The Sun. — London, England, 1859-12-02 00:00:00

M.R. BRIGHT AT LIVEROOL. 4 . LIVER.POOL, THURSDAY NIGHT. • • The Liverpool Financial Reform Association held a soiree in the Philharmonic Hall this evening. The spacious hall; capable of accommodating 3,900 or 4,000 persons, was filled in every part. Messrs. Cobden and Bright had both been invited to attend, in order to express their views, upon the ;best means of advancing the objects of the association, but, as will be teen from the subjoined letter, Mr. Cobden was prevented by illness from being present on the occasion • On the platform were Mr. J. Bright, M.P., Mr. J. C. Ewart, M.P., Mr. Pollard-Urquhart, M.P., Mr. Pilking ton, M.P., Mr. George Hadfield, M.P. Mr. Bright was received on his arrival with loud cheers. The chair was occupied by Mr. Charles Robertson, in the absence from severe indisposition of Mr.- Robe4son Gladstone, the pre sident of the association. Letters of apology for unavoidable absence were received from Mr. Cobden (on account of indisposition), and the following other members of Payliament :—Lord Fermoy, Mr. S. Laing, Colonel Sykes, Mr. Caird, Mr. W. J. Fox, Mr. J. L. Ricardo, Mr. Ayrton, Mr. Scholefield, Mr. Ker shaw, Mr. Alcock, Mr. Salt, and Mr. W. Ewart. A com munication to the same effect was received from the Earl of Sefton, Lord-Lieutenant of the county, who stated that he wished every success to the object of the meeting. Mr, Cobden's letter, which was addressed to Mr. Robert son Gladstone, President of the Liverpool Financial Re form Association, was as follows : " Paris, Nov. 28. "My dear Sir,—For the last 10 days I have been con fined to my bedroom by severe indisposition, originating in a cold and cough, followed by fever, which has left me in a state of considerable debility. My medical attendant, who promises me, with care and caution, a speedy recovery, warns me that to undertake a journey to Liverpool to ad dress a large.public meeting would, in the present state of my lunga, le almost an act of suicide. I need not assure you how .deeply I regret to be unable to fulfil my long standing promise to be with you en the Ist. Ido not, however, ask you to release me from my engagement, but only to allow me to postpone its fulfilment to a future and I hope earl)? opportunity. "There never was a moment when I felt greater interest than at present in the realisation of your society's pro gramme for substituting direct for indirect taxation. If I required an illustration of the importance of your principle, which 'implies the removal of Custom-house impediments between nations, I should find it•in the present relations of England and France. " While means this periodical visitation, which', • like the cholera or some other infectious disease, has, every two or, three years since 1847, caused the panic cry of a French in vasion to overspread England, and which at the present moment. is heard again in tones as loud- and menacing as ever ? Here am I, with all my children, in the very jaws of the imaginary monster which has been conjured up to terrify : my good countrymen, and yet I feel no less safe from attack or injury of any kind, so long as I refrain from mo lesting or wronging others, than if I were residing in Lon don or Liverpool. Whence springs the idea of danger which pervades the public mind at home ? I attribute it mainly to the want of intercommunication, and the consequent igno rance and prejudice which- prevail respecting-the character and designs of our nearest continental neighbour. " Here are two of the greatest nations, separated only by the narrowest strip of ocean, with theft:distinct and proud annals, their rival traditions, their differences in race, lan guage, and religion, all tending to•prodece alienation but nature, which always works by laws of compensation, has endowed the two countries with a variety of productions, and imparted to the population an instinctive desire to sup ply each others wants and deficiencies, which, had nature's laws been allowed their free action, would have brought the two nations into such constant contact and communication, and laid them under such mutual dependence, as would have subdued the merely latent causes of antagonism, and rendered impossible the present state of hostility and alarm. But, down almost to the present day, the Governments of the two countries have devoted their energies to the task of preventing, as far as possible, any commercial intercourse between them. The baneful consequences are naturally such as we behold. Let us hope that legislators will awaken to a sense of the responsibility which attaches to those who thus array themselves against the obvious laws of the Creator. " Meanwhile, your society will, I hope, persevere in its useful labours, and continue to draw around you the sym pathy and co-operation of good men. You are not a political organisation ; your functions are those of an educator, and your object is to prepare the public mind for the future ac tion of the statesman. The day for the full realisation of your views may still be remote, but, step by step, we every year approach nearer to the desired goal. You have only to persevere in the advocacy of your humane, just, and peaceful principles, and God will assuredly, in his own good time, crown your labours with success. " Believe me, yours very truly, "RICHARD COBDEN." After some introductory remarks by the Chairman, the following address to Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, and General Thompson was read to the meeting : " Gentlemen,—We, the council and friends of the Finan cial Reform Association, assembled this evening, while ten dering to you a warm welcome to Liverpool, take the oppor tunity of recording our sincere and grateful acknowledg ments for the numerous and important services rendered by each of you during past years to the cause of public liberty and good government. Especially do we thank you for the energy, perseverance, and ability so disinterestedly displayed in obtaining for the people of the United Kingdom an un restricted trade in the great staple article of human food. Living in one of the chief centres of foreign commerce, we have had every opportunity for observing the operation of. Sir R. Peel's free trade measures, and we are.doing only .the barest justice to those who toiled so long and so ear nestly to force that policy on a reluctant Government and. Parliament in thus recording our conviction that the bene ficial effects of these measures have in every respect exceeded the expectations held out by their nrornoters, and that to them, under Providence, are we maieily indebted for the in ternal peace, good order, general improvement, and compa rative prosperity by which these islands have ever since been honourably distinguished, even while engaged in fo reign wars, and when society in neighbouring countries was shaken to its centre by revolutionary movements. But now that the system so called of protection has been for mally renounded by the Government and the Legislature, whfr, it maybe asked, are so muanV pretective dutieS still allowed to remain on our tariff, inflicting', to they admittedly do, grievous injury on' the public, and exposing us, as n nation, to tile well-merited reproach of professing the strongest faith in the great principles of free trade, while, practically, we are guilty of gross inconsistency or dis- Unesty in not carrying them out to their legitimate con clusion ? In this unworthy position are we, and must re main until the protective duties on timber, wine, spirits, butter, cheese, and numerous manufactured articles. are swept away. The mission of the. Anti-Corn Law League is still unfulfilled: "In our judgment, the time has now arrived when the 'Free Trade questioa must receive a wider application than has hitherto been accorded to it. While fully admitting that duties for Protect ion are worse in principl e , an d usua lly more injurious in practice, than those levied merely for re venue, we yet believe that in their effects on the foreign trade of the country theynre, in many respects, identical. Invented, in times more or less barbarous, when the benefits of commerce were but little appreciated, they exist alike in defiance of common justice, common sense; and sound eco nomical science. Equally an obstruction to the free ex change of commodities, they both operate to restrict pro-: duction, to diminish consumption,' to limit the area for the profitable employment of capital and labour, and to deprive the workman of his natural right to exchange the prOduce of his labour where he pleases. And while it may be per haps, difficult to award to each its due share in this heavy catalogue of wrongs inflicted on trade and industry, it may' be safely affirmed that Customs and Excise duties have this particular aggravation of evil, that they do in effect shift .the burden of taxation from property to industry, and com mit the double injustice of placing obstacles in the way of trade, by which the demand for, and the wages of, labour are diminished, and at the same time of imposing on the labour thus restricted the obligation to pay debts incurred and to support establishments existing chiefly for the pro tection of property. " They svpear to us, -- therefore, unworthy of retention in any civilized community, and least of all among a people boasting of their. liberty,. whose wealth and greatness have sprang from, and are maintained by, manufactures and trade. We cannot understand the freedom of him who is forbidden to labour, and to exchange the produce o f hi s industry in tho world's market, at his own pleasure or con-, venience; or the policy of limiting the production and sale of so many most important articles, by artificially increasing their price, unless the object be to prevent trade from grow ing too great,land too valuable, and the community too pros perous and powerful. If the relaxation or removal of some shackles from the limbs of industry has been found so uni versally beneficial—and chiefly, be it observed, bythose who dreaded it most—what incalculable blessings may not be expected to flow from striking off those which remain ? What limit shall we set to the progress of civilisation, ma terial prosperity, morality, and peace, when commerce shall go forth among the nations to assuage the woes of poverty, to give scope for the spread of instruction, and, like a disen thralled Hercules, to direct the purifying currents of health ful and well-requited labour through the foul haunts of wretchedness, filth, and sin? We agree with Mr. John Stuart Mill, in the opinion that ' Commerce. first taught na tions to see with goodwill the wealth and prosperity of one another. Before, the patriot, unless sufficiently advanced in, culture to feel the world his country, wished all countries weak, poor, and ill-governed but his own ; he now sees in their wealth and progress a direct source of wealth and proms gress to his own country. It is commerce which is rapidly rendering war obsolete, by strengthening and multiplying the personal interests which are in natural oppOsition to it. And it may be said without exaggeration that the great ex tent and rapid increase of international trade, in being the principal guarantee of the peace of the world, is the great permanent security for the uninterrupted progress of the, ideas, the institutions, and the character of the human race.' " We contend that it is not only most iNsirable, butper fectly practicable, whenever public opinion is matured, to abolish the present cumbrous, costly, and barbarous sys. , tern of taxation. Many things apparently far more difficult, and respecting which men's passions and prejudices were mush more violently excited, have been in our time happily • accomplished ; and we firmly believe that there are no unities in the way of this great change which may not be . overcom e by or di nary courage and resolution. We have the fullest confidence thatbytherepeal of all taxes on ind us t r y, and the sub s tit ut i on of a system of direct taxation levied in • some reasonably fair proportion to the means and rt f prope yo the taxpayers,' every class of the community, and chiefly the -wealthy, would- be largely and. while the presstire ef the publiclrthms s wot e i l b i l ly b b e " r e e i fi d n i t i ed d e e e:d in three several ways :-1, by increasine• vastly and of f u t i r t a e t l i y the means to pay. them through unlimited frdedn m by saving to the community the enormous Cost (4 the wl e is ' il 2, sale and retail . profits on the duties, and the great expense e o f Ily a Excise and Customs establishments; n, by inducine4 - economy of expenditure, and making the house of Ciotti; n6ns again in reality what they have long ceased to be, save in name, stewards of the public purse. - • 4 ‘ We hail your presence here to-night, gfMtlemen, as an assurancs that this great question shall at length receive due co nsideration and discussion. We assume , that you agree with us in thinking that when a certain instalment of free trade has proved advantageous, it is not fitting that the completion of the enterprise should be indefinitely post-1 potted, rind nothing be done, because Chancellors of the Exchequer, in stereotyped phraseology, ' cannot spare the money,' but that, on the contrary, you are of opinion that the results of our recent experierwe combine with the de ductions of political economy in demonstrating that the surest and speediest means of increasing the revenue is by remov ing every impediment from the perfect freedom of industry and exchanges ; and that he alone is deserving of the name of statesman who, disregarding the antiquated traditions ef • office is prepared boldly to advance in the path marked otit by the successful policy of the last 17 years, and to provide for the requirements Of the public service by taxium Aott4e proiesses by which wealth is produced, but the wealth itself, when actually realised by its possessor. " In this faith and hope we once more bid you gratefully and heartily welcome to Liverpool." Mr. Belli:me', whose rising was greeted by veleement cheering; said—Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and Gentlemeet,—l wish I were able in fitting language to make some ansev•er to the address which has just been presented to me, and which was also intended, and may be understood, to be pre sented to my friends Mr. Cobden and General Thompson; but I can make no answer to it but this, I.feel most grateful to the council of this association, and to all present who have taken part in the presentation of this address. If we have done anything that is worthy of it, we can only 'endeavour to repay you by striving to do that in the future which may not allow you to look back on the proceedings of this even ing with regret. I am sorry—more sorry than any one else in this room, I believe—Gen. Thompson and Mr. Cobden are not here, for 'I thought I was coming to this hall on this occasion as an auxiliary, and I find myself in the position of having a much larger share of labour thrown on me to night than I had calculatedupon. However, whether friends of mine be present or absent, this I can say with a clear conscience, that I am ready now, as I believe 1 always shall be as long as health or any power of usefulness is given me, to co-operate heartily with your association, and with any association whatever that shall endeavour to carry out in the legislation of this country those great and noble princi ples on which your movement is founded. (Cheers.) There are many minds so small as to seem only capable of ridiculing that which is noble ; minds which are unable to comprehend the grandeur of the scheme which this society offers to the public ; they cannot understand the simplicity or the eleva tion of the purpose which they have set before themselves in the attempt to abolish custom-houses, and to make the world, not a number of nations jealous of and dreading each other, often fighting each other, but rather one vast nation governed by separate municipalities, but living in perfect , happiness and harmony together. (Cheers.) Let us endea vour to-night to look at this question with the eyes of men of business and of common sense, with that kind of faculty which we bring to bear on our own private affairs when we are considering the course we ought to take. Your associa tion proposes to influence Government on two points—first, as much as possible to confine the Government to an econo .mical expenditure ofpublic money ; and, secondly, to confine them to this simple principle ofjustice, that whatever may be the amount required to be levied, it shall be levied from the people in proportion to the property which every man pos sesses by reason of the security which the Government gives him. (Cheers.) I think you will scarcely meet with a man of ordinary intelligence who will not say at once that it is fair, in a State where large funds have to be, raised to carry on the pnrposes of Government, that all should sub scribe according to their Means ; and, that being agreed upon, one would suppose it would not be difficult to arrange the system by which that end could be arrived at., That end, however, can only be attained by some plan of what is called direct taxation, because if you turn to taxes upon necessary articles of consumption, you will at once discover 'that though the consumption, for example, of bread, but ter, beef, cheese, tea, coffee, and sugar is equal to a great extent in all the families among the people, that is no test of an equality in the means of those families. The more, therefore, you fix your taxes on the basis of what you sup pose is an equal consumption of taxed articles, the more you depart necessarily from the principle we have laid down —namely, that men should pay in proportion to the pro perty they possess. Nature has made us all so much alike that any 20 men dining will eat just about as much as any 20 other men (lining with the same fare before them—(a larth)—but the 20 men at one table may be worth £lOO,OOO, or, for aught I know, £1,000,000 a-piece, while the other 20 men may not have more than the ls. 6d. or 2s. which they will be called upon to pay for their dinner. The _ , con sumption of taxed articles, then, is no criterion whatever of the means of particular individuals or families, and can never be honestly adopted as the rule or measure, of taxa tion by those who admit that taxation should be regulated by the means of the taxpayer. (Cheers.) Well, this does not look like a very irrational proposition. I dare say, however, that some newspapers in your town, and no doubt two or three, perhaps half a dozen, in London, the day after to-morrow will tell us that it is most irrational and revolutionary. (A laugh.) Some rich men—but I am happy to say not many among the trading classes—doubt the principles we are now upholding, and think it would be pernicious to the country. Among the landed pro prietors, who are always the least informed on these ques tions, you find a very strong dread of what you propose. This arises in some, doubtless, from selfishness, but in many others purely, I believe, from entire ignorance of the facts and requirements on which our position is based. I maintain that the landed gentry of England ought to be very modest on subjects of this nature. Twenty years ago an agitation was begun on the Corn Laws by a body of gentlemen as few as the Council of your association ; and, while some of those predictions were put forth, some of which are still almost ringing in our ears, there were some great men in this country, and at least one duke, who gave the country full notice that they should leave it if any such measure as the League advocated was carried. (Laughter.) In fact, we all expected that if knybody wanted to see a duke hereafter he would be obliged to go abroad to get a glimpse of one. (A laugh.) Well, what has happened? That probably twice as much corn and cattle has come into this country during the last 13 years as almost anybody anticipated—amounting, in fact, to something like 20 mil lions sterling per annum in value. The dukes are nit gone, the lan d is more,valuable than ever it was under Pro teclion, the class of farmers is higher, there is more capital ' laid' out upon the land, and millions of your countrymen to whom the law denied the commonest right of free men, and who were then suffering periodical starvation of the bitterest kind, are now living in a degree of comfort to which they had hitherto been unaccustomed. (Cheers.) Am I not, then, entitled to say that the landed proprietors, noblemen, and gentlemen of England—many of them so kind person ally, so tinwilling, as I believe, to do an unjust act—on this great question were wholly mistaken?' (Cheers.) Go a little further ; when the income-tax was laidon for the pur pose of enabling certain considerable changes in the tariff to be made, there was great dislike to that tax. There are very good reasons for disliking it apart from that for which we dislike all taxes—because they take our money. But many persons dislike it because they did not like the• object for which• it was imposed—namely, to make approaches in the direction of Free Trade; and yet everybody knows who knows anything—(laughter)—there may be people who know nothing —(laughter)—but if you can find a per son who knows anything from his own discovery, from his own thought, I will undertake to say. he knows that it was by the imposition of the income-tax that the amendment of the tariff was mostly done under Sir Robert Peel's Govern ment, and that it has been productive not only of very great advantage to the labouring people and commercial classes in this country, but that it has actually increased and given additional security to the riches of the landed proprietors themselves. (Cheers.) So now this scheme which is put before the country by your association is ridiculed by some as an imagination of a luriatic—scOffed 'at by others as a democratic and revolutionary movement. The time will tonne when every sensible man in England will admit' that the carrying out of these great principles has proved to be an additional step in the salvation of tke poor, and to have conferred additional blessings, upon those who were fortu nate enough to be rich. (Cheers.) But we cannot conceal from ourselves that there are people who sometimes think that if you are saying anything for the poor you mean some thing ill to the rich. (A laugh.) You cannot make a speech as I am doing now without being either mistaken, or mis represented, or calumniated. A man cannot write a letter to his constituents without having I don't know how many newspapers barking at his heels as if he was spreading some desperate disloyalty through the nation. (Laughter.) I wrote a letter a few weeks ago to a respectable association amen.- my constituents in the town of Birmingham, in which I touched upon the subject of the income-tax, an d upon the pressure of indirect taxation on the labouring population of this country. Now, if you would allow me I would like to show you what kind of instructors in political economy some of these great authorities are. (A laugh.) I said in my letter what I thought nobody would have been disposed to call in question, that the Customs and Excise raised more than £42,000,000 collected upon articles—the great bulk of which is consumed by' that portion of the population which has no property but its labour, and no income but its wages --(cheers)—and which, as might to expected from the fact just stated, has no voice in Parliament, and is really without representation in the Government , of the country. (Cheers.) And I said, further, that a greater proportion of the heaviest taxation in the world is thrown upon the class possessing no property but its labour than is the case with other countries whose system of taxation we are acquainted with. I said, also, that there is something essentially mean and singularly cruel in the manner in which the taxes of this country have been and are still levied. (Cheers.) 'Well, now the ' most influential newspaper in this country, from its long-standing, its large circulation, and great means, is the Times. The Times has written several articles on this particular letter, and it would be difficult to say which of them is the most illogical, or the one which most entirely contradicts what it has said in a hundred others of its articles on questions of political economy. (A laugh.) But in its number of the 1 lthof November there occurs this passage • " It is impossible to say who are not affected by a tax." Now, that is not the question. The question is, who is af fected by a tax ? (A laugh.) The Times, however, says : " It is impossible to say who are not affected by a tax; whether it be direct or indirect; whether it be aimed at in come or expenditure, whether at one class or another. 'The employer pays the employed, and he pays them according to their usual rate of living. If they cannot or will not work without beer, spirits, and tobacco, or if they willgive their families tea, coffee, and sugar, he has no choice, but to give them wages sufficient to provide those luxuries." Now, I will read this passage as it might be" read with equal logic : —The employer pays the employed, and he pays them ac cording to their usual rate of living. If they cannot or will not work withour beer, spirits, and tobacco, err if they will give their families tea, coffee, and sugar, and a carriage and pair—(laughter) —he has no choice but to give them wages sufficient tie provide these luxuries. Again, in the same ar ticle it is said, " Whether the6s millions is extracted ironic diately and nominally; out of the income or out of the ex penditure—out of the employer's pocket ore out of the pocket of the tradesman who supplies the employers, ser vants, and workpeople—makes but little difference to the effect of the taxation on individuals; the incidence or pres sure is on all sides." Now, if this were true there could be no objection whatever, and it. ,would be much the simplest mode to lay all the taxation it it were possible on the pro prietors of the Times—(laughter)--or on the proprietors of land. The whole, or at least the largest portion of this rea soning is a simple mystification, and the conclusion of tke " the incidence is on all sides." Why, I under writer is that somehow or other the £65,000,000 are andob tet:a:l:l„,:nneeloto',,ysait, that sm al i l f e smallest with dey the ofp o o n lit t i e c a al will attempt intiatrioideae d ut ies coffee, sugar, malt, spirits, tobacco, and'those articles whicil are mostly used by the great body of the people were all re pealed to-night, not only would there net be a single la bourer in Lancashire whose wages would fall, but I believe every man's wages would rise, (Cheers.) Now, the man who wrote this must either be a very ignorant man, which it would be a great offence to a writer in the Times to assert, or else he must be, what is much worse, a man of a very low morality, who thinks he can say anything to a public for whose intellect he has a sovereig n contempt. But another paper of long-standing and gre at respectability, the Specta tor, in an article certainly not in the least degree offensive to me, contains reasoning of much the same kind, and I only said to myself when I read it, " What a declension from the time when Mr- Itintoul conducted the Spectator to the gentleman, whoever he may be, who now manages its economical department." (A laugh.) But the Spectator says, howsoever taxes are imposed they are borne in some thing like an eqtial percentage by the entire body . of the producing and consuming classes, whatever their incomes may be. • Well, just such stuff as that• was talked twenty years ago about corn; it was always-urged, in opposi tion. to General ThompsOn's illustration that though the corn laws made bread dearer and scarcer, somehow every thing else was dearer in proportion, and thus by a gene ral' shuffing of the cards, combined with the effect of the exchanges, nobody was' injured, but was in fact a great deal better off in consequence. (Laughter and cheers.) Another newspaper, of great authority on these questions, has now taken uet this matter and treated it with gravity. 1 refer to the Economist, which. on the 19th of November, says, " That the higher classes bear the cost of meeting the sudden emergencies of the country, so far as that cost is met by taxation and not by loans.' Now, when it is said that the war taxation is chiefly paid by the "higher classes," and that the lower classes in comparison scarcely pay at all, this circumstance should be borne in mind in estimat ing the respective burdens of poor and rich in times of peace —viz., that the . taxes ordinary and extraordinary must be considered together. The Economist, however, does not seem to remember that the 28 or 29 millions a-year paid for the national debt is any portion of the grinding taxation of war ; the writer alludes merely to the fact that when the' Russian war broke out an increased income tax was im posed, but does he not know that at the same time in the very same session the descending duties on tea and sugar were arrested by a special act of Parliament ; that at the conclusion of the war the very first thing the Legislature did was to repeal the war income tax, while they have left the war tea and sugar duties till this moment ? To show that I have no, bad authority for what I state, I go back to the Economist itself. In its issue of the 18th of November, 1858, the writer there says, that "one of the chief aims of Sir R. Peel's policy was to re-adjust, on wise principles, the taxation of the country, lightening the pressure upon labour, and increasing the charge upon property." How far have those principles been acted upon of late ? What 'is the present tendency of Parliament in reference to taxa tion ? The reverse of that which was established by Sir R. Peel. Every step that is taken is in the direction of relief to property; at least 40 out of 50 millions are raised from indirect taxes. The war income tax was repealed nearly two years ago; two millions more of permanent income tax have been given up in the present year. The war tea and sugar duties still exist. So far from the financial policy of Sir Robert Peel being extended, the House of Commons is• deliberately engaged in reversing it by abandoning the in strument by which it can alone be maintained or extended. (Cheers.) Only one more extract, and I have done for the present with our friends of the press. The Times of the 23d November, referring to my having stated that there was something essentially mean and singularly cruel in the way in which the taxation of this country has been and still is levied, remarks that " a more mischievous untruth was never uttered by a public man in a free country,l and then they go on to observe, "When this letter first appeared we remarked upon its mischieVous character, and its obviously dangerous tendency also naturally attracted the attention of official persons. Some calculations have consequently been made, and their results were printed in the Economist, from which we yesterday transferred them to our columns." Now, will the meeting believe that, although this writer says these calculations were made inconsequence of the dan gerous nature of my statements a fortnight before having been brought to the notice of official authorities, these very. calculations were actually printed iu the Economist on the 15th January last ? , (Cheers.) So far as this matter of fact goes, the whole theory of the Times about the anxiety of, official persons relative to the dangerous nature of these statements, and to the necessity for calculations to be made! to disabuse the public mind, is merely something this autho ritative writer has imagined or fabricated, there not being; the slightest foundation in truth for it ;' and, after reading the? quotation L have just made from the Economist, I may men tion that the Times dare say that " The whole tendency of financial legislation, from the time of Sir R. Peel to the pre- , sent day, has been to decrease the pressure upon the indus trial classes and place the weight of taxation on property."' Now, I have shown you that the Economist says exactly op posite to that. It does appear that about a year ago the authorities of the Inland Revenue gave to the Chancellor of the Exchequer some calculations to show how much the upper, the middle, and the lower classes consumed of the articles'of tea and sugar, and the result was this— that of sugar the upper classes consumed 221 per cent.— that is, out of . every 1001 b. confirmed in the country the upper classes consumed 221 b. ; the middle des es 38 per cent., and the poorer classes 393 ; of the article of tea, the upper classes consumed 171 per cent., the middle classes 38 per cent.. the working or poorer classes 441 per cent. Well, we don't know at all how this calculation was made, or the principle on which it proceeded, and therefore I cannot exactly say whether it is right or wrong ; but, taking their own figures, let us put them to the teat :—The upper classes, according to this calculation, pay in the shape of tea duties £992,000; the middle classes, £2,000,000; and the poorer classes, £2,345,000; the total amount being £5,200,000 and upwards. Of the sugar duties the proportions contributed are £1,345,000 by the richer classes, £2,227,000 by the middle classes, and £2,369,000 by the poorer classes. Of the to bacco duties, the respective contributions are—from the richer classes, £956,000; the middle classes, £2,076,000; and the poorer classes, £2,431,000. Taking these three articles together on this calculation the rich pay £3,224,000, the middle classes £6,351,000, and the poorer classes £7,139,000. Now, of the whole Customs and Excise, which amount to £42,000,000 and upwards, the proportions, according to the same scale, are—for the upper classes, £7,350,000; middling classes,' £15,960,000; poorer classes, £18,960,000. But you must bear in mind that whatever be the consumption of the richer classes, especially of what is called the upper classes, that far more than one-half of it is consumed, not by what is called "the family," but by the servants who minister to their wants, and I take it for granted that whatever is contributed to their maintenance in their houses represents wages. This maintenance must be reckoned as wages for services, and my Lord This or Mr. Somebody who may have 20 or 30 servants in his household is Rot to put down to his family expenditure all the taxes paid upon articles consumed by those whose services he pays for partly in food and lodging and partly in money wages. (Cheers.) And if it were possible by any calcula tion to withdraw these large items from what the rich are said to consume it would show, no doubt, that upon this calculation my statement as to the proportion of taxation paid by the working classes of this country would be fully substantiated in every figure., (Cheers.) But new I will show reasons why these calculations cannot be correct: Take the article of sugar, for instance. The Protectionists used to say that sugar enough came into the country, and that anybody could have 'it who could pay for it; which, of course, was a very pleasant thing for those who had money enough in their pockets—(a laugh)—but what has been the ,}emit ? In 1833 our consumption of sugar was 4,000,000 cwt.; - whereas in 1859 it was 9,000,000 ewe. Well, who has consumed all that extra quantity ? Were the richer classes in 1838 stinted of sugar ? )Vas it not on their tables mbruing and evening for their tea and their coffee, and to sweeten all their delicacies? Did any of you dine with a wealthy man and find the mistress of the house lag gardly with her sugar ? (A laugh,) The conclusion is ine vitable, that this enormous increase must have been mainly consumed by those vast cial.ses of the people who, under your old system of protection to the colonies, were almost wholly debarred from the use of that most necessary and most wholesome article of food. Again, take the case of tea. In 1838' our consumption was 38,000,0001 b. ;' in 1857, the last year for which I have the return, the consumption had grown to 69,000,0001 b. ; so the game argument applies here aiso. Into whose cupboards has this increased quan tity of tea gone ? Surely not into those of the lords and gen tlemen supposed to constitute the upper classes. Again, coming to the article of tobacco. In 1843 the consumption was 22,000,0001 b. of the unmanufactured article. Now, the upper classes don't often smoke short pipes. (A laugh.) They use Havannahs at from 30s. to 60s. the lb. Unmanu factured tobacco is mainly used by those whom for want of a very apt definition we term the common people of this country, but I should like to know where the middle class begins and where it ends. I have stated that we have re ceived nearly £20,000,000 in annual value of corn and cat tle. Does anybody suppose that that increased importation ond. consumption has gone into the larders of the rich ? ' All this enormous increase of consumption, caused by the re moval of prohibitions, the extension of trade, and the doub ling of our exports, proves to my mind that the calculations which have been made_for the Chancellor of the Exchequer are not to be relied upon, and that the statement which I made in my letter is substantially correct. But let us now look at the line which has been drawn between the middle and the working classes. An attempt has been made to set up the middle class as a sort of squire to the knight of the upper class. It is to fight for the upper class against the working class. Such wits the tone taken by Mr. Disraeli and Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton in the debates last session on Parliamentary Reform. Let us see where the middle class ends and where the working class begins. Two gea r tlemen I have named assumed that under the Reform Act of 1832 the middle class is represented ; they admitted that the working class is not. If the franchise stops at £lO and includes the whole middle class, it follows that those who occupy houses below £lO belong not to the middle and upper classes, but to the working class. Now, 'Mr. New march, the Secretary of the Statistical Society, who has paid profound attention to this subject, says that in England and Wales 60 families out of every 100 live in houses under the value of £6 • 15in houses between £6 and £lO, and 25 in houses above the value of £lO. 'lt thus appears that 75 per cent. of the; population live in houses under the value of £lO, and only 25 per cent. in houses above the value of £lO. Had Mr. Newmarch taken Scotland and Ireland into his calculation he would have found that 80 families out of every 100 live in houses under the value of £lO. If that be so, and I have no doubt ofit-myself, no sensible man can come to the conclusion that 80 per cent. of the population do not consume more of all those heavily taxed articles of food which I -have mentioned than the remaining 20 per cent. No fewer than 24,000,000 of pecple live in houses under the value of £lO, and only 6,000,000 occupy houses above that value. Will any man, with the slightest knoW ledge or the slightest power of reasoning, pretend to say that 21,000,000 people do not consume more tea, sugar, and other similar articles than 6,ooo,ooo—even cre diting the latter with the consumption of those servants who live in their houses and minister totheir wants ? The bur den arising from direct taxes upon articles of first necessity imposed upon individual families belonging to the working class is very considerable. A friend recently ascertained for me what was the consumption of those articles by the fend lies of 18 of his workmen, who are of•the very elite of the working class in Lancashire, intelligent, living in excellent houses, above thd average in many respects, and earning about 355. per week each. As proof of their superiority, I may state that their consumption of beer, spirits, and tobacco is very small Indeed. The .m ount expended on those articles must be considerably larger in families whose incomes are much less, yet the result of the inquiry showed that the in direct taxes which those 18 workmen paid upon tea, coffee, sugar, ale, spirits, and tobacco rmounted to from ls. 3d. to ls. 6d. in the pound. In the case of nine of them, whose wages were only 245. per week, the payments amounted to Ii 40 :8?On the pound, or 81 per cent. upon their whole earn ings. Many articles of consumption are left out of these calculations, which, perhar s, ought to be included, such as periodical failures in the demand for labour ; but yet it shows how severely our system of indirect taxation presses upon men who have toirevery day - and hour of their lives, and whose condition at the best is one of small comfort and much privation. Is it not fitting, I ask, that we, the more fortunate middle •and upper classes,' should say to our rulers that wo are willing to contribute to the necessary c ot theh n e slfeirntettel little o ec l a n n iel y fo r l t ati trade, e \ h ‘ il and e d h c i h l ay allowvl o ra r l i ci( l ctnhh i expenses of th e St a t e , b u t th a t h ence f ort h wo s h a ll never ee n e pose g nitras ax.)n- g can s tl e u s h t e r i r e c r t i o t n e s e u s upon s b t y at h ed is iinadrausy trey secur etteri f° at ourr his family? system of taxation was mean and singularly cruel. I have no objection to retract that ex pression, so far as it refers to those supporters of the system who are ignorant of its consequences and who fear the change which we propose. Ido not think so badly of any class of my countrymen as to suppos e th a t if they know at all the facts of the case, if they had so thoroughly examined the natter as the gentlemen around me have done, they would net for a moment continuo a system whichcan be de monstrated to be most unwise, and especially injurious to the great body of the working people. (Hear, hear.) What is the change we propose ? lam not about recommend that the Chamellot of the Exchequer should karuediately . --- w it v 141 oI Duo , - THE t„. - TRIDAY MCI r 4. InCEMBE-11 2, 18531 advertise all the Custom-houses to be let, and that the last Custom-hbnie officer, the last Coastguardsman, and the last smrwler should be preserved as curiosities iu the Bri tiih Mu seum—(a laugh)—but I am going to mention what I think would be a great and practicable stop in the right direction, and what might ultimately lead to the accom plishment of the complete object which your association has in view.- If you examine recent Parliamentary returns you will find that, excluding the property of every man who does not possess £lOll in any shape, the whole property of the country amounts to somethi ng like £700,000,000. My own calculations make it £670,000,000. If that property could be fairly got at, and a reasonable' tax imposed upon it all, a large stein would be easily obtained. Some persons may say that you would not get at as much of it as pays income-tax, but there is no reason why you sho u ld no t be able to put your hand upon more of it. There will always be people willing to add taxation, but the more just your system is the fewer they will be, and the more men are con vinced that a great change has been a great blessing the more they will be disposed to support and continue that new state of things. (" Hear," and cheers.) Suppose, then, you *ere to pass a law that every £ lOO of property, exclud ing the property of those who do not possess £lOO, should pay annually the sum of Bs. to the State; that tax would procure about 24 millions per annum, or more than four times as much as the income-tax last year. It would be imposed over many more persons, it would be collected at an inconsideiable expense, and if district committees were appointed; partly by the Government and partly by tax payers, it would be more cheerfully paid and produce less of heartburning and complaint than the present income tax. (Cheers.) What would be the pressure ? The pos sessor of £lOO would pay Bs. a-year, but tea, sugar, and a heap of other things would be -much cheaper to him, and his trade, in all probability would receive a stimulus sueh as it never obtained before. (Hear.) The owner of £l,OOO would' pay £4 a-year ; the owner of £lO,OOO, £4O; the owner of £lOO,OOO, £4OO ; and the owner of £1,000,000, £4,000. Is there anything unreasonable in that ? Is that revolutionary doctrine? (Cheers.) What would be the result ? In the first place, trade would be extended to an enormous degree. See what you would repeal; the present income-tax would go, and the duties upon 439 articles in the tariff, duties to which your association has sworn eternal hostility, would also go. The income-tax produced last year £6,500,000, and the 439 articles £750,000; tea, £5,270,000; sugar, £5,979,000; and other articles various sums, bringing up the whole amount to £27,000,000. If a tax of Bs. upon every £lOO were imposed the duties upon all those articles, including marine and other insurances, could be abolished, trade would be extended, intercourse with other nations would be vastly and immediately in creased, manufactures, shipping, commerce, and agriculture would all participate in the benefits of the change. Better than all, the grand result of all, the scale of comfort of the great body of the people would be raised, while shopkeepers, retailers, traders of every kind would find their condition much improvod. (Hear.) Since 1846, to a large extent, in consequence of a repeal of the corn laws, our exports have more than doubled. Make the change lam now suggest ing, and our progress will be much greater than it has been du - ring the last twelve years. (Cheers.) I repeat, then, in spite of those gentlemen connected with the press in Lon don who were so uncivil to me that our present system of taxation is cruel in its operation to the poor. The gu ilt, whether it be of neglect or of intention, lies and must he at the door of the rich and powerful, and at no other—(cheers) —but let me suppose that you do not go the length I have stated, and that you do retain two taxes, which some people- have a notion, though I think an erroneous one, ought to be maintained for moral considerations—the taxes upon spirits and tobacco. Those taxes produce a large sum, they are paid mainly by the working classes, and I ask you whether it would not be fair and reasonable to call upon the upper and middle dosses to sustain all other burdens which might be required for the purposes of the State P I know what I am now saying will not meet the approval of year association, which is agitating for the utter destTuc tioti of all Customhouses; but, we must accept instalments, and even our opponents, when they saw the advantage of such a change as I have indicated, might at last consent to all our wishes. (Hear, hear.) Por my complaint is that the people who govern the country are not informed upon this question, that they do not wish to be informed, and that they commit a great injustice upon the poor by allow ing the present system of taxation to exist. I say further, that Parliament is to blame because of the burdens it im poses upon trade and industry, and from which it most unfairly exempts that vast amount of permanent property which is to be found in the soil of the kingdom. (Hear.) Let me direct your attention to a report of a department of taxation in which there is a great deal of injustice. There is a tax upon bills of exchange which produces £457,000, and another upon receipts and draughts which produces £418,030 ; nearly the whole of those duties are paid by the e p t 7 x po o r n ti m on arbi by e the landed proprietors. So in the case of the tax on marine in and heart of the Chancellor of the Exchequer who first pro posed trad inga u n r a d n ed ce P s r. community,llr What ie to r c s a . n h Sao a n v i( In e been tollnonly y t a h e smallocfotm the position of the head a duty on marine insurances ? (Cheers.) It is one of the worst taxes that could be imposed, wholly indefensible, and ought to be abolished. (Hear.) There is a remarkable peculiarity connected with the duty on fire insurances. Landed estates do not require to be insured from fire ; that was a good reason why no duty should be levied upon fire insurances, for why should the warehouses and shops of Liverpool and other towns be called upon to pay a tax which cannot be applied to landed property ? The fact is, how ever, that not only has a duty been imposed upon fire in surances, but from that duty all farming stock is especially exempted. (Hear, hear.) No doubt tinder the old corn laws agricultural labourers were periodically starved, dis contented, and revengeful, but farming stock is now no more insecure than any other description of property. I say that the tax from which it is exempted is an impudent and oppression tax. (Cheers.) Let me give you one other illustration. A legacy duty is perfectly reason able, but to be fair it ought to apply to all kinds of pro perty. Our legacy duty was imposed in 1797 ; the Minister who proposed it wanted to impose it upon every description of property, but he had not fathomed the depth ; no plummet line will ever fathom the depth of the selfishness of any particular class—no matter what class it may be— intrenched in the seats of irresponsible power. (Cheers.) .Parliament obliged him to introduce two bills--one for per sonal property, the other for real property. What was the result? Our patriotic Legislature passed the bill which imposed a duty on personal property, but com pelled the Minister to withdraw the measure which related to freehold houses and land. Last year the probate duty produced £1,140,000, and the legacy duty £1,400,000. Ts 1063 Mr. Gladstone sought to remedy the in justice in partly passing what is called a succession-tax ;he stated that it would yield £2,000,000 a-year, but it has not produced more. than from £700,000 to £ BOO,OOO, and it is . most unequael its operation. When a man dies and leaves £lO,OOO in ships, or cotton, railway shares, or public stock, it has to pay £l,OOO, or 10 per cent., in the shape of succession duty, but landed property to the same amount does not pay £l,OOO, or anything like it. In the latter case a calculation is made, based upon the annual value of the estate and the age of the person to whom it has been left, and the result is that a far less sum than the £l,OOO is paid to the State. It is a scandal and disgrace that such an inequality should exist. (Loud cheers.) But look for a moment at the grand result. From 1797 town to the present time the legacy and probate duties imposed upon pers ona lit y a l one h ave, together, produced 103 million pounds. If you deduct 3 millions on account of the succession tax there will still remain 100 million pounds, which has been derived exclusively from personal property, and from which freeholdhouses and land have been entirely exempted. (Cheers.) With such facts before us I think we are justified in protesting against such a state of things, and in asking our follow-countrymen to resolve that a fair and more honest system of taxation shall be established. (Hear.) The poor are taxed oppressively to spare the rich, and trade is taxed oppressively to spare landed property—(cheers) — nor is the explanati on diff icu lt to find ; our Parliament is essentially a Parliament of th 4 rich ; I have shown you that 24,000,000 of people living in houses under the value of £lO are excluded from the repre sentation, which is confined to 6,000,000, composing the upper and middle classes; but our Parliament, besides being a Parliament of the rich, is especially a Parliament of the landed 'gentry. More than 200 members of the House of Commons are the nominees of some dozen of the chief pro prietors of land in the respective counties from which they come. (Hear.) What is the remedy ? There ire two reme dies, which perhaps may go together. One consists of spreading information upon this su bj ec t, ma ki ng thi s so universal that even with our present bad s y s t em o f repre sentation the wrong y might be redressed in s ome grea t excite ment and after some long and perhaps perilous agitation ; the,other is the amendment of our representative system. Surely it cannot be safe or advantageous to shut out 24,000,000 of people from representation in Parliament. The great mass of our countrymen aro wholly unrepresented. Those who pay far %ore than half of our indirect taxes have no voice in the Parliament which imposes them. Our mo narch is not absolute, and can perhaps do little to change our system of taxation while our Houses of Parliament are not really responsible to the people for whom they purpose to legislate. I asked the ingenious gentleman connected with the Times, who discovered that if a working man set up a carriage and 'pair his employer would be fined to en able him to maintain that expenditure, to give him a plain answer to one or two questions. Do not the 24,000,000 who live in houses under £lO pay half of the revenues of the State? Do they not work harder and produce more of value from their industry than any other equal number of people in any other country in the world ? Are there not more of them without property in land, houses, or other invest • metits than is the ease in an equal population in any other civilized and Christian country ? Are they not wholly un represented ?--purposely excluded by th e Reform Act of 1832, and dreaded now by the monopolists of power P Only the other day you had on this platform the expelled Minis ters of the last Cabinet. A year ago what were they doing p They were pretending to construct a Reform Bill. You re collect the exceeding duplicity they manifested upon that question. You recollect their grievance of the people's wishes, their utter contempt of the people's understandings, and you remember their ignominous and well-merited downfall. (Cheers.) You have now another Cabinet which at this very monient is discussing the same question, not, I hope, to come to the same result by attempting the same system of subterfuge ; there are men in the present Cabinet who honestly wish that the representation should be greatly improved. They k now w h a t was the question upon which their predecessors were thrown out, and upon which they succeeded to power. They knew what was the understand ing ; what were the declarations ; what, if you will, were the pledges by which a majority was secured against the Government of Lord Derby. I know some of the difficul ties they, have to con t en d w ith. Th ere may be colleag u es who do of like Reform at all; there may be colleagues who are faint in their affection for it; there may be some whose courage is always .00zing out at their finger ends when there is something good to be done. I have seen Statesmen—so called—who were fit for nothing but clerks. I make no confluent on the present Cabinet. I simply describe the' circumstances under which they suc ceeded to power, and the expectation of the peo ple with respect to this great question. I hope and pray that Ministers may see that the future of their Govern ment, and for a long time the future of their party, depends upon the honesty and courage with which they deal with this great and unavoidable question (Cheers.) A word more and I have done. lam assailed with virulence, even charged with falsehood, by those masked conspirators against • the commonwealth who write in the leading columns of the Times. Congenial slanders are vomited forth every week in the lines of the great Satur day reviler, but tho facts which I have stated to-night re main, and they remain, 1 hesitate not to say, to the dis honoui of our country and the weakening of our Govern ment. Aristocracy intrenchod within the citadel of power, and resting upon generations of unchallenged rule— monarehy itself, venerable with, the willing homage of a thousand years—authority of every kind must be shaken, and mriltpass away, ,unless it be based upon the true inte rests and commend itself to the conscience of the people. (Cheers.) I ask that Parliament should be made a real re presentation of the property, tat industry, and the intelli gence of the nation—that we may be delivered, if possible, from chaotic legislation, from reckless expenditure, and from a taxation oppressive, unequal, and unjust. (Cheers.) The monopolists of power reject that demand with scorn. The day may come when it will be made in a louder voice than mine, when this question will be grasped in a ruder hand than mine, and wen it is sp made, as was the case in 1832, that will be surrendered with fear and humiliation for which reason and justice now pleads in vain. (Loud cheers.) The meeting was afterwards addressed by Mr. Uttcar- HART, Mr. EWART, and others, and (lid not terminate till a late hoar. 2HE NAT7.I'. The Fawn, 17, screw, Commander Cator, arrived yesterday at Spithead from Sheerness, and ex changed the customary salutes with the military and naval authorities. The Urgent, screw troopship, Commander Hire, fitting for service in China, has been undocked and placed in the steam basin at Portsmouth to receive her new boilers and complete for service. The Princess Royal, 91, screw, Capt. Thos. Baillie, at Portsmouth, will pay off on the conclusion of the court-martial now being held on board her Majes ty's ship Victory. Letters from Portland state that great dissatis faction is felt among the officers of the ships there, in consequence of an order which has been issued by the Admiral Commanding forbidding any officer going on shore under any circumstances, unless in uniform. The following transports have been taken up by the War Department for the shipment of stores for the military department of Woolwich Arsenal— namely, the Aries, the lanthe, the Pillgwently, the Marco Bozzaris, the Mary Hardy, the Earl of Carlisle, and the Dominica. The officers of the Prussian men-of-war in Ports mouth harbour were last evening entertained at dinner by Capt. Farquhar and the officers of her Majesty's ship Victory. The following appointments were made yester day at the Admiralty :—Lieut. B. H. Key to the Anadne ; Lieut. H. W. Mist, Lieut. Richard E. Tracey, and Lieut. Arthur G. R. Roe to the Excel lent; G. H. A. Cox and Robert Barton, midship men to the Fawn; John T. Stockting, assistant engineer to the Dauntless ; and Thomas Cape, acting assistant-engineer to the Asia. THE ARMY. Ninety-three non•commissioned officers and gun ners of the Royal Artillery, being the second portion of the detachment draughted from the depot brigade yesterday, left Woolwich to embark for China. The troops departed from the Arsenal station so as to reach London in time to start for Portsmouth by the 2.30 train. In order to provide the non-commissioned officers and men of the Chatham division of Royal Marines with amusement and recreation during the winter months, Col. Rea, the commandant, has received permission from the Lords of the Admiralty for the erectiox.of a commodious theatre within the barracks for amateur performances by the officers and men, concerts, exhibitions, &c. The building, which is now in rapid course of construction, will be a per manent one, and in every respect well adapted for the purposes to which it will be applied. It is also intended to erect four skittle-grounds within the marine barracks for the use of the men, the estimates for which are now being prepared. The result of the efforts now being made by the commanding officers of the different branches of the service at Chatham to promote the improvement and happi. ness of the troops under their command is already perceptible in the improved conduct of the men and the decrease which has taken place in desertions and other military offences. CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT. OLD COURT. (Before Baron Bramwell.) THE ALLEGED INDECENT ASSAULT AT WANDSWORTH. [A. portion of the following appeared in our impression of yesterday :]— The Rev. Henry John Hatch was indicted for indecently assaulting two children, of the respective ages of 11 and 8 years, named Mary and Lucy Plummer. Mr. Metcalfe and Mr. Cooper appeared for the prosecution; Sergeant Ballantine and Mr. Robinson defended the pri soner. The prisoner pleaded not guilty. It will be recollected that the prisoner was formerly chaplain at the Wandsworth House of Correction, and his' wife kept a seminary for young ladies at Wandsworth, and the two children were sent there to be educated. Very shortly after the little girls arrived they stated that Mr. Hatch commenced a series of indecent assaults, which con tinued for some time, until at last it came to the knowledge of the parents of the children, whom they immediately re moved, and the present proceedings were instituted. The eldest girl was then sworn. She appeared in a very nervous state, and was crying nearly all the time under examination. She said—My name is Mary Eugenia Plum mer. The witness, in answer to questions, then proceeded to describe prisoner's conduct, consisting of exposure and forcing her to place her hand on his person, and stated that it was repeated on other subsequent occasions, at one time coming to her bed, and at another taking her into his bed. She remembered there being a party. The party were in one room and he was in his bedroom. She was passing through his room to go down stairs, and he said he would tell her a story. She sat on his knee. He again behaved indecently. Lucy was on the other knee. He did so to her as well. Cross-examined by Mr. Sergeant Ballantino—l had been at a boarding school before I went to Mr. Hatch's. It was at Miss Gray's, at Bath. I was taken away because the air did not suit my health. There were six or seven other children. I only remained six weeks. I returned home, and remained there till July. I had been to another school at Bath, and I remained two years. This school was at the top of the hill, the other was at the bottom. I don't know if any complaint was made of me ; I never heard that there was. Lucy Agusta Plummer, aged eight years, said—l recol lect going to Mr. Hatch's. I slept in the next room to his. My sister slept in the next room to mine. I recollect Mr. Hatch coming to my bed in his night shirt. The child then gave the same account of the proceedings as her elder sister. The following gentlemen wore called, and gave the pri soner the highest character for morality :—The Rev. W. T. Bullock, chaplain of Guy's Hospital; Captain Bridge, St. James's-square ; Mrs. Bridge, wife of Captain Bridge ; Mr. E. Wyse, of Hyde, Isle of Wight; the Rev. Dr. Booth, rector of Stowe, who had for some time the charge of the parish of Wandsworth ; Mr. C. Nelson Wilkinson, resident surgeon of Wandsworth House of Correction ; the Rev. H. Dupuis, vicar of Richmond (of whom Mr. Hatch was a pupil 25 years ago at Eton, and to whom he had been known since) ; Mr. Annesley, solici tor ; Captain Penrhyn, a Surrey county Magistrate ; Mr. Briscoe, M.P. for West Surrey, and a magistrate ; the Reverend the Incumbent of King ston-vale; and the Rev. Joseph Gegg, assistant chaplain at Wandsworth Gaol. Sergeant Ballantine said he had a large number of other gentlemen who were willing to'be examined as to character, but it would be unnecessary to call them. Baron 13r4nwell summed up, and the jury retired at 10 minutes past four, and returned into court at five minutes to five with a verdict of guilty. The learned judge sentenced him to two years' imprison ment with hard labour for each offence, the second two years to commence after the expiration of the first. The prisoner protested that the children had told abo minable lies. He said he knew the time would come when God would prove his innocence. He was then removed. [ADYERTISEMENT.]—ThorIey's Food for Cattle is now beginning to seriously attra c t th e a tt en ti on o f t h e f armer, breder, and feeder of stock. Two . years of unremitting care and attention have enabled its inventor to take high ground as a benefactor to these interests ; and notwithstand ing the many drawbacks, the .malevolent shafts hurled against it and its probable utility, the food, from its admitted value, will become a necessity to the agricultural interest. Experience has proved, first, that it effects a considerable saving in the consumption of provender; secondly, that it produces health and vigour in all animals subjected to its influence : and lastly, increases in a remarkable degree an early development of fat. Mr. Thorley, originating this singularly efficacious food,,aimed at a compound calculated to supersede, to.a certain extent, the tedious and expensive mode then prevailing of fattening stall-fed beasts. In this ho happily succeeded ; and success prompted a very natural desire to improve upon the invention, so as to make it ap plicable to every description of domestic animal. The Eng lish farmer was slow to encourage its use, and manifested an tatwillinness to rely upon its efficacy, fancying he posse sse d in the produce of his farm, ample materials whereby to feed and fatten his cattle at a cheaper rate than by the employment or addition of artificial food. The tests to which this food has been subjected haveproved its perfect admi ss ibilit y as a cheap addition to the natural produce of the farm ; inasmuch as in realised, and rendered marketable in two-thirds of the time usually consumed in developing fat ; it, therefore, becomes apparent that a certain saving is effected by a fair application of Thorley's Compounded Food. It is believed that the present unprecedentod low price of:Wheat has induced its very genes ral use, in preference to any other of the usual 'articles of food; it is, however, much questioned whether wheat is a nourishing and proper food for the working horse, certainly it is not for cows or pigs. M r . Thorley's Food, .bes i d es possessing the advantage of greatly invigorating the health and increasing the physical power of all animals, is a tonic and gentle stimulant, and when mixed with their other food, materially assists their dizestive powers --a matter of great consequence, since it is az undoubted fact that the nourishment contained in their ordinary food is lost, conse quent upon the impaired or defective action of the digestive organs ; it will also be found to be particularly beneficial in restoring to good working condition horses which have boon over-worked, or become weak from disease, or ar, naturally of a feeble constitution. In cows its effects are undoubted, indeed almost marvellous, nearly doubling th e yield of milk and butter, whilst it at the same time enriches the quality of both. In pigs its fattening qualities are still more remarkable, displaying M a few weeks its manifest superiority over every other kind of compound cr manu factured food adopted in the feeding, of swine. Such has been its marked success, that at all our great cattle shows, Royalty, noblemen, and others who have fed their cattle on Thorley's Food, have invariably carried off the principal prizes, whilst cards of commendation have been awarded. The patronage of Royalty, of our principal nobility, the clergy, and of our leading agriculturists, must prove a great incitement t o thi s gentleman to pursue his onward course; and he may confidently rely, in producing se highly-favoured a compOund, on a centimaaticia of ouch MO 4 W/ 443 tinguished patronage. BANK _RETURNS. An Acconnt, pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth Victoria cap. 32, of the Average Amount of Bank Notes, of the sevtral Banks of Issue in England and Wales, in circu lation during the week ending Saturday, the sth day of Oct., 1859. PRIVATE BANKS. Andover Bank, Andover—lleath and Co Ashford Bank, Ashford—Jemmett, Pomfrot, & Co. 11,437 Aylesbury- Old Bank, Aylesbury—Cobb and Co 24,262 Baldock Bank and Baldock and Biggleswado Bank, Biggleswade—Wells, Hogge, and Co. Barnstaple Bank, Barnstaple-111arshall and Co 8,030 Basingstoke and Oldham Bank, Basingstoke— Seymour Lamb, and Co. Bedford Bank, Bedford—Barnard and Co. 30,423 Bawdley Bank, Bewdley—Nichols, Baker, and Co. 12,606 Bicester and Oxfordshire Bank and Oxford Bank, Bicestcr—Tubb and Co Birmingliam Bank, Birmingham— Attwoods, Spoonci, and Ce. Boston Bank, Bosto n —Cl aypons an d C o. ... 77 , 576 Boston Bank Boston—Gee and Co. Bridgwatorßank, Bridgwater—J. &J. L. Sealey 8,031 Broseley and Bridgnorth and Bridgnorth and Bromley Bank, Broseley—Pritchurds, Boycott, and Co. Buckinghana Bank, Buckingham—Bartlett, Par rott, and Co Bury and Suffolk Bank, Sudbury Bank, and Stew market Bank, Bury St. Edmunds—Oakes, Bevan, and Co. Banbury Bank, Banbury—J. C. and A. Gilbert Banbury Old Bank, Banbury—Cobb and Son 27,631 Bedfordshire Leighton Buzzard Bank, Leighton Buzzard—Bassett, Son, and Co. Birmingham Bank, Birmingham—Lloyds and Co. 27,978 Bradford Old Bank, Bradfcrd, Yorkshire—Harris and Co. Brecon Old Bank, Brecon—Wilkins and Co 6OOOB Brighton Union Bank, Brighton—Hall, West, , and Co. Burlington and Driffield Bank_ d Bank, Burlington—Hard- and Drirlie. ing, Smith, and Co Bury St. Edmunds Bank, Bury St. Edmunds-- Worlledg,u and Co. Camb;idge Bank, Cambridge--Mortlock and Co. 14,241 Cambridge and Cambridgeshire Bank, Cambridge -Memo. Foster; 46,677 Canterbury Bank, Canterbury-Hammond and Co 11,744 Carmarthen Bank, Carmarthen-David Morris and Sons Chertsay Bank, Chertsey-La Cools and Son... 2,060 Colchester Bank, Colchestor-Renni, Green, k Co. 14,612 Colchester and Essex Bank, and Wtthana and Essex Bank, and Hadleigh, Suffolk, Bank, Colchester-- Mills, Bawtree, and Co. Cornish Bank, Truro-T wee d y an d C o .. 47,023 Coventry Bunk, Coventry -Little and Woodcock 6,690 City Bank, Exeter-Milford and Co. Craven Bank, Settle-Alcocks, Bi r kb ec k, an d C o 7 7 ,076 Chepstow Old Bank, Chepstow Bank, Monmouth Old Bank, Monmouth Bank, Brecon Bank, and Ross and Herefordshire Bank, Chepstow.-- Bromago, Snead, and Co Derby Bank, Derby-W. and S. Evans and Co. Derby Bank, Derby-Samuel Smith and Co .. 41,909 Derby Old Bank and Scarsdale and High Peak Bank, Derby-Crompton, Newton, and Co. 27,656 Devizes and Wiltshire Bank, Devisers...Cooke and Co. Dias Bank, Diss-Fincharn and Co 9,913 Doncaster Bank and Retford Bank, Doncaster- Cooke and Co Darlington Bank, Durham Bank, and Stockton-on- Tees Bank, Darlington-Backhouse and C 0..., 88,693 Devonport Bank, Devonport-Hodge and Co 6,209 Dorchester Old Bank and Dorsetshire Bank, Dor chester- R. and H. Williams 45,174 East Cornwall Bank, Liskeard-Robins, Foster, and Co. East Riding Bank, Beverley-Bower and Co 61,604 Essex Bank and Bishop's Stortford Bank, Chelms ford-Sparrow, Round, and Co 41,885 Exeter Bank, Exete r -S an d ers an d Co 30,310 Farringdon Bank and Bank of Wantage, Farring don-Barnes, Medley, and Co 6,105 Farnham Bank, Farnh am -J o h n an d Jas. Knight 10,283 Faversham Bank, Faversham-Hilton and Co 6,638 Giodalming Bank, Godalining-Mellersh and Keen 4,922 Guildford Bank, Guildford-Messrs. Haydon 12,036 Iltrantham Bank, Grantham--Hardy and Co 29,927 Hereford City and County Bank, Hereford-Mat thews and Co 18,284 Hull Bank and Kingston -upon-Hull Bank, Hull- Smith, Brothers, and Co 20,679 Huntingdon Town and County Bank, Hunting don-Veasey and Co Harwich Bank, Harwich-Cox, Cobbold, and Co. - Hertfordshire, Hitchin Bank, Hitchin- Shar p ies and Co. Hereford, Ross, and Archen6eld Bank, and Ross and Archenfield Bank, Ross-Morgan and Co 21,165 Ipswich Bank Ipswich-Bacon and Co Ipswich and Needham Market Bank, Suffolk, Had- Leigh Bank, Manningtree and Mistley Bank, and Woodbridgeßank, Ipswich-Alexanders & Co 10,038 Kentish Bank, Maidstone-Ra n d a ll, Mercer, and Co. Kington and Radnorshire Bank, Kington-Davies and Co. Knaresborough Old Bank and Ripon Old Bank, Knaresborough-Harrison and Co Kendal Bank, Kendal-Wakefield, Crowdson &Co 42,673 Longton Staffordshire Bank, Longton-C. Harvey and Son Leeds Bank, Leeds-Beckett and Co. 63,606 Leeds Union Bank, Leeds-W. Williams, Brown, and Co. Leicester Bank, Leicester-T. an d T. T. P aget 32, 011 Lewis Old Bank, Lewis-Whitefeld and Co 31,122 Lincoln Bank, Lincoln-Smith, Ellison and Co 96,629 Llandovery Bank, Lampeter Bank, and Llandilo Bank, Llandovery-D. Jones and Co Loughborough Bank, Loughborough-Middleton and Cradock 1,361 Lymington Bank, Lymington-S. and G. F. St Barba 3,530 Lynn Regis and Lincolnshire Bank, Lynn Logi,- Gurneys and Co Lynn Regis and Norfolk Bank, Lynn Regis- Jarvis and C o 12,976 Macclesfield Bank, Macolesfield-Brocklehurst and Co . 16,100 Manningtree Bank, Manningtree -Nunn and C 0... 3,113 Merionethshire Bank, Dolgelly-Williams and Son 8,764 Miners Bank, Truro--Willyam i and Co. Monmouthshire Agri cu lt ura l and Conuuercial Bank s , Abergavenny-Bail e y an d Co. Monmouth Old Bank, Monmouth Bank, Brecon Bank, Chepstow Bank, Chepstow Old Bank, and Ross and I - Wefordshire Bank, Monmouth- Bromage, Snead, and Co. .... Newark Bank, Newark-Godfrey and Riddell 23,677 Newark and Sleaford Bank, and Sleaford and Newark Bank, Sleaford-Handley, Peacock, and Co. . 49,134 Newbury Bank, Nowbury-Bunny, Slocock, and Co. 111,452 Newmarket Bank, Newmarket-Eaton, Hammond, and Co.. Norwich Crown Bank and Norfolk and Suffolk Bank, Norwich-Harveys and Hudson, 48,914 Norwich and Norfolk and Fakenham Banks, No& wich-Gurneys and Birkbecks 92,260 Nottingham and Nottinghamshire Bank, Notting ham-Hart, Fellows, and Co. Nuneaton Bank, N unea t on -C ra dd oc k and Co. Naval Bank, Plymouth-Harris & Co New Sarum sank, Sarum-Everett and Co. 10,040 Nottingham Bank, Nottingham-Samuel Snail' and Co Oswestry Bank and Oswestry Old Bank, Oswestry -Croxon and Co' 11,497 Oxford Old Bank, Oxford-Parsons and Co 36,391 Old Bank, Tonbridge, Tonbridge and Tonbridge Wells Old Bank, Tonbridge and Tonbridge- Wells and Sovenoaks Bank, Tonbridge-T. H. and S. Beaching Oxfordshire Witney Bank, Witney-J. W. Clinch and Sons 10,397 Pease's Old Bank, Hull, the Hull Old Bank as 4 Beverley Bank, Hull-Pease and Co. Penzance Bank, Penzance-Batten and Co. Peterborough Bank and Ounelle Bank, Peter • • borough-D. York e an d C o. Pembrokeshire Bank, Haverfordweit-J. and W. 'Walters , 12,110 Reading Bank, Reading-Simonds and Reading Bank, Reading-Stephens, Blandy, & Co 31,226 Richmond Bank, Richmond-Roper and Co. 0,720 Rochdale Bank, Rochdale-Clement, Roydn k Co. 3,270 Rochester, Chatham, and Strood Bank, Rochester , - Day and Nicholson l,6B6 Royston Bank, Royston-Fordham and Sons Rugby Bank, Rugby..-A- Butlin and Son 10,409 Rye Bank, Rye-R. C. Pomfret and Co 13,475 Ross Old Bank, Herefordshire, Ross-Allaway and MacDougal 4,149 Saffron Walden and North Essex lank, Saffron Walden-Gibsons and Co 25,218 Salop Bank, Shrewsbury-Burton, Lloyd, kCo 13,738 Scarborough Old Bank, Scarborough-Wood:111 and Co. .. 24,386 Shrewsbury Old Bank and Shrewsbury and Ludlow Bank, Shrewsbury-Rocke, Eyton, and C 0..... 42,070 Sittingbourne and Milton Bank, Sittingbourne•-• Valiance and Co. 3,959 Southampton Town and County Bank, South/al ton-Maddison and Pearce... Southwell B an k, Southwell-Wylde and Co. 10,179 Southampton and Hampshire Bank, Southampton -Atherlay Fall, and Co. Stafford Old Bank, Stafford -Stevenson and Co. . • 13 , 630 Stamford and Rutland Bank, Stamford- E a t on, Cayley, a n d C o 25,296 Shrewsbury and Welsh Pool Bank, Shrewsbury- Beck, Downward, and Co Taunton Bank, Taunton --H. and R. Badcock 30,331 Tavistock Bank, Tavistock-Gill, Sons , and Cs. 9,891 Thornbury Bank, Thornbury-Harwood and Co 2,149 Tiverton and Devonshire Bank, Tiverton-Duni ford and C o. Thrapeton and Kettering Bank Northamptonshirs, Thrapston-York and Eland 11,247 , Tring Bank and Chesham Bank, Tring-Butoher and Son Towchester Old Bank, Towchester-Percival and Co 7,741 Town a n d C oun t y of Poole Bank and Ringwood and Poole Bank Poole-G. W. L e d gar d an d S ons 10,337 Union Bank, Cornwall, Holston-Vivian and Co- 18 , 1 7 2 Uxbridge Old Bank, Uxbridge--Hull, Smith, &Co. 11,297 Wallingford Bank, Wallingford-Hed ges , Wells, and Co. Warwick and Warwickshire Bank, Warwick- Greaves and Co. Wellington Somerset Bank, Wellington-Fox, Brothers, and Co 4,043 West Riding Bank, Wakefield and PO'ntefract Bank-Leatham Tew, and Co 45,314 Whitby Old Bank, Whitby-Simpson, Chapman, and Co. Winchester, Alrosford, and Alton Bank, Winches ter-Bulpett and Co. Weymouth Old Bank and Dorchester Bank, Wey mouth-Elliot, Pearce, and Co. Wirksworth and Ashbourne Derbyshire Bank- Arkwright and Co. Wisbech and Lincolnshire Bank, Wisbech-Gur neys and Co 52,390 Wiveliscombe Bank, Wiveliscombo-P. and W Hancock 7,088 Wolverhampton lank, Welverkampton-Goodricke and Holyoake •••• Worcester Old Ban g and Tewkesbury Old Beak, Worcester-Berwick, Lechmere, and Co 71,662 Wolverhampton Bank, Wolverhampton -R. iuid W. F. Fryer 10, 114 Yarmouth and Suffolk Bank, and Halesworth and Suffolk Bank, Yarmouth- Gurneys, Birkbeck, and Co. trerisistmetommettlisweiete. 48,208 COUNTRY MARKBI'S. BIRMINGHAM—DEc. 1. A moderate supply of wheat, and to effect sales a reduc tion of is per qr on former rates had to be submitted to. Barley held for high prices, but in limited demand. Oats, beans, and peas w ere u na lt ere d, and only found buyers small quantities. MANCHE STE R—DEc. 1. Buyers were unwilling to operate without a greater eon' cession in price than h o ld ers we re disposed t o submit to: English wheat sold a t is un d er the extreme r ates of latr Thursday, and For e i gn 2d p er 701bs less money. lit er e business was done in flour, though offered at 6d to is sack decline. Oats declined ld to 2d, and oatmeal 6d to 1* per load. Beans and Indian corn is cheaper. BOSTON—Nov. 30. \Vweeheakd. Spring a up e p o l r y n o a f l w ib heat from the growers to-LW' the demand for which ruled inactive at prices ls under do , 3 : , 3 „ 3,0 be lasteral supply, anu Pr"' fore. Wheat, red .388 to 46s Oats.... ........ 37f3 17g to 25! to 40 0 White do .46 s t o 50 s Beans ........... to 44g Barley .24 s t o 37 s P e as ......... --* '363 PLYMOUTH—Nov. 28. This market was dull to-day, and prices for w heat li rs °lll t es : nally unchanged Holders declined to take low e i r i. w hits Flour easier to buy. The quotations are—English 43s wheat, 46s to 48s ; red, 43s to 45s per qr ; French ao:/.,,d to 45s ; grinding barley, 26s to 28s; oats, 22s to 25 0 1 '— flour, fine, 33s to 345; seconds, 31s to 325. LOUTH—Nov.:3O. There was an easier business done in wheat toll, red prices rather below last week's quotations,' vit ., h , te . 49 0 ' and mixed, old and new, 40s to 44s per qr. i n v 7 +o " go. Oats, 18s to 228; beans, 40s to 45s ; barley, EDINBURGH GRAIN—Nov. 3 0 . ~ we re The supplies were large to-day ti,t market, and o de. ' dull, with the exception of barley. is i d doirS: Wheat on the top ls Od down average Os 1 " . Barley on the top Os 6d up average . id do o, Oats on the top Os 3d down .... average Is ,L d o vi. Os ...e‘• Beans on the top is 9d down Averages per Imperial Wheat.... 2 5-12ths Barley 1 17 Oats 1 5 1 6.12Ch1i Beans _ quarter.averitge Total Supply and Sale Wheat... 877qrs Sold s 5 65 q r° 8ar1ey........2530 qrs Sold 1942 40 Oats .1959 qrs Sold 1428 g Beans :120 qrs Sold 81 qr° GLASGOW—Nov. 3 0 . 1 a (lit In the market to-day the business doing iv,e ° , l- old 0 e,,,, — Wheat 6d to 9d per boll cheaper. Beans, barLO' o ck ir e "' were 6d cheaper. Flour declined 6d to is per late rates. CORK—Nov. 30. ite l ] The following were the quotations this ra0 111 : 11 % .ie; wheat, 23s 6d to 26s 03; white, 26s Od to 28s Od, Od to 19s 6d ; oats, Os 6d to 14s 6d. DUBLIN—Nov. 29. • g O w Our market was pretty well attended this ra° lll o lll o l of t , there was a moderate supply of everything. r , I d. d• fully 6d to Is and oats 3d to 6d per barrel c heake , 013_, ing barley scarce, and barely maintained late raf; i l s o col' ing qualities inactive, at a slight reduction. IL', J. was unaltered, with scarcely any business pa )3B l. 1 ;•„ g s. d. s. d. Wheat, white 28 oto 31 0 Do., new ..... 1 3 1. 0 ° t t : 1 1 6 6 Do., red 27 oto 29 6 Bere ......... 1 ,, o to2, 0 2u la Do., new Barley Oats Do., black l2 oto 12 6 I n dian corn • • " 9g with DERBY SMITHFIELD—Nov. deft c ei There was a moderate supply of fat stock " - I t ighP'i # l, a full attendance o f b u y ers ; a good demand; fie r id were asked for best quality, y e t a c learance ce,el•T iir ice4 .o Sheep were in sm a ll su pply, w ith an a dvance ul d b e " fat calves scarce, and well so ld. F a t Pigs feud sale. la t° lo Beef Mutton .. . 7d to 8d Pork ......• per Lamb Od to Od Rough fat, 6 0 : Hides, 31d to 51d ; calf skins, 6d to 6i PACKET LIS FOREIGN MAIL eNr - A . In the following table E signifies that letters sr B d ost,,' ruing by evening mails from London, and M bYlso -- 14 i- pa tof tid e ' DESTINAT/ONS. Despatch por t 1 0 Australia and Mauritius, via of Mails. 2e 6 l Bte . i ; eo. i Southampton Dec. 12, M SoutbarOr ' Vet , . dr Ditto, via Marseilles Bahamas and Havana via New , i - / Canada, York kc. (by Canadn. pckt.) D D e :c . . 23 7', E E Ev Y e e r 7°°°l:: jilechil:l - of Good Hope, Ascen- r 1 sion, and St. Helena - . a .s. .. China, Penang, and Singa- f , ~..,,v - 1a pore, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseilles Gibraltar, via Southampton Dec. 3, M South p , D Honduras and Blewfields DP'''' 4 India (Calcutta) and Ceylon, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via South- 4 D. co. ampton Dec. 12, M Southaln D .. .. Ditto, via Marseilles Lisbon, Brazils,Buenos Ayres, W .- 1 and F . Islands Lisbon, Vigo, and Oporto D p e e c m . 7 9 , 31 111 SS:11111:PP: 11°1' 1 Dec. pec 1 3 0: 3EI 5..0.u.t.b.a.113...P.. pee pec: 10 I,lalta, Egypt, and Aden, via .0 0 i Southampton Ditto, via Marseilles Mexico and Havana Newfoundland United States and British N Dec. 3, B Gavi a l .. n o, # 01 , "---- America (by British packet) Dec. 3, E LiverP __„, 0 Ditto (by U. S. packet) Southtiwr __, West Coast of Africa, Ma- ~„0 0 1.• dcira, and Tenerife Dec. 23 E lAlve'r - West India, California, Vene- Dec. DDcc. 2 3 ::: 1 1 • SS..:tt.bij. a 7 0 P P .: . -: n ee. I zuela, Chili, Peru, Grey- h SP ' town, New Granada, &c. tiriog 1 9e.1 CONSUMPTION Consumptive 3 l i N al c a u d u ie rE an ? d — faraTe: if ( : 0. 1)° , : 1141:gi n p r I t i t I „alida ha 11A under ls suffered frcaa the ravaged of ConsuMPti°-„ deP: family in the empire is there who has not 7) will in . loss caused by this scourge of the human °g a p e pti °Ll o. 4 ' a satisfactory answer to the question, "Is C f.: 00 S h e d is curable," in an original article by Dr• v „." -- ri yab.Pr e eßii, 31. D., 35, Bruton-street, Berkeley-square. " • nen °, e dOW the "Household Physician," in numbers, one s' to 9 - by G. Berger, 19, Holywell-street, Strand l' r°ll2 beol d ready. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's re- p oor: 09 . , be without these Pills.—Their lone tried effiet" l ,. the we. indigestion, stimulating the bowels, and purifY i t beg ..at e have secured them imperishable praise throu'hovue the raw Whatever the disease, a few doses will r elie n trol s h rg oil urgent symptoms, and thereafter completely O the con food' ordered acon, rouse the torpid liver, eraP t Y la te tbe A spleen, cleanse the obstructed kidneys, as ilinl u l f a, a ll "..so le improve the blood, and thereby confer on the a 1 001' 0 .4. function, healthful vigour, natural activity, ne f " og bt, 11 , 1 0 regularity. In cases of indigestion, :dant:lose° le tbel ache, mental and ph ys i ca l l ass itude, these r act as a charm. Th e y ex p e l r h eu matism an d g: n od infallibly correct female comp aints Ye ll° ' sate and robust. f 17 0 4:;14 '0 1 [ADVERTISEMENT.]—The salutary y eff ee ...4. t A fr delicious Revalenta Arabica Food in remov•-; (dyspepsia), flatulency, constipation, nerv. °l ; 'sod 1 ;104 liver complaints, cough, asthma, consume feTB5O! without medicine, is admirably display T y ilne lad letters :—" Ridlington Rectory, Norfolk, oe ss, No. 4,208. —Eight years dyspepsia, nervons_,Ferrilioye' with cramps, spasms and nausea, for whiell n'l a ny re tAP a ff e ctu lopta n . consulted the advice ' of many have been by Du Barry's health-restoring Food. 13"'tders.-/ answer any inquiries. —Rev. J. W. Flayed.' „ c osi „, joy cashire, Aug. 17, 1851.—Gentlemen r _For a . „ 5 . c..p10. time I have suffered severely from a violetitfps side, extreme flatulency, accompanied eagle e.T" ot f sensation of heartburn, and other disagre,,Aibb3, dyspepsia. Various remedies, alleged 5311 74 _hour ° " of in vain, and for a long time I was never _ . .. arm ene e „ tbr, violent pain ; indeed, I was unfit for the Pe, " ci. In le — r op., ll " daily duties. I was induced to try your ie ° _,, as cerY ier oDO an hour found relief, and my recoverY was irde' The duties which previously had bael l d hove burden, became a delightful exercise, IT bof; accomplished more labour with l eS : f rr a, 1 0 00' I ever expected to be able to Pe„ ° D . 0 2 never had a retturn of my co mplain 12 0 'i/fai t , la tins, at Is. 6d. ; Ilb., 3s. ;21b., ss. 9 "' re ceiPt, 265. The 101 b. and 121 b. tins carriage free , e" tow nu t -BU.- t s.bist office order. Du Barry and Co., 77, Beg Fortnum, Mason, and Co., 182, ries w " 'l5 O, t:. Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 63, : 11 0 _ street ; 330 and 451, Strand ; 49 ancl.o;4, 5 col street ; 85, Tottenham-court - ro ad. Bewley and Draper ;at Edinburgh , te SO' r ufr satcoLtitv;erpatoyolo,rNk,ixßonaianmeds,Tl3heianw ; char at 3 d l , a su n ell a ir.,o o , r ; 00 ampton. Randall and Son. .10 BIRTHS• h rri jle ' - DE VISMES.—On the 23d ult., at Brussels, t.--e R Thtlobald de Vismes et de Ponthieu, of a son' , velsi i + IDDELL.—On the 20th ult. , at Spreacorube-1391." the wife of R. N. Riddell, Esq., of a John., Dareollsr VAUGH On the 30th ult. at St. s . 0 .0. •+ Bri AN.— xton, the wife of the Rev. Matthew Irene's°, of a son. Cbelt 101 WILSON.—On the 27th ult., at 1, Susses-villas, tighter, ham, the lady of R. H. G. Wilson, Esq ., °f a CIL' MARRIAGES. MACINNES—J t at W it°l3 ?./ ORNSTONE.--On the Ist ins..., Gene . P d ete n r b ' u s, rg S h u , ffolk, Miles, theeldest son of the lat e - A ode of E Esq., of Sherwood Hall, Maclnnei, to Euphemia, the eldest daughter o f " wI Johnstone , Esq., of Holton Hall. fterr ace , WILSON—CowArt.—On the 23d ult., at 32, ROI° will Charles Cowan, Esq. of Valleyfieldt Eti'lljb H ... te , x . ..—On the 27th u p lt. 3l , a A t W'relist .31..ittton, Chall. J. l ilsNono,ttesl,detoschariotAt.eir,ol„;; ligth Ho l l i m e t E .— sq dn ' a t g h e e d 3 9 o l ;h ult., at 37, Eat°ll-1) lacer Wil li° Daigri‘Ve square, Robert Holmes, Esq., aged 95• of fi MATHEWS.—On the 29th ult John Mathews+, ~,,, Dos F-:sq' '9 Haddington-terrace, _Greenwich, late of 11.31 o+ l + yard, Woolwich, aged 77. Itiebrao PntoE.—On the 30th ult , at Ormond li aged e, 90 Stalid Surrey, Captain Thomas Price, H.C.S., a . SHAW.—On the 29th ult., suddenly, o,t his residenews,, 04. ley-hall, near Wakefield, Yorkslde, William SO aged 55. ne eed r WELD.—On the 28th ult., at 14, York-terrace,z a 7 1, road, Peckham, Captain Daniel ANTeld, R. N,, 5 4' ~,,pfer o WonEttousE.—On the 27th ult., at Boulogsn;;. 11/0, William Thomas, eldest son of the Hon. and " Wodehouse. Los:fa/7d.10t/PG. Middlesex,: Friday, 2.12 Printed ttraur :l an e, : Published by leinDt, Ppricetncetomeiri,)t:iaret2saT, hivseosB3,9:lalc o ß co , 1410°V .4