The Sun. — London, England, 1858-11-26 00:00:00

•••......e...............•••••••••••••11..................... WINTER. —NO GENTLEMAN during the Winter should be without one of MACDOUGALL'S FAMOUS HIGHLAND CL co mfOAort KS, Universally acknowledged to be the most able, useful, and gentlemanly upper Garment now in use, either for Town wear, or the Rail, the Coach, Riding, Driving, and Walking. They are made of Scotch Tweeds,hi every . variety f Plain Colours, and very pretty Mixttoes : also in dark Grey and Black, for Clergymen's wear. Good useful qualities from.... 265. to 365. The best do. do. .• .. 388. to 50e. The height and Size round Shoulders is sufficient measure. P a ttorns and price per post, free. Any number of Cloak forwarded in fouron don. days from date of free to L D. IiACDOUGALL, THE ROYAL TARTAN WAREHOUSE. INVERNESS. TxrrHEATRE-ROYAL, underDRURY-LANE.—U the Management of Miss Louisa Fyne and Harrison. "THIS M iss EV Su Balfe's ROSE OF CASTILE : Miss L o uisa Pyne san Pyne, Miss M. Prescot t ; Mr. Fer dinand Glover, Mr. A. St. Albyn, Mr. Bartleman, and Mr. W. Harrison. Conductor—Mr. Alfred Mellon. To conclude with a new Ballet Divertissement, LA FLEUR D'AMOUR : Mesdlles. L. Michelet, Morlacchi, and Pasquale. ROYAL I° RINCESS',S THEATRE. Under the Management of Mr. Cluirles Kea. THIS EVENING will be presented Shskopere's T r agedy of MACBETH. Macbeth" Mr. C. Kean ; Lady Macbeth, Mrs. C. Kean. Preceded by the Farce of THIRTY-THREE NEXT BIRTHDAY. THEATRE -ROYAL, HAYMARX.ET. Lessee, Mr. J. B. Buckstone. THIS EVENING, USED UP: Mr. C. Mathews. After which, THE DAUGHTER OF THE GUA.DAL QUIVER. Peres Nena. MY MOTHER'S MAID. And A KISS IN THE DARK. Commence at T. ROYAL STRAND THEATRE. Lessee and Directress, Miss Swanborongh. THIS EVENING, THE LITTLE SAVAGE. After which THE MAID AND THE MAGPIE. WOOING IN JEST AND LOVING IN ;EARNEST : Miss Swanborough. And THE BONNIE FISH WIFE. Commence at 7 o'clock. A STLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE, Westminster-road. See Lessee Mr. William Cooke. Stage Manager, Mr. R. Phillips. Engagement of Johnor Six Nig h ts Esq., M. P . for Greenwich , fonly. THIS EVENING, and during the week, will be presented Shakspere's Tragedy of KING RICHARD THE 'THIRD; or, The Death of White Surrey, reproduced with all its origi nal splendid effects. The Duke of Gloster, Mr. John Towns end, M.P. Followed by the inimitable SCENES IN THE ARENA, in which Mr. W. Cooke, Mr. Runnels, Miss Kate Cooke, and Madlle. Blanche will appear. To conclude with the popular farce of SHOOTING THE MOON. No fees to box-keepers. The art of riding taught. Carriages at eleven. CANTERBURY HALL, Westminster -road ,— Proprietor—C. MORTON. The üblic is most respectfully informed that 'the Film ARTSGALLERY, in connection with the above Hall, IS NOW OPEN DAT AND NIGHT, from 11 o'clock a.m. until 12 o'clock p.m. The New Gallery contains an extensive Collec tion of Pictures, by Ancient and Modern Masters .and is also devoted to Art productions generally. The Proprietor feels he may confidently assert that, viewed altogether, the exist ing' Music Hall, the New Fine Arts Gallery, and the recently added Ante-Hall, will present an attraction which, whether as regards the architectural beauty of the structures them selves, or the varied and hitherto unattemted combinations within, will be found to be wholly without parallel in the Kingdom. The Musical. ENTERTAINMENT commences as usual at Seven o'clock. THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, Nov. 26. THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE. 54—highest since noon yesterday. 53—lowest this morning and during the night 56—this day at noon. BauomETER-29.38. WIND, S.W. ; light, with very mild weather, and sun. shine. THE SUN. FRIDAY. NOVEMBER 26, 1858. where otherwise they would never have been heard of. . name of Forbes), that he was 48 years of age, an ex-peer of France, and a member of the French Academy, and that he was born in Paris. (It, ha, been stated in some reeenl biographies that he born in London.) He answered all the questions put to him with the greatest frankness and the most perfect sang froid, never for a moment shrinking from the responsibility of anything he had said in his article, and never failing to detect the import of any insidious suggestion made by the Pre sident. He admitted that he admired the present political institutions of England, and regretted that France had lost them; but he denied that he had " attacked" French institutions, in any sense for bidden by the law. He admitted that when he spoke of his joy at a temporary escape in England from "pestiferous miasma and corrupt atmosphere," he alluded to miasma and atmosphere in France but he totally denied that he meant to say that he and his friends alone were honest men, and that the eight millions of Frenchmen who had voted for the Emperor were cowards. When asked whether he should not think it an insult to say to anyone in a drawing-room that "their ideas of happiness and honour were very different," he said, " Yes, if I said so to a person's face ; but when I say so of a class of per sons whom I do not expressly designate, I do not transcend the limits which have always been per mitted." He denied that the fair construction of his expression about a "government of an ante-chamber" applied to the Emperor. He had denounced in a general way flatterers and sycophants, of whom there were as many now as there had been in all time. He had particularly denounced those flatterers who had been the obsequious followers of every dynasty. With regard to his having said that the press was , " gagged," that was a mere statement of an undeniable fact. Not only were there legal warnings, but it was notorious that only within the last two days the journals of Paris had received an order, altogether extra-legal, command ing them to abstain from commenting on certain I subjects. tion. the law of 1819, made for a charter so granted by king by right of birth. conld he applicable to the ono tit ut monarcll v of the Roi des Francais, end accordingly Lon.i , .Pliiiippe's Govcninicnt passed. a new law to a similar effect. Again, in 1848, when we had a single sovereign assembly, a law was passed for the protection of that constitution ; and when, in 1849, the form of government was again changed, though not in any such radical manner as it was subsequently in 1852, another law was passed to meet the circumstance. If the present Government had neglected to renew that law it was their own fault ; but that was no reason why they should dispense with all law, and, acting upn purely arbitrary principles, condemn a man merely because he was obnoxious. He concluded by a brilliant and impassioned peroration, which I will not attempt to quote from. When M. Berryer sat down, loud, numerous, and simultaneous cries of " Bravo" burst forth from the lower end of the court. The President ordered the police to turn out any one who had joined in the manifestations if they could find him, and threat ened to clear the court if the outrage should be repeated. M. Villemain, the perpetual Secretary of the Academy, approached M. Berryer, and squeezing his hand said, " You were never in your life finer, either at the bar or in the tribune," At this stage the court rose for half an hour. An arrangement was made that the Procureur Imperial should reply to M. Berryer, and that M. Dufaure would then say a few words for M. Douniol, and reply upon the whole case. The Procureur Imperial's reply, which did not last more than a quarter of an hour, was even less effective than his opening speech. He scarcely touched the specific charges of the prosecution or powerful answer that had been made to them. He reiterated his assertion that French institutions were better than English ones, and that it was anti-French to say the contrary. He taunted M. de Montalembert with having formerly voted for shutting up the Paris clubs, and asked whether his admiration for England led him to approve of English political meetings—institutions to which the English people were more attached than any other. He cited, as instances of the immense dan ger of such meetings, some of the rhodomontade which "discussion forum" men sometimes indulge in, and which in England excites no attention whatever. He fastened upon an expression of M. de Montalembert, cautioning England against over confidence in her own strength, and advising her to keep up a naval and military force proportioned to the large forces of despotism, and founded upon it the absurd charge that M. de Montalembert wished to see a war, and would take part with England against his own country. M. Dufaure, after a few words of excuse for M. Douniol (a mere working tradesman, who was lately a compositor), on the ground of his good cha 'meter and actual ignorance of the article for which he was responsible, severely reproved the Procureur Imperial for the levity and incompleteness of his speeches for the prosecution. •He (M. Dufaure) could find nothing in them seriously deserving of • an answer. The Procureur Imperial seemed to think that reading here and there a passage from the article in a most cursory way was a sufficient formality tojustify a condemnation, without pointtlog out, as he was bound to do, the particular passages which fell within the scope of the laws referred to in them. If the Procureur had read the article carefully he would have seen that the leading dea of it was to defend the religious policy of the Correspondent against that of the Uni vers and the legitimist journals, who decried the English alliance and extolled the cut-throats of Cawnpore and Lucknow. M. de Montalembert had replied to four furious articles of the Univers which had appeared but a short time be fore the number of the Correspondant' now in question. He denounced the ultramontane and. retrograde policy of the Univers with burning''` indignation, and said that the Correspondant de fended national religion such as it had been un derstood by all the noblest and best men in France for ages against journals who gloried in the mas sacre of St. Bartholomew, and justified the revoca tion of the Edict of Nantes. As an instance of the little thought which the Procureur Imperial had bestowed upon the case, he said that the charge of M. de Montalembert having alinded to the Empe ror when he talked of a " government of an ante chamber," refuted itself. If there was a man whose habits were self-reliant and solitary, it was the Emperor. That he might say of him, without being waning in proper respect. The Emperor was wont to decide most important questions without taking much counsel, and often quite against the opinions of those nearest to him. His former Ministers (turning towards M. Odillon Barrot) can tell us little about this. (A laugh.) M. Dufaure reca pitulated and, reinforced with crushing logic the arguments of M. Berryer, showing that the law of 1849 could not be applicable to the present imperial constitution. It would be a strange thing; he , said, if M. Montalembert were to be condemned for having lamented the ./ loss of liberty, .of the press, liberty of the tri bane; Sirc., under a law passed for the express purpose of protecting those very institutions from attacks. He referred with humour to the caprici ous nature of universal suffrage, which in the course of a very few years had sanctioned a republic with a sovereign chamber, a republic with a chamber and a president for four years with concurrent powers, a modified republic with a president for ten years, and finally the present empire. If to regret some of the results of universal suffrage was to be con strued as an attack upon its principles, there were few men in France who had not attacked it within a very short time. He read a passage from Mon tesquieu narrating that, when receiving the hospi tality of a foreign country, he felt a peculiar interest in and regard for the people and institutions of that country. M. de Montalembert had been actuated. by the same sentiment when in England. As to the expression which had been much objected to, that France was in leading-strings (tutelle), the same thing had been said with regret over and over again by many eminent men. On this subject M. Dufaure read a passage from a speech lately pronounced by Prince Napoleon at Limoges, in which speaking in favour of decentralisation, he used that very word. tutelle, and regretted that there was so much of it in was P n r o a t ne. a e wo li word in further inth observedeartielec ontra th ry at to th t e h re e Emperor's policy as regards England. His re gret that there was not a greater approach to similarity in the institutions of the two countries only showed that he wished to see the alliance established on a lasting basis. So far from his being anti-French, he showed his love for his country, and paid a compliment to his country men, when he expressed his belief that France wag worthy to enjoy light, liberty, and freedom. At six o'clock the judges retired to deliberate, and at seven returned into court and delivered the following judgment : The Court sentences the Count de Montalembert to six months' imprisonment and a fine of 3,000 f. Dounfol to one month's imprisonment and a fine of I,ooof. Orders both defendants jointly and severally to pay the said fines. Acquits them of the other heads of the aCellSa' Condemns them jointly and severallg in the costs of the trial. And fixes the duration of imprisonment iA default of payment at one year. ~:=.,~. - ." tion, brow t. 1 301 tic,/ Tell 'we t Rh,. Bat 3 ix Z lin Nei Lot The Peninsular and Oriental steamer Malta on I t Saturday will take out 1227,14.5 in silver, and 650 sore' 1 1 reigns for Bombay. e The East Kent Railway Company, in a circular c issued yesterday regarding a diiision of their shares into l two classes, announce the completion of the line to Can' 1 terbury is expected in eighteen months, and that the section 1 between Faversham and Canterbury will mos t likely be opened next autumn. The section between Canterbury and I Dover is to be finished within two years. The establish- i meat of a new continental line will then have been effected .at an outlay not exceeding £2,000,000, and Canterbury, Ramsgate, Margate, Sandwich, and Deal will have been brought about 20 miles nearer London. Between London anei Dover the saving will be about 11 miles. A branch from the East Kent line, to be completed in 12 months, will at the same time shorten the distance to Whitstable and Herne Bay by 30 miles, and an inexpensive line of 10 miles from Herne Bay to Margate, to be obtained next session, will effect a like reduction in the route to the latter place. 1 ... 1 (6 .... t.. %. . r.,, . .... . A A.-- 1 . ." , c co , M , li. ZO , •.: . - ' • ' " 1 , 4' ' .J,N17., -, ~ .e., , l iiiiil is i o p7v4. i'frwAlllll, I,..ike_ g -.., d ''' ,I 1 blUir ~., h `tc .• . 4. 1 ' , . 110 ''''' —et' . • l''... ~.... THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 26, 1858 The French police court has sentenced M. Mop- TALENIBERT to imprisonment, with a fine, and that is all, perhaps, that the judges see in their deci sion. They aro but the tools of the " antechamber," and of the Imperial chamber itself, and have no thing to do but to turn with the shaft that moves them. But all Europe sees a sentence passed by the moving power, intentionally on England, un intentionally on itself. And, of all parties sen tenced, one alone is branded with everlasting dis grace. The Count was indicted for bringing the Em pire into contempt—but it may be safely affirmed that nothing written by M. MONTALEMBERT has brought the Empire into such contempt as this prosecution, and this sentence by a servile court. There is now no evading the disgrace. The EMPEROR might, if he were in the cue for magnanimity—one which he has not thought it worth while to assume lately—decline inflicting the imprisonment and fine ; but he can never efface from the Empire the stigma of having attempted to silence the last breathings of French genius. Our readers have seen the several counts of Imperial indictment of genius ; they have proba bly, most of them, either read the article itself, or the passages selected for prosecution. This notable trial, though crowded into the corner of a subordi nate French court, cannot be kept in a corner. The subject matter of the prosecution being now in English as well as in French, lies before the whole civilised world. Every man of tolerable education can sit in judgment on the true character of M. MONTALEMBERT'S pamphlet. Is it seditims ? Does it aim at the subversion of false opinions by unfair means ? Are the attacks upon Imperial laws other than those to which any laws ought to be liable—attacks of a kind which, if laws cannot endure, they ought to be repealed ? Is there a word beyond what a professed politician might most reasonably write ? Anything, to be brief, which could be objected to for a moment by an intelligent and honest Government ? Such ques tions have already been answered in the negative throughout educated Europe, and educated Ame rica will, as soon as she has the document before her, give the same answer. his dut.y. So far as Imperial laws and the Imperial regime generally are concerned, the only sting of the pro secuted expressions is their truth. The language cannot be called fierce, low, or provocative of insur rection. It is satire, no doubt, but satire so grace ful, so unenvenomed that, though certain minis terial delinquents must feel its pungency, it was theirs to meet by the pen what the pen only could meet, and what it was the last infamy of cowardice to mee t by imprisonments and fines. Revenge, no doubt, is sweet, but it cannot always be taken with impunity. A man may be provoked to the last degree by an irritating woman's tongue, but he had better, for his credit's sake amongst men, not seek satisfaction for the provocation by means of the superiority of masculine to femi nine strength. And despotic Governments, their fists loaded with laws made for the purpose of crushing any victim they please, can beat hi s brains out if they like. But what have they done, after all, except to brand themselves as intellectual impotents and tyrants ? Louis NAPOLEON has not on his side—has not positively one writer who could give MONTALEMBERT satire for satire, wit for wit. It is, perhaps, no discredit to a Cabinet that its members should be men of business rather than writers ; but humiliating, indeed, is it that any Government, professing to be the choice of the nation, should not be able to find a single pen, not even a hireling one, to answer an elegantly hostile political pamphlet—that a Government of intellec tual France, the country which boasts itself of being the Athens of Europe, should be obliged to resort to brute force in its conflict with genius. All in vain ! Genius is of far too ethereal a quality to be murdered or silenced by such means. Blows like these but show its vitality. MONTALEMBERT'S dun&von and fine will give his sentiments voice It is singular that just at the time of this prose cution Lords PALMERSTON and CLARENDON should have been enjoying imperial hospitality. They were not of the EMPEROR'S Cabinet, it is true, but they are political martyrs to their too great friend ship for him. They had some title to a hearing on this business, for if ever a prosecution was intended to condemn others than the victim whom law could reach, it was the case now. England, as his Royal Highness the PRINCE CONSORT would say, was on her trial in the French nd police court, and by the E MP EROR'S orders. e had been great offeers. We would not modify English laws at the de mand of a foreign despot. We treated with cool contempt the bullyings alike of French Colonels and French Counts of the " ante-chamber." We sentenced to deposition the Minister who did not treat them with the same contempt as the nation ai d , M. MONTALEMBERT places all this before French readers in the light in which the English public viewed it, and he so did this as to place in the most advantageous light our political liberties, our constitution generally, and especially the free dom of the Press. In fact, with little more than the shade requisite to set off the praise, M. MONTA LEMBERT praised English freedom in all its forms and developments. The French police court has condemned that praise. Our liberty is guilty of reflecting the deformities of French despotism ; and M. MONTALEMBERT photographed the reflection. The artist was condemned for the truthfulness of his picture of England. Had he shown the evils instead of the blessings of our freedom, his article would have been reprinted at the cost of the Im perial Exchequer. But what are we to think of a prosecution, by Imperial order, in a police court, nominally of a French political writer, really quite as much of a truthful illustration of the working of the English constitution. Taking it as a whole, every English- I man would be gratified with the fair account given us by the count. He would amongst foreigners feel that it raised him in their eyes ; he would feel, we cannot say flattered by it, but that honourable justice had been done him. Lords CLARENDON and PALMERSTON themselves, though hit a little hard in it, would yet like that foreigners should take their notion of English politics and politicians from M. DE MONTALEMBERT. We verily believe that, could anything similarly com mendatory of Imperial institutions have been prose cuted here, we should have no end of palaver from the PALMERSTONIAN journals_on the danger of irri tating our faithful ally ; we should have been told to look to our defences and the like. Of course Louis NAPOLEON knows us too well not to know that we feel honoured rather than otherwise by the prosecution and the sentence. We, so far as we are concerned, are no way annoyed that our vindication of the right of asylum in the person of Dr. BERNARD should be met by a vindication of imperial club-law in the person of M. MONTALEM BERT. We almost find it difficult to sympathise with the victim. Imprisonment, to be sure, is wearisome, but who can pity sufferings for patriot ism in which the sufferer must glory ? What man would not rather have been the writer of the splendid and high-souled article in the Corre spondunt, though atoning for it in a prison, than the hero of a treacherous and bloody coup d'etat, though placed by it on a throne? Should the Count be spared to come to England he may yet see how England honours the man who has done WILLIAM LEMON OLIVE was yesterday sen tenced to 20 years' penal servitude on three charges to which he had pleaded guilty, viz.—one of for gery and two of misappropriating securities and other property entrusted to him by the lawful owners. The punishment, severe as it may be considered, is scarcely adequate to the offence. Until withinthe last thirty years the forgery would have inevitably led to an ignominious death; but the misappropriation of the securities and property with which he was entrusted was, if possible, fraught with more dangerous consequences to society, and involved a deeper amountof guilt than even the forgery itself. There was the basest treachery, as well as the greatest amount of moral turpitude, displayed in the manner in which he swindled a confiding lady out of a fortune that would have yielded her a comfortable independence, had she not unfortunately fallen into the hands of the obliging Mr. OLIVER, who was so anxious to spare her the trouble of receiving her own dividends. We can scarcely conceive a case of greater atrocity, or one more deserving of public execration, than that which has consigned a person once occupying a comparatively respectable position to the utmost degradation. He is far inferior to a bond slave, inasmuch as his misery dates not from his birth, but from the time when he suffered himself to yield to temptation, and to relinquish every principle of honour and honesty for the sake of avoiding some pecuniary troubles. But, if his fate should be regarded as an example to deter others in a similar position from crime, the serious loss which his too•confiding client has sustained, will, we trust, induce other persons who have money to invest to take care that they receive the securities for which they have provided the means of purchase. If the lady who entrusted OLIVER with so large a sum of money had insisted upon receiving her stock, and depogited it herself in a bank, there could have been no pos sibility of deception. It was her credulity that enabled him to obtain a term of exemption from the liability which he so recklessly undertook. He was, we believe, not a sworn stockbroker. He had given no securities for his good conduct, and yet, simply on the faith of a plausible address, and un - blushing assurance in arrogating to himself a posi tion to which he was not entitled, he was entrusted with the sum of £5,000 sterling, no step being ' taken to ascertain that he had faithfully applied the money, or that the securities, if originally pur chased, might not be misapplied at the first financial pressure on the agent. If the community will profit by the painful lesson, some advantage may result therefrom. No respectable broker would object to satisfy his client that he had actually purchased and would receive the stipu lated securities. There are none who would not gladly get rid of the responsibility of retaining the property of others, not intended for speedy sale, in their hands. Those who think their honour im peached, if proof be demanded, are certainly not the cZass with whom we should advise a friend to entrust his money. The higher the position, the more un doubted the solvency of the agent, the more ready will he be to satisfy his principal that everything has been strictly correct, and that there is not the slightest possible ground for doubt or suspicion. A Coroner is an important public officer. He has arduous duties to perform, an d h as propor tionate powers. He has, what the Grand Jury ought to do on an inquest, to inquire into doubtful matters and decide thereon. Their verdict may consign a man to prison until the next gaol de livery. It will suffice to place him on his trial before a. jury of his countrymen. On that he must be arraigned, although the indictment may e ignored on other points. It is, therefore, of vast importance' that he should be enabled to defend himself before the tribunil by which hy aay be subjected to the greatest inconvenience and annoyance. But owing to an absurd technicality, a piece of official " red•tapism," he is not permitted to be present when the witnesses are examined and the case investigated. He cannot defend himself, nor can the jury form an estimate of his demeanour or the state of his mind. The magistrates have refused to permit the accused to be brought before the coroner and jury, and the cause of public justice and the interests of the accused are both greatly prejudiced by the unfair and unwarrantable obstruction interposed in the way of complete justice. Many attempts have been made to get rid o, this striking anomaly, but in vain. It is even said that the Secretary of State has not the power to order the accused to be brought up before the coroner and jury. If such be the case, an act should be forthwith passed to remedy the flagrant grievance, and to afford the relief which the common sense of the nation sees to be so urgently demanded. Th e coroner of Middlesex has taken a leading part in the con test. He has justice and equity on his side, and we have no doubt that the Secretary of State for the Home Department will render his aid to get rid of the crying evil. The case of the unfortunate maniac charged with the murder in Queen-square has exhibited the matter in the strongest point of view, and Mr. Secretary WALPOLE will be prepared to introduce a measure which will henceforward prevent the recurrence of so great a scandal. THE BOMBAY MAILS. (BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.) SOUTHAMPTON, FRIDAY MORNING. The Ripon, steamship, Captain Powell, has ar- rived. She left Alexandria the 11th ; Malta, 15th ; and Gibraltar, 21st ; and she brings 30 passengers, one package specie, value not stated ; 1,430 bales silk, 141 boxes of shawls, 181 barrels of dates, &c. Passed the steam-ship Indus, on entering Malta and the Tagus, off Lisbon. THE MONTALEMBERT FINE. TO THE EDITOR.OF THE SUN. Sir,—An opportunity is now afforded the Bri tish public of showing their opinion of the result of the trial of M. Montalembert by opening a franc subscription from any three thousand individuals de sirous of recording their sympathy.—l am, &c., London, Nov. 25. I. Q. LATEST NEWS. 'HIE INDIAN EMPIRE. The Atlantic Royal Mail Steam Navigation Com pany have received the following " The steamship Indian Empire his not been at sea one month. She was at Halifa r t by our last advices undergoing repair of damages caused by a brig running foul of her." • . . MARSEILLES, Nov. 24. The King of Wurtemberg, who arrived by rail way, left soon after for Nice. The Journal de Monaco states that brilliant offers have been made to the Government o' that country by Piedmont, but that the Prince , Sovereign has refused every kind of cession. VIENNA, Nov. 25. The Emperor and Empress, will arrive this evening from liatargis. It is reported that the Caimacan of Moldavia has resigned. FRANKFORT, Nov. 25. The Bank has reduced its rate of discount from 5 per cent. to 4 per cent. The Bourse is firm. but in the state of uncertainty which at present prevails in the East, it - would be imprudent, on the part of £hose who have contrary interests to defend and another policy to vindicate, not to bestow attention on every act that contains the elements of possible complications. I may add that the Turin semi-official journals will very probably con test the statement of this 'cession, the exact truth of which must, however, be revealed in the course of the approaching session. I may conclude by stating that the visit of the King of Prussia is again uncertain, for the medical advisers of that monarch display as much hesitation as his former ministers." TRIAL OF M. MONTALEMBERT. (From the Correspondent of the Daily News.) PARIS, WEDNESDAY NIGHT. Having had the extreme good fortune to obtain a ticket of admission to the trial of Count de Mont alembert, I am able to tell you something about it, but I cannot pretend to give anything worthy the name of a report. The most accomplished of your parliamentary reporters would, I fancy, be able to do but poor justice to two of the finest forensic speeches ever pronounced at the bar in any country in the world, if he were deprived of the power of taking notes. The use of pen or pencil was, as you are aware, absolutely interdicted on this occasion to all but the judges and counsel concerned. I, there fore, with none of the habits or experience of a re porter, can only jot down such loose and disjointed fragments of a discussion which lasted six hours as my unassisted memory will enable me to recall ; and, moreover, I write under the disadvantage of being tired to death with the heat of the court and the excitement of the scene I have witnessed. I will promise to be accurate, as far as I go. Deeply, indeed, do I regret that the magnificent speeches of MM. Berryer and Dufaure will in all probability be lost to the world. Few things would give me more intellectual pleasure than to read them at leisure, word for word as they were pronounced. But unless there was a Government short-hand writer concealed somewhere behind the panels of the court they were not taken down. I know they were not written beforehand, and neither of the distinguished advocates made more than three or four short notes while the trial was going ' on. I have heard all the most distinguished advo cates of the present day in England, and I think I am not carried beyond the bounds of sober judg ment by the enthusiasm of the moment, when I offer the opinion that none of them, in point of eloquence of the highest order, are at all compara ble to either M. Berryer or M. Dufaure. Berryer, quivering - with contagious passion, and yet never for a moment forgetting the legal points of his case during a speech of three hours, was one of the finest sights I ever saw in my life. Dufaure, re ' garded as a mere lawyer, is probably the greatest now at the French bar, but he is much more than a mere lawyer. His severe logic and concentration remind me somewhat of the late Sir William Fol lett ; but he is much more eloquent, his action is more varied and dignified, and he has humour, which Follett had not. No one can hear him speak and doubt that he is what his whole career, and the universal testimony of his friends (and even of his enemies, if he have any), testify him to be—an honest man. The sixth chamber of the Tribunal of Correc tional Police, in which Montalembert was"tried, is a newly built handsome room, adjoining the pre cincts of the Sainte Chapelle. It is small, not much larger than the old Vice-Chancellor's Court, in Lincoln's-inn, but more lofty. I should think it would hold at the utmost 209 people. I am anxious now, as at all times, while fairly exposing, as matter of contemporary history, the characteiistics of the repressive system upon which the present French government is founded, not to represent things as worse than they are. I have in former letters explained that the principle of publicity in the administration of jus tice, which the government professes to observe, is all but nullified in the case of a political trial,which takes place In a' room so small as to hold but very few people. To this small room, no one, speaking generally, is admitted but by tickets extremely difficult to be had, the use of pen or pencil in court is prohibited, and the sentence of condemnation or acquittal is all that the journals are allowed to pub lish. The justification of these rules in the view of the French government is that a report of a trial for a political libel propagates the libel a thousand fold and creates scandal, and that the restricted audience permitted to witness the proceedings is still numerous enough to prevent all the abuseis of justice rendered "in a corner." It is needless to say that we English think these reasons insufficient ; but I readily admit that the French Government, which, of course, acts upon them, is entitled to some credit for the relative fairness with which the patronage of giving tickets of admission was exer cised to-day. The mere fact of my having been present shows that none of those severe measures were adopted, which might easily have been taken had it been intended, in defiance of all decency, to compose the audience exclusively of people ready to applaud an unjust judgment. Ten tickets were presented to M. de Montalembert him self ; and, although he would naturally have been glad to have had more to distribute among his numerous relatives and friends, and his colleagues of the Academy, the number, considering the limited area of the court, was certainly not illi beral. A fair sprinkling of the junior bar, some where about 20, chosen by lot, obtained places, and there were among the auditory many people well known not to be admirers of the present dynasty. The truth is, that the despotism, the harshness, and the duplicity of French political institutions are as yet tempered by old traditions, and a lingering desire to reconcile the preservation of some of the forms of liberty , with a denial of the substance. At five minutes before 12, Count de Montalem bert entered the court, accompanied by the Duke de Broglie and Odillon Barrot. He took his seat in the front row of the bar, between his counsel,M. Berryer, and M. Dufaure, counsel for M. Douniol, the gerant of the Correspondant. M. Douniol sat on the bench immediately behind him. At this moment every seat in court was occupied, and the slight strip of space railed off at the end, which by a pleasant fiction is supposed to belong to the public, was crowded to excess by well-dressed people stand ing. I believe some four or five people, who had waited at the doors from 8 o'clock in the morning,did obtain admission without tickets to this small space, just by Way of tribute to the principle that the cpurt was open. At 12 precisely the judges took their seats. There were four of them, and not three only, as I was led to expect yesterday. Their names are M. Berthelin, the president ; MM: Laisvaux and Benoit, judges of the Tribunal of the First Instance ; and M. Glandaz, a supernumerary or apprentice judge (juge suppleant). On the bench there was a large array of judges, of different courts, and among them M. Benoist Chamfy, the president of the Tri bunal of the First Instance. Seven or eight mem bers of the corps diplomatique sat on privileged seats under the bench. The disappointment among the many grandes dimes of the Faubourg St. Ger main, who had asked for tickets, must have been immense. There were very few ladies in court. I observed the Countess of Montalembert, with one of her daughters and a friend, and Madame Arthur Berryer. There were not more than four Tent, five other ladies in court. Tw o p riests were p but the two bishops who, according to one story, were to have escorted M. de Montalembert, did not appear. The proceedings c ommenced by M. President Berthelin warning the auditory that no marks of approbation would be permitted —a warning which it will be seen in the sequel was not attended to. He then called on the defendant, Douniol, who, in answer to the interrogatories put to him, said merely that he was the responsible editor of the Corre spondant ; that M. de Montalembert's article was published without his seeing it during his absence, he having full c onfidence in the persons left to con duct the journal ; and that he had no observations to offer. M. de Montalembert, on being asked the usual preliminary questions, said that his name was Charles (he did not mention his English Christian The Procureur Imperial, M. Cordouen, then pro pronounced his requisitoire, or speech, for the prosecution. It was weak beyond description. M. Chaix d'Estrange, the " Procureur-General Imperial," who sat half hidden behind one of the judge's chairs looked vexed beyond measure at the poor exhibition which his inferior officer made. Etiquette prevented him from speaking himself, as he belongs to a superior court. The bar, anxious to see a fair forensic fight, lamented that the gentlemen who performed the duties of public prosecutor was not more nearly on a par with the illustrous advocates of the defence. M. Cordouen, feeling probably that he had very little to stand upon in regard to the specific pas sages of the article in the Correspondent, on which his indictment was founded, relied especially upon the general spirit of the writing compared as a whole. He accused M. de Montalembert of having praised England for the express purpose of disparaging France by contrast. Englishmen, he said, had their good qualities and their faults, but one merit they had incontestably—they always spoke well of their country. No Englishman would have been capable of drawing any such contrast to the disparagement of his own country as M. de Montalembert had done. He indulged in a few commonplaces about parlia mentary government having broken down in France, the immense popularity of the Emperor, and the necessity of a strong Government. England, he said, could support liberty, because her dynssty was founded nearly 200 years ago, whereas that of France was only 60 years old. No young dynasty had ever been so liberal, so moderate, so indulgent, as that of Napoleon 111. He cited laws of William 111. against the press, which he said remained in force in England till 1771, and which were more severe than any now in France. The manifest in ference from this part of his argument was that France must wait 150 years or more before she would be fit for free institutions. France, although not parliamentary, had representative institutions, which constituted a free Government. He concluded by apostrophising M. de Montalembert as a man having lost the feelings of a Frenchman, and said, repeating the expression three times, " You have laid France prostrate at the feet of England; you have struck France in the face ; yes, struck her in the face—unworthily struck her in the face." M. Berryer, on rising, said that no one could have so well answered the charge made against M. de Montalembert as M. de Montalembert himself ; but that he had promised not to speak, and to confide his defence to his counsel, because they were per suaded that the law was altogether on their side. He described the proseeotion as " unjust, unfounded, ill-advised, and, he.waa going to say—rash." He desired to accept the proposition of the Procureur Imperial, tkat M. de Weitalembert's article must be judged of as a whole, ; .and not from miserable details, ta the strained intatpretation of here and there a strong expression dropped from the pen of a vivacious writer. The spirit of the article was not an attack upon anything French, but a genuine admiration of English free institutions; produced by hearing a splendid debate in the English Par liament on one 'of the grandest questions which ever occupied a deliberative assembly. He here pronounced a most eloquent eulogium on the con , duct of the English Parliament and nation on the occasion of Lord Ellenborough's resignation on ac count of his answer to Lord Canning's despatch, and said that M. de Montalembert, who at twenty one had made a brilliant defence of himself in the Chamber of Peers for having founded a free school with Abbe Lacordaire—M. de Montalembert, whose whole life had been passed in Parliamentary struggles for religion and liberty, as he understood them, must naturally look back with regret to in stitutions which France had but very recently lost. On M. Berryer saying that to affirm that France did not now possess liberty was not an attack upon the Government, but merely the assertion of a notorious and undeniable fact, he was interrupted by — The President, who said—" Maitre Berryer, defence is free, as you have seen ; but you are now going too far, you are repeating at the bar the very offence with which M. de Montalembert stands charged ; and that cannot be permitted." M. Berryer, with a gesture of eloquent astonish ment, continued—" Must. I then throw up my brief ? Have I lost my reason an conscience ? Do I un derstand what the court means ? Can it be that a counsel is to be construed as atte.eking the govern ment because he will not say that black is white ? Why, it is the boast of the government that it has bartered liberty for order—and it has done volt says with the consent of the French p eo p le ; and - that I am not here to deny. Yes, France has repudiated her own liberty. That is a fact which some people may and others may not regret ; but it is notra s t im ion p a le l to hold it an offence i n an y one to state the of the t f a h c e t n t e h x a a t m l n b e e r d t n d o d e e s t a n i o l t n t h a ccusation, and argued that no one of them was ooNdviffeexriesnt.t" he M ads .B o e borne out by any passage in the article. With re gard to M. de Montalembert's severe remarks upon servile flatterers and hangers-on of ante-chambers, it was no atta ck upon the present government, but upon a class of men who existed under all govern ments. He and his immediate friends were men who hadtaken leave of ambition, and refused offered honours ; but if he were in the habit of frequenting the ante-chambers of palaces he was sure that he should find in them now the same faces which he remembered years ago among the fawning adulators of former governments. Coming to the most im portant count in the indictment, that of an attack on " the rights of the Emperor under the constitu tion and the principle of universal suffrage," he would prove to demonstration that there was no scrap of law to support it. This accusation was entirely based upon a law of 1849, passed to pro tect from attacks and insults the constitution of the Republic with a President for four years. How could that law be applicable to the empire ? Would it be replied, by analogy ? This was his answer. In 1819 a law couched in somewhat similar lan guage was passed to protect the charter of the re storation grantei by Louis XVIII. of his sovereign will and mere motion by virtue of "his rights by birth." Louis XVIII. swore to maintain this char ter, and he kept his oath. (Laughter and sensation in court.) When the revolution of 1830 took place, it never occurred to any lawyer or statesman that COURT CIRCULAR. WINDSOR, Nov. 25. The Princess Alice dined with her Majesty yesterday ; also the following visitors, who arrived in the afternoon : Vice-Admiral W. F. Martin, Lieutenant-General Knollys, Major-General Sir George Wetherall, and Major-General Sir Edward Lugard. The party also included the Hon. Mrs. Biddulph. The following arrived in the afternoon, and had audiences of her Majesty, to which they were respectively introduced by the Right Hon. Sir E. B. Lytton, her Majesty's prin cipal Secretary of State for the Colonies ; the Hon. Chas. Tupper, Member of the Executive Council, and Provincial Secretary of Nova Scotia ; the Hon. Robert Barry Dickey, Member of the Legislative Council of Nowt Scotia ; Wm. A. Henry, Member of the House of Assembly of Nova Scotia ; the Hon. Charles Fisher, Member of the Executive Council, Attorney-General, and First Minister of New Brunswick ; and the Hon. Albert J. Smith, Member of the Executive Council of New Brunswick. THE CHILIAN LOAN. The particulars of the Chilian loan have now been published by Messrs. Baring Brothers, who have undertaken the contract. The terms on which the public are invited to subscribe for the bonds are fully stated in the following circular : " The home debt of Chili was, in the early part of 1858, about 2,434,550 dole., or, at 4s. per dollar, £486,910, chiefly bearing 3 per cent. interest, and in course of rapid reduc tion by means of a sinking fund. " The foreign debt is composad of £575,400 in 6 per cent. bonds, the whole of which would by the regular operation of the present sinking fund be liquidated about March, 1870, but it is provided that all bonds outstanding on the 30th of Sept., 1869, shall then be paid off; £605,400 in 3 per cent. bonds, to which an annual sinking fund with corn pound interest is applied. " The revenue of the Republic for the year 1857 amounted to 6,419,142 dole., and the annual revenue suffices, under ordinary circumstances, to cover all the national engage ments ; and there is a considerable balance in the Treasury to meet any deficiencies. " By the Law of the sth of November, 1857, a loan of 7,000,000 dole. is authorised for thepurposes of internal im provement in the completion of two railways ; and for the principal and interest of this loan the faith, income, and property of the Republic are pledged, as also the shares which the State holds in those lines. " The loan will be represented bybonds of £lOO and £5OO, amounting in all to £1,554,800, bearing interest at the rate of 4i per cent. per annum, from Ist December, 1858, and the half-yearly dividend warrants due Ist June and Ist De cember of each year, as well as the bonds, will be made pay able at the counting-house of Baring Brothers, and Co., financial agents of the Republic of Chili. " A sinking fund of not less than half of 1 per cent. per annum, with accumulating interest, commencing from Ist Dec., 1859, will be applicable to the extinction of this debt by means of purchase and cancelment of the bonds when their price is below par, and by lot and payment at par when the bonds have reached that price. " The Government of Chili reserves to itself the right to pay off the bonds at par after Dec. 1, 1873. " The bonds will be ready for delivery with as little de lay as possible. '"Messrs. Baring Brothers and Co., having had cogni zance of the full powers of Don Silvestre Oshagavia, the special agent of the Government of Chili for the purpose of contracting this loan, and for the issue of the necessary bonds, will receive applications for the same at the prioo of 92 per cent. as follows :- 6 per cent. to be paid as deposit on application. 15 1/ on 15th December, 1858. 20 on 14th January, 1859. 10 71 on 15th February, „ 20 11 on 15th March „ 12 ~ on 15th April „ 10 on 13th May „ 92 per cent. " Discount at the 3 rate of 3 per cent. per annum will be allowed on the antic 4pation of the above payments, and any surplus on the depo it beyond 20 por cent. duo 15th Decem ber on the allotmei xts will be returned to the applicants without delay. 0 a default of payment of any instalment on the day named the previous payments will be forfeited, and the party making default shall not be entitled after the day to claim any 1 ponds or dividend warrants in respect of that or any subsequent instalment. "No application will be received after 3 o'clock on Wed nesday, Ist Decom ber. " Bishopsgate-si areet, 2.5 th November, 1858." Yesterday the marriage of the Hon. Louisa TheoJosia Penning ;ton, sister of Lord Muncastor, with Mr. Edgar _titheling Di ammond, son of Mr. and Lady Eliza. beth Drutamond, v as solemnised at St. James's Church, Piccadilly. The Marquis Exeter and Lord Burghley left town yeaterdAy for Burghley House, near Stamford, in order to attend the 1 'unoral of Lord IL Cecil. The inter ment takes place to- lay at St. Martin's, Stamford, in which ancient edifice the vi .ult of the elder branch of the family of Cecilia situated. The Earl and Countess of Derby and Lady Emma Stanley returned to London yesterday from visiting the Marquis and I 1 larchioness of Salisbury .at Hatfield Howe, Hertfordst e. The Earl and , Countess of Clarendon and Lady Constance Villiers ;, who have been on a visit to the Mar quis and 14; arch is ness of Salisbury at Hatfield House returned to the G rove yesterday. The young ( ;sount de Chartres, second son of the late Duchess d'O deans, having entered a Piedmontese regi ment, his brothel r, Count do Paris, has gone to Turin to visit him, and the ;nce goes on a visit to his uncle, the Duke de Montpensier, a Madrid. The rate of insurance on the Indian Empire, which left New Yc ri on the 23d of October, has advanced to 3.5 to 40 per cent;, and even at these extreme charges transactions cannot Ix 3 effected to any extent. BURGLARY IN 1 , ['TIE ClTY.—This morning the police received inform, ation of a burglary having been com mitted on the premise* , 3 of Mr. Peter Brown, an extensive carpet manufacturer, of 10, Basinghall-street. Upon viewing the pretaises it was discovered that the burglar or burglars had effect,ed an entrance through the skylight. Now, the glass oft ; skylight is nearly half an inch thick, and it is a matter o f s urprise that the smashing of so resist ing a body should ,ae t stave aroused the inmates. It will be impossible for owner of the presimes to tell whether he has lost anyth k ri gl or a day or two, as he keeps a very large stock. Sot ae 131. &ding operations are being carried on in an adjacent t court`, and it is generally supposed, as there is a connec Lion between the scaffolding and the wall leading to the I ;kyr - light, that an entrance may have been effected in that lirection. The attention of the Commis sioners should b e called to the fact that aburglary has been committed with in a stones throw of the chie office, and in a singularly we) 4 prottctei portion of the City. 7 FRANCE. PARIS, THURSDAY, Nov. 25. M. Boulay (de la Meurthe), formerly Vice-Presi dent of the French Republic, died yesterday. It is stated that Count db Montalembert will ap peal against the verdict of the Tribunal of Correc tional Police. BOURSE, Nov. 25.—The market was very flat at the opening, further sales having been pressed in Threes, which went down from 74f. 25c. to 74f. 10e., but afterwards rallied to the former price ; Mobilier varied from I,olof. to 1,020 f. ; Austrian, 645 f. to 646 f. 25c. ; Lyons, 875 f. to 877 f. ; Orleans, 1,402 f. 50c. ; and Southern, 585 f, to 587 f. 50c. The following are the last quotations : 4i per Cents. , 96 2.5 Credit Foncier...• 680 Do. end month 96 60 Belgian 4 i .. . .... 99 75 3 per Cents 74 10 Piedmontese (5) .. 94k Do. end month 74 10 Itoman .......... 95 50 Bank Shares 3160 Austrian ........ 94 Credit:Mobilier 1010 Spanish Times • • 46 75 Do. Account 1012 50 Home Debt...... 42 25 RAILWAYS. Cash. Account. Orleans Northern New ditto. —"— • • 837 50 Lyons and Mediterranean 875 .. 87: 50 New ditto G eneva 630 .. 630 Midi. — .. S out h ern Weatarn 6lO --.. 611 26 E astern 702 50 Grand Central - -- • • Sardinian Austr i an 646 25 Exchange on London, at sight, paper, 25f. 121 e. ; three months, paper, 24f. 971 c. ; money, 24f. 95c. THE PORT OF VILLAFRANCA A correspondent sends the following from Nice, dated the 22d :—" The vacant building comprised in the darse of Villafranca, which, according to the explanations given by the Turin journals some months back, had been ceded by the Sardinian Go vernment to an Odessa steam navigation company, has been taken possession of by the commander of the Russian naval force in Villafranca, for the service of the Imperial navy. The premises actually ceded to the latter are of little importance in themselves, but it is perfectly understood that all the accom modation offered by the arsenal. of Villafranca is at the disposal of the Russian navy. Instead of repairing in Toulon or other southern ports, these vessels will in future profit by the resources of the deserted Sardinian port, which will also become the habitual rendezvous of the Muscovite flag in the Mediterranean. The material advantages ob tained by Russia are of no great account, for they were to have been found in any friendly port; but it is possible that the political influence which will accrue to her by this measure may be of greater import. Hitherto the movements of the Russian ships of war in the Mediterranean have been sub mitted to general attention, and the absence of any central point of action deprived their presence of political signification. But the very nature of this retired port, with its splendid bay, is calculated to awaken mistrust in others, and inspire mischievous ideas in Russia, even if they do not exist, if Villafranca has been really patro nised at St. Petersburg with the sole view of fa cilitating the movements of the Imperial navy. In this out of-the-way port, the ships of Russia, dis persed over the south, might concentrate, with the best . prospect of being unperceived by those powers who have nothing to gain by the extension of Russian influence over the members of the Greek Church in these waters. It could not be supposed that the sudden concentration in the bay of Villa franca of a strong Russian squadron would at the present moment give moderation to the politicians of the lonian Isles, or would improve the relations existing between the Sultan and his Greek subjects. Not an objection could be raised by the most fanatical Russophobe to the fact of Russian ves sels repairing at Villafranca, and of thus availing themselves of resources otherwise condemned to decay. But it certainly is desirable in the in terest of all the great Powers save France, that the number of Russian vessels in the port should be sub jected to restriction. A friendly request addressed to the Sardinian Cabinet would doubtless provoke that measure. I have excluded France, not from a sup position that French and Russian interests could possibly work together in the East, but from the simple fact that the presence of a Russian fleet in tho Mediterranean depends entirely on the state of the diplomatic relations existing between the Governments of Paris and St. Petersburg. When these relations are warm, it is to be implied that an identity of policy exists on many important points ; consequently, the presence of a Russian fleet could excite no apprehensions. But should those relations cool down, common prudence would lead Russia to withdraw her vessels from the Mediter. rune an mousetrap. France, therefore, has little or no cause for anxiety; but the same cannot be said of other powers. It will probably be remarked by the partisans of Russian policy in the East that the advantages conferred on Russia at Villafranca are no more than those enjoyed by the United States at Spezzia. This reasoning is absurd ; for who would venture to place on the same footing the American vessels which cruise in the Mediter ranean, representing no traditional policy, and appealing to no popular passion, with the fleets which Russia, the champion of the Greek Church in the East, concentrate in Villafranca ? The Russian vessels at present in Villafranca are the Retrizan, a screw 84, and the Polkan, screw fri gate. These vessels will, I am informed, proceed to-morrow to Genoa, where they will await the arrival of the Grand Duke Constantine, whom they will accompany back to Villafranca. It is said that other Russian war vessels have received instruc tions to rendezvous at Genoa, and that the Russian High Admiral will quit that port at the head of a very respectable squadron, to which it is possible a couple of Sardinian war vessels will join them selves. The dame of Villafranca—l need scarcely say—remains entirely in the possession of Sardinia, and the only control exercised by the Russian Government is over the building ceded to it as a storehouse. The Russians possess the right of placing sentinels over this building during the landing or shipment of stores ; but the arsenal which, by the bye, comprises a wet dock, a careening basin, a sail manufactory, a rope walk, a barrrack, and other buildings, is in the hands of the Sardinian garrison, some 2,000 bayonets strong. I mention this circumstance because it is very pos sible that extravagant statements may travel abroad with respect to the extent of the privileges accorded to Russia by Sardinia. Were a restriction placed on the strength of the Russian naval force in the bay of Villafranca, not a soul would have reason for just complaint, MON. Durir. and Co firmness net not e Xceedu +d• per des er i pt chiefl y bought: rice the. ViOns rE Fruit a and the 13 us i tteliet 0 Per ' to t urthe; 44 a. Ei BUBO 1 1_ per The 4 p rep A i res I ts the