The Sun. — London, England, 1860-07-14 00:00:00

ion authorised to r rittke a lease by virtue of this act may, In liku manner, en ter into a preliminary contract to grant such lease, which would be binding on all persons who could be bo•and. by the lease if it had been made." Mr. DE.A.F.At objected to the clause as being inconsis tent with the framework of the bill. Mr. TrtIITESIDE said that the effect of the clause which 'pia proposed would be to relieve the county court judges. from a description of business which they could not eomp'#etely discharge, and leave them unburdened to the perfcsrmanee of their other judicial duties. The clause was read a first time, and the house divided On ZJ ae motion that the clause be read a second time. Ayes Noes Majority —7s 31r. Wiurzsmon!s clause was accordingly lost. The "retrospeotive clause" proposed by Mr. Burr led to a division, when there appeared— For the clause 26 Against it 102 Majority against it —76 • • The clause was lost. The sitt►ng was suspended at four o'clock. At six 'o'clock the house resumed. IRISH VOLUNTEERS. I CoL. FRENCH gave notice that he would, on the 17th inst.., move for leave to bring in a bill to extend to Ireland all Ehe powers and rules for the enrolment and organisation of volunteers now by law applicable to Great Britain. SENIOR NAVAL LIEUTENANTS. Mr. DUNN asked the Secretary to the Admiralty whe ther the Lords Commissioners had any intention of amelio rating the present position of the senior lieutenants of the navy, either by promotion or increase of pay ; and whether their lordships had considered the effect of the present sys tem of promoting flag-lieutenants to the rank of comman der on the termination of an admiral's command. Lord C. PAGET said the Lords of the Admiralty did not intend to increase the full pay of senior lieutenants. It was however their intention to grant an increase of half-pay, according to length of service and in conformity with the scheme which he had already laid before the house. If that scheme were carried out, the position and prospects of those gallant old officers with regard to promotion would undoubtedly be improved. In answer to the second ques tion, he thought he had better read the order which had already been decided on by the Admiralty, with reference to the appointment of flag-lieutenants. It was as follows : —" The Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty have thought fit to direct that in future whenever a flag-officer may be permitted to nominate an officer for promotion, it is to be understood that a lieutenant, when so nominated, must have completed at least five years' service in that rank at the date at which the flag officer may be ordered to strike his flag, of which five years not less than three years shall have been served in a sea-going ship." CASE OF DR. GUYDIR. Colonel GREVILLE asked the Judge-Advocate whether it was true that Dr. Guydir, assistant-surgeon, Royal Long ford Rifles, who was tried by a general court-martial on the Ist and 2d of June last, was placed in arrest on the 10th day of May last, and still remains under arrest, and de barred from practising his profession, in consequence of the finding of the court not having been promulgated by the authorities. Mr. HEADLAM said it was perfectly true that Dr. Guydir had, in accordance with the rules of the service, been placed under arrest on the 10th of May, and that some delay had taken place before he had been tried before a court-martial. The trial had, however, come on early in June, and be had subsequently had two audiences of her Majesty to ascertain her pleasure with respect to the find ing of the Court. The matter had eventually been brought under the consideration of the Commander-in-Chief, and he was happy to say that the result was that Dr. Guydir would be released immediately by order of the Lord-Lieu tenant of the county. INCHKEITH. Mr. BLACK asked the Secretary of State for War if, according to the communication made to the Edinburgh Chamber of Commerce in July last, it is still the intention of Government to place a battery on Inchkeith for the protection of the trade in the Firth of Forth. Mr. S. HERBERT answered in the affirmative. WEST AUSTRALIA. In answer to Lord A. CHURCHILL, Mr. FORTESCUE said it was not the intention of the Government to make any change in the system of sending cut convicts to West Australia. SWITZERLAND AND FRANCE.—THE CONGRESS. an the question that the house at its rising should ad journ till Monday, Mr. KINGLAKE rose to ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether all the eight Powers, as well as Switzerland and Sardinia, have consented to take part in the proposed conference on the subject of the 92d Article of the Definitive Act of Vienna, and whether there is any preliminary understanding between the Powers as to the basis on which the conference will take place. The hon. gentleman, who was very imperfectly heard, said—a very few words will suffice to explain the question. Every one knows that in the contemplation of the eventuality of war in which either France or Austria should be engaged it was provided by the 92d Article of tho Treaty of Vienna that Switzerland in any such case should remain neutral, and that the two provinces of which we have heard so mush— Chablais and Faucigny—should share that neutrality. The difficulty which has now been occasioned arises thus : The King of Sardinia has professed to cede the Emperor of the French the provinces of Chablai3 and Faucigny, in other words, he has professed to cede to the French Em peror the provinces which formed the neutralised boundary of Switzerland. It happens also that Switzerland was vi tally injured by this arrangement, because whereas Switzer land had an admirable frontier, as the result of the Treaty of Turin, she finds herself surrounded on all sides but one by a great military empire. True, such defence as is given by a European guarantee still remains, but experience has shown that protection by diplomatic arrangement is of little avail unless it be combined with a strong military frontier and a warlike people. The Treaty of Turin acknowledged in the fairest way the extent to which the contemplated arrangement was questionable on the part of the Powers of Europe, and also by Switzerland; accordingly the two articles of the treaty provide that France should come to an understanding with Europe generally and Switzerland. Now Switzerland, being aggrieved by the arrangement made between these two Powers, desired to appeal to Europe; and it did so happen that the arrangement made in 1814 and 1815 at Aix-la-Chapelle constituted a tribunal to which an appeal in such a case might be addressed—in the event of either party feeling aggrieved a conference of the Powers was to take place. It is extremely important to bear this in mind, because it is this which constitutes the distinction be tween a conference in the ordinary sense of the term, and that peculiar conference to which Switzerland is appealing. It would be extremely anomalous and inconvenient that an ordinary conference should take place without the antece dent probability that the Powers should agree. But this is not a conference of voluntary Powers, but constitutes what I may truly call a court or tribunal, and summoned ley Switzerland as one of the Powers which states herself ag grieved. It scorns to me of importance that this conference should take place, because it is there, and there only, that negotiations can be effectually carried on. It is of the greatest importance that the Swiss Confederation, which from the beginning has shown high spirit, great sagacity, and a firm and unflinching reliance on the great Powers of Europe—it is of great importance that Switzerland, called to negotiate on a matter of vital importance to her, should be able to negotiate without seeming to abandon that reli ance she has always shown in the Powers of Europe. More over, it is admitted by all, and by none more fairly than by France, that the existing state of things must undergo some alteration in order to be placed in conformity with the public law of Europe ; and it would be a scandal to Europe if it could be supposed that there was no tribunal competent to decide the question. The most obvious ob • jection to the conference no doubt is the danger that it might seem to give something like a recognition to the transaction appealed against ; but I humbly apprehend that the basis on which the conference will take place will not be the Treaty of Turin ; it will be the 92d Article of the de finitive treaty, combined with the fact that these provinces have been ocoupied by the Emperor of the French, and it will not proceed on the assumption that the treaty signed on the 24th of March was definitive. (Hear, hear.) Now, it appears to me that this conference, if it should succeed, will confer a very great blessing upon Europe; and if it should fail it will in that event also bring about a state of things far more desirable than that which now exists, be cause it will show, in the most emphatic manner, what will then be the recognised impossibility of placing the Treaty of Turin in conformity with the public law of Europe. I beg now to ask the question. Sir R. PEEL—I have only one or two words to say to the noble lord before he answers the question of my hon. friend. I don't wish to enter on the general subject, be cause I hope before the end of session it will be fully gone i nto. But, as the question of a conference has now been d .:*led, I only hope the noble lord and th e P owers o f Europe, who have given their assent t o it, w ill see th a t th e rightof Switzerland, as a party vitally interested in this 4 " . "'"° , 1, are fully recognised. (Hear) Now, France has denied th e rights of Switzerland in this matter. Over and over what., tog ran ce has asserted that Switzerland has no thi ng d o with any arrangemen t th at may be made between Pranc e on the one sid e an d S ar di n i a l m t h e ot h er. But the P owers of t raic—Russia, Prussia, Austria, and England—ha ve decided the contrary ; and I must say the despatch of the noble lopradv(eJr. Russell) of the 24th of April, which is among the laid on the table yesterday, is a Trost energetic ices ,it n en o t f the whole question— it is a most admirable and excel] Th te t spatch. I only hope the noble lord will act up to it. rratemis another observa tion I wish to make ; it is this _ Then® that Switzerland has anything to do w i t h this h as t.zerland, has endeavoured to negotiate directly wluth"tsi". France but Switzerland very wisely refused to d e au France apart from the other Powers. IsT ow, Y v t r _g ce irth underst a 4 very great stress on this—she wishes it to b e a ` u that the invitation or summons to attend the conference comes from France, a nd not Switzer land. This is a most important fact—such is not the case; the fact is perfectly the reverse. The invitation to this special conference comes from Switzerland, not from France, and has been so recognised by the Powers of Europe. I hope France will not be allowed to take credit to herself for the • assembling of this conference. (Hear, hear.) I have only to add that as France has declined to cede any portion of the neutralised province of Chablais and Faucigny, because she says that universal suffrage has given her those provinces, I can state that the whole operation of that universal suffrage was most false and fallacious. (Hear, hear.) lam authorised to say this—that there are about 30,000 adults capable of exercising the elective franchise in these two provinces ; I think that 29,000 voted in favour of France; but only a few weeks before 12,000, the most important and respon sible inhabitants of the very same provinces, publicly and without any pressure declared themselves entirely in favour of union with Switzerland. (Hear, hear.) Now to tell us that you won't admit any diminution of that territory, be cause universal suffrage has given it to you, is, I say, a most false and fallacious doctrine, and I hope the Powers of Europe will not submit to the degradation of accepting such a position from France. (Hear, hear.) Mr. B. OSBORNE—I have only one or two remarks to make on this occasion. I must say, after reading the despatch of the noble lord (J. Russell) produced yesterday, and to which reference has already been made, I hope I have every confidence in his administration of the foreign affairs of the country. I think we may leave the foreign affairs of England with the utmost confidence in the hands of the noble lord. (" Hear, hear," and " Oh, oh I") That is my opinion. It may not be the opinion of the hon. member for Cork, but I would rather be wrong with the noble lord than right with that hon. gentleman. (A laugh.) There was a very grave statement made last night—a statement unusually grave, because my hon. friend who made it never speaks on light grounds, and his information has generally been found correct; any statement, therefore, which he makes is entitled to the fullest consideration of the house. My hon. friend stated that, at the last . conference of Villa franca, the Emperor Napoleon 111. made a proposition to the Emperor of Austria to the effect that, on condition that the latter would join the former in an attack on the Rheinish Provinces, Lombardy should he secured to Austria. Mr. KINGLAKE—The condition was that Austria should acquiesce in that attack. Mr. B. OSBORNE—WeII, acquiesce in it. I say that any such statement coming from my hon. Mend the member for Bridgewater is worthy of the most serious attention of this house—(hear, hear)—because he evidently has means of obtaining information that are not available te other hon. members. The question I therefore wish to put to the noble lord is, whether he is aware that such a propo sition was ever made ? (Hear, hear.) I am unable to judge of how my hon. friend acquired his knowledge, but he certainly was cognisant of the project for annexing Savoy to France long before it was known to any mem ber of her Majesty's Gevernment—(hear, hear)—and that is one reason why I put this question. I can only suppose that my hop. friend must have received his information from the Emperor of Austria himself—(a laugh)—because I believe no one else but the two Emperors was present at the interview. I should imagine that if any person in this ' country could give a satisfactory answer to the house on this point it would be the noble lord the Foreign Secretary. I therefore take the liberty of putting this question to him, at the same time repeating what I said at the outset—viz., that I have full confidence in the noble lord's judgment in conducting our foreign affairs. (Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL—With respect, first, to the questions put to me by my hon. friend the member for Bridgewater, I will state the facts as far as they are within my own know ledge. My hon. friend seems to suppose that certain Powers have consented to take part in the proposed conference. Now, the way in which the matter stands is this. The house will have seen from the papers which have been pre sented that the French Government have proposed three different modes for reconciling the 92d article of the Treaty of 'Vienna with the 2d article of the Treaty of Turin, and that a conference is only one of those modes. The French Government, therefore, have not summoned the conference, and asked the other Powers to attend it. Her Majesty's Government had no difficulty in immediately saying that they accepted the conference as the best mode of considering this subject; but it does not appear, as far as we know, that any definitive answer has been given by the other Powers of Europe. We have been told—although, of course, the answer would not come to us, but to the French Government—that Austria and Prussia have both shown some hesitation on the matter; and that, although an unofficial answer went from Russia that she was willing to accept a conference, yet her answer was not formal or de finitive on the subject. Therefore at present no summonses have gone out from France for the purpose of convening the conference; and it is not yet certain that the other Powers have assented to that mode. I believe, however, they all say that if a conference is summoned they will send representatives to it. With regard to the second ques tion put to me, as to whether any preliminary arrangement has been come to with the Powers respecting the basis of a settlement, the French Government have from the begin ing stated that the only practical basis is, that the Powers should endeavour to reconcile the 92d article of the Treaty of Vienna with the 2d article of the Treaty of Turin, and they assume that that will be thought a proper basis, be cause it allows every latitude to the other Powers to state their views upon the subject. I imagine no other basis than that can be proposed. As to the observation which has been made more than once in this house, that the French Government proposes to tie down the other Powers before hand against any arrangement by which any part of Savoy may be separated from France, no attempt has been made to fetter the other Powers on that subject. The French Government, however, say that if such a proposal should be rr ade they will state their objections to its adoption. (Hear.) With respect to the revelation made by my hon. friend last night as to what transpired between the Empe ror of the French and the Emperor of Austria at Villa franca, what happened on that occasion can only have taken place between those two sovereigns. I believe that no other person was present at that interview. We have had vari ous accounts, more or less official, of the general substance of what passed at that interview ; but we have not received any intimation that the proposal or suggestion to which my hon. friend the member of Liskeard alludes was made. I have, indeed, heard the story in a ♦ague way, but I do not know that there is any authority whatever for it. (Hear.) VOLUNTEERS IN IRELAND. Mr. BRADY then rose to call the attention of the house to the subject of the enrolment of volunteers in Ireland. He said at no time had the people of Ireland been so loyal and so well disposed to England as at the present moment. At that moment the force in Ireland was small. Includ ing the police it did not exceed 20,000 men. If an attempt were made upon England the Government would be ob liged to concentrate all its forces in England, leaving Ire land to take care of itself. This was a serious state of things to the holders of property in Ireland. He did not partici pate in the fears of an invasion. But if Ireland were invaded the people would be compelled to join the invaders, and when the latter were driven out there would be a reconfis cation of property, and the country would be driven back in point of property more than a hundred years. He thought the Government ought to permit the people of Ireland to be armed to protect themselves. Some forty or fifty years ago there were volunteers in Ireland, but they were not the great mass of the people. They belonged to the sectarian party in Ireland. The Roman Catholics had then neither property nor liberty. IsTiow they had both, and he thought Government ought to allow them to- arm themselves to pro tect their property and the institutions of the country. THE PAPER DUTY. Mr. WHALLEY then rose, pursuant to notice, to call the attention of the house to the excise duty on paper, and to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it was his in tention to enforce the payment of that duty. He said he did not wish to occupy the time of the house in re-discussing the subject, but he thought he could suggest a course that would afford satisfaction to those members who, like himself, felt personally aggrieved by the course which the House of Lords had adopted. Government gave the house a distinct pledge that if it would consent to put on an extra penny in the income tax the paper duty should be repealed. He con sulted his constituents, and with great difficulty obtained their consent to the proposition. The question was debated on the motion of the hon. member for Somersetshire (Sir W. Miles), and ho voted for the increased income tax on the distinct understanding that the paper duty should be re pealed; and he considered that the honour of the Crown was pledged to the repeal of that duty. They might differ as to the question as to the right of the House of Lords to reject the bill. He never doubted that they had the power to reject it. (Cheers from the Opposition.) A great agita tion had arisen, and many thousands of pounds were sub scribed to litigate the question. He suggested that Govern ment should intimate that they would not attempt to enforce the tax until the matter shall have been brought before Parliament next year. Anticipating the answer, that so long as the paper duties were imposed by law the law must be enforced, he begged to suggest that the precedent usually followed when there was any dispute as to an excise or custom duty should be adopted, namely, that the office of inland revenue should take a bond of the parties, and should not insist on immediate payment. ALLEGED ORANGE OUTRAGE. Mr. MAGUIRE asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland if he had been informed that the Brained glass window of the Roman Catholic church of Cookstown, county Tyrone, was maliciously broken on the morning of Sunday, the Ist of July, and what practical steps had been taken by the Irish government to maintain the peace, and preserve the persons and property of Catholics from outrage, in this and other counties in Ulster. Mr. CORRY, being connected with that portion of the kingdom to which the question referred, felt bound to deny the hon. gentleman's right, on the strength of a mero isolated act, probably of some drunken person, to represent that there was any ground whatever for apprehending danger to the lives or property of the Roman Catholic in habitants in what ho well knew to be, after all, the most peaceable part of Ireland. He (Mr. Corry) held in his hand a letterfrom Mr. Lindsay, the chairman of the petty sessions held on the Friday following the 15th June, when 17 persons were summoned on account of the occurrence which had been alluded to by the hon. member. Mr. Lindsay denied that it was an Orange demonstration at all; that party tunes were played; that the Roman Catholics were in \Rulted ; or, in short, that there had been any breach of the P e ase whatever. Th e h on. gent l eman s h ou ld, m oreover, recollect th at not even the classic atmosphere of Rome had prevented the Pope's Irish recruits from giving his holiness a startling illustration of the manners and customs of their nation. (Laughter and cheers.) UNMARRIED EXCISEMEN. Mr. BLACK asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether there were any regulations prohibiting men engaged in the preventive service on the coast of Scotland from getting married ; whether those regulations were placed in the hands of the men when they joined the service; and•whe ther the Lords of the Treasury imagined that such regula tions, if they existed, ought to be maintained. THE GALWAY PACKET CONTRACT. Sir S. NORTHCOTE, in rising to ask a question as to the present state of the negotiation which has lately been carried on for the transfer of the Galway packet contract to the Montreal and Ocean Steam Navigation Company, said he had no wish to bring on a general discussion on this sub ject, but merely wished to set right certain misrepresenta tions which had appeared in the public papers, and which were, perhaps, confirmed to some extent by the remarks of the Chancellor of the Exchequer last night. He would appeal to the Government not to act hastily in this matter, and not to excite any prejudice against the proposed transfer before the question was brought before the house. Hitherto the decision of the Government had been adverse to the trans fer of the contract. Now, from the statements in the news papers, as well as from those made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the public might imagine that this was a transaction which had been suddenly entered into ; that it was, in fact, a proposal made by the Galway company, find ing themselves in difficulties, to get rid of their contract to another company ; that the subject had been brought before the Government without previous notice, and that, not be ing afforded sufficient time to consider it, the Government felt obliged to refuse their sanction to the arrangement. That was by no means the real state of the case. In the first place, it was not a question between one company and an other, but between the Galway company and the Provhicial Government of Canada. In the next place, it arose out of a suggestion made by a rather high extra-official authority, Mr. Cobden, chairman of the Packet Contract Committee, last session. Then, again, it had not been brought forward at the last moment, but had been under discussion ever since August or September last. Nor had it been pressed suddenly upon the notice of the Government for any, pur poses of the company. It was a negotiation carried on be tween the company and the representatives of the Canadian Government deliberately, and, as was understood, with the cognisance and sanction of the Home Government ; the rea sonwhy an early decision was desired from the Home Govern ment being that the representatives of the Canadian Govern•. ment were anxious to go back by the mail of Wednesday last. The company themselves were not in any hurry for an an swer; they were prepared to wait until the Ist of August. The representatives of the Canadian Government were Mr. Galt, Finance Minister, and Mr. Smythe, Postmaster-General ; and it would be obvious that two such functionaries could not conveniently be absent from the colony for any length of time, especially at the period of the Prince of Wales's visit, and during the September elections. It was with a view to consult the convenience of these gentlemen and the province thit the Government were pressed for a speedy answer. The facts as regarded the Canadian Ministry were these—After the Galway contract had been sanctioned by the late Go vernment, it was brought to the notice of the Packet Con tract Committee that great injury had thereby been in flicted en Canada, because the Canadians, finding it neces sary for their purposes to maintain and subsidise a line of steamers between the two countries, now found a new com petitor in the field, so that their steamers were running wader great disadvantage. They were then subsidising their steamers with £50,000 a-year, recently increased to upwards of £100,000; and they were naturally annoyed therefore at the rivalry of a company subsidised by the mother country. At the close of last session this state of facts being brought to the notice of the Packet Committee, Mr. Cobden sug- gested to the representative of Canada, the Minister of Pub lic Works, who was examined before the .committee, that some arrangement might possibly be made between the Galway Packet Company and the Canadian Government. Communications were accordingly entered into, in the course of September and October last, with the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Colonial Secretary, in order to ascertain whether, in the event of such an arrangement being con cluded, it would receive the sanction of the Government. The reply was that the subject was before a select committee, and that it was impossible for Government to take it up. The negotiation accordingly fell through. The select com mittee took a good deal of evidence on the subject. They did not go the length of recommending a transfer of the contract, but they mentioned it in rather favourable terms. He understood that immediately after the report was pub lished, possibly before, negotiations were resumed; Mr. Galt and Mr. Smythe came over with a view to purchase the con tract from the company; audit was arranged at last that the Canadian Government should pay the company a subsidy of £35,000 a-year, the company assigning to them the contracts for the conveyance of the mails between Galway and Boston and New York. Of course this was made subject to the ap proval of Government, and the intention was that the mails should be carried to a Canadian instead of an American port. These terms being agreed upon, as the company and the Colonial Government understood, with the cognisance and the approval of the Treasury and the Post-office, the agreement was reduced into writing, and signed by the re presentative of the company, and by Mr. Galt and Mr. Smythe on the part of the colony. All these facts were noti fied to the Treasury, and, though they might not have been brought personally under the notice of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, they were so far within the cognisance of the Treasury that an official letter eras written to the Post- - office mentioning this proposal, and the Post-office accord- ingly communicated to the company that, instead of the mails being sent on the next occasion by the Connaught, a Galway boat they would be transferred to the Not th Britain belonging to the company subsidised by the Canadian Go vernment. That notice was also published by the Post-office in the form of an official advertisement, and was therefore recognised by them in the most complete way on the au thority of the Treasury letter. The parties were thus led to believe, not without reason, that the proposed transfer was sanctioned by the Government so far as it could be sanc tioned. They were aware that the Government could au • thorise nothing but the transfer of the subsidy, the subsidy itself being contingent on the vote of this house, and all they wished was to understand whether the Government had any objection to the transfer. Of course the arrange ment would be very advantageous to the Canadian Govern ment. They now paid a subsidy of £lOl,OOO a-year, and if they paid the Galway Company £35,000 a-year, deducting £78,000 the amount given by the Home Government, their expenditure would be materially reduced. lie would not go into the merits of the case as regarded the bargain with the Galway Company, but it was not so unreasonable as the public press seemed to consider. The Galway Com pany had incurred large expenses in the establishment of this line ; and, having established it and taken steps to give Ireland a permanent packet port, they wished to diminish the losses they had sustained by hand ing over the mails to the Canadian Government, which would secure the interests of the colony as well as the inte rests of Ireland, Considerable consternation had therefore been excited by the statement of the Chancellor of the E chequer that Government at the last moment had altogether refused their sanction to this agreement. He did not ask on the present occasion for any pledge. He only hoped that the Government would not take any final step in the matter before the house had had an opportunity of considering it; and, following up the hint of the Chancellor of the Exchequer last night, he would ask whether his right hon. friend was aware that Mr. Galt and Mr. Smythe had deferred their de parture till next Wednesday, whether there had been any communication with them, and whether the question was still considered an open one. (Hear.) Mr. BAXTER trusted that, whatever decision the Go vernment might come to on the Galway contract they would not sanction the assignment of the contract to the Montreal Ocean Steam Navigation Company. The house was aware that the late Government gave a subsidy of £78,000 a-year for seven years to the Galway Company, and that the pur chase money paid for this contract by the Montreal Com pany was to be £35,000 a-year for seven years. This was an admission that the service might have been performed for a less sum by £35,000 than the subsidy agreed to be paid. (Cries of " No.") Mr. Lever, as the house would see by the evidence, came before the committee and told them that the service between Galway and the United States could not be performed either by the screw steamers of the Liver pool and Philadelphia Company, or by those belonging to the Montreal Ocean Steam Navigation Company. It was also stated that four vessels of large tonnage and increased power were being built by the Galway Company in order to perform the service better than it had hitherto been done: It now turned out that these ships were not to be placed on the station, and that the service was to be performed by those very screw steamers of the Mon treal Company which Mr. Lever declared to be ineffi cient to carry it out. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was probably not aware that the Montreal Ocean Steamship Company had recently lost three of their best ships, and that they were building new vessels to supply that loss. He believed that the intelligence of the purchase and assignment of this contract had excited the astonishment, if not the indignation, of those concerned in steam navigation in this country. merits Si Sir F. F of . th T e . case,RalnNd BAGre g d r i e d t t e n dotthinattettde hon. baronet tbearroinnetto (Sir S. Northcote) had brought on a premature discussion instead of postponing it until the vote was laid upon the table. (Hear.) But, although the hon. baronet declared he would not say a word on the merits of the contract, he neverheard a speech more dexterously put together to defend the course taken by the late Government. He only hoped the Chan cellor of the Exchequer would not come to any decision until the house had had an opportunity of discussing the subject. (Hear.) The select committee had indirectly re commended that the vote should be laid on the table for the decision of the house. He admitted that the question was not an easy one to decide, but the contract ought to he dis cussed on its own merits. Above all, the new contract ought not to be allowed to proiuce an additional complication. He wished also to state that Mr. Cobden's communications were made previous to the committee coming to a decision, and before the main part of the evidence was taken. One of the main recommendations of the committee was that no contract should be disposed of until the house had bad a certain time given for considering its terms. If hon. mem. , bers would read a letter in'the newspapers of the previor day they would Enid that certain agreements had been er ,me I to between the o ld contracting party and the new that a • t THE 'SUN,'!'I4ONDON, SA.IntDAY EVENINO, - JULY 14, 1866. entirely change the contract. By the original contract between the Government and the Galway Company it was agreed that if the contemplated improvements in Galway harbour were not made, or turned out ill, it was in the power of the parties either to insist on the improvements being carried out, or to remove the packets to some other Irish port ; but a private stipulation was now made between the two contracting parties that to Galway in any case the ships should go. He believed that a bill was now before Parliament enabling certain local parties to make improve ments in Galway harbour. These parties, it might be as sumed, would carry out the improvements if in the event of their failure to do so the packets might be removed, but as soon as this stipulation came into force these parties might say, "You are bound to run your ships to Galway under any circumstances, and we would rather that some one else should pay for any improvements in the harbour." He wished to press the Government so far to respect the recom mendation of the select committee as to wait until they had given the house an opportunity of discussing the circum stances of the contract. Mr. LAING was glad to have an opportunity of explain ing the precise state of the negotiations with the representa tives of the Canadian Government relative to this transfer. It was quite true, as the hon. baronet (Sir S. Northcote) had stated, that the general idea of the fusion of the Galway with the Canadian line was by no means new. It was can vassed last session in the committee. Many members felt that a hardship had beea done to Canada by the arrange ment originally come to, and that it was very desirable the hardship should be remedied. The matter was repeatedly under discussion, and a division took place in the committee on the subject. His own opinion as an individual member was that there would be a propriety and advantage in such an arrangement if it could be settled on fair terms. It was however, incorrect to suppose that the precise arrangement by which the fusion would be carried out was under the consideration of the Government. In fact, the arrangement in question came upon the Government by surprise on Wed nesday last. The original arrangement having fallen to the ground, and two Canadian Ministers, Mr. Galt and Mr. Smythe, having arrived in this country, the negotiations were renewed. The matter had to go through several stages before it was ripe for the decision of the Government. It was first necessary for the parties to come to terms, and then a convention was necessary with Canada to regulate the terms of the service. Without a convention of that kind the purchase of the Galway contract by the Canadian Company was useless, because the British Government had to give its sanction to the substitution of the ports of Que bec and Portland for the ports of New York and Boston, originally named in the contract. The whole question of the arrangements to be entered into between the Canadian Company and the British Government having keen in the first instance only casually broached in conversation, it was deemed necessary that the proposal which was made on behalf of the former should, in order to give effect to any assignment of the Galway contract, be reduced to writing. Under these circumstances he had had a conference with Mr. Galt and Mr. Smythe, the two gentlemen who repre sented Canada in this country, and had stated to them that, while individually favourable to the principle of the con templated transfer, if it could be carried into effect, he had no sort of authority to bind the Government in the matter, and that he could not undertake to procure their decision until the terms of the transfer had in writing been duly submitted to theft: . consideration. He had added that he would render all the assistance in his power in getting rid of mere matters of detail, and in the endeavour to frame a definite proposition on the subject. Such was the state of things on Tuesday last, and on Wednesday the terms of the transfer were to have been reduced to writing; but, to his great surprise, he had on that day received a letter, stating that Mr. Galt and Mr. Smythe were obliged to take their de parture for Canada that very night or the following morning; that they were not in a position to leave anybody behind them with power to represent them in the transaction in question; and that, under the circumstances, unless theyhad the distinct confirmation upon the part of the Governmen of the arrangement which they had proposed, the whole affair must fall to the ground. The letter conveying that intelligence had reached him on the afternoon of Wednes day, when the house was engaged in discussing the Census Bill. His right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Ex chequer was confined to his house by indisposition, and could not be seen, while the noble lord at the head of the Government was detained in the house till 6 o'clock. A Cabinet meeting had then to be held, at which important matters were coming on for discussion. The noble lord, however, made an appointment to meet the two Canadian representatives on the rising of the house, and it was under those circumstances, and with only a few minutes for con sideration, that the Government were asked to sanction an arrangement not free from difficulty-, and likely to excite much discussion and opposition in Parliament. (Hear.) That being the state of things, the Government had taken the only course which, in his opinion, was open to them, and—the representatives of Canada having stated their in ability to allow any further time for deliberation—inti mated that they did not see their way to an approval of the arrangement. Since then, however, Mr. Galt and Mr. Smythe, thinking that a strong feeling of disappointment might be experienced in Canada if matters were left in their present unsettled state, had decided upon staying a week longer in this country. Official application had also, he be lieved, been made to have their proposal dealt with with the least possible delay, and under these circumstances it was, he thought, desirable that he should abstain from en tering into the merits of the question. Any decision at which the Government might arrive on the matter would, b e took it for granted,:be subject to the opinion of the bouse, which must be invited in the course of a week or two at furthest, when the subject of the Galway contrast came on for discussion. (Hear.) In answer to the question which had been put by his hon. friend behind him, with reference to the regulations by which men engaged in the Inland Revenue Department Scotland were precluded from marrying while in the service, he could only repeat what he had stated on a former occasion, upon the authority of the chairman of the Board of Inland Revenue, that although there was no positive rule on the subject it was found from practical experience that unmarried men were more efficient than married men in wild and exposed parts of the country. He might add that his hon. friend appeared to him tolabour under a mistaken impression in supposing that to the cir cumstance of unmarried men being preferred for 'such service was to be attributed the immorality which he said prevailed in Scotland, as evinced by the large number of illegitimate births, and for which he seemed to imagine the Lords of the Treasury were responsible. (A laugh.) He had been informed that the reorganisation of the preventive force in Scotland was now under the notice of the Board of Inland Revenue, and that, while dealing with that ques tion, it proposed to consider how far it was necessary to employ in it unmarried men exclusively. IRISH BUSINESS. Mr. SCULLY called attention to the system of legislat ing for Ireland at inconvenient hours and at an advanced period of the session, with the object of asking the First Lord of the Treasury whether he would adopt means to remedy or mitigate the evil. They were kept up night after night and morning after morning till they could endure it no longer. The Government should fix a particular time for the discussion of Irish measures. The present system kept them there every night to the last, and day after day they were kept there from 12 o'clock in the day till three or four o'clock the next morning. Lord PALMERSTON said he did not think the hon. and learned gentleman was just in his complaint that Irish affairs did not occupy a sufficiently largo portion of the time of the house. What had passed that evening was an ex ample to the contrary. Eight gentlemen had addressed the house in pursuance of notices previously given, and on questions,, four of which were purely Irish. (Hear, and laughter.) They had brought before them the questions of the Irish volunteers, of the Galway contract, of the alleged outrage in a chapel in Ireland, and now the general ques tion of legislation for Ireland. His hon. friend appeared to apprehend that Irish members were subject to such con tinued pressure from their Parliamentary duties that they must inevitably fall asleep upon the benches or die upon the floornof the house—(laughter)—but those who were there at four o'clock that morning could not but be aware that those hon. members displayed a wakefulness, a vita lity, and a vigour that must havo relieved their most anx- ions friends of all apprehension that they would fall into a state of torpor, or end their lives at-any one sitting of the house. (Renewed laughter.) It might, indeed, bo true that bills of great interest affecting the several portions of the United Kingdom were taken at advanced hours of the morning, for the pressure of urgent public business would frequently give rise to inconveniences of that kind. Those who had watched the business of the session, however, would be ready to admit that there was no indisposition on the part of the Government—and certainly there was none on the'part of the house—to give the fairest consideration to Irish business, whether it happened to come on at a morning sitting, or, when possible, at an evening- sitting. (Bean) Now with respect to the question put to him con e arning the Irish volunteers, he had only to say that her Majesty's Government did not think it expedient, in the present state of things, to recommend an alteration of the law so as to organise a volunteer force in Ireland similar to that which existed in Great Britain. That was no impeach men.t of the Irish people, however. It did not arise from any doubt of their loyalty; but, without entering into any griat details, he might say, in reference to the statement made by the hon. member for Danger von, showing the Wats of mutual feeling which now existed between diffe rent sections of the community in Ireland, that were the volt tnteer system extended to Ireland, it might lead to con sequences that every one would regret. (Hear.) Of this, hol vever, he was certain, that if any sudden national dan ger should threl ten us—should there be any sudden neces sity for arming and enrolling the population of Ireland for ate common defence of the country—the whole community ( )f thol country would immediately merge all differences i nta bne common feeling, and that we should have ever y Irishm an t o whom a weapon could be given, a rrayed in one itank against the c ommon enemy. Th ose w ho knew the Irish character were well aware that there were no men who could be more easily or more readily converted into discip lined troops, and should the necessity arise he had no doubt the Irish people would vindicate their former na tional renown. He wished next to say a word with re ference to the G a l way contrac t, in order to confirm wh a t had been said respecting it by his hon. friend the Secretary of the Treasury. Th e f ac t was, that between five and six o'clock on Wednesday, he was told that the gentlemen ho come, with whom he had made an appointment at the Trea sury. On seeing them, they put into his hands a written statement of the conditions on which they proposed that the contrad should -be transferred from the Galway to the Canadian Company►, and they stated that as they were going to embark for Canada that night, they desired to have the answer of the Government "aye or no" to that proposi tion immediately. He, therefore, conveyed their proposi tion to his colleagues in the cabinet, and they immediately came to that conclusion which any reasonable man, he ap apprehended, would have come to under the same circum stances. An instant decision was asked for on a question involving complicated points for consideration, and being obliged to say "aye" or "no" at once, he said "no"— (hear, and laughter)—for "yes" would have implied an im mediate engagement to matters the consequences of which could not be immediately foreseen, while the " no" at least afforded opportunity for further consideration. Their only answer was, therefore, that under those circumstances they could not give their consent to the transfer of the contract from one party to the other. (Hear, hear.) He thought that was almost everything he had to say, except as to the question of the hon. and gallant officer respecting the de fences. As to thathe might say that his right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer would, in the course of his statement, explain to the house whatever was necessary with respect to the details of the measures to be proposed, and he would, therefore, rather reserve any observation on the subject until his right hon. friend had had an opportu nity of making his statement. With reference to the educa tion estimates, his right hon. friend, who had immediate charge of that subject, would make the necessary commu nications to the house. THE PAPER DUTY. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in reply to the question put to him by the hon. member for Peter borough (Mr. 'Whalley), with respect to the intention of the Government as to the paper duty, said that no doubt It was a matter of great importance for the Legislature ; but ho thought the Government would not be juslified in taking any step different from the course pursued in other matters of taxation. SUPPLY.-REPORT. The report of supply granted for the Chinese war was then brought up and agreed to. THE WAR WITH CHINA. On the motion for going into commmitte of supply, Mr. COCHRANE proposed the following motion : " That in order to remove one great obstacle to peace with China, the British Plenipotentiary be instructed not to in sist on the fulfilment of the third article of the Treaty of Tientsin, by which his Majesty the Emperor of China agrees that the Ambassador, Minister, or other diplomatic agent appointed by her Majesty the Queen of Great Bri tain, may reside, with his family and establishment perma nently at the capital, or may visit it occasionally, at the option of the British Government." He regretted to be obliged to bring forward so important a motion at that late hour, but the house would at once see it was not his fault. He was also aware of the very natural anxiety which existed to hear the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but he should endeavour to be as brief as possible, although he could not do his subject justice. He believed that those who studied the subject would agree with him, that if the 3d article of the treaty of Tien-tsin, which required a resi • deuce for an English Minister in China at Pekin, were in sisted on, there never would be peace in that country; and that it was not a question of three, but nine millions of money. Such a proceeding would involve them in perpetual war with that country—a war that must cripple, and ultimately destroy their commerce, and probably produce national bankruptcy. (Hear, hear.) It was impossible to have invented any demand more repug nant to a nation than that which had been made upon the people of China, and therefore he entreated the Government to consider well the instructions that should be sent out. He considered that all questions of dignity should be dropped, seeing that the real dignity of all Governments was to do that which was right, and to avoid the unnecessary waste of blood and treasure. He concluded by submitting his motion. Lord J. RUSSELL said that from the form in which the hon. gentleman's motion had been framed it was impossible that the house could agree to it. If they did it would not only imply disrespect to the authority of the Crown, but it would cause great confusion were the Foreign Minister to be instructed to give instructions at variance with those which he received from her Majesty. With regard to the statement of the hon. gentleman that the Emperor of China regarded it as a degradation to be compelled to allow a British Minister ; or any other foreign representative, to reside in China, he (Lord*J. Russell) could state that since the treaty of Tien-tsin the Russians had claimed the privi • lege of sending a Minister to Pekin. That Minister had gone by the overland route, had been received with great distinction, and had resided there for many months, yet the empire of China had not fallen away, nor had the Emperor been in any way degraded. (Hear, hear.) The truth was that the Chinese were beginning to understand that there were peoples and sovereigns in the world who were not vassals of the Emperor, but who claimed equal rights with him and his nation. It was therefore impossible for the Chinese to urge that they would not grant to Great Britain that which they had already granted to Russia. Bearing in mind that it was quite impossible for the house to give instructions to her Majesty's Minister contrary to those of her Majesty herself, and also that there was no reason for any such departure from so usual a course, he hoped the house would not agree to the hon. member's motion. The question was then put and negatived without a div sion. SUPPLY-WAR WITH CHINA. The house went into committee of supply. Upon the vote of £148,896, on account of the advances made by the Indian Government for the expedition to China, Lord J. MANNERS asked when it had been intimated thatthat sum was due to the Indian Government, and that they would expect payment during the present financial year. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the apparent anomalies in the accounts were owing to the mode in which those accounts had been kept, but there would never be that confusion again he hoped, The payments to the Indian Government were allowances in an open account. The British Government had large claims against the In dian Government for the expenses of the Indian war. He would make inquiry, and endeavour to give the necessary information promptly. • Mr. BRIGHT asked what was the amount of force we had in China. Some time ago he had been informed that it was 10,000, but subsequently he had been told that it was to be 20,000 men. He believed that for any purpose of the English Government, however unjust, 10,000 men was quite sufficient, and he should be glad to hear who ordered the additional number. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said the observations made by the hon. member for Birmingham led him to the conclusion that bills would be run up, which that house would as usual have to pay. He understood there was no account with the Indian Government till '49, and that was 11 years ago. There was already an account running up with the Indian Government cf two millions for the present war, and as sensible men they ought to require a balance-sheet to be laid on the table beforo they agreed to the present war. Mr. ROEBUCK said the hon. baronet (Sir. H. Wil loughby) wanted to have a balance-sheet. Now, lie (Mr. Roebuck) wanted to know what advantage Govern ment intended to confer upon the country by such an expenditure of blood and treasure as would be made in this war. He remembered on the occasion of the former war, hearing the present Chancellor of the Exchequer make a most able speech denouncing that unjust war, but the right hon. gentleman had changed his position, and hence he had changed his opinions —(hear, hear, from the Opposition)— and he now came forward to justify a course which he had formerly denounced. (Renewed cheers from the Opposi tion.) The speech of the right hon. gentleman to which he had alluded was still ringing in his ears, and little did he think at the time that he should now find him one of the most eloquent advocates of the present war. On the former occasion the right hon. gentleman did not cover up his meaning with a multitude of words. No ; he was then plain —was succinct, and very effective. (Hear, hear.) That speech,told upon the country, and he (Mr. Roebuck) had only to go to the quiver of the right hon. gentleman to find an arrow fitted• for the present occasion. The hon. and learned gentleman concluded by denouncing the vast amount of immorality which was involved in the present war. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he felt no difficulty whatever. (Derisive cheers and laughter.) He repeated, he felt no difficulty in replying to the hon. and learned gentleman, who had asked him how he could denounce the former war, and yet be the advocati of the present war. His answer was that the present war was entirely different from the last war. Now, it might be, that the war in 1857 was right, and that the war in 1860 was wrong. It might be that the war in 1860 was right, and the war in 1857 was wrong; or it might be that they were both wrong. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) That was but the choice of alternatives. As to the present war, he had never spoken of it but with regret and lamentation. The present Government had only undertaken it from, a sense of public duty. The policy of the Government with respec t to the war had not been challenged in that house. The house had generally acquiesced in the war. It was for the interests of the country to send • a considerable force to China, but at the same time it was made the bearer of terms as moderate as possible under the circum • stances. He did not attempt to gloss the evil, or to hide the cost of it. The hon. member for Portsmouth wished to know what were the monthly disbursements of the war; but that it was impossible to tell. Any correct account of the expenses of a war in China, with its base in India, was impossible. The whole matter was full of uncertainty. The amount of drafts on the home chest might be given, but but that would be but a most imperfect estimate. Various considerable items of the last war remained unadjusted, but he did not think that any large sums remained to be ac- ' counted for.' Lord J. MANNERS wished to know the real objects of the war. The right hon. gentleman assumed that the house had sanctioned the war. He demurred to that statement. The war was commenced not only without the knowledge of Parliament, but before they assembled, and that was really the first opportunity of testing the opinion of the house on the conduct of the',war, and the only mode was by bringing i”fore them a gigantic bill, whicl had been already Incur red, and could not be resisted. Up to that moment the gene ral feeding of the house was to express no sympathy with the war, with a wish that it might be closed with the ut most speed. He could not resist the vote, but he hoped the war might be brought to a speedy termination. Lord-J. RUSSELL—Sir, we have heard again and again members of the late Government inquiring - as to the object and origin of this war. Surely if any members of this house ought to be informed on that subject it should be the mom- bers of that Government, who sent out the Minister to China —who appointed the admiral, and who, through the Admi ralty, directed that that Minister should be accompanied with " efficient," as one Minister said, with an r' imposing' force sto said another. (Hear, hear.) We were astonished, and at the s. me time grieved by the reception of the news from the Peiho ; but these events were not of our prepara tion. (Hear, hear.) We had not appointed the Minister ; we had not given him his instructions—(hear)—yet the noble lord and the late First Lord of the Admiralty held us responsible for these calamit;es. (Hear, hear.) The I noble lord seems to think that we were not afflicted with theintelligence which we received from the Peiho. (Hear.) But why aro we supposed to be less afflicted than any other members of this house, or than any other pei sons in this country, at the expenditure of life and treasure to which the renewal of the war will lead ? (Hear, hear.) We grieve deeply at the renewal of the war—(cheers) —but it behoved us, as Ministers of this country, to consider whai we ought to do. We could not take the course pursued by the Americans. They did not send an imposing force to the Peiho, and they did not meet with such a calamity as we did. (Hear, hear.) I shall not inquire whether their's was a dignified course or not, but the time was passed when we could have adopted it. (Hear, hear.) We were bound to ask reparation, and to demand terms of peace for this country by which the lives and rreperties of British traders and ether British subjects in China might be pro tected. (Hear, hear.) It is our duty to protect British subj ects there—we were bound to do it, and we will do it. (Cheers.) I am told that this war will cost much treasure and lead to loss of life. I regret the loss of treasure and I regret the loss of life. But we must protect British subjects ; we stated our policy at the commencement of the session, and then was the time, if the noble lord disapproved of it, to have said so, and to have taken the sense of the house on the subject. (Cheers.) The noble lord or any one else might have moved an address to the Crown, praying that no military or naval force might be sent, but that we should rest Content with the disaster at the Peiho, and take no steps to resent it—(hear)—that we should continue without the treaty of Tien-tsin, without any other than the usual relations of peace, and that we should not prosecute any thing like hostile preparations. (Hear.) That was in the power of the noble lord, and if he entertained his present opinions then, why did he not take that course ? (Hear.) But I am told that, for the sake Of morality, we ought not to go to war with China ; but it is an odd way of teach ing us morality to sign a treaty with us, and when our Minister comes to ratify that treaty, to give hint no notice that he could not be received by the usual route to enter into friendly negotiations—to say nothing of a force placed to interrupt him, to accept his announcement that he means to take a certain route, the common and usual highway to the capital, and then to place on that road an army and can nons prepared with the exact range in order treacherously to destroy him and the force which accompanied him. (Ap plause, cries of hear, hear, and no, no.) This is the way in which the Chinese have endeavoured to teach us mora lity. (No, no, and cries of hear, hear.) I know not that, by submitting to that course, we should gain anything on the side of morality. (Hear, hear.) But lam certain that the terms we proposed after the dreadful calamity were not severe but moderate—terms which require, no doubt, a dis avowal and an apology for the proceedings which have been taken ; but with regard to the future we propose to live in amity with the Chinese nation on the terms of that treaty to which the Emperor of China has already assented, and we ask to have nothing added to it. (Hear.) It is absurd to argue that because we are opposed to one war we may not be in favour of another arising from very different causes. (Hear.) To enter into a new war with China is undoubtedly a great calamity. I believe that the Chinese themselves are not hostile to the English traders who resort to their shores ; on the contrary, the relations of trade have con tinued from the day of the Peiho to the present time. (Hear.) Our orders have been as much as possible to confine the war to those who were engaged in it, and not to extend it to innocent persons who were pursuing their usual avo cations, and who were willing to enter with us into rela tions of amity. I believe those friendly relations will con tinue, and that it will be a itruggle merely between the Eng lish and French forces on the one hand, and the Chinese forces on the other. I believe, also, that the war will be one of short duration. (Hear, hear.) But I say again it is our duty to protect the lives and property of British sub jects, which have:been endangered by the act of the Chinese Government, which, in defiance of a solemn treaty, attacked our soldiers and our sailors in a manner for which we are bound to demand reparation; and we are bound also to place our relations with that country in such a state that the Emperor of China and his Ministers shall respect this nation as ono which is at least equal to the Chinese in every quality which becomes a nation. (Hear, hear.) Mr. T. BARING said, as far as commerce was concerned, no event could be more unfortunate than the present war. (Hear, hear.) It was unfortunate for the interests of trade that we should ever have insisted on going up to Pekin. It was not by forcing an entrance to the Feiho, or sending a Minister to Pekin, that trade would be advanced. The noble lord said it was a question of morality—that he wanted to teach the Chinese morality. Lord J. RUSSELLlexplained—What I said was this— that hon. gentlemen opposite said that, for the sake of mo rality, they ought not to make war; and he replied to that observation; but he did not say they wished to teach mora lity to the Chinese. Mr. BARING continued—What he objected to was, that they acted towards China as they would with France, or any other country in Europe, while it was well known that the Chinese entertained views different from every one else. His own belief was that, if they forced diplomacy on them, they would have a great deal of difficulty before them, and would never do much except to damage the country by forcing it into a constant and perpetual warfare. Sir C. NAPIER observed that the hon. and learned member for Sheffield and the hon. member for Liskeard ob jected to the war, and he wished to know whether France and England had the same objects in view. Ile (Sir C. Na pier) would ask why did not Lord Elgin stop there ? Lord R. CECIL cast all the blame of these wars on the officials who represented tha British Governs ent abroad. The present war was occasioned by Mr. Bruce ~ the late war by Sir John Bowring, Mr. Murray brought about the Persian war, and Lord Dalhousie the Burmese. It was not the English Government, but those individuals who brought these difficulties on the country. For his own part he wished they .treated China as an European rower, because if they did so they would not allow officials to act as they did. Lord PALM ERSTON observed that the noble lord who just sat down was inclined to think that the officials of dif ferent administrations abroad neglected their duty by drag ging this country into war. Now, he would venture to say that any one who looked into the circumstances would find they did their duty, no matter what hon. gentlemen said to the contrary. The hon. gentleman the member fcr Hunt ingdon misunderstood what was said by his noble friend. Tho hon. gentleman said that the British Minister wanted to go to Pekin to advance trade, and that it was only at Shanghai and Canton trade could be found. The hon. gentleman also said that trade was all they wanted, and they should therefore not insist on having a Minister at Pekin. But could trade be secure, or commerce carried on, if 'English subjects were not sustained and protected in those right acquired by treaty ? If they sent persons into foreign countries without having their safety secured pre viously by treaty, their lives and properties would not be safe for a single moment. The hon. gentleman was too well aware that his arguments were entirely inconsistent with notorious facts. Did not the hon. gentleman remem ber with what acclamation the treaty made by Sir Henry Pottinger was hailed in this country, and was it not noto rious that the benefits since derived from it fully justified the policy then pursued ? Then as to the war at Canton, though \ some hon. members did not approve of it, the country thought differently, and most assuredly Sir John Bowring had nothing to do with that transaction. He thought the observations made upon him were unjust and injurious, for he had no more to do with bringing about the war than hon. gentlemen themselves. Then, with regard to the recant occurrence, the late Government authorised the treaty of Tien-tsin, and sent out instruc tions that the Minister should demand its ratification with an efficient force. He might remind them that Lord Elgin was not sent out to establish a trade for the merchants at Pekin ; but it was at Pekin the ratifications of the treaty were to be exchanged, and without that treaty the com mercial transactions at Canton, Shanghai, Ningpo, and other places would be put in a state of jeopardy, in which it was not the duty of the Government to place British merchants and their enterprises. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman had said that the Government had dealt with the Chinese according to the forms of diplomacy known in Europe. He must know that of all the nations of the world the Chinese were the people that attached the most value to forms. (Hear, hear.) With them forms were m atter of substance and importance. (Hear, hear.) There was no nation which attached more importance to the most minute gradations of form, and with whom it was of greater im portance to maintain our own dignity and assert our own right by binding th em w ith th ose formalities , the value of which they knew almost better than any other nation. (Hear, hear.) The object was to o btain. a ratification of the treaty that would be binding on. the Emperor of China. The Emperor of Chin% b y an edict san ctioned every article and word of that treaty. (Hear, hear .) But b Emperor whose was concluded. the Emperor of China kn ew as well as any one in Europe, that the treaty w as not ratified, and that it was g th n e not binding u p o n An th d e th so o v u e g r h e i of China had acknowledged and sanctioned every word of that treaty he endeavoured to hold himself free to break every article which he by his own edict had sanctioned and approved. hear.) That was a state of things • (Hear, Which it was impossible for the British Government to submit to, and therefore it was necessary that a ratification should to exchanged. They could only be exchanged at Pekin, and it was not for the purpose of trade that the going to Pekin, but to obtain, the tatificatio • Minister was n. of the treaty, t that was to give security to trade elsewhere, in other parts of China where trade was carried on. (Hear, hear.) He trusted they would, and at no distant period, obtain a ratification of tho treaty from the Emperor of China. He thought that instead of injuring his empire by establishing friendly relations with the Great Powers of Europe, he would rather add to the security of his authority. (Hear.) The vote was then agreed to. The CHAIRMAN was ordered to report progress, and the house resumed. WAYS AND MEANS-THE CHINA WAR AND FORTIFICATIONS. On the order being read for going into committee, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said—l cannot think of asking the house to hear me in committee of ways and means at this very , late hour, and therefore I shall fix it the first thing on Monday, after the report is re ceived of the resolution just come to. (Hear, hear.) Ido not think that the discussion on ways and means can last for any length of time on Monday. The order was accordingly postponed. GAME CERTIFICATES ETtL. _ The house went into committee on this bill, the several clauses of which were agreed to, and after some discussion, and the house having resumed, it was reported. COMMON LAW PROCEDURE (IRELAND) ACT (1853) AMENDMENT BILL. Tbis bill passed 'through committee. POOR. LAW BOARD CONTINUANCE BILL. The house went into committee pro forma on this bill, and tin Chairman was immediately ordered to report pro • greys. MEDICAL ACT AMENDMENT BILL. This bill passed through committee. CENSUS (ENGLAND) BILL, AND CENSUS (IRELAND) BILL. Theso bills were read a third time and passed. CROWN DEBTS AND JUDGMENT BILL. This bill passed through committee. OXFORD UNIVERSITY (No. 2) BILL. This bill, as amended, passed through committee. QUEEN'S PRISON BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. QUEEN'S BENCH ACT AMENDMENT BILL. This bill was read a third tittle and passed. CALEDONIAN AND CRINAN CANAL BILL. The Lords' amendments to this bill were 'agreed The Friendly Societies Acts Amendment Bill and the Felony and Misdemeanour Bill were severally read a third time and passed. On the motion of the LORD ADVOCATE, leave was given to bring in the Census (Scotland) Bill. THEATRES AND PUBLIC HOUSES. , On the motion of Mr. LAING, in the absence of Sir G. C. Lewis, leave was given to bring in a bill to amend the acts concerning theatres and public-houses. The bill was brought in and read a first time. The house then adjourned at half-past two o'clock. COUNTRY MARE ETS. LIVERPOOL-RTLY 13. We had only a small attendance to-day, and wheat and flour met a fair sale at Tuesday's prices, or ld to 2d per cental and 6d to 9d per barrel and sack under those of last week. Oats and oatmeal scarcely asked for. Barley and beans steady, with a moderate demand. Peas a dull sale. Indian cern met a fair inquiry, at 6d per qr. more money. WAKEFIELD—JULY 13: A steady market, the supplies being short. Fresh red wheat sold at full prices, but business was dull. In other articles no change to noto. Averages for the week : Wheat 2,034 qrs., at 58s Old Peas .... 12 4os 4cl Beans 6O — 46 s Od 8ar1ey......... —, —s Od Oats — —s Od Rye 29 4os Od EDINBURGH GRAIN-JULY 11. Wheat on the top 3s Od down.. average Os 4d up. Barley on the top is Od up .average is 8d up. Oats on the top Os Gd up.... average is Od up. Beans on the top is Od up average Os 9d up. Averages per Imperial quarter. Wheat.... Barley 1 19 2 7-12ths Oats 1 11 3 5-12ths Beans -12ths Total Supply and Sales. Wheat 527 qrs Sold 445 qrs 8ar1ey........ 87 qrs Sold 23 qrs Sold 528 qrs Oats 728 qrs Beans 2O qrs Sold 14 qrs EXETE Business was dull in the c, tations were unaltered. Wheat, white..7s 6d to 7s 9d Barley.. 4s 8d to 5s Od Ditto red .. 7s 3d to 78 6d I Oats .. -JULY 13. ,rn market to-day, and quo- Flour, fine, 42s to 435; seconds, 40s to 41s per sack., CATTLE. Farmers being engaged in harvesting, and Midsummer fair being held next Wednesday, there was a slack attend ance and a meagre supply of stock. Prices unaltered. Fat beef,p score, 12s0d to 13s Ewes, per lb .... 61c1 to Od Perk earcases,do lls to lls 6d Wethers, d 0...... 7d to Oa Sheep, per lb. 7d to 70 Fat calves, d 0.... 61d to 7d Rough fat, 4id per lb. DERBY SMITHFIELD-JULY 10. There was a short supply of fat beasts, but the greater part were only of the middling sort; the best quality were m request, and sold well. The supply of sheep large, and an advance in price was obtained. Fat and store calves equal to the demand. Pigs were about the average. Beef 7id to 8d 1 Veal 6ld to id Mutton .. 7id to 81d Pork Lamb 9d to —d Rough fat, 45 9d per stone. Hides, 31d 0 - ssd ; calf skins, 6d to 61d. BRISTOL SUGAR-JULY 13. The improved tone which has characterised the market during the last three or four weeks is still observable, and raw sugars, both for refiners and grocery pur►oses, com mand good prices. In refiners' produce there Ise, healthy trade doing, and as the preserving season, is setting in a brisk trade may be expected. Rums are.about the same as last week. COAL MARKET--JULY 13. The stronger tone which was noticed on Wednesday con tinued to animate the market to-day, and previous prices were fully maintained, with a partial advance in some cargoes. Best house coal 18s 3d to 18s 9d, seconds 16s 3d to 17s 6d, Hartley's 14s 6d to 15s 3d, manufacturer's 13s to 15s. Ships at market, 37—Sold, 18. TILE MAILS. MAILS DUE. Australia, Ceylon, and Mauritius (via South. ampton) -* '• • • • • • • • .. Aug. 10. • • Do. (via Marseilles) Aug. 4. Bahamas and Havana (via New York) .. Aug. 2. Canada, &c. (via Londonderry) July 18. Cape of Good Hope, &c. Aug. 1. China, Penang, and Singapore (via S'ampton) July 19. Do. (via Marseilles) July 13. Gibraltar (via Southampton) .. July 19. India (Calcutta), Ceylon, &c. (via Southampton) July 19. Do. (via Marseilles) July 13. India (Bombay), (via Southampton) .. .. July 25. Do. (via Marseilles) .. .. July 19 Lisbon, Brazils, Buenos Ayres, &c. Overdue. Lisbon, Vigo, and Oporto .. July 21. Malta, Egypt, and Aden (via Southampton) .. Overdue. Do. (via Marseilles) .. July 13. United States, California, &c. (pia Cork) .. July 19. Western Coast of Atrica, Madeira, Teneriffe West Indies and Pacific, Carthgena, Cuba, &c. July 14. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Holloway's Pills and Ointment — Popular Celebrity.—ln the annals of medicine no cue can be found to parallel the unbounded fame attained through out the habitable globe by Holloway's medicaments. In every climate, under every description of circumstance, have these wonderful remedies worked Cures, w hich are recorded in every known language. In using Holloway'spreparations the sufferer runs no risk ; their ve ry nature necessitates their acting as purifiers and reStorpr . s. The innocent ingredients employed in their composition pre_ vents the possibility of their doing harm. o r weake ning the most delicate constitution. The whole ch a p ter of accidents to whin. humanity is liable can be h o ned safely an d =- tainly by these twin correctives, w hich, by the mildest means, expel all impurities from the body. BIKTHS• Infantry, of a st s ., on a . t CARMICHAEL.—On the 12t o h,,iiia . t., at Ash Grange, near Farnborough, the wife I ~Lieut.-Colonel Carmichael, MANNING.—On the 7th May, at Sydney, N.S.W., the wife C. 8., 32d L o ig a ht th li: of Sir William lq. Manning, of a son. square, the wife of Captain Sir F. Nicolson, NICOLSON.-- wi 15, William-street, of a daughter. Bart., RICH. —On the 12th inst., at 12, Nottingham-place, Re the Re of, wife of Sir Charles H, J. Rich, Bart., of a daughter. Lowndes• MARRIAGES. BENTLEY—bUTCLIFFE.—On the 12th inst., at St. John's, Notting-hill, M. Bentley, Esq., of the Admiralty, So merfset House, to Sophia, youngest daughter of the late Rev. Joseph Sutcliffe, A.M. OTWAY--S WAFFIELD.—On the 12th inst., at Leamington Priors, Edward, youngest son of the late Admiral Sir R. W. Otway, Bart., to Adelaide, daughter of Robt. Hassel Swafileld, Esq., of Westdown 'Lodge, Dorsetshire. DEATHS. BA VERSTOcK.—On the 10th inst., at Paddington, Augus tus Baverstock, aged 27. HATCH.—On the 11th inst., at Gravesend, Mary Ann, the wife of Mr. J. J. Hatch, of 35, Judd-street, Brunswick square, aged 51. HORNS.—On the 13th inst., at 49, Upper Harley-street, Sir William Home, aged 87. NEWMAN.—On the 12th inst., at the 'Priory, Kersey, Suf folk, Richard Newman, Esq., aged 69, fortaerly of the 4th Royal Irish Dragoon Guards. RoLrn.—On the 10th inst., at Gloucester-crescent, Re gent's-park, Sarah, wife of William Rolph, Esq., aged 61. WESTON...-. On the 7th inst., at Mecklenburgh-square, Jae. Weston, Esq., aged 52. LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Bun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the county of MiddloooT, Saturday, July . l4, 1860.