The Sun. — London, England, 1858-02-09 00:00:00

May be explained or triumphantly defended, bet I see in it incontiatency and incoherency; and to vote thanks to a Gov ernor-General to whose policy on the surface I must impute great public disaster and misfortune is most unrea sonable ant impolitic. (Haar.) Ttie noble lord tells us thst Lord Canning has been perticaleily successful in for warding troops throughout the ceuntry, and says that news 13aPert are not to be trusted, and that private letters are not to be attenrie.l to. The noels lard is in possession of official desprechee, but we have no keowledge of them, and must gain our information iu the best manner we ran. Having given the most careful attention to th subject, lam un ter the impression that there was a larnw:tablefkfi e i ene , n trans port Service, an d th a t on the ' , rival of th e tro y ops th at Calcutta they found that no preparation s h a I b een made for their reception. In November an official telegraphic des- Patch was received announcing the arrival of the troops, and stated that there were no means of forwarding them thllP the country. The charge against Lord C toning was, at h e did not take the steps that were absolutely requi site, and neon evhich thefortune of the carnpeign depended --and that by his neglect we are about rei enter into a third campaign. MWe want to know wy be no to Madra s for bullocks when they might there did have t been send oh tairted. There are many other matters which ought to be answered satisfactorily, but without inquiry we are called Upon to pass a vote which would prevent us hereafter from criticising the conduct of his lordship. I should like to know the motives which influenced Lord Canning in sup- P r essing the English press in India. (Hear.) I am con vinced, from the information which I possess, and which dues not come from anonymous writers in the Calcutta Papers, that that was an unnecessary step, and that it has entailed great mischief upon our interests. Ido not wish the house to collie to any decision on this subject on an occasion like the present ; but I say that it is monstrous to call upon us to come to a vote which will preclude us hereafter from canvassing the conduct of Lord Canning. It is of the utmost importance that the house should come to a calm decision, and not be estoppel from future criti cism on the conduct of a minister who has had to deal with these remarkable events, and as to the manner in which he treated them. (Hear.) Then we ought to know some thing as to the relations of the government of Calcutta And the kingdom of Oude si nce the rebellarn commenced. it, am informed that since the com mencement o f that rebel- Ilea the most considerable persons in the kingdom of Oude have been attempting to negotiate with the government, And would have been desirous to assist in a settlement, Which in my opinion would not only have been for the A dvantage of England, but one which principles of jus tice demanded. lam told that this negotiation was "intrienced long before the war; that Lord C tuning, as Ive are w e ll aware, knew cons id era b ly b efore the capture of Delhi that its fall was certain, and that it was in the power of the government of India not only to have accomplished 'the fall of Delhi, but at the same time to have pacified Oude. (Hear, hear.) That is a most important consider ation. But if hereafter any hon. gentleman should bring ,forward a motion on this subject —on the very pivot, per haps, of which the fortunes of India depend—he will be precluded from discussing the matter, anti will be told by the m e e • s in mer, "You cannot bring forward such a proposi tion, because the house has unanimously the :ked Lord Canning for his conduct." (Haar, hear.) I make these o bservations not for the purpose of committing the house against Lord Canning. lam not commit lug myself against Lord Canning. lam prepared to listen with can dour to any defence that may be offered for him ; but I Fry let us have the opportunity of bringing forward the charges in a complete manner, and miming to a decision 4 Pon them, but do not let the house in this surreptitious Manner be precluded from exercising its highest functions, and lose the opportunity of expressing its opinion ea to t _Lhe di rec t or indirect cause of any disasters which may 'F av e occurred, an d of any dangers which may be impend lueg• (Rear, hear. ) I wish to end a course which s uall not be' invidious to Lord Ca recommg nn to teat I want eat t he with fairn ess. I do not w i sh to take h i s name out of category of the illustrious persons in which it appears. It What I wish the noble Lord to do is to postpone this vote. a cannot be invidious or offensive to Lord Canning to do Pr o b i f we postp one th e vote t o Si r J o h n L awrence, who d:__ ably deser ves more t h an any other mean. whether soh ,Ler. sa ilor, or civilian. (Cheers.) I say let us give an Inil/ions vote o f th an k s to t h e army and navy, and all i tho se parti es who are named in the other re- &whoole. and e ar.) Let the noble lenl po,tpone the first resolution, give a fair notice of his intention to bring it forward some other time, and if we do give a vote of thanks to th e c j , :g. over nor - General, let it be given in a manner, gretify to the Governor-General. Let not mail go out ith the information that a vote of th ..nk. has been Will th roug h the House of Common.. (Hear, hear.) 1 11 th a t rewar d him ? Will that sustain him in hie labours? Will that add to hie moral iefluence in Cal !tate ? No. There is not a gerttlernen in the house who would not consider a vote of thanks under such circum stances worse than nothing. Instead of b drig held forth 1,l!a vote to a statesmen who has deserved well of his '3l9ltitry, it would look as if h e h a d b een made the stalking 11t rae of party (Hear.) L e t the conduct of Lord Can wt; be fully discussed, and if it b e ex pl a i ne d i n a manner t h u e leh will bring conviction to a candid mind, I will be to pat person t o vo t e an unqualified approbation of his ract, (ar.) It is notorious that tere has ee a ti!etnorial Bent to this country si gne d by two h thousand n of Most considerable Europeans in Calcutta, respecting , 4uatconduot of Lord Canning. Ido not in any way con hetet ~.1113'self with the charges contains in that memorial. ana l : Must say they proceed from parsons of high charac t te e r t a b le nee, and that if the document had been on the e e re • their plight have discussed the charges, and ascertained ti e lr truth. That document was for , . arded for presenta oileit t ° her Majesty, but inasmuch as it was not tran l s: le ee e ' in the usual form through the Governor-Genei a h•__"8110t considered authentic, and has been returned to 1 ,1 0 , n_ in order that it may be presented in the usual course. g re nr if our countrymen residing in distant parts have '" grievances to allege against their governors and have oth er ra y th means of bringing them before persons in . a . ut.ho parli, an b y memorialising the sovereign and p e tit . n . rnt rig Pee t, I think if we avail ourselves of formalities to 10,,Z. , the complaint being heard, the parties cornelein ei: eve great reason to be dissatisfied. I hope, under the te`tolnistances, that the noble lord will postpone the first will " i on, but if he will not consent to that suggestion, I -,,,.r00ve the previous question. (Cheers.) .11r. I,III3OI7CHERE regretted that the right honour have gentleman who had last addressed the house should s af e done so much to divert the house from the real issue j A 2 r e and to place the vote in a false position. Her Ma it"'l's Ministers did not ask the house to concur in a vote of eral approbation, c i v il and military, of the Governor eher I . c onduct. Had such been intend e d, it m i g htj ust l y L_ a 4 , 4 Ve been stat e d a surprise, and it would have been an iin 't°P9r thing for the Gov ernmen t t o h ay propose d . T he I tletion before the house had no reference to Lord Can nes civil policy, but only his military policy in directing ma superintending the military operations in India. The i",, ° n before the house was ire accordance with former ii., ec edents, and did not bind the house in the least to the 1,4,-,,ternor-General'e civil policy, respecting which there :1, -- "nlY was a diversity of opinion. To adopt the course he:°Poaed by the right hon, gentleman would be to imply ftur e on many deserving men, which he felt certain the to tl r d se r , h ad no desire to do. Referring to the civil policy of to d e l s ' an eing, he said that the Government were prepared • - ', 41 it. It was not a proper time then to discuss it. eibilpiaidual had been patposition of greater reepon- Inaij 9 1 an had Lord Canning. (Hear.) He went to pr e , W „lth a mind full of desire by peaceful means to un bar: l'ee condition of India. He bad scarcely got there cal m e.,hts tremendous storm burst, which he met with rag° i ctl gnity, a wisdom, and a c rolness, that inspired coo ks n all around him (Hear ) He felt certain that, the Lord c it wo„, anning's Conduct Was inquireti into, the more 'ld be seen that he hed acted in a manner becoming as-eat, eelstatesman entrusted with the direction of so great v ote +thimble an empire. (Hear, hear.) He asked for no rest ahOProval of I ord Cennirte , a !ministration. but erni e "' )us e ahauld not &Par froer that ancient and ki tu r - "Led course it had hitherto taken t.n occasions of this * Quid when the house was about te vote, as he knew it Proh o ,. ° te, their unanimous and cordial thanks and ap. til ers 'IV in the name of the country, to those gallant red '44414%; tin tthe hour of peril and difficulty had shown aloe Yto th would add another page of imperishable W ould annals of British history, he hoped the house gne ern not forget the courageows corel uct of the civil With,: t r r , Who had directed and superinte.»ded these efforts atai for moment that 11 he interpreted into a ri cot t oall e it " 18 OWn conduct or the glory of England. He 13 ` ) urse -P" the house to grant this vote, and adopt the fGovrecornmeaded by the right hon. gentleman. The erittnent h ord -° repeatert, would be ready to defend of the f " -.4 8 c onduct when required, and as an instance th a a c report • lated relative to that had been circulated e Governor-General, he said that he had seen a private falett_ternafrom Sir Colin Campbell, in which he spake ot the havre or-General in the hizhest terms. Nothing could tak e :een more satisfactory than the intercourse that . had ie hi g h between them , and SirColin . expresse himself `sten s , , Free of the admirable qualities the Governor % ss a i Possessed as a mart of business, a gentleman, and c r i-r, an. (Hear, hear.) lord ,w• PARINGTON deeply regretted that the noble - the head of her Majesty's Government, declined to accept th , ion e suggestion offered to him with so much modern the ri g ht h on. gentleman the member for Bucking- N o .41re. R e contended that the terms of the resolution toui u ,ged the h ouse to the approbation of. Lord Cauuing's bold"et, the words bei ng th a t th e t h anks of the house be given to Lord Canning, " for the energy and 11°. With which he has employ e d th e resources at his „turnand to quell the rebelli on i n I n di a. I n the absence 1 7 any report or documents to guide th em , th e y were urou g ht to the irresietable conclusion, from the best iufor- Illation that could be obtained, that Lord Canning's career ,'%d not been marked by that energy and ability the Go ..lerninent would have them believe, bat by vacillation, in l'cision, and a great want of stet-san& ke capacity and igour requisite for the efficieut diseherge of his duties. ~tte did not for a moment deny that Lord Canning h rtl ed for the best, that he had boon placed in a positien of i i . 7 4 , t difficulty, and that great allowances ought to be h i l wa for the unexpected emergency in which he found h o rll „: c if invelved, but he submitted that the votes of that foe - e ? w are not to be complimented away as a matter of did tie It was the duty of the house to take care that they well accord their vote except in cases where the parties deserved the honour, and he wished Lord Canning, as ;me man, might be able to prove Lis title to the great Ir k ,: °this distinguished father. (Hear. hear.) Ho hardly ate e - ,,„ a /lYthin g so painful as to be obliged to take an Wi l i" h ° l l to the course now pursued by the Government, etic-.,waLl.tinfair both to the house and to Lord Canning. his tot i e J:he noble lord ought on Thursday, when he gave 4c ate llt ' ted its Q.of motion, to have fairly and openly a • v e t 5 . instead of attempting, as he had done, to obt . ain t*ie!? f thanks for the Governor-General by surprise, t , ei e n ; o n u e could only attribute to the noole lord's fear that • te e }, ° cement would not have been favourably received v 4 ,4147 ,46 - (Hear, hear.) The right hon. baronet corn ;Vote, k oat the house were called upon to agree to the 41 4 Li • c in as they did that a memorial, signed by 2,000 4° ‘' Uial Pe ' rsons in Calcutta, had been forwarded to the kit ern cnent whi c h r Praying for the Governor-General's e recall, 11 it s had been orerturne on account of an in.ormality their hPreaentation bon. members would have had it in heli allth as an official document on which to proceed. "gent i„j"red, however, it had been received by the Govern toresePrcPer for m t ' llrough the Governor-General— • ite ' D A ~k,%IERSTON said f"IMNGTON said that was an additional argil aderliVavolir of Postponing the vote. He (lorded that the h„ circumstances, without a full explanation, that Om e --- "e eottltl r- en(),.,„ G eneral had ~ur,e to a vote that the ,caoo l ktPnoral hrscr d one ail could to diseley the ,keak.oesir that Unhappy the out country in en; pressing 14 44 0 was difficult to arrive at a fair opinion on the isiete.l9 Without a reference to dates. ee nr ;cl that on the 10th of May the ma T sstr i e( ;en the 11th • rautse 1 0 °la th e i e „ Delhi was captured by the rebels ; Meerut wulwould ~N 1 d e '! , 11 the revolt at Lucknow. On the '2lst a ,hail e4),ll_t,tion went up to Lord Canning and offered Zroop a tla tc, as volunteer s to defend Calcutta, that . the '. l4t the 0 5., ut he despatch. d to the disturbed districts, iia s Ore c ari u n y riot only met with a decided refusal from tt b eke f or ib At but the refneal was accompanied with a A'resei u ,„ __ ?dee imputation it was alleged they were th e i„°,_nt againet the loyalty of the Bengal army. "It Of tray another offer WM made from, be be, lieved, the whole of the European residents, which again met with a refusal in an abrupt and offensive manner, telling them, at the same time, the outbreak was only par- , tial, and that the disturbances were nearly quelled. It, however, subsequently transpired that on the 9th of May, two days before the first refusal of the loyal inhabitants of Calcutta, Lord Ca sling had written home speaking of the al orating events at Meeret and Delhi, and the da ,g=-runs state of the whole native tinny in Bengal- (lle,or ) He • did not mean to say it was L eff Carming'e duty to hold the same 1 inguage to the deputations thet he did to the Court of Directore, but it wis perfectly clear that his an swers wore injudicious to them, seeing that the Bengal army had revolted on the 9th. On the 12th of Juno, a little more than a fortnight after, Lord Graining was obliged to accept the offer that he had befotecontunielionaly and offensively rejected. (Hear.) Another and more set ious instance f vacillation on the pert of Lord Canning wan with reference to Nepaul. Delhi, it will be remem bered, was captured by the rebels on the 11th of May, and no sooner was it known at Nepaul than an offer was sent to burl Canning of the assistance of a large Ghoorka force, which he accepted, and by the end of May they had nearly arrived at Lucknow. On the 27th of June the first man. sacre occurred at Cawnpora, and in the middle of July those horrible events in connection withthe well of Cawn pore. What, he asked, was it that caused Lord Canning, in May, when the Ghoorka force was so near Lucknow, to change his mind and send them back, but in the end Lord Canning was obliged, the same as in the case of the volunteers, to send for them back again. He had no wish to he harsh with Lord Canning, and Le should be thankful to find he did not deserve the censure that had been cast upon him ; but ho feared that it was upon the vacillating conduct of the Governor-General at Calcutta must rest tha blame of those unhappy events at Cawnpore and Lucknow. (Hear, hear.) Mr. V. S ITFI : No, no. Sir J. PAKINGTON said no one would more heartily rejoice than himself if it were proved otherwise. The right honourable baronet then referred to the occurrence of a lager date at Dinapore. Remonstrance after rercon etrauce, both public and private, were made to the Go vernor-General to disarm the regiments, in vain. Deputa tions of influential merchants waited on him, but with no more success than the Calcutta Volunteers yet a week from that day had not elapsed before the revolt took place, au i the horrible scenes with which they were so familiar, took place at Arrab. Allahabad was also a most important military position, but Lord Canning had left there none but native troops, notwithstanding remonstrances from every quarter. Ho also thought it highly uuadvisable in Lord Canning to supress the English press in India, and that the distinction drawn between the English and native press most impolitic. With these sentiments he could not agree in the whole of the vote of thanks now proposed. The opposition had passed no censure on Lord Canning,. feeling that the Government of India ought not to be em barrassed at a critical mexaent. But it was quite a dif ferent thing to approve the conduct of Lord Canning in tke manner now proposed. (Hear, hear.) Mr. R. 1). MANGLES was anxious to express his earnest thanks both to the military and civil service in India, for their conduct during the late emergency, and c i not sit silent un ler the imputations which the right hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire had cast upon the conduct of the Governor-General. The right hon. gentleman had said that the votes of the House of Commons would be "degra, red" if the vote of thanks to Lord Canning were allowed to pass. Mr. D i SRA. la' i,I said the hon. member was in error in attributing this phrase as appl.ed tea Lord Canning. Mr. 1-IANGL ES (in continuation) said that a careful study of the conduct of the Governor-General ha I i rought him to the cenclueion that throughout Lord Canning hal acted with remarkable vigour and energy. Lord Canning hood frost' the fist endeavoured to procure troops from all available sources, and the right hon member for Droit wirch was quite in error with regard to the dates on which the Ghoorkas left Nepaul. The fact was that when the disaster toms place at Lucknow, these troops had not left Nepaul. The right hon. gentleman was in error with regard to other dates. But if persons in this country relied on in formation derived from Calcutta, they would be woefully deceived, for no capacity could b, too great for the diges tion ef news corning from that source. Virulence and in ju•tice hed been heap (3 , 1 upon Lord Cant& g by a portion of the population of Calcutta 'ruder the most trying cit.- cutrweetices ; ant all this ill-feeling ha I arisen from the spite of the press at being curbed in the expression of their hostile son tionents. A o ongst other delusions in this coun try was oae which attributed a difference between Lord Caunieg and Sir Colin Campbell. This rumour had no solid foendation. Such difference certainly could not arise out of any charge that Lord Canning had neglected the corn misseriat of the army, or lost any opportunities for facili tating the passage of troops to the scene of the mutiny. In the rob 'since of any imputation on these important heads, he contended that the governor-general most richiydeeorved the thanks of the house for that portion of his conduct with regard to which no difference of opinion existed. The hon. member then referred to some remarks which he had used at the India Hens°, which were _supposed to cast a reflec tion on the military conduct of the late General Barn rrd before Delhi. On the contrary, he thought that officer had acted, with considerable skill in the military system he had pursued, and he gave this explanation in order to re move a misapprehension which he believed had arisen in the mind of a lady nearly connected with the late general. (leer, hear.) With regard to the conduct of the troops, both Queen's and. East India Company s, great as was the praise which they deserved for their valour in action, and amid the horrors of the siege, perhaps more than anything else which redounded to their credit was their wonderful endurance under the burning sun of India. (Hear, hear.) Nor could too much praise bo awarded to the civilians con nected with the East India Company, who had lavishly exposed their lives in the service of their country. (Hear.) Colonel SYKES believed that amidst difficulties which Lord Canning ha o ha-1 to encounter from the European pop elation he had acted with judgment an 1 perseverance, and also in a spirit of humanity characteristic of a Chris tian gentleman. The Governor-General had become an object of dislike in Calcutta, because he fearlessly put a check upon proceedings on the part of Europeans which were disastrous to our rule in ludia. Much had been said on the subject of the memorial scut to this country. But how would hon. gentlemen, if they occupied.a position such as that filled by Lord Canning, relish an attack of this kind being sent over from India to this country, with out the opportunity of contemporaneously refuting the charge? The humblest native of India could memorialise the Crown, but the memorial must first pass through the hands of the Indian Government, He entirely concurred in the whole of the vote. Mr. WA.LPOLE thought the house was placed in an awkward position. (Heger ) The house did not wish to deny a vote of thanks for the brilliant services performed by the army, but on the other baud, it did not wish to de grade a solemn vote into a matter of form. After reading the whole of the papers he was of opinion that Lord Gin ning deserves the gratitude of the country -(hear)--for although here and there fault mightbe found with his acts, he thought upon the whole he had acted with wonderful calmness and forbearance. (Rear.) It was unfortunate, however, that pending the memorial which had been for warded to this country, the nob e for I the first Minister of the Crown had chosen this particular ti set for voting the thanks of the House of Commons to the Goveruor-General. But the house ought to consider the effect which the denial of such a vote of thanks would have upon our present position in iedia—(he or), —and be should suggest to his right hon. friend the member for Buckinghamshire the withdrawal of his amendment. (Hear, from the ministerial benches). Tire house had b -en told by the Secretary for the Colonies that this vote of thanks would net pledge the house to any opinion as to the general policy of the Governor-General, and under these circumstances, if his right boo friend persisted in moving the previous ques tion, he should feel constrained to vote against bite. (Hear, hear, from the ministerial benches.) Admiral WALCOTT highly eulogised the gallantry of the Indi is army throughout the late operations. L , rd J. RUSSELL trusted that the temperate recom mendation of the right Iron member for Cambridge Uni versity (Alr. Walpole) would bre followed. (heer, hear.) It might, have been prtereut to have postponed a vote of thanks to Lord Canning, but there could not be a doubt as to the expediency of presenting the thanks of Parliament to the army of India. (Hear, hear.) He believed that the conduct of Lore Canning had been much misunderstood. The atrocities committed by the sepoys aroused a natural and a deep spirit of resentment, and it could not be con cealed that if these atrocities were themselves dreadful, the revenge at first taken was carried to a very great extent, If Lord Canning had yielded to very natural feelings in the way of retaliation, it might have beers found impossible to hold India ; but that noble lord, withstanding clamour and exposing himself to an odium which nothing but a calm cuescieuce and a sustained wisdom could have en abled him to withstand, issued a proclamation, which certainly had been much misunderstood, but the spirit of which was that the innocent should not be punished with the guilty. What was called the " Clemency Proclama tions" had also been much misunderstood, as that ap peared as a complement to other proclatuations which had previously laid the groan Iwork for mea sures of repression. He could prove that the course which the noble lord then took was a very proper one, and one which would hereafter produce great benefit to the country, It was his conviction that the conduct pursued by Lord Canning was such as to reflect the highest credit upon his humanity and decision of character. (Hear, hear.) In conclusion, the noble lord trusted that the right honourable member for Bucks would not persevere in his motion. An HON. MEMBER bore the highest testimony to the gallantry and devotion of the late Colonel Neill, who was a native of the county which he had the honour to repre sent. Mr. BENTINTCK deeply regretted that the course pur sued by her Majesty's Government should have forced the house into the umpleasant and ungracious position of ap pearing to dissent from a motion which gave thanks to Lord Canning, and thus preventing the resolution being raised with that unanimity which was always shown in these cases. There were positive charges against Lord Canning, and under these circumstances, and with the strong feelings existing in this country respecting the state of affairs in India, he thought it was most unfair to call upon the house to offer any opinion with respect to the merits of Lord Canning's conduct, before these questions had been thoroughly and completely investigated. The right hon. gentleman the Secretary for the Colonies (Mr. Labonchere) had contended thatthe resolution only pledged the house to an opinion of the military part of the couduot of Lord Canning, but he was perfectly unable to see in what manner one portion of the conduct of the noble lord could be approved, while other parts might be loft open to discussion, and perhaps censure, ou some future occasion. He was strongly of opinion that there was to be found in the papers already before the house abundant materials for finding fault even with the military conduct of Lord Canning, the errors connected with which had, in more than one instance led to some of the worst features of the proceedings in India. If the right hon. member for Buck inghamshire proceeded to a division, he should give the amendment his support; but if no division took place on the subject, be should outer hie protest against bein; de barred in future from expressing any opinion on the con duct and policy of Lord Canning. (Hear.) Mr. S. HERBERT gave his unqualified support and approval to the resolution proposed by her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) lie considered that it would have been most inspropor for the Government to have omitted to include the name of Lord Canning in the vote of thanks now before the house. They were not called upon by that vote to express any opinion with respect to the general policy of the Governor-General in India, and ho wculd therefore decline to enter into any of the topics which had been referred to by the right hon. baronet the member for Droitwitch and the right hon. member for Bucks with respect to the annexation of Oude, and various other matters. Sir J. PA:iINGTON explained that he had not made an v allusion of the sort. Mr. DISRAELI said that ho had only referred to the conduct which had been pursued since the breaking out of the mutiny in connection with °nth,. Mr. S. HERBERT accepted the explanation, and found in the conduct of Lord Canning additional cause of appro bation that ho had not entered upon such matters while the great and absorbing object of attention was that of con quering back a country in open mutiny. He conteutaca that the claim to the thanks of the House of Commons for Lord Canning rested upon his much maligned proclamation and the admirable manner in which the arrangements had been made for conveying the army from Calcutta to the disturbed and revolted districts. (Hear, hear.) From the terminus of the railway, a distance of 400 miles, the army bad been; conveyed with great rapidity, and with every consideration for the health, comfort, and convenience of the troops. These matters appeared very slight when com pleted, but they involved great difficulties in the details necessary for carrying them into effect. All those details hod been carried out with the most complete success, and for this the thanks of the House of Commons were fully due to Lord Canning. He had heard the stories against Lord Canning as others had done, but day by day they melted away like snow in the sun, and it was found that they had not the slightest foundation. For the future, any story which was dated from Calcutta would put him at once upon his guard in receiving it. He gave his sup port to the motion of the Government without qualifica tion and without reserve. (Hear, hear.) Sir C. NAPIEC suggested that the name of Sir W. Peel should have been introduced into the vote of thanks. He was a most gallant and useful man, and had shown himself of great value in India, as he had done before in the Cri mea and in Syria. Mr. WILLOUGHBY supported the motion of the Go vernment, an l paid a deserved compliment to the merit and courage of the army and navy, which had maintained the reputation of England before , the world. With respect to Lord Canning, he thought that noble lord had acted with great circumspection and commendable foresight. Sir DE LACY EVANS recommended the withdrawal of the amendment, on the ground that Lord Canning, hold ing as he did the office of Governor-General of India, and carrying on the most important duties, it would be attended with the most serious consequences if his hands were weakened in any manner by the omission of his name from the resolution. (Hear.) With respect to the military part of the subject, he regretted to see that only three names of general officers were included in the resolution, in addition to the name of Sir Colin Campbell. Perhaps the noble lord might have been told that it was according to custom that it should be so. He wished, however, to know why such should be the case ? There had been a groat many brigadier-generals, such as Hope Grant, Cham berlayno, and others, who had performed brilliant services No doubt it was very gratifying that they should be alluded to in the noble lord's speech, but those references would go into "Mansard," and not into the " General Getters," to be conveyed to the army in India. (Hear.) His contended that this was a complete departure from custom, leaving out the brigadier-generals. There were not less than 00 officers of the rank of brigadier-generals, who had received the thanks of the House of Commons, but there was not one mentioned on the present occa sion. (Hear, hear.) Then, again, reference had been made to the case of the gallant Sir William Peel. Surely, if there was a red-tape system for omitting officers of that rank, such routine might have been very grace fully broken through on this occasion. (Hear, hear.) If the noble lord did not consent to enlarge the list of the names included in the resolution, he should feel it his duty to move the thanks of the house to officers of lower rank than thee, mentioned, whose brilliant and noble deeds had ren iered them worthy of honour and distinction, and the thanks of the British House of Commons. (gear, hear.) Many gallant officers had died—fallen in the execution of their duty. It was true we could not now give them our thanks ; but it would be comnetent for the House of Com mons to record its gratitude to such men for their noble gallantry and valour. (Hear, hear.) So far as the mili tary aspect of the question was concerned, he was not dis posed to take a gloomy view of the present state of the affairs of India, for he considered that the neck of the mu tiny had been broken by the capture of Luba, and there was really no reason for supposing that the whole affair wou'd not soon be brought to a successful termination, (Hear, hear.) Mr. KINNAIRD felt that, in voting on this question, he was doing so perfectly in the dark, and thought it most important that the house should have some further infor mation on the subject of Lord Canning's conduct. Lord C. HAMILTON deeply regretted that the Govern ment had taken the course which they had done on this occasion. The introduction of the name of Lord Canning had been nio,t unfair, not only to the noble lord, butto the Howse of Commons itself. The eminence of the position of the noble lord had prevented the house from obtaining the knowledge requisite for the house to come to any deed-don upon his merits and claims to the vote of thanks now be ! fore the house. The Government had in his opinion placed Lord Canning in a most unfair and improper position, as by this hasty step he had been prevented from enjoying that right which every Englishman had a claim to, viz., a full and fair trial before he was judged. Whatever course might be adepted, the result would be that Lord Canning would feel considerable annoyance at what had taken place. Considering the painful position in which Lord Canning had been placed, he thought it was most unfortu nate that the proceedings of to-night, whether in accord ance with the resolution of the noble lord, or in the spirit of the amendment of the right hon. member for Bucking haeishire, could only be considered as most unsatisfactory to that noble lord. (Hoar.) While unwilling to form any hasty opinion respecting the conduct of Lord Canning, he deprecated at the same time the wholesale denunciation of the Europeans of Calcutta, which lead been made by some hon. members in the course of the debate. (Hear.) Lord H. VANE asked what would have been said if upon the present occasion the name of Lord Canning had been omitted by the Government? Would it not have been thought that the Government itself had ceased to have confidence in that noble lord, and had passed a slur upon him by the omission of his name ? He was inclined to give a vote of thanks to Lord Canning because he had completely refuted all the calumnies which had been ut tered against him at Calcutta ; and as the greater part of these charges had been refuted, they might fairly suppose that the noble lord would be able to give a satisfactory answer to all other charges which might be brought against him. The house was at present only called upon to give a specific vote for a specific purpose, endive should cordially support the resolution. Mr, DRUMMOND denied that the motion would be an approval of all that Lord Canning had done in the course of the mutiny. One of the compaints against Lord Cata niag was that he did not foresee the mutiny. Why, if ho had done so, he would have been the most extraordinary man living. He (Mr. Drummond) was ono of those who would never believe anything in the Indian press. The Indian press had been the real cause of this mutiny. The statements in the Indian press were generally simple false. hoods. Lord Canning had been the victim of anonymous slanders in the English press too. He (Mr. Drummond) would answer them, but not anonymously ; - for he in tended to name the writers at the fitting opportunity. The people might talk of the undoes, but they had a Jugger naut of their own. Mr. HENLEY believed that Lord Canning was one of those men who had the great courage to be just. The charges which ha .l been made against Lord Canning were not based upon sufficient foundation to justify the withdrawal of tho proposed vote, and he (Mr. Henley) hoped there would be no division upon it. Lord Canning had been placed in unparalleled difficulties, and he had dealt with them successfully. Whether any other man could have dealt with them better was not then the ques tion. The proposal was a vote of thanks, and that vote was deserved. Mr. VANSITTART must enter hisprotest against voting thanks to Lord Canning for energy of conduct. Hie con duct had been greatly condemned both in England and India, and therefore he (Kr. Ve.nsittart) could not vote for this resolution. It was au insult ta the country to couple Lord Canning's name with Sir J. Lawrence. Colonel THOMPSON said that if Lord Canning had had his way the present mutiny would never have taken place. He was one of those men who for two hundred anti fifty years bad made India an honour to She British Crown. Lord Canning had had to contend with a class of men called immigrants, who had carried the sentiments of the slave states of America. The Indian army had been in sulted. The Indian soldier enlisted upon the understand leg that his religion should be respected. How had it been respected ? Why, by fillips the mouths of the soldiers with hog's-lard. Suppose the Connaught Rangers were re quired to spit on the Host—what would be the conse quence? He had merely risen to say that the conduct of the Governor-General had been most just all through those transactions. Mr. TOWNSEND hoped the right hon. gentleman would not press his amendment. Mr. DISRAELI said he would not do coif is was under stood that the vote was not to be taken as apprising of the policy of Lord Canning. Lord PALMERSTON said ho did not so consider it. The amendment was then withdrawn and the resolution was agreed to. Sir F. SMITH thanked the noble lord for having so specially noticed the garrison of India. The defence of Lucknow was one of the most brilliant achievements in tge annals of warfare. There was [ne instance of men defending a fortress with four breaches, and with an army outside of 20,000 men. LADY HAVELOCK'S ANNUITY. The report of the committee was brought up, and a bill founded thereon was ordered to be brought in. EAST INDIA LOAN BILL. Mr. V. SMITH proposed to move the second reading of this bill n )w, and postpone the committee till next week. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY hoped the right hon. gentle men would lay before the house a statement of Indian finance. Mr. V. SMITH was understood to say he would do so. The bill was then read a second time. THE REFUGEE QUESTION. Lord PALMERSTON then rose and said--I rise, pur suant to notice, to move for leave to bring in a bill to amend the law relating to conspiracy to murder. From time to time circumstances arise which lead to the necessity, or at all events to the expediency of revising particular law, and I think the house will concur with me in thinking that an event has recently happened which does render it expedient that this house and Parliament should revise the particular branch of our criminal law to which my notice relates. A conspiracy has been found to have been carried on, and partly in this country, for the purpose of committing an atrocious crime. That conspiracy has led to most disastrous consequences. Providentially, the particular consequence aimed at did not take place ; nevertheless, a great disaster occurred, and a sensation of indignation and disgust has been spread over the whole world. The naturalconsequence of that act has been that, as the parties concerned in that diabolical attempt issued from this country, foreign na tions, ignorant of our laws and unacquainted with the spirit of our constitution, have thought there was an indiffer ence in this country to the commission of crimes of this atrocious nature, and that so far from entertaining those feelings with which human nature must regard such a project and such an act, but that on the contrary, the people of England were disposed to protect and favour attempts of this kind. An expectation prevails on the con tinent generally that the Parliament and Government of this country should take some steps to place it in the power of the Goverruneni on mere suspicion to remove aliens from this country. It is, I think, needless for me to say that it is not the intention of her Majesty's Government to pro pose to Parliament any measure of that !kind. (Cheers.) We are as sensible, as every one else must be, that there may be cases in which men who entertain criminal pro jects may with advantage be removed from this country ; out any law which would give the Government such a power would be so liable to abuse, would so infringe on the general principle by which the shores of the United Kingdom are open to the people of all nations who may be compelled from political or other causes to seek refuge there, and who, so long as they conduct themselves peace ably, are entitled to remain ---I say, a measure of that sort would be so liable to abuse that any Government would heal tate long before it made any such proposition, and Parlia ment would no doubt be disinclined to adopt it. (Hear.) Such a measure, therefore, was out of the question. (Hear.) But her Majesty's Government finding that an offence of a particular nature has been committed, viz., that they have reasons, strong reasons, to think that a conspiracy for the commission of murder was partially concocted in this country, they were driveu to the consideration of what should pass, farewell to the liberty of every one seeking a was the state of the law with regard to that particular refuge in this country. (Hear, hear.) The people of this offence. In the first place, I wish to meet an objection country had established its character centuries ago. They which many persons entertain to this consideration of the had hitherto maintained it unsullied, and he deeply re law being taken up at all. It is said by many persona that ' gretted that it should be impugned by a bill of this kind great irritation has b e e n ex p resse d b y f ore i gn na ti ons , an d a t th e di c t a ti on o f a f oreign stat. He cordially supported that there is supposed to be on the part of foreign Govern- the amendment, and trusted that the bill would be with nomts an opinion fouedel on a mistaken assumption that drawn, for if any amendment should be considered neces- England is indifferaet to such matters, and that this has sane, it could be much more conveniently wade in the bills caused, especially in France, the issuing of addresses from of the Solicitor-General. (Hear.) military bodie i, which have be ia published in the slioni- , Mr. BOWYER said the objection to this bill appeared to be that it had been suggested by our ally the Emperor of tear, and which are considered to be offensive, and that in ' consequence of this we should be prevented taking ste in' the French, It was a new doctrine in civilised Europe thet interest of this country require to be taken. I confess I le concerning n the cer aing government t h eaffairsako.f is founded. If it is a thing right in itself that we the suggestion. It was too much to say that the French should make an alteration in our law, because that Government was not at liberty, in au amicable manner, on law is defective and is capable of improvement, it is no reason that we should abstain from doing that which in our legislation we think ri g ht b ecause other nat i ons. i n a a great emergency, to bring b e f ore th e Government of Euig , moment of passion, or perhaps of fear, have done what we ' land matters affecting the secur it y o f th e F rench Govern think wrong. lam glad to s a y that with regard to the mont, and the security of the life of that person who, by particular addresses of the military bodies in question, to the votes of the French people, had been placed on the which objection has been taken on a recent occasion, I throne of that kingdom. That appeared to be all that the have this to observe, In the first place, if the people of French Government had risme. There were some phrases France are ignorant of the spirit of our constitution, and in the despatch of Count Waleweki which might be misuse. unacquainted with the current curse of our legislation, derstood by persons not perfectly cognisant of the niceties we also are ill-informed of the course taken in France with of the French language; but reading the whole of that reference to the matter to which we have taken objection. despatch he could not conceive a more unobjectionable, in- It is only within a few days that I have been informed of offensive, and proper communication—(" Oh, o h , " an d the fact; but it has been s t a t e d t o me that it i s t h e prac ' laughter)—to be made by one ally to another and a neigh tice for addresses to be presented by military bodies to the boar. The question was whether, because certain French head of the government of France on all occasions of colonelshad epoken in aninjudicious andobjecte n .ble man public moment, and that that practice has prevailed for ner, the house would refuse its assent to a bill which was the last 60 years. When events of public interest have in accordance with international law and with the criminal occurred, whether good or bad—whether congratulations law of this country. The house was not asked to interfere were to be offered or strong opinions expressed—it has not with what was galled the right of asylum. It was not been considered inconsistent with military discipline in the asked to alter any principle in our law, but only to alter French army that every regiment, or even detachment, a penalty, and make it adequate to the offence which it should present an address to the head of the government. was intended to punish. The house was not asked to alter There is nothing, therefore, in the fact of addresses having any principle of the constitution. It was only asked to been received and published which implies any departure make the law more effectual to repress crimes against the from the ordinary practice in France. Bat there were in peace and the safety of other nations. Supposing the some of the addresses in question passages at which in this house should refuse to pass the bill, in what manner could country offence was taken, and at which, if it was fitting it more effectually give a colour to the unjust and absurd that we should examin e ver y narrowly what passes i n a i m p u t a ti ons o f th e F renc h colonels? (Oh, oh, and laugh foreign country, offence mi g ht j us tl y b e taken. Her Ma. ter.) Several cases had been brought forward by our ally jesty's government thought fit to inform the French go- in which the law had been foun I ineffectual for the pre vernment of the unfortunate effect which these addresses vention of crime. (Oh, oh.) It had not prevented crime, had produced in this country, and I am happy to say that and therefore it had not been effectual to prevent it. That my noble friend, Lord Clarendon, has received a eeeratch was logic. (Laughter.) It appeared to him it would be from the Minister for Foreign Affairs in France, in which utterly undignified not to do what was right merely be ie is stated that Lord Cowley having communicated to the cause it might be founded on what somebody else had re- French government the bad impression which had been commen led. It had been said that if the bill should pass, produced by that circumstance in this country, Count the belief would be entertained that it had been carried Walewaki has directed the French ambassador here under the menace of a foreign power. Now, foreign tea to state that the practice referred t o h as l ong b e en esta. tons knew this country well enough to be aware that it blisbed in France, but that if, in a few addresses out of was not to be moved by the menace of foreign power-- many hundreds, passages have been printed to which oh- that if anything was done it was done be' ause it was just jection has been taken in England, th e a pp earance o f th ose and expedient; and to refuse th a t bill mere ly on accoun t passages has arisen entirely from the inadvertence of those of what people might say would be undignified, unworthy who had in charge the publi s hi ng o f th ose a dd ressee —( o h , of the Government of the coun t r y, unworthy of the house, oh, and cheers)—and he has been ordered to say, cm the and unworthy of the dignity of the British nation. His part of the Emperor of the French, that he regretted that hon. friend bad descended to the arguntentunt ad ltominent such a circumstance should h ave occurred. (Loud cheers.) against the Emperor of the French. That was always a As far, then, as au objection t o an y rev i s i on o f the law is b a d argumen t; it r a nked littl e hi g h er th an a sc h oo lb oy ' s founded on these recent addressee, I think the objection l tee vogue. But it was an argument always disagreeable ought to be removed by the handsome manner in which Ito the power to whom it was addressed. His hon. friend they have been disclaimed. (Cheers.) I now come to the said Louis Napoleon went to Boulogne. That, however, proposition which I have to make. Orr examining the state was not a parallel case to the present. Louis Napoleon of the law, it appeared that the law of England treats was not a pretender : he went to assert his right to the conspiracy to commit murder simply as a misdemeanour, throne of France ; he held himself entitled to that throne subject to the punishment of imprisonment for a short under an organic law to the empire. (Laughter.) He was time ; that is, punishable on the same level and in the same not successful. (Loud laughter.) The Emperor Napoleon, manner as any other kind of cujepiracy. In another part when he want to Boulogne, wont openly, in mid-day. He of the United Kingdom, namely, in Ireland, we find that risked his life, and his friends risked their lives. Had he the law is more severe ; for conspiracy to murder there is succeeded, he would have done a most heroic action. (Great made a capital offence. It appeared to us, that while on laughter.) What parallel was there between the case of the one hand the law in England was too slight, and the the Emperor and that of the recent attempt ? But let the punishment not adequate to the deterring from crime, o n house consider the bill on its merits, and ask what it the other hand the law in Ireland, which was passed at a soug ht t o d o . It was i n accordance with international law former period, was more se vere than was necessary for its and with English law. He would refer to a great authority purposes ; and that it would be an improvement to make on the subject—Vattel. Mattel said in effect that one the 1 low of the United Kingdom uniform, by reducing the conspiring against a foreign state in another country ought penalty in Ireland and increaing it in England. What we to suffer exemplary punishment. The law of England propose, therefore, i s , that conspiracy to commit murder said the same. The house was not called upon to make shall be declared to be a felony, punishable by penal Beryl- any now law. No doubt any person who conspired in Eng tilde according t o th e na t ur e o f the offence, and in the die- land was already punishable. (Cheers.) They were only cretion of the c o u r t w hi c h tries the offender, for any period going to deal with the question of punishment. (Hear, ranging fe oin a p er i o d o f ne t l e ss than five years to a period hear.) Was it not absurd to think that while breaking which shall b e f or lif e . That is, that penal servitude for into a house was punishable by transportation an attempt life shall be the max i mu m an d five years the minimum, to take the life of a foreign sovereign could only be mot by (Laughter.) Or it may be punishable by imprisonment fine or imprisonment. He certainly thought that the law with h a rd l a b our , f or any per i o d not exceeding three years, required amendment in this particular. While on the sub- The la v will a pply t o cons pi ra cies carried on by pe rsons i n ject he could not but say that ho thought that those who this ceuntry, whether B r itish subjects or foreigners, to had the control of the police did not act with that promo , commit murder on an y o th e r persons, whether British sub- titude which they might do in matters of this kind. He jects or foreigners, and whether residing in this country or load been informed that in cases of conspiracy the London out of it. The l a , v w ill b e universal, and will apply t o police were entirely at fault. He would remind the house all parsons conspiring, and to all persons with rasp . et to of the case of Foschini. He had been told that that in whom the cons piracy i s f o rmed. Of course, if in this dividual hal been fixed upon to put certain other persons country such a cou spi r asy s ucc:eds, and the person con- out of the way. (Laughter.) Yet he had managed to spired against falls a victim to it, the conspirators will be evade the English police. And he had been told that the accessories before the fact, and liable to our law. With body recently found at Waterloo-bridge was that of a French respect to conspiracies ag aicet, personsout of this kingdom, detective who had been seized, and killed, and cut up in wo propose that a conspiracy to commit murder shall be this country. (Loud laughter.) In concluding, he could treated in the same way as if it was a conspiracy to mur- not but express the hope that the house would consent to der in the United Kingdom. The bill will be short one, passing this bill. It provides, in the first place, "that if any person shall, Mr. FOX said that the hon. and learned gentleman who within the United Ki ng dom o f Great Britain and Ireland, had just sat down Lad told the house a very long story of or in the islands of Jersey, Guernsey, Sark, Alderney, or the incapacity of the English police, but he thought that Man, conspire against any other person or persons, being it might be matched by a story of the incapacity of the within or without the sail United King--lone or the said French police. On the recent occasion that portion of the islands, to commit mur d er w ithin or without the domi- affair which took place in this country, and which is to be nions of her Majesty, they shall be guilty of felony, and constituted a conspiracy, was perfectly open; machines on conviction thereof shall be liable to penal servitude for were manufactured in Birmingham, and Col. Dixon was 1 life, or for five years or to imprisonment with hard labour made acquainted with a new sort of missile. The whole for three years." Then it provides that "every person thing was above-board until the projectiles went to Paris ; who within the Uniteil Kingdom, or within the islands of when they arrived there how did the French police act ? Jersey, Guernsey, Sark, Alderney, and Man, shall incite (Hear, hear.) The atrocious attempt—for most atrocious or solicit any person within or without the said United it certainly was—which had just occurred might be called Kingdom or the said islands, either to commit murder on the occasion for this mandate from France ; but he thought any person or persons either within or without her Ma- it could not be called the cause. They had for a long time jesty's dominions, shall he liable, on conviction, to the heard of the murmuring at the right of asylum in this penalties above named." Then it is provided, that "any country. The se m urmurs had been heard from Austria, persons charged with felony under the provisions of this Italy, France, and Naples. There had been a continual act may bo apprehended, punished, and otherwise dealt feeling for putting down, if possible. Therefore, be said with in all respects in any county or place in which they this might be the occasion ; but it was not the cause of this may be found, in the same manner as in any other felony bill being required. They must look further for that. charged or committed in that county or place i . and in pro- There were th ose w h o did no t o bj ec t t o wa l e th roug h ceedinge ureter this act for murder alleged to he committed slaughter to the throne, and it was only in the common in any foreign country, the said murder shall be construed course of events that they should be hurled with slaughter to be a kitting of any person, whether a subject of her Ma- from that throne. (Hear, hoar.) He did not think jesty or not, in the same manner as if the person so killed that they had any right to call upon their neigh had been murdered in the United Kingdom. (Hear, boors to keep watch and guard over their personal hear.) The fifth clause merely repeals the Irish act. safety. (Hear, hear.) Assassination was not natural That is therefore the bill which I wish to propose, to this country; it did not grow hero ; assassins might I ask the house to increase the punishment lor Conspiracy occasionally go out from England, but they had first come to murder in Great Britain and to diminish it in Ireland, into .Eoglaud. (Hear, hear.) They bai come from those and to make ono uniform law on this subject for the whole governments which made assassins. (Cheers ) If a man kingdom. I think that this will be an improvement ill the were treated with crue lty an d h ars h ness th e spr i ng o f law of this count r y ; an d I think at the same time that it kindness would be dried up within him. A man is due to the character of this country, a great crime who might otherwise be a good subj ec t wou ld b ecome an having b een a tt emp t e d t h e arrangements for which were assassin. It was a very practicable opera-ion. (Cheers partly mad e i n thi s country, that as faras we can go with- and laughter.) His objection to this bill was that it made out doing violence to the principles of our constitution, an alteration in the law in compliance with external pros we should show our feeling with re and to a late occur - sure. There might be refugees capable of plotting assassi ranee, by a r ev i s i on o f the particulagr law which relates to nation : he believed them to be but a small number. that particular offence. Is Inv perhaps be said that as There were others who were looking out for better times, yet our former law has not been ineffectual—(hear, hear) and others again who seemed to have abandoned all hope —because no proceedin gs have been taken under it. But that such days would over arrive. What wou'd become can any man say, the object of our laws being to deter of those people if that bill passed ? Their feelings of sects from the commission of offences, that by increasing the rity would be disturbed. They would not be reached by penalty attached to an offence you do not add to the tie- this bill ; they were not people to conspire ; but they terti' , g motives against the offence? Therefore, although would no longer receive hospitality in that sense in which it is possible that the crime in question is scarcely known this country ought to afford it to them. They would in this country, and our law as it stood has not been ap- if this were clone to oblige France to-day, what might not plied, it Call hardly be said that we aro not adding to the be done to oblige Austria to-morrow—(cheers) —and Naples security against the offens e by adding to the punishment on the following day ? (Cheers ) °sloe begun; there was which is intended to deter from its commission. I cannot no kn ,A i di; where it might stop. They might go on from but persuade myself that increasing the punislnuent at the step to step until there was nothing to distinguish them discretion of the court to the penal servitude which I have , from other countries. And let the house look to the ex• meetioue - in cwhhaerre aster,, theyt that tn ath aaticlh the bill will have a wholesome effect, in ample this house would set to other nations. If England be no e i V a h l,, v, ur t o h p e s en u d po o l f i teaching those who may wish to make this country a place gave way, what could we expect Belgium to do? What would Wha b t crestsitud iicoc t crimes of a e thatSwitzerlandthere ? they cannot do so without i‘tvhwiochulda subjecting themselves to the liabilit to a severe punish- politicalexile could find rest. Anti, moreover, wo should merit. I now move for leave to brin y in bill for the pur- have lowered ourselves to the position of a secondary g a . pose of amending the law 1 •re atine to coos insoles. power, and should have been the first to lead the march of The question leaving been feeble states in the downward progress of infamy. (Loud g p u t Mr. KINGLAKE moved the 'e cheers.) "That this house whilst sy 'Rowing amendment es-- e Mr. GILPIN would rather that an amendment had not nation in its indignant abhomja n thisias, s •th the French wi late atrocious ' been moved to the motion of the noble lord, but that it had attempt on the life of the Emperor, and thea anxious on a pro- I been met by a downright denial to receive such a bill in per occasion to cousider any defects r. which may be shown ( that house. He hoped that in saying this he might not be to exist in our criminal law, the amendment of which might I misunderstood—he objected to assassination from his very tend to defeat the repetition of such offences deems inex pedient to make any special enactment in '" compliance with many generations. It had been the law of England through the demand of Count W ahewski, in his despatch of the a groat variety of circumstances affecting England itself, 20th of January, until further information is before us, and affecting the continent of Europe. It was deemed and the communicati ons between the two governments sufficient many years ago, when the present Emperor of subsequent to the date of that desatch." (Cheers.) The France was a refugee hero; and he found no fault then people of this c , untry, as a moral labhorred the with the law of England with reference to refugees. As crime of assassinatio n , w • • h Peop e , .. which was in fact an invasion of they had before heard, Louis Napoleon planned a descent the fair strife to which they were accustomed. (Laughter.) on the shores of France when France was as much our ally As a thoroughly practical peeple, too, they abhorred asses- as she was at the present moment ; he not only planned siltation, and treated it with a great deal of hearty con- that attempt, but committed with his own hands the crime tempt ; and for this reason, that they were accustomed to of assassination. And long after the committal of that d e spise those who • i nvar i ably failed i n th e i r attempts. crime he was received with open arms by E ng l an d ; he (Laughter.) If the law offi cers of the Crown had told the wa s protected by England, and he found no fault with the house that the law requir e d amendment or if the noble law of England then. Well, he was not about to revile Lord had spoken as a scientific man, and not politician, the Emperor of the French. (Laughter and cheers.) He bending under pressure from abroad,, he (fir, Kinglake) hoped that in stating facts which none of the laughers should have been happy to give hisopposite could deny he was not descending - for it would attention to any !in gestion for the improvement of the law • direction, be a descent to him, or to any member of that house-- But how stood the case? It was not unnatural in that the that he was not desceudine to revile the Emperor of indignation of the French people shouldnnnatural that turn in some France. It was enough for him to know that he was the measure ageinst this country, -so which the parties had chosen of the people of France. He believed that the wig gone. (" Oh," and " Hear.") ene The result was despatch done of this country was best consulted by not interfering which had been placed in the hand s o f hon. a bers b u t with, foreign states; and it was not for him to find fault to which the noble lord had made no allusroenmln'th at with the Emperor of the French so long as the French despatch the government were called upon to alter the in- themselves tolerated him. But the next ()ejection that ternal administration of this law, Now his objection to he hail to the bill was that it was not real. There was legislate on this occasion was of the simplest description. an expressive word—" sham"—which might be well ap- He declined to alter the municipal l aw of England on plied to this bill. He did not mean to impugn the the suggestion of any foreign potentate. (Cheers.; Either motives of the noble lord, but he considered this bill a the measure proposed by the noble lord was a pi ece o f l a w sham. If it went no further than was at present pro reform, or it was a political action suggested from abroad, poQed it was unreal —it would not effect its purpose. If it was a piece of law reform, it ought to have been Those who had watched the criminal jurisprudence of this suggested by the law officers of the crown. But if it country knew well that it was not by aides severity that was a concession to the pressure upon the noble lord, h e they could make conviction or d e t ec ti on o f a c ri m e more declined to concur in an; such legislation, (Hear, hear.) certain ; and sure he was, that unless they took one very It did so happen that the votes contained notices of motion wide step further in the course of legislation, to please the for the revision of this very law. On Thursday last a no- Emperor of the French, by admitting French espionage tics was given by the Solicitor-General of his intention to into this country, this law would be a dead letter. (Hear.) introduce several bills, amongst which was a bill for con- It might deceive the Emperor of the French, and the noble solidating, improving, and amending the criminal law ; a premier himself might be deceived by it, but to all intents bill to consolidate and amend the statute law of England and purposes, unless they were prepared, which he trusted relating to offences against the person ; a n d Tre bill to con- they never would, to sacrifice on the altar of expediency solidate the s tatute law o f England and Irelane relating to the great and glorious principles which had distinguished accessories and abettors of indictable offences. If it were the English nation, this bill would bo a dead letter. He not intended to make this legislation exceptional, why not hoped there were those who with him would oppose it in comprise it in the bills of the Solicitor-General? But, psr• every stage. (Cheers.) Did the noble lord suppose that haps, that would scarcely satisfy the exigencies in which the this would be the last of the bills of this kind he would be noble lord was placed. (Laughter-) After quoting a con- called upon to introduce ? There might be other monarchs siderable portion of the desp a tch , t he hon. memb er sa id h e —th e Ki ng o f N a pl es , for instance, though he hardly did not think a r i g ht for the House of Comm ons to legislate would, for he was not s t r ong enough—but there might be on an appeal couched in such t erms . (Hear.) They had other monarchs in Europe, as strong as Louis Napoleon, been told that the despatch h ad not b een answer e d. He who might ask for alterations is our law. He be maintained proposed that the answer sho uld be g iv en by the ho use th ere th a t the wish of a foreign monarch ought not to the believed that those and then. He had great confiden c e in the abiliti es o f L or d s t an d a rd of our law. (Cheers.) He .the ()ice of an to Clarendon, but he believed it was not in the power of who oosed this bill would be supported hbgentlemen on. yv human ingenuity to write so good answer that de- the country. He recollected, and (Hear.) spatch as that which • wo uld be involved in a s i mple voteof on both s i des o f t h e h ouse might probably recollect, certain the house of Commons, and th erefore he trusted the h ouse acts of a certain Home Secretary, about which the people of would accede to the amendm ent which he had proposed. England were not slow to express an illustrious o exiles, and opinion—acts which Mr. HADFIELD,in second in g the a mendmentasylum , expressed did compromise the right of ed men to roll on the scat % of his decided objection to the m easure, the effect of which which caused heads of noble m suc h was the reception gu ilty wool-I be to render two suspected persons talki ng t ogether f o ld s o f c l ow n-t r odden Italy ; and repealed. In another to a guilty of conspiracy, and subject them . . severe penalty, given to acts like these that they were rep • opinion expressed by a noble This wa s an i nvas i o n o n the constitution of the country plane there had been a strong would besyrupathised with which he hail l i ttle expected from the present government. lord, an opinion which hehoped of the house. A noblelord regarded It had b e en the pride of Englishmen that this country andadopted bybothsi e to whom he (Mr. Gilpin) used afforded an asylum to the lovers of liberty all over too world, as the leader of a partywords, and they had found an echo in But under this bill there would be no safety for them. If these true English mind. Not for the security of the sove they had enemies abroad, and the spy system was set in everyEnglish France, o f or for all the sovereigns of Europe twenty motion, they night be watched and. convicted of conspiracy ieign would I consent to violate in the slightest • • Tee Lord Chief Justice had stated that times over, on mere suspicion. the sacred right of asylum for foreigners by which ire his opi n ion the present law l was t atiowas n quite suffici en t for degreetstary has always been characterised. (Hear, h ear .) every pu r pose, and that an.llaoferthe oar noble lord. H e wa s And that speaker was Lord Derby. He would only r ea d There was danger in the bill extract more, an extract from the speech of L or d i t in the highest d egree, I f it ono short 4 usPiciotio and jea'omis of of that organised body, who are banded together to keep down liberty and to keep it under the heel of the despot, in the very face of a body thus trained, thus armed, thus ac coutred in every possible way for the purpose of keeping down a nation, these things were prepared, and thrown near a p odhecne of a he a s i t n turns n s for upsohne the Empe ror , to the great d nger of his life. AU this, I say, was done . in spit e o f hi s ten ific police. And then, when his us h ea:it:l2el says, te tOhelia,ebluntenE, and gla you d n its u ought to altar your police law." (Hear) And why di, I say that the Emperor of the French calls Eaglancl. " a den of as sassins ?". Because th a t expression has found its way into the Montteur. It would have not found its way there but for the permission of L . mis Napol eon. - (Hear, hear.) He is answerable for everyth ng there sa id , and I fix upon him the responsibility c f insulting my country. (Hear hear.) That he t c—lie of allmen upon earth—should d are to insult England —he who has partaken of our hospitality, who has been shel tered by our fostering power. What, after all this, has he done ?by he sets a bright example to England There was a man who conspired to kill England's great hero, the late Duke of Wellington— (hear)—there was another man, who was great but fallen in his greatness —and no one act of kis life was I think, so thoroughly inconsistent with that greatness as his leaving a legacy to the man who had attempted to assassinate the Duke of Wellington. (Hear, hear.) Tho only explanation of, the only excuse for, that deed, was that the great Napoleon's mind was shaken to the foundation. I do not believe that he would in his ri ht senses have perpe trated so infamous an act. But the man who has received the protection of England, who has come here after attempt. fug crime after crime against his native land, that man when he had climbed to the height of power at which he has now arrive', what did ho do but pay to this intending assassin the wages of his intended dirty actiou. (" No," from Mr. Bowyer.) Oh, I have heard the hon. and learned gentleman defend the King of Naples, (Great laughter.) This man (Cantillon) is now living in Paris, and it was publicly and os tentatiously ann nince4l that the present Emperor of the Frengh had paid him the legacy which was left him by the great Napoleon for attempting to cut off the Duke of Wel lington. (Hear, hear.) When these panegyrics are thus profusely scattered in the English House of Commons over the Lead of Louis Napoleon, I hope the house will recollect this fact. (Hear, hear.) But, sir, if it wore necessary that this alteration should be made in the law, I now come to ask if tkis is the right time? (Hear, hear.) And now, sir, I will address myself to the noble lord ; End I will ask him how i is that he is in his present position. (Laughter.) He i s there because the people of England believed him to be the enemy of despotism in Europe. (Hear, hear, and Oh.) Yes, that is the reason the noble lord is there. I recollect saying before the noble lord came into office that he alone might constitute v. ministry —that with a row of cyphers by his sic') he might be the prime minister. So popular was he with the peep! e if England that I said he might go into the streets and select whom he liked for colleagues ; and in order to prove the truth of w'lat I stated the noble lord has pretty well acted upo it. (Loud laughter and cheers.) But such, sic, was the character of the noble lord. The people believed that he was a thorough Eoglish minister, and that the des pots of Europe trembled before him. It was thought that the dignity, the honour, and the name were safe in his keep ing ; but how has the noble lord fulfilled the expectation of his country ? (Cheers.) Why, an offence has been com mitted iu France, for which the French police alone are responsible, and the Emperor of the French turns round and insults the people of England —nay more, he not only in sults them, but by his satellites be threatens them, (Hear.) The noble lord tells us to-night that ho has got a despatch which says that the Emperor entirely disclaims the publica tion of those letters. (Hear.) I should like to know the date of that despatch. (Hear.) I should like to know if it has not arrive" since last Friday ? (Hear.) I should like to know if it has not arrived in consequence of a certain state ment made in the Count de Persigney's ear ; and if, in fact, the noble lord has not told the Emperor that there is rising a feeling in the people of England that he has insulted them. and that they resent the indignity which he has cast upon them ? (Cheers.) We are told that the-Emperor isaccustomed to receive letters like these to which I am referring; that he has gone through many occasions like tine present. (A laugh.) I never said anything against the French army addressing to him any letters they liked, but there is nothing said about their publishing them on those former occasions in the Aroniteur. (Hear.) How came those letters there They came there by the order of the Fren c h E mperor. (Hear.) Why, in a country which no man dares to say that his soul is his own, do you mean to tell me that any minister would dare to publish anything but what the Emperor liked ? Do you think that the Count de Morny or the Count de per sig,ny wont Ido anything offensive to the Emperor ? Not a bit of it. They receive their inspiration from the Tuileries. The great god on those occasions is Louis Napoleon ; and it is he, speaking through his minister, who has insulted the people of En laud. (Cheers.) He asks that our laws may be altered so as to tunish those who sent the assassins over. What does he mean by that ? Does he mean to say that the people of England send anybody to assassinate people anywhere ? Do we not know that Mr. Fox told the first Napoleon thatthero was a conspiracy against his life ; and do you think that we are different from our ancestors? God knows that we are degenerating fast —(laughter)—but I do not think we have yet sunk so low that we would send anybody to assassinate either an enemy or a so-called ally. (Hear, hear.) The people of England are a brave people. They put down one Napoleon, and they are not afraid of another. (Cheers.) We are told that Louis Napoleon is our ally. Is it the business of one ally to traduce another ? Does it show a friendly spirit to charge an ally eith an atrocious act like that of which we have been accused? for I distinetlyreiterato that Louis Napoleon is alone answer .blo for these insults upon the people of England. (Hear) I say that this is not the time when the House of Commons ought to consent to alter the law, even supposing for the moment that the a teration was a good one, which I deny. There have been times in our history when a noble re sistance has been made to formidable foreign foes ; and if the shades of those who have passed away still retain any particle of human feeling, how must the shades of those wh r resisted Philip 11., Louis XIV,, and the first Napoleon look down upon a House of Commons employed at the dictation of a French monarch in altering our laws. (Cheers.) If we submit to such an indignity, God knows how we shall be degraded. I say that for the people of England to alter their laws in consequence of a foreign threat is a humiliation not only to us but to mailtiud at large ; and because I regard this bill as a humiliation and a degradation, I oppose it on its first intro duction. I say that as freemen, and as the protectors of the oppressed in Europe, we ought at once to throw it out with tine ignominy it deserves. (Loud cheers.) Mr. W a MIEN was nnclerstood to move the adjournment of the debate. (Cries of "Divide," and " Adjoutu.'') L"rd PALMERSTON— I had hoped that we might have come to a decision upon this question to-night ; but if there are other gentlemen who wish to speak —and the subject is no doubt one upon which many may desire to express their opinions —in that case I should not object to the adjournment of the debate, (Hear, hear.) The debate was accordingly adjourned tilt this day. THE BANK COMMITTEE. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in moving to nominate the committee, gave an explanation of the reasons which hid caused him to alter the list of names from what it originally stood. In consequence of the noise occasioned by members leaving the horse the details were not heard, but the right hon. gentlmarr said that the alteration had been made in order that there might be more commercial men upon the committee, Hawkesbury in 1802 :—" Our Government neither have nor want any other r rotection than what the law of the country affords, and though they are ready and willing to give to every foreign government all the protection against offences of this nature which the principles of their laws and constitution will permit, they never can consent to remodel their laws or to change their constitution to gra tify the wishes of any foreign power." He thought that the only answer we should give to Count Walewski would be that while we heartily regretted the criminal attempt that had been made, we rejoiced that it had not succeeded, but that it was wholly foreign to the custom of England to modify its laws for the purpose of pleasing any foreign power. He felt satisfied that to oppose this bill and to defeat it would best suit, the reputation of the noble lord at the head of the Government ; to oppose it was a duty they owed to the country, to the character of that house, and to the dignity of the Crown. Sir J. WALSH said there was an obvious distinction between the right of asylum and the abuse of that asylum for the concoction of crime, a distinction which the bon. gentleman who spoke last appeased entirely to lose sight of. This right of asylum was dear to us, and no foreign power who had any knowledge of the spirit of the consti tution of England would ask us to forego it. There was nothing extraordinary in our enforcing stricter penalties against those who abused our hospitality. The Emperor Napoleon was the truest and most faithful friend of the English alliance that had sat on the throne of France since 1815. And he was to be admired in hie private capacity. When ho lived in this city ho mixed in the highest, and with others in an obscure position, and since ho had ar rived at his present position be had never forgotten any who had rendered him a service, or even been courteous to him in his adversity. He was a faithful ally during the war with Russia, which was most unpopular in Frauce. A monarch who had thus been faithful to his engagements, who had escaped a violent death, when tho whole country was excited, had a right to come to his friend and ask fur protection. He did not ask them to give up the right of asylum, but he asked for protection, leaving to us to devise the means. He agreed with him, and he hoped that this bill would be effective for its purpose. Lend ELCHO said he felt himself in a difficult position. He was unwilling to vote either for the bill or the amend ment. The question was not one of papers. The hon. member objected to the bill because we had been asked to legislate by the French Government. If there was a suffi cient cause for legislation he did not think that the simple fact of the French Government asking it was a sufficient ground for their not doing it. And with regard to the in troduction of other papers, he could nut see that other papers w ould elucidate the matter. But there were two other points. One was the state of the law, and the other was as to the time at which the Government proposed to make this change. He was no lawyer, and it would be presumption in big to state what was the law; but the greatest doubt prevailed in the mi n d s of the most eminent legal men as to the state of the law. They had the Government bringing in a bill, no doubt on the advice of their law advisers. Oo the other hand, Lord Campbell an i Lord Brougham expressed their opinion that the law as it at present stood was sufficient. Still further they had Count Persigny, in that well-known speech at, the Mansion-house, stating that the law was considered by some French lawyers to be suffi cient, and by others to be insufficient. Therefore, it ap pealed to him that they ought, before they legislated, to be satisfied that the law was insufficien,! and that it bad been proved to be so. The noble lord who introduced the mea sure did not say the law was insufficient. He only said it had not been brought into operation. That did not prove that the law was insufficient, and it appeared to him that they should be acting too hastily, and without further in quiry they should pass the measure proposed. He came now to the question of time, and it appeared to him that that was importance. What was the exact time chosen to bring forward this question? Why, on the very first day of the session immediately after they had heard of the speech of Count de Moray on the very filet night of session the noble lord at the heal of the Government came down to the house and gave notice of this measure. That notice, too, was given concurrently with the threats in the Mansur. Taken per se, there was, perhaps, nothing ex traordinary in these addresses, as it was the custom of the French army to make such addresses on such occasions ; but their publication in the Moiiitcur invested them with great importance. They must have been sent by the com manding officer of the district to the French War-office, and afterwards communicated by the War-office to the Minister; and ho had seen it stated in a newspaper that an officer who had signed one of the most violent of them had since received the decoration of the legion of honour. (Hear, hear.) If they legislated at such a moment Es the present, when the public opinion of Europe was directed to this subject by the addresses in the Mansur, and by the despatches, there would be an universal impression that they had legislated hastily and under compulsion. (Hear, hear.) It was al Yery well to talk about publi. opinion in France, bull there was a strong public opinion in England as well, and wherever they went, they heard men saying that they ought to be very careful how they touched the question of the right of asylum. He thought the most reasonable course would have been to pass a resolution to this effect, that the house abhorred and detested the crime to be at tempted to be committed against the person;of the Empe ror; that whilst it was prepared to maintain the right of asylum inviolate, it wasalsoprepared to amend thu law if it were inmfficient ; and that inasmuch as some lawyers declared that the law was, others that it was not, suffi cient, a commission should be appointed to inquire into the subject, and report as soon as practicable. Mr. ROEBUCK—Sir, although I am very much in clined to move the adjournment of the debate, yet, as it is desirable that the matter should be brought to a conclu- sion as soon as possible, I will throw myself on the indul gence of the house, and, even at this late hour, state my opinions on this very important question. It a:Tears to rse that we have before us two questions—first, does the law require any alteration ; secondly, is this the right time and mode for making it. Now, I will confine myself to than two questions. And, first, I would ask, does the law require any alteration? But before I address myself to that question, I would ask the house to consider with me the real position of our coautry at the present time. The whole of Europe, with the insignificant exceptions of Belgium and Sardinia, is, at the present time, an ject to dtspotisw. (Hear.) The two ishuds of Great Britain and Ireland are the only spots in Europe in which freedom of language and freedom of action still exist. We are an oasis in the desert. That desert has grown from day to day and from hour to hour, within my recollection, Despo- tism has been daily narrowing the sphere of liberty in Europe, and we are now in the proud position—though I will s►y that it is for the human race a lamentable one— we are in the proud position of being the sole depositari.s of liberty in Europe. (Hear, hear.) If England were stricken down to-morrow, do you think Belgium and Sar dinia would exist for a day? (Hear, hear.) Well, then, Sir, I say that, for the sake of mankind, it becomes us duly to consider what we are asked to do, lest we should do anything to circumscribe the liberty of England. This country is at present the asylum of all oppressed people— not, as has been said, that people of every description may . . come to England, fur England has entered into treaties to give up criminals ; but we do not give up political crimi nals ; that is the great distinction. Such, then, sir, is our position ; such is the position of Europe ; and it is at this time that we aro called upon to alter the law of England. It has been our boast for ages that we have given au asy lum, a safe asylum, to every political offender; and mark the words, " political offender." (Hear, hear.) What, then, sir, is the present state of the law ? It is this, that conspiracy is a crime. Conspiring to do an illegal act, or conspiring to do a legal act in an illegal manner, is a crime according to the law of England. There is only one case in which the crime of conspiracy is erected by the law of England into a capital offence, and that is the case d high treason. Conspiring to kill the sovereign is the crimo of high treason. The crime doos not consist in killing the sovereign, but in conspiring to kill the sovereign. As has been stated already in another place, it is well known to every lawyer that in the case of those who, in the days of Charles the Second, were celled " the rer ' icideS," and who were indicted for bringing King Charles the First to the block, the indictment was for conspiring to kill the king, and the cutting off his head was laid as an overt act. That is the sole case in which conspiracy has been erected into a capital offence by the law of England. Our law of conspiracy is this—that whatever:crime men conspire to commit, the mere conspiring is a mere misdemeanour, punishable with fine and imprisonment. Now, sir, let me be understood. Two men come together, and they con spire together to kill A. B. If one of them only killed A. 8., then the one who conspired and did not kill him may be indicted as an accessory before the fact; but if they have only conspired, the conspiracy is a misdemeanour punishable by fine and imprisonment. Such is the law. Now, such being the law, what has occurred to induce us to alter it? For a long period we have gone on from time to tine ameliorating, that is rendering less cruel the law of England. We have learnt by experience, that in order to make a law efficient, you must make discovery certain, and the infliction of punishment certain; and awe have . . found that when punishments are severe, there is great difficulty first in discovering crime, and next in bringing men to justice. I will take the case of forgery. The punishment of that offence has in my time undergone a complete change. I recollect hearing when I was a youth of many persons who were at that time executed fur the crime of forgery. At length it became almost impossible, not merely to find out forgery, but to convict a forger. we then went back tS the very — origin of the disease, gnti we ameliorated the law ; we rendered the punishment less severe, and thereby increased the efficiency of the law, mating the crime more certain of deteCtion, and there fore the punishment more certain of being inflicted. Now, Sir, the noble lord (Lord Palmerston) asks us to pur sue a contrary course. He says " there is a *rime which, with a mild punishment, we have been unable to find out," for th It is the real state of things— and, therefore, I ask you to increase the punishment. -- -I ask is that right? A great crime has been perpetrated. What was done in England ? I will suppose that c« , rtain people conspired together in England to kill the 1 Emperor of the French. We have 'io evidence of that yet. I (Hear, hear.) Noue whatever. (Hear, bear.) No man has 1 been tried yet; there is nothing before the wor ld exce p t the vague statements which have appeared in the newspapers. We know that a crime has be :n committed, - but we know nothing certain as to the persons who committed it ; we know not where they concocted the crime; we know not whence they obtained the means of perpetrating it. But I will take the statements in the newspapers. I will suppose that the crime was concocted in England. Then what was 1 the overt act ? I will suppose that it was going down to Birmingham, and getting made there ce:tain grenades or pro jectiles. The man who made them received the order openly, and when he went to Enfield he spoke of them in such a manner as to show that he knew nothing about the i . p u rpose to which they were to b e a pplied. As soon as th e a tt em pt made at Paris I.Leamo known here, his attent • n was called to the circum stances, and it w as suggested to him that‘ls he had made the proj ec tiles which were thrown under the Emperor's carriage. Now, sir, was there anything ther e e w hich an increased severity onfhment could h ave b ro ught to light ! Supposing that p under the present law, any man who conspired to kill the sovereign have been guilty of felony, w ou ld that have rendered the dis covery of the crime one whit morn If you tell me that th e severity of easy?( Hear, bear.) y punishment would the have induced those pe rsons not to c you to go with me across the t co the crime, I as k wa carried to its consu mma ti on ; tle el-. There the crime was with death, and th oug h the punishmentire the crime was punishabl e in the face, th ese men committed the crime. According to the reasoni ng (Hear, hear.) of the the crime n o t havinc, been noble lord (Lord Palmerston) the punishment of torture prevented by th e f ear o f d eath, th r e e lilw ought to be added to th e exist ing punishment, I say as it present stands i n to way prevents discovery, and the la w as it is proposed to b e a lt ere d would in uo w a y facilitate discovery. thing that is want e d . The Emei.ol of D t i h s e covery is the only French points to th it in the d espatc h that has been laid upon the table. Ho asks that you s h ou ld a l ter your law of police, in other words, that you should i n t ro d uce th e French police, I ask what the Freuc a 2.olice, aid on this occasion; Wily, in the very face Mr. CAYLEY was understood to deprecate the exclusion of thck gentlemen for whose names ethers had been substitute& Mr. GREER opposed the nomination of the committee at that period of the evening, and said that, if necessary, he would move the adjournment of the house. Yr. BENTINCK protested against the exclusion of county members from committees of this description. Mr. ICITE said he had been placed on the committee last year as represents' ive of a large joint-stock bank ; if ho was uow left off some person connected with the same Interest ought to be placed on it. Mr. E. BALL compla : ned that there was not a sufficient represent Abu of the agricultural interest; he was surprised to find his own name omitted, but he was informed that it was not considered that he took much interest in subject. He left the matter in the hands of the house, but he thought he had not be n treated with courtesy. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER disclaimed any personal feeling in the matter; ho had proposed the name of the hon. member for Liverpool, as it wasttonsidered desirable to have some gentleman connected with commerce. Mr. CAlRDsaid the inquiries of the emunittee were to be extended to the Irish au I Scotch banks, and their interest, ought t be rep' , sented on it. Lord J. MANNERS thought no case had been made out for the omission of either of the hon. members. Mr. GREER moved that the debate be adjourned. Mr. PRICE said his name had been proposed as a repre sentative of the banks of issue. He had no wish to displace any hon. member, but ho thought some members connected with these banks ought to be placed on the committee. After some further discussion, The CHANCELLOR of tho EXCHEQUER said he had no objection to strike out the names of Mr. Price and Mr. Hors. fall, and replac3 Mr. Tito and Mr. E. Ball ; that would make the constitution of the committee the same as last year. ' The motion for the adjournment was then negatived, and the resolution that the committee do consist of 25 members agreed to. The follow:ng members were then nominated on the com. mittee :—The Chancellor of ate Exchequer, Mr. Disraeli, Sir James Graham, Mr. Spooner, Sir Charles Wood, Mr. George A. Hamilton, Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Cayley, Sir Francis Barinv, Mr. Vance, Mr. Cardwell, Mr. Blackburn, Mr. Wilson, Mr. Weguelin, Mr. Hawkey, Mr. Hope Johnstone, Mr. Ennis, Mr. Puller, the Earl of Gifford, Mr. Fergus, Mr. John L. Ricardo Mr. M. Tucker Smith, and Mr, Glyn. MARKE IS AND FAIRS (IRELAND) AND CLERKS OF PETTY SESSIONS (IRELAND). Mr. H. HERBERT obtained leave to bring in bias relating to the abo'e suljects. COMMITTEE ON THE TRANSPORT OF TROOPS TO INDIA. Sir DE L. EVANS having moved the appz.intment of CO: mittee, S r J. PAKINGTON moved that the committee should be limited to nine in number. The ammdment was negatived without a division, and the fol owing members were nominated on th e /committee : Sit Po La cy Evan., Viscount Goclerich, Lord St anley, Sir John Pakington, Mr Hor-man, Sir Edward C.ilebrooke, Sir James Elphinstone, Mr. Alder ey, Sir Charles Na-ier, Mr. Osborne, Air. J. Vivi.n, Mr. Erng, Mr. Willoughby, Mr. Crawford, and Mr. Seymour. Po xer to send for persons; papers, and records. Five to be the quorum. ACCT DEN rs ON RAILWAYS. Mr. BENTIN(K nominated the select committee as fol. lows:—Mr. Bentiuck, Mr. Lowe, Mr. Crossl ey, M r. Wi l li am Hodgson, M r. iil ackburn, Lord Adolphus Vane Tempest, Mr. Hume, Mr. Frau is Scott, Mr. Kendall, Mr. Geo. Clive, and Mr. Jackson, Power to send for persons, papers, and reeor :s. Three to be the quorum. Agreed to. GAOLS AND HOUSES OF CORRECTION. • Mr. BOWYER obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the 4th Gao, IV ,, c. 64, for conso;idating and amending th• laws relating to gaols and houses of correction. The house adjourned at ten minutes after one o'clock. REFORM CONFERENCE.—A conference of delegates for the metropolitan districts and provinces —but how ap. p tinted we know not—was opened yesterday at St. Martin's Hall, to consider the terms of union between the working classes (i. e., a body of Chartists who do signate themselves as snob) and the middle classes with regard to the terms to be accepted in the forthcoming Reform Bill was inaugurated at St. Martin's Hall yes terday, N% hen Mr. Lucroft was elected chairman for the preliminary business, Mr. Alderman Livesay, Rochdale, treasurer, and Mr. Bubbs, Bermondsey, treasurer, a finance committee of five being also appointed. After some minor regulations as to the length of time to be Alb. 1 )wed to speakers, the meeting adjourned until two o'clock, when a discussion took of reform, such EU universal suffrage, and the a w n o t at be perty qualification for members, which place on various points of of the conference are to be made known as a gen e r a l n t :;7 0 1 7 . uselcsi to report, as the result of the deliberaittions on Thursday ; to whom the duty the conference will be confirming the proceedings o confided. duty of confirm in g TFIE SON LONDON, T DA EVENING, FEBRUARY 9, 1858