The Sun. — London, England, 1860-01-07 00:00:00

pROVMENT CLERKS' MUTUAL LIFE -A- ASSURANCE ASSOCIATION. Established 1840. TRUSTEES. Thomas Baring, Esq., M.P. Thomson Harkey, Esq., M.P. Wm. George Prescott, Esq. Baron L. N. De Rothschild, M.P. NOTICE IS HEREBY. GIVEN, that the NINETEENTH ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING of the Members or this Association will be held at the LONDON TAVERN, Bi shops - ate-street, in the City of London, on WEDNES DA - O. 1, 1860, at Five p.m., precisely. The following Directors go out of office by rotation in ac cordance with rule 10, but being eligible offer themselves for re•:lection, viz. : Mr. Richard Henry Jones. Mr. John Studdy Leigh. Mr. John White Welch. By order of the Board, W3I. TIIOS. LINFORD, Secretary. 15 , Moorgate-street, Dec. 31, 1859. 'The Annual Accounts may be inspected at the Office a week prior to the :Meeting PROVIDENT CLERKS' BENEVOLENT FUND. Established 1810. TREASURER —John Abel Smith, Esq. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, that the NINETEENTH ANIMAL GENERAL MEETING of the Members and Friends of this Fund will be held at the LONDON TAVERN, B ishomate-street, in the City of London, on WEDNESDAY, Feb. 1, at Halt-past Six p.m. JOHN ABEL SSIITII, Esq., Treasurer, in the Chair. By order of the Board, WM. THOS. LINFORD, Secretary. 15, Moorgate-street, Dec. 31, 1859. The Annual the nnnalAccounts may be inspected at the Ornte a week Pr CONTRACT FOR CURLED IT AIR FOR SEAMEN'S BEDS. Department of the Comptroller for Victualling, Somerset-house, 4th January, 1800. HE COMMISSIONERS for EXECUTING the ,„ OFFICE of LORD HIGH ADMIRAL of the UNITED 1 , - ‘ ll ''., '' ,PDO3I of GREAT BRITAIN and IRELAND , DO — th '''EßY GIVE NOTICE, that on THURSDAY; re ady instant, at Half past One o'clock, they will _read- to treat with such - Persons as may be willing to LA,MTRACT for supplying and delivering into her Majesty's vicualling, Stores at Deptford CURLED HAIR FOR BEDS /50,000 lbs. th ° e ne hal f of each to be delivered in three months, and le.„.ed liY nTainder in two months afterwards, or earlier if pre the party tendering. 'their Lordships reserve to themselves the power, when the iirnders are opened, of contracting either for the w hole, ..ch part th ereo f only as they may deem fit, or for a theater quantity, or of not contracting for any. affi t e :er will be received unless made on the printed jcptarovided for the purpose, and which may be obtained . on at the # ' tee or to the officer conducting the Packet, $ aid Bristol at Liv'erpool, or to the Collector of Customs at Tenders will be admitted for any portion of the hair. A sample of the pair may be seen at the said office between th e hours of ten and. two. Particular attention is called to the recent modification of the conditions of the contract, which may be seen at the said ogee, and at Liverpool and Bristol. No tender will be received after half-past One o'clock on the day of treaty, and it will not be required that the party tendering, or an agent on his behalf, should attend at the office on the day of Contract, as the result of the offer received from each person will be communicated to him and his Proposed sureties in writing. Every tender must be addressed to the Secretary of the Admiralty, and bear in the left-hand corner the words " Ten der f or ," and must also bet delivered at Somerset house. • ROYAL ALHAMBRA PALACE CIRCUS, Leicester-a uare Two performances daily. At 2 a nd half-pa s t 7. q •,. SPECIAL NOTICE. -To Parents and Guardians.—This Day, l'Eltro t1 2, 1 / 4 ,' ,-. A 'January 7 ' ' MORNING Juvnile GRAND .TIT‘ hNITATI Seen Int "' k-at will take place. The most laughable Comic ,_ e of the Season will be produced, a'd the talented tfle u r or g e Artistes, will appear. To conclude with °l t , 'rim tire'Requinade, H ntitled T THE GOLDEN BULL; ANTED ORN. ALRGYLT,Tri,, ROOMS, Windmill-street, Grand 4- CAS `"'" , oPen every Evening, with the celebrated . Bard Established 10 years. Conducted by Mona. Lamotte , R e al Princi cornet-a-pis`on, M. Boulcourt. Doors open at half - Past Past 00/nraence at 9! Close a few minutes before 12. Ad- Mission, ls, T HE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ROOMS, . Tito. Treiber% (for rip CASINO DE VENISE).— This Establishment pre- m em e inently distinguished for the elegance and matchless beauty of its decorations, combined With the perfection of its management is OPEN EVERY EVENING. The celebrated hand, under the direction of Mr. Nr. M. Pack er, plays a nightly -varied selection of the n - Ott a pproved classical an d modern musts. Doors open at half- One Sh venture Past R. rture at 9. Cl os i ng at 12 punctually. Admission, illing. DR. KAHN'S MAGNIFICENT ANATO MICAL MUSEUM, Top of the Ilaymarket (acknow ledged by the whole of the Press to be the most useful and instructive of any in existence), is OPEN DAILY (for gentle men only), from 12 till 5, and from 7 till 10. Admission, One Shilling. Descriptive handbook gratis. Dr. KAHN'S Popular Lectures on the " Philosophy of Marriage," daily at 3 and S o'clock precisely. SYLLABUB.—Happy and Unhappy Unions, and their causes—Youthful Vices and Indiscretions. and their results —Disqualifications for Marriaue, and their Otire—the Physiology of Reproduction—Self-inflicted Miseries Sterility and its causes—How to secure Moral and Physical nappiness. N.B.—Dr. Kahn's Treatise on the above subjects, entitled "The Philosophy of Marriage," aquit post-free on receipt of twelve stamps, direct from the Author, 17, Harley street, Cavendish-square, W. BURROWS AND CO., Wholesale Wine Mer chants, LIVERPOOL. Stores Lime-street. Offices 54, Duke-street. The Proprietors beg most respectfully to call the attention and the public in general, of the trade, noble men , clertrY, &c., to thei r extensive stock of Choice wines, of rare vintages. the edged and Co. are not di spose d t o commen t upon the purity lat their wines, which is daily most laudably acknor,- . I gzed by the public s . and e • lit medial men of all coati '' as tl ' e thcr ' a r ",g natr ul o ine g of the_highest families in tho l h tnd ifs a sufficient guartinataeee ....:I:neey be , ..r, to call particular attention to their pure Tonic 6701114,4a5! being so valuable to Invalids and persons of weak w it abaenple case, containing three full-sized wine bottles, or 241:.11 ed., or a dozen f na _ Le_ the orwarded to It is ft AV Y address .on receipt of P.O.U. for 6s. griletzvfirci:iiesfactto t h h e a a t l i t m h, pu p r ro c adnudciandaulterated in Wine: acidity . the wines h, and debilitating- the digestive organs, while pure strengths 8 will accelerate the digestive powers, invigorating, valiruning^,and bracinc , the nervous system. des,rboTthaloclrae ja admitted to be most essential to in °lnes of the ac knowledged and and young, and should never be absent from weak and' sickly. Its properties are duly tasulty, both at home p ai d b oad. apreciated by the leading men of the i a r To prevezt ini of the ftrTh. Position each bottle is sealed with the name All orde rs to be made payable to HENRY Bunnows. GiaI‘TFIPLD PATENT STARCH, &ND ranv tr SED IN THE ROYAL LAUNDRY, T ry — ,, (ll3ll c ED TIT HER MAJESTY'S LAUNDRESS to bo FINEST STARCH SUE EVER USED. WHEN YOU AS FOR GLENPIELD P &TENT STARCH. Ss i SEE THAT YOU GET u --uerlor kinds are s u bstituted.ofte W0 , rn. 8° , 0 14 bY all Chandlers, Grocers, &c., }tB MON & CO:. GLASGOW AND LONDON OrN Y A L , NATIONAL LIFEBOAT eitrnegtitTTlON.—The Committee of this Tnstitr r tioo Nep t - EAL ti the public for PECUNIARY ASS.ST the 1 . to aid them to meet the present heavy demands on united funds of the Society. THOMAS BARING, Chairman. 14 , John - street, T t H A Va i, C w IT . A o. PMAN, Deputy-Chairman. tlankers co. — Messrs. Willis and Co. ; Coutts and Co.; Ironies and RC I YA.I, FREE )10SPITAL, Gray's-inn-road. During The Open to the Sick Poor night and day. li evet f . the past month (Oetolys..r) 10,275 persons were re -ITO-snital is wholly dependent on legacies and volun ..rk.;eontribntions maY b e .1.1-. contributions. Plc AID of the benevolent is urgently solicited. paid to Edwa.rd Masterman, Esq. thLe ilf9irer and banker, Nicholas-lane, Lombard-street; or a' e Hospital, from 10 till 5. --By order. .___________ STANFORD S. SMITH, Sect. ME DICAL FRIEND AND MARRIAGE GUID E. TO THE NERVOUS AND DEBILITATED. by ent frre on receipt of two stamps, for postage, .tc., Dr. R A PlcE Y, 27, Alfred-place, Bedford-square, London, 11 1 licvi • 1 . lIIE GUIDE TO SELF-CURE." The first man of the day in ' these complaints."—Medical 1," hosebout entering, the Marriage State should peruse ',geeors invaluable Tittle work, as the advice he gives on ki ,VI and disease reflects much credit upon him as a sound ohilosoph e r."—Critic. (111 '." e ITN' Guide to those who desire a speedy and private z - Vversity Mtvrazine. the absu i c l , ll 4 AMERICAN DISCOVERY' demonstrates ..Aaints of the English mode of treating such com and eafhly-r- gain a. blessing to the afflicted, who may safely "tud.' , 4 n w t s a i,op ‘ ristin'e health by adopting the means pre- CATriv' ' fli ng Star. Public —As a duty due to the profession and the dotili", „ ‘ 1 ;:rallY, Dr. liapkey advises all persons having or p - the legal qualifications of their medical attendant, Imnurtties whom they may be about consulting, to procure f Rovai College of Surgeons, London, the Official List egistered Members, price ls., or Dr. R. will, on receipt o 'e Pric Public in sta mps , , rladlY assist and protect ,the afflicted by forwarding tilt same. U BARRY'S REVALENTA AR ABICA ' 9 CHOCOLATE POWDER Contains the greatest !Mount of easily assimilated nourishment for strengthening delicate persons, children, and infants With weak stomachs, ef►est or nerves, and, at 3-pence er meal, affords a delicious *fast, lunch, or supper. It i s rho best dietotte lionacepa and maybe eaten either alone er mixed with jj` e VeParation, arrYs Revalenta Arabica Food. A dinirabl7 adapted to ar intants with. In Tins at ls. 6d ; 11h., 35.; 21b., as, Pd. 1 12 4 % 121 b., 2.6 s The 121 b. forwarded enrriaze free, on r"e ot", 6i Postofile,e . order. Du Barry and Co.. 77, Ttegbnt etre' 'oudon ; and through all Grocers and Chemists. - , NO MORE MEDICINE: RD v ij A S DE LTC lOU' 3 TIE AL Tn . - RF, STORy NG 1 11 1 61 , 1 4 1., NITA A BAB ICA. FOOD Cures effectually l e n u d s i n g e es se : c s o:s tipation, flatuleney,phlegm , nesZ us i t t la ,,ss, liver complaints, hysteria, neuralginae,"sleeple.ss irritab.auty, palpitation. heartburn, eruptionsiie lets diarrhoea, dysente p e a 4 4, (1 .." 11 e , noise.s . tile head and ears, deb ility, iin r diabetes,lr l t i e s , na il ; u etween the shoulders, despondency, cramps, sp asm s, 4n__o fit, a , and sickness (divine* pregnancy or at seal, s, co,-; cough, asthma, bronchitis, consumption, also Children's aPlaint a ibr w m e id e xt"- se , t a few out of 50,000 expressions of gratitnde . fr e om e , ta a ,„ s thus cured : Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Dane I de s ,: W N 'srs' d y spepsia. Care No. 49,832. "Fifty years' in co,i,,h "able a gony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, h o n:tipation, tintulency, spasms, sickness at tne exoelle tt '.„•nd vomiting, have been removed by Du Barry's shall the - 1 1 '1°2d," Maria Joly. Cure No. 53,816. Field Mar andsiesl Pluskow, of dyspepsia, constipation, in : 4111 1iver complaints which had resisted all baths Jails edicai treatment. Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth nirit ß , t _Xtreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low U ' 11 " nervous fancies. Cure o. 18,216. Dr. Andrew re '9l )- „„ortstipation, dyspepsia, andnervous irritability. Cure Shorland, of dropsy and debility. Cure No. r. 3* ain Allan, of epileptic fits. Cure No. 36,418. Rev. 2 . l ,llR Tin r. B ":- r, of cramps, spacms and daily vomitings. Cure No. IV, tiervey, of diarrbrea and debility. Cure No. 29,628. Dr. .rtzrof consumption. Cure N 0.46.270. Mr:James Roberts. olta,_ahant, Vrimley, Surrey, of 20 years' diseased lungs. spitting 4 00 d, liver derangement, partial deafness. Cure No. 4,208. ' ' ght years' dyspep sia, nervousness, debility, with cramps, h i r,.,,,rn , . R . , and nausea,liaYe been effectually cured by Du Barry's restoring Food.; Rev. John W. Flayell, Ridlington Rect o ncti , rY, Norfolk."—Cure No. 3,906, of thirteen years' co ugh, n e stion. and gene ra l d e bility. James Porter, Athol-street, f:ertli. Sold id canisters, 11b. 2s. 9d. ; 21b. 48. (id. ,• 121b. 228; ''"uner reined quality, 51b. 225. ; 101 b. 335. The 101 b. and 121 b. canisters are forwarded carriage free, en receipt of Post-office _ Or,roder. Barry Du Barry and Co., 77, Brent , street, London • - I' . „-rtnum, Masmn. and Co. purveyors to her Majesty, 182, t ;: t :11 8 y ri elso at 61 . ,41-*and • 4 racce, •••• , 1 Clie.apside ; 49 and 60, Bishopsgate-street ; 105 and 63,0xford- Tottenham-eourt-road ; also - in Liverpool, at D t-x "s , 1 , ' Castle-street ; Leels, Reinhardt and C o. _ :Dublin, r. Butler, Medical hall ; Manchester, bharplaud boat ; D r. Butler,, itittincts and Co pts. [B5B. 550 1,090 10,145 946 1,005 33,455 2,703 1,473 1,945 2,622 1,34 5,985 420 29,412 2,322 7,551 1,378 ;j1 '193 1,930 2,518 3,395 1,598 2,522 1,480 946 1,790 25,672 1,320 1,505 , 3,013 2,641 1,552 7,611 3,936 7,910 43,790 - 779 31,612 patchel mulls. Next Mail due. 464 49,043 15,1 r 2 Jan. 10 Jan. 4 Jan.l9 Jan. 4 Feb. 1 overdue Jan. 12 •verdue Dec. overdue Jan. 12 Jan. 10 Jan. .11 Overdue Jan. 4 Jan. 16 Jan. 11 Jan. 10 Jan. 16 ngharu, fo of G. Lodge, field, of he wife s, Mal rtias B. y Mary eorge's, aithuad, Lough- Digby ie, Nor , fourth wife of try, tho y, aged f Piston on-Sea, eapside, - )d 50. , NV.C., )UNG, fo. 112, L inty of N °l, 074. . P ÜBLICATION S. LODGE'S PEERAGE and BARONETAGE 'for lB 6 o,underthe Especial Patronage of her Majesty and 11.R.H. the Prince Consort, and corrected throughout by the Nobility (29th Edition), is now ready, in 1 vol., royal Bvo, with the Arms beautifully engraved, handsomely bound, with gilt edges, 31s. 6d. - ' • Hurst and Bla,ekett, V, Great 31a,r1borough-street Now ready, with illustrations by BUCKET FOSTER, 10s. Ed. bound, POEMS. By the Author of " Sohn Halifax, Gentleman," ".A Life for a Life," &c. "A volume of poems which will assuredly take its place with those of Goldsmith, Gray, and Cowper on the favourite shelf of every Englishman's Library."—lllustrated News of the World. Hurst and Blackett, 13, Great Marlborough-street. NEW AND USEFUL HANDBOOK. In fcp. Bvo, price 55., cloth, extra, IGHTS AND WRONGS ; A Manual of House -1A) hold Law. By ALTIA./CY FONBLA.NQUE, jun., Author of "How we are Governed." In this volume is described most of the important Rights or Wrongs that a British subject, whether man or woman, may acquire or commit in the ordinary relations of life. London : Routledge, Warne, and Routledge, Farringdon street. THE ARCTIC REGIONS AND POLAR DISCOVERIES. In fcp. 6TO, price 2s. ed., cloth, THE ARCTIC REGIONS AND POLAR DISCOVERIES during the Nineteenth Century, in cluding Captain M'Clinteck's Expedition. Compiled by P. L. 813'mo:ins, F.R.G.S. The 9th edition, with large Map and Illustrations. This volume is n complete digest of every expedition to the Arctic Regions during the Nineteenth Century. London : Routledge, Warne,..and Routicd,ge, Farringdon street, „,,; . _ ARMY AND NAVY GAZETTE, and Journal of the MILITIA and VOLUNTEER FORCES. Edited by W. 11. RUSSELL, Esq., LL.D. (late Special Cor respondent of "The Times"). Price 6d., stamped 7d. No. 1, published this day, contains :—The Press and the Authori ties—The Board of Admiralty-:-Military Organisation—Offi cial Announcement s— 61 ilitary Intelligence—Naval Intelli gen itia Intelligence The Volunteer Movement— Stations of the Army and Navy—The Italian Campaign— Trial of Inventions—The Gazette, &c., &c., &e. Office, No. 16, Wellington-street North, Strand, and sold by allNeivsmen. THE CORNIIILL MAGAZINE. Edited by W. bI. THACKERAY. No. 1 (for JANUARY, 1860) is now readmit all Booksellers and all Railway Stations, Price OsL SintEING, with Two Illus trations and Map. CONTENTS. 2. Framley Parsonage--Chap. 5. Father Prout's Inaugura I. Omnes omnia bona di- live Ode to the Author of sere. Chap. 2. The Fram- " Vanity Fair." ley Set, and the Chaldi- 6. Our Volunteers. cotes Set. Chap.lll. Chal- 7. A ➢lan of Letters of the dicotes. Last Generation. 2. The Chinese and the "Outer 8. The Search for Sir J. Barbarians." • Franklin (from the Private 3. Lov el, the Widower—Chap. Journal of an Officer of I. The Bachelor of Beak- the " Fox.") street. 9. The First Morning of 18 , 0. 4. Studies in Animal Life. 10. Roundabout Papers--No. 1. On a Lazy Idle Boy. London : Smith, Elde: and Co., 65, Cori-111111, The Fourth Edition, Just Published, Bvo, in cloth, price ss. by poet free, ss. 6d. ON TRUE and. FALSE SPERMATORRTICEA; with the View to the Correction of wide-spread Errors in relation to the Treatment and Cure of Sufferers from De bility of the Generative systerh, or Sexual Hypochrondriasis. Translated from the German of Dr. PICKFORD. " Dr. Pickford is known to English readers by his frequent practical contributions to German medical literature. This is the first time, he informs us, that he has addressed himself to the non-medical reader. We trust that this may not be the last, if he shall detect any other equally flagrant evil which it may be in his power to correct."—London Medical Gazette. " The editor has conferred a great boon on the sufferers from this distressing malady by translating this little book, and by laying bare the scandalous practices of unqualified adventurers, who profess to cure a disease of which they know nothing, with no other object than to fill their own purses. Thedifferenee between true Spermatorrhcea and the various forms of disease which resemble it are accurately de scribed, and thus a sate guide is offered for the treatment of the malady."—Medical Circular. " We have delayed so long upon the contents of the preli minary chapter, that we have scarcely left ourselves space for any notice of the subject specially treated of by Dr. Pickford ; but the moderate price at which the 'brochure' is sold, places it within the reach of every one interested in the matter." — Dublin Medical Press. London : IL BMMere, 219, Itegent-street. R 6 s • v A H R p m A N T I U S T M 0 N (New E S P F a l t V e n E t ) hOCTAVEhas double pedals, with soft agreeable quality of tone. £33s.—WHEATSTONE'S PATENT CONCERTINA, 44 Keyg (full compass, 3i octaves), Rosewood, with box c.mplete. Wheatstone and inventors, 20, Conduit-street, Regent street. INEGAIt. Patronised by her Majesty's Goyernment.—CONDY'S PATENT PURE CONCEN TRATED MALT VlNEGAR.—Families, by using this de licious Vinegar, insure purity, and effect a saying' of 50 per cent. Sc. Report of I)r. Letheby, City Officer of Health ; Dr. tiat:sall, of the "Lancet" Commission , and others. Sold by the Trade, in bottles labelled and capsuled. Wholesale, 63, Einv, William-street, London-bridge, E.C.—SIX Quart Sample sent free to any Railway for 3s. 6d. • THE PUItE FLUID MAGNESIA of Sir JAMES - MURRAY. M.D., re-carbonated, sparkling, and permanently saturated, is prepared by his last patented processes (1859), which render it perfectly effective for pre venting or. removing acidities, gout, gravel, and indigestion , thus supplanting debilitating alkalies. N.B.—Sold by Barclay, Edwards, Sutton, and allrespectable druggists; also by Bailey and Son, Wolverhampton and London, Shipping Agents. This improved fluid is now completed by the patentee in person, at his factory, 104, Strand. London, where orders, addressed to Sir J. Murray, or Mr. Linder, will be promptly attended to. riIIiORLEY'S FOOD FOR CATTLE. — Every -A- person having an interest in domestic or farm animals should obtain a supply of this celebrated 'and economical food, which will prove invaluable during the approaching season. For keeping horses in good condition it is unequal ed. P 1 fatten with surprising rapidity upon it, and their legit Increases in flavour and value. Cowkeepers will find ,neat advantage in the increased quantity and improved qua lity of the milk during its use. All animals are benefited by flip A pamphlet on this interesting subject, accompanied by 'estimonials from the principal Nobility. Gentry, and Agri ;ulturists, forwarded o'4 application. In casks containing 148 feeds (measures enclosed), price 505., carriage paid to any if ailvrav Station in the United Kingdom. Post-ollice orders pavabli to Joseph Thorley, 77, Newgate-street, London. N.B.—The public arecautioned against being imposed upon by worthless imitations. LURE CURE. -•LAMBERT'S ASTHMATIC BA.LSAIW, without confining the bowels or affecting the head, truly efficacious and pleasant, is admitted to be the best medicine for immediately relieving. coughs, colds, confirmed eases of asthma and consumption. It frequently cores per sons whom the faulty pronounce incurable, admirably allays the tickling which provokes frequent con:chin. In approach- ing consumption its effects are truly beneficial. Persons de prived of sleep, or even lying down for fear of suffocation, may depend on relief in a few minutes after taking it. Pre pared only and sold by W. Lambert, chemist, 20, Jermyn street, Haymarket, and by all druggists, in bottles, 1301., 2s. 3d. and 4s. fid. each. Be particular and ask for Lambert's Asthmatic Balsam. The name and address is engraved on the stamp. 3, GREAT MARLBOROUGU-STREET, W., NEAR THE PANTHEON.? D' CULVERWELL, Member of the Royal College of Surgeons, Licentiate of Midwifery, and Apo thecaries' Hall, tendon, can be consulted daily (only) as above, on all cases of Nervous Debility. Languor, Incapacity, Less of Memory, Sterility, and all Funal Derangements of both Sexes, emanating from early and excessive indul gences Has Just published, price Is. ; by post, 13 stamps, 18 scaled, No. 4, An entire new and orVinal Work, entitled OURSELVES. Synopsis : The Physiology and Anatomy of our Generation —The Origin of Disease--Symptoms, T rea tment, awl Cure. Alan, an Exposition of, and Remedy for, all Urinary Derange ments and Marital Disqualifications, ;MALE. Tho modern treatment of Syphilis, Stricture, Tilennorrhagin PonotThcea), Spermatorrhma, Tmcotency, and all Diocases of the Urinary Organs, with Prescriptions, &c. _ FEMALE. The Physiology and Anatomy of Women—Functional Ir regularities in health and Sickness—Choice in Marriage— Their Expectancies and Disappointments—The Cause and Removal of Sterility—The Theory and Symptoms of Gesta tinn—Use of the Speculum, and the securing of Healthy Offspring. Also, No. 1. 'TIEAI.TH, HAPPINESS, and LONGEVITY; On Debility, Nervousness, Dyspepsia, and Indigestion, No. 2. LOVE AND MARRIAGE : Their Oblirrations, Happiness, and Disappointments ; Lova and other Matches. Sterility Removed, and Healthy ,Off spring scoured. _ No. 3. THE CASE BOOK : 100 Cases of SPERMATORRIREA, Their Causes, Symptoms, and Treatment., Confessions and Cure by Cauterisations, Galvanism, &e. Are. Ate. To be had of Mann, 39. Cornhill ; and"the Authors. Adviee to the Working*, Classes. fee Ralf-a-Guinea. ONE HUNDRED POUNDS REWARD ON CONVICTION. The fearful dangers to invalids from spurious Imitations of DU BARRY.'s invaluable HEALTH-RESTORING REVA - LENTA ARABICA FOOD led to an investigation, and, upo n application in 1854 for protection, the High Court of Chancery granted an injunction restraining. Alfred Hooper Nevill, and his agents, under a penclty of .£5,000, from selling any article resembling or being a colourable imitation of Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica, of .which we are the sole pro prietors.d:*upon n therefore, c t o hi v , give notice that the above on, to anyone giti n g infor mation of any breach of the injunction. A n i n t e lli gen t public requires no admonition to shun all shopkeepers who May attempt impositions. L o n don :11BARRY DU BARRY P re r w le a ta rd rs ;Il N l C P' & CO, NO MORE SICKLY OR ILL -CONDITIONED HORSES OR OTHER CATTLE. RAMEY'S HORSE and CATTLE-IMPROVING FOOD restores the efficiency, vivnr, endurance, and muscle of in 2onditioned or apparently worn-out Horses, Cows, Rd iocks, Calves, Sheep, and Pigs. In a short time it improves their appearance and value by 20 and 30 per cent. RAitE y ..nd Co., 77, Regent's Quadrant, London. In tins at 35., at n s., 11 a. ; in casks, of about 400 feeds, 405.; of about 1,000 feeds, £5, being about lid. per feed. Forwarded on receipt of Post-office orders.l.,The casks free of carriage. NO MORE MEDICINE Pride 241., free by post, a popular treatise, sixty - csur Pages, SSE NATURAL REGENERATION of the DIGESTIVE _ ORGANS, practically illustrating the effectual Cure, without Medicine, of Imthresti on (dyspep9j al, habitual Constipation, Flatulency& Psipitation of the, Hem, Torpidity of the Lvcr, 110 is Headaches, Nervousness, Biliousness, General Debi- Rty Cough, A sthm a, Consumption, Despondency, Spleen, &c., without Pills, Purgatives, or Medicine of any kind, by a simple, pleasant, and infallible means ; adapted to the general reader. London: Barry Da Barry & Co. 77, Regentltrcett ,5r...:.:.:,"*‘' _ f ( ' t.../ ./ ,-- • ,_ 67 7 • ,/--._____ ~ . , - -- N . A i \' . ' .'"‘,o•7: •:?' •.,1 t''' , _ ... . al • 2lt 01, 0 4 14 ,i 4 - 4 .l, P•Jvitok.4 4 7: : : \'f • ( , 1 1 . 04, - - . , k, , 4 t • • ... . 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Of course, so far as his own sentiments were concerned, it was a sort of penitential declaration just before he was being expelled from office, and when he wanted to get a few simple minded gentlemen from our side of the house to vote with him in the division ; but the words were spoken in the House of Commons—l heard them myself—and I say that we should be entitled to call or} him, and those who believe in him, to give their support to a measure at least as extensive as a£6 rental franchise. (Cheers.) A friend of mine who is not very enthusiastic in favour of Reform but who still believes that Reform must be granted, says this is a coarse manner of doing it—that if you drop from £lO to £6 you will take in all men, whether industrious or stupid, or idle or profligate—that if you cast your nets into the sea you cannot expect that all the largo fish will come up; but men do not give up putting their nets into seas and rivers because they do not catch fish that are the finest for the table or the market. So in this case I main tain that there is no other test which can be compared with the test of residence when you wish to elect a constituency. It is the old franchise of the kingdom. It is asked, why do you net like what is old ? We do when it is good. When any borough was charged in old times to return members, unless they were under restrictions, every householder was directed to return members ; and the Reform Bill went on the same principle, and intended that every person down wards should have the franchise. Why should we depart from the system of our ancestors for the sake of fancy fran chises, which Governments who do not want reform are so fond of. (Rear.) Why should we say of having stopped at £lo—if you or* down to or £5, it will include a greater proportion of that which is real than heretofore ? Or why will you say, with regard to these local boroughs of which I have spoken, it is quite clear there is no remedy for them except the oxe which surgeons take when a limb becomes incurable, and when the life of the patient is at stake—that is, amputation—(cheers and laughter)—an unpleasant re medy for some gentlemen that I know who have bought estates close upon some little borough—estates that pay but a very small interest, but which pay a political interest which satisfies the proprietors for their outlay—it is a very unpleasant thing for them, but I do not think it a very un pleasant thing for the electors in those boroughs. Ido not knowif any of you are acquainted with those intelligent, honest men, especially if they happen to be liberal in small boroughs. So far as I have seen they, generally speaking, rather wish the good of the country than the permanence of local or corrupt interests in the town. They are generally of opinion that it would be a great advantage if these email boroughs were disfranchised. (Hear, hear.) These old boroughs are ruined by elections. Not long ago I mat a nobleman connected with one of them, who said that if it had not been for the franchise the town would have heen twice as large and ten times as prosperous, and its ruin was to be traced entirely to the profligacy and corruption arising from elections. (Cheers.) I now come to the question will the Government propose a bill, and if they do so, will they be able to carry it. I think they wilt propose a bill. I know no more than what every one knows who reads the news papers and reflects on current events. Lord Derby, before he went out of office and his party with him would, I have no doubt, have consented to an £8 rental as the franchise for the boroughs. Ido not know that they would not have gone further if they had thought such a proceeding would have given them an additional lease of power, for it is asto nishing to witness the elasticity of consciences of statesmen, notwithstanding the pledges given by them when a political course rendered them necessary. I have seen it alike with respect to Whig and Tory! I have seen two of the most emi nent members of the Cabinet come round within the last two years, and who have unsaid everything they had previously said respecting Church-rates ; and lam sure if they should turn on the question of the Ballot we should not reject their aid and assistance. (Cheers and laughter.) Lord Derby's party would, I believe, have given the £8 franchise in bo roughs. What will the present Government give? £7 ? Is there to he a difference of only 20s? The thing is impossible. I have seen very idle and very foolish men, but I do not think I ever saw anybody so idle ant so foolish as to be a party to forcing upon a country a general election, getting up a meet ing at Willis's Rooms, moving a resolution for an address to the Queen, carrying it, after many days' debate, and than after ejecting their opponents and taking their places, corn- , ing forward aid offering a bill only 20s. in advance of those whom they have succeeded. (Cheers.) If I might offer a word of warning to the present Government, I would say to them. Remember this. At thismoment there is no great majority in your favour in the House of Commons. Let them remember that the policy they have pursued ever since the Reform Bill has been to damp the ardour of the people in every part of the country with regard to this question, and that they have so successfully managed to influence a certain class—those most connected with themselves—that they have found the Tories, their ancient opponents, whom they thought they had destroyed as a party, voting within a dozen of themselves after a general election upon this very question. Now, what the Government and what our poli ticians ought to do is this—they ought to try in the first place to be right, and having found out what is right, they ought to nerve themselves with the responsibility of carry ing out the right. (Loud cheers.) And I believe there never was a time when a Ministry would derive more advantage from fairlyand resolutely dealing with this clues- and staking their existence upon carrying it through both houses of Parliament. Ido not think it will require much to persuade you that the proposition of Lord J. Rus sell is a very moderate one. I think you are already per suaded of that. (Laughter.) And I want to show those who think we are extreme men, that we are really very moderate men. In England, Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, if every man voted, you would not find a million amongst them. I will assume, for the sake of argument, that they will repre sent a million of families—which, however, they do not, because in many cases there are two persons in one family having a vote—supposing one million of electors to represent one million families, and each party to consist of five per sons, five millions of the population will be represented. But the population of this country is 30 millions. And what follows ? That there are five millions of men who have no votes ; five millions of families in which not one person has a vote. Twenty-five millions of the population are as totally unrepresented as if they lived in a country in which Parlia ment had never been heard of. Our unrepresented popula tion outside the constitution is greater than the population of any country in Europe, except Russia, Austria, and France ; as great as the whale population of the United • States at the last census. What is it that Lord J. Russell proposes to do ? To add half a millionto that million. And what will ho leave when he has done that ? He will still leave four millions and a half of men without votes—four millions end a half of families, in which neither father, bro ther, nor son has a vote, and 221 millions of population as entirely unrepresented as if they lived in the kingdom of Naples. (Hear, hear.) I ask, is such a state of things as that to be allowed to remain? (No, no, and cheers.) A few weeks ago I made a speech at a meeting at Liverpool on tho subject of direct and indirect taxation, and stated that the indirect taxes annually raised amounted to 42 millions sterling, and I stated that 25 millions of unrepresented people paid by far the largest portion of these items oftaxa tion—the customs and excise. A gentleman in this neigh bourhood has taken exception to what I said, and not in a manner particularly courteous, considering that he was vice president, or something cf that sort, at the Council of Edu cation—an office wholly unnecessary. (Laughter.) As you did not choose the candidate he provided for you, it is not beefy I should stand very high in his Devour , (Laughter.) Mr. Adderley the other day, speaking of some argument with which ho was going to overwhelm me, said he was surprised that the Times had not hit upon that very argument. I am surprised too, but you cannot expect even ale Times, with all its capital and staff, to mono polise every bad argument. (CheenS and laughter.) If the Times had proclaimed to the country and to the world, which it did in effect, that if the working men would keep carriages and h orses for their w1V6.5 to ride out on Sundays like the wives of noblemen and .Ench people at the West-end of London, their employers would be obliged to pay them wages to enable them to support that expenditure. Mr. Adderley thinks that the Times, having used an argument like this, ought to have used an argu ment like that which he was about to nee. Mr. Adderley says he had seen the point well met in a letter to the editor of Aria's Gazette. "Mr. Bright's:argurnott was simply this —The working classes consu med the greatest quantityof excisable articles, and we re the g reatest payers of excise. But they were not so per head . " Mr. Adder l l d ey ar g r T v e e s on a to t an say—" If they take them per head theil: Nis,Vior Adderley u • exa ctly opposite conclusio n." ex pected that a worki n g man rece N ivin v, e 9 05. or 30 s. per w eek was to pay as much a s that g entleman himself, that was a v iew which never e ntered into my mind at all. Mr. Adder leyswent on to say that I would give to the working men the absolute command of the elections. Hotaxes, admits and he that they, as a body , p a y the great bulk of the k no ws quit the great bo d y are entirely excluded from the represen tation, and that t here is not a single member of the ilouse of Commons who can be said to be returned by that body. This only shows the line of argument that a man may take who busies himself in finding reasons why power should be concentrated in his own class, and why the great body of his own countrymen should be excluded from that which he so highly prizes. (Hear, hear.) My bill of last year would have left a large mass of the working classes unrepresented. To show how moderate was my proposi tion, and how anxious I am to obtain something substan tial and useful, I will state the extent to which I proposed to go, which will justify me in giving my assistance to the Government if they adhere to their measure and courage ously press it on Parliament. 1 believe the bill which I pro posed would not have done much more than the Govern mentbill. It would not have done more than double the num ber of electors, generally speaking, because although it might have done so in boroughs, it would not have added more than 200,000 to the county constituencies, My bill THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JANLIABY 7, 1860. _ _ GREAT y BETO.RM MEETING- AT BIRMINGIL4111: Yesteriay evening a public meeting was hold in the Town-hall, Birmingham, for the purpose of giving an oppor tunity to the representatives of the borough, Mr. Schole field, M.P., and Mr. Bright, M.P., an opportunity of ex pressing their sentiments on the question of Reform. The hall was very densely crowded in every part, and the meet ing was altogether of an enthusiastic character. The Mayor of Birmingham (Mr. Lloyd) occupied the chair, and was supported by Mr. Bright and Mr. Schole field. There were also present Mr. G. Edmonds, Alderman Baldwin, Alderman Sturge, Mr. Wright, Mr. Holland, &c. The platform was crowded by a vast number of gentlemen who take an interest in the question. Tho Mayor having taken the chair, called n7on Mr. Alderman BALDWIN to move the following resolution : "That the necessity of Parliamentary Reform being ac knowledged by all the great political parties, and her Ma jesty's Government being pledged to introduce a Reform Bill during the ensuing session, it is the opinion of this meeting that any bill to be useful to the country and satisfactory to the people must provide for a large exten sion of the suffrage, for vote by ballot, and for a better ap portionment of members to population." The resolution was seconded by Mr. G. EDMONDS, and carried amidst the cheers of the meeting. Mr. SCHOLEFIELD, M.P., then rose, and after the cheer ing had subsided, spoke as follows :—My friends and fellow townsmen, after an interval of nearly 30 years men of all parties in the State, Conservative as well as others, seem to have arrived at the conviction that &Reform Bill is abso lutely necessary. (Hear, hear.) What may have been suffi cient for the year 1830 by no means applies to the change of circumstances in 1856. (Hear, hear.) The enormous in crease in the wealth of the country is in itself one very important element which should govern our future consi deration, because that wealth has now diffused itself among all classes of the community. The working classes have shared as amply as others in the great prosperity of past years, and that being the case, there is no question that the education of the country has also made enormous pro gress, and has reached even to the poorest classes in the country. The consequence is that the middle class men of the year 1830 were scarcely up - to the mark of the great body of the working classes in the year 1860, and yet in spite of this the working classes as a body have still no voice in the representation. Now, Ido not mean to tell you that I think the working classes are more honest or more intelligent, or more patriotic than their fellowmen in other classes. I have never attempted to rouse your pas sions by any such statement, but I do say this, and I say it with the utmost confidence, that the working classes are no less intelligent, honest, or patriotic. (Cheers.) If this be so, the working classes as a body have the fullest right to a share in the representation. Now I do think that on a ietrospest of what has taken place during the last thirty years, even the strongest Conservative may take heart of grace and put all his alarm on one side. We remember what were the prophecies of a large num ber of men in the highest position in the country at the time the first Reform Biil was under discussion. We were told that we were on the eve of a revolution, that England was to sick to the level of a second. rate power, that the sun of England had set for over, and yet what has been the fact ? Why, that so far from this having been a revolu tionary measure the first Reform Bill, if it had ono stilling feature more than another, was that it averted revolution, We have had the freest press, free trade, and greater free dom of religion ; and, upon the whole, we have had a vast increase of contentment and prosperity throughout the country. (Cheers.) Well, then, I believe that we shall have a Reform Bill next session ; and I say so in despite of tertian rumours to the contrary. It has been said that the Ministers have not yet prepared their bill. Of course it is impossible for any persons out of the Cabinet to know what , has passed at the board ; but if the Ministry have not yet made up their minds as to the nature of their bill, they have very ill conducted themselves during the recess. We are also told that there is an intention on the part of the Government to divide their bill into two parts—one part to apply to the franchise, and another to the manner in which decisions shall be come to in the great centres of represen tation. Now, Ido not believe that, for Ido not believe that any body of men composed as the present Ministry is, would seek to de it. As my hon. friend (Mr. Bright) has told you over and over again, it is impossible to separate the two questions as to the extension of the franchise and the mode in which you will give to different parts of the country the power of sending members to Parliament. We must re member that, whatever we may think of the Reform ten dencies of some members of the Government, there are men in it, among others Mr. Milner Gibson, who have earned the confidence of all true Reformers. (Hear.) We must not forget that . a neighbouring borough has returned one who is a member of the Government, and who always will receive the applause of his fellowcountrymen as having been the first man in this country who mooted with any thing like success the question of free trade. I mean Mr. Villiers. (Cheers.) Wo must not forget that these gen tlemen are members of the Government, and I am content to believe that in that Government these gentlemen will not remain unless that Government consents to a Reform Bill based on sound principles. But supposing we may be disappointed in this respect, we are not without able and willing leaders. We cannot forget that we have my hon. colleague, whose consummate ability and vast eloquence have been acknowledged on all occasions in defence of the rights and liberties of the subject. Even should the Go vernment be deficient in its desire to promote reform, I have no doubt we shall find some means of showing that the liberties of the people are not forgotten in the existing House of Commons. The question is, what shall the re form which is required amount to. I am not here to discuss the bill of my hon. colleague, which has received the sanc tion of all classes of the country. We cannot discuss the bill of the Government, because we do not know what the provisions of that bill may be ; but I think we are in a position to declare the broad and general principles on which any reform bill ought to be based. (Cheers.) The resolu tion states that we will not be satisfied with any reform which does not give us a very great extension of the franchise—l would say a franchise equal to that which Lord J. Russell proposed of an rating ; and I say this because I believe that in any measure which we adopt we ought to do that which we can do well. (Hear.) Although I look to the widest extension of the suffrage as the point to which I think we ought to go, I never would refuse any measure evl e ael l honestly and seriously attempted to give the epic any portion of their rights—(cheers) — because am quite sure ' a e to obtain. (Hear.) The that every extension of the franchise Vaal be the lever of ob taining that which many of us ho re :ors to the more equal apror population. I will not say what t s i c o e n o i n n d en ob t j o e f e m t i e s m th b a ers t which i t e tie h boroughs ought to be ':ifsfranchised, or what boroughs ought sot to be enfrancheised, or the number of members to be given to this or to that district, because these are matters which will be discussed in the Government Bill. (Hear.) But I may say this, that unless wo have a more equal appor tionment of members to the population we shall not obtain anything like what we have a right to expect. (Cheers.) The resolution mentions the question of the ballot. I do not wish to diminish the importance of that subject. I have Always voted for the ballot and shall alwayswish to see that a part of the means by which members are to be returned to Parliament. But if the recolution means that the ballot is to be made a sine qua non in any bill, that we are to reject any measure which does not include the ballot, I must re luctantly demur to the conclusion of the resolution. I should be glad to accept an honest reform bill even without the bal lot, not because I undervalue its importance, but I wish you to bear in mind the circumstance that a great portion of the Government are against the ballot, and that you have not a pledge that the ballot shall form any part of the Go vernment measure. I do not wish to see our public men dragged through the mire so as to pledge themselves to support opinions which they do not entertain. Ido not wish to see the leading members of the Government who object to the ballot coming forward and saying that the arguments of the public have convinced them that the ballot ought to be, adopted. I would much rather see the public make their representatives pledge themselves, when the time comes, not to vote for any Ministry which will no t carry the ballot. (Cheers.) But I should be disposed to take env honest measure of Reform which the Government adopts, even though the ballet may not be included in it. It has been said you talk a great deal about Reform —what do you mean to do when you get it ? Now, in the fiyst place, I would say, if you get nothing else you would got this, you would place every man wh o felt he had a ri gh t to vete on the same footing in that respect as the richest man in the country. In that sentiment is embodied that which constitutes loyalty to the Queen and love of the country, for no man can feel that he is an Englishman unless he pos sesses all the rights of an Englishman. (Cheers.) Well then, I think beyond this that the House of Commons itself would be no worse off if we had a little infusion of fresh blood. I mean no disrespect to that house—which, with all its faults, I look upon as still the noblest representative as sembly in the world—in saying that its deliberations would be greatly improved by having in it some men who should be more immediately the representatives of the working classes. (Hear.) There are many questions in which such representatives could give an opinion, which, if not sounder and better than that of other men, would satisfy the work ing classes of the country that their wishes were represented in a manner which they themselves understood, and with which they sympathised. (Hear, hear.) I feel also, that in the coming session it would have been an immense -ad vantage if we had in Parliament men who would represent the working classes on the question of taxation, and which is a question that there is reason to believe will be subjected to revision next session ; nor do I think that the question of the revision of the taxation of the country could be introduced to the 'house by _au abler _ . 1 financier than Mr. Gladstone ; but I an sure that the 1 Chancellor of the Exchequer would be none the worse if he had the views of the indiistrious as well as of the property classes of this country plated before him. I do not mean to say that the property classes have mani fested a desire to shift the burden of taxation from their own shoulders to the shoulders of the working classes ; but sinse the termination of the Russian war the only tax that has been lightened has been the income and pro perty. tax, while .the taxes upon tea and sugar have re mained untouched. That in itself is an injustice; and my hon. friend has before pointed out the great inequalities which at present exist in respect to taxation. I do not mean to say that I adopt every syllable of the statements which have been made by my hon. friend, although I could not find fault with this or that particular part of his argument, but I say that substantially he was quite right, and that it is the bounden duty of the Government to revise the taxa tion of the country, and in doing so to take care that it shall not fall rather uptm industry than upon property. (Cheers.) I should have great confidence in a reform of Parliament which would snake the members give a more constant eye to the expenditure of the public money. (Hear, hear.) lam not quite sure that any reform of Parliament will lead to great economy, because I cannot help think • ing that all classes, when dealing with the public money, will be more lavish than they would be if they were deal ing with their own; but I believe that we should not eyed find a Parliament of working men which would object to the proper and reasonable expenditure of public money in order to keep up an efficient army and navy. (Loud cheers.) This, however, I know, that they would take care that they had their money's worth for every pound which was spent. Numberless attempts have been made to make the House of Commons economical, but the House of Commons is a body which is not altogether con stituted in the best manner to watch over the expenditure of the country ; and I candidly confess that when the esti mates aro introduced, such is their extent that they abso • lutely bewilder me, and when the Government say such is the amount which is absolutely required for the service of the country, and if you refuse it you will be responsible for the result, I am not prepared to disagree with the Govern ment, and to undertake so great a responsibility. The late Mr. Hume, and the present hon. member for Lambeth, both proposed that the estimates should be submitted to a committee, but I am not quite clear that such would be the best mode of dealing with them, because if a committee re ports upon any particular item, and the House of Commons acting upon its recommendation, rejects the item, Govern ment escapes all responsibility ; but what I think would do a great deal of good, without relieving Government of re sponsibility, would bo to refer the question of the expendi ture of the estimates to the investigation of a committee. (Cheers.) There are many other questions which I think would be settled immediately if we had a reformed Parlia ment. There is that question of church rates, which I be lieve will never be settled except by the sweeping measure of Sir J. Trelawny for their total abolition. There is another question, which affects the Roman Catholics of Ireland, upon which the hon. member for North Warwick shire is so often eloquent. I mean the question of the May nooth Grant—that would be settled for ever. (Hear.) For these reasons I think that Reform is absolutely necessary, and will give additional stability to the Government, and produce additional content, prosperity, and loyalty among the people of this country. (Cheers.) Entertaining these views, I shall do all in my power to co-operate with my hon. colleague in endeavouring to make a broad, honest, and effectual Refor t en Bill. (Cheers.) Mr. BRIGuT, on rising, was received with loud and long continued cheering. He said, I feel very sure that you will agree with me when 1 say that I think it a wholesome thing that constituencies and their representatives should meet as we meet to-night, for the purpose of discussing questions of vital interest to the community—questions which must very soon come before Parliament, and which pre-eminently call for legislation. (Hear.) But if these groat questions —vital as they aro to the interests of the community—can only bo determined by Parliament, hew necessary is it that that Parliament to which these great questions are referred, should fairly representthe great interests and the intelligent mind of the people of this country. (Cheers.) I think Ido Let overstate the case, when I state that for many years Past there has been a growing conviction, not amongst the unre presented classes only, but amongst all classes, that the blouse of Commons in this country—the chief house of le gislation in the kingdom—does not fairly include within• it a representation of all the interests and of all the classes who belong to the great concerns and to thogreat population of the kingdom. (Hear, hear.) And we have a most conclu sive proof of - this opinion from the fact, that without any great agitation, without any firmeombination, or any series 1 of combinations throughout the country, the whole country has come at lastto the conviction that we must have another Reform Bill, a far larger number of voters, a bettor distri bution of members, and such changes as will make the Par liament more entirely a mirror to represent the public than it does at present. (Cheers.) The question has grown very quietly, but it has attained at last a giant's stature; and whether yens. Government be formed of men from one side of the house or from the other, it is all the same. They come down with one speech after another from the Throne, proclaiming to the whole country that it is the opinion of the Crown, as it is the opinion of the Go vernment, and, as I hesitate not to say, as it it; the opinion of the vast majority of the people, that we are entitled to an extension of Parliamentary representation. (Cheers.) It is a curious thing to watch the progress of this question. When the bill of 1832 passed, there were many people in Birmingham who thought it very inadequate, though they had agreed to accept it, and had done so much to carry it. For 20 years the authors—l mean the parliamentary authors of that bill—the leaders of the Whig party— steadily re • i fused to stop one single hair's breadth in advance of it. They justified, by their conduct, that which a friend of mine who knows what took place at that time, told me, namely, that he thought the people of Brookes's Club—the principal Whig club in London—were about as much frightened at the Reform Bill as anybody else. (Laughter.) It was not till 20 years afterwards—till the year 1851, I believe — that Lord John Russell—by far the most eminent, by far the most distinguished, and, as I believe, by far the most trustworthy of his party on this question—it was not until 1851 that Lord John Russell himself avowed his intention to offer a further bill, providing for a further extension of the franchise to the consideration of the House of Commons. In 1852 the promised bill made its appearance. It provided for an extension of the suffrage in boroughs to this amount. That every man having a house rated at £5, which I pre- sumo would be equal to about £6 of rental, should have a vote. With regard to Scotland, it provided that every per son living in a house not rated at but rented at £5 should have a vote. Well, that was a largo and substantial offer to Parliament and the country ; but the unfortunate quar rel which took place between Lord John Russell and the chief of the present Cabinet, caused a change of Govern ment, and that bill was withdrawn. Wo step on now, passing over the short Government of Lord Derby, to the Government of Lord Aberdeen, and in 1851, Lord J. Rus sell, acting again as spokesman for the Cabinet on behalf of the Reform question, brought in another bill, which was not so good as the bill of 1852 with regard to the franchise, for it raised the suffrage from a £5 to a £6 rating, which is probably equal to a£7 rental. That bill was withdrawn. That Government—composed, as I believe it was, of three sections of politicians, if not of three factions of politicians —that Government allowed the country to drift into a needless and sanguinary war, and therefore, as a matter of course, all questions of Reform and improvement in your domestic affairs were laid aside until the war was concluded. Well, after that Government fell, we had the Government of Lord Palmerston, with a good many promises, and not only no performance, but no attempt at performance. (Laughter.) In 1858 that Government fell, and was suc ceeded by the Cabinet of Lord Derby; and, as Mr. Disraeli insists upon it that the Whigs have no right to a monopoly in dealing with the Reform question, ho and his colleagues_ proposed to deal with it, and at the beginning of last year they introduced a bill which, as it had one evening devoted expressly to it in this hall some three months ago, I think we need not go into further to-night, and in avoiding any discussion of it I think we shall only be acting with charity and compassion to its author. (Laughter and cheers.) So unsatisfactory was that bill of Lord Derby's to the House of Commons and the country, that not only was it rtjected, but the Government was rejected too. (Laughter.) Lord Derby took the opportunity, as it is reported, on one occasion of making some not very pleasant observations upon me, in which he said, if I recollect rightly, that the Queen would not have me, the House of Commons would not have me, and the country and the people would not have me. The noble lord fell into precisely the same predicament. (Laugh terand cheers.) The House of Commons would not have Lord Derby's bill, and the House of Commons would not have Lord Derby. (Laughter.) He then appealed to the consti tuencies of the 'United Kingdom, and with a power of cor ruption, waich I suppose has never before been equalled ; but he learned, notwithstanding, that the country and con stituencies would not have him ; and acting in accordance with the Constitution, finding that the house and the coun try had decided against him, of course the Crown would not have him, and Lord Palmerston was called in to supply his place. Now we coma to the position in which wo now find ourselves in connection with the great question. On the night—l think the very night the dissolution was an nounced—Lord J. Russell made a statement in the house of what he thought would be a liberal proposition for a Li beral Government to make—a proposition which he inti mated he would be willing to make himself, if in a position to do so. Well, we had the dissolution, and after the general election we went up to London, and we had a meeting at Willis's-rooms, and there was some discussion there on this as well as upon other questions. It was determined that if a majority of the House of Commons would agree, Lord Derby's Goverment should be put vitt and a new Qoveru- merit formed. The great point upon which the house and the country differed from Lord Derby was upon the ques• tion of Parliamentary Reform, and if there be anything in the world to which the statesmen now in office, are pledged more than any other, it is to a measure of Parliamentary Reform, such as shall be clearly distinct from, and better than that which they rejected when Lord Derby proposed his bill. The promises of the leaders of the 'Whig party gained them power, and having acceded to power, the time for action, and for the fulfilment of their promises, is now come. (Hear.) in making.these observations, do not for a mo ment imagine I am doubting the course the Government will take. lam merely stating the facts that they may be in your recollection, and the recollection of the country, if by any possibility there should be hereafter any necessity to recall that which has passed. (Cheers.) But now what was the measure which Lord J. Russell proposed ? Reform, as we all know, is a question of degree. In a great many countries of the world there are Legislative Assemblies elected by constituencies. They are elected in almost all kinds of ways, and therefore a proposition may be made which is not mine, or which is not yours, but still may have value in it, and may be worth fairly considering. The proposition which Lord J. Russell made before the dis solution appears to me to be one of that character, and we shall not waste our time if we devote a few minutes to an examination of what it really is. The bill must necessarily be something in the shape of a compromise. It will not be a mere deception, like the bill pf Lord Derby, and, cer tainly, if he adheres to what ho proposed, it will not be as full and as comprehensive as the very moderate proposition which last year I was permitted to submit to the considera tion of public meetings in various parts of the country. It will be more moderate—l am confining myself now to the question of the suffrage—it will be more moderate than a bill which Mr. Pitt was ready to submit, and I think proposed, about 70 years ago. It will be more moderate and more re stricted in its suffrage than a bill introduced by the late Lord Grey, and supported by Mr. Fox 60 years ago. It will be more moderate than the bill or the proposition that was made by Lord Durham about 30 years ago. It will be very much on a par with the bill of Lord !ohn Russell in 1852, and it is that kind of a measure which I presume, in the course of the month of February at the latest, we shall see brought before the House of Commons. Now, I shall con fine myself to the question of the borough franchise, as the House of Commons has already agreed to the question of the county franchise. The £lO occupation franchise in the coun ties appears to be agreed upon generally in the House of Com mons, but there still may be a difference of opinion with re gard to the borough franchise. In large towns a£6 rental franchise willadd very largely to the constituency,though, as appears from the returns of small occupiers, which have been sent up to the Poor-law Department for the uee of the Govern ment in discussing this question, not nearly so largely as might be imagined. I, however, take it for granted that in all places which are large, like Birmingham and Man chester, and which are full of manufacturing activity, like Wolverhampton and many of the boroughs in Lancashire and Yorkshire, a £6 rental franchise will double, and per haps in a few eases will rather more than double, the exist ing number of electors. In other towns, too, which are what is called "unfinished"—(laughter)—towns, where there has not been a new street, and perhaps not a new house, in the memory of anybody living—(laughter)--in towns of that kind, where there is no commercial or manu facturing life, the increase in the number of electors will be comparatively small. I believe there aro many in which the increase will not be more than 10 per cent. ; and I be lieve that if we take such a city as Exeter, which has a very considerable population, but is still not a town of great com mercial life or activity, the increase in the number of elec tors will not be more than 20 per cent. I mean by this that if the present number of electors is 1,000, the addition will not be more than 200, making the register in future 1,200. It is quite clear, then, that that would not be a particularly destructive measure, and a man must have eyes of a highly magnifying power to enable him to discover that it was so (Laughter.) Now there is one point which is very impor tant in considering this matter. There are 134 boroughs in this country—l am speaking now of the United King dom—returning 198 members, which aro so small that it is utterly impossible for any extension of the franchise to give an adequate constituency to them. For instance, there are 56 boroughs, whose average population is only 5,900. The average number of electors is only 321 voters, and yet they return 87 members. (Hear.) If you give a£6 rental in these places, and rents are much lower than at Birmingham or Manchester, you will find that you add very few in • deed to the constituency, and therefore the proposition of Lord John Russell will be found wholly inadequate for such boroughs. Then, again, there aro nine boroughs in Ireland with a population of 5,600, in which the average is 173, and yet they return nine members. There aro also 69 boroughs whose average population is 11,300. The average number of voters is 483, and these 69 :boroughs re turn 102 members to • Parliament. (Cries of " Shame.") Although this bill will give a great accession to Birming ham and Manchester and to large towns of commercial activity and manufacturing life, if you come to the list which I have read, you will find that there are 200 mem bers returned from boroughs whose constituencies will be altogether insufficient for a proper, representation if that bill should pass. (Hear, hoar.) But, now, look at the large boroughs. There are 23 boroughs with a population between 54,000 and 127,000, which return only 42 members, and there are 12 boroughs with a population over 127,000, which return 24 %embers. These 35 large towns return 66 members, and whatever may be the extension of the suf frage in these boroughs, they would still only return 66 members. If then, it should frighten anybody to be told that the number of electors in those boroughs will be doubled, they will know, at the same time, that they would have 124 boroughs returning 198 members, in which this bill will make hardly any perceptible difference in giving a free and suffieient constituency. It is not, then, for those who are against Reform to say that the great boroughs will have too many electors; but it is for us, who are in favour of Reform, to say that these small boroughs under this bill will have a number of electors wholly insufficient to justify Parliament in cos tinuirig to them the privileges they now enjoy. (Hear.) It is impossible to say what will be the whole number of electors added to the boroughs of the United Kingdom, but I make a sort of guess, which will be sufficiently near to enable us to argue from. At pre sent, in the United Kingdom, the borough voters aro about 500,000. I am of opinion that a£6 rental franchise will not add 63 per cent. to the whole of the borough consti tuencies of the kingdom; but I take it at 60 per cent. which would give an addition of 330,090 voters, making the present number of 500,000 into 800,000, and therefore fall ing widely short of doubling the present constituency. Now, the county constituencies of the United Kingdom have about 700,000 names upon the register, and I calculate that realm hag the county franchise to £lO will add, perhaps, 200,000 more, arid bring them up to 900,000. Therefore the present number upon the register for counties and borough being 1,200,009, will be increased by half a million, but the real number of voters will be not more than a million, as many wore upon both the county and the borough registers, and the whole number of voters, if this bill passes, will conse quently not be more than a million and a half. lam quite sure that the mon who dread a measure like this, who fancy that we are extreme in our propositions, though this bon know is not our proposition, cannot really have ex amined it, or they vrould not say a syllable against it. What did Mr. Disraeli say in that last memorable debate, in which ho fought for his political or rather his official life, and did not succeed in saving it. On the 7th of June he said, "It is unnecessary on this occasion to vindicate the measure which We brought forward in the last Parliament, but I will state one fact, not upon my own authority, but upon that of men of high scientific character not connected with politics or with parties, whose only object in their researches is to esta blish and promulgate truth, and that is, that our measure Would have increased the constituent body by not less than 500,000, being absolutely a larger addition than was made by the Reform Bill of 1832." Further on he said—" We" —and in this he was speaking of the monopoly which Lord S. Russell and the Whigs had usurped on the question of Reform—" we, who at least have prepared and introduced a measure which would more than have doubled the constitu ency of 'the kingdom, are never to be allowed to give our opinious upon a measure of this kind." In o ne case he said the bill added 500,000 ; and, in the other, that it mare than doubled the constituency of the kingdom. He know that the bill had been a bill of exclusion against the working classes. He and Sir E. Bulvrer Lytton had taken credit to the Go vernment for excluding the working classes and having given the suffrage to the middle classes; and he said, fur ther on, " The questior of the borough franchise must be dealt with, and it must be dealt with, too, with reference to the introduction of the working classes. We admit that that has been the opinion of Parliament, and that it has been the opinion of the country, as shown by hon. gentle men who have been returned to this house." He then goofs on to say " And therefore we are perfectly prepared to deal with that question of the borough franchise, and the intro duction of the working classes by lowering the franchise in boroughs, and by acting in that direction with sincerity; because if you intend to admit the working classes to the franchise, by lowering the suffrage in boroughs, y o u must not keep the promise to the ear, and break it to the hope. The lowering of the suffrage must be done in a manner which satisfactorily and completely effects your object, and is at the same time—using the usual stereotyped phrase— ' consistent with maintaining the instit th utions at if of th Gover e nment coun try' Fell, am I not entitled t o sa y bring in a bill for a £lO franchise in counties, and a £6 rental franchise in boroughs, which bill would not add more than 500,000 electors to the register—am I not entitled to say that such a bill cannot be opposed by Mr. Disraeli after the extracts I have read ? (Hear, hear.) He proposed to add 500,000 voters in his delusive measure. He said it would more than double the constituency of the kingdom, and he said, "If you admit the workin classes, NEWSPAPER h , (:!•:`,, , t,'" . W 4. ..,..,;,.1. *ould have raised the pres e nt num b er of emotes..eetety-Ae: .. millions. What would h ave b een th e e ff ec t ? h .%AatilikPAr , '-;** Russell's bill would have l e ft f our m illi ons an d a . alfeanre-ci S presented—minewould have left four m illi ons Unrepreeftted.— If Lord J. Russell's bill would have left twenty-two millions and a half of the population unrepresented, mine would have left twenty millions unrepresented. How moderate, then, was my project, and how unjust, how slanderods, how false, and how malignant were the charges made against me in connection with that bill. (Great cheering.) There are here present many thousands who can answer, not only for themselves but for their neighbours, and I would ask them, and any person who may be disposed to be critical, this question—are the people of this country, as a whole, so ignorant, so brutal, so destructive, so dangerous, that when I exclude 20 millions and Lord John Russell excludes upwards of 22 millions, there is still danger to every valuable institution of our country? What is the monarchy worth ? What is the House of Commons worth ? What is the Established Church worth ? (Nothing.) After these institutions have existed in this country for so many centuries, the population is so ignorant and destruc tive, and so untrustworthy, that when 20 millions arc put aside and not entrusted with the franchise, there is still danger on the admiseion of the small remainder of the people. If any man opposes this, put this seal upon him, 'that he is against representation altogether ; that if he lived in a country in which there were no Parliaments, he would be against Parliaments; that if ho had lived before the Reform Bill, he would have been against the Reform Bill ; and that in discussing questions of reform, his opinion i 3 of no value for the settlement of such a question. I . ant of opinion that there are many men of the Tory party in the . House of Commons who will support Reform next session, Not a few of them pledged themselves to a £5 franchise before the last election. I must always give credit to Mn Disraeli that, after all, he has been a great teacher of the party with whom he is con nected. They used hint at first to wreak their vengeance against Sir It. Peel, but since then ho has very successfully used them. (Loud laughter.) lie rarely makes a speech in which he does not say something much more palatable; on our side of the house than on his own, and I am inclined to think that those speeches from which I read the extracts showed a good deal of foresight, and he was likely looking forward to the Reform of 1860, when this question of the session having been shelved—not put away as lumber, but settled in such a way that it could not behrought forward session after session—he felt that he would have a better chance in his contention for office against the, Wliigs than he has while this question remains in its present state. In the House of Lords—even in that assembly where day light only breaks in, as it were, through chinks and cran nies—there must be men who know perfectly well that after this question has been put into the mouth of the Queen session after session, everybody admitting that it is a question which must be settled —there are men in that house who will counsel a:moderate course. I will not pledge myself for anything they will do until it is done. But lam not without hope that, as in past times, when the moment arrives at which they are to say aye or no, and when the " no" does not always appear to be maintainable or safe, it is possible that they may say " aye," and that the bill will pass. (Cheers.) Only look at the men in the Mouse of Lords. What a magnificent position many of those men occupy—a position not always fortunate for themselves, for I do not think it always fortunate to be so privileged—a position not for their countrymen; many of them have great property, can boast an illustrious ancestry, and possess vast influence all over the country.' Can they shut out from their minds that whatever is great or good in England comes from whatever we have enjoyed of personal and poli tical liberty ? Their position has not been made worse but • better by all that has taken place, and, it maybe, that if the, would accommodate themselves to the growth of intellig,enee and show themselves in favour of some of the changes neces sary, they might maintain for a time to come, as long as they have already occupied it, aposition equal to that which they now hold among their fellow mon. (Hear.) If Englishmen go, as they went 250 years ago, to America, or to Any British colony, they take with them the British constitu tion and the right of voting. if he goes to Australia, if he goes to Canada, if he goes to Van Diemen's Land— wherever he emigrates under the Crown of England—in whatsoever colony he becomes a resident, he is possessed of a franchise which he cannot have in this country. Ndw I want to ask you, is England to bo the only country in which the natural and inalienable rights of Englishmen according to the constitution shall be denied to them ? (Cries of " .No, no.") Can that which is good for America, for Canada, for Van Dieinen's Land, for the Cope, be an evil for this country? (No.) I cannot understand what men moan by this dread of admitting a largo number of their countrymen within the franchise. There is nothing in the history of the past to justify their fears, but there is everything to encourage them in any forward step they may make. If Parliament is good for anything, it is good to preserve the peace, to manage national funds with economy, to levy taxes fairly. Look at what wo have done within the last twenty years. I was looking over some figures the other day, and I discovered this astounding fact, that we are paying now for military expenses alone £10,000,000 a-year more than all your Government ex penses of every kind—military and naval—in 1838, exclu sive of the National Debt in both instances ; and although we are doing this, what is the humiliating position in which wo find ourselves ? We sometimes see amusing caricatures of John Bull, which make men laugh. Suppose you to.w a caricature of this kind: that John Bull lived in a parish in which the rates were twice as heavy as in any other; that the police force was such that there was not the side of a house which was not watched by a polif4eman or a sentinel, and yet such was his constant state of alarm that this unfortunate John Bull was forced to sit night after night at his window, with cocked pistol and loaded re volver, and could not get a wink of sleep. (Laughter.) Such is the present condition of England. Great as is the enormous cost of the navy now, in 20 years more it will be double if you permit it. (Hear, heat.) Taxes are the means by which Government provides for the expenditure of the country, and so long as expenditure is made a justifica tion for taxes, depend upon it so long will there be an ex cuse for the continuation of taxes. (Hear, hear.) You have a Minister. of War sitting in his room, and in comes an alarmed admiral and an affrighted general, the talk is tell of rifle cannon, of breech-loading small arms, and rifle corps, and the Minister himself gets so heated by the refilled at mosphere in which ho is placed that he at length scarcely is able to form any calm judgment on the state of the ques tion. (Hear, hear.) I do wish that Englishmen had a . little more coolness, and that we were not so easily led away by a red herring on a string before us. After spending £26,000,000 last year, which was twice as much as the Duke of Wellington and Sir It. Peel thought necessary in 1835, the moment Parliament 'rises three-fourths of the ' newspapers—who don't give you a single fact that can be relied on—get up agitating statements, and then just before Parlianient meets, when they know the whole thing will be blown to atoms, they tell you that the reasons by which they excited your fears were no reasons at all, but merely to prove an abstract proposition, that although you had spent twenty-six millions for others to defend you, you must de fend yourselves. One word more, and I have done. Twenty years ago, the voice of the 25,000,000 of unrepresented people in this country—the voice of 5,000,000 working men was heard in angry mood. That is no longer heard because the distress which pressed upon them has been removed. But the working men have associations. They can get up , formidable strikes against capital. Sometimes it may be on real, sometimes on fancied, grievances. I ask, why are not these trade organisations made use of to obtain their pelf tical rights? I hope it may not be necessary to make use of thorn, but if the question is not fairly settled in the com ing session, I do hope that the working people of this coun try—those vast bodies of artisans whose skill and whose labour fill all our warehouses, all our shops, all our ships —will take some steps to bring about what I may call a convocation of working men, with a view to bring their influence to bear on Parliament at an early period. (Cheers.) I don't for a moment mean to use the lan guage of menace, for I think that Parliament requires the language of menace less, probably, than at any former time ; but I trust that in the session of 1860 the Government will bo honest and courageous, and that the Parliament may be more sound than it has been before. I have been assailed as being hostile to our politi cal institutions, and especially to the aristocracy of the country. I freely admit that I am hostile to institutions which exclude five-sixths of my fellow •countrymen from any share in the representation ; and I am hostile to that supremacy of the aristocracy which is no part of the Con • siitution of this country. All I want is that the population, th e property of the country in the House of Commens. t s h heel i ti n d tell ho ige f n a c ir e l , y th r e ep i r n e d se u n s t t a re d e The aristocracy themselves have not always been very par ticular in the;." contests with a power above them. Two ethundreded with an n English Monarch, and wh a t did th e y no ? tented Our greatest of bards, Sbakespeare, has put into the mouth of au unfortunate Prince this sentiment,— " Not all the waves in the rough, rude sea, Can wash the balm from an anointed King." Yet the aristocracy of this country, being discontented with a'king, expelled hint from his throne, and by a force invited from abroad expelled him from his country. I am making no charge against them for this,. but I say that we are not proposing to treat them in a manner se harsh: (Hear.) We have no objection to their occupying that place in the Con stitution which the Constitution has awarded them—we touch them not, we only ask that the nation shall choose its representatives to sit in Parliament—(cheers) —which they have a right to do as fairly and as undoubtedly as the peers have a right to sit in the House of Lords. (Rear, hear.) This is a fundamental principle of the English Constitu tion, and I can tell this great and influential meeting that the struggle on my part to obtain that right for the people shall never be abandoned until it has been attained with complete success. (The hon. ge ntleman then resumeklus seat amidst loud cheers.) A vote of thanks .was then cordially given to Messrs. Scholefield and Brigh, and a petition to Par hoceedings s rminated. amen in __ e _._, favour of Reform hav t ing been adopted, the pr [AnvErmsEstENT.]--Mr. Benson, Ludgate-hill, has just published anew illustrated pamphlet on watches (iree by post for two stamps). It should be read by all who are about buying a watch, as it contains prices and important informa tion as to—What watch to buy ! where to buy it 1 and how to use it rket, Arely Laier. peas, ~w all . last but ling, wale and red, 48 3d Os Od loorly : car- to Od to 7d to Od h ra sed to .e not con- 1,082 534 3,138 990 6,385 13,940 235 1,109 1,306 1,430 '487 688 1,054 .8.11 22,410 5,288 3,4 2 44 60 7,444 24,171 1,230 .5,185 24,694 159 614 200 340 427 65,168 1,421 13,234 12,786 19,379 5,965 2,435 7,245 3,601 1,491 363 1,207 210 1,059 boo 2,760 4S! 443 266