The Sun. — London, England, 1859-02-05 00:00:00

ffST twe en brated make nseea- I side► said 1 dealer s o all for bob, flout, . 1 1 0 • a fait ced ld,. r se'nl l ! A lg pf,?*art ation , nd TAO — here gild )s of bar' )s were °II- ; 9d to o 9 1) a 6d 0 2$ )er sack . too' with s to ter tses a , . 61c16d 1 4 .° 0 od . to,l 5 is firs tment )w 114 ' 1 0 porting d les fla t,o would d is scarvted, r supPor arket.) ud. 0, a, 0 is ...... .... •• ' . 0 16 6 .... . o ......... 0 Steaultj • ..... 16 v, ..... 16 ...... 0 .. ... IA 9 •: i 7l. ... 0 . ..... . 5 9 ...... n.... ,15 ;) ; 15 9 '' • • ll 9 ...... 11 • ..... BY F ti eo , o ds sts sv; , ould De r A ro und• of naP' o P t o Vai l ° i f thelt°' _~ ~~ _~ e wife .011. T, Dar are, -- 1 star-at -13 of the Nvie c iA Legate, t" Aady 6 ' .lll ' f° .ter. •ace, lst (E the p5144:10 13th 1- 1 4 1 e min 3 eIP : :',..c1 ? Cleav ras C 1 31014, lege, . 04 . r LtSOII, 'hales .A.4.ir ' cots Orel" lA A/ rager A 00 rt., and ft. Gloncetr , 13 Blirt°3l Ms, 10 , Ebel Oer win. scot° ;ea 71 ' yot ll4° ' e, count, sicl Oct od Od THE EUROPEAN HOTEL AND DINING -A - ROOMS, 30, Coventry-street, Leicester-square.—Mrs. JENTZEN begs to return her grateful thanks to her nu merous friends for the liberal support she has so long re ceived ; and it is her pleasing duty to inform them that her anxiousness to serve them has been crowned with success, having been in the same establishment for 22 years, when her gracious Majesty was Princess Royal. It is now her sincere wish to retire into a state of privacy, where the kindness of friends will ever be impressed on a grateful memory. Should this meet the ey e o f an enterprising- and industrious party looking for a genuine and steady business, and who would carry it on for the remainder of the term (18 years) in the re spectable manner which it has ever been her pride, without 8 1 3 0 t or blemish, she will be happy to resign it. Trusting none but principals will apply, first by letter, which will be answered before an interview. MR. ALBERT SMITH'S CHINA TO-NIGHT ; Feb. 6, at 8 o'clock. —Egyptian Hall, Piccadilly. THE SIXTH EXHIBITION of the PHOTO GRAPHIC SOCIETY is NOW OPEN, at the Gallery of the till 5. Society of British Artists, Suffolk-street. Daily from 10 LONDON CRYSTAL PALACE, REGENT CRCUS, OXFORD-STREET and GREAT PORT LANDISTREET. T his magnificent building is NOW OPEN to the public, for the SALE of all kinds of USEFUL and FANCY ARTICLES. The Photographic Establishment, Aviary, Conservatory, se e v n e e r r a_ a l l d ß emp e ara f , reshment Room, and Ladies' Private Refresh - Roo ma R r Tit e h n i t t s e . tiring Room attached, arc replete in their ADMISSION FREE. I) R. KAHN'S ANATOMICAL MUSEUM, market). TICHBOURNE-STREET (Opposite the Hay- Open daily (for Gentlemen only). ILeECTUItES at Four and Eight o'clock, on important and ./ILrestinz topics in connection with ANATOIY, PHY -I"l4°V-Y, and PATHOLOGY (vide Programmes). Admission ONE SHILLING. s alt KAHN'S NINE LECTURES ON TIIE PHILO ii'rLY OF MARRIAGE, &c., sent post free, direct from the uthor, on the receipt of twelve stamps. ARGYLL-ROOMS, Windmill-street, Piccadilly. These popular and celebrated rooms are open every t l rj. la, with R. R. Bignell's Grand Orchestra, co , nducted I T --"*". great composer, Mons. Antony Lamotte of Paris. , Charles Hall. Mons. Boulcourt, the celebrated cornet a-Piston player, performs nightly, with other talented !Sates. Selections from Rigoletto, Il Trovatore, La Traviata, itVgnenots, Robert le Diable, and the new opera Martha. anager, R. R. Bignell. Doors open at half-past 8, close ten minutes before 12. Admission, is. to Promenade. N: l 3. —All applications for the above, band for Concerts and , a Ils, to be - made to Mr. William Price, treasurer, at the Rooms. OWES AND . CUSHING'S GREAT PALACE UNITED STATES CIRCUS . —Th e ALHAMBRA , Leicester-square. The Morning* Performances are particularly recommended, as the Pantomime can be seen with the same effect as at night. Sprites of the Silver Shower. ELLA, the wonder of the world.—The celebrated horse, Cruiser," will be exhibited, as tamed by Mr. Rarey.— Black Eagle," the h orse o f b eauty. — T h e e d uca t e d mu l es, TIIEPete " and "Bar ne y ." - T he Comic Pantom i me, ent i t l e d each and OF BAGDAD, re p resen t e d i n the circle at performance. _ Pi, ls.•, Boxes, 2s. ; Rese rve d S ea t s, 3 5.; St a lls, 5 5 . ; Private Gallery, -oxes 6d £2 2s. Children under Nine years of age, half-price. Two Performances Daily at two and half-past seven p.m. RHYMNEY RAILWAY. Notice is Hereby b .._ Given, That the next ORDINARY HALF-YEARLY ex,ETING of the Proprietors of the Rhymney Railway Company will be held at the Offices of the Company, No. 2§,, ,norge-street, Westminster, London, on MONDAI, e wenty-Ei precisely, of February, inst., a Two o'clock in Business !Ifternoon for the transaction of the General _ of the Company. The Books for the Registration ,Transfers will be closed on Saturday, the 19th day of eor uky instant, until after the Meeting. 111137n1 Fliebeaayil By Order, JOHN B. SHAND, Secretary. s w t a h y , , I C Bs a 9 r . d ff, 11ANK O F D E P O S I T, Established A.D. 1814, 3 , PALL MALL EAST, LONDON. Capital Stock, £lOO,OOO. in Par ties desirous of investing money are requested to ex ....ne the Plan of the Rank of Deposit, by which a high rate terest may be obtained with ample security. ....,42,ePosits made by special agreement may be withdrawn Tout notice. I nterest is payable in January and July, PETER MORRISON, Managing Director. rums for opening accounts sent free on application. t E hi stlep p EAN AND AMERICAN STEAM PING COMPANY (Limited).—The Directors of 'solv e d , Pany (having, under the powers vested in them, ree bemus:Lm order to pay off and consolidate their present d - th e a lV,lnd mortgage debt, to raise the sum of .E 160,000 as on tem. r ebruary, by new debentures, at the rate of 7 per th e g t ' . annum, payable half-yearly, and to be secured as ships, an d only charge upon their splendid fleet of eight Viz h-xceeding Jason each, making a total of 19,022 tons, caieutte Indiana, Argo Hydaspes, Queen of the South, zh aa a, Golden Fleece, and 'Lady Jocelyn, which were . pnr co_ed, at a low rate, from the General Screw Steam Shipping of 2 4 P m anY, and have cost including outfit and repairs, upwards be e e - a - s t° oo , ). Hereby Give e Notice,' That as about XBO,OOO may no mered as already subscribed to this time, they arc . for Prepared to receive APPLICATIONS from the Public ine s s thLTEW DEBENTURES to the extent of the remain bel'n....—"muu, which will be issued for sums of £5O, £lOO, £5OO, , vvy each, and for fixed periods of one, two, three, or five ears, with an extra bonus of six months' interest if paid off , the taking t -nnipany before the period so fixed by the parties r hem. heirinted particulars and printed forms of application, and a byset other information, may be had by applying to the re tarY either personally, at the offices of the Company, or letter.' 11, ..._ Ring William -street, London, E.C., Jan. 28, 1859. • *UNITED KINGDOM LIFE ASSURANCE COM ['ANY, No. 8, Waterloo-place, Pall-mall, London, S.W. s The Funds or Property of the Company as at 31st Decem oer, 1857, amounted to £617,801, invested in Government or Other approved securities. Annual Income, upwards of £lll,OOO from premiums alone. C RAIRMAN.—The Hon. FRANCIS SCOTT, M.P. 4PEPUTY CUAIRMAN.—CHARLES BERWICK CURTIS,Esq. thIe"ALID MlTS.—Persons not in sound health may have ir lives insured at equitable rates. ,fili lf C of eOMIODATION IN PAYMENT OF PREMIUM.—OnI one- requithe Annual Premium, when the insurance is f o r life, res to be paid for the first five years, simple interest be tg charged on the balance. Such arrangement is equivalent .`,°,,su immediate advance of 50 per cent. upon the annual pre WaT.lll, without the borrower having recourse to the unplea raneces.sity of procuring sureties, or assigning and thereby .. 4 .!_ung with his Policy, during the currency of the Loan, b'ireenstective of the great attendant expenses in such arrange- The ,- 4 g ,, k'uve mode of insurance has been found most advan tran us when Policies have been required to cover monetary prese nt Sactionss or when incomes applicable for Insurance are at inatit r equ e ir nt limited, as it only necessitates half the outlay formerly ri tie°sA. bY other Companies before the present system was uted bi this Office. re granted likewise on real and personal Secu- F caotionn rr of P roposals and every information afforded on ap to the Residnt Director, 8, Waterloo-e place, Pall-mall, London, S.W. - 15 y order, E. LENNOX BOYD, Resident Director. G-UARDIAN FIRE A] CO3ll No. 11, Lombard-s 1 DIREC HENRY HULSE BEI JOHN G. HUBBARD, John Dixon, Esq. c Hart Dyke, Esq. Sir Ilr. 3L T. Farquhar, Bart., 'sir Walter R. Farq u h ar, B ar t . Thoms on Joh Hankey, Esq., ALF' John L och, oh . n Laboucn HarveY, Esqhere, Esq. Esq. Stewart 31arjoribanks, Esq. ND LIFE ASSURANCE 'ANY, treet, London, E.C. ;TORS. ZEN'S, Esq., Chairman. Esq., Deputy-Chairman. John Martin, Esq., M.P. Rowland Mitchell, Esq. James Morris, Esq. Henry Norman, Esq. Henry R. Reynolds, Esq. Sir Godfrey J. Thomas, Bart. John Thornton, Esq. James Tulloch, Esq. Henry Yigne, Esq, Lem AUDITQRS. we Loyd, E sq. I Henry Sykes Thornton, Esq. Thomas T John Henry Smith, Esq. alleraach, Esq., Secretary.—Samuel Brown, Esq., Actuary. - `'TT A DE PARTMENT.--UNDER TILE PROVISIONS OF AN surers or P ARLIAMENT, this Company now offers to future I n - Four -fifths of the Profits, with Quinquennial Division, )1 ‘,.., 4 ' LOW Rate of Premium without participation of Profits. he next division of Profits will be declared in June, 1860, It'hea all Participating Policies which shall have subsisted at least one year at Christmas, 1859, will be allowed to share in the Profits. TotAt the Five Divisions of Profits made by this Company, the al Reversionary B onuses added to tVe Policies have ceeded £913,000. At the last valuation, at Christmas, 1854, the Assurances in force atnouted to upwards of £4,210,000, the Income from the Life Branch in 18M was more than £200,000, and the Life As surance Fund (independent of the Guarantee Capital) exceeded £1,700000. FOREIGN RISKS.—The Extra Premiums required for the East and West Indies, the British Colonies, and the northern parts or the United States of America, have been materially reduced. b ealt INVALID LlES.—Persons wo are not in such sound has would enable them to insure h their Lives at the Tabular Premiums, may have their Live s i nsure d at Extra Premiums. LOANS granted on Life Policies to the extent of their ' ra lues, provided such Policies shall have been effected a suffi cient time to have attained in each case a value not under £5O. ASSIGNMENTS OF POLICIES. —Written Notices of re ceived and registered. MEDICAL FEES paid by the Company, and no charge Will be made for Policy Stamps. ' yel F IRE DEPARTMENT.—lnsurances are e ff ec t e d upon l description of property at moderate rates. Losses caused by Explosion of Gas are admitted by this `4olllPany. ON M EDICAL GALVANISM IN THE TREATMENT OF N ERVOUS DEBILITY, ORGANIC WEAKNESS, &c. SJust published, price ls„-post free, 13 stamps, E LF - PRESERVATION : A Medical Treatise vir EA ". NERVOUS DEBILITY and FUN t c he T T I N ON FI A R L . 1,-,,,,,ANESS, more particularly in reference 9_ MITI and DISORDERS of the GENERATIVE SYSTEM; "c'o the Origin of these distressing, afflictions - to causes which'afrovitiate the very fountains of Life and prematurely. de w the vigour of Manhood. With Practical Observations on the Cure of these Diseases, and on the extraordinary re stive power of LOCAL GALVANISMin Spermatorrhcea, I mpotence, and Ste r ilit y, i n which cases it is applied without Pain or danger and is frequently successful without the aid • of medicine. BY SAMUEL LA'MERT, M.D., 37, BEDFORD SQUARE, LONDON, Registered Licentiate of the London Society of Apothecaries, Doctor of Medicine of the University of Erlangen, Honorary Member of the London Hospital Medical Society. &c. An erroneous impressi on ex i sts that public announcements on these disorders emanate only from unqualified persons, but as the new Medical Act provides that none but registered tAtiltiouteltAsehdaellanasresuanrcti4auccy!ii,c,ol,2tanilvdtlieetn(lteci,atia).lioose that are bfipor Y tate in cases where secrec i d n skill are equally requisite. In the new edition of Self-Preservation,' facts of para- Mount utility are brought together—facts appealing to the Prudence of all who are suffering from affections which in volve the enfeeblement and ultimate loss of those powers Vwithout which man forfeits the dignity of nature, and sinks to ie most pitiable depths of physical and moral degradatin. cases where the vital essences have been weakened by the mi-oences of tropical climates, by pernicious habits, indiscri nate excesses, improper diet, hardship, or by ini u di c i ous ea tment, the means of cure adopted by the author, in con- Junction with the application of Local Galvanism, have gone re Y been fo un d successful, even i n cases w h ere recovery had Ta Pronounced impossible. üblished by the Author, price Is., or free by post for thir- Leen stamps, aud may be had of Allen, Warwick-lane, Pater- I9:ter-row, London ; Westmacott, chemist, Market-street, :;sar uc hester ; Guest, Bull-street, Birmingham; Baraclough, f,Zate, Sheffield ; Rayner, Righ-street, Southampton ; W. Pvee, Enoch -square, Glasgow ; H. Powell, Westmoreland ?,Lr._et,fDliblin, or from Two,, who may be coßsulted rom Eleven till and from Six tikEight, at his 37 ' liecift ' ll i f luare, LtlldC2l ; [ADVERTISEMENT.] SIGHT AND HEARING. SPEc• TACLES:—POWERFUL TELESCOPES.—OPERA, RACE, AND PERSPECTIVE GLASSES. —Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, opticians, 39, Albermarle-Streot, Piccadilly. Observe— opposite the York Hotel, W.—Opera, Race-course, Field, and general Out-door Day and Night Perspective Glasses, very small, for the waistco a t p oc k e t, eac h con t a i n i ng 12 an d 18 lenses, constructed of German glass. Will show dis tinctly a person to know them at two-and-a-half and three miles, and an object from eight to ten miles distant. Her Majesty's Coast Guards are making use of them as day and night glasses in preference to all others ; they are also pre ferred for deer-stalking by sportsmen, gentlemen, and gamekeepers. Telescopes 31 inches long, by which a per son may be clearly seen and known at 31 miles' and an object at 12 to 14 miles' distance; and with an extra astro nomical eye-piece, Jupiter's moons, Saturn's rings, and the double stars are distinctly seen. All the above can be had of larger and all sizes, with increasing powers , and are secured by her M a j es ty' s R oyal Letters Pa, tent. The Royal Exhibition, 1851. A valuabl e , newly invented, very small, powerful Waistcoat-pocket Glass, the size of a walnut, by which a person can be seen and known one and a half mile distant. They answer every purpose on tilt: Race-course an d a t the Opera houses. Country scenery and ships are clearly seen at four to six miles. They are invaluable for shooting, deer-stalking yachting, to sportsmen, gentlemen, game- Price 30s.—Spectaclo Lenses of the transparentlosts.power. The great advanta ge . derived and very aged persons are minute occupation s an in d vention is, that vision becoming impaired is preserved and strengthened, from k g r e e e a l Te t i. s s h i i —can see with those lenses . n e s u s enabled to employ their sight at the m m o u s o t h m dangerous effects of further powerful t of the world by send power, and they do not require thfreqasuseinsttanchcaeugeps Persona o so th n e s can be suited at the most remote par in sta g tin ote t o h f e th di e s g tan las o s e es fr o o t of m th otheeyierastpecheytaoanclesreinadaalmetaltel r, printand with it, and th ose w h o h ave no t made use of spectacles by statingtheirage. Deafness.—New Discovery.—The . Org td e Vibrator, an ext raor di nar ily powerful small newly- i nven t e d instrument for Deafness, entirely different from all others, surpasses anything of the kind that has been, or probably ever can be, produced. Being of the same colour as the skin, is not perceptible. It enables deaf persons to hear distinctly at ch urc h and at public assemblies ; the unplea sant sensation of singing noises in the ears is entirely re • moved, and it affords all the assistance that possibly could be desired.-39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Observe— oppositetheYuk Hotel, w, -_____._ R I C4_ll - T By GERALDINE E. JEWSBURY, " This story is very interesting and fresh. Once taken up, it will not be laid down. We may quarrel with it, but we must read it."—Athenmum. " It is replete with exciting interest."—Sun. Hurst and Blackett, Publishers, successors to H. Colburn Now ready, price is., • REFORM - LOOK BEFORE YOU LEAP, " I was well ;—I would be better—and here I lie." 'James liidgway, Piccadilly, and all Booksellers. CITY PRESS (The) is a source of reli a bl e information on the Laws, Customs, Usages, Rights, and Privileges, Courts, Churches, Charities, Clubs, Parochial Boards, Places, and People of the City. Published Weekly, One Penny, post free 2 stamps. Office, 117 to 119, Aldersgate street, London. lIEFORM MAP.-STANFORD'S NEW MAP of the PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS and BOROUGHS of ENGLAND and WALES ; showing the actual Boundaries of the Boroughs, and distinguishing the Unrepresented Towns having above 8,000 inhabitants ; the Direct Taxes, Population, Inhabited Houses, and Parliamen tary Voters of each Constituency, are also enumerated ; and the present Number of Members of Parliament compared with the alterations proposed by Lord John Russell, M.P., and Sir James Graham, Bart., M.P., in 1854; by Mr. John Bright, M.P., and by "The Times' Correspondent," in 1859. Price Bs. in sheets ; 10s. 6d. mounted in case ; 14s. on rollers varnished. London : Edward Stanford, 6, Charing-cross. S.W. NEW WORK ON STRICTURE. Just published, Svo, in cloth, price 55., by post free, ss. 6d., THE TREATMENT of STRICTURES of the -I- URETHRA. With the Reasons why they so often appear Incurable. By F. B. COURTENAT, BI.R C.S.E., And formerly Surgeon to the Metropolitan Infirmary for the Cure - of Strictures of the Urethra. " This work is the production of a surgeon whose special attention has been directed, through a long professional life, to the treatment of strictures of the urethra. The cases which Mr. Courtenay has given supply ample evidenoe of his great discriminative power in the diagnosis of the various kinds of stricture, and of the scientific principles upon which their management is founded, demonstrating his success and explaining the cause of it. By his systematic management an immense mitigation of pain to the unhappy sufferers is attained, and future mischief prevented. The work we can most unreservedly and confidently recommend as a valuable contribution, both to the general and professional reader, and ought to be found in the private study of all who are subject to stricture."—Medical Circular, Dec. Ist, 18.58. London: H. BaiMere, 219, Regent-street. FEIST'S RACING RECORD for 1858, with Nominations for 18.59, is now published. W. Wright, Fulwood's Rents, Holborn, London. OINOPOLION TAVERN AND HOTEL FOR GENTLEMEN, Nos. 1, and 2, Brownlow-street, High-Holborn. The Best Served Dinner in London for ls. 6d. A Succession of Joints, &c., from One till Seven o'Clock. Henekeys, Abbott, and Co.'s Wines and Spirits. Private and Smoking Rooms. WHO WILL PAY THE _ CHINESE INDEMNITY ? Why, the English themselves. An export duty is to be levied, and then not even the East India Tea Company will be able, as they now are, to sell 61b. of Black, Green, or Mixed Tea, at is. 10d. per lb., and Coffee, in the Berry, at 10d.--Warehouse, 9, Great St. Helen's-church yard, City. ORNAMENTS for the Drawing-room, Library. and Dining-room, consisting of a new and elegant assortment bf VASES, Figures, Groups, Candlesticks, Obe lisks, Inkstands, beautiful inlaid Tables, Paperweights, &c., in Italian Alabaster, Marble, Bronze, Derbyshire Spar. &c. Imported and manufactured by JAMES TENNANT, Mine ralogist to her Majesty, 149, Strand, London. Mr. Tennant arranges elementary collections of SHELLS, MINERALS, and FOSSILS, which will greatly facilitate the interesting study of MINERALOGY, CONCHOLOGY, and GEOLOGY, at 2,5, 10, 20, 50, to 100 guineas each. PRACTICAL INSTRUCTION in GEOLOGY and MINE RALOGY is given by Mr. TENNANT, at 149, Strand. GLENFIELD PATENT S'T'ARCH, USED IN THE ROYAL LAUNDRY, AND PRONOUNCED BY nER MAJESTY'S LAUNDRESS to be THE FINEST STARCH SHE EVER USED. WHEN YOU ASK FOR GLENFIELD PATENT STARCH, SEE TEAT YOU GET IT, As inferior kinds are often substituted. Sold by all Chandlers, Grocers, &C., &C. WOTHERSPOON & CO.; GLASGOW AND LONDON. BOARD AND RESIDENCE. A Superior Home is offered to a Gentleman of steady habits, en gaged during the day, by a family residing near Regent's- Park. For a young man coming to London for the first time Otis would be found a desirable residence. Terms moderate. References to be exchanged. Address, J. P., Wright's Dairy, Granby-street, Hampstead-road, N.W. THORLEY'S FOOD FOR CATTLE.—Every person having an interest in domestic or farm animals should obtain a supply of this celebrated and economical food, which will prove invaluable during the approaching. season. For keeping horses in good condition it is unequal led. Pigs fatten with surprising rapidity upon it, and their flesh increases in flavour and value. Cowkeepers will find great advantage in the increased quantity and improved qua lity of the milk during its use. All animals are benefitted by it. A pamphlet on this interesting subject, accompanied by Testimonials from the principal Nobility, Gentry, and Agri culturists, forwarded on application. In casks containing 448 feeds (measures enclosed), price 508., carriage paid to any Railway Station in the United Kingdom. Post-office orders payable to Joseph Thorley, 77, Newgate-street, London. N.B.—The public arecautioned against being imposed upon by worthless imitations. SELF-CURE-AMERICAN TREATMENT. TO THE NERVOUS AND DEBILITATED. CHARLES WATSON, F.R.A.S., Member of the Re formed Medical College, U.S. ; the Society of Medicine, Rouen ; the National Academy of Sciences, Paris ; also Fel low and Honorary Vice-President of the Imperial African Institute of France, 27, Alfred-place, Bedford-square, Lon don, continues to issue, on receipt of six stamps, " THE GUIDE TO SELF-CURE." " Those about entering the Marriage State should peruse Dr. Watson's invaluable little work, as the advice he gives on health and disease reflects much credit upon him as a sound medical philosopher."—Critie. _ _ . " The true Giide to those who desire a speedy and private cure."—University Magazine. " The NEW AMERICAN DISCOVERY' demonstrates the absurdity of the English mode of treating such com plaints, will prove a blessing to the afflicted, who may safely and easily regain pristine health by adopting the means pre sented."—Evening Sun. For Qualification, vide " Diplomas," and the " London Medical Directory." ON PTIVSTC A L DISQUALIFICAT lO,INS, GENERATIVE INCAPACITY, AND IMPEDIMENTS TO MARRIAGE. New and improved Edition, enlarged to 196 pages, illustrated by 100 Anatomical Coloured Engravings on Steel, just pub lished, price, free by post, is. THE SILENT FRIEND : A Medical Work on the physical exhaustion and decay of the frame, from the effects of solitary indulgence, infection, and the injurious consequences from the use of Mercury: with observations on the obligations of marriage, and directions for obviating cer tain disqualifications. By It. and L. PERRY and Co.; Sur geons. Consultations as usual (see page 197). Sold by J. Allen, 20, Warwick-lane, Paternoster-row; Sang•er, 160, Oxford street; and Gordon, 146, Leadenhall-street, London. The CORDIAL BALM of SYRIACUM is employed in both sexes to renovate the impaired powers of life. Its action is purely balsamic: its power in reinvigorating the frame in all cases of nervous and sexual debility, obstinate gleets, impo tency, barrenness, anddebilities arising from venereal excesses, has been demonstrated by its unvarying sucess in thousands of cases. Price 11s. per bottle, or four quantities in 'one for 335., which saves Ils. The CONCENTRATED DETERSIVE ESSENCE, an anti-syphilitic remedy, for purifying the system, and is recom mended for any of the varied forms of secondary symptoms, such as eruptions on the skin, blotches on the head and face, en largements of the throat, tonsils, and uvula; threatened destruction of the nose, palate, &c. Its action is purely deter sive, and its beneficial influence on the system is undeniable. Price lls. and 335. per bottle, also a saving of lls. PERRY'S PURIFYING SPECIFIC PILLS constitute an effectual remedy in either sex forall cases of gonorrhoea, gleet, stricture, and diseases of the urinary organs. Price 2s. 9d., 4s. Gd., and lls. per box. Sol by Daniel Church, 78, Gracechurch-street, City ; Bart ley-Hooper, 43, King William-street (four doors from Lon don - bridge) ; G. P. Watts, 17, Strand ; W. Sutton and Co., 10, Bow churchyard ; W. Edwards, 67, St. Panl's-churchyafd ; J. Sanger, 150, Oxford Street ; Hannay and Dietrichsen, 63. Oxford-street ; Butler and Harding . , 4, Cheapside ' • Prout and Harsant, 229 Strand, and all medical vendors throughout the United Kingdom No. 20,788. PUBLICATIONS. BUSS JEWSBURY'S NEW NOVEL. Nowready, at all the Libraries, in 2 vols., 215., O R 1~~~~ •-• "I \ , 4 4" '• .4 , l** % 044 4 vito 4 , , (1111 • # '? Y Ilk (16 ".• Pia - 6 \ -- .0.31 •;/. , 40 -‘ 6 4 44 j r - „ t • ~,hy • \-, -.10 , • - - *•• •- . pr, 0 R Off. Oge 41 /4 / • '''` //_ PRICE 4 D . STAMPED, SD. institutions or with the principles adopted by his Imperial and Royal Majesty for the internal government of his Italian provinces.' It is impossible to render morp apparent the hand of Austria. Evidently under such a stipulation it may be said that it rules at Naples as at Milan. But will King Ferdinand, who in 1847 freed himself from that d om i na ti on, always feel himself protected by it? If it is permitted to be lieve that he feels the humiliation as well as the embarrass ment of it, and that he would be happy to lend a hand to an organisation which, without prejudicing the prerogatives of which he is so jealous, would permit him to bb an Italian prince, and to win back the sympathies of the intelligent men from; whom he cannot remain divorced the whole of his reign. "At Florence the Grand Duke Leopold has seen eclipsed the brilliant popularity which encircled him before 1848, and the fruits of which he gathered in his spontaneous re storation to the throne. Between him and his people stand the bayonets of Austria. Austrian domination presses on Tuscany as on Naples. There is also a contract which confirms it. A treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, between the Emperor of Austria and the Grand Duke of Tuscany delivers this part of Italy to the powerful hand which reaches over her in the north, as in the centre and the south. In order that this situation should cease, that Florence should again become Italian, as in the times of the Medici, and that her Princes should recover their popula rity, a national Government and an Italian army are as much needed in Tuscany as in the Roman States. "At Parma the Grand Duchess has resisted better than elsewhere the influence of Austria, which she has not per mitted up to the present to have a garrison in her States. It is a good example ; and it is worthy of remark, that this inspiration of patriotism should emanate from the heart of a woman. But the Duchess of Parma, like all the Sove reigns of Central Italy, is bound by treaties and by policy ; she belongs to Austria, and until Italy recover now life she cannot withdraw herself from that yoke. "As to the DIA° of Modena, he is the admitted Lieu tenant of Austria ; he has the frankness of his situation. In 1847 he did not hesitate to call upon the Austrians to combat, not the revolution, which had not yet raised its head, but the national movement of which Pius IX. was' the chief. I have behind the Po,' he wrote some time previous, a reserve of 300,000 men.' The 24th of Decem ber, 1847, he signed a treaty of alliance with the Cabinet of Vienna, and by the 11th article of that treaty he granted to the Emperor the right of marching the Imperial troops on the territory of - Modena, of garrisoning lns forts with them every time the interest of the common defence and military precautions should require it. This alliance did not hinder him from quitting Modena on the 21st of March, 1848, after having instituted a regency, charged with granting reforms which might be judged useful, and giving to the Duchy a representative statute on the basis of that of Piedmont. It is thus that at Modena, as in all the States of Italy where it is established, Austrian domination keeps up the revolutionary element, which can only be dominated and annihilated by the national element. " Such is the actual state of the Peninsula ; at Rome antagonism between the Ecclesiastical Government and the interests of civil society, isolation of the Sovereign in the very midst of the respect which surrounds the Pontiff; French occupation indefinite ; at Turin, excitement of the national feeling that may lead to war, and rupture with Rome that may end in schism ; at Milan, universal protest on the part of nationality, beaten down but still living, against the sovereigntyy. of Austria ; at Naples, at Parma, at Florence, at Modena—in every place where Austria governs by her treaties, by her counsels, which are commands, and by her garrisons ; revolt of the Italian feeling, capable of degenerating into revolution ; in a word, an Italy where the greatest recollections of history are effaced or blasted by the greatest misfortunes, where the most essential interests of society, religion, order, independence of people, authority of princes, are endangered or lost, and where rise up as a reproach, and as a permanent danger for Europe and its civilisation, sufferings to which humanity and policy cannot remain indifferent;—such is the picture presented to our view on the other side of the Alps. In producing it here, in its melancholy truth, we accuse no one • we wish only that opinion shall decide, with a complete knowledge of affairs, not if such a situation is just, but if it is possible. " IX. " At the Congress of Paris i'rance and England perfectly agreed that it was advisable to make Naples and Vienna hearken to good advice. That desire, which found nothing but sympathy in the assembly of the Plenipotentiaries, be came the point de depart of a negotiation which required, as the first condition of success, the co-operation of Austria. Rome was first taken into consideration. Tho Cabinet of Vienna and that of the Tuileries mutually explained their views on this grave subject, and both endeavoured to come to an understanding to propose to the Pope a plan of reforms the urgency and necessity of which were contested by no one. " The Emperor's Government wished clearly to define its principles in this plan, which may be thus intimated : " Secularisation of the administrative power by the for mation of a Council of State, consisting of laymen, charged to examine and discuss the laws; . _ _ "Representation of all the interests of the country in a Consultum elected directly by the provincial councils, or at least selected by the Pope from a list of candidates pre sented by those councils and called upon to deliberate on all the laws, and to vote the Budget ; " An efficacious control over local expenses by provincial councils, receiving their mission from the municipal coun cils, which themselves are nominated by electors, conform ably to the edict of the 24th of November, 1850 ; " Judicial reform, by the promulgation of a code of laws on the plan of the ' Code Napoleon,' or the Code Lom bardo-Venetian,' or that of Naples ; " A regular levying of taxes, according to the system adopted in France ; "Finally, reconciliation of all classes and all opinions by the enlightened and paternal exercise of clemency towards all those willing to snake respectful submission to the Sove • reign Pontiff. " Such were the bases of the project sent from Paris to Vienna in the month of .Itine, 1857. The Austrian Govern ment made immense modifications, and submitted, in return, a counter-project where all guarantees of control proposed by France had nearly disappeared. " Under the circumstances, France thought, with reason, that it was better not to do anything than to join Austria in blowing soap bubbles and deceiving the expectations of the populations by sham reforms, when what they essentially required were serious improvements. "By refusing her co-operation to serious reforms, after having frankly admitted their principle, we admit that Austria obeyed a political sentiment, which we cannot blame, but cannot acknowledge. Not being able to make reforms in her Italian provinces, she cannot allow them to be made in other parts of Italy. She fully understood this in 1815, when she forbade the King of Naples by the secret article of the treaty already quoted to introduce reforms which could not be reconciled with tho principles she had adopted in the internal arrangement of her Italian provinces. M. de Metternich, with that keen glance which was peculiar to him, thus laid down the principle of the situation which has since arisen and which henceforth can deceive no one. "To ask Austria to exercise a milder and more liberal rule in Lombardy would be simply to ask her to commit suicide. It is evident she cannot maintain her rule in Upper Italy, except by the strong hand ; every atom of liberty conceded by her to that conquered country would be made use of as a weapon towards enfranchisement. But this is not all, and this was well understood by M. de Met ternich in 1815. Place the Roman States, Naples and Tuscany, under a better system of government, and the first effect of this change would necessarily be to create a bond between those States and Lombardy the pressure of which would immediately be felt by Austria. "Thus Austria would not be menaced only by the re forms she might introduce into her own provinces, but also by those introduced into these independent States. ' She is condemned to oppose a firm resistance to every innovation ; immobility is the absolute condition of her power. It is, therefore, impossible to obtain her co-opera tion, and without that nothing can be done at Rome, at Naples, in the Duchies, wherever her power is feared and her impulsions obeyed. We must therefore come to the sad conclusion that the wishes of the Congress of Paris for the improvement of the government of the Peninsula are sterile, and that the negotiations in which France took the initiative consequent upon the Congress are powerless. At least, these negotiations without a result will testify to the sincere desire which animated the Emperor's Government to remedy a state of things prejudicial to the quiet of Europe and to the interests of civilisation. "Between the impossibility of a reform and the immi nent dangers of a status quo what doe s there remain tor Italy ? How will she get out of the dilemma "Will it be by the desperate resource of a revolution ? This means would not only be dangerous—it would be of no avail. Let us demonstrat e it once for all "Enthusiastic revolutionists of eveed wi every country their untryhave common passions and illusions. nf, tu n a . t r b a e l Iy e e s r at u t a b i s u t i t t i u e s t e . heir r u s ideas ,afnor s t r angers to realities, they tastic ideas for more a pp re T a instance they have long fancied, and still fancy, that there is nothing so easyas to arouse Italy and drive the Austrians beyond the Alps. This betrays more ignorance than pre sumption. The slightest knowledge of strategical positions would convince any man. We maintain, without fear of denial by any competent authority, that if all Italy were to rise from the Gulf of Taranto to the Alps the Austrian army might certainly suffer partial losses, but, in the long run, would be always able again to make herself mistress of the Italian peninsula. "In fact, revolutions produce enthusiasts, but seldom practised warriors, or a solid military organisation, or that immense materiel requisite to struggle with a great Power like Austria. Italy alone could not defend her indepen dence, unless capable of bringing 200,000 disciplined men into the field, of which 20,000 should be cavalry, 500 field pieces, and 200 siege guns, which implies at least 50,000 draught horses. This simple statement shows that it would require at least 10 years of a strong and energetic Government to produce such a military power. " It must also be admitted that nature has done much to protect Austrian domination in Italy, and what nature has done has been strengthened and increased by the hand of man. Upper Italy is a large plain, bordered on the north by the Alps, on the south by the Appenines, on 'the east and west by the sea. That plain is traversed by large and deep rivers, as the Ticino, the Po, the Adda, the Mincio, the Adige, the Brenta, the Piave, the Livenza, the Tagliamento. All these rivers offer admirable lines of defence to Austria, who has covered the chief passages by forts which art has rendered almost impregnable. " Let us even suppose that by most extraordinary cir cumstances an Italian army should have arrived triumph antly as far as the Adige, and that the insurrection should have spread through the flat country. Let us even suppose-- what is scarcely probable—that fortresses like Pavia, Pla centia, Ferrara, Brescia, Bret - sera, Pizzighitone, pcschiera,u Mantua, Milan, Laveno, la Rocca d'Anzo, Prag Venice, Osppo, Palma Nuova, should have fallenhie into the hands of the victor. Well the game would n u ot d the Al i ps Austria ;for, if Italy is her battle-field, Tyrol of Carinthia are real fortresses, of which -Veroana, and an outpost with its immense fortifications, is a retrenched camp, capable of holding 50,000 men. " Well I Let us suppose Austriaatiyvetno enjcukytoittshme 0 A en; she may allow the whole Italian wa i y un w sp h ru ich ck 7 s n he from can from tart' triumph. With her linevsio ar enu f r et ail u Verona to Trieste , and an d by the new routes sh e ha s traced forward fresh arm ies, out which lead to th e Alps, eithe r b y Bassano, or Vicenz a , or Verona, or Lake Idra, or Lake Iseo , or the Lake of Como, she can fall suddenly upon the fla nks and rear of the e nemy, t off all his com munications, and throw him back in the twinwing of an eye beyond the Po, re p eatin g t he victorious anoeuire of Marshal Radetzki in 1848 . n 6, From these facts a military man will at once ad m it that WRONG THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 5, 1859. "NAPOLEON M. AND ITALY." The following is a full translation of the import ant pamphlet thus entitled, of which a portion appeared in our edition of yesterday. This pamphlet, probably put forth with a view to conciliate the extreme Italian revolutionary party, will probably excite much interest from the belief that it was composed under the immediate inspiration of the Emperor, and that much of it is actually from his own band : " I. " With the earnest pre-occupations of the public mind before us, every one will think with us that the question of Italy is one of those which it is as impossible to lull as to stifle. The most prudent way, then, is to study it, to mature it, to calm it by means of an impartial and sympathetic ex amination, in place of irritating it by disdain, or keeping it apart in obscurity by silence. This examination we have just undertaken with the sincere desire of being useful to a cause which comprises the greatest political and religious interests of Europe. _ " Italy represents in history something greater still than nationality ; she represents civilisation. It is on this privi leged soil that imperishable principles and the glorious examples which have formed men and societies have taken birth. Italy is more than a sister for other nations ; she is a mother. Her genius, her power, her institutions, her conquests, her masterpieces, and, later, her calamities, her ruin, her troubles—in a word, all in ancient or in modern times, her Consuls, her Tribunes, her historians, her Em perors, her martyrs, and her Popes, have contributed to endow her with in some sort a generative character. In policy, in war, in civil and penal legislation, in the arts, in eloquence, in poetry, as in religion, she has been the common country of all civilised States. It may be said that her influence over the world has never ceased. After having subjugated it, she enlight ened it. When her material dominion fell, her moral do mination commenced. Such is what history tells us. For Europe to forget her would be ingratitude ; for Italy to for get it would be resignation. Can we ask that sacrifice of those who have kept of their past grandeur but the pride of having justified it, and the hope of one day recovering some remnant of it ? And if we did ask it of Italy would she not have a right to answer us with those words of Tacitus in the Life of Agricola, ' We should have lost memory itself with our voice if it was in our power to forget as well as to be silent.' cc 11. " There are two elements quite distinct in the question of Italy. The revolutionary element, "which corresponds to subversive theories and violent passions, alike incompatible with order in Europe, the laws of civilization, the religious interest and political independence of the Papacy. The national element, which has its origin in the history and traditions of Italy, and which answers to all that is most imperative and most legitimate in the aspirations of the populations of the Peninsula, and in the very condition of the duration and consolidation of Governments. " Revolution would this day be but a powerless and de structive party in Italy. Isolated in Europe, whore the spirit of order happily predominates everywhere. Isolated even in Italy, where it would rouse against it conservative and religious interests, it would find support nowhere. It would be reduced to its own resources. Condemned by opinion, vanquished by force, its attempt would be merely an adventure ; it would retreat, it would succumb, it would once more saturate with blood the soil of Italy, and would only render the condition of that noble country still more melancholy. " The national element represents all that is most vital in Italy. It answers to the common hopes of the population and the Governments of the Peninsula ; far from menacing thrones, it exalts them. It opens to the Papacy an impor tant and glorious part which seduced for a moment the noble heart of Pius IX., and in 1847 it even combined is ono common feeling of patriotism the King of Sardinia and the King of Naples. Moreover, the national element finds in Europe certain sympathies, for it attaches itself to the principles of justice, which are henceforth the objects of the policy of all the Governments. It finds in them the moral support of the Anglo-French alliance formed between two great States, precisely with the object of preventing Euro pean complications, of settling the differences between na tions, and of supporting 'everywhere the cause of the law of nations and of civilisation. "England, in fact, cannot abandon Italy, for it is she, her Government, her statesmen, her tribune, her journals, that have constantly encouraged and supported her even before 1848. We remember the change effected in the policy of the last regime in consequence of the Spanish marriages. The Government of King Louis Philippe had committed the fault of sacrificing the Anglo-French Alliance to a family interest. Its isolation in Europo was the consequence of it, and as M. Thiers declared in a memorable debate, 'lt was found at the instant even dependent on Austria, and obliged to follow her inspirations in Italy and Switzerland.' At that moment what did England? Sho took the part which belonged to France; she took it oven in exaggerating it. " Lord Minto fulfilled the mission with which he had been charged by Lord Palmerston with an ardour which went beyond the mark, by exciting impatience and illusion when it was above all necessary to inspire moderation and support firmness. The promise of that protectorate of the Cabinet of London, conveyed to the Peninsula at the very moment the Cabinet of the Tuileries seemed to abdicate that which history and geography gave her, must neces sarily have overthrown our influence on the other side of the Alps ; but it should also have maintained the national impulsion which manifested itself after the accession of Pius IX., and which was so soon imperilled by the revolu tionary spirit. Italy believed no longer in France, and it was to England that she gave all her confidence. " It must be admitted that that confidence was not de ceived. England, as a maritime Power, could not take part in a continental struggle between Piedmont and Austria; but when the revolution of the 24th Feb. caused to prevail in France a policy which ought to be supposed favourable to Italian independence. England did not hesitate to de clare herself against Austrian domination. The entire policy of England on this point was summed up in a docu ment of high importance. On the 29th Oct., 1848, Lord Palmerston addressed to Lord Ponsonby, Ambassador of the Queen of Great Britain at Vienna, a despatch in which ho declares that there was no chance that Austria could keep, in a useful and permanent manner, Upper Italy, the whole of whose inhabitants are profoundly imbued with an invincible hatred to the Austrian army.' He adds, that ' it would certainly be more prudent on the part of the Aus trian Government, more useful to the real and proper force of that empire, to free the population from its domination, which they would ever consider as a yoke.' " Lord Palmerston - thinks that that yoke cannot be maintained but by a great display of force, at considerable cost, and he foresees that foreign aid ought to be implored and accorded. What would happen in such case ? Here the Cabinet of London does not leave to the Cabinet of Vienna any illusion as to the feeling of Europe and the conduct of England. We quote the words of the despatch : " Even though the war should become European by the participation of other Powers who might find themselves drawninto it, yet there is no reason to believe that the final result would leave Austria in possession of any territory beyond the Alps. But Austria must consider, moreover, that however disposed the Powers her allies and friends may be to succour her if she'was menaced in her own pro per and legitimate existence in Germany, there exists on the subject of her pretensions to impose her yoke on the Italians a feeling so universal of their injustice that this feeling might well have for effect to leave her with very little aid in case of a war such as that I have spoken of.' "Is this clear ? Is it possible, we ask, to disinterest more precisely England, and to isolate more completely Austria, by raising between her and Europe the universal sentiments of the injustice of her pretensions ? " Lord Palmerston does not even admit that, in case of war, Austria could count upon Germany. Is the Austrian Government,' he says, quite certain that even the sym pathy of Germany would follow it in its efforts to impose her yoke still more heavily on the Italian nation ?" " This doubt is net expressed lightly, and the eminent statesman accounts for it at once by a reason so politic, so evident and just, that it may be considered as decisive. The reason is, The principle of nationalities, now the rallying cry of all Germany, would it not protest loudly against Austria in such a struggle ?" " The acts of England were in accordance with her words. Her diplomacy so powerful had supported Italy in her pretensions, as it had encouraged her in Irr impulse. There was perhaps a moment of fortune for the Italian na tionality. It was that moment, too rapid, when the Pied montese, conquerors on the Adige, were masters of almost the whole of Lombardy; when Austria, dismayed at the general rising which forced her to fall back, disquieted at her reverses, and not wishing to play to the end that terrible game with the despair and heroism of a people, fearing on one hand the revolution in Germany, offered the sacrifice of the final act of the Congress of Vienna as the price of vic tory, and a concession to the re-establishment of peace. Austria proposed the independence of Lombardy, and a le parate Govermoont for Venetia, on the sole condition of her suzerainty. These .proposals were carried directly to Lon. don—they were only known in France, It was theft be lieved in London that Italy might obtain batter terms, and the English Cabinet did not use its great and legitimate authority to prevent the refusal which was made to these overtures at Milan. Tho discouragement of Austria did not last long. In the month of May, 1848, she was disposed to ocalatrhveeaiady exhausted in that unequal struggle, treat on the bases just stated. At the end of Jul,' Md. courage i g n n v a a e l c r o oanifn where°Gllltpenplehvaracalrslt‘nreeenprliiaoensd inexhaustible. yFraann coeff.er,rohfe mediation then co dviear Government =lo made ne nint p w l hi et c e h England lyunitedin -ams t the soajmoeinideanagsslanumdedanfdor Fthraeinrcest, starting g point of the new negotiations the bases which had been re jected at Milan, but Austria, victorious, declared peremp torily that she was no longer disp ose d to admit that which she bad been reduced to propos e . N evertheless, it was o d d e y knows what Tocqueville d ec ided that a congress should t a k e p l ace at Brussels, and w England hereFnee by m'assitroHbeenrryepErelsliens.tedEbvyeryMb. happened—the Congress of Brussels was a mere plan—the Anglo-French mediation could not succeed in constituting itself—the voice of cannon was heard in place of that of diplomacy. It was the cannon of Novara. Charles Albert, impatient at the adjournments, irritated by the difficulties, confident in his cause, had risked all in that glorious temerity. Italy succumbed at least nobly, and the chival rous monarch, who had dreamed its emancipation, retired, vanquished, and not humiliated, leaving his crown and his cause to his son, who ascended the throne through this field of battle, after having received 16 bullets in his coat. Since that period Italian nationality has only lived in the patriot ism and policy of Piedmont, sustained by the moral sup port of the Anglo-French alliance. The flag of Novara was hoisted in the Crimea, whore the Sardinian army had their share in the contests, the trials, and the victories of the French and English armies.- In fine, at the Congress of Paris the plenipotentiaries of the King of Sardinia came to take their scats besides those of the first Powers in Europe, and to concur with them in the regulation of the greatest interests in the world. This rank, which Sar dinia vanquished at Novara in 1849, was able to conquer in 1856, in the • midst of the great Powers, she owes no doubt to herself, but she owes it likewise to the moral and direct support of the Anglo-French alliance ; she owes it particularly—and nobody in the diplomatic re gions will deny this fact—to the persevering and marked tendency of England to aggrandise and constitute her importance. The English policy has consequently not varied since 1847 with respect to Italy. It even anticipated us; while the diplomacy of the King Louis Philippe sup ported the Austrian policy, the diplomacy of Queen Victoria encouraged the Italian policy. The influence of England did not cease to be felt for a single day during these 11 years in the affairs of the Peninsula. It is to be fouhd in the first burst of nationality which-hailed the accession of Pius IX. as well as in the efforts of independence which at a later period concentrated themselves under the'Sardinian flag. Her hand is seen in the pretensions inspired by victory, as well as in the negotiations which followed defeats. In fine, when at the Congress at Paris Count Walowski thought it his duty to call to the interior state of Italy the solicitude and attention of the plenipotentiaries assembled to settle the conditions of peace, Lord Clarendon, with that authority ac quired by his rank and his Jofty experience, energetically supported the wishes expreeed by the Minister of the Em peror of the French. It is true that since that period the di rection of tho English policy has changed hands, but the English feeling is not changed. England is a liberal nation, and her great aristocracy has maintained itself through all our social crises - and transformations only because it has always marched at the head of civilisation and progress. There is not a statesman—not a minister—not a parliament in Great Britain which could support any other cause in Italy than that of which the Queen's Government has been for the last 11 years the firm support. This cause responds to everything that England respects, to all that she has a mission to propagate throughout the world. She cannot make fault in it without belying her history and her nature. In a word, the Italian question cannot but be one of national interest for the Eiglish G-ovpmment as for the French. It is an Italian question—it cannot be anything else. It could not become French without ceasing to be European, but in re maining in its proper character it is certain to find in England the sympathies of a liberal nation and of an enlightened Go vernment. As for England, she responds to true principles to which she is bound by one of those alliances which have their foundatian in the morals of a people, and their sanction in its conscience. 44 111. " We have demonstrated the policy of England with re respect to Italy—now what is the interest of Germany in this question ? It is useless to speak of Austria, interested in maintaining a state of things favourable to her domina tion. There remains Germany, properly so called. Pope Pius IX., addressing himself to the Emperor of Austria, at the time he was maintaining against the Lombards and Venetians a contest doubly painful to the patriotism of the Italian Prince and the heart of the Pontiff, defined in these terms the duties and the mission of Germany We feel confident that the German nation, so generously proud of her own nationality, will not commit her honour in sangui nary attacks againet the Italian nation, but that she will rather believe she is interested in nobly acknowledging her for a sister, both our daughters, both so dear to our hearts, consenting to dwell each in its own natural territory, where they will live an honourable life, blessed by the Lord. Thus spoke the great soul and elevated reason of Pius IX. The spirit of concord which inspired this appeal elevated him to a political view worthy of a statesman. The Emperor Na poleon 1., in one of those glances which he sometimes cast upon the world from the top of his rock, had generalised the same idea by applying it to all nations. One of my grandest ideas,' said he, was the agglomeration, the con centration of the same geographical nations which had been divided and partitioned by revolution mid politics. Thus there are in Europe, though scattered, more than 30,000,000 French, 15,000,000 Spaniards, 15,000,000 Italians, 30,000,000 Germans. • I wished to make of each of these peoples one single body of a nation. It is with such a cortege that it would have been grand to advance to posterity and the benediction of ages. I felt myself worthy of that glory. What nation is interested more than Ger many in the respect of nationalities ? It is justly jealous of its own. Since 1815 it tends more and more to reconsti tute its unity, and we can see with what ardour it claims the Duchies of Holstein-Schleswig from Denmark. Well, German nationality bears in itself a cause of weakness, an alteration of its right and its princitde ; it is the element which is foreign to it, which changes its nature by attach ing to the great Germanic body a shred of Italian nation ality. Thus the Marquis d'Azeglio one of the most emi nent statesmen in Piedmont, was justified when some time since he expressed this reproach, Germany is endeavour ing to obtain her independence and to constitute herself into a nation, and at the same time she is casting herself on Italy to dispute with her the rights she demands for herself. In that there would be an inconsistency against which the good sense and patriotism of Germany would revolt.' In 1843 and 1849 public opinion was not mistaken on the other side of the Rhine, and the immense majority of Germans formed vows for the triumph of the Italian cause—only the repub lican character of the revolution of 1818 justly alarmed the Diet of Frankfort, and rendered the right side of that As sembly particularly circumspect in its sympathy for Italian nationality. The Germanic Confederation believed that it was menaced in its independence ' • in fine, some German officers asserted that the lino of the Mincio was in a strate gic point of view, necessary to Germany, and they had ac credited this opinion, that in any case Austria ought tokeep as a necessary cover the country comprised between that river and the Adriatic. Prussia had accepted this point of departure to propose to the Diet a species of compromise, which at least manifestedits sympathy for the Italian cause and at the same time its solicitudefor German interests. Ac cording to this plan, prepared by M. de Radowitz, Austria was tokeep the line of the Mincio as a strategic point, but the country which remained within the limits of the Austrian empire was to form part of an Italian confederation. This plan was rejected by the Diet, over which Vienna influence prevailed. In Germany, as in Italy, as everywhere, the re volutionary spirit prevailed over the national movement which had preceded or followed the burst of 1848. The Diet of Frankfort produced nothing. The Germanic Confedera tion cbtained none of the guarantees of unity and liberty of action that it sought; placed under the influence of two great Powers, it has, perhaps, no hope except in their neces sary rivalry. Both of these Powers are condemned on their side to that opposition which is the condition of their im portance. Prussia, which tends to become the head of the Germanic body, has an immense interest in keeping Austria in check. By becoming her ally she would make herself the accomplice of her own humiliation, and she would thus disown the work of the great Frederick. _ " In a word, the Italian question, reduced to a national interest, disengaged from the revolutionary element, limited and tempered in its pretensions by the moral protectorate of Europe, could have nothing menacing for Germany. Far from it. Its solution, if it was possible, would be a now force for German nationality, and a guarantee of security and' equilibrium for all the States that compose it. IV. "After having demonstrated that England was morally engaged and Germany politically interested in a national solution of the question of Italy., we must examine how this question should be characterised with respect to France. "What does France wish ? Does she wish, as under the Republic and under the first Empire, to reconstitute Europe, to impose herself on her, to change her frontier, to displace the nationalities, to depose kings, to found dynasties ? or rather does she desire simply to consolidate, to strengthen the present order in Europe, by applying her power to resolve the difficulties which may menace and endanger it ? " We believe the question to be thus precisely laid down. " The first Empire, as the Revolution, had a general ob ject in view, in presence of which the interests of nationa lity were merely secondary. Europe was leagued against principles which had just triumphed in France, and under the influence of which an immense transformation was about to be accomplished. We were condemned, for a long time perhaps, to struggle alone against all, in a double in terest of territorial and political conservatism, and of moral expansion for the benefit of other peoples. We had then to create for ourselves everywhere—on the Rhine, the Scheldt, the Pyrenees, the Alps—fortresses or advanced posts, in order to support, according to circumstances, our policy alter nately offensive or defensive. When the Emperor Napo leon I. caused hjmself to be crowned King of Italy, and proclaimed Protector of the German Confederation, be de sired rather to protect than aggrandise the French territory, which was great enough in its natural limits not to go be yond them. He thus constituted the independence at the same time as the influence of new France, and his victorious eagles carried abroad with them, not servitude but civilisa tion. " In what concerns Italy particularly the Emperor ex plained the motives of his domination over that country in one of the memorable conversations at St. Helena As for the Italians,' he said, ' the agglomeration was already far advanced. It was only to become old, and each day ripened with them the unity of principle and of legislation, that of thought and feeling, that cement secure and infal lible of human agglomerations. The union of Piedmont with France, that of Parma, Tuscany, Rome, had been only temporary in my thought, and had no other object than to watch, to guarantee, and to promote the national education of the Italians.' And let it not be said that that generous thought was in the conscience of the illustrious exile the excuse for his lost domination. It was well and truly the inspiration of his political genius, and what proves it is the official answer which he made in 1508 to M. Melzi, who headed the deputation charged with offering him the crown of Italy. - " That reply is a ray of light in this historic question. Here it is :--` I have always had the intention of creating the Italian. nationality free and independent. I accept the crown ; I Will gtorci Ai but only for the time my interests shall require it.. The campaigns of the Revolution, the conquestg Of the Efflpire, Wert thileitt int4iis, t3tt atreme resource of struggle and of propagandism, but they were 1101 4 Statein: The BittPtior did not znake Germany and Italy French but only to prepare them sahib day to lie German and Italian. Misfortunes surprised Win befoie this objeet of European tOttld be Meditiplisheti whet is most re i iarktble i 9, Mat to dive filet bddlt fittiti the other side of the Rhine and the Alps it was found necessary to excite against him the national sentiment which he understood, and which entered into his test plan es an element of gene ral pacification. It was by promising their independence to Italy and Germany that the coalition was able to rally them round its flag. " The state of- France with relation to Europe is at the dresent day quite different. The French Revolution h as one its work as to institutions, laws, and manners, and its influence is felt beyond our frontiers. The Empire, re established after more than 30 years' struggle, has gained the alliance of some of the oldest monarchies, the friendship of others, the esteem of- all. There is consequently no row), to fear that our generatioh shall see ware mom menced such as those which have cost so much blood, and gave so much glory to our fathers. " If France, who wishes peace, was forced to make war, Europe would no doubt be moved by it, but it ought not to be disquieted at it. It is not her independence which is in question. War, which fortunately is not probable, would have no other object the day when it should become neces sary than to prevent revolutions by means of the legitimate satisfaction given to the requirements of populations, and the protection and guarantee of the r e c o g n i se d principles, and of the authentic rights of their nationality. " The Emperor Napoleon I. thought himself obliged to conquer nationalities in order to free them. If ever his successor had to defend them it would be to free them with out conquering them. Thus we might repeat to Italy what M. Thiers said on the 29th January, 1848, from the tribune, and with as much reason as justice—' When, 50 years ago, we wished to possess Italy, it was a wrong, but an excus able wrong, because to possess it was to save it, and the vast empire which stretched from Rome to Hamburg was but the great reprisal for the celebrated Convention of Pilnitz. Those times are past. Italy must know that France wishes her to be independent, free, and happy.' V. " There are in France and in Europe men of good faith, who ask themselves if there is really an Italian question. It is true that this question has not been created in these recent times either by civil war or by foreign war. Must we con clude that it does not exist ? Such is not our opinion. The Italian question is created by the disquietude which it causes to Europe, by the uneasiness it keeps up, and by the false situation in which all the Governments of the-Penin sula are more or less engaged under the influence of causes at once common and various. "VI. " At Rome the Pope is under the respectful and devoted guardianship of the arms of France. That military occupa tion is at once an abnormal and a necessary fact. If it ceased to-day we should see Austria or the Revolution take our place to-morrow. The noble qualities and generous inten tions of Pius IX. seemed to reserve for him an exceptional part in the history of the Papacy. Italian patriotism is in him combined with every Christian virtue. He was worthy of regenerating_ltAy: It, was the first inspiration of his ac cession; the greatness of Rome seemed to revive for a mo ment under the figure of this Pope. Turin, Naples, Venice, Parma, and Milan thrilled with a new spirit at the signal of nationality given by the bell of the dome of St. Peter's. Unhappily, the revolution came on, which drew the popu lationr e t dheoafun4 Convincedu bdgltwhiche ibsis s i,na long,suchoe: h exile, he sit regrethtehe,causedhea enaud desired hl p na r fo i od n ft copre necessityesi safetyrcu e tesfooi havingovf Ibdre reform t failedath. was. at v ti hft b f re r a t oichs c nffi nw k eoo u 4 l i ; ed;d a n:s bo v iihfit:mage France. again ea him esc unhs se no autho rityvahoedri never will have remorse before God for having attempted it. 7 his day he bears with Christian resignation the weight of a situation which he has vainly tried to better, and the abuses of which his perfect goodness would have corrected if they could be so. • " This situation places the Pope in presence of three real difficulties, and which, we declare, expose seriously to danger, according to us, the political power bf the Papacy —a power necessary for its independence, and the grandeur of its religious mission. " The first of these difficulties is found in the adminis trative Government of the Roman States, which is but the Catholic authority applied to the interests of a temporal order. The laws of the Church are not proper for discus sion, and merit respect; they must be considered as an emanation of the Divine wisdom ; but civil society claims its legislation as religious society exacts and preserves its own. The Canon Law, inflexible as dogma, immovable amid the movement of ages, is essentially distinct from legal law, variable as are the requirements and the interests of society. It could adapt itself to the early periods of Christian civilisation when Charlemagne introduced in his Capitularies the rules and precepts of theocracy ; but tlu3 canon law cannot suffice for the protection and develop ment of modern society. " There is, nevertheless, an essential point which must never be lost sight of when the Pontifical Government is in question, namely, the necessity of respecting its twofold character, and of reconciling the regime of the Church and the regime of the Roman nation, which are exercised by the same hand. They must be reconciled without being con founded. There is the problem—a difficult one, we admit, but on the solutio n o f which depends, perhaps, the salva tion of the temporal power of the Papacy. " In fact, real abuses, independent of men, inherent in the nature of things, spring from this confusion. These abuses excite among the Roman population a spirit which would easily render them unjust and distrustful, and which is only kept in check by the presence of our soldiers. We become responsible for what we protect ; and our very oc cupation, from the fact of being prolonged in such condi tions, would be worn out, and would endanger the name and the influence of France. " Thus, in a political point of view, the absolutely cleri cal character of the Government of the Roman States is a contre-iemps an active cause of discontent, and consequently an element of weakness for the Pope himself, and a perma nent danger of revolution. "The second difficulty for the Pope is tkat which result from the national question. In this point of view his situa tion is not more defined nor less dangerous. The irritation in the Roman States is still less owing, to the absence of legal guarantees and to the clerical administration, than to the antagenisim necessarily established between the mission of the Head of the Church and that of the Pope as an Italian Prince. The cause of the Revolution of 1848 was, above all, the explosion of the national idea. It is from the Vatican that the encouragement as well as the obstacle to the nationality of Italy had to come. " The Pope supported, as Sovereign, the cause of inde pendence; as Head of the Church, ho disapproved the war, and refused to break off with Austria. I'laced between a double duty, he was reduced to sacrifice the ono to the other. He necessarily sacrificed the political to the spiritual duty. This is the condemnation, not of Pius IX., but of the sys tem ; not of the man, but of the situation, since the situa tion imposes on the man the terrible alternative of immo lating the Prince to the Pontiff, or the Pontiff to the Prince. "Finally. A third difficulty, and this not, the least seri ous, is created for the Pope by the absolute impossibility he is of forming, in actual circumstances, an Italian army. All the attempts made with this object have failed. " Thus, in a word, in what concerns Rome there are three considerable difficulties, which correspond to these urgent necessities, viz. : " 1. To reconcile the regime of the Church with a legal, political, and regular regime in the Roman States. "2. To render the Pope independent of questions of nationality, of war, of armaments, of internal and external defence. " 3. To constitute a native army, and to substitute for our occupation the pridection of an efficacious and serious Italian force. " This is a threefold necessity, which, under pain of certain and perhaps approaching disturbance, must be satis fied, in the interest of Italy, of religion, and of all the Catholic States. (Triple exigence a laquelle, sous peine de perturbation certain° et pent-etre prochaine 2 ii import do satisfaire dans r inter& de l'ltalie, de la religion, et de tons les Etats Catholiques.) "VII. " Piedmont has grown greatly in importance and in glory. She has won a place in the affairs of li'airepe, and a part in the destinies of Italy. But, in order to establish her power, as yet new, and to guarantee her security at home and abroad, her Government is bound to give satisfaction - to two interests which are in a state of suffering—national interest and religious interest. "The Italian idea is, since 1847, the moving cause and the necessary reason of all the acts of Piedmontese policy. It is the passion of King Victor Emmanuel, as it is the flag of the Cabinet presided over by Count Cavour. Now this idea has produced all that in actual circumstances it was enabled to produce with regard to military acts, prepara tion of armaments, systems of defence, and political mani festations against Austria; in this respect it could go no further without encounterinc , war. " Nevertheless, Piedmont cannot remain without great peril at the point at which it is ; it cannot have taken vainly the head of the Italian movement in order to draw back afterwards. It is absolutely necessary that means should've found of satisfying the hopes which it has excited under pain of losing all influence in Italy, and of being outstripped by the passions which its present pepultuity keeps in check. "The interests of religion suffer in Piedmont, we have said, like the national interests. It is then urgent, for many reasons, that in a Catholic country should not be pro longed a dissension with the Church of Rome, which is an encouragement to revolutionary passions, a cause of grief and an embarrassment for the conscience, and a serious danger for the Government. " The Piedmontese clergy have no hatred against repre sentative Government. In 1846 and 1847 they were nearly all in the liberal movement directed by Count Balbo and the Abbe- Gioberti. Their attitude changed when the law on civil marriage and that on ecclesiastical festivities pro duced a dissension with Rome. It is no part of our busi ness to discuss these laws; we merely obserye that all the enlightened Piedmontese deplore that state of things, and earnestly desire to see the end of them. We have too much confidence in the high intelligence of the Prime Minister of Sardinia not to be convinced that the obstacle to a recon ciliation so desirable would not be found in him. What proves it is his declaration last session on the secularisation of the property of the clergy, which he energetically re jected for profound political reasons, as he said. " But we must not delude ourselves ; that reconciliation is not easy. There are engagements contracted, amour propro excited, and an issue is difficult from this dilemma when the debate is carried on only under the protection of some great act which would be a pledge given to the na tional interest and a means of reconciliation with the in terests of religion. " If, in place of that, the state quo be prolonged in Pied: moat, it is fated to end, as the political result in war, and as the religious result in schism. " These are two great dangers, not only for Piednrn t ; but for all Italy and for Europe, and t o which po lit wisdom counsels us not to shut our eye s. ical " VIII. " Can the status quo, so difficult to maintain t e at Milan _and Turin for the reasons we have just giv, conu Naples, Florence, Parma, and Lucca ? " At Milan the Emperor of Austria sen h t e of g t e h e e d ar in c te h n d t u i k en es s him who had most sympathy for Italy. T _ _ of the Archduke Maximilian are known. He used his power with a moderation which we are happy to admit, but is the domination of Austria in Italy the more solid therefor ? The qualities of a prince--time itself —can do nothing. As Lord Palmerston saidin or Austria to kee already quoted — ' There is l n B o 49, ehe i n n w the f despatch we have t in ha a i side, usefuliantieudrrpeereitnieannepilut put down, ll e p fte pe n r .ehed, Thuso p but n never diseoliraged. " At Naples the Government is isolated, not only in Eu rope by her position with respect to Franco and England, but also in Italy, by her rupture with the only state th e r e which is seriously organised. The King of Naples, also, and he more than any other, perhaps, weakened as he is by this double isolation, has to deal with a national opinion which exists in the south as in the north of the Peninsula. Mention has recently been made of a document of great interest, and which explains the resistance of the King of Naples to the' combined diplomatic action of the Anglo- French alliance. By the 3d Article of the Convention of the 29th of April, 1815, the two Governments of Austria and the Two Sicilies engaged to conclude a treaty of alli ance, having for object 'to consolidate the state of peace and tranquility, internal and external, of the Two Sicilies and of Italy in general.' That treaty, concluded in the month of July following, stipulates, in a secret article, 'that his Majesty the King of the Two Sicilies shall not admit changes which cannot be rconciled either with monarchical A ~~ ~ ' ^ NEWSPI 4 ; C Italian nationality will never be th 44resi and can never succeed without ford -** • 4 .s 2 bus, ifkfoio - > j what coilibinatioivoi Italian) phainsulift -uenacuir "X. " If the status quo is dangero if revolution is impossible, by peoples and_govemments of the (. from the consequences of the abnormal and m, tion which hangs over them ? "Is Italy to be made into a single kingdom ? history, nature itself oppose it. Italian unity cannot b e f ormed without immense efforts, by military greatness or by revo lutionary tyranny. From the Alps to Sicily Italy is dis united. It may be said that absolute unity under the Ro man sway was an accident. " When Napoleon I. made a kingdom of Italy he obeyed a higher impulse than dynastic ambition; he concentrated under his powerful hand scattered agglomerations to form a strong and virile nationality; he thought less of founding a kingdom than of regenerating a people. "No one could now pick up the Iron Crown which fell from his brow; it would be as difficult to wear as difficult to conquer. The question, moreover, is, to restore confi dence to Europe by pacifying Italy, and not to incite a war of succession. ,tlitil Lk post; " XII. "It is not then absolute unity' which ought to be esta • blished in Italy, but federal union.' This idea presents itself as the expression of a want common to all Italian States ; it is for all of them a tradition and a solution. We will prove it. "In Italy confederations seem to 'arise like the natural produce of the earth. After the Roman Empire, under the impulsion of the Popes, by the initiative of the Medici, those attempts were incessantly repeated. They were often happy and glorious. The idea of confederation having once seized upon the public mind the leaders of public opinion in Italy strenuously endeavoured to carry it out. Pio Nono himself was to put his seal to it. This idea first assumed the form of a customs union, concluded on the 3d Novem ber, 1847, under Papal inspiration. It took a military form when the King of Naples and the Grand Duke declared themselves ready to unite their troops to those of Charles Albert. Finally it was precised and formulated it its full political bearing after the defeat of the Piedmontese ar my , when, under the very eyes of the Holy Father, the project containing the complete formula was drawn up. " Diplomacy could not remain indifferent to an idea which was to operate so complete a change in Europe. France was at that moment absorbed in civil dissensions ; but Eng land followed with persistent sympathy the movement in Italy. Its representative at Vienna, Lord Ponsonby, sup ported with his influence the project of a Confederation.'" [The pamphlet hero quotes a despatch from Lord Pon sonby.] " XIII. "French policy has traditions which it never can aban don, because they respond to the permanency of its influ ence. One of those traditions is, that the Alps, which are for her a bulwark, shall not become an armed fortress against her power. Our former Kings understood this, as it was afterwards understood by the Republic and the first Empire. In that national idea Henry IV. only antici pated Napoleon I. That great King, who was as practical as 'he was chivalrous, knew that between France and Austria Italy ought to extend freely and belong only to herself." The pamphlet then, dwelling , upon the plan of Henry IV., which was to give Lombardy to the Duke of Savoy, Sicily to the Venetians, and Naples to the Pope, says : " Thus, the same ideas are maintained throughout the space of time when they respond to permanent interests and to a policy as national as it is European. " XIV. _ _ " Has the time arrived for forming an Italian Confedera ion ? The most delicate point is Rome." [The position of the other States of Italy is then entered into, and an Italian Confederation declared to be the best possible solution.] "But," continues the pamphlet, "there exists an obstacle beyond Italian and beyond European interests. It is Aus tria's position in Lombardy. Opposition is the basis of Austrian policy; as Austria opposes reforms so will she op pose everything else." " XV. " What is to be done. Are we to bow to the veto of Vienna ? Are we to discard it ? Are we to appeal to force or to public opinion to overcome this resistance, and effect a solution desired by the general interest ? " This is the last question we have to resolve. "XVI. "The treaties which bind Governments are the interna tional laws of peoples, and would be only invariable if the world was immoveable. If the treaties which are to protect the security - of Europe place it in danger, it is because they no longer answer to the necessities or to the wants which dictated them. Political prudence counsels to substitute something else for them. A Power which would entrench itself behind treaties in order to resist modifications de manded by general feeling would have, no doubt, for her an acquired right, but she would have against her moral right and universal conscience. If, then, it be demonstrated that the situation of the Italian States is not only a cause of suffering for the country, but even a cause of uneasiness, and perhaps of nvolution in Europe, the letter of treaties would be invoked in vain—it could not hold against the necessity of politics and the interest of European order. What, therefore, is to be done ? To appeal to force ? May Providence keep such an extremity from us I We must ap peal to public opinion. When the true situation of Italy shall be known throughout Europe, and that everybody shall be convinced that there is in the midst of the most enlightened States on the globe, on that land from which civilisation sprung, a. focus of disturbance, disorder, and profound perturbation, which might so readily become a focus of light and of noble activity, then public opinion may judge, and perhaps impose itself as the pacific justice of right. We have composed this work in order that public opinion may have the means of . pronouncing its judgment. We have no hostility to Austria. The question of Italy is the only difficulty which can exist between her and France. " We respect its situation in Germany; which has nothing to fear from us on the Rhine. The solution of the Italian question would have for result to effiice between Franco and Austria all subject of dissension. These two Powers can approach each other by many common interests, and the union of all the great Governments of Europe is not too much to prevent future complications. It is in order to combine their views and efforts in a general interest, that we would remove all present difficulties, and resolve one of the most urgent and most considerable questions of the moment. " To govern is to foresee. The best manner of securing peace is to outstrip complications capable of producing war. There are dangers in Italy—we indicate them ; on this side there arc guarantees to give to fundamental Interests—WO demand them. There arc causes which cannot succumb in the world ; this is of the number, Weans() it is neither selfish nor exclusive. It is the cause of the nationality of a living people, of the equilibrium of Europe, and per haps of the independence of the Papacy, which France has always defended. God would doubtless reserve a noble portion of human glory to those who would support this struggle. Glory does not. tempt us ; we have had enough of it in the history of the past as in contemporaneous events, to have no need of it. We therefore ardently desire that diplomacy should do on the eve of a struggle what it should do on the morrow of a victory. Let Europe ener getically unite for this cause of justice and of peace 1 It ought to be with us, because we shall be always with her to defend her honour, her equilibrium, and her security 1" THE INSURRECTION IN HAYTI. The following proclamation has been issued by he Emperor Soulouque to the people and army of Hayti : Haytians,—On leaving the capital a fortnight ago, to stifle the insurrection that has just broken out, I hoped the inhabitants of the North and the Artibonite had been seduced merely by a few seditious persons, the only persons guilty in my eyes. I hoped my calm and peaceful attitude would bring back those misguided men within the pale of the empire. My expectation has been deceived. The insurgents have on two occasions first fired on our troops. In presence of such a fact, with a heart deeply wounded, I have resolved, by the advice of my generals, and in order to spare the effusion of blood, to return to Port-au-Prince, there to take such measures as circumstances may require. Haytians,—Civil war is a source of evils. Re member this. I am ignorant of the future, but whatever it may be, I shall always have thesatis- saying i a n d toconineyos r e d lf : t th at among the children of having re-estab lishedf a I cti of union have done all I cou ld to prevent them from Hayti, following again the bloody path of intestine con tests. For you, my soldiers, who in this short and pain ful campaign have rivalled each other in constancy, courage, and devotion, I cannot sufficiently praise you. You have just proved to me that I can depend upon you ; I hope, therefore, I shall a l ways find you ready to answer my call, should it be necessary. n Given at our headquarters at Boisneuf, this 9th day of January, 1859. The foregoing, it will be observed, stops little short of an abdictation. Nevertheless, the Paris Pays maintains that the position of the Emperor Soulouque is not so critical as is generally believed. The journal in question says : It is certain that of four provinces which com pose the Empire of Hayti, one, that of Artibonite, has declared for the insurrection, an d that Jeffard has established at Gonaives the g overnment of which he is president. It is also true that two towns of the northern province have made common cause with him ; but Cape Hayti, the principal town of that province, has remained faithful to the imperial government. The two provinces of the south and west, which are the most important of the empire, also remained faithful to the Emperor Faustin. These provinces contain the four prin cipal towns of the country—Port au Prince, -acme', Cayes, and Jo emie. Since the Emperor Faustin ha s been at the head of affairs, be has re-established order in the empire, he has treated foreign trade w ith more favour than the p residents w ho preceded him, and European commerce has no interest in his overthrow. THE SPEAKER'S HOUSE, WESTMINSTER PALACE. —The Speaker's house occupies part of the two pavilions, if we ma y s o term them, formi ng t h e end of the river front Of the Westminster Palace, next Westminster-bridge, and is a pproached by archways from Palace-yard. It is of con siderable extent, comprising from 60 to 70 rooms, and is finished throughout in the style of the structure generally. The staircase, with its carvings, tile paving, and brass work, is exceedingly effective and elegant, and everywhere there is a large amount of painted and gilded decoration Cloisters, approached from the house, surround a court, about 20 feet square ; the window openings in the cloisters are filled with stained glass, containing the arms of all Speakers, with the date of election. The I rinc'pal floor in cludes the state dining-room ; the drawing-room, 37 feet 3 inches by 28 feet inches ; morning room, 34 feet 6 inches by 23 feet 9 inches ; and a smaller dining-room, 34 feet by 24 feet 6 inches. The state dining-room is 45 feet by 23 feet 6 inches. Frames set in the walls will receive a collec tion of portraits of past Speakers. The room is lighted at night by wax candles in corona©. To light the four rooms 400 wax candles are employed. Sir Charles Barry agp e ,a rs s to have been exceedingly successful in the helve e has provided for the Speaker,--.The Bulkier.