The Sun. — London, England, 1859-04-30 00:00:00

ELECTION IN 'fELLIGENCE. CITY OF LONDON. The following is a more extended report of the speech of Lord ohn Russell than we were enabled to give in our - impression of yesterday : Lora. St 'RUSSELL said—Let me, in the first place, 'express to you my most cordial thanks for the honour you have done me in again returning me as one of your representatives in Parliament, and I will take this opportunity of speaking—l hope at no very great length—on topics that are at this time of very great interest, both as concerns home and foreign politics. First let me mention, though very briefly, the late Reform Bill of the Government. lam not going into any description or examination of that bill ; I have done that before. I have this further reason for not examining the details of that measure—it has been condemned both by the late House of Commons and the coun try, by Conservatives as well as Liberals, as a mea sure totally unfit for the exigencies of the country. (Cheers.) It was obvious that that bill was faulty an this respect, that it altered what was good and seful and left unaltered what was mischievous and defective. (Cheers.) Such a bill, therefore, could not meet the approbation of the House of Commons, and for my own part I am readyto incur any of the blame that has been lavished on me for having as sisted in throwing out that bill. believing, as I did, that if it had passed it would have restrained the liberties of the country, and given rise to many abuses, so that Gattons and Old Sarums would have sprung up anew throughout the country. Well, upon that rejection of the bill—and it was much the same whether it was rejected on a resolution or on the second reading—the Ministry thought fit to advise her Majesty to dissolve Parliament. Was it on the Ministerial Reform Bill ? Not at all. When I had the honour, in the name of Earl Grey and his Government, to propose the first Reform Bill, and when it met with obstacles in the House of Com mons, Earl Grey advised the King to dissolve Par liament, but he did it boldly and manfully on the merits of the bill. He said, " Here is a Reform Bill, does the country accept it or no ?" and the country by immense majorities, declared it was willing to accept that measure. las Lord Derby taken any such. course ? (Cries of no.) You very rightly say "no," because the candidates who are favourable to the Ministry, and even the Ministers themselves put the bill of the Government in their pockets, or put it behind the fire, before they venture to present themselves to the electors of the United Kingdom. Then for what purpose is the dissolution ? For the purpose of allowing Lord Derby to say, " The country is against reform, or it is only for such a reform as I may think proper to give, and it has entire confidence in the present Ministry to deal as they will with this great question." Now, I think the country cannot give that answer. I think the country desires a good measure of reform,—a tem perate measure, if you will,—a safe measure if you will—but still a sound and effective measure. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I will not examine the bill of the Government, neither will I give you the de tails of such a measure as I shall be ready to pro pose. Many reformers have expressed their views on this subject, and although they differ in some respects, yet, upon the whole, there is a very gene ral agreement,—such an agreement that on consul tation and on comparison of their different views they might soon concur as to what would be a good and effective measure. Passing from this subject, I will say a few words upon a question which excited a good deal of attention not long ago, but which has been superseded in the public mind by other subjects of more pressing importance. I allude to the question of charch-rates. (Cheers.) I have not been asked for any opinion or pledge with re spect to the question of church-rates ; but I think that question has come to this point—that either the present law must be maintained or church rates must be altogether abolished. (Cheers.) Being of opinion that the maintenance of the pre sent law is not for the benefit of the country,—see ing that it produces much heartburning,—that, according to the testimony of many clergymen of the Established Church, it is an obstacle to the use fulness of that church—(cheers)—and that in the view of Dissenters it is objectionable to them on grounds of conscience—l think that, providing the means for such voluntary collections as may be re quired, church-rates ought to be altogether abo lished. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I have this morning been asked another question,—one that does not relate to our home affairs, but which affects a great portion of our empire —with regard to the instruc tion to be given in schools in India. Now, I should say that in schools which the Government assists, there ought to be equal religious instruction for those who desire it, either in the ancient faith of the country, or in the Bible if they are mildling to accept it, or else there ought to be secular schools in which no religious instruction should be given. The question is one of great difficulty and delicacy. But although I have given you my opinion on the subject—an opinion upon which I shall be prepared to act—l believe it is a question that may be safely left with the Governor-General of India or the Sec retary of State for India, Lord Stanley, who is anxious to do in this matter whatever is most for the benefit of India, preserving the great principle of religious liberty and respect for the convictions of the people. (Hear, hear.) I now arrive at that which is the question of most urgent interest at the present moment—l mean the state of foreign affairs. (Cheers.) In touching that subject I must first allude to a speech which was made a few days ago by the First Lord of the Treasury, the Earl of Derby, at the Mansion-house. In that speech he alluded to a speech of mine, and whether I have misconceived the purport of a former address of his, or -whether he has not expressed himself so clearly as is his wont, is not a matter that is worth dis puting. But I was happy to see that the opinion expressed by Lord Derby at the Mansion-house is one in which I can entirely and unfeignedly concur. It will, I am sure, be a great advantage, upon what ever other points we may differ—whatever differ ences may arise with respect to the internal Go vernment of this country, and the principles upon which it should be conducted—it will be a great ad vantage, whatever Ministry may bc in power, that all the chief parties, and the chief leaders in Parliament, should agree in the same opinion with regard to foreign affairs. (Cheers.) I have hardly ventured to give so positive and peremptory an opinion as has been attributed to me by one of the gentlemen who has proposed a candidate—that all the Powers of Europe are in the wrong—(a laugh)—but this I do think, that neither Sardinia nor Austria has been entirely in the right with respect to their late disputes, and that the matter of those disputes might have been settled by amicable conference among the Powers of Europe, instead of being brought to the dreadful arbitrament of arms. I think those Powers should have considered what a blessing it has been that, with the exception of the war between France, England, and Sardinia on the one part, and Russia on the other, there has been no war in Europe since. 1815 ; and how great is the responsibility of those who are willing to ruin her fairest prospects, to de stroy her most fertile fields, and to rush into war with each other on a dispute that might have been settled without any such resort. In the next place, I think Austria has been for many years exerting an undue and injurious influence in Italy by insist ing that, whenever any sovereign asked for Aus trian assistance to support his misgovernment, that assistance in the-shape of-.armies should always be given. In the sight of the Government of Austria there are, apparently, not 25,000,000 people, but about five persons in Italy who are entitled to be considered ; and any one of these five—be he the King of Naples, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, or whom he may—immediately on his application, • should have the assistance of Austria in order to put down a free constitution and re-establish the abuses of despotism. The consequence has been a deep irri tation against—or, I may say, a violent hatred of— Austria throughout Italy. But what have been the demands of Sardinia ? The demands of Sardinia— according to the despatches of her Minister—have been not only that other states should be left with out Austrianinterference, but that there should be • a change in the Government of Lombardy. N ow , Lombardy belonging to Austria by treaty, and her possession of that province being undisturbed by internal tumult, I say no other Power has a right to dictate to Austria what shall be her mode of Go vernment in Lombardy. Advice may be given, advice may be useful, but no Power has a right to interfere by arms in order to change the mode of internal administration. Such being the state of the case, such being the opposite pretensions, I think the only co urse for her Majesty's Government to pursue was to attempt by a friendly intervention to prevent these differences from resulting in war. An attempt has been made to exert that influence, whether wisely or not it is impossible for me to say. No corresponde nce has been produced which will enable Parliament and the c ountry to form a judgment on the subject. I have no doubt, however, that it was well-meant advice, an d I a m exceedingly sorry that it has failed of effect. N o w, this being so, think we ought not to b e carrie d awa y b y too great ap prehensions as to what m ay be the consequences of this conflict. As is asserted by the King of Sardini a it is a conflict for a change in the government of Italy, for the independenc e of Italy. As is affirmed by the Government of Austria, i t i s a conflict for the maintenance of treaties and of her t just posses sions. In that contest, I think, we ought to be en tirely neutral. (Loud cheers.) cann o t c onceive that there would be any advantage in ou r interfer ing in favour of one party or the•other. (--cnewed cheers.) My opinion has always been, and I ex pressed it on the first night of the late session o f Parliament—not, as has been suggested on the p art, I believe, of four Powers of Europe, that the States of Italy should be advised to introduce certain reforms, but that the States of Italy should be left to effect their own reforms without foreign interfer ence, and without dictation from foreign armies. (Prolonged cheers.) You may be quite wrong in the advice you give with respect to the in titutions of other countries—you may advise something very good in itself, but which would be utterly un suited to them ; but if you say t'icy shall be at liberty for themselves to make and to amend their own Governments, you then act upon a sound principle, and no one can doubt that whatever mis takes they may make, upon that principle you can abide, and upon that principle you can take your stand. Now, gentlemen, we have been told of late that another great Power is about to interfere—namely, Russia. I think we should all be cautious before we settle our minds, without further inquiry, to believe the statements made upon this subject. (Cheers.) There is, no doubt, sufficient cause for our Government to ask the Go- vernments of France and of Russia whether there are new ties by which they are bound together, and what is the nature of those ties. (Loud cheers.) Two different accounts are given on this subject, and it is impossible, without inquiry, t o sa y w hi c h of them is true. The one statement is that an al -1 liance called offensive and defensive," has been concluded between France and Russia. For my part Ido not believe that account. (Cheers.) I believe it was a vague and mistaken notion of what had actually taken place. The other story is that it was supposed in France—and naturally supposed from the German newspapers—not only that Aus tria was about to make certain demands upon her, but also that if she did so, and if France assisted Sardinia, the others Powers of Germany would in terfere on behalf of Austria. Now, I considered, when I first heard this statement, that it would be a great misfortune if such an event were to happen, because I believed that such interference could hardly take place without leading to other interfe rence. Prussia and the States of Germany are no more concerned than ourselves in the misgovernment of Italy. They have no interests involved. Their se curity and honour are not affected by any change in the Governments of Italy, but it seemed likely that if France saw herself threatened on the side of Germany she would apply to Russia in order to gain additional defence against that menace or, it might be, aggression. Well, the other story is that France had made that application, and that Russia had complied with it, and had agreed that in case Germany should make war on France, she would on her side threaten Germany, and, if it were neces sary, make war upon Germany. Now, these are Questions as to which I will only say that it is neces sary to know all the facts before we can arrive at a solid arid sound judgment. (Hear,hear.) I will also say further, in the spirit of what I have already told you, that I think we have nothing to do but to defend our own honour, to defend our own terri tory, to defend our own interests, and not to put ourselves forward with the notion of aiding one or other of these parties, and thus incurring the dan ger, when they are engaged in conflict, of being drawn into a struggle, and of preventing that set tlement which might otherwise take place. (Cheers.) My belief is, if these powers are left to a conflict among themselves, that after a time—l hope it may be a short time, but I believe, at all events, after some time of struggle—the powers that are at war will be glad to take the advice of England, and that they will be glad to have recourse to the me diation of England, as a power which is likely to act upon principles of justice and equity between the contending parties. (Cheers.) 'While I protest strongly against taking a part in war with the no tion that the freedom of other countries may be as sisted or established by means of war, I will say that if it comes to a question of advice—still more if it comes to a question of mediation—it is for us to con sider that we are a free country, and that the cause we ought to promote by our friendly and peaceful influence is the cause of civil and religious liberty all over the world. (Cheers.) I have expressed my opinions, and although some of them may be con fined to myself, I believe they do not differ materi ally or substantially from the views which are held by those who now bear sway in this country and conduct the Government. Jam sure, then, it will be a great advantage if, when Parliament meets, we should be unanimous, at all events, upon that sub ject. I have no reason to think that Lord Palmer ston, Mr. Gladstone, and others who have taken part in the debates on this matter, at all differ from the opinions I have now expressed. (Hear, hear.) If you will permit me, I will say a few words on my own position. One gentleman who spoke of me did me the honour to allude to my ancestry. I have always been of opinion with one of our own poets that " They who on glorious ancestry enlarge, Produce their debt instead of their discharge." It has been my desire to endeavour to pay that debt —to endeavour by measures which I thought bene ficial to the country, and which promoted religious and political liberty, to pay in some degree for the advantages I have derived from the ancestry from which I am descended—(cheers)—and I hope you will be of opinion that some part of that debt at least has been paid by me. (Renewed cheering.) Whatever accusations of faction, and of conspiring, and of intriguing there may be against me, I have the satisfaction of thinking that whenever I have interfered in the House of Commons, whether mis taken or not, my object has been to promote the welfare and liberty of the country. (Cheers.) It is necessary, in order to do that effectually, to enter into concert with others ; and you may rely upon it that in the future it will be my endeavour, as I hope I may say it has been in the past, not to put forward obstinately andprecipitately any opinions of my own as better than those of others who aim at the same objects, but that I shall carry into practice the opinion once shortly expressed. by Mr. Fox, that " it is better to yield a little to a friend than to yield everything to an enemy." (Hear, hear.) I am convinced from the history of the last 30 years that the great measures which have been carried affecting religious liberty, Parliamentary reform, free trade, and the repeal of the corn laws, have been carried by a conjunction of different parties, some calling themselves Whigs, some calling them selves Radicals, some calling themselves at one time followers of Mr. Canning, and at another time followers of the late Sir R. Peel. When I look to these questions, I find that it has been only by the combination of the three parties I have men tioned that such measures have been successful. If, then, measures useful to the country have in times past owed their success to these combinations, I think we ought to look to similar combinations for success in the future. lam much concerned when I see differences among Liberals, and when I find them applying names to one another—when I find some saying that those who go further than them selves are " Destructivts," and wish to abolish the sound constitution of the country, while those who go to what may be deemed extremes call men who do not go so far, but who are yet sound and good Liberals, " retrograde politicians," and apply to them other terms which depreciate their usefulness. I am convinced that, in the face of the great party which will be opposed to us, it is only by the con cert and agreement of all Liberals throughout the country—by union and determination—that we are likely to carry measures for the good of the' people. (Loud cheers.) In that spirit lam disposed to act. You have elected me as one of your four representa tives at a most anxious and critical time in the fortunes of this country. Believe me, I shall not betray or neglect - tnat trust; and I again repeat to you my heartfelt gratitude for the honour you have conferred upon me. (Prolonged cheering.) TIVERTON. FRIDAY AFTERNOON. Lord Palmerston and the Hoii.Gr.ls;;;;;,ihe two Liberal candidates, were elected for this borough to-day without opposition. Lord PALMERSTON came forward, and expe rienced a most enthusiastic reception. His lordship spoke as follows :—Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, electors of Tiverton, I must in the first place assure you that I shall for cogent reasons which I see before me (alluding to the representatives of the London press), endeavour to compress w ithi n the narrowest possible limit the remarks and observations which I shall think it my duty to address to you. (Hear, hear.) In the first place allow me to say with what regret I stand here to-day without the companionship of that worthy and excellent friend of yours and mine, Mr. Heathcoate—(loud cheers) —who has so long and so worthily represented your borough in Parliament. I quite apree with what fell from my hon. friend who proposed Mr. Denman as a candidate, that it would be idle for any man here to attempt to be stow on Mr. Heathcoat any praise stronger than that which must suggest itself to the minds of every man in the town and neighbourhood, who so well knows his value. (Hear, hear.) But I may be allowed to say that there was no member of the House of Commons on either side of the chair who commanded to a greater extent the respect, the esteem, and the goodwill of every member of the house. (Hear, hear.) There was no man whose judgment was more valued, no man whose honesty and independence were more appreciated, and there is no member who, I am sure, retires from the arduous duties of the House of Commons who will carry more than Mr. Heathcote will into the retirement of private life the regret and the esteem of every man who enjoyed the happiness of his ac quaintance during his long career as a member of ParhaPaent. (Cheers.) When I see, gentlemen, as Ido with c or di a l sat i s f act i on, t h e progress i ve pros sive prosperity and improvement of this town, I am favourably reminded that it is in a great mea sure to Mr. Heath coa t e th at t hi s i mprovemen t an d p r osperity are due--(hear, hear)—and therefore I THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, APRIL 80, 1859. feel that I should be doing injustice to you, gentle men if I were to dilate further on those eminent qualities, of whom none are so well qualified to judge as those who for so many years have seen them in daily and hourly operation. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, allow me now to express the cordial gratitude I feel at being again permitted to enjoy the high distinction of being one of your repre sentatives in Parliament—a distinction the appre ciation of which is enhanced by the reflection that now, during six successive Parliaments, I have en joyed that honour. It is a maxim well deserving of approval as regards public life, that men's en mities ought to be temporary, and their friendships everlasting ; and I must say, gentlemen, that the continued kindness and confidence which I have experienced at your hands grow to me more and more valuable every year that they continue, and I sincerely trust that no conduct of mine may at any time deprive me of the good opinion of which I have so long enjoyed the fruits. (Cheers.) Well, gentlemen, what brings me here on this occasion to solicit a renewal of your confidence ? It is because Parliament has been dissolved—and why ? It is difficult, indeed, to assign an adequate reason for that dissolution. (Hear, hear.) It is difficult to conjecture why, at a moment of considerable anxiety at home and great danger abroad, the Govern • ment should have thought fit to deprive itself of that counsel, that advice, and that support, which the GovernMent of the empire must always derive from the presence in session of its Parliament. (Hear, hear.) But we are told, gentlemen, that we are sent to our constituents in order that the nation may express its opinion on the state of public affairs. Now that expression may be delivered in two dif ferent ways ; first, in the language which may be held on the hustings, and next in the selection of members to represent the different constituencies of the country. I say, gentlemen, that there was no adequate reason why the Government should resort to the extreme measure of a dissolution of Parliament. They state that two successive ad ministrations have in the course of one twelvemonth failed to retain the confidence of the House of Com mons, but on one of those occasions they, the party now in power, were themselves the cause of the late administration not retaining the confidence of the House of Commons, and they are therefore sending to the right about the representatives of the people, in order to punish them for an act of which they themselves were the prime movers. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the second instance, namely, the late vote on the resolution which was proposed against their Reform Bill, I deny that that was a vote implying want of confidence in the Govern ment. It was a vote condemning a measure which the Government had proposed, and, moreover, a measure which none even amongst their own sup porters out of office ventured to approve altogether. But, gentlemen, when they say that they failed to retain the confidence of the House of Commons, that assertion assumes that they never possessed the confidence of the House of Commons. (Cheers.) They could not retain that which they had never pos sessed, and when I say that they did not possess the confidence of the House of Commons, I mean to use the word in its Parliamentary acceptation, namely, the confidence shown by possession of a majority of the House of Commons. They had not, there fore, the confidence of the house in the plain and ordinary acceptation of the word, and they are therefore not justified in saying they could not retain that which, in point of fact, had never been in their possession. (Hear.) Well, gentlemen, I am not disposed to do injustice to that Government. They combine within their ranks many men of emi nent and distinguished talents and great political experience, with some other men who are not so distinguished by talent, but who are highly re spectable, They are supported out of doors by a large party in the country, and by a great number of men of rank and station, wealth and social conside ration. They are, therefore, a party fairly entitled to aspire to the government of the country, pro vided also that they could obtain a working par liamentary majority. But when they took office there were two points upon which they were want ing. First of all, their opinions on many points of great national interest were not in accordance with the prevailing opinions of the day ; and, in the next place, as I have already said, they had not a majo rity in the House of Commons. Well, but their friends and supporters out of doors said, " Don't be uneasy with regard to the first point. It is quite true that many opinions which they have long en tertained and avowed are not in accordance with the general sentiments of the country, but remem ber what they did on the great questions of free trade and protection, remember that, not many years ago, when they came into office, having up to that time battled for protection and against free trade, they yet, when they came' into office and be came clothed with the responsibility of power, sud denly changed or relinquished all their previously declared opinions, and gave a frank and free adop tion to the principles of free trade." (Hear, hear.) People said, therefore, when they came in this last time, "Do not be uneasy about the two great ques tions of the day, namely, the transfer of the govern ment of India from the company to the crown, and the measure for improving the representation of the people ; don't be uneasy about these two points, because you may be perfectly sure • that, whatever opinion or prejudice they may have hitherto enter tained on these two points, those opinions will be modified, and those prejudices will melt away, from the very first moment that they find themselves seated on the treasury benches.' (Laughter.) Then they said with regard to the second point—" True, they have not a majority in the Commons House of Parliament, but they will so shape their measures as not to adapt them to their own opinions, but to the opinions of the majority. They will, therefore, have a majority, not for their own measures, but for the measures of their opponents which they will adopt and put forward as their own." Well, gentle men, so it was, but they were unfortunate, and have all through been unfortunate in their attempts at legislation. They brought in an India Bill, which they had speedily to withdraw amid the laughter of all mankind. (Hear, hear.) They withdrew it properly and handsomely, they brought in another framed on the moment, which we had previously proposed to Parliament, and although, like gipsies who steal other people's chil dren, and disfigure them to make them pass for their own—(laughter)—they, acting on that prin ciple, very much disfigured our bill, yet substan tially and in all the leading features, their bill was our bill, and accordingly it received the assent of Vie legislature. (Hear, hear.) Then came the Reform question, and they produced a bill to carry into effect an alteration of the representation of the people in Parliament. But they were not much more lucky with that than they had previously been with their India Bill, for they brought in a bill which every one condemned, and which, from the moment it was laid on the table and printed, it was quite clear could never pass into a law. (Hear, hear.)- A. resolution was moved by Lord J. Russell condemning the two worst features of the bill, and that resolution was carried by a considerable ma jority, a majority so considerable, the whole house being present all but 28 members, as to amount to 39 against the. Government, and if all the 28 who were absent, and who by the bye would, if pre sent, have voted against them, had been present and voted with them, and that thus the whole House of Commons had been polled, there would have still.been a large majority in favour of Lord John Russell's resolution. Well, gentlemen, the natural course for the Government to have pursued under the circumstances of their defeat was that which they had followed the year before in the case of their India Bill. Feeling that their measure wts not in accordance with public opinion, or in accordance with the opinion of the House of Com mons, they should have withdrawn their measure, modified according to the sentiments of the public and of Parliament. But they gave a strange reason for not doing so. They said, "No, we have done that once before on the India Bill, and it would be impossible for men in our position to re peat twice the . same proceeding." Why, they did twice repeat the same course of proceeding: but the course they repeated twice was the commission of a blunder, while the course they would not re peat was the correction of that blunder. I, there fore, think the reason was not a satisfactory one to be given to the people of England. (Hear, hear.) Well, then, that being the case, they determined to consider the carrying of that resolution as a vote of censure on the Government, and not merely as a vote of censure on their measure. What are we come to? or do we live in a time when every Government which proposes a measure which may not meet with the approbation of Parliament is to consider every vote given against any single one of these measures, as leaving them no alternative, save that of resignation or dissolution. (Hear.) Why that doctrine must have been drawn from the time before the Reform Bill. It cannot be acted upon now when we have a reformed Parliament, and when the opinions of the constituencies of England act di rectly on the actions of the House of Commons. (Hear.) I say, therefore, that they were wrong, and they were unjustified, that they were not borne out in declaring that the carrying of the re so l u tion was a vote of censure on the Government, and not one of disapproval of their measure. I contend then, that with regard to themselves, they were not borne out in stating in the speech from the throne—for it was their speech, and, therefore, I deal with it freely—in stating that Parliament had in their case withdrawn any confidence which it had ever bestowed on them. With regard to the former occasion, in respect to which the Govern ment of which I was a member was greatly inte rested, I contend that the vote of censure, for such it was, which was passed on us, was carried by a parliamentary manoeuvre on the part of the present Government and their supporters—a manoeuvre perfectly legitimate according to the rules of par liamentary warfare, but still a manoeuvre, and they are not the party who should make the result of that manoeuvre a reproach or a censure to the Par liament which they have recently dissolved. Now, gentlemen, you of course remember the events of that trial. There had occurred in Paris an event of so outrageOus a description as to excite the hor ror and indignation of all mankind. The Emperor and Empress of the French when on their way to the theatre were suddenly attacked by a discharge of shells exploding under their carriage, around their carriage, and in every direction in immediate contiguity to it. The result was, that I think ten persons were killed, the imperial servants and horses severely wounded, and that upwards of 100 persons who had assembled to see them pass were injured in some manner or another, while the only persons who escaped were the individuals against whom the attack had been directed, namely, the Emperor and Empress in their carriage. When we heard of this affair the then Government par took of the general indignation, for it was known that the conspirators had come from England, that the plot had been hatched in England, and that the instrument of destruction had been made in Eng land, and therefore at the first blush England was obnoxious to the charge of having harboured men, who, not content with enjoying that freedom and security with all who live in this country, made this place of refuge the quarter in which to plot a diabolical attack on the sovereign of another country. The first impulse of our minds, of the mind of the Government, was to rescue this coun try from the imputation which might fall on it from any other civilised country. (A voice " Ber nard for. ever, down with Louis Napoleon.") But it was made a matter of charge against us that we acted under the dictation of the Government of France, • that we acted under the threats of some half dozen foolish French colonels of regiments, and of speeches which had been recently made in public assemblies in France. I can assure you that that assertion was totally and fundamentally false. We acted upon the feelings which every gentle man of honour who had the least spark of generous feeling.in his mind must have been actuated by, had he been placed under similar circumstances. We felt it due to the general feeling not to alter those laws which gave refuge to foreigners of all descriptions who were flying from political perse cution abroad, but acting on suggestions which were made to us by men standing high in the legal profession—suggestions which, without infringing on the laws of hospitality or being at variance with the constitution of the country, would attach a heavy punishment to conspiracies in this country for the atrocious purpose of murder, wherever that murder was to be committed. And I am sure that, unless great pains had been taken to mislead the public mind, the feeling of all honest Englishmen would have been that we were right in the course we had pursued, and that we were only doing our duty in proposing that measure. And whatever the consequences of that proposal may have been to the Government of which I was a member, there is no part of my public life which I look back to with more satisfaction than the part which I took in proposing a measure which, in my judgment, was honourable to the country, and which I think ought to have been adopted by the Parliament of this country. But, gentlemen, public opinion took a different line. Men interpreted as applicable to England and Englishmen certain expressions in a despatch which we knew were only intended to apply to certain foreigners who were residing in this country. That despatch said that assassination was publicly preached here as a doctrine. Those who read that passage understood it to imply that Englishmen adopted the doctrine; but we know that it only related to a small number of refugees, by whom the doctrine was published in . print and advocated in makings. But public opinion ran wild in the matter; and when once public opinion takes up a patticular view you might as well think of stopping' a wild horse as or stopping or turning it. (A larugh.) One hundred members who had ordinal.* supported the Government took that view of the matter, and—according to their views —honourably opp•sed the Conspiracy Bill. But the members of the present Government, before its introduction had recommended a measure of the kind, and when it was my duty . to propose it they voted in a body for leave to bring in the bill. We had, therefore, every reason to count on their support for the further stages of the measure ; but when Mr. Milner Gibson moved a resolution not bearing on the bill, but censuring the Government for not hav ing answered a despatch, the party opposite to us, seeing now how opinion ran, threw themselves in a moment from one side to the other, voted that black which only a fortnight before they had voted to be white, joined the .100 malcontents amongst our supporters, and thus carried a censure on the Go vernment. I ask you, gentlemeti, who it is in ordi nary life has to complain of the nun-a.u.5-tvet ing of a letter ? Why, the man who wrote it, to be sure. The real complaint in this case lay with the French Government. We did not answer their despatch, and they might have called this scant courtesy and incivility on the part of the people of England. There was no case of blame against us, because our answer to the despatch was the course that we were pursuing, and we did not think it necessary to en ter into any controversy with the Government of France respecting words which we knew were not intended to convey any insult to the people of England, although parties who did not know so much of . the matter as we did so considered it. I say, then, that the present ministry and their friends were the parties who turned the scale against the late Government ; and it is unjust on their part to make that vote a ground of impeach ment against the late Parliament, because they were the persons who by their own acts had given effect to the vote which was a manifestation of cen sure on the Government. They brought in a Reform Bill which pleased nobody, which contained pro visions some of them highly unjust, such as the disqualifying . of county freeholders who happened to have • their freeholds within the limits of bo roughs represented in Parliament, and was other wise unsatisfactory, inasmuch as the bill contained no reduction whatever of the b3rough franchise, and, therefore, made no provision for admitting to electoral privileges the best class of experienced and intelligent workmen. (Hear, hear.) Gentle men, I am not going to give you a Reform Bill. (Loud and general cries of " Oh, oh.") I do riot think it. is right on the hustings to go into the details of such a measure. (Considerable interrup tion, and cries of " How far will you go ?") Mr. ROWCIAFFE—HOW far will you go ? State your L ON — I was going t o sa y that I d o Lord A r L m An Bill. not think it fitting for a candidate on the hustings to state the details of a Reform Bill which he would pass. It is the duty of the responsible Government of the country to propose such measures as they think suited to the public interest, and it is the duty of members of Parliament S not in office to criticise those measures, to improve them if wrong, to ap prove them if right, and to act with respect to them according to the best opinion they can bring to bear on the matter. (" What's your opinion ?' ) I can assure my friends in the crowd that it has been my lot to have many plans of reform sent to me by different correspondents, and if any of them will come to me in London he may have his choice of fifty. Perhaps the best plan would be for him to draw lots, or may be he would select the one which contains .the most clauses or effects the greatest changes in existing institutions. But although I am not going to give you my plan of reform, I will state now what I stated in the House of Commons, that I think there ought to be a lowering of the county franchise, and a transfer of seats from some of the small boroughs to larger places. But the extent to which these changes are to be effected must be decided by the examination of statistical facts, and without these facts it would be impossible to go properly into the question. But this I will say, without meaning offence to any man, and I hope that no man will take it in that light, that I should not be prepared to extend the borough fran chise so low as to swamp by numbers of men not possessed of property and intelligence those upon whom the franchise has already been conferred, and who have exercised that franchise with honour to themselves and with advantage to their country. Now, gentlemen, there is another point of public affairs, to which the minds of all men are now at tracted with anxiety the most intense. (" Hear, hear," and interruption. A voice : " The vote, the vote.") One at a time, gentlemen ; turn about is fair play ' • if that gentleman will listen to me now, I will listen in perfect silence to him after. I was going to say that the eyes and the minds of all Europe are now fixed on that great event which either has taken place, or is immediately about to ensue we were told yesterday. I am informed to day that the event has not yet happened. But, how ever that may be, I fear that it will immediately take place, and that Europe will be exposed to the calamities of a devastating war between the armies of great and powerful states. It will remain for Go vernment to show when Parliament meets in what de gree and by what means they have endeavoured to put a stop to this great calamity, and to preserve to Europe the blessings of peace. I be lieve that they honestly meant to do so ; but I fear that from want of capacity their efforts have failed. They began to mediate before they were officially recognised as mediators by either Austria or France, the parties between whom any mediation must take place. A proposal for a con gress was substituted either by Russia or France — some say one, some say the other—in place of mediation, and that congress was declined by Austria, except on conditions which it was absurd to ask. We are informed it was required as a preliminary that all parties concerned should dis arm. Why, disarming is the resolution and the act of a successful congress, and not the beginning of its negotiations. It was putting the cart before the horse. (Hear, hear.) Why do men arm ? To obtain some object. They may deliberate, in order to see whether their object may not be obtained by peaceful negotiations, but they will naturally not disarm until they know whether their object can be obtained; because they feel in their own minds that if the object cannot be obtained by negotia tion, the arms must be used for the purpose of obtaining it by force. (Hear, hear.) Therefore the demand of Austria that disarmament should precede negotiation, was in other words a civil way of saying that she declined the congress altogether. But if that demand was absurd with regard to France, it was most ungenerous as regarded Sar dinia. For what was it in effect that they pro posed ? They proposed that Sardinia should at once deprive itself of adequate means of resistance, whilst they should merely withdraw their troops to other stations, and that if the negotiations failed as they must have failed, they should be at liberty, in return for Sardinia disarming, to fall with accu mulated strength on the country which had dis armed in obedience to the requisition of the con gress. The main question is, I believe, one which Austria might settle fairly, amicably, and speedily. Nobody that I am aware of meant to wrest from Austria the territories in Venice and Lombardy which she possesses by virtue of the treaties of 1815. Those are hers by right, and the judgment of Europe has affirmed that she is entitled to them. I do not say the sympathies of Europe, because, unfortunately, the system of governing those pro vinces has been such that nobody can deny that the discontent of the people of those provinces is justi fied by the maladministration of Austria since she possessed them. (Loud cries of Hear, hear.) But in 1815, after the great war, and when Europe was settled, men looked at what had been the danger .of the preceding period. That danger was the overwhelming power of France, and it was against the recurrence of that danger that almost all the arrangements of the congress were made. Austria was thought to be the Power which could best oppose a barrier to France in Italy, and possessions were given to Austria in Italy which, I believe, Austria did not wish to have, but which have since been a source of infinite misery to the whole of the Italian peninsula. (Hear, hear.) For Austria, not content with ruling her own provinces in her own way—and heaven knows that way was one which no well-minded Govern ment would persevere in—not contented with that, entered into negotiations, exerted her influence, and extorted treaties from all the other States of Italy, from the Po down to the Mediterranean, by which in all those countries, from that time down to the present moment, a most abominable system of mis government has been supported by the confidence which the respective Governments felt, that if the discontent, the just discontent, of their subjects should at any time break out into open rebellion, Austria was ready with an overwhelming military force to compel obedience, and to support the mal administration of the Government. (Hear.) Well, that which Austria ought on the present occasion to have consented to, and that which I believe if Austria had consented to would have prevented the outbreak of the war, was that she should consent for the future to confine herself within her own rightful limits, and should forego any interference, by influence or by military force, in the internal affairs of the countries of Italy south of the river Po. I believe that if that were done, there is so much intelligence amongst the people in the differ ent States, there is so much education and so much enlightened political knowledge abroad, that you might leave the different peoples to discuss with their Governments all those arrangements which are so greatly required, and that you need not have done anything else but to have withdrawn once and for ever any interference on the part of a foreign military force. (Hear.) If Austria had agreed to that, my belief is that for a time at least Europe would have remained at peace. There are those who say, I know not how justly, that Austria was afraid of meeting the other Powers in congress, be cause she was afraid that there a bill of indictmeut would be preferred against her, enumerating all the evils which her influence and interference had produced in Southern Italy. What may have been her reason it is not far us to say, but now she seems to have chosen the la of war, and apparently hav ing drawn the sword, she seems to have thrown away the scabbard. It is said in her behalf that she has the Governments of France and Sardinia — and perhaps Russia—against her, that they mean to eject her from her Italian dominions, and that therefore it was better for her to fight now when she was prepared than to wait until she should, be less able to cope with her adversaries. But that is a bad argument. If Austria has invaded Sardinia she has torn the treaties upon which she rests for the secu rity of her own possessions. She has put herself in the wrong by a military movement, which, unjust in itself, cannot lead to ultimate success. She may be successful at first, but infallibly that success will be followed by subsequent reverses, and those who, like him, think that there is great advantage in having a considerable power in Germany to act as a barrier between the east amd the west, to main tain the liberties and independence of Europe— those who are of that opinion must deeply lament the course which tends, I fear, to results that must alter materially the future position and condition of Austria. If the war is confined to Italy, and if the consequences of her aggression should be that she should be compelled to withdraw north of the Alps and leave Italy free to the Italians ; why, however we may lament the calamity by which that result is to be brought about, yet every gene rous mind will feel that out of evil good may sometimes flow, and we shall be glad of the result, however we may lament the means by which it has been obtained. (Hear, hear.) But, gentlemen, the Government seems to have been exceedingly ill informed as to the course of events. In the first place, they failed in giving that official character to their mediation which, if they had done, it would have been difficult for France or Austria to have escaped from; but, in the next place, what shall we think of their state of information when we see that on last Monday week they covered Austria with praise, talked of her " dignified conciliation," stigmatised the conduct of Sardinia as " ambigu ous," and I know not what, declared themselves the partisans of Austria, and designated the course which had been pursued by that power as one of "dignified conciliation." (Hear.) Why, on the very day, I believe, on which these panegyrics were uttered that arrogant and insulting message was sent by Austria to Sardinia, calling on her to disarm, with only three days' notice, and telling her that war was to be the result of a refusal, or an evasive answer. Did the Government know—it was their duty to know, but they might have been igno rant—that the Austrian army was on the point of invading the Sardinian territory? Well, but a week after ' at the Lord Mayor's dinner last Monday, furious at having been taken in, they went from one extreme to the other, talked no longer of the dignified conciliation of Austria, but were loud in denouncing her criminal conduct. Why, this dig nified conciliator was in the course of one week transformed into a criminal offender. (Hear, hear.) Really this was the anger of schoolboys, the anger of men who had been deceived by their own want of foresight, want of intelligence, want of knowing what was actually going on in the world around them. It was their duty to know, and they might have known, that things were in a different state from what they took them to be. I say, then, that they have failed in domestic legislation, and that they have also failed in the conduct of great Euro pean interests ; but they now say that we are all sent to our constituents in the hope that " under the blessing of Providence," a Parliament will be returned who will support by a majority some Ad ministration or another. Now, while every man here must concur in that fervent prayer, what that Administration is to be I will not undertake to foretell, but if one may judge from what has passed from the conduct of the present Government, if one may infer from that what is likely to be the opinion of the country, and of the Parliament which is about to meet, I should be disposed to infer that the opinion of that Parliament will not be very differ ent from that of the one which has been so summa rily dissolved, and that the present Government will not have the confidence which they wish the electors to repose in them, that the result of their appeal will be to confirm the unfavourable opinion which they say has been the cause of the present dissolution. Gentlemen, I should be breaking my pledge if I detained you any longer. I see before me convincing reasons why these proceedings should not last beyond a certain hour. I thank you from the bottom of my heart for the kindness I have always experienced at your hands, and for the fresh proof you have now given me of it. I can assure you that my gratitude to the electors of Tiverton can only end with my life. (Loud cheers.) Mr. DENMAN briefly addressed the electors, de claring himself to be the strenuous advocate of all liberal measures, and promising to vote for the ballot should it be found impossible to carry a good reform bill without it. One or two questions were asked Lord Palmer ston by his friend Mr. Rowcliffe as to what he meant to do with respect to reform, to which the noble lord said he would give his catechist a fair answer, namely, that " he would not tell him." The proceedings terminated with the usual vote of thanks to the mayor. At the Bank of England yesterday there was a full demand for money at the increased rate. In the open market the terms are quite as high as at the Bank, and the dealers are indisposed to take long paper. For bills having six months to run 5 and 5i per cent, are the lowest rates. FR 0111 THE GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT TREASURY CHAMBERS, Antn 28. The Lords Commissioners of her Majesty's Treasury hereby give notice, that the principal and interest of the Exchequer Bonds (series B) will be paid at the Bank of England on Monday, 9th May next. The Bonds must be left at the Bank of England for exa mination, not later than Wednesday, the 4th May next. DOWNING-STREET, APRIL 27. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Colonel George A. K. d'Arcy to be Superintendent of Police for the Island of St. Christopher ; Charles Edmund Banks, Esq., to be Secretary to the Couneil and Registrar of the Land Court of the Island of Mauritius, and Philip Augustus Wake, Esq., to be Assistant-Superintendent of Police for that Islarfd. Her Majesty has also been pleased to appoint Isaac Farrington, Abraham Charville Hill Smith, and Augustus Benners, Esqs., to be Non-Elective Members of the Legis lative Council of the Virgin Islands ; and James Misick, Daniel T. Smith, Alfred J. Duncombe, and Francis Ellis, Esqs., to be Non-Elective Members of the Legislative Council of the Turks and Caicos Islands. WAR-OFFICE, PALL-MALL, APRIL 29, 16th Regiment of Light Dragoons—Major-General the Hon. Sir Edward Cust to be Colonel, vice Lieutenant- General Sir Joseph Thackwell, G.C.8., deceased. MEmonANauxt.—Major-General the Hon. Sir Edward Cust has paid the difference between the full price of a Cavalry and Infantry Lieutenant-Colonelcy, he having been upon half-pay of Infantry when promoted to the rank of Major-General. 2d Regiment of Dragoon Guards—Captain William Henry Horne, from the 15th Light Dragoons, to be Captain, SPORTING INTELLIGEN CE. NEWMARKET CRAVEN MEETING- FRIDAY. Handicap Plate of 50 sovs. New T.Y.C. (5 furlongs 136 yards.) Sir J. Hawley's Galli:is, 3 yrs., 6st. 131 b (W. Bradley) 1 Lord W. Powlett's Delusion, 5 yrs, 7st. 91b. (E. Sharp) 2 Mr. Higgins's Rhisus, 5 yrs., Bst. 71b ... . (Keeler) 3 The following also ran :—Noisette, Htarry Stanley, Brown Middleton, Ghika, Admiralty, Nutfield, Woodburn, Newstead, Vulture, Ochiltree, and Dejanira. Betting-5 to agst Rhisus, 7to 1 each agst Wiika, Vul ture, and ,Dejanira, Bto 1 each agst Gallus and Ochiltree. Won by a neck ; same distance between the second and third, and third and fourth. Ghika and Nutfield ran out on descending the hill, and took two or three with them. The Queen's Plate of 100 guineas; for four •yr• olds, 9stBlb; five, lOst 71b; six and aged, lOst 121 b. R.C. (3 milers 4 fur. 139 yds.) Sir J. Hawley's Beacon, 4 yrs, 9st 81b Mr. Rigby's Tournament, 5 yrs, lOst 71b (Fordham) 2 Mr. T. Parr' s S e db ur y, 4 y rs , 9 s t 81b (S. Rogers) 3 Lord Clifden's Roman Candle, 5 yrs, lOst 71b (A. Day) 4 Betting-6 to 5 agst Tournament, 6to 4 agst Roman Candle, 10 to 1 agst Beacon. Wen by three lengths; the others beaten off. Sweepstakes of 100 sous each, h ft, for three• yr-olds ; colts, Bst 71b; fillies, Bst 21b. P.M. (7 fur. 210 yds.) Mr. Payne's Glenluce colt, Bst 71b ()h latmatt) 1 Mr. Merry's Lord of the Manor, Bst 71b (Wells) 2 The betting was alteinutely 6to 5 on either, Lord of the Manor having the call at the cl ose . W o n by a neck. _ vice Caxnegy, who exchanges. 3d Dragoon Guards—Lieutenant Robert Norwood to be Captain, by purchase, vice Chaplain, promoted; Cornet Philip Herbert Elliot to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Norwood. sth Light Dragoons—Lieutenant Thomas William Val lance to be Captain, by purchase, vice Timson, who retires. 13th Light Dragoons—Lieutenant Francis James King, from the 17th Light Dragoons, to be Lieutenant, vice Billing, who exchanges. 15th Light Dragoons—Captain Patrick Alexander Watson Carnegy, from the 2d Dragoon Guards, to be Captain, vice Horne, who exchanges. 17th Light Dragoons—Lieutenant Arthur James Billing, from the 13th Light Dragoons, to be Lieutenant, vice King, who exchanges. Military Train—Lieutenant H. Clarke, from half-pay of the late Land Transport Corps, to be Lieutenant, vice Winans, who reverts to half-pay of his former rank of Captain in that Corps, from Ist April, 1857 ; Lieutenant Richard Neville, from half-pay of the late Land Trans port Corps, to be Lieutenant, vice Harris, promoted to an Unattached Company, without purchase ; Cornet John Baird, from half-pay of the late Land Transport Corps, to be Ensign, vice Macleod, whose appointment • has been cancelled: 21st Regiment of Foot—Lieut. Thomas Burchell Hollway to be Captain, by purchase, vice Miller, who reverts to the half-pay of Captain of the late Land Transport Corps from Ist April, 1807. 29th Foot—Lieut. Nathaniel Polhill Ledgard to be Cap tain, by purchase, vice Phipps, who retires;. Ensign Lancelot Amelius Shadwell to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Kent, promoted in the 24th Foot. 30th Foot—William Vesey Brownlow, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Green, promoted. 34th Foot—Assist.-Surgeon Frederick Pennington, from the Staff, to be Assist.-Surgeon, vice Worthington, ap pointed to the 58th Foot; Assist.-Surgeon Edward Mas terson, from the Staff, to be Assist.-Surgeon, vice Palio logus, appointed to the Staff. 37th Foot—Surgeon James William Fleming, from the Staff, to be Surgeon, vice Surgeon-Major Cameron, ap pointed to the Staff. 40th Foot—Ensign John Vander Horst Rees to be Lieu tenant, by purchase, vice Bolton, promoted. 41st Foot—Ensign George West Barnes, from the 2d Royal Cheshire Militia, to be Ensign, without purchase, vice Sadler, promoted. 45th Foot—Lieutenant George Weir Cosens, from the 80th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Christian B. Steward, who exchanges. 47th Foot—Lieutenant Charles Atty, from the 2d Warwick Militia, to be Ensign, without purchase, vice John James Scott, cashiered by a sentence of a General Court Martial. 46th Foot—Ensign Pembroke O'M. H. Marshall to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice de Montmorency Prior, deceased. 53d Foot—Lieutenant Richard Annesley Eyre to be In- structor of Musketry. 58th Foot—Assistant-Surgeon Richard Jukes Worthing ton, from the 34th Foot, to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice Tydd, promoted on the Staff. 60th Foot—Brevet-Lieut.-Colonel Wm. Prettyman to be Lieut.-Colonel, by purchase, vice Brown, who retires; Captain Peter Burton Roe to be Major, by purchase, vice Prettyman. 70th Foot—Surgeon George Cunningham Meikieham, M.D., from the Staff, to be Surgeon, vice Dowse, deceased. 80th Foot—Lieut. Christian B. Steward, from the 45th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice G. Weir Cosens, who ex- changes. 88th Foot—Ensign James Buchanan Whitla to be Lieute nant, by purchase, vice Hall, promoted. The surname of Lieut. Mallet is De Carteret in addition to that of Mallet. let West India Regiment—Surgeon John Hendley, from the Staff, to be Surgeon, vice WaldegTave Rock Thomp son, M.D., whose appointment, which appeared in the Gazette of the 31st Dec., 1858, has been cancelled. HOSPITAL 'STAFF. Surgeon-Major John Charles Cameron, M.D., from the 37th Foot, to be Surgeon Major, vice Surgeon Fleming, appointed to the 37th Foot. Assistant-Surgeon William Thomas Paliologus, from the 34th Foot, to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice Stuart, appointed to tho 13th Foot. Assistant-Surgeon Michael Charles Tonnere has been cashiered by the sentence of a General Court Martial. UNATTACHED. The undermentioned Officers having been appointed Captains in the late Land Transport Corps by General Orders in the Crimea, pending her Majesty's pleasure, to be Captains, without purchase : Lieut. Joseph Harris, from the Military Train. Lieut. Alfred Grey, from the 63d Foot. ADMIRALTY, APRIL 14. Corps of Royal Marines—Gentleman Cadet 0. T. Jones, Francis Harwood Poore, William Louis Dillon O'Grady, Edward Kinsman, Henry William Frampton, Sydney Vere Alston, Edward Lee Rose, Laurence Paulet Shawe, and George Stevens Nash, to be Second Lieutenants. COMMISSIONS BY LORDS-LIEUTENANT. Southern Regiment of Nottinghamshire Yeomanry Ca valry—Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Holden to be Lieutenant- Colonel Commandant ; Major John Sherwin Sherwin to be Lieutenant-Colonel; Captain Thomas Broughton Charlton to be Major, vice Sherwin, promoted ; Lieutenant George Rawson to be Captain, vice Charlton, promoted ; Cornet Francis Bradshaw the younger to be Lieutenant, vice Raw son, promoted. 3d Regiment of the Royal Surrey Militia—Peter God frey Chapman, Gent., to be Ensign. Light Infantry Battalion of the Royal Sussex Militia— Ormsby Vandeleur, Gent., to be Lieutenant, vice Frank Paul Matthews, promoted ; John Alexander Byrne, Gent , to be Lieutenant, vice Agustus G. Morgan, promoted ; En sign Samuel Septimus Hire to be Lieutenant; Ensign Charles Hamilton Bell to be Lieutenant, vice Pargiter M. Dickenson, promoted. Fifeshire Militia Artillery.—Thomas William Webb, Gent., to be Second-Lieutenant, vice George James Wil liams, promoted ; Stamford Robert Lumsdaine, Gent., to be Second-Lieutenant, vice Thomas Jarvis, promoted; William Inglis, Gent., to be Second-Lieutenant, vice Rennie, resigned. The Galloway Rifles—James William Stuart, Esq., to he Lieutenant, vice Hay, deceased. The following Appointment is substituted for that which appeared in the Gazette of the 7th January last :-- The Galloway Rifles—John White Heuston, Gent., to be Ensign, vice Austin Heuston, resigned. BANKRUPTS. John Bodger, eating-house keeper, Gresham-street, to surrender, May 7, at eleven, and June 9, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. William Priest the elder, shipowner, Wilton, Yorkshire, May 25 and June 15, at twelve, at the Leeds District Court. Thomas Owen, draper, Wednesbury, Stafford, May, 9, and 30, at eleven, at the Birmingham District Court. James Hodd and John Gill, ironmongers, London-road, Southwark, May 10, at two, and June 14, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Charles Thomas Need, boot and shoemaker, White chapel-road, May 11, at one, and June 13, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Miles Beale, brassfounder and engineer, Poplar, May 10, at eleven, and June 14, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Jasper Peters, Hale Payne, and John Goodman, leather merchants, Northampton, 11th May and 10th June, at the Court of Bankruptcy. John Smart, clog manufacturer, Birmingham, and June 2, at eleven, at_the Birmingham District May 12. Court, SCOTCH BANKRUPTS. Thomas Dickie, grocer, Alva, Stirlingshire. Thomas Train, spirit dealer, Glasgow. Alexander Webster, spirit merchant, Aberdeen. BANK OF ENGLAND. An Account, pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth Victoria, cap. 32, for the week ending on Wednesday, the 27th day of April, 1859 : ISSTJE DEPARTMENT. Notes issued £31,435,270 Government Debt £llOl5lOO Other Securities .. 3, , 459 , 9® Gold Coin & Bullion 16,960,270 ' Silver Bullion .... X 31,435,270; £31,435,270 BANKING D : Proprietors' Capi- I 1 tat 4,553,000 Rest Public Deposits (in cluding Exche quer, Savings' Banks, Commis missioners of Na tional Debt, and Dividend Ac- , EPARTMENT. Government Secu rities (including Deadß eightAu nutty) .......... £11,371,118 Other Securities 17,505,501 Notes ............ 9,496,645 Gold and Silver Coin .. 680,072 • _ counts) 5,249,296 Other Deposits 15,334,625 Seven Day and other Bills 767,155 £39,053,330 M. Dated April 28, 1859. £39,053,3 RSHALL, Chief Cashier. 36 AVERAGE PRICE OF SUGAR. The Average Price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, com • p ted from Returns made in the week ending the 26th day of April, 1859, exclusive of the duties of Customs paid or payable thereon, on the importation thereof into Great Britain : Per cwt. From the British possessions in America 27s 51d Muscovado, the produce of the Mauritius 3OB Bid Muscovado, the produce of the East Indies 27s 6d Average price of the foregoing 2Bs lid The Austrian Five per Cent. Metalliques were quoted at Vienna this morning at 58, which at the present rate of 'exchange is equivalent to about 43k. EADVERTIUMENT.I—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills.-- S n Throat, Quinsey„Ulcei sted Throat, and Diphthei ite.— The sore throat, with more or less hoarseness, prevailing at this season of the year,. has for 20 years been treated with the absve remedies with a degree of success far sur passing that of any other mode of treatment. The cures have been so remarkable, speedy, and numerous, that it w as predicted the new disease, diphtherite, consisting of sm a ll as h-coloured ulcers in the interior of the throat, a tt en d e d by fever, often fatal, might be arrested by the same means, and such has been the case. The disease, in its first stage, seems even more amenable to Holloway's Ointment and Pills than the sixnple forms of inflammatory sore throat, Match : 100, h ft, Bst 71b each. P.M. (7 fur. 210 yards.) Mr. R. Ten Broeck's Belle (Fordham) 1 Duke of Bedford's Pavilion (S. Rogers) 2 Betting-7 to 4on Belle, who won by two lengths. Sweepstakes of 10 SOTS each, h ft, for 2-yr-olds ; colts, Bst 71b ; fillies, Bst 41b ; optional selling weights, ecc. Last half of Ab. M. (3 fur. 217 yards.) - Duke of Bedford's Golden Rule, 7st 2lb (£25), .. (carter) 1 Mr. Alexander's Brine, 7st 21b (£25) (Boggia) 2 Lord Clifden's lanthe filly, 7st 21b (£25) (T. Fordham) a Mr. Rigby's Rosalie filly, 7st 21b (car. Tat 51b), (£25) (Fordham) 4 Betting—Even on the Rosalie filly, 4 to 1 each age Golden Rule and Brine. Won by half a length; a neck between the second and third. Match : 50. R.M. (1 mile 17 yards.) Capt. Wright's Harry Bluff, 4 yrs, Bst 71b (Rogers) 1 Mr. It. Ten Broeck's Olympias, 3 yrs, 85t.... (Fordham) 2 Betting-6 to son Harry Bluff. Olympias swerved at the finish, and Harry Bluff beat her by a head. Sweepstakes of 30 soya each, 20 ft, for three-yr-olds ; colts, Bst 71b ; fillies, Bst 41b ; certain winners extra, T.Y.C. (5 furlongs 140 yards). Five subs. Mr. J. Merry's Lord of the Manor, by Touchstone (Plumb) w. 0. Match, 200 h ft, Bst 71b each. R.M. to B.C. Sir J. Hawley's Beacon received ; Duke of Bedford's Leontes paid. Match : 500, h ft. A. F. Lord Glasgow's Brother to Bird-on-the-Wing,.7st 111 b, received ; Sir J. Hawley's Fitz-Roland, Bst 71b paid. LATEST BETTING. CHESTER CUP. 7to 1 agst Leamington (taken) 12 to 1 agst Royal Sovereign (taken) 20 to 1 agst Pensioner (taken) 20 to 1 agst Polestar (taken) 1000 to 45 agst Queenstown (taken) 25 to 1 agst Underhand (taken and offered) 25 to 1 agst Belle (taken and offered) 10 to 1 agst William Day's lot (taken) 1000 to 20 agst Leamington winning this event and Musjid the Derby (taken). DERBY. 7 to 1 on the field (offered). COUNTRY MARKBT'S. LIVERPOOL—Arnm . 29. The arrivals from Ireland and coastwise during the past two days have been quite insignificant. From foreign ports we have only received 1,660 quarters of wheat, 1,025 qrs Indian corn, and SOO sacks flour. The exports, in the same time, comprise 1,349 qrs of wheat, 1,100 qrs. of barley, 355 qrs of oats, 1,023 qrs Indian corn, 1,527 sacks and i6l barrels of flour. With the alarming news from the conti nent our market has been much excited, and a further im portant advance has been established on all articles. The weather has been wet and cold. We had a fair attendance of dealers at our market to-day, and a good consumptive demand. Wheat and flour may be quoted at an advance of is per cental on the former and is 3d to is 6d on the latter. Oats and oatmeal also held for 6d and 10d more money. Beans advanced 4d per cental. Barley and peas 2d dearer, and Indian corn 6d. MANSFIELD-APRIL 28. A fair supply of wheat, and there was an improved feel ing in the trade, all good qualities realising 2s to 3s per 9.r over the rates of last week. There was not much doing in barley, and prices were without change. Oats a small show, and is dearer. Beans moved off 'lowly, but for ra ther higher rates. WAKEFIELD-APRIL 29. Wheat must be quoted 7s to 8s per qr dearer than Fri day last, owing to the news from the continent, with a fair demand. Barley and beans is advance in price. Oats and shelling firm. Wheat, per qr. of 8 bushels 601 b., Essex, Suffolk, and Kent, white, old, 54s to 58s; new, 535 to 575; ditto, red, old, 49s to 50s ; new, 46s to 49s ; Lincolnshire and York shire white, new, 47s to 64s ; red, 41s to 495. Averages for the week : Wheat 4,081 qrs., at 43s 8F 8ar1ey......... 414 " 34s 4d Oats — 19 -$ 0 Rye - 7, —s Od Beans Peas EXETER-Antm 21. At to-day's market there was a moderate show of wheats which sold at 2s to 3s per qr more money than last week, Business was limited, at the following prices : Wheat, white.. 5s 3d to 5s 9d I Barley. ..4s Od to 4 8 6 a Ditto red ..5s Od to 5s 6d I Oats ..... 28 9d to 3s Od Flour, fine, 34s to 36s ; seconds, 32a to 34s per sack. CATTLE—The market wa,s largely supplied with stock. The attendance of farmers thin. Pork carcases a large supply. Fat beef,p score,9s6d to 10s6d Ewes, per lb ....6fd to 7d Pork carcases, do7sod to 8s Od Wethers, d 0...... 7d to ad Lambs, per lb. 8d to Od Fat calves, d0....50 to Rough fat, 4id per lb. COAL MARK (Prices of Coal per Ton at ET—APnn 29. the close ef the market.) Walls End. s. d. Haswell Gas. l2 0 Tanfield Moor 12 0 Wylam l4 0 a. Braddyll'a Hetton 17 0 ,.. South Kelloe l7 u Caradoc .... 16 ! Heugh Hall l6 , s v Hetton ig u South Hartlepool 16 3 Kelloe l7 0 :et, B—Sold, 7. Walls End. Haswell lB 6 Th0rpe..~.... Ships at marl LOCAL SHARE' MARKETS. LivEapooL--- APRIL 29. The market was quiet throughout the day, and prices closed about k per cent. lower than the highest of the dal. —Birkenheads, 61 f —Leeds Northern, 42 3—Blackburas , Ilk I—North British, 51 21—Great Western of Canada , 14 f —Grand Trunk of Canada, 7 l — GreatWestern, 51 Eastern Counties, 101 f—Chester and Holyheads, 48 1 —Sheffields, 34 i—Caledonians, 73f —Lancashire and Yor kshire, 861 I—London and North-Westerns, 86} 7—Dut ch Rhenish, 7 61 dis.—Dovers, 18 5 -16--Berwicks, 83 4 East Lancashire, 85 6— Midlands, 951 MANCHESTER —APRIL 29. There was a good bu s i ness d o i ng most of the dap old prices closed firm. Leed s , 861—Sheffields, j„ 95—Eastern Counties, 10 10 —Rovers, 18 5 Gr eat Western, 53. FUNERAL OF THE BISHOP OF 8ANG0R:7..9 1 1 remains of the late Bi s h o p o f B angor were interred on wv"". nesday morning inthe churchyard of Llandegai, near Ban" gor The pall, which was surmounted by a massive silver mitre, was borne by th e D ean of . Bangor, the Hon. Colone l Pennant, Sir John Hay Williams, the Rev. Chancell or Trevor, the Ven era bl e Archdeacon White, and the Vener able, Archdea con J ones. The massive silver plate on l' Uu coffin lid bor e the inscription:—"-Christopher B e thet D.D., for 28 years Bishop of Bangor, died April 19, 18 5 , aged 68." A procession of 12 carriages followed the hearse, and the funeral service was impressively read by the Re: W. Morgan. The muffled bells of the cathedral at Bangor tolled solem n l y, and b usiness was wholly suspended through" out the morning. Every token of respect was manifested n 1 the inhabitants. BIRTHS. BEAUCLERIE.—On the 29th inst., in Bryansten-square, the Lady Amelius Wentworth Beauclerk, of a son. CHADs.—On the 28th inst., at Canterbury, the wile of Brevet-Major William J. Chads, 64th Regiment, of 5 son. CHOLMELEY.—On the 28th inst., at Wimbledon-comm en t the wife of Stephen Cholmeley, of Lincoln's-inn, of a daughter. GIFFORD.—On the 25th inst., at Widworthy Rectory, th e Hon. Mrs. J. Gifford, of a daughter. BINGNAM.—On the 26th inst., at Richmond, the wife o f the Hon. Albert Y. Bingham, of a son, stillborn. MARRIAGES QUAIN — MIDDLETON.—On the 28th inst., at St. Joh! 1 :° Church, Paddingt on , Ri c h ar d Quain, Esq., of Cavendish square, to Ellen, Dowager Viscountess Middleton. . TRELAWNY—WALsm—On the 28th inst., at St. George ii ' d i Hanover-square, Horace Do rmer Trelawny, Esq. elu e " t ths son of Harry B rere t on T re l awny, E sq., to Maria rine, the eldest daughter of Sir John and Lady Jan Walsh. DEATHS. BLANDFORD.—On the 27th i ns t., a t 14, Michael's-P lace, Brompton, Miss Blandford, aged 67. COBLEY.—On the 26th inst., the Rey. Charles J. cobleif vicar of Winscombe, age d 69. DlxoN.—On the 27th inst., at Waverton, near Che ster ' Thomas Dixon, jun., Esq., aged 41. GATTIE.—On the 27th inst., at the Grove, Soveneaka, the residence of the Hon. Mrs. Boscawen, Frances Lucretia Gattie, aged 74. KING.—On the 29th inst., Samuel Leyson Wickens Ring Esq., solicitor, only son o f S amue l Ki ng , E sq ., Cate'e road-villas, aged 33. a& LEMANN.—On the 27th i ns t.. a t hi s res id e nce in Ihr e needle-street, Mr. Frederick Adolphus Lerilann, LONDON : Printed and Published by 11r f _.---- --- uRDo yolnsToop of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The /Sun Office, No. 11 1 Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the coun t y °' Middlesex., Saturday, April 30, 1850.