The Sun. — London, England, 1858-03-02 00:00:00

which might have been naturally expected upon the Whnde of an enthus ia etic and sensitive p eo p le. The p eril ich the Emperor end Empress had essaped doubled and trebled the enthusiastic feeling and the indignant loyalty which burst forth upen the instant. From every quar ter were poure d in addresses of congratulation and thankfulness that lives so valuable to Franca and to Europe had been eaved. Nor was it by France alone, but by the British !residents in France, and by the inhabitants of various parts of this kingdom that these feelings of thankfulness and congratulation were testified. But, unfortunately, my lords, it transpired that among the small band of miscreants by whom this outrage was perpetrated were some at least who, having been com pelled toiflee from their own country, had for a certain period of time been enjoying and abusing the hospitality of England. (Hear, hear.) Supposing the circumstances had been reversed—supposing that her Majesty, going among her subjects with that frank confidence which characterises her, knowing as she does that in the loyalty and affection of her people she has her best and securest guard, and surrounded by a loyal and devoted multitude, had been exposed to an attack upon her Royal person while proceeding to the opera-house in London—what, I ask your lordships to consider, would have been the feelings of the people of this country, what would have been the indignation of the people of this metropolis! And if it had come to their knowledge, as it undoubtedly would in such a case, that that das tardly attempt was not the work of any native-born subject of her Majesty, but the preconcerted design of a band of assassins who had abused the hospitality they had received in a neighbouring country, I put it to your lordships whether you think that their censures and their indignation would have been very cautious or very dis criminating ? (Hear, hear.) I cannot therefore wonder, however, deeply I may deplore, that upon the news spreading through France that this atrocious deed was the act of refugees coming straight from England with the enthusiastic expressions of loyalty and congra tulation at the safety of the Emperor there should have been mingled more especially from the army of France, some expressions which,:eeeing how unworthy they we re as applied to England, must naturally have wounded t he feelings of the people of this country. Under .th e circums stances, my lords, I think that such exprc f ss h ehns ought not to have been too nicely s canned, even iis Imperial Majesty, with that f ran kness and candour which he has always displayed in his relations with England, had not fairly avowed the regret he felt that such language, ac companying the manifestations of loyalty to himself, had been suffered to appear in the public papers, and thereby to create a just resentment in the people of this country. (Hear, hear.) But, my lords, I should be sorry, indeed, to think that those expressions, whatever they may have been, truly represented the calm and deliberate feeling entertained towards England by the great and noble army of France. I will not believe it, my lords, for true valour never indulges in bombast—(near)—and I should be surprised to find that those who were the authors of these intemperate addresses were in reality the most dis tinguished among those glorious!aoldiers of France, who, in many a hard-won battle on the fields of the Crimea, fought and bled in honourable rivalry with their British allies, and have therefore learnt how to appreciate British bravery and British ce-operation. (Cheers.) It is now more than 100 years since we have had in England any of those civil disourbances which compelled many of the citizens of this country to take refuge in foreign lands. We cannot, therefore, judge (out we ought to make allowance for French feeling) how annoying and irritat ing it must be, and would be to ourselves, if in a neigh bouring town on the continent we were conscious that many disaffected persons were concentrated together, entertaining the most hostile sentiments towards the Go vernment of this country, and bent upon overthrowing it by the most treasonable designs. My lords, although the oppression must be most grievous and intolerable which can justify any man or set of men in exposing their own country to the horrors of civil war, yet when that dreadful state of affairs arrives—when the sword is drawn in civil strife in defence of opposing prin ciples, whatever may be our own predilections or our own opinions, we cannot but regard with respect and sympathy those to whom fortune has been unfavourable, on whatever side they may have struggled. Whether they be those who, from an un wavering sentiment of loyalty, stood to the last by an unpopular and ill-fated Sovereign, or those who, from a desire to rescue their country from tyranny, have risen in unsuccessful revolt, if they have fairly and in the open field maintained their principles by the sword, at the risk of their fortunes and their lives, public sympathy will always follow them in their misfortunes and in their exile. (Hear, hear.) Contemporary history may not be AS indulgent; but posterity will do justice to those who, from whatever cause, have suffered in defence of doc trines which they honestly believed to be sound and true. If we look back to the periods of our own civil war, when men here contended earnestly and vehemently fcr principles truly and deeply implanted in their minds, and sternly upheld them in the field of battle—if we revert to those distant times and view them by the light of history, we can even now sympa thise with the gallant and devoted Cavaliers in the days of their affliction—we can sympathise with the stern Puritans, whose ardent love of liberty led them to prefer poverty and exile to the violation of their con scientious convictions. There is no man, however warm an admirer he may be of that great deliverer William 111., but looks with sympathy on the faithful attachment to a fallen monarch of many of the followers of James 11. And coining down to a later, and happily the last, period to which I can refer in our own history for an illustration, even at this day, devoted a s thi s country is to the House which now so auspiciously reigns over us, no man can look back without a feeling of sym pathy and admiration upon the heroic and romantic sacrifices made by the supporters of the unhappy Stuart.. (Hear.) Bat, my lords, if we have this sympathy for men whose misfortunes have followed their open and manly defence of their principles by the sword, no such sympathy is due, and none is extended either by con temporary history or by impartial posterity, to those who, in order to attain their political ends, resort to the base and vile means which characterise the designs of the assassin. (Hear, and cheers.) If tbere is one degree of infamy beyond that which attends the man who wields the assassin's knife, that infamy belongs to him who, lacking 'the only pailiation of the assassin's . guilt, the bold sacrifice of his own life—skulks in safety at a distance, and, plotting and devising crimes and assassinations, sends forth his wretched tools to perpe trate and suffer for deeds which he has the heart to con ceive, but not the boldness to execute. (Hear, hear.) And these men call themselves the friends of liberty. Why, my lords, these men are the bitterest and most determined foes of liberty. They are those who cause every right-thinking mind to shrink from connexion with the purest and holiest cause, because they pollute it by the vile machinery they employ—they are those who in their own country rivet the chains of slavery and oppres sion—they are those who drive from their shores every upright and every honourable mind— they are those who compel the treachery of the assassin to be met by the machination of the secret spy—they are those who by their dark designs make des potic sovereigns have recourse to measures more despotic still, and by their conduct they do the utmost to destroy that liberty of which they presume to call themselves the constituted champions. (Cheers.) Are men, then, who so conduct themselves—are men who thus abuse the hospitality and esylum which Ecglan i affords them—are these men, whom the law of England protects and shelters, to commit crime among us with impunity ? No, my lords, they are not. There's not a crime of which these persons can be guilty, there's not an approach to such a crime, for which the law of Eng land does not provide. Not only assassination, not only conspiracy to assassinate, but even an incitement to as sasinate, whether by publication or by word of mouth, is an offence recognised by the law of England when the guilt of the accused person shall be proved. But it is naturally said, "If these things are done—if these crimes are concocted in England and in London, how is it that the Government of England has not the power to pre vent their repetition I" Ify answer is perfectly simp le • but let me say that I can un d erstand that personsbe lieving that Government had the means of so dealing with such supposed offe n d ers m i g h t consider that we exercised an unfriendly part in not using these powers. Still the answer is plain and obvious. Although the law provides remedies for all those shades and colour, of crime, yet the law cannot be put in force until the crime is established. (Hear, hear.) Intention, unaccompanied by any overt act, so long as the intention remains in the mind of the party alone conceiving it, affords no ground fur prosecution. Of the great number of those whom misfortune has driven to these shores the vast propor tion I firmly believe are honestly and honourably ob taining a living in this country, and are performing the duty of peaceful citizens. (Hear, hear.) Others there are no doubt, who are engaged in pursuits which are of a me nacing and dangerous description ; but, as I have already said, these persons are all amenable t ) the law—if even thelaw does not provide a sufficient remedy—the moment thatyou have sufficien t evidence to satisfy a jury of their guilt. B u t with us su spicion is not crime—suspicion does not warrant the punishment of crime, and notoriety is a word which is not l recognised in our statute book. (Hear, hear.) It isi.a th in k, owing to the total difference between the law misapprehension country and in France in this respect that some Government has been excited in France as to what the reent of England ought to do to meet cases of this deeriuription. Now, I do not hesitate to say that it is th e y w o a f t Government, so far as it is in its power, carefullybetotsuspecch,edthe proceedings of persons who may justly of illegal prac tices, nor do I doubt that the late G over nment —or any Government that was ever fox med i n this country—would do its utmost, subject to the laws of this country' top tect a f r i en dl y nat i on aga i nst machinations and l a i u k c e h this, but i n every case th e ev id ence of guilt roast p b t. ? s . as would sat i s f y a j ury. T o that tribunal every case must necessarily be brought. Before that tribunal t a h h e e _u_ee..n. tihe.orsreltf bound to plead ;to that tribunal in Sn ' o P t r s: in,oorplauraprotection of her person ; and it it cannot for a mo : fl a t with your judicial system that I enter p w c u t l i d n the of fera l alt. 1 t h i toTl(nluee thatve e t igu at tte:i s uggest m th i e nd posl o si f bil a l u ty y ) What, then, prudenceuwrsass of the country , the j e7u the course taken by the late Gr,:vheeae. telligence was received of the atterreiTtenat ao r a as yin "failure" of the attempt, upon the life li ot • of the French? Her Majesty's Government —I think'e propeely—directed their immediate attention t o the con sideration of the question whether the existin g law wag adequate for the p rotection of fireign Sover e i gns, or whether some mor e . adequate provision might not be called for. With t hi s . riew they introduced into Parlia ment bill wa s secured by a a bill, of the merits of which I shall at present say nothing. The first reading . of that very• catansously with considerable majority of the House of Commons; but, most unfortunately, as I t hi n k, sim the introduction of that bill a despatch was read from Count Walewski which was tinanswer4d at the time by her Majesty's Government, and which was laid re befo the public without answer or explanation. My lux". I will not refer to any terms which aro contained THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING' that despatch. I have no doubt it was the wish and sole intention of Count Walewski to draw attention to the state of our law, and to ask whether that law was suffi cient for the exigencies of the case, and, beyond question, if those views had been founded upon a correct view of the case, there would have been a serious imputation on the law of this country, I think, if her Majesty's late Government had felt themselves bound to accept this despatch, that they would have acted more for the inte rest of the cause in which they were engaged if—not entering into argument, controversy, or discussion — they had pointed out to the French Government the misapprehension into which they were apt to fall. (Hear, hear.) It is idle to deny that the production of that despatch did produce a most unfavourable im pression upon the discussion in this country. At the same time don't let me be misunderstood. It is most important to bear in mind that the vote at which the House of Commons arrived had no reference whatever to the merits of the bill which was thrown out up ma the second reading, and that they are just as free as before to pass the second reading if they please. It is impossible to deny that the introduction of a politioll element interfered in a considerable degree with a calm, impartial, and deliberate reflection upon the measure itself ; but we must regard these questions in a judicial spirit. Now, what was the resolution that the House of Commons came to on the 19th Feb. ? Was it a reso• lution hostile either to the principles or the provisions of the bill—was it a resolution adverse to all change in the criminal law of the eountry—was it a resolution which would give the slightest countenance to the atro cious act of conspiracy ? No; the resolution was this— That this house hears with much concern that it is alleged that recent attempts upon the life of the Emperor of the French have been devised in England, and expresses its de testation of such guilty enterprises; that this house is ready at all times to assist in remedying any defects in the criminal law which, after due investigation, are proved to exist, yet it cannot but regret that her Majesty's Government, previously to inviting the house to amend the law of conspiracy by the second reading of this Bill at the present time, has not felt it to bo their duty to make some reply to the important despatch received from the French Govern ment, dated Paris, January 20, 1858, and which has been laid before Parliament." The question, therefore, was not one as between Parlia ment and a foreign country. It was emphatically a question as between Parliament and the Ministers of the Crown. (Hear, hear.) Upon that resolution being carried her Majesty's late Government resigned office, and the first duty which the present Government had to perform was to consider what course they should take with refer ence to the state of affairs which had been produced by that decision of the House of Commons. My lords, her Majesty's Government came to the resolution, upon which they will feel it to be their duty to act, in full conformity with the ',vote of the House of Commons and on terms of friendly conciliation, to point out to the French Minister the misinterpretations and misconstructions which have been placed upon his despatch, and in the most amicable manner to request of him an explanation which may remove the painful impres sion now prevailing among the English people. (Cheers.) If I know anything of the friendly feeling which his Imperial Majesty has at all times shown to this country—if I know anything of his earnest and cordial desire to maintain the British alli ance, which is as beneficial to the one nation as it is to the other—if I bear in mind how readily he has always been to listen to representations and counsels given in a friendly spirit and made in a friendly quarter—l am led to entertain the sanguine hope that the answer to the despatch which my noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has undertaken to prepare and to transmit to France will be such as to remove from the minds of the people of this country all irritation, and enable us calmly and deliberately to proceed to the con sideration of the important question of the amendment of the law. (Hear.) It is, of course, not desirable that I should enter into further details upon this subject at the present time. The course which her Majesty's Government may deem it their duty to pursue must in a great measure depend upon the character of the reply which they may receive to their friendly communica tion ; hnt I say without hesitation that in the meantime it is their bounden duty—and it is one which they will not shrink from performing faithfully and vigorously —to put in force the existing powers of the law for the purpose of checking by the strong arm of the law these dangerous and alarming conspirators. (Cheers.) At the present moment—and I speak therefore under some difficulty, because I should be very unwilling in the slightest degree to prejudies the cases which are now pending before the courts of justice—proceedings are being taken against a person named Bernard as a party concerned in the conspiracy which led to the recent attempted asas __ political excitement and of partyspirit, and to the pas sion which accompanied the passing of that great and important measure, my wonder is, not that there should be in it defects and blemishes which the experience of 25 years has aptly brought to light, but that under such circumstances there should have been devised and carried through Parliament a measure which for so long a period has to a certain and no inconsiderable extent effected its purposes and satisfied the people of this country. (Hear, hear.) My lords, believing that, with all its anomalies and all its imperfections, that Act has given to the oonntry a representative system the result of which is a House of Commons which fairly and fully represents the feeling of the numbers as well as of the intelligence and the property of this country, I should myself have been well satisfied if it had been the plea sure of Parliament that no legislation upon a subject so exciting should be called for or demanded from the Government. (Hear, hear.) I cannot however exclude from my consideration the fact that for three or four years not only has a demand been made, but a promise has been given by successive Governments, of the intro daction of a Reform Bill. This promise has been given occasionally even in the nameof the Sovereign and in the speech from the Throne. My lords, I must venture to say that Ithink it is a practice not deservingof imitation to appear in the speech from the Throne personally to pledge the Sovereign to measures which have not been well and fully considered by her advisers, and which they are not at once prepared to lay before Parliament. (Hear, hear.) In my opinion it is highly inconvenient that from session to session a question of this import- ance and of this interest should be perpetually kept dangling before the Legislature, and that session after session it should be hung up till a future day, and my lords, having regard to the inconveniences arising from this state of things, and to the promises which succes sive Governments have made, I have felt it my duty in conjunction with my colleagees to look into this im portant question. I will not pledge either myself or them to introduce either now or at any time a Bill upon this subject. I prefer to go beyond rather than to fall short of any pledges or promises which I may give in this house ' • but this I may say, that as soon as th e pressure of Parliamentary business enables us deliberately and carefully to consider the question, we will direct our attention to the defects which suet in the laws regula ting the representation of the people in Parliament, and to the amendments which may be made in those laws ; and that we will give that attention with the incase and earnest desire to trifle no longer with this great question, but with the hope that we may be able in the next session of Parliament to lay before the Legislature and the country a measure upon that subject which may for a time settle a matter of such deep importance, and which, if we cannot hope to please everybody,—which would indeed be a most extravagant expectation, —may at least be accepted as a fair and reasonable measure by moderate, impartial,sand well-educated men. (Cheers.) I am aware that in making this early announcement I am perhaps somewhat premature, but I thought it was desirable that your lordships and the country should at once know that, while we are not prepared in this session of Parliament to introduce or to assist in passing any measure dealing with so extensive a question, we are prepared at the very earliest moment practicable to give our diligentand anxious attention to the subject, with the earnest hope that that consideration may lead to a suo oessfal issue. (Hear, hear.) I have now addressed your lordships at greater length than I could have de sired the observations which I have found it necessary to make upon my assumption of the important office which I have now the honour to fill. My lords, I can only conclude, as I began, by assuring you that I deeply feel my own incompetency for the discharge of the duties of that office ; but this I can truly say, that I bring to their performance an earnest and con scientious desire faithfully and diligently to discharge them as in the sight of God and in the presence of the people. Small as I know my powers to be, and great as sre the difficulties I shall have to encounter, there is One who guides the destinies of all, and who from the efforts of weak and inadequate performers can produce great and signal effects. Trusting to His guidance and to His blessing, I will venture to take upon me the charge which has been entrusted to me by my Sovereign, and I fervently hope and trust that, be my Administra tion long or short, when I retire I may retire without a stain upon my public character, and with the consci ousness that I have not left England in a worse position than that in which I found her. The noble earl resumed his seat amid loud and prolonged cheering. Earl GRANVILLE (who was very indistinctly heard In the gallery), had not one word to object to the state' ment made by the noble earl as to the course of events which had resulted in his accession to office. The nals!o sination of the Emperor of the French. Another person, earl had moat fairly and kindly admitted that after the and I blush to say it, a British subject, is now a fugitive vote of the House of Commons, which was in effect a from justice under a similar charge. Against a third declaration that in the opinion of that house the honour person, for the publieation of a work containing instiga tions and incitements to assassination, proceedings are of the country had not been kept intact, it was impos pending before a British Court of justice ; and no fur- sible the late Government could have :any other alterne ther back than 43 hours ago the attention of her Ma- tive than to resign. Her Majesty having accepted their • jesty s Government was called to another publication of resignations, took the perfectly constitutional course of a similar character, but, as it appears to me, of a still sending for the head of the Conservative party, who more violent tendency, and that publication also has f been without a moment's hesitation pl ace d i n th e h an d s formed the majority of those by whom that ho s til e vo t e of the law officers of the Crown. Should their opinion was carried ; and that vote having been so carried, and be that it affords reasonable and legitimate grounds for the noble earl having been so called upon by her Majesty prosecution, Her Majesty's Government will not to form an Administration, he would not have been hesitate for a single moment in putting in force the justified in declining to accept the trust. (Hear.) The existing powers of the law. (Hear, hear.) For, my only misconstruction that could possibly arise upon this lords, with all my desire to maintain inviolable now point was in regard to the character of the vote itself, and for ever, under all circumstances, that right of and the nature of the diplomatic clnamunication that asylum to refugees which it is the pride of this country had taken place between the two Governments of Eog to afford, without distinction of cause, of principle, or land and France ; but as he believed that his noble of opinion, I dosay it is an intolerable grievance that per- friend (Lord Clarendon) would go with far more effect sons who owe their life and their safety to the protection into that matter, he would leave him to explain how the which we afford thous should basely and ungratefully facts of the case actually stood. He wished, however, reward this country for the shelter and asylum it gives not to be misunderstood in one particular, viz, that he them by a course of conduct, by publications, by insti- did not shrink in the slightest degree from the responsi gatione to ctime which may have a most dangerous ten- bility of defending the course taken by his noble friend dency towards embroiling Ea 4 iand with one of its most in reference to M. tValewski's despatch. There was one faithful and also one of its firmest allies. (Cheers.) My puiet upen which he thought it ii,erirtant that the noble lords, if upon the present occasion I were addressing earl should have made a more distinct declaration, and your lordships at the commencement of a new session, that was the character which the Government attributed and after having with my colleagues had leisure to con• to the vote of the House of Commons which bad resulted Sider during the recess the measures to be submitted for in the change of Government. He, the noble earl, had the consideration and approval of Parliament, I should expressed a decided hope that the present Government of course feel it to be my duty to lay shortly before you would be able to introduce a measure which, without what the measures were to which your attentions was to violating the constitution of this country, would tend to be called. But your lordships must be aware that from preserve friendly relations with France, arid remeatbeiine the shortness of the time which has elapsed since we ac- the statement made by the. present Lord Chancellor and eepted office it has been impossible for us to prepare any- the votes of the Conservative party in reference to the thing like a programme of business to be laid before introduction of the bill of thelate Government, and thede Parliament. The attention of the other house must no clarations of the present Home Secretary and the Presi doubt be occupied fur a considerable time with making dent of the Board of Trade, as to their approval of the those financial arrangements which are requisite at this principle of that measure—he thought it impossible that period of the year for the purpose of carrying on the busi, any other construction c ,uld be put upon it than that nese of the country. 'Deere is, however, one measure to which the noble earl had given to it. Consequently, it which I think it my duty even, at thisearly stage, to advert, was with no little surprise that he read that morning, in becauseit is a measure which upon full and anxious con- the address of a roost important member of the noble sideration her Majesty's government have determined to earl's administration—the first law adviser of the Crown introduce to the notice of Parliament. My lords, it cer- —written deliberately to his constituents, that he, " in tainly was my opinion, and it was the opinion of most of common with the chiefs of the Couservative party iu the those with whom I have the satisfaction of acting, that House of Commons, supported the amendment to the while the state of India was such as it is at present— bid on the ground that its provisions afforded no effective while a revolt, or rather an insurrection, was raging in remedy to the evils proposed to be redressed, and that a considerable portion of our dominions in the East—it the bill itself was an evasion of the principle of ind was not expedient to divert th e a tt ent i on e i t h er of the dent action which has hitherto been held ' ound alik eP e e b n y - Government or of the East India Company from the the P ar li amen t an d th e people." What that Meant, he consideration of the matters which were immediately (Earl Granville) scarcely understood; but at all events, pressing to a discussion of any change is the constitu it went to a complete condemnation of the principle of tion of the executive administration at home. But, any the bill. (Hear.) With regard to the motives with lords, the House of Commons, by a very l arge ma j ority which the noble earl took office, he believed th em t o b e —a majority, I believe, of 147 members in a full house patriotic. But the noble earl had spoken of the ditfi -affirmed the proposition that it was desirable to eon- culties he should have to encounter. He (Earl Gran eider the question immediately, mail/1y with the object %elle) could assure him that those difficulties would not of transferring to the Crown the authority hitherto arise from the position in which he and his colleagues exercised by the East India Company. I think that had left the country, a n d h e t ruste d the noble earl 11 vote materially altered the position of affairs. It placed excuse him if ho went over a few particulars to skew the Company in such a situation that they could not that the members of the late ministry felt they had some after it passed, command the same amount of p iblic reason not to be ashamed of the manner in which they confidence and of public support as they were entitled to handed over the government to their successors. Their receive previous to the decision of the House of Commons. lordships would remember the circumstances in which Therefore, my lords, after the best and maturest con- his noblefriend (Lord Paltnerstoneforimed his government. sideration which we can give to the subject, it is the He formed it atter every leading statesman had confessed intention of her Majesty's Government to introduce a his inability to attempt the task. The great difficulty measure, which is now being prepared by my noble they then found was the Crimean war. Indignation had friend the President of the Board of Control, been excited at the ewe of the army, and that indigna which we trust will effect most of the objects contem- tiou was directed most unjustly against certaiu iuui plated by the Bill of the late Government, and which we viduals—but owing to the measures of the noble duke hope will at the same time be free from some of the (Newcastle), and subsequently the measures of his objections attaching to that project. Of course, it would noble friend near him (Lord Panmure), the army was not be expedient fur me to enter into further details upon brought to as efficient a state as any that had ever the present occasion; the measure, indeed, is not yet taken the field, and the war was brought to a glorious framed ; but I think it my duty to say, even at this and successful termination. And he might further say, early period, that in the course of the present session it that, having been sent officially to Russia after the war is our intention to deal with the questien of the govern- had been so successfully closed, where Le was received moat of India, and we hope also to pass a just and satis- with the greatest courtesy, ho found that the defeat was factory measure. (Hear.) My lords, it would be i c thsidered mere complete on their part than we on ours fur me to enter into any general description of the considered the victory. The objects for which the war opinions or the views which I hold upon public affairs had been undertaken had been fully conceded in the Such abstract declarations are in point of fact of little or treaty of peace. As far as he eas aware no ejection no use. They are mere words which may be construed had been made in either House of Parliament that that into any sense, or, as som e tim e s happens, into no sense. treaty did not completely carry out those objects, and (Hear.) I can only say, my lords, that th e poli c y e, the this, at all events, he knew, that those objects had not Government to which I belong will be that which I been allowed to be frittered away in the course of the hope might naturally be expected from the corn- subsequent proceedings. An Aber war he.d been enured position of the Administration—viz., that while we upon by the late Government—the war with Persia. firmly and strenuously maintain the great institutions He defied any one to say that we had not, with an in of the country we shall not hesitate to propose considerably small loss on our part, completely estab and support measures of undoubted improvement and lilted our military prestige in that part of Asia—ob progress, and to introduce, whenever necessary, safe tained every object for which the war was begun, and and well-considered amendments. (Hear, hear.) My had placed our relations with Persia on a sounder foot lords, there can be no greater mistake than to suppose ing than they had ever stood before. Then there was a that a Conservative Ministry necessarily means a eta- war with China, which had been alluded to by the noble tionary Ministry. (Hear, hear.) We live in an age earl. That warts°, he hoped, had been brought to a of constant progress—moral, socia l, an d political. We I conclusion. And though it had been said that without live in a time when art and science aro making rapi I the infliction of the most barbarous cruelties it would strides, when knowledge is daily more and more widely be impossible to capture Canton, and that, conquered, it diffused. Our constitution itself is the result of a would be impossible to hold it, that town had been series of perpetual changes. Like the venerable old reduosd and taken possession of by the forces sent country-houses of England, it has been formed from i against it, and, as far as he had yet heard, no difficulty time to t ime b y success i ve occupan t s , w i t h n o great ' whatever hal been experienced in holding it. (Hear, regard to arehaectural uniformity or regularity of hear.) We had, moreover, besides taking possessien of outline, but adding a window here, throwing out a C a nton, taken possession also of the individual to whom, gable there, and making some fresh accommedation more than any other person, was to be attributed the in another place, as might appear to s u it, not to the inconveniences and differences that had led to these beauty of the external structure, but, what is of in ire hostilities. He war glad to believe from the tone of the i: avue p r o sy rt th an in e g e, the convenience and comfort of the inhabo noble earl, that, accepting the China affair in the toont st , ant (Re p a r r oer h e e s ar s adapting our it;sttiti:utetoi el;se *) im b p ly rov lo in r g ds, up i o n n polities, as in favourable position which the late Government bad es s n am s teo tchoeurasleternreuastp _ eased dema purposes r e p o p s u e r s s pursued— h left it, his practical good sense would induce him to the old system, take those reasonable and just advantages which from leads they are intended her ?Lem, difficulty, buBt—the capture of Canton might be derived not only by this I meet' serve, an 'nig the ine r Govern importance and torto"le and by o js f isti s c o io c u ie s ty c . ha T ng h e i s s country but by the civilised world. The noble earl had I shall ,me i i . ords, to the last ue t* alluded also to another difficulty which the la' e Govern one of great case also he thought from _ of the is the duty your I o ct r d p '°ll upon which ment had experienced—the Iwnhdaitan the e tin h y o - --- h 1,3 h u earlt in that is it I mean the question which Grov•riarnenr toe which n a stated, that the result in his mind was sail - name of Parliamentary R:e e h r ie m h ° o ° '''''alY goes eo factory. And that, except in regard to Oude—and he representation in the House of Co mm ons, give bask 111 y lords, I am old enough to remember, and . grew. Oude to the control of its native rulers—no been in the Cabinet not when the lest Reform 11(illha" tc , . u ' r Zfr: s : n ulty was left for the noble earl's government framed, but when it was under discussion, and When tin tide ee . ee of India. The late government look back to the violence of feeling, to the bitternes s of " a '. l a. great ed.' lathe ev . ents which had taken place see w i th the emergency a for anxiety and alarm, but in deal as they won© bo>~nd to do, they had never for one moment doubted of the ultimate re• suit. The noble earl had expressed his satisfaction at the position in which the illustrious duke the Commander in -Chief, and hie noble friend (Lord Panmure), had placed the military preparations of the country, and had said that he had no idea of finding them in such an effi cient state. One of the difficulties of the late ministry was this, that while it was obviously inconvenient and inexpedient to product! . to Parliam en t an d th e pu bli c a ll the details of the military arrangemeats made by the government, the general statements with which they were compelled to captent themselves could not be tested. He therefore felt especially gretefral to the noble earl for the testimony he had borne to the efficiency in which he found those arrangements on his accession to office, and he now stated in the presence of those who might contradict him if they could do so, that while the military preparations of the count r y genera ll y were i n a satisfactory state, and in some respects such at they were never before, that with regard to the army it was never so efficient as at the close of the late war, nor was the effective strength of the soldiers of this country ever so high as it was at the beginning of the Indian mutiny. It was important that this fact should be known to the public, and he was glad to have the opportunity of mak ing the statement. Then with regard to the efficiency of the transport service it was only necessary in proof of that to mention the fact that as many as 60,000 men had been sent from this country to India, besides some 6,000 diverted from the Chinese expedition, the whole of which bad been conveyed without loss. (Hear, hear ) He contended that credit was due to the late govern ment for their exertions in this res p ec t— exer ti ons which had excited feelings of astoni s h ment th roug h ou t Europe. Going from India to the other colonies, they found them in a satisfactory state. Some were working out the problem of self-government, but all were peaceful and content—so much so, that in the last accounts from the Governor-General of India he stated that no further force was required there to put down the mutiny and restore order—that troop-horses and stores were conti nuing to come in from other colonies, which they could spare in consequence of the perf ec t t ranqu illi ty that pre vailed in those colonic?. Turning to the state of affairs at home, their lordships would recollect that a great commercial disaster had happened last year ; be afieded to the commercial panic which occurred in Nov. last. No one, he believed, attributed that disaster to any act or policy of the Government, and h e b e li eve d th a t th e only step they took in the matter was sanctioned by every body in and out of Parliament as the right step taken at the right time. (Cheers.) Without taking any credit to the Ministry with which he had been connected on that ground, he thought it most gratifying that, not withstanding that the failures had been computed at not less than 50,000,0001. arising from that panic to the end of the past year, improvement had already set in, and the funds had been continually rising until they reached almost too far—except while checked by the change of Government. And as regarded trade, there was an appearance of general revival and more general employment of the labouring classes, who, he must say, were entitled to the thanks of the country for the pa tience they bad displayed during a period of very severe distreee. He was averse to troubling theirlordshipe with an y detail, but at tse same time should be reluctant to pa=s over altogether the law reforms which the late Go vernment had been enabled to carry into effect. There was the measure in reference to the ecclesiastical courts, which, after twelve times in as many years having been attempted in vain, as last year brought to a successful issue. There were other measures of importance re lating to the commercial interests of the country which they had also succeeded in passing—as the Limited Liability Pill. There was also the measure with regard to secondary punishments, and the act for the distribution of a n e E ctent police all over t h e country. These were all messures far which he thought the late Government were entitled to some credit. He would not go into further eletsil then, but upon a future occasion he would be enabled to show that with respect to the im portant subject of education more real progress had taken place during the ti me the late m i n i sters were i n o ffi ce , as regarded the opening of the Universities, the increase of schools, and other matters, than at any previous period. He thought it world have been convenient it the noble earl had stated what course be proposed to follow on this question of national education—whether he adopted the plan of the First Lord of the Admiralty or of the Presi dent of the Board of Trade. (Hear.) He trusted, at all events, that the noble marquis opposite would act upon the existing system, and, in doing so, would remember that increased grants involved increased responsibility, He mentioned these subjects, because, although the late Government had no great brilliant achievements to boast of, he should be sorry if it were thought that they had neglected those measures which contributed far more than brilliant achievements to the real happiness of the people. He thought he had stated sufficient to show that they had not left the country in greater difficulties than they had fourd it. He now came to the declaration of the noble earl as to the future course of his government. Putting aside those general statements as to the princi pies of conservative progress which were to guide the new Ministry, and which must decide their value by the manner in which they were carried out, there were some points on which he thought it would have been satis factory if the noble earl had favoured the house and the country with some more definite information, but which, nevertheless, he would not press upon him if he object, :d to do so. Wisat course the noble earl proposed to take Iwith regard to the aalinie.ion of the Jews to Parliament they bad not been informed. The Earl of DERBY—That is out of the quebtionno7. Earl GRA.IsIVILLE did not think it was out ,'f the question that some information should be looked for, under the circumstances, as to the intentions of Guvern tnent, wh:elt certainly excited a great deal of anxious curiosity out of doors, and upon which some of the lead ing !Dein bers cif the present Cabinet took oppo , ,ite views to th e late Government. There was wroth er pain t upon which he considered the noble earl should have aff rded some further information, and that was with regard to reform of our representative institutions. The noble earl might ba - , - e elated that ho l roreased !e) deal with that question at once, or that he intended, as he had said, to coesid:r the best means of framing such a bill, with the centident exectetaion that next session he would be ena bl e I to present it to the con,id.:.ration of Parliam en t. T eat h e admitted was a fair and ,egitimate course to ado it. Still it would have been more satisfactory if the noble earl had stated whether or Lot he concurred in the views which had been put forward by one member of his Go vernment, who, in his address to his constituents, de clared his readiness to support and assist in any measure for the extension of the elective franchise to every man in Britain qualified by property or by education tie ex vise it with independence and intelligence ; and in a re distribution of the boroaghs and towns possessed arid unpossessed of the franchise, so that all above the rank of villages [nay be represented in th e L eg i s l ature. I t would have been electrode that they should know whe ther that was a description of the Reform Bill which the noble earl had in contemplation, or whether it was merely a statement put forward by one of his sepperters in the hope of securing a few votes. (Hear.) Th e re was on e othe r subj e ct upon which he intended to speak with great forbearance, and that was the course the noble earl pro posed to take in reference to the Conspiracy Bill. As he understood the noble earl, he proposed to send a despa• oh to France in reply to . that of C oun t W alewski, and that upon the answer to teat despatch the course of Govern ment would depend. (Rear.) This was a matter in regard to which he felt that a great moral responsibility rested neon any individual who, by hie tongu e or hi s p en , i n a n n o Y ble w e ay ar i l '' h il a u c e l n p e r e o d po p s u e b d li s c u O c p h i a l bill non (hear, hear) If the as he had suggested, the members of the late Government would be glad to give him their best support in carrying it into a law, but as he had not, he (Earl Granville) was anxbins not to say one word that c ,ulil in any way tend to increase . , ise excitement which unfortunately prevailed both on this and on the other side of tee water, and which the people ' of both nations naturally felt when they fancied, however mistakenly, that the national honour had been assailed. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl had stat e d t h at h e h a d no t entered upon office with feelings of exultation. He (Earl Granville) was perfectly sure 'hat the feelings with which the noble earl bad assumed the high and responsible task he had undertaken were creditable to him, and would redound to his honour. (Hear, hear.) A t the same time he could n >t w holly disconnect the noble earl's responsi bility 'ro.o the course which had been taken in other places, ner forget that the course taken by the noble eat' was one much disapproved of by many of the noble earl's followers. The noble earl's course in that house hail always been ouch that, while his eloquence added to the into- e,t, of their debates, his conduct had added to his own character and dignity. (Hear, hear.) He was glad to have the opportunity of saying so, for during the last three years he (Earl Granville) had experienced the greatest personal courtesyand forbearanoefrom the bands of the noble earl; and it was that courtesy and forbear ance that had enabled himself and his late colleagues in office to petunia duties which he for one confessed he felt He could assure the no bl e ear l th a t th e f ee lings with at first totally ins equate to undertake. (Hear, hear.) el which he (Earl Gr anv il le) an d hi s f r i en d s no w enter e d into opposition were not clouded by one bitter personal feeling towards the noble earl. They Lad been so short a time in o pposition—( a , laugh)—that it would be hardy fair to question what they had yet done as au indication of the cour-ethey have referred to thi s mattsr at all, b ut t h a t it a pp eare d i n t en d e d to pursue —nor should he some misunderst anding had arisen as to an o b serva ti on made by him the other day with respect to the noble earl's conduct wh en Lord Aberdeen's Government came int ) office. Wh a t h e then state d wa s , th a t w h en L or d Aberdeen asked f or an adjournment f or a wee k i n o d er that he might have the opportunity of forming his Go vernment and preparing a statement of his policy, the noble earl grudgedto allow an adjournment for more than three days. Since then he had referred to " Han sard," and found that the noble earl said, in answer to Lord Aberdeen's prop os iti on that be thought 24, or, at most, 43 h oary would be ample time, (Hear.) But that was not all—d uring their short terra of opposition they had cert a i n l y exhibited much more e theideration for the noble e ar l t h an the noble earl bad done, w h en h e resigned, for hi s successors, and when, besides grudging the ailjournm E nt as k ed for he made a lengthy and elo quent speech by 11 0 means Calcula,t , :cl to facilitate the task of his nob e f r i en d who had just un d erta k en t o f orm th e new Governm ent. They (the presen t Opp os iti on ) thought iZ; more fair either to the noble earl who hart undertaken the t as k , or to any ot h er p ers o n who might be sent for, to announce the fact of their resign t ions at once, leaving her Majesty to send for whom she pleased, than to offer any suggestions as to who should be their sucetssors. Having resigned, and the noble lord having undertaken the Govern meat, they, as p ar t y men, wou ld en deavour fairly to judge of the nobl e l or d' s measures , and to act without partiality ; and as Englishmen they hoped that the noble earl would not h ave to meet any o f those great difficulties with which the late Governulect had had to contend; but if such difficulties should arise, they trusted that, under the blessing of Divine Providence, the noble earl would be able to meet them and bring them to a success ful iaaue (Rear, hear.) In COrldllsi9ll, he apologised MARCH 2, to the hone© for the length at which he had detained them, and thanked them for the indulgence they had extended to him. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of DERBY, in explanation, stated that when, on the 20th December, Lord Aberdeen proposed to move the adjournment of the house for a week, he (the Earl of Derby) expressed a hope that he might be enabled to complete the cabinet arrangements in 48 hours, and he stated that as it was important members should be enabled to pa's their Christmas in the country, he thought the house should adjourn over from the Monday to the Thursday instead of to the following Monday, and that was what took place. (Hear.) The Earl of CLAAENDON—My lords, I feel obliged to my noble friend near me for imposing upon me the task of making some observations upon certain matters that have weighed upon the attention of the government, in connect on w th the department over which I have bad the honour to preside. My lords, in respect to those put matters involving important national interests both at home and abroad, there has been so much misapprehen sion, so much misrepresentation, and there exists even now, in my opinion, so much doubt in the public mind, that it is difficult to give to them that calm consideration they deserve and demand. It has been generally assumed in this country that the language used by France towards this country has been insolent and threatening, and that an attempt has been made to bully us into compliance with her wishes. Intending as 1 do to appeal to the calm judgment of the house, I rejoice that the noble earl, in vigorous and eloquent language, has called yourlordships' recollection to the middle of last January, and has asked you to remember what were your own feelings and the feelings of the public when we first heard the news of the attempt which had been made upon the life of the Emperor of the French. It was no exaggeration on the part of the noble lord to say that throughout these realms that atrocious attempt was viewed with all the horror and disgust that it was certain to produce in the minds of Englishmen, and that that feeling of disgust and abhorrence was in this country at least equal to that which was felt in any other country in the world. (Heat.) It is unnecessary to say that in those senti ments the late Government fully participated, and that they also shared in those feelings of shame and indigna tion a hich every honest Englishman must entertain that such a plot should have been conceived and brought to maturity by .a knot of men who were availing them selves of the asylum this country affords, and whe thereby violated the hospitality and security afforded t them by our laws. Aud the first thought of the Govern ment, on hearing of these transactions, was whether it was possible to frustrate the schemes of the persens im plicated, whether the existing law was sufficient, or whether we could, without violating the fundamental principles of our constitution, which holds every man innocent until proved guilty—(hear, hear) —reach the acts of those foreigners who have so grossly abused our right of asylum. My lorde, the result of our delibera tions was to refer the whole matter to the law officer. of the Crown. We felt it to be a point of honour with us to pursue this course, and we wished to show that we had not looked with apathy or indifference on the tran sactions which had just taken place. We had already gone as far as the law allowed us in stoppiug expedi tions fitted up in hostility to foreign states ; and I ask whether any expedition could be conceived more hostile to a friendly state than that which Orsini and his com panions fitted nut for the assassination of the Emperor of France. (Hear, hear.) We thought it incumbent on us to devise some means to frustrate such schemes. We felt that it was due to the people of France, and to public opinion iu England, to make it known, on the highest legal authority, that great crimes did not in this country meet with encouragement or impunity. We felt that it was a point involving not only national honour but grave national interests, to see whether a change in our law was necessary, and, if necessary, practicable, because, next to France herself, there is no country which has more reason to be grateful for the providential interposition which saved the Emperor than has this country. (Bear, hear.) Because, as my noble friend has said, it is not only that there is an intimate alliance between France and England, but that their interests are so interwoven, are of such a magnitude, and the connection is so close that nothing could happen for gocd or evil in one country which would not immediately vibrate through the other. It was under these feelings that her Majesty's late Government referred the matter to the law officers of the Crown, and we were deter mined, if some measure was found to be necessary, t. mark our sense of what had occurred, by itninediater) laying snob measure on the table of the House of Com mons. At the same time M. de Persigny placed in my hands Cunt Waleweti's despatch, saying that it bad been his duty to address the Government on the refugee question, inviting them to consider what measures tei‘hi be necessary in reference to it. At the same time he told me that although it bad been thought necessary to make a communication to her Majesty's Government, the utmost care had been taken carefully to avoid the use of any expression which might offend the people of Eng land. I told M. de Persigny what I had told him often before, which I had also mentioned to M. Welew ski, and which I had inure than once also had the honour of stating to the Emperor, that no consideration on earth could induce the Parliament to pass an Alien Act. (Hear, hear.) Toe law of asylum I told him could not be infringed, and that there were certain principles of law too sacred to be infringed for any purpose what. ever. (Hear.) I said at the same time that it required no impulse from without to set in motion the existing law against conspiracy if evidence could be obtained, but that from want of sufficient evidence the law had not been as yet put in force. I said at the same time it might be a question whether the existing law was suffloieotty stringent, but the whole qua ition had been ref erred to - - the law officers of the Crown, and moreover Timid that I had written to the Attorney-General inviting his attention to certain points, and stating the importance of an early decision. Nothing could be more temperate, more mode rate, or more straightforward than has been M. de Per. signy'g conduct throughout the whole of this matter, as such of your lordships as have the plea-ure of knowing him will he ready to believe, (Hear.) Nothing could be further from his language than any lutiwation of an attempt to use pressure, which I told him would be resented from one end of England to another. (Cheers.) He said that he sought nothing of the kind, that his go= vernment felt entire confidence in the friendship of Eng land, and that, so perfect was the solidarity of interett between the two countries, they believed that whatever was necessary would be done without pressure of any kind. Now, with respect to Count Walewski'e despatch, respecting which so much has been said both in and out of doors as to its containing insults to the honour and interests of this country, I must say that having read it carefully I have failed to find the slightest tendency to insult in it from beginning to end. (Hear.) I am certain further that, no insult was intende 1, and I am sure that in public as well as in private affairs, the animus should be the first thing considered in deciding whether or not any communication was insulting or i fferadve. (Hear, hear.) There was, one thing which, I felt most strongly whilst Count do Parsigny was reading the despatch, and that was that if plots were being continually hatched in France against our own sovereign, if three attempts had bean made to carry these plans into execution, and if on the last occasion the Queen and the Prince Consort had been saved only by a miracle, while 156 people were killed and wounded in front if the Opera-beuee, and that after all I addressed such a despatch to the Frencn Go vernment as Count Walewski bad addressed to outs, that then this country would have looked upon me as a very feeble exponent of the national horror and indig nation. (Hear, hear.) lam astonished that any one could have so -misunderstood that despatch as to say that Coulee Walewski charged the people of England with encouraging assassination, when the whole tenor cf the despatch is precisely the contrary. He says : —"ln recording these circumstances, I at once add how much the government of the Emperor is persuaded of the sincerity of the sen timents of reprobation which they created in England. It is equally convinced that with such proofs in their possession of the abuse of hospitality, ' tho English Government and people understand at of ce to what extent we are justified in d recting our attention to them." The whole despatch in fact relates to a limited class of refuges in this country, and I say that any man who understands French, or having read the translation represents it otherwise, is guilty of gross and wilful misrepresentation of is sentiments and meaning. (Hear, hear.) S nce I left the Government, but not the Foreign-office, a despatch has been received from Lord Cowley, who expresses the desire of Count Walewski to make known to the Government his regret and astoei,h ment at the manner in which his despatch has been misunderstood by the people of England. The count expresses his astonishment that he who had resided so many years in England should be suspected of applying to the generality of the English people that which he knew applied only to certain classes of refugees in England. It is equally untrue to say that Count Walewski asked us to interfere with the eight of asylum. Nothing can be more clear than his approba tion of that right, or of the manner in which it is offered to the political refugees of other countr e'. The Earl of %lALMESBURY asked what was the date of the despatch to which the noble earl alluded. The Earl of CLARENDON--It arrived the day before I left the Foreign office. I have no right to produce it, but of course it is at the noble earl's disposal. Count Walewski says :—" No one appreciates and respects more than we do the liberality with which England is disposed to exercise the right of asylum in regard to foreigners, victims of poli tical struggles. France, for her part, has always looked upon it as a duty of humanity never to close her frontiers to any honourable person in misfortune, whatever might be the party to whi c h h o b e l onged ; and his Majesty's Go vernment does not complain that its opponents should find refuge on the English soil, and live there in peace, remaining faithful to their opinions to their very passions, under the protection of the British laws." He afterwards says :—" In submitting these questions to her Britan nic Majesty's Government, the Government of the Emperor does not merely discharge a duty towards itself, it re-echoes the sentiment of the country, which, under the influence of the most legitimate anxiety, calls upon it to do so ; and which, in a matter where the common interest among till nations and all governments hi so clear, consi ders itself entitled to reckon upon the concurrence of Eng land. The repetition and the wickedness of these guilty enterprises expose France to a danger against which we are bound to provide." Finally, he says :—" Her le Lennie Majesty's Government can assist us in averting it by atre d • ing us a guarantee of security which no state can refuse to a neighbouring State, and which we are authorised to ex pect from an ally. Fully relying, moreover, on the high sense of the English Cabinet, we refrain from indicating, iu any way, the measures which it may see fit to take in order to comply with tiles wish. We rest entirely upon it for estimating the decisions which it shall deem best cal culated to attain the object ; and we are firmly persuade that we shall not have appealed in vain to its conscience and to its goodwill." Now, there may be words in Us', despatch which might be omitted; but, taking the de ?patch in its entirety, I maintain that it contains neither insult nor menace, nor pressure of any kind. (Hear, hear.) I ask, my lords, was it possible that the French Govern. ment, after the atrocious attempt of the 14th January, should not make some communication ; and, being inevi table, I ask,' could it have , been made in a more temperate manner ? (Hear, hear.) It was, in fact, such language as one friend would address to another, from whose home an 18NS, attempt had come on his life or security. In such a case the injured friend would say :" An attempt has been made upon my life ; I know that you did not wish it success ; and I am sure you will do all in your power to prevent its repetition." What would your lordships have thought of the person so addressed were ,he to reply, " I am s Pay that these people have attempted to kill you, but yqu must take care of yourself, and, as you presume to allude to them, I can tell you that nothing shall induce me to alter my domestic regulations." Clothe it how you will such was substantially the answer which her Majesty's late Go vernment was required to return to Count Walewski's despatch. lam aware that after the vote of the House of Commons my noble friend opposite will not write such a despatch. (A. laugh.) I could almost write the despatch myself. I did not answer it, and I say "I" because I con sider that on me rests the responsibility of not answering more than upon any member of the Government. Why did we not answer it? We felt that great allowance was to be made for the feeling that was universal in France, stagger ing as she was in her escape from an imminent danger. We wished to avoid going into any unnecessary contro versy, and we thought we should better exhibit our sym pathy with France by considering what our course should be, without attending to any of the nonsense which was be ing talked or written on the subject. It would have been easy—the opportunity was, as it has been said, tempting —to have written a despatch which would have made a good figure in the blue book, and have used that despatch as the justification of a restrictive measure. But we were not anxious to figure in a blue book, and, besides, to make our answer to Count Walewski satisfactory, it was neces ears that it should be time, and that we should be able to disprove his assertions. Now, I assert that they could not be disproved, and for this simple reason, that they were true. (Hear.) Count Walewski says "It was in Eng land that Pianori formed the plan of striking the Empe ror; it was from London that, in an affair, the recollec tion of which, is still recent, Mazzini, Ledru Rollin, and Campanella directed the assassins whom they had furnished with arms. It is there, also, that the authors of the last plot have leisurely prepared their means of action, have studied and constructed the instruments of destruction which they have employed ; and it is from thence that they sat out to carry their plans into execution " And then proceeds to say:—" But, M. le Comte, how diffe rent is the attitude of the skilful demagogues established in England. It is no longer the hostility of misguided individuals, manifesting itself by all the excesses of the press and all the violences of language ; it is no longer even the work of the factious, seeking to rouse opinion and to provoke disorder; it is ainassination elevated to doctrine, preached openly, practised in repeated attempts, the more recent of which has just struck Europe with amazement. Ought, then, the rights of asylum to protect such a state of things? Is hospitality duo to assassins ? Ought the English legislation to contribute to favour their designs and their plans, and can it continue to shelter persons who, by their flagrant acts, place them selves beyond the pale of common right, and under the ban of humanity ?" That, my lords, is strong language, but it is literally true. My noble friend answered the question by saying that we had a law against conspiracy, but it could not be brought into operation, because there was not, suffi cient evidence against the perpetrators of the crime. We have had at ono time publications brought under our notice, which we would have prosecuted but for the insuf ficiency of evidence. At anot her time the substance of a speech advocating the murder of the Emperor has been transmitted to us in English, but we could not prove the French words. It was only very lately that a most dan gerous publication was circulated at a meeting, half of the expenses of which was paid by Bernard, and as the law stands we could not approach it. Now, knowing all this, although Count Wale wski did not, how could I as an honest man say he was mistaken in saying that assassina tions were concocted in this country—(hear, hear)—and, on the other hand, what good purpose could have been served by admitting the truth of the assertion, and at the same time expressing our regret that we wore unable to grant any redress? Such being the state of things, I suggested to my noble friend at the head of the Government that it would be better to be content with the explanation which I had offered to M. de Persigny, and not to enter into a written controversy which might continue that exacer bation in France which all friends of the alliance should wish to see calmed. I said that it would be much better to wait for the report of the law officers of the Crown, and see whether a bill could be introduced and passed through Parliament. We should then have had the benefit of the debates in Parliament, which would show to the French Government and the French people to what extent the people of England were prepared to go, and beyond which they would not move. I thought then, and I think now that that was a friendly and cautious course. I know how we were condemned for our silence in another ;dace, and how Lord Hawkesbury's despatch has been used against us and set up for a model, but any one who knows the history of the two periods must be aware that there is no possible parallel between them. Recollect that in Lord Hawkesbury's time the First Consul was at enmity with this country and lookingfor a pretext to quar rel, and, besides, made the most extravagant demands upon the British Government. On the other hand, Count Wa lewski carefully abstained from making any demands on us, a difference which I wonder did not occur to the House of Commons. In 1802 the French minister, M. Otto, wrote to Lord Hawkesbury on the 17th of August, making the following demands --First, that effectual means should be taken to repress the newspaper attacks ou the First Consul; seconds that two French bishops should be sent to Jersey ; third, that Georges and his adherents should be transported to Canada; fourth, that the Bourbon family should be re commended to repair to Warsaw ; and lastly, that such of the French emigrants as continued to wear the decorations of the old regime should be sent out of the country. (Hear.) Such conditions required an energetic answer, and Lord Hawkesbury's answer was certainly energetic; but it must be remembered that then we had an Alien Act, and neither is it to be supposed that in consequence of Lord Hawkes bury's answer nothing was done. On the contrary the First Consul, although refused his first demand, the English Go vernment declining to take any steps to alter the laws of the press, obtained apromise of the removal of the bishops should they attempt to stir up the French people to rebellion. The British Government also premised the removal of Georges, and expressed itself quite willing that the Bourbons should rem ove to Warsaw, although not prepared to deny them the right of asylum provided they did not disturb the peace of the country. The trial of Peltier was promised : and with respect to the emigrants wearing decorations, Lord lia wkes bury said their number was so few as to make them of no account. Yet that is the despatch which is considered to have preserved the honour of the coantry. But, although I ,did not send an answer to Count Walewski's despatch, I repeatedly and in great detail informed my noble friend, our ambassador in Paris, what were our views and opinions respecting it, what we were able to do, and what we could not du in reply to it. The French Government were thus made aware of our views and intentions, and if they had a desire to invite us to a means which would be repugnant to the honour of England, they were informed confiden tially that it would be totally impossible to grant it. The despatch which had reference to those private letters is now in the possession of your lordships, but in order to give your lordships an idea of what these private letters were, I have referred to them this morning in my letter-book, and I trust the house will permit me to quote them. Oa the 21st January I wrote—" The morel think of the whole matter the more allowance I make for the feelings of the French, who believe themselves to be in imminent danger, and that England, if she choose, might put then in safety. W e kunw that this is not the case, and th a t we cannot prevent conspiracies; but this cannot be understood by men who are profoundly ignorant of our laws and customs, and who reason respecting England by analogy with other states, where police regulations and measures of public safety are alwaya passively submitted to. Such men think only of their own perils, and of the unfriendly obstinacy of England in doing nothing for their protection. I have, therefore, been perfectly frank with M. de Persigny, and have spoken to him in the sense of what I have written above. He brought me to-day a despatch from Walewski, which ha I been seen and approved by the Emperor. It was, I think, more moderate in tone, much more so , I think, than our mat %Us mutandis would have, been. It is impossible for any one to behave more loyalement and like a gentleman than M. de Persigny does upon this painful matter; for while he is in a state of extreme agitation, and fully shares the feelings of his countrymen respecting the attentat, he makes as much allowance for our difficulties as you or I could do." On January 23d I then wrote:— " The refugee question has been discussed in ever y p oss ibl e form, and l may with truth say that there has been an earnest desire to do something which will both clear this country from unjust imputations, and at the same time give some satisfaction to public opinion in France ; but the difficulties, when one comes to the practical point of wh a t that something shall be, are beyoud imagination great, and everybody agreed that to ask for authority to send away every or any foreigner when a foreign government may suspect, or say they suspect, without even adducing any proof of guilty purpose, is utterly out of the question. We might just as well ask pr rliarnent to annex England to France." On the 2d of February I wrote.—" A bill is to be introduced when parliament meets which will make conspiracy to murder felony, and you must rely upon it that if the bill passes it will be amply sufficient for the purpose, and immeasurably better than if we passed a power to send away people on suspicion ; for what is to con stitute suspicion, or to make a man suspected ? --a denun ciation from the French police ? If so, it is clear that we should be perpetually asked to send away people on mere rumour, or perhaps the personal vengeance of spies, and that the only result would be ill-reeling between the two goverements. Parliament, however, would never grant such a permission; because, setting aside all other reasons, it would be inverting the fundamental principles of juris prudence in this country, where a man is al ways considered innocent until he is proved to be guilty, and we should have to propose that ho be considered guilty until he could prove himself to be innocent." And on the 4h of Feb. I added :—" What I foresaw has occurred, and the excite ment, or rather, I should say, the indignation caused by the publication in the Moniteur of the regimental addresses, is universal throughout the country. People here care no thing about abuse ; we are much too free ourselves with our l i r a s a r bard words,heat and there w an h d ic o h u n r resen t i n g h to m ng a u n et! r o e ti c l a i:k or of wi there is no risk or danger to which Englishmen will not ex -1 stand your attention, but lords, it is not my object to trespass on pose themselves rather than submit to menace." Now, my merely to show what were the commune.) diens which were made to the French government. Lord Cowie was con resolution of the House of Commons. Now certainly doomed for writing that des p atch, and it was ce nsured by a there may have been one or two sentences in that despatch which I had rather see omitted ; but I thought it better to lay it on the table eutiro than .merely to give w h at would have been called extracts. (Hear, hear.) But that is a minor question ; the important point s whether the matters contained in that despatch were true; and it is hardly to be supposed that Lord Cowley woeld write that which could be disproved by the very persons to whom he applied for confirmation, no less persons then the Emperor and his council of state. I think your lordships cannot doubt the accuracy of that statement ; and I ask you whether any rational man, not bliu led by party spirit, could say that in this matter we toted in a way derogatory to the national honour? (Hear, hear.) It is now five years since I received the seals of the foreign department, and although I am not going to en t er i n t o th e genera l ques tion ofour foreign affairs, I can with confidence say thet during these five years, perhaps the most anxious of the alliance, the honour of the coup ry has not been tarnished in my hands. (Hear, hear.) This bill has been mist e presented ; it has been called an Alien Bill, whereas it is no more an alien than it is an English bill (A laugh.) It has been called a French bill ; whereas, as I told you, it was in the laboratory of the law officers betore Count Walewski's despatch was reoeived, and before the ad dresses of the French colonels were published in the Mont teur. And even at the last moment this error seems to have continued, for in the address of the Attorneys Gen eral, published this morning, it is said that the bill is "an invasion of the principle of independeet action which h as hitherto been held sacred . by the Parliament an d th e people," whereas by a - majority of 200 the bill was read a first time in rho other house, and that after the d espa t c h was received, Errora and misrepre sentation, it eves well of known,Count h a I W , l a h l t e w h s e k o ia - answered. indeed, has followed this bill from the earliest to the lenient moment, I rejoice to gay that hero this g Colchester — 190' 450, Harwich — 240 Leigh i j j 899 -- I Malden I 456 1 394 ( 163 ...... 5C /568. KIRKCALDY—FEB. 27. We had good suppli es o f gra i n to-d ay o f a ll kinclo• Sal" quick, and pri ces o f b ar l ey and oats 6d to i s per qr higher than the rates of last week. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Beaull!. First 4Bs Od I 30a Od 2 48 Od Os O d Second 43s Od I 28s 6d I 23. Od r Os 0 1 Third 32s Od I 22a Od. i 18. Od 1 Os Od COIL $44 iii( tql.—kteatorf 1. Pricos of Coale per ton at the Cosa of. the market B. d., Walloond, &o. Walker Primrose .... ..... 12 61 o 8. Ward's West Hartley ...16 01Fi e tt on ......... I _ Riddell .......... a Wantland, tic, Lambton ...................... 4 ; Goeforth l7 6 South Hetton ....... ' 4 South Durham ~ ....19 0' Ships at market, 16 ; sold, 17. BIRTHS. Buity—Oa the 27th ult., at G, Park terrace, Westbourneo park, the wife of Edward Bury, Es., of a daughter. HIINTSR—On the 26th ult., the lady of Kuala Hu nter° Esq , of a daughter. # i 37, JARRETT—On St. Davi d ' s -d a y, M rs . G r i ff i th Jail" Poultry, of a eon. JONES—On the 27th ult. , at Upper Westbourne- total Hyde park, the wif e of W. H. „Tones, Pq'' daughter. lt on ß I th A e G 2 E sth S. MORRISON —PHILLI M PS I - t i , And , Luton, Robert, the fifth son of Win. MOrrison, -r-ti"h• Cliitoi-vill a, P kb an ec am-rye, to Laotitia, second a cy ter of Wm. Phillips, Esq., of Luton, Bedfordshire. ....r_.‘ STAFF —DALE—On the 27th ult at Lambeth Church, Jot ttlt , at S" v ,, of Frkneis Et ward Staff, of La wson-street, Great Dovlto road, to Mary Elizabeth, eldest ,laughter of the lat e Der R. Dale, of the Lion Brewery, Lambeth. DEA Geo. APED—On the 24th ult ,at th e Charter - heus e, Mr. Aked, aged 93. . Ea w ard BAAJGR—On the 27th ult., at Eastbourne , Lieut. '-) Baugh, it.N., aged 62. „ r ola', 13 ' BLAKE —On the 28th ult., at the Grove, CanlP" Blake, Esq., M.D., R.N., aged 76. „d r y,' th• CEOFTON—On the 23d ult., at Clifton, Vlce-Au"-- Lion. George A. Crofton. __.........—.-__:_r--'rm---- ------- .01 , 7D0N : Printed and Publithed by MIJRI3O Y•-•t of No, 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Otiicer ty 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Sa vo y , ist the c°llll D4ic1,01943a, Tuesday, Alvirgh 2, 1858. Conspiracy to Murder Bill has been better understood. My noble friend, the Lord Chief Justice, described the bill as an important ame dment of the criminal law ; he, how ever, approved of it, and expressed his hope that their lordships would pass it when it came to their house. It was never disguised that the object of the late government was to check these conspiracies against the Emperor of the French, but beyond that it does not go. When the true character of that bill comes to be considered, I am greatly mistaken if the upright and generous people of this coun try will see any humiliation in supporting the passing of this bill. (Cheats.) Lord ST. LEONLRDS made a few observations, but in so low a tone that hardly a word reached the gal cry. So far as could be understood, he appeared to be stating that his chief reason for declining the Chancellorship was the want of physical strength. LORD CAMPBELL AND THE LATE ATTORNEY- GENERAL. Lord CAMPBELL begged their lordships' attention for a very few minutes in his own justification, without attack ing any person whatever. It was necessary that he should do so, because his character as a judge had been assailed. It had been supposed that he had in that house given an opinion respecting causes which were, or might shortly be. depending before hirti. if he had done that, he should have done what would have been most reprehensible. But he had only done that. which he considered his duty to do he had given his opinion upon an abstract question of law. Unless he could do so,for what purpose had he a seat i n their lordships' house? That practice had been adopted by the most illustrious of his predecessors. With respect to another question, viz., the taking notice of what took place in the other house of parliament, he agreed that, as a general rule, such a practice should be abstained from as one most inconvenient. But there were exceptional cases, and such a case bad arisen. Looking to what, was stated in the public journals as having been laid down for law in the case of aliens, and believing that such statements would have the most mischievous consequences, ho had felt it his duty to contradict the statement which had been made. He was bound to believe that the hon. gentleman to whose speech he referred did uGt intend his speech to be under. stood in the manner in which it had appeared in the pub lic journals, but from this speech, as reported, mischievous consequences would not unprobably have followed. Hs (Lord Catnpbel!) could only say that he was recommended by some of the judges of the land, and by other persons in whom he placed great confidence, to take the earliest or , poitunity of statiug what the law was, and he had accords ingly done so. rord BROUGHAM entirely concurred with what III(' fallen from the noble lord. If other opinions were correct, then no member of their lordships' house—for they con atituted the ultimate court of appeal—ought to give an opinion on a question of law. THE ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. The Earl of DERBY said he was informed that the House of Commons had adjourned to . Friday week. Ho therefore proposed that their lordships should adjourn to that day fortnight.—Agreed to. The house then adjourned at a quarter past 8 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(YEsTEnger.) The SPEAKER to ,k the chair shortly before 4 o'clock. Sir J. SUE LLEY presented a petition from a place in Sussex in favour of the Cnurch-rate Abolition Bill. A singular circirrwwice immediately: afterwards oc curred—Sir DE L. EVANS rose to present a petition from the opposite—the ministerial —side of the house. The two members for Westminster, therefore, seem to be divided. 'Mr. Weguelin entered the house at ten minutes past, four, and went to his accustomed seat behind the ministerial bench. Finding that he was amongst a new " set," he cast a hasty glance around, and then delibe rately walked to the opposite side of the house, amidst the cheers of his friends. NEW WRITS. Sir W. JOLLIFFE moved for the following new writs, which were ordered, For North Northumberland in the room of Lord Lovaine, who has become a Lord of the Admiralty. For Chichester in the room of Lord Henry Lennox, t who has become a Lord of the Treasury. Mr. Inniskillen in the room of Mr. Whiteside, who has become Attorney-General for Ireland. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. Sir W. JOLLIFFE moved that the house, at its rising, do adjourn until Friday, March 12. He said it was not the intention of the Government to proceed with the East Indian Loan before March 12. LIGHTHOUSES. Mr. A. SMITH gave notice that.on the 18th of March he should renew his motion for a select committee to in• quire into the erection of lighthouses at Godrevy. THE BRITISH BANK DIRECTORS. Mr. BRADY gave notice that after the recess be should ask for a return of the expenses consequent upon the prosecution of the directors of the British Bank. MORTALITY AM.OIVGSF THE FOOT GUARDS. Mr. LAURIE gave notice that on the 12th of March he would call attention to the mortality which had pro' vailed amongst the Foot Guards in the metropolis. COLONIZATION IN INDIA. Mr. EWART said that on an early day he would no° attention to the subject of colonization in India. THE PASSPORT SYSTEM. Mr. M. MILNES gave notice that on Tue..daY. the 23d of March, he would call attention to the subject o f passports in France. THE EAST INDIAN LOAN BILL. Mr. HAMILTON raid the house would be asked to go into committee of supply, when the army an d navy estimates would be p resen t e d. With regard t o the East Indian Loan Bill, he said there was an urgent ecessity for the East India Company nished with a ddi t i ona l powers t o mee t the exigencisii arising out o f th e p resent state o f a ff a i rs i n India. Nevertheless it could no t b ut b e allowed that this bill was of so importan t a character, and t being fur hat it Con tAined so many important provisions, that the final stage of the bill should not be taken in the absence Hof the responsible officers of the Crown. He therefore moved that the further consideration of the bill s hould be deferred until Friday, the 12th March. Mr. WHITE said he should onject to any mo ne y being given to the new government until their opinion° were made known. He hoped their political measures would be better than their political morals. (Laughter.) 'The motions for the adjournment till Friday week,.. and the postponeme n t o f th e E as t I n d ia n Loan l were agreed to. THE LORD LIEUTENANCY OF IRELAND. Mr. ROEBUCK gave notice that after Easter he should. renew his motion relative to the abolition of the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. The house adjourned at a quarter'before five. Country Markets. CHELMSFORD-FEB. 26. The wheat trade to-day was in a rather dull state. , and the rates of last week barely maintained. Spry corn 61132, but beans a slow sale. Wheat, white, old, per s. s. a. qr. 45 51 Oats, per qr •.24 new.... 45 51'j Pe as , Partridge 40 43 red, old 42 46 White 3ti 42 new.... 40 46 Barley 34 90 Chevalier Grinding Malt Chevalier 772 3 208 8 377 4 332 4 Beans DB mEI 'B a rrow z . k n t g g .. a . n . n . : w. ticks.. 333 3 3 2 1 r 24405 COLCHESTER— Faß. 27. A more liberal supply of wheat, '.nd the condition /or proved. The trade slow, at about the same as last wee k . ° rates. Fine malting barleys readily taken, with a fair ar mend for thin panels for seed. Beans and peas full/ *1 dear, and supply small. Prices to-daywere as follow :—Wheat, white, 46a to 50 1 red, 42s to 465; barley, 36s to 43s ; oats, 22s to 30e ; be sn" Mazagan, 31s to 36s ; middle and small, 36s to 40s; Pe :al ' white, 40s to 42e ; grey, 'JOS to 425. e . v d Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn, ac. roe'ois in the port • of London, fr om th e f o ll ow i ng Feb. 21,t0 Feb. 27, b o th i nc l us i ve . fr