The Sun. — London, England, 1859-07-06 00:00:00

MONEY MARKET AND CITY NEWS'. CITY, Two O'CLOCK. increased easiness is already reported in the general Money Market. The demand has dimi nished, and the augmented supplies which will accrue from the payment of the dividends, already commenced, have induced bill-brokers and others to lower their terms to about the • same level as they stood at before. Th e pre parations connected with the 4th created addi tional firmness. The quotations once more range as low as 21 per cent., and in the course of a few days the possibility of a reduction in the minimum to that point may be again discussed. The bullion is still increasing, and although the payment of the dividends may cause a slight reduction in that item, the other securities will probably be diminished by repayment of advances obtained on stock during the shutting of the transfer books. The foreign exchanges yesterday afternoon exhibited a slight decline on the rates on Ham burg. A sum of £20,000 was sent into the Bank of st sty England yesterday. The silver market is quiet, bars being ss. 21-d. g per ounce standard. Very little alteration is re ported in the Eastern exchanges, but the quota tions at Calcutta and Bombay are not calculated I S o stimulate the shipments of that metal from this side. The Liverpool Cotton Market yesterday closed with a very firm appearance, and 5,000 bales were sold at previous values. In Railway Shares a fair amount of business was transacted, and prices had an upward tendency. The transfer books of the Recife and Pao Fran cisco Pernambuco Railway Company will be closed from the 18th to the 31st inst. for the preparation of the half-yearly dividend. At the half-yearly meeting of the Colonial Bank held to-day, a report was presented stating that the net profits of the half-year had amounted to £33,070 15s. 9d. This was a diminution when compared with the previous six months, but it was accounted for by the unsettled state of political and commercial affairs in Europe, and in South America. The Reserve Fund was £37,035, but would now be increased to £50,105. The directors recommended a dividend at the rate of £4 per cent. for the half-year, or 8 per cent. per annum. There s was very little discussion, and the report was g adopted. At the commencement of business this morning the market for Public Securities presented a quiet appearance, and the Funds were heavy at the de preciated quotations current yesterday afternoon. Soon afterwards, however; a rise of 9 to I per cent: took place, but it was merely temporary, a re-action having since occurred to the previous range of prices. Consols have been 931 931 t, and they are. now 938 A. The principal business attended to is the adjustment of the monthly account, which is making steady progress, very few operations having yet been recorded for the new account. The New Threes are rather flatter, at 932 e ; the Reduced, at 93& ; India Loan Debentures, at 941; ditto Scrip, at 94-1- 1. Bank Stock is steady, at 221 ; India ditto is marked 213 ; the New Two and-Half per Cents., 82 ; the Five per Cent. Annui ties, 108 ; and Exchequer Bills, 225. to 245. prem. The transactions in Foreign Securities have been very restricted, and prices generally are rather heavy. Turkish 6 per Cents. are 76 to 77 ; ditto New, 622 to 632 ; Mexican has receded to 184 ; K ; Spanish, to 41i ; Dutch 22 per Cents., to 631; and ditto 4 per Cents., to 981 ; Brazilian 41 per Cents however, are firmer at 93. The transactions in the Railway Share Markel have been limited ; some of the principal lines, however, show rather more firmness, while others are inactive. Eastern Counties have improved h is., and Bristol and Exeter and South-Western 10s. ; Great Western, Midland, and North - Eastern (Berwick) declined 55., and Great Northern' 10s. The foreign and colonial lines have been exceedingly quiet. Lombardo-Venetian Old Shares were steady at 7 a ; and the New at 71 2 and 71. Grand Trunk of Canada brought 352 36 ; Great Western of Canada improved to 15 and 15i ; and East st Indian were steady at 1021. sti Joint-Stock Bank and Miscellaneous Shares It: allow at slightly lower quotations. Union of Z4 i Australia have declined ss. to 10s. ; London and st Westminster, ss. ; Canada Land, 10s. ; Red Sea Telegraph, ss. ; and Royal Mail Steam, £l. st BRITISH FUNDS—CLOSING PRICES. Bank Stock 3 per Cent. Reduced Annuities - 93 a : i 1 4 3 per Cent. Consols Annuities New 3 per Cent. Annuities New 21 per Cent. Annuities 5 per Cent. Annuities lOB Long Annuities, expire sth Jan., 1860.... _. Ditto for 30 Years, expire sth April, 1885.. 171 India Stock Ditto Debentures' Ditto Loan Scrip Ditto Bonds, £l,OOO Consols for Account (July 8) JEf:xchequer Bills, £l,OOO, lid .. 24 2 4 Ditto £5OO • 22 Ditto Small, lid FOREIGN FUNDS—CLOSING PRICES. Brazilian 5 per Cent. Ditto 1858, 4?.! per Cent. 93 21 Buenos Ayres, 6 per Cent. — Ditto Deferred lB Mexican 3 per Cent. Ditto Account .. 181 l'eruvian. 4t per Cent — Ditto Account Ditto (Uribarren), 41 per Cent. .. 78i n Ditto 3 per Cent. — Ditto Account . 651 Russian, 1822, £ St., 5 per Cent lO6l Spanish. 3 per Cent Ditto Account Ditto New Deferred, 3 per Cent Ditto Account Turkish 6 per Cent Ditto Account Ditto New Loan Ditto Account • Dividends on the above payable in Lonam. Dutch Exchange, 12 Guil. 2i per Cent 631 41 x d Ditto Certificates, 4 per Cent. THREE O'CLOCK. Consols for Account, July 8 .... 93 1 x d 414 xd 30/ 77 6i AFFRAY BETWEEN ENGLISH AND at FRENCH FISHERMEN IN THE DOWES. Sty It appears that French fishermen have been in the habit of visiting this part of the coast of Eng land, for the purpose of long-line fishing, within the limits prescribed by the fishery convention ; and, in fact, have become so daring as to shoot their lines within a short distance of the shore, to the great annoyance and serious loss of our fisher men, in consequence of the Frenchmen invariably cutting their nets whenever they happen to come into contact with their lines. As an instance, we are aware that one of the Kingsdown boats has lost .nets and gear to the value of two or three hundred pounds within a year or two, and from the whole fleet it is to a much more serious amount. They attribute the losses to the want of protection from the Government in not having followed the example of the French, who not only protect fishermen in their own waters, but on the English coast likewise by 'cruisers. Having borne these losses for.some time without obtaining redress, it appears that on Thurs day evening last, on observing 18 of these French Tuggers shooting their lines , the crew of the Mary ~Slane a fishing' boat of this port, determined upon t he nearest taking the law into their own hands, and boarded Frenchman, having however, first re quested the captain of the French cruiser to order •th e m °A; who refu se d to i n te r f ere . Aft er a s h or t struggl e ,• in - which one Frenchman drew his knife and menaced his assailants, they were captured and brought shoresurrounded with the boat, which wa s imme diately by three or four hundred people ;in a state of great excitement. On the following =calling the Frenchmen attended the collector of c .nstsems at the Custom-house, who, after hearing both s:4les , of the quest i on, advised the Deal fisher men 1101 ; to take any further steps in the matter, as ha d committ ed a breach of the peace by taking t t i a . v , into their own hands ; but, at the swine : h ll e e y ti :me, in relaasing the F rench boat, he cautioned the crew, and pointed out the penalties to which they had rendered themselves amenable under the Fishery Convention Act. W reported understand heGtt the ci r - c umst a n c e was immediately customs, to vern- I went by the collector of and that the Admiralty ordered her Majesty' s steam tenciflr lizard (which has since arrived) to repair at once to the Downs, and render such protection to our ahermen as might be necessary , W e congratulate our fishermen. in having at length obtained the protection to which they have so long been en titl e d laid we trust the Government will continue to watch over their interests, and thus avoid these serioue disputes, which might involve far more im portant consequences in the present excited state of .the continental powers, .Kentish Gazette. SHARE MARKET-(THIS DAY.) Railways. 2.10 Antherg., Notting. Bost. and Eastern Jupm - ion 50 Belfast and Ballymena 3.14 ilir., Wol., and Str. Val Lock Birk., Lanc., and Chesh Junetion 25 Blackburn 25 13lyth and Tyne ock Bristol and Exeter ,ock Caledonian Dek Chester and Holyhead 50 Cork and Bandon 20 Cork, Blkrock,&Passage 20 Cornwall A 'wee. no (By 10 Do. A 10 Do' B until6p.c.per an hasbeen pd.toß 50 Dublin andßelf ast June 25 Dun.,Perth,& Abr.Junc ;ock East Anglian :ock Eastern Counties :ock Eastern Union A Stock ock Do. do. B Stock 25 Do.Nw.A.(lte.E.U3ds) 25 East Kent tock East Lancashire 20 East Suffolk St 6 7i 8i 72 74 14 ni 32 85 94 06 79/ SO} 4 5 sa 141 1r)1 57 58 37 42 26 28 LO Do ock Edinburg and Glasgow ock Edin.,Perth, & Dundee LO Forth & Clyde Junction ;ock Furness :ock Glasgow & South Westn 10 Great North of Scotland ,ock Great Northern ,ock Do. do. A Stock Stock Do. do. B Stock ,ock Gt. South.& Wstn.(lreld) ;ock Great Western ;ock Do.Str.Vl.Rail Gua.Stk 12 Trish South Eastern 50 Lancaster and Carlisle 16/ Do. Thirds 13 4 Do. New Thirds Lock Lancashire & Yorkshire 16 Do. do. F £l6 9 Do. do. £9 shares 3 Do. West Riding Union 20 Do. Southport ,ock London and Blackwall 1 Do.Newiss.at £slosp.sh. ;ock Lon.,Brighton &S.Coast Lock London & North Westn 12 Do. Eighths ock London& South-Westn. 25 L'derry & Coleraine 25 L'derry & Enniskillen tock Man., Shef., & Lincoln 10 Metropolitan Lock Midland Lock Do. Binning. & Derby 50 Mid. Gt. West. (Ireland) 25 Do. 4 Shares . 00 Newcastle and Carlisle.' 25 New., Aber., & Herefd. 10 Newry & Armagh (def.) 20 Newry, Warpt., &Ros tock Norfolk 50 North. Counties Union, Lock North British Stock Nor.Dev.Rail. &Dk. stk.l ,oek Do.A Stk.— Arec.no div. until 6p.c.hasbeenpdßl Lock Do. B Stock Lock North-Eastn.—Berwick 25 Do. do. G.N.E.Purchase Lock Do. Leeds tock Do. York tock North London 10 N. &S.Westn., Hampstd and City Junction. 20 North Staffordshire 20 North-Western 10 No. & Sou. W. Junction Stock Oxford, Wor.,& Wolver 10 Peebles 20 Portsmouth 10 Rhymney Stock Scottish Central Stock South. N. E., Aber. Stock Stock Do. Scottish Mid. Stock Stock Shropshire Union 10 Sittingbourne & Sheer Stock South Devon Stock South-Eastern Stock South Wales 20 S outh Yorks. & Riv. Dun. 20 Do. do 20 Staines, Wok., & Wok 25 Stockton & Darlington. 25 - Do. do. 1855 25 Do. do. 1858 Stockton & ihrtlepool Stock Taff Vale Stock Do. Preference, No. 1 2.5 ThamesHavenDk&Rail Stock Vale of Neath Stock Waterford & Kilkenny 50 Waterford & Limerick 20 West Cornwall 10 W-end Lon. & Cry. Pal 5 Do.A.—Arecv.nodiv.till 7 p.c. has been pd. to B 5 Do. B 20 West London 10 Do. Ist Class 20 Do. 2d Class Share; all 100 Si 100 100 100 100 100 16 13 4 100 100 100 23 is, 17i all all 100 all 100 100 all all all 13 a 6 8 31 32 8 5 c IG9 110 24 24/ , 80 82 43 44 4 3 d 41/ 424 69 694 60 61 63 67 8 11 35i 36i 70 75 all all all all all 3 31 a ORDINARY SHARES AND STOCKS. 57a 1 P 93} / 92 1 2 8 1 9131 1001 100 13& t i Closing lusinesa Paid. Price. 89 it 12 14 92 94 71 73 2* 26 91 93 10 10i 100 101 82 84 130 132 104 106 55 56 53 55 84 88 104 114 p 104 114 p 93 94 1 d 1 i d 63 65 112 113 914 92i lt li d 93 94 5 7 36 87 9O 104 74 76 9 11 57 59 3i 3 d 55 55} 891 891 21 l d 45 451 72.4 73 98 102 v. 3; d PREFERENCE SHARES. Railways. 25 Blythe and Tyne Ic per c. pref. (Issued at. £5O) Stk Brie. & Exet.4p.ct.Stock 20 Do. do. do. Shares took Caledon £lO, 44 per cent 12.10 Do. Quar. Shares, No. 2. Stock Chester & Holyhd, 54 pc Stock Do. do. 5 p. ct. 6 1 Cork & Bandon, 54 P. c. 6 1 Dun. Perth,& Abdr.Jun. Stock E.Angn. Class A 7 & spc Stock Do. do. Class B 6 pc Stock Do. do. Class C 7 pc Stock E. Coun. Ex. 5 p ct. No.l Stock Do. do N 0.2 Stock Do. New 6 per et. Stock Stock Eastern Union, 4 per ct. Stock East Lanc. 6 per ct 5 E.& W. York. Jcn. fifths `,ock Edin.&Glas. 5 pc shares ock Edin. Perth,& Dun. 4 pc. :ock Furness, 5 per cent bock Glas. &S West. <s a. spc :ock Great Northern, 5 p. ct bock Do. 5 locßedm.,lop.c.pm bock Do. 44 p. c. do. do. 00 Do.sp.e. Redm.,s pc. pm. 10 Gt. M. of Scotld, Ist pt. took Gt. Sn.& W (Ireland) )4 p. ct. pref. Stock 50 Great West. (Berke and Hants) Ext. 5 p.ct.. . bock Do. Redeemable, 44 p ct. bock Do. Redeemable, 4 p. ct. bock Do. Irredeemable, d 0... Lock Do. 5 p. ot. Redeem. Pref. 8 Do. Birm. Pref. Shares 10 Gt. West. Ches. 8 p.c.pf shares 10 Do do. sp. ct. pref tock Do firming. guar. stock 264 Do. Chester guar.shares 134 Do. do. do 20 Do. do. do. ......... bock Lan. & York 6 p.c. stock took Lon.&Brig.spc. g - ,u. No bock Do. pref., 5 p. c. ...No. 2 bock Do. New gua., 6 p. et bock Do. do. 5 p. c. ..... No. 4 bock Lon.&N.W.Cov. &Nun eaton, 5 p. et. ........ took Lon.&S. W, 7 p.et. stock, late 3d shares ........ 124 Londondy & Cole, shs. 124 Londondy.& Ennis 4 sh. tock & Lin., 6 p. ct. 6 Do. £6 took Do. 34 per cent. ... . 124 Maryport & Car., 4 p.c 24 I Do. 4 per cent Do. bock Mid. Con. 6 p. c. Stock bock Do.Con.Bris.&Bir.6p.ct. Lock Do. 44 p. c. pref. stock 6 Do. with option till 1860 took Do. Leic. & Hit.pref. et. 10 NewportAber,&c.Pret. s p. e. redeem, at 5 p. 0.0 m 10 Do. Pe et, 6p. e. with option till 1866 10 Norfolk Deb. 4 p.e.shares ;took Do. 5 p. c : Ext. Stock,lf346 took Do. 54 p. c. Pref. do. 1847 took Do. Wav,Val.Ex.Sk 1847 took North British, 5 per cent took Do. New, gua. 5 per cent Lock Nth.Dev.Rail.& D sk.Co. ;sock N-East. irred. 4 p.c. Deb. ,ock Do. Berwick, 4 p. c. Pref. 17 Do. do. de 20 Do. Leeds, 6p. c. No. 1 124 Do. do. Quarters, 1846 25 Do. York, H.& S. Puroh. 20 North Staffordshire . tocklox.Wr. & Wol. 6 pc.lfa g bock Do. do. do., 2d gua. bock Do. 44 p.c. Db. stk.in perpl 84 Scottish Central, new pi' cock Scottish N.-Eastern deb ,ock Do. 34 per c. pref. stock bock Do.Aberdeen.gua.6 pc. took Do. 7p. e. pref. stock. 10s. South Devon, Ann. 10s. 10 Do. Fixed 44 per cent. 1.0.6. South Eastern (Reading Ann., 1.0.6.) Stock Do .44 per cent Stock Do. Fixed 44 p.c. Ist is Stock Do. New do., 2d issue Stock South Wales, gua. 4 p.c Stock Do. 44 per cent 20 S.-Yorkshire, 4 p.c. gua 25) Stockton and Dar. 5 p.c. 25 Do. 6 per cent Stock Waterford & Kilkenny, 6 percent.- all 100 all 1 100 100 100 100 100 all all 100 100 100 100 100 all 100 4 i 100 all 100 100 100 100 100 all Closing Business Paid. price. Done. 94 88 87 101. 9i 96 E 8 89 103 10 164 17 10 4 } ' 72 73 118 Ic3 14i 14 140 192 1158 162 8 9 120 125 -- I -68 70 114 12 112 10i CA 4 141 143 103 105 929 1 P P 9 10 111 111 1109 111 N 08 li 1 P d 22 1 i 1 23i 122 124 120 126 100 101 72 74 118 122 118 122 101 101 231 24; 103 105 1 102 104 141 i 1031 96 7 28 29 33 O 4 47 53 LINES LEASED AT FIXED RENTALS. Railways. Paid.! Leasing Closing l Business Co.'s. Price. Done. Redford and Bletchley, all Ln & N.W Buckinghamshire 100 Ln & N.W Clydesdale Junction . 100 Caledonin Colchester, Stour Val. l an E.U.&E C E.Lincolnshire,27.6p.c. 100 Gt. North. E Union,RarwichShs.l all E.Counts. Do. Woodbridge lOO GI s.Barr.&Neils,Drct 100 Caledonin Do. New lOO Do. - Gloster& Dean Forest all Gt. West. Hartlpool.Dck.&Rail. all Yk.N.&Br Hull and Selby Do. Chores all Do. Do. i Shares all Do. London&Greenwich Do. Preference Lon.,Tilby.&Soutend lOO Peto &Co. Do. Barking Shares all Do. . . .. Lowestoft, gua. 4p. ct l OO Norfolk . Do. 6 per cent Manc.,Buxtn. & Matk. all LN W&M Midsb.&Redcr, g.6p.c. all Stk.& Da , Mid,BradfordPrf. Stk. 100 Midland . 5. 5.6. E.Counts. Newmarkt,BwiTEx guaranteed 5 p. Northn.& Eastn. 5 p.c. all Do. Do. do. 6 per cent. . all Do. Do. Fixed 5 per cent.. all Do. L& N W Preston and Wyte. I all & L.Yk. Do. Shares A. all Do. Roystn,Hitch.,& Shep 100 Gt. North. Shf.Roth.&Gol.g.sp.c. 18 11 6 Lan. & Yk Shrowsbry& Hereford all T Brassoy South Staffordshire .. all M'Clean . Wear Valley, g. 6p. c. all Vtk.& Dar Do. do. . . Wilts and Somerset lOO Gt. .... Wimbledon& Croydn all L.&Brgti at I gi 4 11 88 00 8 DOCKS. Docks: ... Stock Commercial lOO Stock Do 4 pet-Cent .Pret .11in lOO Stock East and West India lOO Stock London NO Stock St. Katharine l• f 100 - Stock Southampton lOO Stock Victoria '4O i nt) New ! IS .... I Paid Closing I Business Price. ~ Done. 603 97 99 102 104 16 17 139 141 41 41 1110 112 64 66 115 120 93 95 2i 21 97 99 P: 56 58 11 - 37 13-9 Share 49 51 95 97 1102 104 99 101 110 114 107 111 113 115 112 114 128 130 80 83 69& 7O 112 114 119 121 111 113 103 105 62 64 111 11i THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 6, 1859. THIRD EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. LIVERPOOL AND HOLYHEAD SUB- MARINE CABLE. [BY BRITISH AND IRISH MAGNETIC TELEGRAPH.] The submarine cables connecting Holyhead with Liverpool were successfully laid yesterday, by Messrs Glass, Elliott, and Co., for the trustees of the Mersey Docks. The old semaphore system, which bas been in use up to the present time will be immediately superseded by electric communication between these important points. 3.IARYLBBONE ELECTION.—(This Day.) STATE OF THE POLL. NINE O'CLOCK. Fermoy Lyon .. Dickson .. TEN O'CLOCK. Fermoy .. Lyon .. Dickson .. 1,157 .. 684 .. 302 Two o'CLocK. Fermoy .. Lyon .. .. S. .. .. 3,174 .. 1,712 .. 803 Dickson CLOSE OF THE POLL—FOUR O'CLOCK. Fermoy Lyon Dickson .. 4,238 .. 2,308 .. 1,074 MPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(THis DAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at 12 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Fishing Vessels Passing the Nore Bill was read a second time. Mr. NORRIS moved the followin :—That the Colne Valley and Halstead Railway Bill, as amended in Com mittee, be referred to the examiners of petitions for private bills, with instructions to examine and report whether the standing orders of the house have been complied with in relation to the amendments made in Committee. That all petitions complaining of non-compliance with the standing orders in relation to the said amendments be referred to the examiners, with instructions to hear parties and their agents and witnesses thereupon. After some discussion the motion was withdrawn. PETITIONS. Several petitions were presented in favour of and against the Endowed Schools Bill. tions, they would probably be required to make some alera tion with regard to wills. Having contended that the argu ments in favour of the present bill were fallacious, he said he had no objection to the introduction of a measure that would provide a conscience clause in those cases in which Dissenters were not spftially excluded by the will of the founders. NEW MEMBER. NAVY. On the motion of Mr. BRAND the following returns were ordered :—Return of the number of screw ships and vessels of her Majesty's navy afloat on the Ist day' of February in the years 1855 and 1858. Return of the ships and vessels added to the navy between the 31st day day of March, 1858, and the Ist day of June, 1859, distinguishing those which were added in accord ance with the general scheme of works for the year, and those which were added in consequence of subsequent orders; and also of the frigates and sloops which would have been launched according to the general scheme in works for 1858-9, but which were deferred on account of the men being removed to convert ships of the line. Return of the sums voted, and of the sums expended for wages of the dockyard in the years 1857-8, and 1858-9 ; showing in the latter year the sum, inserted in the original, in the re vised and supplemental estimate. ENDOWED SCHOOLS BILL. Mr. DI LLWYN moved the second reading of thisbill. The hon. member having adverted to the importance of this sub ject as shown by the number of petitions presented from every part of the country both for and against the bill, said there were no less than 30,000 schools in the kingdom, with an income of not much less than £1,500,000. He de nied that the bill proposed to wrest any legitimate power from the Church of England to which it was justly entitled in reference to scholastic endowments, and. where the wishes of the different founders, relative to religious and secular education were clearly expressed. To prove that he had no views hostile to the State establishment, he men tioned that he did not approve the bill brought forward in the House of Lords last session for the admissions Dissen ters to the trusteeship of these charitable foundations, be cause he did not see what right they had to enjoy such trusts in all cases. He contended that in some cases the church interfered improperly in enforcing attendance at church on children attending these grammar schools, where the founders had not specifically enjoined teaching in ac cordance with the Church of England. In many instances it was provided that the Church of England doctrines should be taught, and when there was no such provision it was to be inferred that the founders did not feel strongly in favour of any specific religious teaching. In illustration of the case with which these endowments were framed he cited the instance of a grammer school in Winchester, in which the founder directed that the schoolmaster should not be a Welshman, a Scotchman, an Irishman, a foreigner, or a north countryman, in order that scholars might not be taught ' a vicious pronunciation. (Laughter.) He next alluded to the grammar school at Ilmin ster which had excited a considerable interest, and which was the latest case relating to the sub ject at present. It appeared that the school in question was founded by two persons in. the reign of Edward the 6th, who directed that the trust should be administered by God-fearing persons ; and for the last 150 years such trus tees were composed of Church of England members and Dissenters. However, the matter was brought before the Master of the Rolls by the vicar of the parish, and Sir John Romilly decided that 15 trustees should be appointed, 12 of whom were to be members of the Church of England' and three Dissenters, increasing the latter to six. How ever, that decision was appealed against, and the Dissenters were removed from the trust. He considered that that was a state of things of which Dissenters had good reason to complain. He maintained that they were bound to render those institutions as beneficial for the purposes of education as possible, and his bill merely proposed to admit Dissenters to the benefits of these schools, except in such cases where they were expressly left for the purposes of the members of the Church of England alone. The educational vote was a very important item in the public expenditure, and of late years had doubled by last year no less than £663,000, and they should remember that the Dissenters were one-half of the whole population. He would ask the house whether it was politic, just, or in accordance with the spirit of reli gious freedomto exclude such a number of their fellow subjects, which, as a Protestant and warmly attached to theinterests of the Church, he deemed her Majesty's Government ? The hon. member concluded by an earnest appeal to the house to pass the bill. second m tim ov e er t o hi n s th d e ay te tr p e e e ra m te on n t e h n s n . er H in e Sir S. NORTHCOTE moved as an amendment that the complimented bereada the bdi which he had brought the bill forward, but at " the same time he felt bound to oppose it, after careful attention to the subject. He did not see how the bill could be operative, considering the functions which the Court of Chancery as - sumed. He thought the measure was ca l cu l ate d t o act veryinjuriously in different ways, and amongst others it would give rise to mischievous litiga tion. The effect also would be that it wou ld super sede one state of things without supplying any substitute, and that it would secularise these sc hools. He contended, in conclusion, that th e effect of the bill would be to diminish the efficiency of the schools, and therefore inflict a material injury on the country. Mr. B'U'LLER opposed the bill. When an erroneus im pression prevailed amongst Dissenters that according to the decision in the Court of Chancery, they were not regarded by those tribunals as " honest men" in refer ence to these trusts, he was not surprised at the number of petitions presented in favour of this bll. The fact was this, the Court of Chancery put a cos struction on a deed only in w hen there was any ambiguity the expressions of the founders, and when the construction of the language was as close to the meaning of the words at the time of the diawing up of the instrument as possible. He alluded to a speech delivered by Mr. Maill, in which that gentleman stated that the present measure would be a deadly blow at the State Church, and made some r emarks to show the feeling enter tained by Dissenters on the subject. He denied that in influenced by a deed the Cou rt of Chance r y w ere by religious considerations, and maintained that they were influenced solely by what they considered to be the intention of the founder. However, it must be considered that secular education withou t religion wasimperfect; and the Court of Chancery was bo und to recognise as religious instruction the teaching of a State Church. Suc reli h . bT.ng the case, practically there co uld be no perfect gions equality so long as there was a State Church. This bill proposed to extend the benefits of those founda tions, but would it have that effect—or would the substi tution of any other system of religion in these schools prove more beneficial ? There was some difference of opinion as to the number of Dissenters, but he w ould assume that they were as n umerous as they were represented, still it could not be denied that the Church of In this England was more numerous t han an y other sect it country. The result of the bill therefore would even an ua he lead to the adoption of a secular education solely, d believed the great mass of dissenters would prefer the pre sent system to such an alteration. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL contended that legisla tion on the present subject was necessary, and that the i _ Court of Chancery in the construct ion of the ntention . of the founder of these schools proceeded o n a false assumption —namely, that these shools belonged to the members of the e Church of England alone, in the fir st instance. T show that the law proceeded on the principle he had men tioned he alluded to the case of the Chelmsford School, in which, with some other law officers, be whichend a voured to have a clause introduced in the de ed b y the children of Dissenters would not be instructed accord ing to the doctrines of the Church of England if their guardians signified in writing to the head master of the school that it was opposed to their wishes. However, they were not able to carry out that liberal provision in conse quence of the erroneous assumption to which he alluded. He believed the most politic course the Church of England could adopt would be to throw open the doors of those schools as wide as possible for the ad mission of Dissente rs to their advantages. Considering their greater numbers, the members of the Church of Eng land had nothing to apprehend if they acted in this way. H av ing alluded to the case of the Ilminster school, as a proof of the defective state of the law, he concluded by supporting the second reading of the bill, on the under standing that the language would be so altered as to carry out fully the intentions of the hou. mover. (Hear.) Sir H. CAIRNS supported the amendment. Tho pre sent bill would not meet such cases as that of Ilmmster sc hool, while it would produce many instances of what was to be most strongly reprehended. It would be the Means o f diverting the benevolence of certain persons to an object different to their intentions, for many of the smaller endow ments had been enlarged from time to time by liberal donations from those who contributed solely in conse quence of the identity of the schools with the Church of England in regard to doctrine. (Hear, h ea r,) In interpreting the intention of a founder of a charitable endowment, the Court of Chancery proceeded in the same way that it did with reference to other matters.. That Court too into account the signification of certain terms used in . deeds at the time they were drawn up, and eurrounding circumstances connected with them that were calculated to throw a light on their correct construction. they attempted any alteration in reference to these founds.lf Lord HENLEY took the oaths and his seat for North ampton in the room of Mr. Vernon Smith, raised to the Upper House. ENDOWED SCHOOLS BILL. Mr. MELLOR supported the second reading of the bill. Sir G. C. LEWIS considered the question was not ripe for legislation, as the house was not in possession of the information necessary to enable hon. members to come to a correct conclusion on a matter of so much importance. He suggested that the subject should be referred to a select committee into the grounds on which the Court of Chan cery proceeded in construing the deeds of these charitable foundations. Mr. A. MILLS had no objection to going into committee with a view to make certain alterations in the bill. Sir E. PERRY supported the second reading. Mr. WALPOLE said that the principle of this bill would, if adopted, effect an alteration in the law of evidence, and that not with regard to.all classes, but to one particular class. The bill was most objectionable, and he contended that the Court of Chancery had decided with regard to these trusts only on the best evidence they could obtain derived from the circumstances surrounding these deeds at the time of their execution. Mr. WALTER considered that the bill instead of re dressing one grievance would inflict a great number of grievances, and he trusted the subject would be referred to a select committee. Mr. BRIGHT believed that the bill might be made a very good measure in committee. He thought the speech of the Attorney-General conclusive on this point, and he only just perceived that the name of that hon. and learned gen tleman was on the back of the bill. They had heard a great deal about strong Governments, and the necessity of union among Ministers, and he hoped, n otwithstanding the difference of opinion expressed by the Home Secretary, that they would not witness the spectacle of two Ministers goiig into a different lobby onthis subject. (Laughter.) Rethought that this bill would affect only a few cases, and would not interfere with the great mass of educational trusts in this country. He hoped that a member of a liberal Ministry would not oppose a measure like the present. Sir G. GREY agreed with the suggestion of the Home Secretary, and considered that the subject should be referred to a select committee. He thought such committee should be for the purpose of inquiry into the educational teaching in certain charitable trusts in England. Mr. GLADSTONE said that a distinction without a difference was generally considered absurd, but it would be more absurd to have a division with out a difference. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen on both sides of the house seemed to be agreed as to the principle in discussion. The late Solicitor-General had admitted that the law required amendment. Some hon. members considered that there should be a commission to inquire into the subject, and others that there should be a committee to inquire into the bill, so that practi cally there was very little difference between them. It was also admitted that if the bill went into committee it must be materially altered. He approved of the suggestion of the Home Secretary, and denied that in any difference expressed at this side of the house there was any party principle involved. He repeated that he approved of the suggestion of the Home Secretary, by which he would abide. Mr. HENLEY opposed the bill. Mr. DILLWYN replied. He said he would press for a division, and the vote given by the Ministry would influ ence his future conduct in supporting them or not. (Hear.) The house divided, and the numbers were— For the second reading .. 210 Against it Majority -18 The announcement was received with loud cheers. The bill was then read a second time. Lord J. MANNERS enquired what course Government roposed to pursue with regard to the future course of this kill? Sir G. C. LEWIS proposed that the bill should be re ferred to a select committee, and made a motion to that effect. Mr. DILLWYN considered that the bill could be fully discussed by the house, and wished that some promise was given that no impediment would be thrown in the way of the bill. He had no objections to have the bill referred to a select committee, but would prefer that the motion of the right hon gentleman was postponed till to-morrow, in order to give him time for consideration. After some conversation the debate, on the motion of the Home Secretary, was adjourned till to-morrow. APPEAL IN CRIMINAL CASES. Mr. M'MAHON moved the seeond reading of this bill. He explained that the object of the bill was to enable the Court of Queen's Bench to grant a new trial, when a case was removed by certiorari, after trial as well as before. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL opposed the bill, which he concluded would be prejudicial instead of beneficial to a prisoner. Mr. LOUGHFIELD moved the adjournment of the de bate, and urged on the house to agree to the second reading which, however, he admitted was susceptible of amend ment. The debate was then adjourned. HIGH SHERIFF'S EXPENSES. This bill was read a second time. The house adjourned at six o'clock. NEWMARKET RACES.-(THIS DA Y. ) [BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.] SWEEPSTAKES OF 10 SOVS. Brine Asphodel MATCH—Ada beat Haridan. TOWN PLATE. North Lincoln Luff SWEEPSTAKES OF 100 SOVS. Magnum Qui Vive Three ran. SWEEPSTAKES OF 10 SON'S. Twang Cloak filly ..... Dapple ................................. £5O HANDICAP PLATE. Bastion. ..... Dame Alice .. King of the Gipsies... Six ran. LATEST BETTING. CHESTERFIELD STARES. 2to 1 agst Trovatore (offered) 9 to 4 agst Madame Eglantine (offered) 10 to 1 agst Seclusion (taken) CARLISLE RACES-(THIS DAY.) (BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH•) LOTTERY STAKES. Daniel Miss Stewart Lottery Shafto . 4 The following paid forfeit:—Howth, Little Agnes; Hegira, Trabuco, and Greystock. QUEEN'S PLATE. Daniel Shafto ... Greystock ... ----- 3 ........ Four ran. ARRIVALS AT WORCESTER. Mullett, Grillade, Orchehill, Misty Morn, Bourgeois, Linda, Stanley, Zitella, Pescatore, Rattlebone, Knockburn, Wild Rose, Mushroom, Ambush, Tightfit, Man• at-Arms and The Monk. RACING FIXTURES FOR 1859. JULY. Pontefract 11 N o t t ingham July l9 Cambridge l2 Dowßham Market 21 Abingdon 12 Knutsford 21 Mansfield l2 Stamford 2l Liverpool July 13 I Isle of Wight 2l Lyndhurst l4 Marlborough 22 Hartlepool lB Goodwood 26 AUGUST. 19 Ripon 23 Brighton 23 Brighton Club 5 Radcliffe Inverston. 25 Lewes 25 Wolverhampton North Staffordshire .... 9 Airdrie Reading lO Li c hfi e ld 29 Wenlock l2 1 Yarmouth 30 Plymouth 16 Totness and Bridgetown .. 30 31 York Aug us t l7 D er b y S ummer ... SEPTI Weston Z ()gland 2 Warwick Cardiff Rochester and Chatham 8 Doncaster 13 Dover Chesterfield l5 19 O Richmond ............. m 4 Royal Caledonian Hunt and Perth..,,........ 5 Bedford ....... :14113ER. Leicester Monmouth 22 Manchester Autumn 23 Newmarket F.O 27 Brecon Walsall 28 Newmarket S.O. 10 Ipswich 19 Kelso 19 Newmarket H.... 24 :MBEIL Nova Worcester Autumn 2 Liverpool Autumn r ifi;ewsbluy Autumn....ls afl laid ir n d e t y ho , ne Esq, tsha e me. ROYAL INSTITUTI ON OF G REAT B RITAIN .—At the general monthly meeting, on Monday last, W il li am Pole, Esq., treasurer and vic e -pi es id en t, i n th e c h a i r , Thos. Elar'in, Esq., MA., James M err y wea th er , E sq .,M.R.C.E., the Royal Institution. Th e presents received since t h e l as t were duly elected members of ' table, and the thanks of the mem bersMANCHESTER TRADE R EPORT .—M ANCHEST ER, JULY 5.—A telegram o f th e 30th of May, from Calcut t a , rece i ve d yesterday, repo r t s th e markets there as b e i ng ver y a m n e d et J in a muc h improved. As a c onsequence t h ere i s an exten d e d d em and in this market for Indi an y arns an d c l o ths, and meeting I r eturned wereeN V prices are again a little higher. The home trade is some what improved, and an increased demand is evident. The Germans are• more disposed to purchase than they have been for some time. ' NORTHAMPTON ELECTION.—The election of a member for this borough, in the place of the Right. Hon. H. Vernon Smith, who has been raised to the peerage, took place yesterday morning. Mr. John Hensman proposed and Mr. George Buxton seconded the nomination of Lord Henley. No other candid a t e h av i ng , been proposed, the Mayor declared Lord Henley to be duly elected. His lord ship returned thanks, and the proceedings terminated. TELEGRAPH FROM POINT LYNAS TO GREAT °MIS BA D. — Yesterday thi s li ne o f t e l egra ph, w hich will R be adopted to the uses of the merchant service of Liverpool was successfully laid between the two points. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY). The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at 5 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. On the motion of Lord REDESDALE, the following bills were read a second time :—Charing-cross Railway, Dun dee and Newtyle Railway, Portsmouth New Dock, and Sevenoaks Railway. THIRD READINGS. The Gateshead Quay, Hampstead Junction Railway, and Vale of Neath Railway Bills were read a third time and passed. COURT OF CHANCERY. Lord LYNDHURST said he had given notice of his 'ntention to draw the attention of the house to the proceed ings of the Court of Chancery on Friday next, but as he perceived a noble lord had had a motion on the paper for that evening restiecting Italian affairs, he should postpone proceeding with his subject until next week. The LORD CHANCEHLOR said he hoped the noble and learned lord would persevere in his intention, as no person was so competent to deal with the question. Lord LYNDHURST said he should most certainly do so on Monday or Tuesday next. PETITIONS. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from Derby shire complaining of the exclusion of Dissenters from the administration of trust funds of endowed grammar schools, and also a petition against church-rates, and another against the trade in opium. THE ITALIAN QUESTION. Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE read the terms of his motion with respect to Italian affairs, it was as fol lows :—" That an humble address be presented to her Ma jesty expressing the thanks of this house for her Majesty's gracious communication of the deeply important correspon dence on the Ititlian affairs, presented recently to both Houses of Parliament by her Majesty's command, and gra ciously acknowledges the unquestionable evidence that correspondence affords of her Majesty's earnest and important endeavours to avert the calamities of war. That her Majesty may be assured of the loyal confidence with which this house relies on her Ma jesty's determination to maintain neutrality, and that finally it be represented to her Majesty that while every suitable endeavour be made under her Majesty's authority for the completion of our defences on sea and land—the operations of the belligerent powers be carefully observed, with a view in particular of such offers of mediation on her Majesty's part as may lead to the conclusion of peace on just and comprehensive grounds." The noble earl said he thought it would be for the conve nience of all parties that the question should be brought forward on Friday next. The Earl of DERBY thought that day would suit the convenience of all parties. ATLANTIC TELEGRAPH BILL. On the motion for reading this bill a third time a lengthened conversation ensued, in which the Earl of GRANVILLE, Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY, and several other noble ords took part, the till was eventually read a third time and passed. PETTY SESSIONAL DIVISIONS BILL. This bill passed through committee. OUR NAVAL DEFENCES. Lord LYNDHURST, who had given notice of his inten- tion to draw their lordships' attention to the military and naval defences of the country, then rose and said—My lords, it was suggested to me that, after the discussion which took place the other night on the question of my noble and learned friend, and especially after the statement of my noble friend opposite and the speeches of my noble friends the two noble earls on these benches, I should withdraw the notice which I had laid on your lordships' table. At first I was inclined to do so ; but the subject is one of such great importance, that it ought to be repeatedly discussed, in order to satisfy the people of this country of the necessity of submitting to those charges and those expenses which our present situation requires. I was the more disposed to proceed with this question because there is a party in this country of whom I wish to speak with the greatest respect, a party likely very soon to increase in power and influence, who are not disposed to believe that we ought to expend our resources at present in any extension of our military and naval power, and that, so far from doing so, we ought to abstain from any extension of that power, because by doing so we shall involve ourselves in hostilities. Now, my lords, I beg leave, in the first place, to say that any obser vation which I shall make will be made, not with the view of aggression, but of defence. (Hear, hear.) I shall say nothing whatever in any party spirit, for party can have nothing whatever to do with this question. (Cheers.) I shall endeavour as simply as I can to point out these cir cumstances and those topics which I think are important for the consideration of your lordships, leaving it to others who are more acquainted with military and naval details than I can pretend to be to fill up and supply the defects in the statement which I shall make to your lordships. The first circumstance that strikes me in considering this sub ject is the great difference between our present and former position. (Hear, hear.) That is a distinction which ought never to be lost sight of. We have hitherto felt the greatest confidence in our situation and in our domestic safety. We owe that confidence to our naval superiority—to the superior number of our vessels and the skill and gallantry of our seamen. We have been accustomed always to look to what we call our wooden walls as our best defence, and experi ence justifies us in that opinion. We have sometimes, in deed, received checks and affronts. The Dutch at one time sailed up the Thames, burnt our ships in the Medway and in the river. At a much later period the combined ships of France and Spain chased our fleets into the waters of Plymouth under the height,i of Mount Edgecumbe. But those clouds soon passed away: They were amply avenged, and we shone out with more distinguished lustre than be fore. My lords, there was another source of our confidence and safety, and not an immaterial one—namely, the diffi culty of transporting any body of troops from the opposite coasts to our own shores. It was impossible to collect any number of troops on an oppoite coast without being observed by us, and without giving us notice and allowing us time to prepare ourselves against them. Besides, an expedition of that kind was necessarily liable to many casualties. Any joint operation, therefore, from different points was impos sible, or nearly so. A few thousand troops might, perhaps, occasionally be landed on our coasts, sufficient, indeed, to give trouble, but not sufficient to excite any fear of danger. The greatest force that ever was landed here was that of the Prince of Orange, amounting, I think, to about 14,000 or 15,000 men. But that force was invited to this country by some of the most eminent men in England. It was received with enthusiasm by the people. It led to no catastrophe, and James 11. retired, the victim of his own bigotry, folly, and tyranny. But that expedition was nearly defeated by an accident. It sailed down the Channel with a fair wind. When it arrived opposite Torbay a dense fog arose. It passed therefore the place where it was intended to disem • bark. It was followed by the English fleet. It was there fore in the greatest peril; but on a sudden the fog dis persed. The wind veered round, drove the Dutch fleet into Torbay, and checked the progress of the English fleet. The English fleet shortly afterwards was dispersed in a storm. I mention this to show the accidents to which, under our old system, enterprises of this kind were subject. This was our past situation—a situation of perfect security. What is it now ? A great change has occurred. That change arises from the application of steam power to commercial navigation and to naval warfare. What do we know of the effect of that power upon naval warfare ? We have had no experience of it. No peraon can venture to predict what will be its effect. I have consulted many officers, both of the army and of the navy, upon the subject, and I have never been able to persuade myself that any one one can with any degree of confidence say what will be the result of this great change. I have read in the admirable work of Sir Howard Douglas that military officers in France be lieve that this change has a great effect upon our naval power, and will reduce it to comparative unimportance. There is one advantage which we hitherto have had in naval combat over our adversaries under the old system—the skill and experience of our seamen, and their knowledge of everything connected with the management of a vessel. (Hear.) Unfortunately, though we have not entirely lost that advantage, it has greatly lessened under the now sys tero. There is a change in the armaments, in the materials, in the construction, and in the form of war vessels. A great facility of boarding arises out of the new system, and num bers, therefore, would have a great advantage. Above all, the new system of manoeuvring which must follow this new system is such that it is doubtful what would be the issue of a naval contest. (Hear.) I have stated these points for your consideration, because you will be satisfied when you have considered them that we cannot, as hereto fore, rely with perfect confidence upon our naval defences. (Hear, hear.) Still, however, and perhaps more so in con sequence of what I have stated, it becomes necessary that we should carry our naval machinery and everything con nected with it to the highest point of efficiency, and that we should refuse no sums necessary for that purpose. (Cheers.) Let me now, my lords, call attention to what is the actual state of our navy. I will begin by referring to last year. I speak of the spring of last year, and of steamers, which are the only vessels which it is material to consider. (Hear, hear.) Last year we were in this position :—France ex ceeded us in line-of-battle ships in a small proportion, but she exceeded us in an enormous proportion in steam fri gates. At present we surpass her in line-of-battle ships considerably, but we are still greatly inferior in those im portant vessels, steam frigates. We shall, in the spring of next year, surpass her still more in line-of-battle ships, but we shall still be inferior to her in steam frigates. Thii is a point for the consideration of your lordships, and for the consideration of the country. (Hear, hear.) Give me leave, ray lords, to mention one circumstance which I think most material for our consideration when we are considering, the subject of naval warfare. You will make a great mis take if you suppose for a moment that the relative power depends entirely on the number or size or force of the ves sel. A more—l will not say a much more important, but a very important power consists in trained crews of vessels. (Hear.) The French for several years have had a system of training of a most perfect kind—training in the conduct of the vessel, and training not only in the conduct of the vessel, but in gunnery. The moment a French ship is afloat that moment they have trained men ready to go on board the vessel. lam sorry to say, from all I hear and all 1 ob serve, we have not such a system as that to which I ave referred—a system of the utmost importance, but which in this country hitherto has been almost entirely neglected. (Hear.) Now, with respect to force. What is required, first, in the Channel ? We require not only a force for war fare equal to, France, but we require something more. W e require a powerful reserve. (Hear.) France requires no reserve. The reason is this, and I beg your lordships to mark it. If in a combat of the two fleets the English fleet should be victorious, we have no power of landing with any .. 2 ... 2 .. 1 .. 2 .. 3 .. 4 effect upon the French coast ; whereas, if we had no reserve I and our fleet is destroyed in a contest with the French fleet, we are entirely at the mercy of the enemy. We have seen. lately what France can effect. Suppose the English fleet defeated and driven from the Channel, the events which have passed almost under our eyes within the last few weeks show the great peril to which we should be exposed from the extraordinary facility with which a military force to, an immense amount might at once be landed on our shores. But it is not sufficient for us to have a Channel fleet capable of coping with the country directly opposite to us. Our Channel fleet must certainly and necessarily be of an amount sufficient to cope against any two Powers which may be united against us. (Hear.) We know full well that at this moment the Russians have seven or eight line steamers fitted for sea. If by any accident or by any event, which might easily occur, we should be engaged in a dispute with France and with Russia, we should be in a very unfortunate situation if we had not a naval force sufficient to combat both those Powers. (Hear, hear.) Our naval power is essentially defensive. It is absolutely essential to our security. The naval power of France is not defensive— not necessarily so. It is aggressive in its character. (Hear.) Then, I say, with respect to the amount of the Channel fleet, if we wish to be in a state of security, if we wish to main tain our great interests, if we wish to maintain our honour, it is necessary that we should have a power measured by that of any two possible adversaries. (Cheors.) It is not very easy beforehand to say what that power should be, but we must watch events and extend our naval power accord ing to the necessity of the case, and whatever necessity re quires, whatever the expense, we must submit to incur that expense. (Cheers.) The Channel fleet is only one part of the force necessary. We must have a fleet sufficient to command the Mediterranean. If NT have not a fleet suffi cient to command the Mediterranean, every one of our strongholds will inevitably fall into the possession of France. Not only would that be the case, but the desire and the wish of the first Emperor to convert the Mediterranean into a French lake would be at once realised. (Hear, hear.) Do your lordships suppose that that idea is aban doned ? Far from it. I recollect very well that when the present Emperor, of whom I wish to speak in terms of respect, made his southern tour, and when he, arrived at Bordeaux, declared that The Empire is peace,"—l recollect in that progress, when at Marseilles, and about to proceed from Marseilles to Toulon in a fleet of war ships, reference was made to this desire of Bonaparte. Was it repudiated ? It was adopted by the present Em peror amid the enthusiastic cheers of the audience assembled on that occasion. (Hear, hear.) But, allow me to say, with respect to a fleet necessary for commanding the Mediter ranean, if France has the command of the Mediterranean, what is the inevitable consequence ? She will be able to leave and return to the Mediterranean at her pleasure. She will be able to take our Channel fleet in flank at any mo - ment. She will be able to unite her Mediterranean and Channel fleets. She will be able to cross the ocean, and one by one to take possession of our colonies, and she will be able to sweep the ocean of our ships, and destroy our whole property. (Hear, hear.) It is necessary, then, not only to have such a Channel fleet as I have stated, but such a fleet as will enable us completely to command the Mediterranean. (Cheers.) Something further is still necessary. We must have a fleet for the West India Islands. I admit not a strong fleet, nor do I pretend to say where that fleet should be stationed. I must leave that to military and naval per sons to determine. There is another point with respect to the Mediterranean. Unless we have the command'of the Mediterranean—if we are driven out of the Mediterranean, what is our situation with respect to India? We cannot eommunite with India, except round the Cape of Good Hope, while France will be able to communicate by a direct and easy course by means of Egypt and the Red Sea. What would be the result of that state of things I leave your lordships to imagine. (Hear, hear.) I have thus shortly directed attention to what I conceive to be necessary in reference to a Channel fleet, a fleet in the Mediterranean, and a force for the protection of our colonies. There are one or two points more to which I beg leave to refer. I find by examining the report of the commissioners for man ning the navy they recommended a reserve of seamen. That reserve, I consider, should be made immediately with out the least possible delay. (Hear, hear.) It should be so considerable and so well-trained as at any moment when necessary to furnish able gunners to ships in commission. (Hear, hear.) There is another point, my lords, to which I beg leave also to refer. It relates to a matter of great importance—the efficiency of our arsenals. It is of the ut most consequence that they should be as effective as possible, and that the docks and slips - should be of such dimensions as to be adapted to the present size of our vessels. In that respect they are, as yet, greatly defective. There ought to be, also, such a system of machinery as to enable us, at a moment's notice, and with the greatest, rapidity, to fit out armaments for our ships of war. (Hear.) These, my lords, are the observations which I have to offer on this occasion with.regard to the naval part of the case. I trust that what I have stated in that respect will meet with your lordships' concurrence. (Cheers.) Of this I am persuaded, that the more you examine the different parts of the sub ject and investigate the whole the more strongly will you be impressed with the necessity of incurring whatever ex penditure may be requisite for the purpose of accomplishing the objects to which I have called your attention. (Hear.) But, my lords, that to which I have been alluding consti tutes only one portion of this important subject. Hitherto, as I have already observed, you were, notwithstanding the absence of your fleet, comparatively in a state of domestic safety for the reasons which Imentioned. But what is your position now ? In what state would you be if your Channel fleet were dispersed or absent, or from any cause removed for a short time from its proper station? The noble lord the leader of the other House of Parliament has told you in very emphatic words that steam has converted the Channel into a river, and thrown a bridge across it. These are truly emphatic words, but they hardly exceed the reality. They are scarcely exaggerated. Mark, my lords, the state of things which has been more than once detailed. We know from recent experience that the materials of war may without exciting any observation be placed on board ship on the opposite side of the Channel. We know that in a few hours a large army may by means of the rail way, and without any notice whatsoever, be brought down to the coast to different points of embarkation. The facility of embarkation is quite extraordinary in conse quence of the new provisions made for that purpose by France. 'We know that such a force as that to which I refer may within a few hours—in the course of a single night—be landed on any part of our shores. (Hear, hear.) With ‘so much certainty, indeed, can the movements of such a body be regulated, that from different quarters its compo nent parts might arrive at the point of disembarkation without any difference in point of time. (Hear.) That is the state of things, my lords, with which we have to deal. You will very naturally ask what probable force could be brought together in the manner I have described. It is not my province to give an opinion upon such a question. Military and naval men are the proper persons to form a judgment with respect to it. I may, however, be permitted to state one or two circumstances which may serve to guide you in arriving at a just conclusion on the point. I know that in 1849, when France sent troops to Civita Vecchia, one frigate carried a distance of 300 miles 2,000 soldiers with all the munitions of war. lam further aware that a much larger force than that can be embarked for a short period of time on board a frigate, and a force still greater on board a ship of the line. I know from information which I have received, and the accuracy of which I do not doubt, that the French are at the present moment building steamers for the purpose of transporting troops, each of which is being constructed to carry 2,500 men with all the necessary stores. (Hear, hear.) This, therefore, is the description of force which you must prepare yourselves to meet. Ido not mean for a moment to say that there is no risk in such an adventure as that against which I would call upon you to be on your guard. No great military en terprise can ever be undertaken without some risk, but I beheve from all I have read and heard, and from all the consideration which I have been able to give.to the subject, that the risk in the case to which I am adverting is much less than it has been in many instances in which the result has been attended with success. (Hear, hear.) What then, my lords, does it be come our duty to do ? What precautions does it behove us to take ? What force ought we to maintain in order to be prepared for any emergency which may arise ? My answer is a force of regular troops—not volunteers—not undisciplined men, but, I repeat, a force of regular troops, capable of opposing any military force which in any proba bility can be landed on our shores. (Hear, hear.) It is absolutely imperative upon us to maintain such a force. It is a duty which we owe to ourselves. It is a duty which we owe to the character of our country. (Cheers.) But, my lords, independently of all this, we must provide for our garrisons, and also for that which is of greater import. ance still—our arsenals. (Hear, hear.) They are—l -re gret to say it—at present in a very imperfect s tate of d e fence. Much exertion, much expenditur e, and much engineering talent will be necessary for the purp b or of f plac ing them in such a position as to pre vent their as em gseizedthat upon as the result of a sudden attack. If l am ask is the force which the safety of the country dema , we should keep up, my answer is, that after consultation with many persons competent to form_ ; ) ,n2, 1 , 3 . On the point I put down that force at at se t.niculut;tdmo regular I have made troops, and whin I say regular troop . I e the em lords which and trained militi " bodied and trained militia, while I think there should be equal force of disembodied a. (Hear, hear.) Every observation, my the case of the on this subject applies as well t9 er lreland as to this coun try. (Hear, hear.) Perhaps th precautions which I have more necessary i n of til lal C d h may possibly be looked upon on the othq. side lau annel as one of the op • finordmiceartedthmaneythbee latter. eve n pressed nationahtLe2 differing g‘ii ---- aa a country trampled upon by a nation _from; her customs, language, and i n w e cannot tell what misrepresentations may be made. We must, at all events, my lords, provide equally for the safety of Ireland as for years 1804 and 1805, the only our own. In the in which we were seriouslythreatenedperiods, _ I believe, by France, the force which we greater than that which I have maintained was much just mentioned. But that was merely a temporary• force ; while that which I have just indicated a existing state of things ought,s necessary to meet the in my opinion, to form part of of the permanent force the country. If we wish to live in security, to maintain our interests ' abroad., to uphold the honour of the nation, w exertion we must be willing to make every necessary for the accomplishment of an ob ject something like that w hi c h I have pointed out. (Herr.) I have experienced, my lords,something like a sentiment of humiliation in going through these details. I recollect the day when' every part of the opposite coast was block aded by an English fleet. (Hear.) I remember the victory of Camperdown and that of St. Vincent, won by Sir J. Jervis. Ido not forget the great victory of the Nile, nor, last of all, that triumphant fight at Trafalgar, which al most annihilated the navies of France and Spain. I con tract the position which we occupied at that period with that which we now hold. I recollect the expulsion of the French from Egypt ; the achievement of victory after vie. tory in Spain ,• the British army established in t he South of France, and then that great battle by which that war was terminated, I cannot glance back over that series of events without feeling some degree of humiliation when I am called upon to state in this house the measures which I deem it to be necessary to take in order to provide for the safety of the country. But I may be asked,. " Why do you think such measures requisite ? are we not in alliance with France ? Are we not on terms of friendship with Russia ? What other Power can molest us ?" To these questions. my lords, my answer shall be a short and a simple one. I will not consent to live in dependence on the friendship or the forbearance of any country. (Loud cheers.) I rely solely on my ownvigour, lay own exertion, and my own in telligence. (Cheers.) Does any noble lord in this house dissent from the principle which I have laid down? (A pause.) I rejoice, my lords, to find that such is not the case. But while this is a matter for congratulation, I regret to be obliged to say that we do not stand well upon the continent of Europe. Ido not think late events have improved our position in that respect. But I go further, my lords, and express my belief, as the result of my own careful observations, that if any plausible ground of difference should arise between this country and France, and that differences should lead to hostilities, the declara tion of war with England on the part of the Government of that country would be hailed with the utmost enthusiasm, not only by the army of France, but by the great mass of the French people. (Hear, hear.) If lam asked, " Will you not rely upon the assurances, and the courtesy of the Emperor Napoleon ?" I reply that I have a great respect for that high person, and that I will not enter into any ex planation on this subject, but will leave every noble lord to draw his own conclusions, and to form his own opinions. This, however, I will say, and I can say it without impro priety. If lam asked whether I cannot place reliance on the Emperor Napoleon, I reply with confidence that I can not place reliance in him because he is in a situation in which he cannot place reliance on himself. (" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) He is in a situation in which he must be governed by circumstances, and I will not consent that the safety of this country should depend on such contingencies. (Hear, hear.) My lords, self-reliance is the best road to distinction in private life. It is equally essential to the character and to the granduer of a nation. (Hear, hear.) It will be necessary for our defence, as I have already stated, that we should have a military force sufficient to cope with any Power or combinations of Powers that may be brought against us. I know there will be great opposi , tion to the expense. I feel and observe this. But look at the opposite coast. An army of 600,000 men, admirably disciplined, admirably organised, superior to any other force of the same kind in Europe, lies within a few hours' sail of our own shores. That army is composed of brave troops, skilful, well -commanded, eager for conflict, enthusiastic, fond of adventure, thirsting for glory, and, above all, familiar with glory. That is the Power arrayed against you. Ido not ask you to combat that Power aggressively-, but only to put yourselves in a state of sufficient defence to resist it. What have we seen within the last fe4' weeks ? France, with a peace establishment, with no pre paration for war—(a laugh)--no desire for war, a nation that could not reduce its establishment be cause it had never advanced it—(a laugh)—so the Emperor told us, and I am bound to put faith in that state ment—was vet able in the short period of five or six weeks to transport an army of 170,000 men to the banks of the Mincio, with 200 pieces of cannon and a siege train, gain ing two great battles in its progress, besides other lesser fights, while she has a fleet of 50 war steamers in the Adri atic at this moment, with, I believe, an army of 40,000 men. (Hear, hear.) Cross the opposite coast, then, and you find. the power of action, of motion, of hostility, of in jury. Are we to sit supine on our own shores, and not to prepare the means necessary in case of war to resist that power ? I do not wish to say that we should do this for any aggressive purpose. What I insist upon is that we are bound to make every effort necessary for our own shelter and protection. (Hear, hear.) Beside this, the question of expense and of money sinks into insignificance. (Hear, hear.) It is the price we must pay for our insurance, and it is but a moderate price for so important an insurance. I know there are persons who will say, " let us run the risk." Be it so. But, my lords, if the calamity should come, if the conflagratio n s h ou ld take place, what words can de scribe the extent of the calamity, or what imagination can paint the overwhelming run that would fall upon us. (Hear.) I shall be told, perhaps, that these are the timid counsels of old age. My lords, for myself, I should run no risk. Personally, I have nothing to fear. But to point out possible peril and how to guard effectively against it, that is surely to be considered, not as timidity, but as the dic tates of wisdom and prudence. (Hear.) I have confined myself to facts that cannot be disputed. I think I have confined myself also to inferences which no man can suc cessfully contravene. I hope what .I have said has been in accordance with your feelings and opinions. (Hear.) I shall terminate what I have to say in two emphatic word s —Yee Victis !—words of solemn and most significant im port. (Loud cheers.) Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE (to whom Earl Granville, who rose with him, gave place) said he was not entitled by any long standing in the house to interpose between their lordships and the noble earl who had just risen. Indeed, even without reference to that noble earl, he had nh claim to address the house on a subject of this kind. But he believed he should reflect the general I celing of the house when he expressed his gratituds to the noble and learned lord for calling attention to this most important and solemn subject, at so anxious a time as the present. (Hear.) That speech afforded a strong proof of the feeling prevailing throughout the country on this subject. When he remembered that though the supplies necessary to take the precautions suggested could not originate in this house, and yet that subject had first been brought under conside ration here—when he remembered that the noble lord did not belong to the naval or military profession, but that his honourable, his glorious career had been passed in, totally different pursuits—and when he saw him rise at a very ad vanced age and overcome the infirmities of that period of life in order to perform a solemn duty towards the country, 1 he could not but fe 1 all the importance of this subject, and that it had not been brought under their attention without adequate reason. (Hear.) In all countries possessing free institution at all times there had been an unwillingness to prepare for deience in anticipation of war. The feeling brought out by these institutions was a very natural feel ing of 'self-confidence and of unwillingness to endure sacri fices before a strong conviction of danger had arisen. He said, therefore, that it was with good reason that the noble and learned lord had called attention to this subject. It was well known thatpreparations had been made in this country, and that we had assurances from both the late and the pre sent Government that the national defences would not be neglected. He confessed that he 'had beard with satisfac tion some short time ago the just tribute paid to the late First Lord of the Admiralty by the present Foreigu Secre tary, for the successful exertions made by the right hon. gentleman in his department. He quite agreed with his noble and learned friend (Lord Lyndhurst) that it was not a question of the degree of confidence put by this coun try in foreign Powers or in the Emperor Napoleon, but that it was a shame and a humiliation that a great na tion like ours should exist for one hour under sufferance. (Cheers.) Not only must such an existence inspire a sense of shame which we ought indignantly to repel; but we thereby deprived ourselves of the opportunity of performing those duties which we owed to the world and to the Pro vidence which had placed us in a position of doing good without limit. The noble and learned lord, he believed, had indulged in no exaggeration in his representation of the means of our neighbours. When we looked to those means, and to the position which we occupied in relation to other countries, there was much reason for anxiety, and still greater anxiety must be occasioned by the changes which had taken place in naval tactics. When he looked at the growing demands upon our naval and military services for the protection of our distant settlements, and at the extent of our daily-increasingcommerce with all parts of the world he saw an additional demand for augmented means of de fence, an additional danger proceeding from abroad, and every reason for making those sacrifices which were neces sary in order to secure the safety of our shores and add to our influence in negotiation with other States. He for one put the question of invasion very much aside. Whatever reason we might have to apprehend a hostile attack upon our shores, he was still willing to believe that with a prudent and at the same time firm policy on our part, and with some feeling of regard for right on the part of others, we werenot likely to be exposed to that immediate danger. But there were other considerations which made it an imperative duty to lose no time in completing our defences, and placing our selves in that position of security which our honour and nt terests both demanded. When he looked at the high piten of prosperity to which we had attained, at the united sen timent that existed to an almost unparall e l e d e xtent among us, and at the fact that we possessed mean s of defence . o nearly unlimited in amount, he found it enter tainimpostibleutrodanger from any apprehension for the fate of Eng land arose too much self-confidence, from too great a re liance upon past successes, and from an unwillingness t heat admit those changes which had actually taken p aee . , u was satisfied that if the warning were accepted—if we l o o ur ok d e i d sp th osai e d — an s g o e f r ar in fr t o h m e face, an d employed the m eans having any reason to dread a con flict with France or any other foreign Power, the day on which we should be called upon to defend our honour and interests would prove the most glorious day that ever shone upon the destinies of England. (Cheers.) Earl GRANVILLE—I fully concur in the feeling of ad miration which has been expressed by the noble lord who has just spoken with respect to the speech of the noble and learned lord opposite. I fully admit that in this remarkable intellectual effort the noble and learned lord has put his views clearly before your lordships, and that those views, le lucidly stated, contain much of truth and much of patriot ism. At the same time I cannot refrain from asking my selfwh eaar. w t )h h la e t s h afm e a n o r any ne t sgi eat practical good is likely to result from h frm e wthheethnoerbltehane object je ler ofi e h d s lo o rd bs . erv ( a H ti e o a n r s , is to stimulate the country or to stimulate the Government, but I have no hesitation in saying that, as regards other countries, I cannot foresee any advantage in the course which has been taken. (Hear, hear.) There is nothing which gives such weight to this house as the debates which take Place in it upon all the important subjects relating to oar connexion with foreign States, but at the same time it can not be denied that upon each individual member rests a grave responsibility in regard to what may escape his lips. (Hear, hear.) During the first three months of the present Parliamentary session I think we had only three debates upon the delicate subject of our foreign relations. Those debates were not devoid of spirit or of frankness, but they were conducted with a prudence and discretion which were not only highly approved by the public at large, but pro duced a good effect on the continent, and even in som e countries where our free institutions are little loved. (Hea r t ' hear.) Since the accession of the present Gove en three of this house has sat only four nights, and duringsome them sharp discussions have taken place i? spoke One deli cate matters connected with our foreign nce and facilit y on two consecutive nights with an eloquence noble and gallant lord, whom Ido not see most t h r e e r ni k a ind oef in one remarkable pre vented him from acquiring whose professional career laaso relations.o h place,i o s l and a precision which are certainly experience in Parliamentaay or public rn hi h • ment w is resent speaking ; but at the s ame time I must sty that his attack upon the head of a Gove ' friendly alliance with us, and still more the at irri p tating re in ' marks which he made upon the whole French nation, were not well c alculittea to maintain peace between. tho two man ' t r i e s. (Hear, hear.) lam bound to state, however, that the two noble earls whom I now see sitting top,;eth er—l mean the lam Prime Minister and the late Foreign ;Secretary — having recently felt the responsibility illy& ,red in the management of public affairs at a crisis like I he present, have abstained from observations of an imprucl mot and in jurious character. The noble earl who was at • the head of the late Government has carefully abstained. i rom taking any part in the discussions to which I have •referred, white the noble earl the late Secretary of State f or 'Foreign Af fairs has, confined himself almost entirely.. to a, very lc giti" , EER.