The Sun. — London, England, 1860-01-10 00:00:00

ROYAL ENGLISH OPERA, COVENT-GA RDEN. 'under the ma.nazement of Miss L. Pyne and Mr. W. Harrison. THIS EVENING, VICTORINE. Messrs. Santley, H. Haigh, H. Ccrrl, G. Honey, Bartleman, Sze. Misses Pampa, Thiriwall, Conductor, Alfred Mellon. Toconclnde with the new grand pantomime, called PUSS IN BOOTS ; or, Harlequin and the Fairy of the Golden Palms. Doors open at half-past 6—Commence at 7 o'clock. THEATRE -ROYAL, HAYMARKET. Lossees, 'gr. J. B. nueirstone THIS EVENING, the comedy of VIE EVIL GENIUS Miffs Reyno:ds. After which. the new Haymarket Comic Christmas Panto mime, VALENTINE'S DAY; or, Harlequin and the Fairy of the True Lovers' Knot. The pantomimists the unrivalled Leclercqs. THEATRE -ROYAL LYCEUM.- Sole Lessee and Directress, Madame Celeste. Re-engagement of the Spanish Dancers. THIS EVENING, the popular Drama of ST.S&ARY'S EVE. Madeline (her original character) Madame Celeste. After which, will be produced a new Grand Christmas Ex travarranza and Pantomime. KING THRUSEIBE VRO, the LITT I, E PET and the G MEAT PASSION. Clown, Mr. H. Marshall —Columbine, Miss Rosino. Commence at 7. RO YA L PRINCES S'S THEATRE. - Lessee, Mr. A. Darr's. Re -engagement of the Wonderful Dancr, Mons. Espinosa. First appearance of Millie. Marietta Rosetta, Principal Dan seuse of La Scala, Milan ; and first time of the Delapierre Family. These hivhly-talented Children will appear every night. The Royal Princess's Rifles on parade every evening. THIS EVENING, THE CRICKET ON THE HEARTH. Atter which, a new Christmas burlesque pantomime, by H. J. Byron, called JACK THE GIANT KILLER ; or. Harle quin King Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table. Jack, Miss Louise Keeley—Harlequin, Mr. Cormack Panta loon, Mr. Paulo—Colunibine, Miss Caroline Adams Clown, Mr. A. F. Forrest. I NEW THEATRE - ROYAL, AD ELP HI. . Sole rroprietor and Manager, Mr. Beni. Webster, Holiday Attractions. - The Christmas Carol and the New Spectacular Extravaganza, by 11. J. Byron, Esq., the Nymph of the Lurlyberg ; or the Knight and the Naiades. THIS EVENING, THE CHRISTMAS CAROL. Messrs Smithoole, C. Selby, Paul Bedford, Stuart, Bil'ington, Romer: Miss Woolgar, Mrs. Billington,Mrs.Chatter ley, Miss I,aidlaw. After which THE NYMPHS OF THE LURLEYBERG ; or, The Kniuht and the Naia.des. Messrs. Toole, Bedford, Eburne, Smith, Powell, Romer, Miss Woolgar, C. Webb, K. Kelly, Laidlaw. Doors open at half-past six—Commence at seven. Box- Office open from 10 to 5. No charge for securing seats, nor far bills of performance. All fees to servants of this establishment arc strictly prohibited. Acting Manager—Mr. Wm. Smith. On Wednnesday, Jan. 18, the Theatre will be Closed, in Consequence of the Company performing at the Royal Thea tricals, Windsor Castle. ROYAL ST. JAMES'S THEATRE, King-street, St. James's. Lessee, Mr. T. B. Chatter ton. The nearest Theatre to Chelsea, Pimlico, and West minster, the Park being open to carriages and foot passen gers all hours of the night r: vo; the- pertorrnances will commence with GARIBALDI'S ENGLISHMAN. Messrs. Barrett and C. Young. Followed by MAGIC TOYS, supportA by Miss Lydia Thompsen, Clara St. Casse, &c. Followed by a new sketch, A HOUSEHOLD FAIRY. Miss Wyndham and Mr. H. T. Craven. To conclude with the new pantomime of PUNCH AND JUDY. Introducing Miss Lydia l'hompson and the Corps de Ballet. Clown, Harlequin, Columbine, and Pantaloon, and the wonderful Performing Dogs. Reduced Prices—Gallery, 8d ; Pit, Is. The Box-office open from 11 to 5 daily. Doors open at half-past six; perform • ante commences at 7. ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE, Westminster-road. Sole Lessee—Mr. William Cooke, his Farewell Season. The Great Christmas Novelty, "Harlequin Tom Moody, triumphant. THIS EVENING, the entertainments will commence at 7 o'clock with the droll drama of DOMINIQUE THE DE SERTER. Dominique, Mr. G. Belmore. After which, fine and exquisite Riding Evolutions by the Star Artistes, Miss Emily Cooke, Mr. John Henry Cooke, and otheT, first-rate professors. Concluding with the really successful Holiday piece and Sporting Pantomime, entitled HARLEQUIN TOM MOODY ; or, Old Tow er the Huntsman and the Goddess Diana, introducing, among numerous new and splendid effects, the Derby Day of 18,60, by the Astlean Racing Stud and clever jockeys ; also the wonde•ful Salamander Horse, enveloped in a body of real fire. A Grand Day performance of the New Comic Pantomime, and very superior novelties in the ring, every Saturday, at Two o'clock, during the Holidays. Stage Manager, Mr. R. Phillips CANT ERB lilt V HALL CONCERTS.- v EVERY EVENING. Sterndalo Bennett's MAY QUEEN. And a Grand Selection from Meyerbeer's new opera of DINO RA H. Comic Vocalists -Messrs. George Hodson (the Irish Come. Can and Mimic), W. Critchfield, and E. W. Hackney. Several interesting Pictures are added to the Fine Arts Gallery. Tho suite of Halls have ben re-decorated and beautified, and constitute one of the most unique and brilliant sights of the metropolis. ROSA. BON HEUR' S celebrated PICTURE of the HORSE FAIR, is now added to the already magnificent Collection of Paintings in the Canterbury Hall Fine Arts Gallery. The gallery is °pea from 5 till 11 on Sunday Evening. THE \V ExTl-lElt.-Sviv OFFICM, JAN. 10, 1860 , THERMOMETEA, IN THE 811A.1.115. 43—highest since noon yesterday. 40—lowest this morning and during the night. 42—this day at noon. BA Romwrza.-30.18. WIND, Easterly; light, with dull, foggy weather, lIIGII WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tins DAY.—Morning, 2h. 54m.—Afternoon, 3h. 17m, To-moanow.-Morning, 3h. 40m.—Afternoon, 4b. 2131 - 7 L'L'l : - .1",.. : 4 '7. j : I lir , - 4 , -" : 4:j',....... , 0 ' ' 4 2,<: -• .. 3-. '' l '; ' , ----;/ ' ' '' . .t, - " t • •• —rh 4 :4-L - ::, -- . 4 :,.l , 5.,,,,:+:: 5 _ . :1 - -- . ' '' THE SUN. LONDON, TUESDAY, JAN. 10, 1860, As wo do not quite pin our faith to Mr. BRIGHT'S sleeve, it gives us the more pleasure to refer to the outbursts of noble sentiment, or of honest and manly political feeling, by which genius like his will sometimes overleap the bounds of conven tionalism and party, and eTen those marked out by the orator himself. For instance, who will wonder that the following sentiment was received with loud and prolonged cheering :—" Now what the Government, and what our politicians ought to do is this :—They ought to try, in the first place, to be right, and having found out what is right, they ought to nerve themselves with the responsi bility of carrying out the right. And I believe there never was a time when a Ministry would derive more advantage from fairly and resolutely dealing with the qUestion and staking their exis tence upon carrying it through both Houses of Parliament." The seven thousand in the body of the hall re sponded heartily, long, and enthusiastically to the general rule there laid down, and pretty plainly showed that if the Government could but brace itself to compliance, they would sustain the good old political fame of Birmingham by their exertions again, for " the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill." Calculating prudence will, of course, assume a stern face, and tell us that the rule is but mere generalisation ; that all would agree that every Government and every man should do what is " right," and that, in the long run, we should all fled honesty, or right, the best policy. Be beg;ing the pardon of critics, Mr. BRIG • advice was not a mere generalisation, of which the sole difficulty lies in reducing it to practice ; his audience, as well as the speaker, meant a very practical 'thing indeed by it. They meant that the Whig Quack Doctors who have taken the Constitution in hand, should cease their old course of treating nature and fact as a nullity, and the a r istocracy,especially the Whig aristocracy, as a reality, and deal with facts as they are. Mr. BRIGHT and his audience well know that Lord JOHN RUSSELL, though he may be, as Mr. BRIGHT said of him, the most sincere reformer of the whole batch, is a Reformer with a heavy discount. Like the brilliant Essayist just departed from us, he can not rid his mind of the notion that the Whigs, with the landed aristocracy, are " the Lord's anointed " to govern us ; by his first Reform Bill he did but' cut off the " skirt of their garment," just to show that their life was in his hand if he had chosen to take it ; but he was as tender over their real power at heart, and in fact too, as if he had been a Lord ELDON or a Duke of NEWCASTLE. How can Reformers new or ever forget Lord JOHN'S explicit declaration that it was the "inten tion qf his Bill to give the predominance to the Landed Aristocracy." That sentence condemns Lord JOHN as a Constitution-monger, and he has never had, and never can have, our unreserved con fidence since. What right had he, what right has ~~ 1 ~~ any reformer, to hand over the supreme power to this or to that section of the community ? If that section is not, naturally, the predominant class, what right has he to make it so by merely artificial arrangements ? We are amongst the most willing to acknow ledge the claims of our " old nobility" and terri- torial gentlemen ; but our new nobility have at least equal claims an the generation which has created them ; and our educated gentlemen whose depen- dente is, not the acres or the titles their father left them, but the intelligence and industry which has made them what they are, are surely not inferior as persons to the former. We deprecate " setting class against class," but how can that be done more effectively than by constructing Reform Bills in tended to give the predominance to one class—and that, too, the smallest class in the land ? The land owners number, we are told, about 30,000 persons Could anything be more calculated to irritate the seven millions of other male adults in the nation than to learn that a youngest son of one of the thirty thousand having got the question of Reform into his hands, and having contrived to spread abroad an opinion that he was a thorough Liberal, should turn round after he had got his bill through Parliament and tell the seven millions, " it was always my in- tention that the Bill should place you in the power of the 30,000." Was this right ? And if not, what security have we that the same trick will not be repeated? Had it been avowed in 1831, the reform ing "millions" of Birmingham and Yorkshire would hardly have been so enthusiastic in support of the Whig Cabinet of the day ; and it is the certainty that the old. spirit is not departed from our aristo cratic Reformers that renders every one lukewarm now. Any Bill they may bring forward will either, on the face of it, be a second bill for the perpetuation of Whig and Tory ascendancy, or it will be one in which that purpose will be pretty easily detected. There is, however, a kind of fatality accompany ing the possession of power. Of how many a despot are we continually saying, how strong he might make himself. The mass 3f mankind are in general but too easily governed. Indulge them by anticipation almost in what they will soon understand to be theirs by right, and instead of stimulating the craving for more, it disposes them to confide in the ruler who gives rather more than they ask. A firm hand is repressing what the community under stands to be crimes, and a generous one is conced ing powers which they know, or will speedily know, to be their rights, is the obvious way to secure both respect and attachment. Despots rarely perceive this : they press the paternal theory till the children convince them by rebellion and revolu tion that these would-be fathers are but selfish and self-willed pedagogues, whom the men they would treat as children have outstripped in intelligence. We have ceased to wonder at this in despots; it is their innate, their original sin. A baptism of blood is too often the only one which can regenerate them. But the same folly in the leaders of a party in a . ree community may well be wondered at. Lord JOHN RUSSELL and the Hon. BENJAMIN DISRAELI alike know well that the path to political power in this country is that of fair dealing with the many. Mr. BRIGHT, indeed, painted so vividly in this Birmingham speech the noble part Mr. DISRAELI acted as the teacher of real liberalism to his party —quoting also his avowal of last June, that any measure for extending the saffrage in boroughs must be a sincere not a delusive one—that we almost imagine the angry scowl at Mr. BRIGHT of the great organ for the Palmerston Cabinet was due to this honest praise of the great Tory leader. in the Commons. It was too plainly telling the exclu sives of the Whig factions, "If you do not understand that a ' sincere' Reform Bill is the path to power—take care; there is a gentleman of vast influence and ability on the other side of the house who cannot indeed, in public, go too far ahead of his party, but who is already himself quite ahead of them—and who is fast teaching' them lessons, which will make the Tories the sincere Liberals, and leave the Whigs to become what that party is already in America—the Tories of a better order of things." Englishmen are not Americans. They, at least, like an aristocracy. Let the aristocracy but trust the people, let them, by frank and unexpected conces sions in Parliamentary Reform, show the people that they are willing to be an aristocracy on the basis of the freest institutions, and the many rhey trust will be a source to them of considerable strength. We believe no man in England knows this better than Mr. DISRAELI and the late Premier's son. They cannot go too far beyond their party at a bound. They must say the least they can for what their party will accept ; but does any observant man doubt their real views ? We heartily believe then, in the latter part of the sentence we quoted from Mr. BRIGHT at the commencement. Any Ministry which will do what is" right" in regard to a Reform Bill, and will then stake their existence on their bill, will be the people's Ministry. No" dodges" would suffice to eject them. The people would have them. It is right that all who contribute to the national taxation should have a vote on the taxes they have to pay ; right that their representation should be fairly equalled in power by the members being reasonably apportioned to the number of elector] in each constituency ; it is right that the electors should be protected against undue influence by the BALLOT, and that by the same means, and by others in addition, the upright and independent electors should be protected against having their votes nullified by the corrupt and venal few. These things are simply right. Pro posed by any Cabinet, they would impart to it the irresistible strength of right. They would be a moral artillery which no hostile faction could with stand. The Cabinet which proposed them would be the People's Cabinet. T'S However briefly we are constrained to do so, we cannot but refer to the singularly able resume of our Social Progress during the last decade as gi ven elsewhere in the tantalisingly abbreviated or fore shortened report of the last Charge (to the local jury) delivered on Friday by the learned Recorder of Hull. A charge from the lips of Mr. WARREN is at all times certain to evidence some earnest purpose which the learned gentleman is bent upon inculcating. It is invariably full of ripe and sound deductions, arrived at by calm and deliberate reflections, these reflections con scientiously enforced throughout by a variety of striking and pertinent illustrations. The Charge delivered on Friday, however, was far more than this—it was above things impressively sugges tive. It constituted a standing point upon which the learned Recorder paused at the close of another decade to cast a retrospective glance back down the vista of those ten years which have just been tra versed ; afterwards casting an anticipative gaze into those mysti ten years, cal and f or th e mos t p ar t inscrutable beyond the merest verge of which we are now adventuring. All these retrospections and an ticipations having especial and solemn reference to the Social Progress already made, and that addi tional Social Progress likely to be made in the im mediately ensuing hereafter. Pausing, as we have said, upon that point of separation between the two decennial periods, the one going, the one coming, Mr. WARREN remarked—" How little could the most penetrating sagacity have foreseen in the opening of 1850 our condition at the open ing of 1860 ; and who at this moment can even guess what will be our position at the opening of 1870?" Adding—" The wisest and most experienced among us may look never so closely and comprehensively at the present aspect of things, and scan the causes, or apparent causes of social change now in operation—and yet will own himself totally in the dark concerning the future, which is, nevertheless, at this moment open before the eye of the ALMIGHTY." In itself the reflection is, of course, not by any means new—but it is put to us all, at this moment, thus, in these few and solemnising words, most opportunely. "We have," he reminds his hearers, " a national, as well as . an individual feature ; and let us be thoroughly convinced that our future, in both capacities, depends upon our conduct in both capacities—the neglect or observance of our duties in both capa cities—exactly as effect depends upon cause." Thereupon follows these admirable comments—the most reassuring and inspiriting we have read for many a long day, and this simply because of their undeniable trathiulness—upon what many might regard as the somewhat exhausted theme of our insular defensive preparations. " Gentlemen," said the Recorder of Hull, on Friday, addressing himself to his Jury, and through them to a far larger audience , by means of the speak ing-trumpet of the Press—" Gentlemen, we are, as a nation, rapidly causing to disappear those sources of anxiety which have long and reasonably disquieted all reflecting persons ; I allude to that astounding contentment with our insular insecurity which our posterity will hardly believe when they read of, and which has now disappeared before a sternly awakened sense of national spirit and duty, towards the glorious and hallowed land we live in, and all the tender and noble interests connected with it. Every hour sees us steadily approaching a state of impregnable strength and inaccessible security. So to speak, half the battle is already won ; and when once our old English spirit has been roused, and enlightened by English good sense and intellect, the whole battle will have been won ; anti fear of invasion will have melted into dreamy recollections of a doubtful and apprehensive past." Having spoken thus in regard to the vital question of our national security, Mr. WARREN immediately entered upon the consideration and enumeration of those great landmarks of our Social Progress, realised and prospective, of which his thoughtful and well con sidered Charge may be accepted far and wide as a most admirable exponent. LAT EST. N E NV S. The following telegrams have been received at Mr. Reuter's office : AMERICA. LIVERPOOL, TUESDAY, The Royal Mail steamship America arrived here this morning, and brings the following later news from Halifax : NEW YORK, DEC. 29, No Speaker has yet been elected. A great fire had broken out in Breckman and Fulton streets, and destroyed property to the amount of nearly one million dollars. The loss was covered by insurance. A negro insurrection has taken place at Bolivar (Missouri). The burning of the town was threatened. The insurrection has, however, been suppressed, and the excitement abated. The steamer Arago has arrived out. Cotton firm. Sales in two days reached 2,000 bales. Breadstuffs firm. Provisions quiet. NEW ORLEANS, DEC. 28. The sales in two days amount to 14,000 bales, Prices easier, but no quotable change. Freight for Cotton, 19 32d of a penny. CANADA. LIVERPOOL, TUESDAY. The Montreal Ocean Mail Company's steamer North America has arrived with dates from Mon treal to the 31st ult., and from New York, by tele graph, to the 30th. The river St. Lawrence . was frozen over, opposite the city. M°ntreal flour market very firm. Grain un changed. Business dull. __ DROMVILLE, DEC. 20. Cortina' has been defeated, and is retreating. AUSTRALIA. (From the South _Australian Register Extraordinary.) The following is the latest news from the four Australian colonies, being two days later thin that brought per mail, published for transmission by the mail steamer Benares : ADELAIDE, SATURDAY, 5 F.M. The following telegrams have just been re ceived : MELBOURNE, Nov. 19. VICTORIA. Flour steady. Adelaide brands, £l9 to £2O; Tasmanian, £lB 10; Chilian, £l7 to £18; barrel flour, 33s to 445; Colonial and Californian wheat, 9s; oats difficult of sale; foreign, 3s 2d to 33 10d ; colonial, 4s to 4s 6d. NEW SOUTH WALES. Flour down to £2O per ton. Holders of wool are demanding an advance, and some transactions have taken place. The brig Test brings 2,400 bags sugar. General business is dull. Queensland is to be proclaimed in a fortnight's time. Mr. Plunkett has been offered the Presidency of the National Board. TASMANIA: Advices from Hobart Town are to the 16th inst. The flour market is showing signs of animation, and prices are quoted at £2O to £22. Measures are in progress for completing the in terrupted telegraphic communication with the con tinent. THE PENINSULAR MAILS. The Sultan, with the above mails, arrived at Lisbon at three p.m. on the Bth, and would leave for Southampton, at 11 a.m. on the 9th inst. HILARY TERM.—To-morrow, Wednesday, Hilary Term commences, when the several courts of law and equity will resume their sittings. The Lord Chancellor will not receive the Judges, and • the courts will therefore be open at 10 o'clock. The list of rules presents a very dif ferent appearance frpin the state of business at the coni mencement of Michaelmas Terni. The grrears of the com mon law courts were then only 90, and now they amount to 193. In the Q ueen ' s B enc h thenumber is 78, consisting of 32 rules in the new trial paper, 9 in the special paper for t t t eh h ra e s r t f e no u a r r llt e hib l ee 4 ro . pBi n l a n iroen t e h no e lfa C trh o g m ee dc m ro o u iu n ret P s: l a e Bn a dns thenew d trial u r n b u e , e l r r e s s i 3 I n n the at Exchequer the rules number as many as 78, there are 2 errors and appeals for judgment, and 11 for argument, and in the peremptory paper 8 rules ; in the special paper 2 for judgment aid 12 for argument ; of new trials, there are 4 rules for judgment, and 39 for argument. Among the rules for new trials is " Swinfen v. Lord Chelmsford," which stands early in the list. The arrears in the Divorce and Probate Comte are very heavy for the ensuing term. A WHITE lIARE.—The pack of harriers belonging to Mr. Entwisle, of Foxholes, Rochdale, were hunting in Butterworth, on Thursday last, when they started a white hare, which had been bred in that township. After having given this fast pack a 25 minutes burst, she went to ground in a rock earth, from whence she was taken unhurt. She is a remarkable animal, her head, ears, and scut being brown, similar to those of many other of her species; back and sides and belly white. She is not of the Scotch moun tain breed, for those change their colour according to the season of the year, whereas this is the same year , all the round. She is now in the possession of J. S. Entwsle, sq. i L —3lanchester Guardian. MUSEUM OF PATENTS, SOUTH KENSINGTON. — Number of visitors for the week ending Jan. 7. 1,939 ; evenings, 1,3.50, total, 3,289. Since the ope nin g of the Museum free daily (May 12, 1858), 176,538. PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. FELLOW CITIZENS OF TILE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES : Our deep and heartfelt gratitude is due to that Almighty Power which has bestowed upon us such varied and nume rous blessings throughout the past year. The general health of the country has been excellent; our harvests have been unusually plentiful, and prosperity smiles throughout the land. Indeed, notwithstanding cur deme rits, we have much reason to believe, from the past events in our history, that we have enjoyed the special protection of Divine Providence ever since our origin as a nation. We have been exposed to many threatening and alarming diffi culties in our progress ; but on each successive occasion the impending cloud has been dissipated at the moment it ap peared ready to burst upon our head, and the danger to our institutions has passed away. May we ever be under the Divine guidance and protection. Whilst it is the duty of the President "from time to time to give Congress information of the state of the Union," I shall not refer in detail to the recent sad and bloody occurrence at Harper's Ferry. Still, it is proper to observe that these events, however bad and cruel in themselves, derive their chief importance from the apprehension that they are but symptoms of an incurable disease in the public mind, which may break out in still more dangerous outrages, and terminate at last in an open war by the North to abolish slavery in the South. Whilst, for myself, I entertain no such apprehension, they ought to afford a solemn warning to us all to beware of the approach of danger. Our Union is a stake of such inesti mable value as to demand our constant and watchful vigil ance for its preservation. In this view, let me implore my countrymen, North and South, to cultivate the ancient feeling of mutual forbearance and good will towards each other, and strive to allay thedernon spirit of sectional hatred and strife now alive in the land. This ad vice proceeds from the heart of an old public functionary whose services commenced in the last generation, among the wise and conservative statesmen of that day, now nearly all passed away, and whose first and dearest earthly wish is to leave his country tranquil, prosperous, united, and powerful. We ought to reflect that in this age, and especially in this country, there is an incessant flux and reflux of pub lic opinion. Questions which in their day assumed a most threatening aspect, have now nearly gone from the memory of men. They are volcanoes burnt out, and on the lava, and ashes and squalid scoria3 of old eruptions grow the' peaceful olive, the cheering vine, and the sustaining corn. Such, in my opinion, will prove to be the fate of the present sectional excitement, should those who wisely seek to ap ply the remedy, continue always to confine their efforts within the pale of the Constitution. If this course be pur sued, the existing agitation on the subject of domestic slavery, like everything human, will have its day and give place to others and less threatening controversies. Public opinion in this country is all powerful, and when it reaches a dangerous excess upon any question, the good sense of the people will furnish the corrective and bring it back within safe limits. Still, to hasten the auspicious result, at the present crisis, we ought to remember that every rational creature must be presumed to intend the natural conse quences of his own teachings. Those who announce ab stract doctrines subversive of the Constitution and the Union must not be surprised should their heated partizans advance one step further, and attetnpt by violence to carry those doctrines into practical effect. In this view of the subject it ought never to be forgotten that however great may have been the political advantages re , ulting from the Union to every portion of our common country these will all prove to be as nothing should the time ever arrive when they cannot be enjoyed without serious danger to the personal safety of the people of fifteen members of the con federacy. If the peace of the domestic fireside throughout these States should ever be invaded —if the mothers of families within this extensive re gion should not be able to retire to rest at night without suffering dreadful apprehensions of what may be their own fate and that of their children before morning—it would be vain to recount to such a people the political benefits which result to them from the Union. Self-preservation is the first instinct of nature ; and therefore any state of society in which the sword is all the time suspended over the heads of the people, must at last become intolerable. But I in dulge in no such gloomy forebodings. On the contrary, I firmly believe that the events at Harper's Ferry, by causing the people to pause and reflect upon the possible peril to their cherished institutions, will be the means, under Pro vidence, of allaying the existing excitement and preventing future outbreaks of a similar character. They will resolve that the Constitutinn and the Union shall not be endan gered by rash counsels, knowing that, should " the silver cord be loosed or the golden bowl bo broken * * * at the fountain," human power could never re-unite the scattered and hostile fragments. I cordially congratulate you upon the final settlement by the Supreme Court of the United States of the question of slavery in the territories, which had presented an aspect so truly formidible at the commencement of my administration. The right , has been established of every citizen to take his property of any kind, including slaves, into the common Territories belonging equally to all the States of the Confederacy, and to have it protected there under the federal constitu tion. Neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature nor any human power has any authority to annul or impair this vested right. The supreme judicial tribunal of the country, which is a co-ordinate branch of the Government, has sanctioned and affirmed these principles of constitutional law, so manifestly just in themselves, and so well calcu lated to promote peace and harmony among the States. It is a striking proof of the sense of justice which is inherent in our people, that the property in slaves has never been distur bed, to my knowledge, in any of the Territories. Even throughout the late troubles in Kansas there has not been any attempt, as I am credibly informed, to inter fere, in a single instance, with the right of the master. Had any such attempt been made the judiciary would doubtless have afforded an adequate remedy. Should they fail to do this hereafter, it will then be time enough to strengthen their hands by further legislation. Had it been decided that either Congress or the Territorial Legislature possess the power to annul or impair the right to property in slaves, the evil would be intolerable. In the latter event, there would be a struggle for a majority of the members of the Legislature at each successive election, and the sacred rights of property held under the Federal Constitution would depend for the time being on the result. The agi tation would thus be rendered incessant whilst the Terri torial condition remained, and its baneful influence would keep alive a dangerous excitement among the people of the several States. Thus has the status of a territory, during the interme diate period from its first settlement until it shall become a State, been irrrevocably fixed by the final decision of the Supreme Court. Fortunate has this been for the prosperity of the territories, as well as the tranquillity of the States. Now, emigrants from thenorth and the south, the east and the wesi, will meet in the territories on a common platform, having brought with them that species of property best adapted, in their own opinion, to promote their welfare. From natural causes the slavery question will in each case soon virtually settle itself ; and before the territory is pre pared for admission as a State into the Unioi, this decision ono way or the other, will have a foregone conclusion. Meanwhile the settlement of the new territory will proceed without serious interruption, and its progress and prospe rity will not be endangered or retarded by violent political struggles. When in the progress of events the inhabitants of any territory shall have reached the number required to form a State, they will then proceed, in a regular manner, and in the exercise of the rights of popular sovereignty, to form a constitution preparatory to admission into the Union. After this has been done, to employ the language of the Kansas and Nebraska act, they " shall be received into the Union with or without slavery, as their constitution may Prescribe at the time of their admission." This sound prin ciple has happily been recognised, in some form or other, by an almost unanimous vote of both houses of the last Con gress. All lawful means at my command have been employed, and shall continue to be employed, to execute the laws against the African slave-trade. After a most careful and rigorous examination of our coasts, and a thorough investi gation of the subject, we have not been able to discover that any slaves have been imported into the United States except the cargo by the Wanderer, numbering between 300 and 400. Those engaged in this unlawful enterprise have been rigorously prosecuted, but not with so much success as their crimes have deserved. A number of them are still under prosecution. Our history proves that the fathers of the republic, in ad vance of all other nations. condemned the African slave trade, It was, notwithstanding, deemed expedient by the framers of the constitution to deprive Congress of the power to prohibit•' the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to ad mit prior to the year 1808." It will be seen that this restriction on the power of Con gress was confined to such States only as might think pro per to admit the importation of slaves. It did not extend to other States, or to the trade carried on abroad. Ac cordingly, we find that so early as the 22d March, 179 t, Congress passed an act imposing severe penalties and punishments upon citizens and residents of the United States who should engage in this trade between foreign na tions. The provisions of this act were extended and en forced by the act of 10th May, 1800. Again—the States themselves had a clear right to waive the constitutional privilege intended for their benefit, and to prohibit, by their own laws, this trade at any time they thought proper pro% ious to 1801. Several of them exorcised this right before that period, and among them some con taining the greatest number of slaves. This gave to Con gress the immediate power to act in regard to all such States, because they themselves had removed the constitu tional barrier. Congress accordingly passed an act on 28th February, 1803, " to prevent the importation of certain per sons into certain States whore, by the laws thereof; their admission is prohibited." _ In this manner the importation of African slaves into the United States was, to a certain extent, prohibited some years in advance of 1808. As the year 1808 approached, Congress determined not to suffer this trade to exist even for a single day after they had the power to abolish it. On the 2d March, 1807, they passed an act to take effect " from and after the Ist day of January, 1808," prohibiting the importation of African slaves into the United States. This was followed by sub sequent acts of a similar character, to which I need not spe cially refer. Such were the principles and such the prac- ice of our ancestors more than 60 years ago in regard to .he African slave trade. It did not occur to the revered patriots who had been delegates to the convention, and afterwards became mem bers of Congress, that in passing these laws they had vio lated the Constitution which they had framed with so much care and deliberation. They supposed that to prohibit Con gress, in express terms, from exercising a specified power before an appointed day, necessarily involved the right to exercise this power after that day had arrived. If this were not the case, the framers of the Constitution had expended much labour in vain. Had they imagined that Congress would possess no power to prohibit the trade either before or after 1808, they would not have taken so much care to protect the States arainst the exercise of this power before that period. Nay more, they would not have attached such vast importance to this provision as to have excluded it from the possibility of future repeal or amend ment to which other portions of the Constitution were ex , posed. It would, then, have been wholly unnecessary to engraft on the fiftharticleof the constitution, prescribing the mode of its own future amendment, the proviso " that no amendment which may bo made prior to the year 1808 shall in no manner affect" the provision in the constitution se curing to the States the right to admit the importation of African slaves previous to that period. According to the adverse construction the clause itself, on which so much cars and discussion had been employed by the members of the convention, was an absolute nullity from the beginning, and all that has since been done under it a mere usurpation. It was well and wise to confer this power on Congress, because, had it been left to the States, its efficient exercise would have been impossible. In that event any one State could have effectually continued the trade not only for itself but for all the other slave States, though never so much against their will. And why ? Because African slaves, when once brought within the limits of any one State, in accordance with its laws, cannot practically be excluded from any other State where slavery exists. And even if all the States had separately passed laws prohibiting the im partation of slaves, these laws would have failed of effect t of a naval force to capture the slavers and to guard ts. Such 'll, force no State can employ in time of hout the consent of Congress. acts of Congress, it is believed, have, with very d insignificant exceptions, accomplished their pur- For a period of more than half a century there has perceptible addition to the number of our domestic During this period their advancement in civilise as far surpassed that of any other portion of the Afri - 7 race. The light and the blessings of Christianity have been extended to them, and both their moral and physical condition has been greatly improved.. Re-open the trade, and it would be difficult to determine whether the effect would be more deleterious to'the inters of the master or on those of the native-born slave. Of evils to the master, the one most to be dreaded would the introduction of wild, heathen and ignorant barbarians among the sober, orderly, and quiet slaves, whose ancestors have been on the soil for several generations. This mifsh:S tend to barbarize, demoralise, and exasperate the wholit, mass, and produce the most deplorable consequences. The effect. upon the existing slave would, if possible, be still more deplorable. At present he is treated with kind ness and humanity. He is well fed, well clothed, and not overworked. His condition is incomparably better than that of the coolies which modern nations of high civilisa tion have employed as a substitute for African slaves. Both the philanthropy and the self-interest of the master have combined t 3 produce this humane result. But let this trade be re-opened, and what a considerable extent, as on a neighbouring island—the only spot now on earth where the African slave trade is openly tolerated ; and this in defiance of solemn treaties with a Power abundantly able at any mo ment to enforce their execution. There the master, intent on the present gain, extorts from the slave as much labour as his physical powers are capable of enduring—knowing that, when death comes to his relief, his place can - be sup plied at a price reduced to the lowest point by the competi tion of rival African slave traders. Should this ever be the case in our country—which I do not deem possible—the present useful character of the domestic institution, wherein those too old and too young to work are provided for with care and humanity, and those capableof labourers not over tasked, would undergo an unfortunate change. The feeling of reciprocal dependence and attachment which now exists between master and slave would be converted into mutual distrust and hostility. But we are obliged as a Christian and moral nation, to consider what would be the effect upon unhappy Africa itself if we should reopen the slave trade. This would give the trade an impulse and extension which it has never had even in its palmiest days. The numerous victims required to supply it would convert the whole slave coast into a per feet Pandemonium, for which this country would be held responsible in the eyes both of God and man. Its petty tribes would then be constantly engaged in predatory wars against each other for the purpose of seizing slaves to sup ply the American market. All hopes of African civilisa tion would thus be ended. On the other hand, when a market for the African slaves shall no longer be furnished in Cuba, and thus all the world be closed against this trade, we may then indulge a reason able hope for the gradual improvement of Africa. The chief motive of war among the tribes will cease whenever there is no longer any demand for slaves. The resources of that fertile but miserable country might then be developed by the hand of industry and afford subjects for legitimate foreign and domestic commerce. In this manner Chris tianity and civilisation may gradually penetrate the exist ing gloom. The wisdom of the course pursued by this Government towards China has been vindicated by the event. Whilst we sustained a neutral position in the war waged by Great Britain and France against the Chinese empire, our late Minister, in obedience to his instructions, judiciously co operated with the Ministers of these Powers in all peaceful measures to secure by treaty the just concessions demanded by the interests of foreign commerce. The result is, that satisfactory treaties have been concluded with China by the respective Ministers of the United States, Great Britain, France, and Russia. Our." treaty, or general convention of peace, amity, and commerce," with that empire was con eluded at /Contain on the 18th June, 1858, and was ratified by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, on the 21st of December following. On the 15th December, 1858, John E. Ward, a distin guished citizen of Georgia, was duly commissioned as En voy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to China. He left the United States for the rlaco of his destination on the sth of February, 1859, bearing with him the ratified copy of this treaty, and arrived at Shanghai on the 28th May. From thence he proceeded to Peking, on the 16th June, but did not arrive at that city until the 27th July. According to the terms of the treaty the ratifications were to be exchanged on or before the 18th June, 1859. This was rendered impossible by reasons and events beyond his control, not necessary to detail ; but still it is due to the Chinese authorities at Shanghai to state that they always assured him no advantage should be taken of the delay, and this pledge has been faithfully redeemed. On the arrival of Mr. Ward at Peking he requested an audience of the Emperor to present his letter of credence. This he did not obtain in consequence of his very proper refusal to submit to the humiliating ceremonies re quired by the etiquette of this strange people in ap proaching their sovereign. Nevertheless the interviews on this question were conducted in the most friendly spirit and with all due regard to his personal feelings and the honour of his country. When a presentation to his Ma jesty was found to be impossible the letter of credence from the President was received with peculiar honours by Kweil ing, " the Emperor's Prime Minister and second man in the Empire to the Emperor himself." The ratifications of the treaty were afterwards, on the 16th of August, ex changed in pr oper form at Pei-tsang. As the exchange did not take place until the day prescribed by the treaty, it is deemed proper, before its publication, again to submit it to the Senate. It is but simple justice to the Chinese authorities to ob serve, that, throughout the whole transaction they appear to have acted in good faith and in a friendly, spirit towards the United States. It is true this has been done after their own peculiar fashion ; but we ought to regard with a le nient eye the ancient customs of an empire dating back for thousands of years, so far as this may be consistent with our own national honour. The conduct of our Minister on the occasion has received my entire approbation. In order to carry out the spirit of this treaty, and to give it full effect, it became necessary to conclude two supple mental conventions:- the one for the adjustment and satis faction of the claims of our citizens, and the other to fix the tariff on imports and exports, and to regulate the transit duties and trade of our merchants with China. This duty was satisfactorily performed by our late Minister. These conventions bear date at Shanghai on the Bth of November, 1858. Having been considered in the light of binding agreements subsidiary to the principal treaty, and to be carried into execution with out delay, they do not provide for any formal ratification or exchange of ratifications by the contracting parties. This was not deemed necessary by the Chinese, who are already proceeding in good faith to satisfy the claims of our citizens, and, it is hoped, to carry out the other provisions of the conventions. Still I th oug ht it was proper to submit thern'to the Senate, by which they.were ratified on the 3d of March, 1859. The ratified copies, however, did not reach Shanghai until after the departure of our Minister to Pekin, and these conven tions could not, therefore, be exchanged at the same time with the principal treaty. No doubt is entertained that they will be ratified and exchanged by the Chinese Govern ment, should this be thought advisable ; but, under the cir cumstances presented, I shall consider them binding on gagements from their date on both parties, and cause them to be published as such for the information and guidance of our merchants trading with the Chinese empire. It affords me much satisfaction to inform you that all our difficulties with the Republic of Paraguay have been satisfactorily adjusted. It happily did not become neces sary to employ the force for this purpose which Congress had placed at my command, under their joint resolution of 2d June, 1858. On the contrary, the President of the Re- public, in a friendly spirit, acceded promptly to the just and reasonable demands of the Government of the United States. Our commissioner arrived at Assumption, the capi tal of the republic, on the 25th January, 1859, and left on the 17th February, having in three weeks ably and success fully accomplished all the objects of his mission. The treaties which he has concluded will be immediately sub mitted to the Senate. ' In the view that the employment of other than peaceful means might become necessary to obtain " just satisfaction" from Paraguay, a strong naval force was concentrated in the waters of the La Plata to await contingencies, whilst our commissioner ascended the rivers to Assumption. The Navy Department is entitled to great credit for the prompt ness, efficiency, and economy with which this expedition was fitted out and conducted. It consisted of 19 armed ves- iels, great and small, carrying 200 guns and 2,500 men, all under the command of the veteran and gallant Shubrick, The entire expenses of the expedition have been defrayed out of the ordinary appropriations of the naval service, ex cept the sum of 289,000 dols., applied to the purchase of seven of the steamers, constituting a part of it, under the authority of the naval appropriation act of the 3d March last. It is believed that these steamers were worth more than their cost, and they are now usefully and actively em ployed in the naval service. The appearance of so largo a force, fitted out in such a prompt manner, in the far-distant waters of the La Plata, and the admirable conduct of the officers and men employed in it have had a happy effect in favour of our country throughout all that remote portion of the world. Our relations with the great empires of France and Russia as well as with all other governments on the continent of Europe, unless we may except that of Spain, happily con tinue to be of the most friendly character. In my last annual message Lpresented a statement of the unsatisfactory condition of our relations with Spain; and I regret to say that this has not materially improved. With out special reference to other claims, even the " Cuban claim," the payment of which has been ably urged by our ministers, and in which more than a hundred of our citi zens are directly interested remain unsatisfied, notwith standing bdth their justice and their amount (128,635 54 dole.) had been recognised and ascertained by the Spanish tiovemment itself. I again recommend that an appropriation be made " to be paid to the Spanish Government for the purpose of diNfi bution amongst the claimants in the Amistad case." In common with two of ,my predecessors I entertain no doubt that this is required by our treaty with Spain on the 27th October, 1795. The failure to discharge this obligation has been employed by the Cabinet of Madrid as a reason against the settlement of our claims. I need not repeat the arguments which I urged in my last annual message in favour of the acquisition of Cuba by fair purchase. My opinions on that measure remained un changed. I, therefore, again invite the serious attention of Congress to this important subject. Without a recogni tion of this policy on their part, it will be almost impassible to institute negotiations with any reasonable prospect of [mess. t t ntil a recent period there was good reason to believe I should be able to announce to you on the present occasion that our difficulties with Great Britain, arising out f the Clayton and Bulwer treaty, had been finally ad oo ted in a manner, alike honourable and satisfactory to h parties. From causes, however, which the British vernment had not anticipated, they have not completed treaty arrangements with the Republics of Honduras and Nicaragua, in pursuance of the understanding between the two Governments, It is, nevertheless, confidently ex pected that this good work will ere long b 3 accomplished. Whilst indulging the hope that no other subject remained which could disturb the good understanding between the ,two countries, the question arising out of the adverse claims of the parties to the Island of San Juan, under the Oregon treaty of the 15th June, 1846, suddenly assumed a threatening prominence. In order to prevent unfortunate collisions on that remote frontier,the late Secretary of State, on the 17th July, 1855, addressed a note to Mr. Crampton, the British Minister at Washington, communicating to him a copy of the instructions which he (Mr. Marcy) had given on the 14th of July, to Governor Stevens, of Washington Territory, having a special reference to an " apprehended conflict between our citizens and the British subjects in the Island of San Juan." To prevent this, the Governor was instructed, "that the officers of the Territory should abstain from all acts on the disputed grounds which are calculated to provoke any conflicts, so far as it can be dune without implying the concession to the authorities of Great Britain, of an exclusive right over the premises- The title ought to be settjed before either party should attempt to exclude the other by force, or exercise complete and exclusive sovereign rights within the fairly disputed limits. In acknowledging the receipt on the next day of Mr. Marcy's note, the British Minister expressed his entire con currence "in the propriety of the course recommended to the Governor of Washington Territory by your (Mr. Mar cy's) instructions to that officer," and stating that he had "lost no time in transmitting a copy of that document to the Governor-General of British North America," and had ":earnestly recommended to his Excellency to take such measures as to him may appear best calculated to secure, on the part of the British local authorities and the inhabitants of the line in question, the exercise of the same spirit of forbearance which is inculcated by you (Mr. Marcy) on the authorities and citizens of the United States." . Thus matters remained upon the faith of this arrange ment until the 9th of July last, when Gen. Harney paid a visit to the island. He found upon it twenty-five American residents with their families, and also an establishment of the Hudson's Bay Company for the purpose of raising sheep. A short time before his arrival one of these residents had shot an animal belonging to the company, whilst trepassing upon his premises, for which, however, he offered to pay twice its value ; but that was refused. Soon after " the chief factor of the company at Victoria, Mr. Dallas, son-in law of Governor Douglas, came to the Island in the Eng lish sloop-of-war Satellite, and threatened to take this Ame rican (Mr. Cutter) by force to Victoria, to answer for the trespass he had committed. The American seized his rifle and s told Mr. Dallas if any such attempt was made he would kill him on the spot. The affair then ended." Under these circumstances the American settlers pre sented a petition to the General, "through the United States' inspector of customs, Mr. Hobbs, to place a force upon the Island to protect them from the Indians as well as the oppressive interference of the authorities of the Hudson Bay Company at Victoria with their rights as American citizens." • The General immediately responded to this pe tition, and orders 1 Capt. G. E. Pickett, 9th Infantry, " to establish his company on Bellevue, or San Juan Island, on some suitable position near the harbour at the south-eastern extremity." This order was promptly obeyed, and a mili tary post was established at the place designated. The force was afterwards increased, so that by the last return the whole number of troops then on the Island amounted in the aggregate to 981. men. Whilst I do not deem it proper on the present occasion to go further into the subject, and discuss the weight which ought to be attached to the statements of the British colo nial authorities, contesting the accuracy of the information on which the gallant General acted, it was due to him that I should thus present his own reasons for issuing the order to Capt. Pickett. From these it is quite clear his object was to prevent the British authorities on Vancouver's Is land from exercising jurisdiction over American residents on the Island of San Juan, as well a s to protect them against the incursions of the Indians. that Much l.eg t e o x n c : it e e n m d e n e t e r t prevailed e f r o r 0 f s o c rr c a d e l i time si en between throughout the T i h sean ß a ri e t t ish ef ha s d im a ple la j r u g s e ti n e a e v t a e l parties feree tnw the as vicinityapp rehe ; n de it the Admiral on that station to state that he wisely and dis creetly forebore to c ommit any hostile act, but det erm i ne d to refer the whole affair to his Government and await their instructions. This aspect of the matter, in ray opinion, demanded serf errs attention. It would have been a great calamity for both nations had they been precipitated into act of hostility not on the question of title to the island, but merely con vrning what should be its condition during the intervening period whilst the two governments might be employed in settling the question to which of them it belongs. For this reason Lieut.-Gen Scott was despatched on the 17th Sep tember last to Washington Territory to take immediate command of the United States forces on the Pacific coast, should ho deem this necessary. The main object of his mission was to carry out the spirit of the precautionary arrangement between the late Secretary of State and the British Minister, and thus to preserve the peace and pre vent collision between the British and American authori ties pending the negotiations between the two Govern ments. Entertaining no doubt of the validity of our title, I need scarcely add that, in any event, American citizens were to be placed on a footing at least as favourable as that of British subjects, it being understood that Capt. Pickett's company should remain on the island. It is proper to ob serve that, considering thedistance from the sceneof action, and in ignorance of what might have transpired on the spot before the General's arrival, it was necessary to , leave much to his discretion, and I am happy to state the event has proven that this discretion could not have been entrusted to more competent hands. General Scott has recently re turned from his mission, having successfully accornplishei its objects, and there is no longer any good reason to appre hend a collision between the forces of the two countries during the pendency of the existing negotiations. I regret to inform you that there has been no improve ment in the affairs of Mexico since my last annual message, and I am again obliged to ask the earnest attention of Con gress to the unhappy condition of that republic. The constituent Congress of Mexico, which adjourned on the 17th of February, 1457, adopted a constitution and provided for a popular election. This took place in the following July (1837), and General Comonfort was chosen President, almost without opposition. At tha same election a new Congress was chosen, whose first sessi( n commenced on the 16th of September, 1857. By the con stitution of 1857 the Presidential term was to begin on the Ist of December, - 185q, and continue for four years. Oa that day G enera l Commonfort appeared before the assem bled Congress in the city of Mexico, took the oath to sup port the new constitution, and was duly inaugurate 1 as President. Within a month afterwards he had been driven from the capital, and a military rebellion had assigned the supreme power of the republic to General Zu'oaga. Ti e constitution provided that in the absence of the President his office should devolve upon the Chief Justice of the Su preme Court, and Gen. Comonfort having left the country, his functionary, General Juarez, proceeded to form, I t Guanajuata, a constitutional government. Before this was officially known, however, at the capital the government of Zuloaga had been recognised by the entire diplomatic corps, including the Minister of the United States, as the de facto government of Mexico. The constitutional Presi dent, nevertheless, maintained his position with firmness, and was Soon established with his cabinet at Vera Cruz. Meanwhile, the government of ZulOaga was earnestly re- ' Y kr _ _ sisted in many parts of the republic, and even in the eapi tal, a portion of the army having pronounced against it, its functions were declared terminated, and an assembly of citizens was invited for the choice of a new President. This assembly elected General Miramon, but that officer repu diated the plan under which he was chosen, and Zulo4 a was thus restored to his previous position. He assumed it, however, only to withdraw from it, and Miramon having become by his appointment " President Substitute," con tinues, with that title, at the head of the insurgent party. In my last annual message I communicated to Congress the circumstances under which the late Minister of the United States suspended his official relations with the ce tral government, and withdrew from the country. It vas impossible to maintain friendly intercourse with a go vernment, like that of the capital, under whose usurped authority wrong were constantly committed, 'but never redressed. Had this been an established go vernment, with its power extending by the consent of the • people, over the whole of Mexico, a resort to hostilities against it would have been quite jus tifiable, and indeed necessary. But the country was a prey to civil war ; and it was to be hoped that the success of the constitutional President might lead to a condition of things less injurious to the United State,. This success became so probable that, in January last, I employed a re liable agent to visit Mexico, and report to me the actual condition and prospects of the contending parties. In con sequence of his report, and from information which reached me from other sources, favourable to the prospects of the constitutional cuse, I felt justified in appointing a new Mi nister to Mexico, who might embrace the earliest suitable opportunity of restoring our diplomatic relations with that republic. For this purpose a distinguished citizen of Mary land was selected, who proceeded on his mission on the Bth of March last, with discretionary authority to recognise the Government of President Juarez, if on his arrival in Mexico he should find it entitled to such recognition, ac cording to the established practise of the United States. On the 7th of Aprii following, Mr. MtLane presented his credentials to ''resident Juarez, having no hesitation d ' in pronouncing the Govern men t f Juarez to be the only ex isting Government of the Republic." He was cordially received by the adthorities at Vera Cruz, and they have ever since manifested the meat friendly disposition towards the United States. Unhappily, however, the constitutional Government has not been able to establish its power over the whole republic. It issupported by a large majority of the people and the States, but there are important parts of the country where it can enforce no obedience. General Marmon maintains himself at the capital; and in some of the distant provinces there are military governors who pay little respects to the decrees of either Government. In the meantime the excess which always attend upon civil war especially in Mexico, are constantly recurring. Outrages of the worst description are committal upon persons and property. There is scarcely any form of injury which has not been suffered by our citizens in Mexico during the last few years. We have been nominally at peace 'with that republic, but " so far as the interests of our cananterce or of our citizens who S have visited the country as merchants, shipmasters, or in other capa cities, are concerned, we might as well have been at war." Life has been insecure, property unprotected, and trade impossible except at a risk of loss which prudent men cannot be expected to incur. Important contracts involv ing large expenditures, entered into by the centraegovern ment, have been set at defiance by the local gonernments. Peacgful American residents, occupying their rightful per sessiotts, have been suddenly expelled from the country, in defiance of treaties, and by the mere force of arbitrary power. Even the course of justice has not been safe front control, and a recent decree of Miramon permits the inter vention of government in all suits where either party is a foreigner. Vessels of the United States have been seized without law, and a consular officer who protested against such seizure had been fined and imprisoned for disrespect to the authorities Military contributions have been levied in violation of every principle of right, and the American who resisted the lawless demand has had his property for cibly taken away and has been himself banished. From a conflict of authority in different parts of the country, tariff duties which have been paid in one place have been exacted over again in another place. Large numbers of our citizens , have been arrested and imprisoned without any form of examination or any opportunity for a hearing, and even when released have only obtained their liberty after much suffering and injury, and without any hope of redress. The wholesole massacre of Crabbe and his associates without trial in Sonora, as well as the seizure and murder of four sick Americans who had taken shelter in the house of an American, upon the soil of the United States, was commu nicated to Congress at its last session. hurders of a still more atrocious character have been committed in the veil heart of Mexico, under the authority of Mirainon's govern ment, during the present year. Some of these were only worthy of a barbarous age, and if they had not been clearly proven, would have seemed impossible in a c ;untry which claims to be civilised. Of this description was the brutal massacre in April last by order of General Mar q u hospitalr z, of three at T A a e m u e b ri ey c a a n pwhhyi le c i a a n t t s e , n w d h i n o g w e u r p e seized in the ei ek and dying of both parties, and without trial as without (rime, were hurried away to speedy execution. Little less shocking was the recent fate of Ormond Chase, who was shot in Tepic on the 7th of August, by order er the same Mexican general, not only without a trial, but w:liout any conjecture by his friends in thel cause of his arrest. He is represented as a young man of good chars*" tor and intelligence, who had Made numerous friendslil Tepic by the courage and humanity which he had displayed on several trying, occasions, and his death was as unev rested as it was shocking to the whole community. Other outrages might be enumerated, but these are sufficient W illustrate the wretched condition of the country and the unprotected condition of the persons and property of oUr citizens in Mexico. In all these cases our Ministers have been constant and faithful in their demands for redress, but both they and thi:. Government, which they have successively represenW, five. lat whollyTehneirte etestimony oey powerless in to this r m e e a p k e me t n e i and in indemandsreferenceeff the only remedy which, in their judgments, would meet ties powerform o a f n t d h e e m G p e h v a e t rn ic. me " o N t o o t f h t ig but exi a manifestation geneylasbeenboof the huni e United States (wrote our Minister in 1856), and of its pa" pose to punish these wrongs will avail. I assure you that the universal belief here is that there is nothing to be sP; p: &leaded from the Government of the United States, so; that local Mexican officials can commit these outrages American citizens with absolute impunity." "I hope t b l President (wrote our present Minister in August) will 11% authorised to ask from Congress the power to enter Mesa's with the military forces of the United States, at the call °: the constitutioal authorities, in order to protect the citizen tnd the treaty rights of the United States. Until such ° p .wer is conferred upon him neither the one nor the (AR!: willbe respected in the existing state of anarchy and order. and the outrages already perpetrated will never 1 0 ' . cl a tised ; and, I assured you in my No. 23, all thes' evils must increase until every vestige of order and g overn ; meat disappears from the country." I have been relu tautly led to the same opinion, and, in justice to my coin; mot who have suffered wrongs from Mexico, and who On still suffer them, I feel bound to announce this conclusi°' to Congress. The case pieseuted, however, is not merely a case °l individual claims, although our just claims against Mesh have reached a vary l arge amoun t. N or is it merely a , 1 7 4 case of protection to the li ves an d p ro p e rtf of the Il i Americans who may still re m ai n i n M exi c o , although T A life and property of every American citizen ought to acredly protected in every quarter of the world. But it a question which relates to the future as well as to the PP' sent and the past, and which involves, indirectly at les s' the whole subject of our duty to Mexico as a neighbourin. Sett. The exercise of the IA veer of the United States i „ that country to redress the wrongs and protect the right,°l our citizens is none the less to be desired, because effici o an 1 necessary aid may thus be rendered at the same tiO3, to restore peace and order to Mexico itself. In the acco!, plishment of this result the people of the Unite d Staff must necessarily feel a deep and earnest interest. Me s g , ought to le a rich and pscsperous and powerful repulos,; She possesses an extensive tt reitory, a fertile soil and caltplable store of mineral 'wealth. She occupies an n portant position between the Gulf and the ocean for 00' raute 3 and for commerce. Is it possible that such a ecn i :; try as this can be given up to anarch and ruin withoiit effort from any quarter for its rescue and its safety? efly the commercial nations of the world, which have so rt""To interests connected with it, remain wholly indiffersi„ t „ such a result ? Can the United States, especially * l n& ought to share most largely in its commercial iniercolm'A, allow their imm e di a t e neighbour thus to d estroy it se lf sit injure them ? Yet, without support from some quartert,g, ie impossible to perceive how Mance can resume her P° den among:nations and enter upon a career which P_;:j miser any go o d resu l ts. Th e a id w hi c h s h e re quires, trA 'Which the interests of all commercial countries require tfi e "i., she should have, it belongs to this Government to re na og not oily by virtue of our neighbourhood to Mexico, e i „ • whose territory we have a continuous frontier of nel ,° Js thousand miles, but by virtue also of our establish. 3d M ir y which is inconsistent with the intervention of any P 7 peen Power in the domestic concerns of that republic. ajd The wrongs which we have suffered from Mexico are gi? f re the world, and must deeply impre ss ever y Americ,e, eitizen. A Gouernment which is either unable or un'gr A , lug to redress such wrongs is derelect to its high es t dutt - , The difficulty consists in selecting and enforcing the medy. We may in vain apply to the constitutional Kt vernment at Vera Cruz, although it is well disposed to 11 0 us justice, for adequate redress. Whilst its authoril, 4 i acknowledged in all the important ports and throne/Phi the sea coast of the Republic, its power does not extender the city of Mexico and the States in its vicinity, *rot nearly all the recent outrages have been contmitteo. 4o ( American citizen. 'We must penetrate into th e inteybo before we can reach the offenders—and this c an eta done by passing through the territory in the occupation_J th, 'onstitutional Government. The mos t acceptable Pio least difficult mode of accomplishing the object will b° act in concert with that goverment. Their aid miglP,;ef believe, be obtained ; but if not, our obligation to pro c , our own citizens in th e i r j us t r i g ht s, secure d b y trel o , would not be the less i m p erat i ve. F or t h ese reasons,js con mend to Congress to pass a law authorising the I'4 dent, under such conditions as they may deem.expedl e ,lo to employ a s u ffi c i en t m ili tary f orce to enter M ex i co for purpose of obtaining indemnity for the past and secer l d for the future. I purposely refrain from any suggestier l e to wheth er thi s f orce s h a ll cons i s t o f regu l ar troops or 1 / 4 '. luuteers, or both. This question may be most apprePD, ately left to the decision of Congress. I would merely 04 e.erve that, should volunteers be selected, such a force co be easily raised in this country among those who era) thise with the sufferings of ous unfortunate fellow eittsy in Mexico, and with the unhappy condition of that reed lie. In that event there is no reason to doubt that thei r ? claims of our citizens wofild be satisfied and adequate dress obtained for the injuries inflicted upon them. cons titutional government h ave ever ev i nce d a s t rong do to do us justice, and this might be se cure d i n a d van ce P • 1 preliminary treaty. It may be said that these measures will, at least i° 0 1 r ctly, be inconsistent with our wise and settled polio , ' 3 O to interfere in the domestic concerns o f f ore i gn na tio , But does not the present cas e f a i r ly const i tute an el„eep 'ion? i adjoining republic is in a state of anarchY,:te coutusion front which s he has proved wholly extricate herself. She is e n ti re ly d est i tute o f the posvo maintain peace upon her bord ers , or t o prevent the WI) signs of banditti into our territo r y. I n h er f a t e an d in el tertune—in her power to estahish and maintain a 5 0 ' 4 ' government—we have a far deeper interest, socially, °,_",tt mercially, at politically, than any other nation. Sloi now a wreck upon the ocean, driven about as she is itsP e by different factions. As a good neighbour, shall wa of, extend to her a helping hand to save her? If we do I d i g , i'; would not be surprising should some other nation n°„asf take the task, and th us f orce us t o i n t er f ere . a t last, w"401 circumstances of i ncrease d diff icu lty, f or th e mainteni of our established policy. fi ef I repeat the recommen d a ti on con t a i ne d i n my l as t anti to message that authority may be given to the Presideoio establish one or more temporary military posts acres. s o oii Mexican line ih Senora and Chihuahua, where thes°_„ioe°l be necessary to protect the lives and property of Ani e ' c lit'l and Mexican citizens against the incursions and dep t re i tions of the Indians, as well as of lawless rovers in the t ~„,iot ' mde region. The establishment of one such post at Vl' called ,Axispe, in Senora, in a country now almost de THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 10, 1860