear.) Those who occupied the free seats were well dressed persons, who could easily afford to pay 6d. or Is. for the accommodation if they chose to do so. That was not making the Church of England the church of the poor. He believed it was the original intention of the Church of England to do so, but it was not acted upon, and he must say that nowhere had the principle been carried out, except among the Roman Catholics. In the churches abroad it was a common thing to see the poor and the rich ad mitted together—the beggar and the noble worshipping side by side. (Hear, hear.) The transference of the church rates to pew rents was one mode of settling this question which had been proposed. He did not, however, recom mend it now, and he only mentioned it to show that there were other means besides the present of raising the funds necessary for the maintenance and repair of churches. There were various other plans which had been introduced by persons of different religious persuasons, and by men of all political opinions ; but every one of them had failed That being the case, it appeared to him hopeless to endea vour to substitute anything in tho place of the existing church rates. (Hear, hear.) In 1855 ther e appeared as a reformer of church rates the most eminent individual who had ever acted in that capacity. He meant the most rev. prelate below him (the Archbishop of Canterbury.) He in troduced a Church Rate Bill in that year, and his only rea son for not proceeding. with it was that he was given to understand such a bill could not originate in their lordships' house. That bill aimed at a compromise ; but it was not a measure founded entirely on the principles of the Church of England, though it contained the most practical propo sal ever made on the question. It was that after the rejec tion of a church rate twice by a parish it should cease for ever—(hear, hear) —and he made a distinction that had never been proposed before. The most rev. prelate pro posed to exempt all the metropolitan and urban parishes, and t o le av e church rates to be collected exclusively in the rural parishes. (Hear.) He could not conceive a more Ipractical scheme, and he much regretted that it was not .~ • -