The Sun. — London, England, 1858-03-09 00:00:00

THE BRIDESMAIDS AT THE MARRIAGE. EXITTI3ITION AT THE FRENCH GALLERY, 121, PALL-MALL. MESSRS. COLNAGHI beg to announce that by permission of her Majesty, the Photographic Coloured picture, the pronerty of her Majesty, of "The firi 'esmaids at the Marriage of H R. 'T. the Princess R , yal," taken by Ca'desi and Mon tecchl, is now on view for a few days. Admittance to the Gallery, Is. each person. H.I.M. THE EMPRESS EUGENIE. EXHIBITION AT THE FRENCH GALLERY, 121, PALL-MALL. MESSRS. COLNAGHI beg to announce that by permission of H LIE. the Ymperor Napoleon 111.. the Great Picture, by Winterhalter, of " The Empress Euzenie. sur rounded by the Ladies of her court," is now on view. —Admittance to the Galle-y, Is. each Person. CHRISTY'S MINSTRELS, Polygraphic Hall. TWO HUNDRED and TWENTY-1'11 7 7El ENTFRTAIN- AfENT.--Sfany Patrons of the Christy's having been unable to gain admission owing to the limited numbers of Stalls, they have now introduced an extra row, which will afford more ccmcorts to their numerous patrons.--Rvening at 8, snd on caturclay morning, commencing at 3. Prices—boxes, 11. ls. ; Stalls, 3s. ; Area, 25.; Back, ls. PROFESSOR WILJALBA FR TELL, LAST WEEK—ST. JAMES'S 'PRE ATRE.—Wednesday and Saturday Afternoons at 3, and Every Evening (except Satur day) at S. Stalls, Os.: Ttaleony Stalls, 45.; Boxes, 3s. ; Pit, 25.; Gallery, Is ; Private Boxes, tvve guineas: one guinea and a-half, and one guinea. —Places to be secured at Mr. Mitchell's Royal Library, 33, Old Bond-street. ADELAIDE GALLERY, Lowth.r Arcade, Strand. GRAND S A LLF, DF, DA NAF, from the Argyll Rooms, with the original Band of Forty Performers. Con ductor, Mons. LamoTTm ; principal cornet-a piston, If. RortconaT; Leader, CRAII.LEB HALL. Great success of the Spurgeon Quadrilles, by If. Lamotte. The hand can be engaged for Private or Public Balls, by applying to R. R. RIONELL, Argyll Rooms, Great Windmill -street. Doors open at half-past 8. Admission, Is DR. KAHN'S MUSEUM AND GALLERY 0 F SCIENCE, 3, Tichborne -street, Haymarket Programme :—LECTTITREA by Dr. K A ITN, on the " Philosophy of Marriage," at a quart er t o three and a quarter to eight ~ m.; and by Dr. SEXTON, on "The Chemistry of Respiration, at a quarter past one ; on " Skin Diseases," at four ; on the " .Hair and Beard," at five; and on " The Relations of Electricity." at nine. The Lec• are, Illustrated with Brilliant Experiments, Dissolving Views upon a new principle, &c.—Open (for Gentlemen only) from 12 tilt 6 and from 7 till In.—Admission, Is. Illustrated Hand-hook, Sixpence. Pro gramme Gratis. Dr. Kahn's Nine Lectures and a Programme sent post free on the receipt of twelve stamps. ART -UNION OF LONDON. SUBSCRIPTION LIST CLOSES 31st inst.—Prizeholders select from the Public Exhibitions. Every Subscriner of One Guinea will have, beside. the chance of 'a prize, an Impression of a large and important line Engraving, by .T. T. Wilimore, A.R. k., from the well known original picture, by the late J. M. W. Turner, R.A., " Venice." 444 West Strand, CIEORGE GODWIN,/ honorary LEWIS POCOCK, j Secretaries. 45,000 YARDS of BRUSSELS, TAPESTRY, and VELVET PILE CARPETS, reduced Is. per Yard, at DEUCE and Co , 55, 65, 69, Baker-street. These are the Most Extensive Show Rooms and Furniture Galleries in London, containing an unrivrlled stock or Cabinet Furniture, Bedsteads. Bed • &c.. &c., with the price marked in plain figures A warranty for 12 months is given. N.B.—Down quilts, ss. 6d. each. LIVERPOOL, BIRKENHEAD, CHESTER, WARRINGTON, PRESTON, WIGAN, M ANCAESTER, STOCKPORT, STALEYBRIDGE, GREENFIELD, OLDHAM, ZEITDDERSFIFLD, DEwSBCRY, BATLEY, and BIRSTAL, - Reduction of Fares by London and. North-Western Railway.— Return Tickets by all Trains, according to Class, are now issued to or from Euston-station and any of the above stations. 2d Class. Ist Class. Available for Seven Days Available 'or Twenty -Eight Days.. 178. Od. For further particulars, see hand-bills. Euston-station, Ist March, 1858. By Order. METROPO LIT A.N COUNTIES LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY, 27, Rczent-street. Waterloo pace, London. S.W. Life assurance, annuities, endowments, and loans on advantageous terms. F. FERGUSON CAMIIOI7X, Manager. N.B. Policies in force, notwithstanding the Decorate of the Life Assured, provided the Frerniums :be paid within the thirty days of grace, INTERNATIONAL LIFE A SSIIR A NOE SOCIETY. 142, Strand, London, W.C., Feb. 25, 1858: estab lishedlB37.—Payment of Premium within Days of Orace,—lt always has been and stil is the practice of this society to pay claims on ter POlicies of assurance notwithstanding the death of the assured oc- Ctirring within the 30 days of grace, and before payment of the annual premium, provided payment thereof be ma te, or notice of the death be given to the office before the expiration of such days "Mee. For the Court of Directors, E. S. SYMES, Chairman, T HE INTERNATIONAL LIFE ASSUR tNCE SOCIETY, ""'"O'\r" 7T,ANT' TS OPEN TO-NM-FIT. 11,‘ AN . D M . S. (;ERMAN tti , .E'.D (late 5 Miss P. HORTON), will repeat their entertainment every Evening (except Saturday), at 8. Saturday Afternoon at 3.—Ad mission Is. aria 2s. ; Stalls, 35., secured, without extra charge, at the Royal Gallery of Illustration, 14, Regent-street, and at Cramer Beale, and Co.'s, 201, Regent-street. H.R.H. THE PRINCESS ROYAL. EXHIBITION AT THE FRENCH GALLERY, 121, PALL-MALL. rEssßs. COLNAGHT nnrminee Olaf perm - issnn of her Nfainqty. the PiCt " nr of IT R IT. Vcc torla Itnva!, T'rinr•nqt Frnrieri- of Pri.da, by Wlnterhalter, is now on view for a few days.—Admibsion to the Gallery, le. each Person. „ 142, Strand, London. 1,11 1)owerel by et of Parliament. for LIFE ASSURANCE, SUR VIVORSHIPS, ANNUITIES, ENDOWMENTS, &c. ,~ -, DIRECTORS. EDMOND silEPpAns) sYMES, M.D.. Chairman. Wm. Kenworthy Browne, Esq. Henry J. Hodgson, Esq. Samuel King-Church, Esq. John Nfoss, Esq. John Elliotson, Can'ab., John Symes, Esq. F.R.S. Joseph Thompson, Esq. SECRETARY TO THE BOARD. Alexander Richardson, Esq. CORRESPONDING SECRETARY. Augustus Blonde], Esq. AUDITORS. Professor Wheatstone, F.R.q., and Professor J. Radford Young. MEDICAL REFEREE GENERAL. J. Eatotson, M.D., Cantab , F.R S., 37, Conduit-street. ACTUARY. W. S. B. Woolhouse, Esq., F.R.A.S., F.S.S., &c. ♦SSISTANT ACTUARY. Barker Woolhouse, Esq. BANKERS. Messrs. Glyn, Mills, and Co., 67,kombard-street. SOLICITORS. ---------- ) Sesara. Gregory, Gregory, Skirrow, and Roweliffe, Bedford-row. The next Quinquennial Division of Profits will be declared in kay, 1860. _ . _ . Examples of Bonus up to May, 1855 : Bonus in Policy Permanent taken Age. Sum addition Bonns in Reduction of Assured. to Sn n Cash. Annual cut in Pre- Assured. . mium. ........._ —. _______—. —..... £ £s. d. £s. d. £s. d. 1838 55 3,000 867 . 17 7 42. 1 4 56 3 8 1841 48 4,000 749 4 0 325 16 0 '32 0 4 1 845 59 2,000 232 18 0 156 15 0 16 6 0 1 848 60 2,000 154 2 8 103 16 8 10 15 2 188 1 55 . 2,800 120 17 0 72 14 6 67 7 1 838 1841 1 845 1 848 1851 The following are amongst the advantages offered by the Inter- National Life Assurance Society : ~,Tha Society was established in 18M. L"rn-thir.la of the Kona are divided amongst the assured every 'vs years. Its subscribed capital is five hundred thousand pounds. Its investments, at the date of the last annual report, amounted one hundred and seventy-one thousand pounds. Its annual income is ninety thousand pounds. The number of Policies now in toree exceed six thousand. - About one thousand new policies are added every year. Since its commencement the Society has paid in claims upward; Of three hundred and twenty thousand pounds. For prospectuses and every other information, apply to:the Chair - *lan, 142, strand. _142, strand, London, W.C. C. EDMOND S. SYMES, Chairman. ON PHYSICAL DISQUALIFICATIONS, GENERATIVE INCAPACITY, AND IMPEDINIENTS TO MARRIAGE. V eNv and improved Edition. enlarged to 196 pages, illustrated by 100 A natom'cal Coloured Engravings on Steel, Just published, price, free by post, Is., THE SILENT FRIEND : A Medical Work on the phys hastion and theframe, om th eff ects of solitary indn al 'eence u , Infection, decay of and the injurious fr conse e - I,llUences from the use of Mercury ; with obs erva ti ons on the oblige !lons of marriage, and directions for obviating certain disqualifies -4055. By R. and L. PFRRY and CO., Surgeons. Consultations as Usual . (see page 197). Sold by J. Allen, 10, Warwick-lane, Pa ter hoster-row ; Sanger, 160. Oxford-street; and Gordon, 146, Leaden hall -street, London. The CORDIAL BALM .of SYRIACUM is employed in both sexes to renovate the impaired powers of life. Its action is purely balsamic; Its power in reinvigorating the frame in all cases of nervous and 'sexual debility, obstinate gleets, impotency, barrenness, and debt !hies arising from venereal excesses, has been demonstrated by 4 . 11 unvarying success in thousands of mei. Price I 1 s. per bottle, or four quantities in one for 335., which saves lls. The CONCENTRATED DETERSIVE ESSENCE, an anti-syphi litic remedy, for purifying the system, a nd is recom m e nded f o r any of t he varied forms of secondary symptoms, such as eruptions on the akin blotches on the head and face, enlargements of the throat, „Pn'llls and tivula ; tilreatened destruction of the nose, palate, &c. %Hs acti on is purely detersive, and its beneficial influence on the 2 3'stem is undeniable. Price lls. and 335. per bottle. also a saving of lls, PERRY'S PURIFYING SPECIFIC PILLS constitute an effec -1141 remedy in either sex for all cases of gonorrhoea, gleet, stricture, a nd diseases of the urinary organs. Price 2s. 9d.. 4s. 6d., and lls. IPer box. Sold by Daniel Church, 78, Gracechnrch-street, City ; Bartlett ',`, l ° o Per. 43, King Willi am - s t ree t (four doors from London Bridge) ; • P. Watts, 17, Strand ; IV. Sutton and Co., 10, Bow-churchyard; vv. Edwards, 67, St. Paul's-churchyard; J. Sanger, 150, Oxford street ; Hannay and Dietrichsen. 63. Oxford-street ; Butler and Idarding, 4, Cheapside ; Prout and clamant, 2 Medicine vendors hroue boat the United ft' icgcl2o9m, Strand ; and all . 11 SHE SECRET INFIRAITIES OF YOUTD AND MATURITY •-hat published, orile 11., post , reo, in an i4lnvelope, for 13 sterna% gELF-PRESERVATION. —A Medical Treats on the Functions and Disorders of the Generative System i lLna on the cure of Nervous and Physiml Debility, resulting ` ,91 11 vicious habits acquired during the critical passage from youth Manhood, witu practical observations on the Physiology or Nilr age in its social, moral, and physlcal,relations. To which are added • LeTnarks on the wonders of the Microscope in revealing the hidden g lYsteries "of Life . within Life,' and its advantages in detecting, by is tl ,l l narYexamination, the cause and effect of every variety of these - vniplaints, with numerous engravings and cases._ - - BY •iIA M 1; EL LA'MERT, M.D., 37, BEDFORD SQUARE, LONDON, ~M at riculated Member of the f T n iversit y of Edinbur g h, H onorary 'rem'3er of the London 110aPiill Medical Society, Licentiat e o f A nothecaries' Hail, London, &C., Sce. N e „ T he essential object of this treatise is to point out the fearful con s.`'4enc'es resulting from certain habits irregularities, and excesses, me i, misery i n Youth, degradation in Man .ave produced more 0 ,"'" r class p of disease kn and remature de own cay a to t al modern pathologists . l stages of life, than, per its h perusal is aps, any l e . 0 t i 7 ',Pelnarly recommended to persons entertaining secret doubts of ti;‘„ r Physical PP condition, and who are conscious of having hazarded 1 1.iialtb ha iness and privileges tow dch every human being is ilea It 1 0 absolutely necessary that all men should k t no b w e that there are violated with -o,olPles of personal management which cannot e... l clirring grievous penalties, and when wisdom and, regret sue n;'7, the heyday of incousiderate self-indulgence, how thrise penalties and Ile mitigated, how the sting of their bitterness may be removed, bow the evil and its consequences maybe avoided, and, above all, et There is scarcely any degree of physical infirmity or functional 'r,anzement to which the timely aid of science cannot apply Nrished by J. Allen, 20 warwick-lane, Paternoster-row, and a cure. fi cir ,,!ls' had or Mann, 39, c'ornhill ; Home, 19, Leicester-square , eo4r. 146, Lead en h a l l street or f rom the Author, who ma y be liei f ,'"ted daily, from 11 till 2, and f rom 6 till 8, at his residence, 37 square, London. t41:1.! W e erk may be had in India, of M r , V on Li tz k y, L o ll B azaa r ; ttire'nu,tl, — Messrs. C. and J. ilormusjee, Apol' o - s t ree t ; Bombay'vol, tator Otlice ; Madras—Moiussilite Office . Agra —Dodswortki; v alb9, Caylim:Capd of all Booksellers throughput the.Colortiell Sent free by Post, Price Is. (in stamps), 64 pages, HE EASY SELF-CURE, without MEDI CINE, INCONVENIENCE, or EXPENSE, of constipation, indigestion (dyspepsia), diarrhoea, phlegm, dysentery, nervousness, biliousness and liver complaints, flatulence, distension, acidity, heartburn, palpitation of the heart, hysteria, neuralgia, nervous headache, deafness, noises in the head anti ears, erysipelas, eruption of the skin, imiiu•ities and poverty of the blood, scrofula, cough, asthma, bronchitis, consumption, dropsy, rheumatism, gout, nausea, and sickness, low spirits, spasms, cramp, epileptic fits, spleen, general debility, iniuietude, sleeplessness, paralysis, tremors, dislike t society, unfitness for study, loss of memory, delusions, vertigo, blood to the head, exhaustion, me'ancholy, groundless fear, indeci sion, wretchedness, by a natural and pleasant means, which saves fifty,timds its cost 'n other remedies. Supported by many respect able persons, whose health has been restored by it, after all other means of cure had failed.—Mann. Nephews, 39, Cornhill, and through all Booksellers in town and country. EORGE FIOI3SON begs to invite attention , 4 of gentlemen to his new Stock of TroWserings for the pre sent season, price 21s. to 255. The Inverness Cape, 255. Now ready, the new Overcoats, adapted for the coming season, which will be found on inspection at prices most moderate for best goods. Excellence with Economy. GEORGE HOBSON, Fashionable Tailor, 5; Lombard-street. ivrESSRS. NICOLL'S ESTABLISHMENTS are thus divided • o. 114. RE GENT-S r REET. is their Depot for Paletots, Uni forms, Gentlemen's Evening and Morning Dress. No. 116, for the manufactu-e of the Guinea Trousers. No. 118, far Half. Guinea Waistcoats. No. 120, for Waterproofed nuinea Capes, end Servants' Liveries. No. 142 is their new Establishment for Ladies' Riding Habits and Mantles in Fur and (loth, No. 144 contains their other new Department for Clothing young gentlemen with the taste, excellence, and economy whereby Messrs. NICOLL have secured wide spread confidence. The Wholesale Warerocms are at the rear of the Regent-Street premises, ynz , 29, 30, 31, and 41, WARWICK-STREET. The City Depot is at 21 and 22, CORNIIELL. The addresses of the various Agents are duly advertised in the ournals of the United Kingdom and the Colonies. COCKS'S CELEBRATED READING SAUCE, which is so highly esteemed with Fish, Game, Steaks, Soups, Grills, Gravies, Hot and Cold Meats, and unrivalled for gene al use, is sold by the most respectable dealers in Nil and sauces. N°. 20,502.) PUBLICATIONS. Now ready, at all the Libraries, in 3 'vols., A DEL E. By JULIA KAVANA.GII Author of " Nathalie," &e. " In the work before us Miss Kavanagh has achieved a decided triumph. The story is novel aril interesting, the characters are vividly drawn, and the style is fresh and attractive."—Sun. Hurst and Blackett, publishers, successors to Henry Colburn. New and Cheaper Edition, now ready, JOHN HALIFAX, GENTLEMAN, Complete in I vol., 105. 6d., bound. " 'John Halifax' is one of the noblest stories among modern works of fiction. The interest is enthralling, the characters admir ably sustained, and the moral excellent."—Press. Hurst and Blackett, Publishers, successors to Henry Colbarn. RIR. REES'S ACCOUNT OF THE SIEGE OF LUCKNOW. Now ready, with a Plan of Lucknow and the Residency, and 'a Portrait of Sir Henry Lawrence, in I vol , price 9s. 6d. DERSONAL NARRATIVE of the SIEGE of LUCKNOW, from its commencement to its Relie' by Sir Colin Campbell. By L. E. REES, one of the surviving Defenders. London: Longman, Brown, and Co., Paternoster-row. Immediately in Bvo, Vol. I. of The re-election of Mr. Disraeli, on his acceptance of office in the new government, took place yesterday, at the Court-house, Aylesbury. Although it was known that the right hon. gentleman's return was certain the proceedings appeared to excite considerable interest, and brought together a very large attendance of electors, of both the conservative and liberal parties—with the latter of whom the new Chancellor of the Exchequer was more favourably received than on any previous occasion. The spacious galleries of the court were filled with ladies, conspicuous amongst whom was Mrs. Disraeli. The Marquis of Chandos was amongst the supporters of the right hon. gentleman. Mr. M. KNAPP, the high sheriff, presided, and the writ having been read, and the usual formal prelimi naries gone through, the high sheriff briefly stated the object for which the electors were assembled. Mr. P. DAUNOEY nominated Mr. Disraeli. After re capitulating the right hon. gentleman's services he re ferred to the vote of the House of Commons last year on the'China question, and this year upon the unan. swered despatch of M. Walewski, as having been at tended with important national consequences, and in both instances held that Mr. Disraeli had taken the right course. He agreed with Lord Derby in hoping that it would never enter the head of any minister to go to China except for the purpose of trade. He remembi.red once in the Canton river an old bumboat woman coming alongside the ship, and calling out, " Yah, captain, want any tea ?" "No," was the answer. " Want any beef ?" " No," again was the reply. " Want any rice ?" Again " no." "Then," said the old woman, " what for you come to my China ?" (A laugh.) She thought that Englishmen had no business in China except for trade. And when he found two such high authorities as the Chinese bumboat woman and Lord Derby agreeing he coacluded that they were right, and that relations of trade were those only we ought to look to with China. (A laugh.) With regard to Count Walewaki's despatch, he thought it bad not been answeredfat the time or in the manner which the henonr and dignity of England demanded, and that those gentlemen who had voted against Lord Palmer ston when he proposed to bully the weak were equally justified in the vote they gave against acceding to the unreasonable demands of the strong. The moment that an attempt was made to cast a shadow upon English honour, the present Government, though they valued the French alliance as much as any men could do, declared by their votes that a lesson ought to have been read by the British Minister which should have con vinced Count Walewski that a despatch which looked ll ike an order could not be accepted by England. Mr. R. B. HARVEY briefly seconded the nomination. • Dr. LEE said he was prepared to bring forward a can didate every way eligible, but if the right hon. gentle .s oan answered satisfactorily the eight questions he was a• bout to ask him, he would not disturb the unanimity of the election. The first question was, would he use his best influence with the Government in furtherance of a Int easure for extending the borough franchise to all male rated inhabitants, and the county franchise to all 101. teicupiers ? The second was, whether he would support the ballot as it existed in our Australian colonies, and in , :onnection with it prevent agricultural and legal agents from receiving fees from candidates at elections He r e minded the right hon. gentleman that in 1833, in a a dressing the electors of Marylebone, he said that he v ran desirous of completing the machinery of the consti t talon of two measures, to invest the people with that ich was once their birthright, viz,, triennial Puha r Dents and vote by ballot, without which the right hon. gee ntleman said he could not understand how the conduct if the Government could ever be in harmony with the c b nstitution. The third question was, whether he would el.c. his best to remove the impost of church rates aid to liberate religion from all State control ? This would in ,Aude the enfranchisement of the Jews, and of Chinese undoes also, if anybody would elect them. (A 'ta ugh.) Fourthly, would the right hon. gentleman support a bill to prevent undue traffic in intoxicating liquors, and te, compel the closing of beer-houses en Sundays I Fifthly, would the right hon. gentleman support the proposal of a ministry.ofjuatice, and of a legal university tc) be represented in Parliament by two members ? S •ixtbly, would he promote a measure for giving repro a entation in Parliament to the colonies and the Channel :Islands. Seventhly, would he support the establish ment of tribunals of commerce and courts of reconcilia tion '1 And lastly, would he do his best to restore the probate and ecclesiastical practice to the ancient and • commodious court in Doctors' Commons ! (Loud laughter.) He had also been requested to ask the right hon. gentleman whether he was favourable to the equalisation of the poor-rate in the metropolis. No other candidate having been proposed, the Sheriff declared Mr. Disraeli duly elected. Mr. DISRAELI, who was greeted with loud cheers, then crme forward, and said—Electors of the county of Buckingham, I think it is but due to the learned gentle man who has just spoken with so much courtesy that I should notice the questions be has put to me. I find that my learned friend augurs for the Government' of Lord Derby a period of long duration, for if they are to consider and to carry through all the measures enume rated in the programme which he has introduced to-day, I think those eight questions will certainly demand as many years. (A. laugh.) But lam sure my hon. and learned friend cannot, after due reflection, suppose that I can pledge myself on subjects of such great importance without taking time to investigate all the circumstances that are connected with them, with the view of arriving at a satisfactory conclusion. Indeed, many of those questions appear to have been in some degree borrowed from myself. I cannot, therefore, suppose that he hits introduced them in a hostile spirit ; and I am sure he will feel that, though in 1833 I might have made pledges, 25 years of subsequent experience may have taught me that it is better to promise to consider than to promise to pass measures. (Laughter.) My hon. and learned friend will, I have no doubt, rest content with having put these questions, and with not having in a vexatious manner proposed another candidate ; and I hope that by extending to me if not a complete at all events an ample confidence, he will allow me to regard him as one of my honoured consti tuents. Gentlemen, I have to thank you for returning me for the fifth time as your representative. Believe me it is an honour I duly appreciate. There is none which I place before it ; for unless I possessed your confidence it would be impossible for nee to occupy the position I now fill. It is unnecessary for me to waste phrases in assuring you—what every man that has conviction in his mind must be aware of—that I am sincere when I tell you that the possession of your confidence is my greatest treasure, and that to deserve it will ever be one of the principal objects of my life. Gentlemen, it is but a very brief space slice last I appeared on these hustings. I had then thropportunity, at a general election, of en tering very fully before you, who are accustomed to po litical discussions in this county, into the general condi tion of the country, the prospects then presented to us, and the conduct you bad a right to expect from the per. son you elected aeyour. member. Very retaarkable events have occurred during the period which has since elapsed; and very recently has happened that which, to the sur prise of the country and Parliament, has occasioned a change of Ministry, and has brought upon me and others i n a very critical position of affairs, the responsibility of Government. I feel, therefore, that you have a right to expect from me to-day a frank and full exposition of the views which I entertain on these critical circumstances which now engross and absorb the attention of the coun try, and knowing that it is your habit in this county not to permit the incident of a co'snty election to dege nerate into a mere party squabble, but to expect to be treated by your representative as raticinal and enlight ened men, I shall with confidence address you with a sense of the responsibility of the word.e which fall from my lips, which I know will be received by you as men who have themselves a trust to pet form towards the society of which they are members. Now, gentlemen, it is impossible to treat in a manner adequately im portant the position which this country now holds with respect to France. I have ever been, as my hon. friend who did me the honour of proposing rrte, in his humorous speech remarked—l have ever been,, as you know, a strenuous supporter of what is called ttassFrench alliance. I have always believed that a cordiaL alliance between England and France is equally DeCeBQ dry for the inte rests of both countries, and for this primary and pare mount reason totally irreepectiive of numerous important considerations—that that alliance is necessary in these times to the independence ; mei even the impor tance of Europe. All the old tradition is respecting the balance of power, which were creaftetli and devised in MEMOIRS OF MY OWN TIME, By M. aurzoT, Author of ." Illstory of Oliver Cromwell," &c , &c. London : Richard Bentley, Publisher in Ordinary to her Majesty. INSIDE CANTON, by Dr. YV AN , on S a t ur d ay Next, Price Eighteenrence —Henry Vizetelly, Gough-square. IGG, ON DEFORMITIES.- .. Just Published, by J. Churchill, New Burlingten-str et, a Treatise on tho Mechanical Appliances necessary for the Treatment of DEFIRMITIES By HENrlllr LIE 1. TIIER BIOG, Anatomical Mechanist to the Queen, the Royal Hospitals, the Admiralty, &c., &c. Part lst—tbe Lower Limbs. Price 4s. FEIST'S RACING RECORD for 1858. Part 1., price 2d., is now publi , hed. The 'Record, containing - a complete calendar of Apart in England, Ireland, and Scotland in 1857, and Nominations for 1858, may be had price two shillings. W. Wrlght, Millwood's RentA. flelborn. NEW WORK ON SPERMATORRHCEA. Just published, price 25., by p os t, f ree, 2 s. 2d. ON SPERMATORRHCEA, and the PROFES , ION kL FALL (CIES and POPULAR DELU— SIONS which prevail in relation to its NATUR E, CONSEQUENCES, and TREATMENT. RYA MEMBER OF TfIB ROYAL COLLEGE OF SURGEONS. " We never commence the perustl of works on this malady with out preparing ourselve< to meet most appalling descriptions of human suff,rings. It was, therefore, a most agreeable surprise to us to find this error (as it appears to us) carefully avoided in this work, and the subject treated in a common sense, and truly practical manner. . . . No medical man should undertake the treatment of Spermatorrhcea without first consulting this work."—Medical Circular, Jan. 13, 1858. London: IL Bailliere, 219, Regent-street. ON THE DISEA.SES OF WOMEN. Second Edition, with illustrations on St , el, Price One Shilling, Free for eighteen stamps, AN ESSAY on the PHYSEOLOGY and SPECIAL DISEASES OF WOMEN, forming a complete guide to, and with fell instructions for the removal of, the emer gencies of Youth, Womanhood, and Old Age. By Dr. ITALL. OPINIONS OF TIIE PRESS. " The subject is treated in a clear, concise, and practical manner, and should he in the hands of all females."—Lancet. " Will form a valuable addition to the domestic household."—Wedical Circular. " Every husband ought to present this Essay to his wife, and every mother to her daughter, containing as it does most valuable infor mation that concerns their physical and social happiness."—Meath Journal. London: Direct from the Author, Dr. Hall, 1, Upper-Gower-street, Bedford-square ; and by order of all booksellers. J. and C. Cocks, Reading, sole Manufacturers, ‘. I R. ROW ARD, wirgeon-Dentist, 52, Fleet street, has introduced an entirely new description of ARTI IAL TEETH .fixed without springs, wires, or ligatures. They so oerfeelly resemble the natural teeth as not to be distinguished from th- original by the closest observer; they will never change colour or ~ a y, and will he found very superior to any teeth ever before used. 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He will therefore send tree, to any address, in a sealed envelope, on receipt of a direct ed envelope enclosing two stamps, to pre-pay postage, a copy of the medical work containing every information required. Address, G. Thomas, Esq., Craven House, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Special Notice.—lmportant Alteration of Rules. GENERAL ANNUITY ENDOWMENT ASBI:) , .NATInN (established 1829), 93, Cheapside: Immediate, deferred, and survivorship annuities. Accumulated invested capital, 289,5271. Ils. 6d. Entrance fees discontinued. Aemission to 65 years of age. Survivorship annuities, from one to 12, of 191. each, may now be' secured to the same nominee. PHILIP CURTIS, secretary. B ANK OF DEPOSIT, Established A.D. 1844. 3, PALL-MALL EAST, LONDON. Parties desirou. of INVESTING MONEY are requested to examine the Plan of the BANK OF DEPOSIT, by which a high rate of interest may be ohtained with perfect secu ity. The Interest is payable in January and July. PETER MORRISON, Managing Director. 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A .% ; 1 ar: 11: 74 1 1.. .1 116 111: • . - - • ' . . , .11 • - 4 • • " ONO I IIC • 7 , t k •-• t - ftirpri# • ' % . 2 .„ . ..r ( <-:,‘ -% `-- NEWIPA [P R = 41). STAMPED 5n .] LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 9, 1858. 2 1 118 BE-ELECTIONS. BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. RETURN OF MR. DISRAELI. times when the great theatre of human action was con fined to Europe alone, have become obsolete. Under those circumstances rivalry between France and Eng land, the two foremost nations in Etirope,l l natural, and under some circumstances it was even necessary. No doubt the general effect of the rivalry was salutary to the progress of that civilisation which has made Europe, though a small portion of the world, pre-emi nent. But of late years other imperial influences have arisen in the world —no longer limited to Europe—which render it necessary that if the preeminent power of Europe is to be maintained the rivalry between the two chief nations must no longer be encouraged, but a cordial alliance must be cherished, as the only means to maintain the independence and importance of Europe in the scale of the world. Now, gentlemen, that is the real reason why both Englishmen and Frenchmen should support the alliance between England and France, and for that great consideration, and to obtain that great result, the petty jealousies of traditionary times must by the strong common sense of both countries be forced to be obsolete—(hear, hear)—for our existence as great civilised powers, and the maintenance of Europe itself in the political and social scale, depend upon the cordial union of feeling between the populations of these two foremost European countries. (Hear.) Well,gentlemen, with that conviction, and looking upon that alliance, as I described it to be in the House of Commons, as the very corner stone of civilisation, it is impossible for me to express the sexiety and apprehension with which I, in common with all who were elected by the people to guard over their interests, must have viewed the recent cir cumstances that have occurred to disturb the good un derstanding between these two countries. If the prin ciples I have laid down be Pest, the policy to be adopted is totally irrespective of the forms of government in France. Whether France be Imperial, be Royal, or be Republican, I maintain that it is the essence of English policy, and not only of English but of French policy, that there should be an intimate alliance between Eeg land and France. That alliance is founded on principles totally independent .of forms of -government - totally in dependent of dynasties—totally independent even of the characters of the rulers of France. It does indeed FO happen that the present ruler of that country is a man eminently gifted, and who from a variety of circum stances necessarily exercises a great influence over events. The Emperor Napoleon is not only a prince, but a statesman—the Emperor of France is not only a man who has a great knowledge of human nature, but he is a man who has a great knowledge of Engl sh human nature. Therefore it is clear that while the Em peror of France is not only a statesman but a man inti. mately acquainted with the character, the laws, the customs, and all the circumstances of England, we have a security and an advantage for the cultivation and the maintenance of that alliance which, under circumstances less favourable, we might not have enjoyed. And, gen tlemen, we have reaped the fruity of that alliance, so guarded over and guided by a prince of the character such as I have described—one who ie not only a states man, but one who is intimately acquainted with the customs of England. We have found in France and in the ruler of France a faithful ally in a great emergency —not the faithful ally of mere courtly phrases expressed in a Queen's speech or in a diplomatic document, but in the deeds of a nation sealed by blood and crowned by victory. The French people have fought by the side of the English people. Now, as my honourable friend who did me the honour of proposing me properly reminded us, the French people are at this moment fighting by the side of the English people. (Hear.) Therefore, after all that has occurred, there did appear at this moment a prospect of that alliance being so confirmed in the convictions and the feelings of the two nations that statesmen who knew its; paramount im portance, how necessary it was for the independence and liberty of Europe, might have reckoned upon it as that cardinal point from which all political calculations might be made. We must remember this also, gentlemen, that in addressing ourselves to this subject—and I dwell upon it because it is of the deepest importance that the mind of the English people should be completely and fully enlightened upon it—we must remember there is this difference with regard to the question of the alliance be tween England and France., The great body of the people of England are, I thick I may say without exaggeration, favourable to the French alliance. They book upon the French people—with whom they have many points of resemblance, many ties of sympathy, with respect and even affection. They have ao prejudices. They know that the French, like themselves, are a high-spirited people. They know that the French, like themselves, are a brave people, and they know that the French, like themselves, are eminently illustrious for 'the pursuit of science. They know that the French, like thenhelves, are a people who are.in the enjoyment of a degree of re finement and civilisation in which probably no other nation can rival them. But in France, though the more enlightened and superior classes have discarded ancient historical prejudices and learnt to respect England— there is no doubt that in the great body of the French people—though it has greatly diminished of late years, and though a better feeling is beginning to spread amongst them, much of that prejudice which past event , —I will not say justifiecl—b u t occasioned, en the part of the people of France against the people of this country still prevails. Therefore, the ruler of France in con solidating that alliance has a much more difficult task to perform than has the Government of England. Here, whatever prejudices exist are confined rather to some of the superior classes, and do not extend to the masses of the people. (Hear.) Here the Government can with confidence appeal to the great body of the people, while the Emperor of France, even when he feels confident in the wisdom of his views and the carrectnesa of his policy, has to deal with a proud, an irritable, and a jealous people on this subject, and therefore his position, with respect to this great political question, is infinitely more difficult than our own. Now, gentlemen, if lam right in the view which I have sketched of the true reason why the alliance be tween the two countries should be cherished at anysacri floe short of honour—if lam correct in the view which I have given of the relative positions of the govern. ments of the two countries, let me now recall to your recollection the great event which has recently occurred, and which h as occasioned such prodigious political changes. la m sure, gentlemen, that when that horrible attempt was m a d e upon the life of the Emperor of the French, the first feeling in this country was one of as great indignation and disgust as could have prevailed in France itself. (Cheers.) The attempt to assassinate a Prince who, whatever difference of opinion may exist amongst some classes of his subjects, is a Prince who has raised his country to the highest pitch of political influence —the attempt, moreover, not merely to destroy his existence, but that of the lady whom he has raised to a throne which she really adorns by every charm and virtue—was something so horrible in its conception and t l a e e is o nwheciee createhnecessary obtained 0 in its execution, so alien fr om every manly feeling, that s ympathy i n thi s coun try I hardly know any event whi c h on its first occurrence was e mo r e amicable feelingd e and to preserve h towards the ruler of France. (Hear.) Unfortunately, on these the French these occasions to speak gentlemen—for wthgreat i t frankness—un fo rtunately Government, and indeed I believe the French people, in a spirit of what 1 may call indignant c onsternation visited that atrocity upon the land and the laws of England. Gentlemen, I know there were rune' extenuating cir cumstances in the position of France at that moment which should not be forgotten when we recollect the commission of this great error—for a great error on the part of the French government and the French people it undoubtedly was. Gentlemen, I cannot but feel that when that took place—when the act of accusation against any severity the laws and the people of England wa s as i t were handed in on theconducth I have no wish o nto cannot red comment predeces s ors, eaferes thoughwith that it was not met in a manner or in a spirit adequate to th e occas i on. And I regret that, gentlemen, not merely fo r th e h onour of our country, but for the interests of F rance herself. bya uontoth i srit y occasion o e f la m s i y p (Hear, hear.) Ido believe that an English Minister at that moment, by frankness and firmness —which are quite consis tent with the most entire f r i endship and friendliness—might have taken a course which would have indicated in a manner that could not be mistaken, to the French Government the error of their way —which would have prevented them from pursuing an error every step of wh ic h rendered it more di ffi cult for th em to re cede, an d which,while it would have v i n di cated the honour of our country and the dignity cf our Govern ment, might at the same time have respected and sym pathised with the feelings of France, and retained a nd even cherished that cordial friendship which is I think to invaluable. But, gentle men, l am bound to say —a n d indeed the Parliament of t his c ountry has ratified that opinion—that I perceive in the c onduct of the late Go vernment with respect to this important transaction, a, total absence of those qualities which so great an occa sion demanded. Instead of a public reply we have private conversation—instead of a frank and firm exposition to the Government of France of our feelings, and of the false position to which they were drifting, so far as I can form an opinion of the course which was pursued on the part of the English Government —there was vacillation, timidity, intrigue, manoeuvre —anything but an open assertion of our right—(hear) —anything but a firm though friendly demonstration to the French Go vernment of the error that they were committing-- anything but a recourse to those means which were requisite when the peace of two great nations, and indeed the peace and the future happiness of Europe, were depending. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, under these circumstances, power fell—suddenly and as it were by some judicial act—from the hands of a ministry that was deemed omnipotent ; and it came to us, gentlemen, not by any of the routine of the faction, not beceu e we were the English Opposition, not because wo had taken a considerable part in the Parliamentary opinion that was given —for it was not even the party of which I am a member that originated the vote upon that ques tion—l say power did not come to us by any of the routine forms of faction. You have been recently told by Lord Derby, in his place in Parliament, teat when her gracious Majesty was pleased to summon him to her councils, he entreated her Majesty to think well over the critical position of affairs ; and while he told her Majesty that, critical as was the occasion, and vast as were the difficulties with which he must grapple, he would not shrink from the conjunc ture, and would serve her, if necessary, he besought her Majesty to take one night to think over existing circum stances, and not to renew the offer unless hie presence in her councils was, in her Majesty's opinion, necessary for the welfare of the country. It was on the day after— eubtequent to that mature consideration—that eer Ma je-ty railed up et Lord Derby to take the helm. There fore, I say, without exaggeration, it is to nines her Majesty, at her instance, at a critical moment, that the present government has been formed, and under those circumstances it is that it appeals with confidence to the country (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, the political pro blem we have to solve is one of no common difficulty. We have to assert the dignity of this country, and at the same time to maintain—perhaps to revive—our cordial friendship with France. Any man, or any minister, could do either by himself. It is very easy to bluster an I insult with high-flying terms an ally who has proved his constancy and fidelity. Oa the other hand, it is not difficult to cringe to a great power, and be subservient to its wishes. (Hear, hear.) But to combine at the same time the virelication of the rights and privileges of Englkhmen with the maintenance of that alliance which is essential to the cause of European civilisation, is a problem not easy to solve, but one from the solution of which we will not shrink. (Cheers.) So unhappily, gentlemen, have affstra been managed, that the result of the proceedings of the late administration with respect to recent tran ac ions is this—that th, r is apparen 1 , an attempt to change the laws of England at the dictation of a foreign power. lam convinced that the people of this c ;untry would never submit to a course like that. (Cheers.) And therefore I deeply regret that by mis understanding and misconception, such a situation should have been arrived at, I feel that it is impossible that the difficulty should be solved by taking a course which the great majority of the people of England have already entirely condemned. But, gentlemen, 110 not despair that this great difficulty may be overcome. I do not despair that means and methods may be found by which, coatis tautly alike with the honour of England and of France —and consistently alike with the interest of the two countries, we may arrive at some conclusion that shall be perfectly satisfactory to both nations, and leave, as I hope, no coldness or feeling of alienation behind. And I leek forward at this mement with great confidence in this respect to the Emperor of the French himself. The custom of that prince, arising as it does neceseari'y from the great transactions with which be has to deal—the custom of that prince is to leave the conduct of affairs for a considerable time to his Ministers and subordinate ageing. That is the necessary consequence of his deal ing himself, more or less, with the entire administration of his empire, both foreign and domestic. But it hoe happened befere, as I hope it will happen in this in stance, that when by their mismanagement or ini‘con dact a critical state of affairs has arisen—when the peace of Europe or the independence of countries has been in question—and when difficulties have presented them selves which appeared to take such an inextricable form that no solution seemed at stand—the Emperor himself has then interfered ; and, bringing to the survey of the whole transaction that sagacious and unimpassioned intelligence which he possesses—viewing, as I believe he will view, this state of affairs solely with regard to the interests of France—the E nperor of France will, I feel assured, not permit those great principles of policy of which he has been the great supporter, if riot originator —he will not allow them to be sacrificed by a want of intelligence or a deficiency of judgment on the part of those individuals who have had the previous manage. ment and conduct of these matters. Ifeel persuaded that 'thou the Emperor himself brings, as no doubt he is at this moment bringing, his powerful investigation and supervision to bear on all the circumstances of this difficult,caae, he will not hesitate to recognise the origi nal error of his Ministers—he will not hesitate to place confidence in those lava of England, the efficiency of which has not even yet been tried to obtain for him that just remedy he solicited ; and I am confident that when the Emperor has investigated in this spirit all the cir cumstances; of this case—when he recognises the first error of his Ministers—when he recognises that which has too late been acknowledged, the efficiency of our existing laws—he will feel confident that if his hopes are frustrated—if it be proved that the law as it now exits is not sufficient, which I, at present, am not inclined to believe—if that monstrous doctrine can be demonstrated to be the law of England, that an alien in this cnuutry may commit a crime with impunity, which her Majesty's own subjects cannot commit without meeting the penal ties of the law—then, lam sure, the Emperor of the French will not send dictatorial menaces and messages, but leaving them to counts and colonels, will appeal to the justice of the English nation, and ask them, "Do you wish it to be the law of England that an alien may commit a crime with impunity which the subjects of your own Sovereign may not commit when that crime is directed against the person of your faithful ?" (Hear.) With respect to his situation, I watch with deep intere s t th e t r i a l s th a t w ill soon t a k e place in this country. (Hear, hear.) I know that abroad they imagine there are great and purposed delays in the investigations that are taking place before the magistrate preliminary to the more formal judicial proceedings ; but that arises from the ignorance of our forms of law which is too common on the Continent. The forms and the delays in our criminal law procedure were established to protect the liberty of the subject, and we must not allow them to he diminished. But, so far as I can form an opinion as to what is taking place, I believe there will be a case of such gravity and magnitude soon brought before our tribunals that it must fairly and com pletely test the efficiency or non-efficiency of our laws on the subject. Until the decision upon that case has been pronounced I think it would be premature in me to say more on this point. I myself have confidence in the laws of England. I cannot believe but that the laws of this country are sufficient to touch miscreants of the class in question ; and though I would on no account, under no circumstances, with no conditions, and with no limita tions, ever consent to any tampering with the right of asylum which has made this country the consecrated land of liberty, I do not hesitate to express the great gratification I should feel if the law should be proved to be powerful enough to deal with those who have so outraged the feelinee of thie country, and have so vio lated the sacred right which, even with such exceptions, we are still bound to maintain. (Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, I have touched upon what has been called a difficult and delicate topic with frankness, because it appears to me of the utmost importance that there should at this moment prevail in this country an intelligent spirit on the subject of our relations with France. It is undoubtedly the interest of many influential persons —classes and individuals—to poison the mind of the people of England against the government and people of France. That is, however, in my jedg,ment, a most dangerous course ; and while the people of this country should be prompt under all circumstances to maintain its laws and customs, while they ought to consent to any and every sacrifice rather than change those laws and customs, even indirectly, at the instiga tion of a foreign sovereign, still I think it would be wise, and consistent with that spirit and that deter mination, to maintain an unimpassioned and unpre judiced feeling towards the government and the people of France. At this moment calumnies are uttered in every quarter which would convey to the people of this country that the Emperor of the French, instead of being that faithful ally upon whom we counted, has rather sought an opportunity of picking a quarrel with the people of England, because he thought that in conse quence of the Indian occurrences ho had England at some disadvantage. Now nothing can be more unfounded than such a notion as that. There is no prince in Europe AO well informed upon all political matters as the Em peror of the French—there is no prince in Europe so well informed as to the means of defence of this country as the Emperor of the French. I will be bound to say that he knows much more about our ships and soldiers than many of heh Majesty's subjects, and quite as much as tier Majesty's ministers. (Hear, hear.) And there fore the Emperor of the French, who is this well-informed prince, knows as well as I do that, notwithstanding our having sent such a fine army to India, we have in c these atl,n islands at the present time a larger e ffective h f e or h e st five we have had at any previous period duringt and twenty years. (Hear, hear.) The k Emperor nosa o: w t e he French, who is this well-informed prince, knows man with as I do that in four-and-twenty hoursh able seamen the most powerful c a ( n a n w e e e l ar fl , rode upon the English ee li t ea t r i • ia ) t e T v l e i Emperor of the French, wise is hest informed prince I dare say knows as well in Europe on English politic e s, as I do the last monthly return of our recruiting rota, and knows that in this country, where we have no con scription, where we can only appeal to the patriotis m and the put'lic spirit of the people, there is now a lar ger recruiting for every arm of her Majesty's service than there was during any month of the Crimean campaigns. \ Cheers.) Then whet a calumny is it to pretend that the Emperor of the French, who knows all this as well as I do, bac , sought to pick a quarrel with this country on account of its Indian disasters No, gentlemen, we must clear our minds of this prejudice. The Em peror of the French is as ready as he was before this affair occurred at Paris, and before this blundering misconception of the English minister—the Emperor of the French is, I say, as ready as he was before this recent event to cultivate the friendship of a people whom he respects and regards, and to maintain the English alliance, which, to use his own words, is the alli ance which can alone maintain old Europe against those commanding influencee that are rising in other parts of the world ; he is as ready now as he was then to sup port that understanding between England and France which he believes to be the best security for order, for g ci e v n i t l l is e a ni ti n o n n , , it an d d ep f e o n r d E s u m ro n p in e l a yn power. (Cheers.) And, those who are responsible upon t h o is thi e s ffo efforts of r efforts country,a and thesup ported by the good feeling and good humour of the English people and the good sense of the French people, to bring about a consummation to which I hope those efforts will lead, n amely, the restoration of a cordial understanding between the two countries. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I have thus at some length towelled upon the subject which is at the present moment foremost in the mind of every Englishman. I ought not, however, on an occasion like the present, to avoid other topics, though I shall endeavour to be as brief as possible. Now we have assumed the reins of Government, as you will no doubt admit, at a very critical period, and when we Lave to encounter difficulties which are not of ordinary magnitude ; but I do not myself despair of our being able to steer the ship in a way which will be satisfactory to the people of this country. We have at once, gentle men, to deal with a subject of magnitude and interest, namely, the government of India ; and upon that ques• tion I must say a word, because I learn from the news papers in regard to what has passed in different parts of the country that there is a considerable amount of mis consep;;ion prevailing as to the intended conduct of her Majesty's Government in reference to India. Now I myself have ever been of opinion —at least ever since I have been capable of forming an opinion that was worth anything—(laughter)—that the Government of India is of a vary anomalous character; and in 1853, when the charter was renewed, I thought it a very great mistake that the inquiry of the committees of the two houses of Parliament into the affairs of India was hurried over, and that we were forced to legislate without that due investigaticn which I think would have led parliament to a very different conclusion from what it came to, and terminated that feral of government which is popularly called "the double government." Upon that occasion a noble friend of mine, now my colleague, Lord Stanley, at my instance and with my aid in debate, brought forward in the House of Commons a motion to the effect that the settlement of the Indian government should be delayed until the .inquiry had been completed. Well, gentlemen, we were in fact out voted on that occasion. The policy which is now ap proved by all statesmen is exactly that which we recom mended in 1853, and which was then by a majority prevented from being pursued. This year, gentlemen, a motion was brought before the House of Commons by a gentleman who is quite independent of party, Mr. Baring, when the government introduced their measure for introducing a new form of administration in India, and :he motion was that it was not expedient to legislate for India at present—this declaration, of c )urse, having special reference to the civil war which is now raging in that country. Now that was not a party question ; it wee brought forward by a gentleman who has no con• eexieu with party, and until he gave his notice of motion in the House cf Commons no person was acquainted with his ietenthons except himself. My own opinion then was, I c nife-s, that it was 'sot expedient until toe mil tary srttle.ncnt of India had ta'een place to invent a new foam of government, and I voted with Mr. raring in the minority on that occezion. I believe my fr fen I and cofleegue, Lord Stanley, voted the other way. Now it is the intention of the government to proceed to Lgidate for India. We are accused of inconsistency in voting that delay was expedient a month ago, and now Troceedrug to legislate on the subject. But, gentle- I men, I think that if you give a moment's calm and un prejudiced consideration to the subject, you will see that there is inconsistency whatever in the case. It is said that if we bow toadecision of the House of Commons, pronounced by a majority of 140 or 150, in a case in which we do not approve of that decision, we ought to bow to fta decree upon teR oth , r questions, even though we °ley not approve of it. Now I say that I do not bow to that vote of the House of Commons in the cuurse which I and my colleagues intend to take with regard to India ; but I look to the effect of that vote. The great objection which I urged against legislating for the go verement of India at that moment, while the revolt wee as yet not put down, was that we should thereby weaken the government in the opinion of those who ought to be led to look upon it as most powerful. Bat what is the cond:tion of the government of India now that it has been condemned by the vote of a majority of 140 or 150 in the House of Commons ? Who can suppose that the government of India—the East India Company—can exercise any influence in India when the House of Com mons has by a large majority condemned it as incom petent I Why the directors of the East India Company themelves must feel like corpses— (laughter) —they must feel like dead men—(renewed laughter)—and I should suppose that they are most anxious that their burial should take place as soon as possible, and their obsequies be celebrated in the most decorous, and, ifyou will, splendid manner. (Laughter.) Well, then, it being a positive fact that you must have a government for India in England, that its construction cannot be any longer delayed, and that all the moral influence of the East India Company was destroyed by that vote, we have felt it our duty to address ourselves to the subject. But we are not going to take up the measure of our predecessors —a measure which was, I think, one of the most objectionable and one of the most inefficient mea sures ever introduced into Parliament. We are going to deal with the question of the Indian government in a very different manner and in a very different spirit, It would, of course, be the height of impropriety in me to enter on this occasion into details which should be re served for Parliament, and which must be very soon in troduced to the notice of the legislature ; but when our measure for the government of India is brought onward, I shall appeal with confidence to public opinion to de cide between the comparative merits of our scheme and those of the scheme which was unquestionably condemned even by many of those who voted for its iotrosiuction. (Hear, hewn) I do not know that there is any other subject of that importance which would justify me in trespassing much upon your time. (A Voice—" The Ballot.") I will tell you about tho ballot. That is only a measure, Lot a principle—it is a part of that great subject of Parliamentary reform on which it is my intention to make a few observations. That is not a subject upon which I can find any difficulty in speaking to the electors of Buckinghamshire. It is not many months ago eine° on these hustings I made some obser vations on that subject to which you listened with great indulgence. Since then I have addressed my constituents in the northern part of the county, where I laid down some principles an d expresse d some conv i c ti o ns which I have reason to believe were acceptable to the constituency therefore,generally t I h a c t a n a e s s v u e r r e i n t h t e e n h d e o dn to leave learned table gentleman,tn.to-day without making some remarks on that question. Now, gentlemen, you know very well that in 1832 and 1803, when the Reform Bill was passed —you know what was the cry at that time. There were many persons who disapproved of that bill, and though my opinions was not of much consequence then ; I disapproved of it. (Laughter.) I thought it was a great party manceavre which, if successful, would place the whigs in power pretty well for my life, aid I thought the time would come when the people of this country would not feel so enthusiastic in its favour as they were at that moment. But you know that no person could then open his mouth in criticism upon the Reform Bill with safety even to his lhre. There were a great many motions madti a Parliament which would have improved it and miti gated the objections that were made to it, had they been adopted. The principles involved in some of those motions are now in favour. But nobody would then listen to them. The cry was, " The bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill ;" and I believe that no one bawled that cry louder than the learned doctor. (Great laughter.) The learned doctor, who always criticises any change in nay opinions with such equable temper, is never charged by me with those remarkable gyrations which he has him self exhibited. I will not say that he himself is "a, vile antithesis," for the epithet is an odious one, and I n ha t v o e too much respect for the hon. and learned gentleman apply it to him, but he is certainly a very remarkable antithesis, and I must remind him and those who r like ancLneoart h nothing hear.) him bawled for "the bill, the whole the bill," that the ballot was not in nest stagea oP_ f public Well now, gentlemen, what w ? as Ao th nf e tte n hr opinion upon the Reform Bill subject,certain timeand thetla e tories, w o had ea h been nation began to be a little sober conservative party—that is thei re duced by that act to 140 or 00—increased in numbers r able man. The whigs then under the leadership T tle n e ey tor s i a e i s d, Col3. , :..i r n n g e ha t c o k ri t e o s thought power the adhesion which they the Reform Bill, mus t not conic back to power, because to they are notsin ca re ingive g there et was a i a t hcoehfyaandcvoee ofy and if they return t o p ower the y will be trying to alter it." I sin sure the learned doctor was very much a l arme d a b o ut that. (Laughter.) Sir R. Peel, speaki ng on b e • h a lf of the conservative party, solemnly reit era t e d th a t, t h o ugh the tories had opposed that bill, and thought it, in many respects, injurious and unsatisfactory, yet they had given to it a sincere and solemn adhesion, and ac cepted it as the basis of their political conduct, and h e declared in the ince of the nation that they would act the spirit of the Reform Bill, and would not seek to tamper with it, or to alter its provisions. For ten :years however, they were kept out of power, because it was supposed tha al t lda t nv h li e int y gte w dt e h r ien e t n ßo o: pfo s or i w i rn lc e e r Br the Bill el altered. reformers, oun t r country would k t i h b a e t in tf t el fl i e lg p w r e yroelleientfi,,chaelr connexion son I Weil, I o a f nd th 3 a v t ' was a member died consider there was a eoleine compact that we should give to the law an adhe sion in spirit and in truth. I have never changed my ?pinions as to that Reform Bill. I consider that a sub ject of that magnitude was dealt with in a manner that was entirely unworthy of it ; I did believe then, I be lieye n ew, and I think almost ever yb o dy now considers, that there wee in the concoction of that bill a greater number of jobs th an was ever p erpe t ra t e d beforei te and, b though the nominal object o f t he bill was tot improve representation of the people, was the consolidation of Whig power. then, the great substantial_.. object //~ 7,12,:t sett 4 atte ii distinguishedo rnn introduced eight rr oo dd uu oc ie t rd,t a r h years memberns. ago w 0 e f t oo h nr e me head o;b aitlnhi, o de f a n t fwr h noh e omi ote err , het r4/ r .- Ifla:Z. - f" . ; 7 elea , t i l a 4,,) - _ -- r u gw n h t p ch ia e g ad r t tPy : — iso tr rt w ia —h etne ot nt hb tlO mj :: el 7o: _t'_ H k' .k -- 1 as I believe every gentleman with whom , sidered myself, I act, not merely in the Government, but in public and . political life, considered himself, honourably emanci- , pated from the engagement made by Sir R. Peel on • behalf of the conservative party. If the Reform Bill was to be altered, and was not to be adhered to in spirit and in truth—if there was to be another Reform Bill—we were, in our opinion, free to exercise our faculties, and give our opinions as to the p r i nc i ples upon which the new Reform Bill should be founded. From that time we have never concealed our opinions, but, on the contrary, we have rather sought opportunities for making frank expositions of our views on the subject. (Hear.) Well, the second Reform Bill of the whigs was promised as, I think, in 1850 or 1851 —we are now in 1858. The delay has certainly not been occasioned by the conservative party. It is not the tories who have been the obstrnc fives of reform this time. There has not been hitherto any cry for " the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill ; " on the contrary, nobody even among the whigs themselves would listen to the question when it was brought forward, and on two occasions the bill has been withdrawn, not through opposition on our side, but either through a sense, on the part of those who brought it forward of its inadequacy or imperfec tions, or in consequence of a total disrelish for the article by the great body of the Liberal party. Well, so we have gone on year after year. We have had inefficient Governments, we have had coalition Govern meets, we have had Governments of pure elements and materials—we have never had any Government that really had a hold upon the confidence of the people ; and whenever the Government have been disturbed or distressed they have always said, "Only let us stay in a little longer and you shall have a Reform Bill." Lord John Russell brought forward, not one Reform Bill, bat two Reform Bills. When Lord Aberdeen formed his Gohernment the condition of his being supported by the Liberal party was that he should bring forward a Reform I Bill. We ksve not got Lord John Russell's Reform Bill, and we did not have Lord Aberdeen's. When Lord Palmerston became Prime Minister he was to carry on the war with energy ; but he was also to de something not second to that ; the mom en t p eace was proclaime he was to give a Reform Bill. Year after year the Reform Bill has been promised, year after year the Reform Bill has not appeared. First it was t© be next year; at last they got the year that it was to come ; and then—and then—it was to be brought in after Easter. (Laughter.) At last I thought I should have it. I looked at the almanac at the beginning of the year; it happened to be an early Easter, and, as Easter was early and the Reform Bill certain, the Government was changed. (Laughter.) Well now, gentlemen, I wiel ask you a common sense question in a purely serious spirit. Is it decent—is it politic—is it honest and honourable—that a question of such a nature as this— a question which concerns the representation of what we believe to be a free and enlightened people, eminent for their love of liberty and their progress in know ledge, should be made the stalking horse of faction— (cbee-s)—that it should be hung up and taken down according to the exigencies of a distressed ininitter, and that the highest principles of policy should be part of the stock in trade by which a government are to shut:fit through a disgraceful and discreditable exist ence ? Now, gentlemen, lam convinced that it is the opinion of the people of this country that this question should be settled "aye" or "no ;" and if a Reform Bill is necessary, it should be produced and carried ; and if it is not necessary, the Minister who is not prepared to grapple with the question ought frankly to state his coo victians. Remember, gentlemen. that a Reform Bill has been twice brought in by her Majesty's Ministers; re member that only two months ago, or less, the attention of Parliament and the country was called to the subject in the Speech from the Thror.e. In my opinion, and in the opinion of those a ith whom I act, it is totally impos sible that a question which has been so introduced to the notice of the country by the propositions of Minis tees and by recommendations for its consideration from her Mejesty herself—it is, I say, totally impossible such a qtestion can any longer be trifled with ; and to that subject we shall give our earnest and anxious considera tion. (A voice, "Olt, you'll do, then.") (Laughter ) Well, then, it is said, " When are you going to bring the bill forward ? Af.:er Easter ? nese gentlemen who have been seven years playing wiih the question—these gen tlemen who have been postponing, procrastinating, de laying, year after year, as many years as the number of the learned doctor's questions, now say to us, " You are not sincere reformers. Where is your bill ! Have you not got it ready ? Are an impatient people to be baulked of an object for which they have such a raven• ous desire ?' Gentlemen, we have to effect a reconcilia tion with our great ally ; we have to conduct negotiations upon which the peace of Europe may depend ; we have before us a lade most difficult to perform —we have to put down the revolt in India, which, allow me to say, will yet den-amid from this country no commoneffort; we have to carry through Parliament a bill for the government of India, based upon principles which I hope and believe will recommend it to national approbation ; we have to introduce ficancial measures of no ordinary gravity; and then we are told we are not sincere reformers because our Reform Bid is not immediately brought forward. (Hear.) t Gentlemen, the course that we shall take will be this. We shall give to the subject our most earnest and serious consideration with the view of bringing for ward, if pos - ible, a measure which shall not be a mere party measure—(cheere)—which shall not be constructed or devised merely to prop up a faction, which shall not be invented merely to increase the political influence of a political section, but which, dealing largely and com pletely with all thoso questions connected with the sub ject that are entitled to consideration, will, I trust, ' recommend itself to all temperate, rational, and sober spirited men as a measure adequate to the occasion. (Loud cheers.) Ready as we are to act in this Spirit, I think I do not ask too much for her Majesty's Gevern• meat in asking that we may be permitted to give to the consideration of that subject, and the construction of that mosenre the time, the thought, and the labour which the responsibility of so vast a theme should com mand at our hands. (Hear.) And, gentlemen, the hypocrisy which would be involved in such conduct is so great that I cannot believe that any prejudice will be raised against us lot cause in dealing with this subject we wish to deal with it like sincere and responsible men, because in anything that we nosy do we wish to do that which will be adequate to the occasion, and which will meet with the approbation of ail sound-thinking people in this country. I feel, therefore, gentlemen, that it is unnecessary for me to enter into any of the details of that theme which must soon—in due time at least—be brought under the consideration of the country ; and under these circumstances I shall not offer my opinions which I might otherwise have offered, and which I have intimated before upon this table, as to the different franchises or modes of voting, and other qaestions of that character. When the question is introduced by her Majesty's Government in Parliament, their epi nians will be expressed iu a formal and matured manner, and then also will be the time for the country generally to express its opinion on the propositions laid before the Legislature. (Hear, hear.) And now, gee. tlemcn, I have only one word to say as to the position , in au h d er u M ua a u j i e m st u y us s which I , now fi h l i l thereby, I need say, my heartfelt gratitude. (Hear, hear.) lam e c l o e u c n ti c o i n : s I, a a v n e d t w h s i c d w h a i y t y h r o a u m ti y fi by ed yo colleagues g ur ain fr i n e g e told--I read in those newspapers whence we get all our information—that we are a Government on sufferance. (An Elector—" That is true.") An hon. gentleman says that is true ; now I shall flatly contradict him—(hear, and a laugh)—and, gentlemen, I think the last charge that should or could be made against a Government of which Lord Derby Is at the head is that it is or can be a Government on sufferance. (Hear, hear.) Because in 1352 we might have remained in power —and we were solirited by our opponents to remain in power—if we had chosen to be a Government on sufferance. (Hear, hear.) But as the organ of the Government of that day, I said in the House of Commons that we never would consent to be a Government on sufferance, and we quitted office because we would not be a Government on sufferance. (Hear, hear.) If a Government that is in a minority bring forward ra a measure rried—ifth of l they have rnp a orta m. i n o c z e i and yu d f t t h h e a mea sure uns be not of Commons against them and still retain their seats, I call that a Government on sufferance—(hear)--but if that should happen to the Government of which I am a member, I assure you we shall not remain a Govern ment on sufferance, but shall immediately take that cen t— stitutional course which under those circu ms t ances it will be our duty to pursue. (Hear, hear.) Well, th en, gentlemen, in having been thus summoned by her Ma r esn atuhde Iru c es—eo off the jesty at a critical moment to tako u thoeush eelo ommons is to assume h helm o of affai rs, 1 am not going hostile to our We have A nd th a e lli se c succeeded to power without intrigue —we have b een Government.ta t the (Hear, hear.) sum moned to power by the vo i ce —the spontaneous v o It i o cir cumstances—and s p t o: n e c that es above all Houses of Commons the o i sovereign. Commons under present House of Commons—is to array itself in factious organisation against us ? On the contrary, I believe that so far from being a Government on sufferance a constitutional confi dence will be reposed in us by the House of Commons. If I know anything at all, I think I know something of the House of Commons, and I am sure that upon the whcle it is a generous and a gentlemanlike assembly, and is certainly not likely under the circumstances in which we arrive at power to make itself the ready tool of any set of scheming political intriguers. (Hear.) But I know that the House of Commons, like all human institutions, is not entirely exempt from faults and errors—l know that the House of Commons in the year 1852 did act in a very different manner. There was against the Govern ment of 1852 a coalition of all sorts of discordant pat ties, who by their united influence threw the Ministry of Lerd Derby into a small rranority, upon which we quitted office. But have the circumstances of those days taught no lesson to the pe pie of England l Has the experience of these everts brought no wisdom to the Rouse of Co!wl,onsl The destruction of the Govern ment of Lord Derby brought on the war with Russia. (A. laugh) I beg to state what I know to be the faot. (dear.) The war with Russia brought on the Persian war, the Eastern disturbance, and the Indian mutio . .v; (A. laugh.) There is a ge n tl eman i n th e crowd an wh laughs at this. I think I remem b er th a t g nt iewas one of those who in this hall cheered Mr. C o bden, this court. and said that he %39 the proper man to repre sen t te words of his ty. What will that gentleman say , to h n o doubt ono of the favourite politician ? Mr. Cobden ,itiin the House of Com mons. He wax a strong °P most eminent men that ever e cat of the Government of h i: :: p eas o no of the majority by Lord la rby in 1852, ao d , Government was expelled. who e vo te Lord Derby 0 , What did Mr. Cobden two years afterwards i n t h e House of COMMODE' ? I el Hsaid " that of all th e vo t es h e had ever given in the course of his political lif e , th e Vote which turned Lord Daly out of office in 1852 was the vote be most regretted." (Hear, hear.) That vote, he