The Sun. — London, England, 1858-06-02 00:00:00

from any of our foreign Ministers, he d immediately dent belief that the Empe ror i s now as fi rm l y reso l ve d as forwarded them to his successor in officeb,aandhehadn toot he ever has been—as fi rm ly reso l ve d as h er M a j esty ' s G o vernment certainly are—to ma i n t a i n replied to them except to remove misapprehensions as the course to be pursued by her Mahest This was too grave matt er inva l uable to coun verument. to be lightly tries; and if that alliance h as b een p reserve d an d th a t this passed over, because, instead of its being simply a post- cordial feeling restored after the temporary cloud which prandial speech, it partook ofja manifestot o the ea' ion that recent events cast upon them, alth oug h we ma y perhap s there existed in this country a cabal of Englishmen a nd claim some credit for the course we h ave p ursue d in foreigners as bad as that of Charles 11., which embraced country, the praise, I rep ea t, i s ma i n ly d ue t o th e soun d the worst period of our history and the g reatest national Judgment ) • • the loyalty, and the good faith of that distin- depravity. He (Lord Clarendon) coul d not imagine guished man the Emp eror o f th e F renc h. Now, my anything more likely to outrage the feelings of the people lords, passing from the la ngua ge w hi c h the Chancellor of this country against her Majesty's late Gov ernmen t of the Exchequer is said to have inappropriately used than for the people to imagine that they had been with respect to the state of intoour relations with France leagued with foreigners to bring about such nefarious opposite proceeded to the next passage of the Bucking political objects, and he called Upon the noble lord to 8 .. when the Government came office, my noble friend give an explicit explanation to that part of the right Exchequer took cred it to hon. gentleman's speech. ham hire speech, viz . , that in which the Chancellor of the e they ag. The Earl of DERBY —Before my noble friend sat n pu o r t, su l ed th w i i n t k h , r e u g n e d r unduly y t 0 down I thought he was going to conclude with some o t the e u en gineers ß nj r n i s ti t e ly h 'f or the h c ol u t r h s e e of State for Foreign Affairs is en motion ; and I now hardly know in what manner I friend the Secretary . friend The noble earl has stated most trely t at nhy ho le used cessfully, for the purpose of should treat the observations he has made, and whether titled to every credit for the course he pursued and the he used, and suo I must not in the first instance intreat the indulgence of means s ring the liberation of these two men ;and the noble the house if I imitate the irregularity of my noble friend earl p has said with great candour that, although unfor who has made a long speech without any apparent ob- tunately the Government the real position o f th e case with which he was connecte d ject that I can perce i ve, unless, indeed, it be to make a were itwas tooquiteign orance in late to interfere with su ffi c i ent effect, of the Exch equer . (H ear, h ear.) H owever, I have to of personal attack on my right h on . f r i en d t h e Ch ance ll or untilet they did what they could to proc ure some mitigation the sufferings endured by our f e ll ow-countrymen. Yet thank my noble friend f or h av i ng g i ven me intimation Now, Ido not deny that the noble earl during the pe gof his intention to bring under the notice of riod he held the seals of the Foreign Department did yotir lordships, however irregularly, the speech delivered make various representations, and did toa certain extent by the Chancellor of the E xc h equer a ft er a di nner g iven obtain from the Neap o lit an G overnment a mitigation of to him by his co n stit uen t s ; b ecause, th oug h th e course cent and unconvi c t e d men h ad been condemned, viz., a the severer portion o f th a t punishment to which inno pursued seems to be elevati ng , p er h a p s , th a t post-gran- long and painful imprisonment. But, my lords, I must be permitted to say that the state of ignorance to which dial speech to the dignity of a State paper—(laughter)— yei it has caused me to have the great gratification of thenoble earlrefers as his excuse for not having done more again reading with more a tt en ti on th e w h o l e o f th a t did not exist later, aocerding to his own statement, very able and amusing discourse. (Hear, and laughter.) than the month o f December, Government took place. whereas it was not till February that th e c h ange of Perhaps my noble friend, in order to put himself i n or d er will move that a copy of that important State During the last d ays of the administration of the F ore i gn paper be Department by noble earl he undoubtedly request:d laid on the table of the house. (Laughter.) Of course of the Neapolitan Government that one of the engineers, when the discussion is ended he would be prepared to whose mind had given way under the severity of the withdraw the moti , n, but such a moti on wou ld b e the punishment t o w hi ch he had consequence of the s t a t e of his intellect, be withdrawn been exposed, should, in legitimate conclusion of the so mew h a t ill eg i t i mate course from the rigorous captivity to which he had been sub he has pursued- (Hear, and laughter.) However, in con- jetted, and should be transferred to the British Hospital sequence of the notice given me by my noble friend, I, at Naples, where the British Consul was himself to be following the example of great authorities in another security for his production, whenever required, and where place, and to prevent th e p oss ibili ty of mistake, obtained the suggested the Neapolitan Gov ernmen t mightplace a noble earl guard to prevent the possibility of his escpe. That is the position in which, upon suc cee di ng t o a copy of the speech i n quest i on an d made it my duty g a the administration of affairs, we found these two unfor authenticity of every expression, lam ready to adopt tunate individuals—(hear, hear)—one of them still in the report, which proc ee d s f rom a quarter which is gene- prison and still subject to all the hardships of prison life, rally correct in its ve rs i on o f pu bli c speeches, and to as- and the other, whose reason had given wa y un d er th e slime it to be the speech d e li vere d b y t h e Chancellor of severity of his sufferings, withdrawn f rom p r i son an d Placed in an hospital un d er a guar d , or a t l east t h e no bl e the Exchequer. And no w I mus t b e permitted to say earl having suggested that he should be placed under a that, if on the part of my right hon. friend there guard to prevent the possibility of his escape, the British has been any indiscretion in the course of this Consul giving personal security for his appearing to tin post-prandial speech, in en t er i ng upon the un when trial dergo hi sial his mind should be restored. (H ear .) necessary discussi on o f top i cs which had better Now, my lords, in another place—if I may follow the not been entered i n t o a t a ll , i t sinks into insignificance noble earl in a very s li g ht d egree i n th e i rregu l ar i ty as compared with the indiscretion which my noble friend which he has committed—a very different line of defence has been adopted. Th e no bl e v i scoun t l a t e l y at t h e h ead has exhibited i n th e manner in which he has dealt with of the Government ve n t ure d, if I am no t m i s i n f orme d , that, too, not b e f ore a constituency, not at a fstive questions of the utmost d e li cacy an d importance ; and upon the statement th a t th e lib era ti on , if no t o f b ot h , at least of one of those engineers was due, not to her Ma meeting, not in the natural exultation of a great Parlia- jesty's present Government, but to the efforts and ro,mon mentary sucoess achieved by his party, but in his place strances of her Majesty's late Government. That is a in the House of Lords, where he has deliberately and on purpose raked up the recollection of various transac• statement made, nut by the noble lord opposite—he has lions which, to my mi n d, f or t h e i nterest of Euro made a very different stat emen t—b u t by th e no bl e pe had viscount who was at the head of the late Government. better been consigned to oblivion. (Hear.) Ido not The Earl of CLARENDON—My noble friend the come forward for the purpose of concurriog in every sin- member for Tiverton never said that both the engineers gle expression or every single word which may have been were liberated in consequence of the remonstrances of used, if, indeed, they all were used by my right hon. the late Government. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but lam pre- The Earl of DERBY—I said one, if not both ;but this pared to answer the challenge cf my noble friend with shows upon a small scale the inconvenience of these respect.to many parts of his charge against my right irregular references to what persons have said, or are hon. friend. It is said that my right hon. friend, in the s upposed to have sai2, in the other House of Parliament. first instance, stated that we we re a t th e ti me we sue• ceased to the Gov ernmen t i n a pos i t i on in which the Now, my lords, the nobie viscount lately at th e h ea d o f the Government i s a p erson o f very a d vanced age, very possibility of a wa r w ith F rance was net only cf months vigorous for his age, vigorous beyond the ordinary race and weeks but of hours. No w , m y nobl e friend opposite of mortals—(a laugh)—but the first sign of advancing has entered into a long and laboured explanation on this age is gen era lly a s li g h t f a il ure of memory, and to that subject, and into a s omew h a t unnecessary discussion, as growing i n fi rm it y, I t hi n k , i s to be attributed the as it appears to me, of all the circum s t ances w hi c h attended tounding statem en t th at th e mem b ers of the late Go a very critical period of th e a lli ance b etween France and vernment, and not th ose o f th e present, are the persons England, and he has sou g ht t o i nvo l ve my right hon, to whom one a t l eas t o f t h ese engineers is indebted for friend in a contradicti on , re f err i ng, again, irregularlyhis lib : rati on f rom a N eapolitan prison. (Hear.) As fur that purpose, to a statement said t o h ave been made by that statement has b een ma d e, l et me remind your lord my right hon. friend in ano th er p l ace. My noble friend ships of the f ac t s . I t was on the 15th Feb. that the has done me the h onour to refer to the speech I had the honour to deliver at th e open i ng of Parliament, noble earl opposit e p re f erre d t h e request to which I have in which already re f erre d— v i z., that one of the engineers, whose I stated, after th e a t roc i ous attack on the life of the Em- peior, that I thought it a ma t ter of great importance our good will t owar d s France mind h d give n way —th ere was nothing said of the other , -e-should be t r a ns f erre d f rom a prison to an hospital, that a measure should if possible b e introduced which with the view of t es ti ng , ther e t o b e k ep t un d er a guard, the British consul giv , ini should at all even t s h ave t h e appearance, if not the effect might be called upon to underattendancego his trial. That was of putting a c h ec k on th e machinations of those persons one of the last acts of the Administration of the noble is this country who so grossly abused the hospita'ity cad. When the pre s ent G overnment came i nto office, proof they enjoyed here w hi c h s h ould net only be a my noble friend the S. cre t ary o f S tate f or F oreign Affa . ra of our anxiety f.r th e preservation of the life of the Emperor, lost no time in despatching Mr. Lyons to Naples, not good feeling b ween the G but al s o for the s e maintenance of of that be under va l ue d i n t h e s li ghtest degree the energy, France and the activity, and the ability which had been shown pre- England. I think that my noble friend will hardly viously by the acting consul, Mr. Barber, but because venueur to say that when I made that statement in this he naturally thought that a person filling an important e had not expressed in the strongest terms his diplomatic situation, though not at Naples, would pro apprehensions with respect to the relations between bably have more influence with the Neapolitan Govern- England and France in case no measure of that kind ment. W, m lrds, it wai not until thelBth March should be introd uce d i n t o the IL wise Parliament. that Signor ell Caraf y e, o in consequence of strong repre , enta. (Hear, hear.) Ido not desire nor will I attempt to re- thins made by Mr. Lyons on the 16th, communicated peat private conversations, but my noble friend opposite the intelligence that the King of Naples, out of defe will not, I think, deny that he himself, not many days rence, as he stated, to the British Government, was before the debate, stated to me the very critical posi• willing to permit the unconditional return of the engi tion of our relations with France, and the dangers—the neer Watt, on account of the state of his health, to this magnitude of which be could not foresee—if nostep were country instead of being kept in Naples ; and shortly taken by the British Government to soothe the irritated afterwards, from the same alleged motive—deference to feelings of the French people. Upon that statement, the British . Government—a similar indulgence was and being desirous of supporting the Government and granted to the oth er cap ti ve, w h ose h ealth, though not of maintaini ng th e a lli ance with France, which I knew his mind, had also given way under the severity of his to be at that time in danger, I did make the statement suffering-. (Ilear, hear.) Her Majesty's present Go to which my noble friend has alluded ; but what my vernment had thus the happiness of seeing restored—l right hon. friend has stated is,—tbat it was not at the shall not say to health—but to their country and their period when the late Government was in office that friends, these u o fortunats men, although during the there was danger of a rupture with France, but when whole period i f the administration of the Foreign De refMS present Government succeeded to office, upon the partment by the noble earl opposite no sups had been ection and abandonment of the measure introduced taken fir the purpose, at all events, of procuring or by the late Government —spontaneously and without promoting their liberation. (Cheers.) These, my lords, pressure (for lam willing to adopt the statement of my are the facts of the case, and again I say, without refer noble friend)—to the passing of which it was notorious ring to the precise terms, which were perhaps a little in that the greatest importance was attached in Francs— fisted, used by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in de when, I say, it was suddenly found impossible that that scribing the effects produced, that I think my right hon. measure should be proceeded with, and when the expec- friend was fully jeqified in claiming for himself and his tations of legislation of so delicate a subject raised by colleagues the credit of having effected the restoration is the late Government fall to the ground and the most their families and friends of these two unfortunate men, irritating language was held on this and the other side after their long and cruel captivity in a Neapolitan pri of the Channel, Ido not hesitate to say, that if it had son. (Cheers.) Now, my lords, the noble earl opposite, not been for great prudence and moderation on the part not satisfied with the contrast which we are entitled to of those charged with the manageme n t of affairs, both draw between the course pursued by the present Go. here and in France—it is impossible to deny that there vernment and that adopted by her ,sty's l ad- was most serious and immi nent d anger of an immediate visers, has the confidence to go a step Maj further and t ateo say rupture between the two co un t r i es. And if there were that Mr. Disraeli ought at all events to have been en not, I wish the noble earl will explain why it was that :shied to state that these persona had obtained an on that that very question of Milner Gibson's in the other ditional release, and that the indemnity which he admits house notices were freely circulated to the friends of we have very properly asked on their behalf has been the then Government, to the effect that if his conceded by the Go7erntr est of Naples. The question of motion should be unhappily adopt d there was imminent indemnity is one which, as ne friend we knows danger of war with France ? Wear.) If the re was no is under discussion between thio noble country and Naples. , such danger those notices should not have issued. I see We have made a claim and mean to support it. With that my noble friend is taking a note of what I say. I I regard to the other question, my noble f o b ed (Lord do not mean to state that loess notices were put in Malmesbury) has been able to inform the nle earl op and apparently on p os it e th a t th e re l ease of the engineers haa been absolute, writing, but language w as f ree ly h e ld, authority on the part of those who used, and whose busi- entire, and unconditional. My lords, I said I would Lot ness it was to bring down voters to support the policy of comment upon every particular expression attributed to the then Government. (Hear.) I say, then, that aiLr the I my light hon, friend, nor defend any language which measure of the late Government had fallen to the ground, I might appear exaggerated. Ido not think, if speeches and af.er the late Government, which had induced the I made on occasions like this are to be brought under so- French Government to expect the passing of the measure, t Hens discussion in both houses of P ar li ament , an d are to retired from offi ce , t h ere was a feeling of the greatest pos- I be made the subjects of motions or of debates equivalent Bible irritati on ar i sing from the whole of these transac- to motions for two nights longer in ono house, and for a tions ; and it was not possible to say, without overstrain- considerable space of time on another nig ht in th e fag expressions that cert a i n rupture and possible war other house—l do not think that her Majesty's late Go.. between England and France might be a question not of vernment are those who ought minutely to criticise par weeks or days but of hours ? (hear,) B:fore going fur- ticular forms cf expression, or to complain of any little they I must say that my noble friend has, lam quite indiscretion of language or of sentiment which may have sure, unintentionally misstated the course pursued by the been committed even by a Minister of the Crown in a Chancellor of the Exchequer with respect to the bill, to postprandial speech upon a festive occasion. (Cheers.) I which be has alluded, The noble earl Fait that oe the could point to one or two instances—one more remote first introduction of the bill it met with the warm and tend the other not very dislant —in which language has ee , nog uallueu approval and support of the Chancellor of the been held which, if subjected to the test of severe criti- Exchequer- My noble friend's memory is somewhat de- cism and Parliamentary investigation, and if the speeches festive, for, unless mine is at fault, I beheve that th a t in which it occurred had been treated' as State papers, as measure received the sanction of a large body of the that of my right hon. friend has been by my noble friend House of Commons as a meek of respect to the French oosite, would have been found not to be such as was Government and of good will towards France; but the bests alculated to secure and maintain perfect harmony Chancellor of the Exchequer did not allow the opportu- between this and other countries. (Hear.) My nobie pity to pass without stating that he supported the intro friend opposite has cleverly and ingeniously coloured duction of the bid on those specific grounds, and he some portions of the speech cf my noble friend. I car pto himself the right of fully considering the tainiy should not have expected him to make more than a passing allusion from which it was impossible to re course he should pursue on the second reading of the ledl if it should ever arrive at a second reading. So much for frain—to that gradually dissolving view—to the bursting the "cordial support," to use the language of my noble of that great bubble —to that breaking up of the ice of the p a inade ettahnes garnadd indications w i t hdra w o of 1 what o n e w b a y s friend opposite, aff or d e d by th e Ch ance llor of the Exche- h Neva, which took p'ace with sudden violence, after qu e r to a bill which was afterwards not withdrawn, out goingvariousto cracks take abandoned on the second reading. Well, my lords, say that the Government were entitled to some degree of one, of single cards from that ar ecarfully constructed edit commendation for the temperate and moderate course by fire of pasteboard, until at last that which it had cost which they sought to smooth down the angry feeling some, persons so much pains to build up collapsed in a which existed in this country, and to remove a portion sing l e moment, came to nothing, and fell to the grounO, of that formidabl e i rr it a ti on w hi c h prevailed on. the to th e utter and irretrievable confusion of its authoes. ;A I other side cf the c h anne l . B ut, my lords, I would be laugh.) I d id not expect the noble earl to comment on guilty of a gr o s s i n j ust i ce— l wou ' d be acting in a man- that part of my right hon, friend'sdo not spew ). nee wholly unw or thy o f th e position which I hold, of the know whether he read it with so much amusement as I place in which I stand, and of the audience whom lam did ; but greater than my amusement was my conviction addressing —if I did not say that by far the greater por- of its truthfulness. I felt eminently convinced that, tion of' the credit which is due for preventing that possi- great as was the wit, great as was the clehernese, great ble rupture, and that probable alienation between the as was the humour of that most graphic description, two countries, is due to the firmness, to the good sense, that which most peculiarly appertained to it w as un to the Jud gmen t , and to the cordial attachment to the deniable truth. (Hear, hear, hear.) There was no ex. British alliance which, under all cir cums t ances, h ave aggeration even of eejeurieg, for no exagg era t ion could cane at which—l s h all beim man i fested by the il'ustrious m an w h o ru l es over be app ' ied to that matchless s . the empire hf Fria ( Cheers.) My lords it would have remand en it to the lost day cf my I bad 1 f;. — the good been impossible to n r c a e. m . an to maintain mein firmly, more fortune to be present. But, honourably, m hon. friend to which, a s my lords, there was one dignity of this sore consistently, with more regard to the part of the speech of n,y right country and to the d' , nit of his own, be wag making a running comment , taking down its ua -6 y' cordial g e,the than the Emperor of the French has ' done the al- due pretensions and rebuking its fiance which bassi) long. a nd so happily subsisted between noble earl opposite might have referred. Why did he the t wo countries • , and it is to hhis,intimate knots ledge of not say something on the subject of finance . ? There this country —a knowled e many of his countrymen,g wilt, Which is 1" oiler" pcsiessed by were three topics to which my right hoc. friend specially misconceive and misco nstru e quently are apt to referred, and with which he summed up his speed!'. perception Whiaceitkiohns—that is to be These were foreign affairs, the position in which we attributed the just perm has e had of the found them, and that in which we stand now ; the difficulties under which the Goeernmenet uellbeure finances of the country, the position in which we found and of the obstacles which existed to the fr rest of . them, and that which they now occupy ; and the policy not unnatural wishes and desires oa his part, w il e , is to his loyalt y , and • owing to his good sense, to his good which her Majesty's Government have recommended for India. These were the three topics upon which my faith that he has given full play to thatd accurate percep- right hon. friend in his celebrated speech at Slough took lion of the real pos:ticn of affairs, sad hcoasuanbtstai"l from credit to the Government. Upon two of them my noble sot friend opposne has ventured to join issue ; upon the pressing claims to which he felt this h re i , ci e l o i t a i e d t lid would not assent, and the pi., sting of 7 third he has been discreetly and totally silent. Ho did believed would have be n prajudici 41 to t h at good un i d u er Y not reenteon as one of the merits which were claimed by standing which happily preset 11 let A eta the two coon - 1.1):i right hon. friend —and of course by not disputing it tries, (Cheers )My lads, I vaiture to express my confi .he admits the validity of the claim—those financial fir . THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY E V ENING, J UNE 2, 1858. had neglected to take that course. (Hear.) t he noble earl has gone over many parts of the Slough speech which were not alluded to by my noble friend. He has adverted, among other things, to Mr. Disraeli's amusing description of the scene in the other House of Parliament on the conclusion of the Indian debate on the night of Monday week. I can assure the noble earl that on reading that part of the right hon. gentleman's speech, I was as highly entertained as be appears to have been. I was then travelling in a railway carriage, and I handed the paper containing the report to one of the noble lord's supporters, and pointing his attention to that part of the speech, I remarked that it was one of the most amusing fictions that I had ever read in my life. (A. laugh.) But the noble earl stated that he was par ticularly delighted with the truth of that description. (Hear, hear.) Now, it did not strike me in that way, and I certainly don't think the public who read the speech, and the explanation of it given by the right hon. gentleman himself, will take the same view of its truth as the noble earl has done. (A. laugh.) Mr. Disraeli in his speech at Slough indulged in a feeling of self-glorification as to his financial measures ; but I think if there is one point more than another on which that speech may be challenged, it is that very part of it. (Cheers.) One would have thought on reading his speech that the late Government had reduced the country to irretrievable ruin and that the present government had stepped in and set everything to rights. (A. laugh.) But how have they done this ? Why on the very simple principle of not muddling away their money in paying their debts (laughter), and postponing to a future oc casion those liabilities which it would have been more statesmanlike to meet in a more bold and direct manner. (Cheers.) The noble earl also claimed credit for a re duction of the rate of interest on Exchequetnbille, but ho might as well have taken credit for the glorious sun which has shone this day (a laugh), for that reduction of interest is owing to the improved state of the country, and one government is no more entitled to boast of it than another. (Hear, hear.) My noble friend first asked this question of the noble earl, whether he would subscribe to the statement of Mr. Disraeli, that the question of a war between this country and France was one not of days but of hours on the accession of the pre sent government. The noble earl endeavoured to meet that question with the very greatest difficulty. He was determined not to abandon the defence of an absent friend, yet that is a question which he more or less evaded. The noble earl says be is justified in saying so, because the late Government brought the whole matter into con fusion by not carrying the bill with which they had tantalised the French Government, and thus created the difficulty of the position. Bat whose fault was it that we did not carry the bill ? (Hear.) The noble earl said that Mr. Disraeli guarded himself in the approval which he gave of the bill in the first instance, but what did the Chancellor of Ireland ? What did Mr. Walpole ? They followed the same course as the noble earl had done in indicating and urging upon the Government the very bill, and more than the bill, which we afterwards introduced, and which was thrown out upon a similar motion to one they had previously opposed—l will not say in conse quence of, but in strange coincidence with the fact that a large number of Liberals voted against the bill, and that a junction with those Liberals would be the means of putting the then Government in a minority. The noble earl talked of "tantalising" the French Government. Now, I think that although credit is due to the late Go vernment for the manner in which they conducted all affairs, yet special credit is due to them for their manage ment of foreign affairs, and for their forbearance from raising questions that might endanger our relations with foreign Powers. Now the question is at rest, but I may ask the noble earl, who talks of tantalising the French Government, what has become of the bill which he said would depend upon the answer which Count Walewski might return to the Government despatch, Tne Earl of DERBY—I said nothing of the sort. I said that when we received the answer it would be time enough to decide upon the course we should pursue. Earl GRANVILLE—WeII, surely that colons to the same thing. (A laugh,) Another question asked by my noble friend was as to the explanation of a most serious accusation brought against some individuals of having formed a cab,l wi:h some foreigners with a view to up setting the Queen's Government. To that question the noble earl has given no answer—no hypothesis presented itself to him, and he declared he would not enter into it. I, therefore, have a right to believe that either the noble earl does not understand what his colleague has stated, or, understanding it, ho entirely repudiates the charge as false and unfounded. (Hear.) The next question touched upon by the noble earl was India, and upon that subject there is but one point to which I would refer. The noble earl says that no one in either house, whether a friend of Lord Canning or not, has dared to rise and defend the proclamation. Now, I deny that to be the fact. (Hear, hear.) I say there are those who are convinced the proclamation was perfectly right, but who have said they could not defend that mis representa tion of the proclamation which was put forth by those who attacked Lord Canning. lam prepared to abide by that declaration. (Hear, hear.) As to the whole case of India lam happy to say that Lord Canning's ' characterstards too high to be affected by any post-pran dial speech uttered in a tavern at Slough. The provider of the entertainment, as I sea by the papers, was mine host "Bragg." (Loud laughter.) I say no such speech can affect the high position of Lord Canning. I have heard the noble earl declare his intention of sup porting Lord Canning, and I place the fullest confidence in that declaration, and if supported by the Government of the present day, and by the public opinion of the country, I believe Lord Canning will require no defence from speeches 'such as that we have been oonsiderirg. (Rear, hear.) Ido not know that there was anything further that fell from the noble earl which requires ienithened comment from me, but I must express my thanks to my noble friend who, by his temperate, mode rate, and conclusive speech has afforded us an opportu nity not only cf demolishing the statements made at the famous Slough dinner, but also of enlightening the pub lic upon a point upon which serious misconceptions had existed. (Cheers-) rangements to which in a position of great and anticie pated difficulty we have had the rare merit of obtaining universal, or almost universal, assent. My noble friend will certainly recollect that the late Government were about to enter upon the discussion of the budget with no very sanguine anticipations as to the resources of the country, or as to the view which might be taken of the measures which they intended to submit to Parliament. If I am correctly informed, no mode of rectifying the disorder of the finances occurred to them better than that which would not have been a very popular measure —a considerable increase of the incame-tax. The late Government, and—if there are such persons as the members of a cabal—the cabal, or those who, in the house or out of the house, Englishmen or foreigners, were looking forward to the destruction of the present Ministry immediately on its formation, anticipated that the budget would be the inevitable destruction of this incompetent Government. (Hear, bear.) It was said, " They have succeeded by an accident in ousting the late Government and getting into place for a mo ment, but it is only for 48 hours." (Cheers,) That was the language held, " Don't be alarmed, this is nothing serious, it is but an affair of 48 hours." Eight and forty hours elapsed, and then it was, "You will see that the whole thing will fall to the ground, and then will be that glorious and mach longed for restoration" which is the main object of noble lords opposite. (A. laugh.) Weeks elapsed and there was no indication of the desired consummation, and then it was said, " But there is the budget, they never can get over that. We know the state in which the finances were when we left office. (Renewed laughter.) We are very well out of it, leaving our successors to deal with the budget, which we know , that we should have found an insurmountabledifficulty.' We did deal with the budget, and dealt with it in such a manner that, without violating public faith, carrying on the promised reduction of that most obnoxious income tax,—which the late Government had intended to main tain, if not to increase,—we, by the addition of taxes, not large in amount, not very important, and to which few persons took any objection, made such an arrange ment as to secure for ourselves a fair surplus for the year. (Hear, hear.) My lords, may Igo a little further ? May I take the liberty of mentioning an other transaction which has not come under public notice ? I refer to the issue of Exchequer-bills. The Exchequer-bills cf last year bore interest at 2d. per diem. 14,000,0001. of bills had to be reissued during the present year, and they have been placed at such a reduced rate of interest as, upon a sum of 517,0001. paid for interest, amounts to a saving of not less than 214,0001, or two-fifths of the whole amount. (Hear, hear.) I cannot say how much of that reduction is to be ascribed to the possibility of raising money on more advantageous terms than last year ; but it is either to the good management or to the good fortune of my right hon. friend that it is to be ascribed that the coun try has enjoyed the advantage of this great saving. (Hear, hear.) The last topic i n t o w hi c h I s h a ll f o ll ow my noble friend, because I will not deal with personal matters—l will not deal with those questions of in trigues and cabals, whether foreign or domestic—l will not deal with those questions of the means, more or less unscrupulous, which have been resorted to for the pur pose of opposing and placing obstacles in the way of the existing Government without a'reasonable hope of form ing a Ministry to replace it ;—I will proceed to a mat ter, in adverting to which, I think, the noble earl oppo site has done grievous injustice to the intention and even to the plain language of my right hon. friend, by supposing that the reference to India was m e a nt as a n ungenerous and ungentlemanlike attack upon the cha racter, the conduct, and the policy of Lord Canning. What was the language used by my right hon. friend ? He did not say that we had reconstructed our Indian empire, as he was represented by my noble friend to have said. What he did say was that we had laid down a policy for India which we believed would be the means of reconstructing its social condition, and that that was a policy of considerate and discriminatheig amnesty in preference to ono of confiscation, of violence, and of massacre. Now, Ido not believe that my right bon. friend intended to convey, nor do I think that he can be taken to have conveyed, the charge against Lord Canning that he was in favour of a policy of tie-discri minating violence and massacre. (Hear.) Lord Canning did undoubtedly, by the proclamation of which so much has been said in this country, give colour to the oi.inion that it was his intention to adopt a principle of very extensive confiscation ; but a, principle of violence, a principle of massacre, never, I am sure, entered the mind of my noble friend the noble viscount at the head of the Government of India, and was never imputed to him by my right hon. friend. But it is notorious to every one that the atrocities which were committed in the earlier period of what I may now call the late revolt in India had excited in the minds of people in this country, had excited in the minds of civilians and of military men in India, a fierceness and a desire for savage ven geance, which Lord Canning was the first to deprecate —(hear)—and which it appeared to her Majesty's Go vernment to be most important to put down ; and, not the period when we were remonstrating against the course which Lord Canning was, by his proclamation, apparently about to pursue, but one month before, and immediately upon our accession to office, we impressed upuu the Governor General, not for his own guidance, but to a-sure him of our support, that we recommended a principle cf generous forbearance, of leniency, and of discriminating amnesty in preference to that principle of universal violence and general massacre which we knew was too much pressed upon him by many of those, both military men and civilians, by whom he was sur rounded. (Hear.) My lords, I say this, that when my right hon. friend was speaking of the course which the Government had pursued, or intended to pursue ; when he was vindicating our conduct before his assembled con stituents: when Le was taking credit for those things for which he thought the Government could fairly claim praise, there was no subject upon which be 1 might more confidenily appeal to the 'general good feel ing, to the sound sense, and to the deliberate cenvicticns of the people of this c untry in favour, of our policy than when he said we• had laid down as the rule for the government of India discrimi native amnesty in contradistinction to universal c inae cation, massacre, and violence. (Hear.) And if my noble friend quarrels with the expression that that policy, so declared, had obtained the approval of England and the admiration of Europe, "the admiration of Europe" might perhaps have been a theoretical addition to that which I believe to be the simple and naked truth. That policy has at all events obtained the unqualified ap proval of the people of England ; and it is a remarkable circumstance that in the whole course of the discussions on :this question in this and the other House of Ta !la ment, while many persons have blamed, and many more have regretted, the publication of the private despatch to Lord Canning, their is no human being in this or the other House of Parliament who has ventured to stand up in his place and, as against the principles and doctrines laid down in that degpatcb, to maintain and uphold the doctrines and principles apparently laid down in the pro clamation of Lord Canning. (Cheers.) Even the friends lof Lard Canning in this house have stated distinctly that if such were the meaning to be attached to the pro clamation no terms would be too strong to use in con dernnatim of it ; and in the other house no human being has risen for the purpose of defending the proclamation itself in the plain, natural sense which, in the absence of any explanation, it necessarily bore in the minds of her Majesty's Government. (Cheer..) Well, then the noble earl adverts to the censure which has been passed iu bit. Europe with regnrd to the transactions relating to the The E a rl of MALMESBURY—,The noble earl says Kingdom of Oude. My lords you are quite aware the danger would arise if we did not go on with the bill. that the l anguage used on that subject was used Lot the country know that the noble earl who was de. in a despatch which was intended to meet the eye privet of office because the nation did not choose to Elf.:- of the Governor-General alone, and that all th e mit to his bill—l e t them know that the noble earl is still cireuenstaoces there stated were so stated h r of the same mind, an d if he were aeain in office he would the - purpose of showing to Lo r d Caro l i n g, the reintroduce that bill. I say it was no fiction on the part broad line en' distinction which ought to be drawn of the Chancellor of the Excheei l „. to say between those misouine I followers of the deposed moment he referred to was a most dangerame crisis for King of Oude and th e rest o f th e population.. My lords, the alliance between England and Prance. Another oh that the I cannot bat regret that my noble friend opposite should, servation cf the noble earl we in in the exercise cf his discretion, have again referred to correct. Ile stated that be heard s extraordinary and and believed that the and gives additional publicity to statements and to French ambassador hail corn arguments use d i n a very d i fferent sense, and that Ploined of a b reac h o f f a ith. he Lord CLARENDON—I said no such thing; I said has used them in a manner which I feel will much aggra- it was the talk of the town. vase the danger o f m i scoro truction put up on th e pr i vate The Earl r f MA.LMESBURY—If the noble earl did despatch. I can emphatically say, except with regard not believe it, why did he mention a ? This house does to the policy of confiscation, which we disapprove, an d not usually occupy itself in discus;-.13g rumours. But I except as vialeece and massacre might, though not in- am glad to be able to declare that Vie rumour is not cur tentionally, be the consequence of a protracted resistance reef. jt is only two days ago that ie a jeurnal supposed arising out of that confiscation on the part of persons to be ietimateiy cennected with the late Premier it was driven to despair, it was not the intention of my right stated that it was in consequence of a breach of faith on hon. friend, and lam sure it is not the intention cf her our part that Count Persigny quitted this country. I Majesty's Government, in the slightest degree to impute have no hesitation in saying that is:completely incorrect, to Lord Canning or to cast in his teeth that revengful, and M. de Persieny would be the first to join me in the barbarous, and bloodthirsty spirit which, on the con- declaration. It was nothing done, said, or written by trary, he has bean the first to reprobate, but which it was this Government which caused him to L , avethis country, absolutely necessary, if we wished to give Lord Canning but some di agreement with his principal in Paris. There a real support, should take the earliest opportunity of die- is only one other point upon which I e ish to say a fe w couragiug. (Cheers.) I think I have gone through all the words, and that is the question of the English engineers topics contained in the statement of my noble friend to at Naples. In the speech of the noble viscount in another which it is necessary or becoming in me to refer. I place he is reported to have said, "As regards one of must say that, although I have not shrank from explain• , those men, he had been set free and banded over to the ins and vindicating the statements made and the lan- care of the British Consul before the change of Ministry guage held by my right hon. friend, not in every pe r ti- occurred ; but had b, en rescued from the dungeons they cular term, but in substance and fact, and although bad previouily occupied and placed in a comparatively Ido not deny that the language of public men holding light place of confini anent before the present Govern high office is to be more carefu'ly and closely watched meat came into ofEoe." Now, my lords, we found both and criticised than the language of those hold- these men being tried for their lives, and as regards one iog less responsible appointments, yet I do think that i of these men I will read an extract from a comneunica although the language used and the opinions cx- tion from Mr. Lyons, dated March 24 :—" Park has pressed by my right hon. friend might have called forth this day been released from prisons upon bail." One of sonic casual criticism, and a passing notice from these them was deprived of his reason, anti the other broken who disapproved them, a great deal more has been made in health, but since we have been in office they have both of this speech than is consistent with the dignity of been unconditionally liberated by tile Neapolitan Go either of the houses, or with the importance of the ques- vernment. I suppose, my lords, Ye , ought to be ex tions to which it refers. (Cheers ) I have not, ho w - tramely thankful for th e l esson on th e neeess i ty o f cu l - ever, sh run k f rom v indic a ti n g an absent friend, and I tivating habits of public discretion which we have this think my n o bl e f r i en d m i g ht have done vveil to recollect evening received; but I would beg the noble lord, at that th a t hoe, gentleman en t wo successive evenings has whose hands we have been favoured with so much good been attacked on the same subject in his place in Par advice, to bear in mind for th e faturethe common maxim lisanent, where h e h a d a ri g ht t o speak, and that he h as w hi c h saes te at th ose who live in crystal'palaces should there teen to his oonents ! first one and then th e no t th row etenes. (A l augh.) [A noble lord— " In glass other, such an explanation and such an answer as n e ith er h ouses. "] - M y no bl e f , mead may live in a glass house, they nor the country will speedily f orget. (L oud cheers.) but lam not quite sure that it may not with more pro- Earl GR earl in a solemn A NVILLE—The noble Goverement that he in a rystal palace, for he is and manner has expressed lis surprise that my noble absolutely upon ail sidessurrounded by glass. ( friend (the Earl of Clarendon) should have exhibit e d h ear , an d l aug hter.) I recollect a time, and that no very which had much better be forgotten. But, I ask, was el such an amount of indiscretion as to rake up old events distant period, when the noble lord seemed completely which to have forgotten—lshorill perhaps rather say despised es cf discretion which have tranight been so it my noble friend's fault that he raked up those events --- ; l h os t e j o r t u a l e recommend for the adoption of public men. which the leader of the Government in the other House ( e fl in e ‘ ar a . ) W - e mustall remember how that alliance, open of Parliament made th e grounds of a speech delivered at which the no' le viscount to whom 1 allude set so hi g h a value, was greatly imperilled by th e i n di-creet l a n guage cii k m i n e e e d ti r n e g p o o r f te h r i s 3, constituents, replete within the presence of highly foolish cha r es aga i nst which he uaud, and how some taro years ago, at a Lord my noble friend and all those connected with the late Mayor's dinner, he made a speech which called for ex- Government ? (Cheers) I contend that planation upon the pert of the French GovernMent. my noble friend (Hear, hear.) Fortunately for the fable lord the French a simple ear- ambassador happened at the time to be absent in Paris, native o o o f t f h a e c r t 8 : o a u n r d s e t o t to show w rs u w e h t e h r a e than t g r i u v t e h lay. (Hear.) and was not present at the dinrer, for if he had been he must have Lit it to be his duty to w a lk out o f the room. I think my n o bl e f r iend was more than j us tifi ed in the course be has taken, and that it would hav e b een a de- (Cheers.) There was also another o ccas i on on wh i ch, if 1 mistake not, tko noble viscount sh owe d an equa l core reliction of his duty to this house and the publi c if he tempt for those rules of dipacretion of which the noble earl opposite is so earnest an advocate. Your lordships have seen that address —worse than a speech, because it was written—to the electors of Tiverton, in which so much good taste and good feeling were displayed, and in which the noble viscount thought proper to brand the majority of the members of both Houses of Parliament as men who were ready to make the disgrace of their country a stepping stone to office. (Cheers.) Now, I cannot help thinking that a noble earl who serves under a leader who is accustomed to make use of such language as that might very well have refrained from inflicting; on us that severe castigation which he has this evening ad ministered. (Cheers.) For my part I am of opinion that nothing has been said by my right hon. friend the Chan cellor of the Exchequer in the speech in question which taken line by line or word by word, can either in tone or taste, or in its tendency to produce grave public con sequences, be justly charged with being equally open to reprehension as much which has fallen from Lord Pal merston himself. (Cheers.) Lord STANLEY of AL DERLEY, referring to the question which had been put by the noble earl who had just spoken as to whether her Majesty's late Go vernment would, if they were to return to office to. morrow, proceed with the Conspiracy Bill, said he had no hesitation in stating that they would proceed with that measure, and quite as little hesitation in expressing his opinion that they must, in persevering in that course, receive the support of the noble earl at the bead of the Government, who had observed, after his accession to office, that the proper time to deal with such a measure was after a fitting answer had been returned to the de spatch of Count Walewski. He might alao remind their lordships that the present Secretary of State for the Home Department had, in the discussion which had taken place upon the bill in the other house of Parlia men', deeared it to be his determination—the honour of England having, as he deemed it to bo necessary, been in the first instance vindicated by means of an answer to the despatch of the French Government—to give his cordial support to the bill before the house. (Hear.) It was under those circumstances clear, he thought, that the colleagues of the noble earl must aid in the passing of a measure, of which he seemed to entertain so great a horror, should it ever be introduced. (Hear, hear.) The subject then dropped, and their lordships ad journed at a quarter to 8 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Ayr and Dalmellington Railway ; Birkenhead Im provement Commissioners (Bondholders' Arrangements); Cromford and High Peak Railway ; East Kent Rail way (Dover Extension) ; Manchester Corporation Water ' • Manchester, Sheffi e ld, an d Li nco l nsh i re Rail way (Newton to Compstall); Newport, Abergavenny, and Herd rd Railway; and Tra,nore Embankment. MANCHESTER, SHEFFIELD AND LINCOLN SHIRE AND GREAT NORTHERN RAILWAY BILL. • ` Mr. SPOONER moved that the minutes of the pro ceeding 4 of the committee on the Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire and Great Northern Railway Com panies Bill, in Group 8 of Railway and Canal Bills, be printed, at the expense of the parties applying for the same, and distributed with the votes ; that the minutes of the evidence taken before the said committee be laid before this house. —Agreed to. The South Devon and Tavistock Railway Bill was further considered and ordered to be read a third time. CHURCH OF ENGLAND SPECIAL SERVICES BILL. Mr. DEEDES moved that the order of the day for the second reading of the Church of England Special Services Bill be read, fcr the purpose of being die char. ed. (11Par, hear.)—Agreed to. Mr. DEEDES then moved that the bill be withdrawn. —Agreed to. HAINAULT FOREST. Mr. CAIRD gave notice that, on this day month, he should call the attenti )n cf the house to the expendi ture that had been incurred by the Woods and Forests, in reference to Hainault Forest. THE ISLAND OF JERSEY. Mr. HADFIELD aelvd the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to carry out the recommen dations of the commit-sinners, appointed in 1846, for the reform of the criminal laws of the island of Jersey, and to abolish the R )yal Court in that island, which the said commis,ioners, in said year, declared not to be deserving of public confidence : Whether it was their intention to issue a commission of in quiry into the civil laws of Jersey and the mode of ad ministering them, in accordance with the declared inten tion and promise of Government in the year 1845, by the then Home Secretary ; or whether it was their in tention to take any measures forassimilating the la we of Jersey to the laws of England ? Mr. WALPOLE sad the attention of the Secretary of State had been, and always would bs, called to many groat and grievous defects in the law of Jersey, and steps would be taken for their improvement. An order in council had failed to enforce the recommendation of the commissioners, and the only way in which it could be done wou!d be by an act of Parliament, which, in all probability, would be to bring the house into collision with the states of Jersey, which was not desirable. STAMPS ON CHEQUES. Mr. NICOLL. asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if his attention had been directed to the commercial in• convenience likely to be caused by bankers refusing to honour cheques when drawers had omitted to write their initials on adhesive stamps, but which were otherwise cancelled, sufficiently to accord with the intention of the act, and if it was contemplated to enable persons who had give❑ valuable consideration for such checks to attach, or to cancel, adhesive staraps in lieu of the drawers ; also, if it would be promptly sought to amend the law relating to crossed checks, so as to make the crossing to a banker an essential part of the check. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the practice of the Bank of England was to refuse payment of a check without the stamp was cancelled. With regard to the latter part of the question her Majesty's Government bad no intention to propose any alteration in the law. Where a stamp was virtually canceled, so that it could not be used again, the Bank of England always paid the cheque. The matter of cross cheques would, in all pro bability, settle itself. The Earl of MALMESBURY—There are only one or two points, chiefly relating to our foreign affairs, upon which I wish to touch, because I think the noble earl (Clarendon) bas incorrectly stated the facts relating to them. It appears to me somewhat absurd that we should have criticisms upon a speech delivered at a pub lic dinner—upon a speech which the noble earl did not hear, but an explanation of which be asks from my noble friend, who also did not hear it. When explanations were asked in the other house, it was only reasonable and fair, because the person who uttered the speech was present in that house, and could speak for himself ; but to ask those oho knew nothing of the speech to explain its expressions is absurd. The noble earl has alluded to one part of that speech, in which reference was made to disa-reements which exi3ted three months ago between tbisl i enverninerit and the Government of France. Now, Position of the t wo coun tries was s a a s ci t uite that correctr iarticu toia say the as most critical —that we were up)n the verge of war, for ashe n I saw the French ambassador, upon my taking office, I found that ho re garded the position of fairs as ore of the gravest dan ger, and he nevzr saw me without expressing his belief in distinct terms that we had arriv e d at a crisis of most ;rominent, clanger. Lord CLAItENDON—If you dd not go on with the THE CORMACKS. Mr. BRADY asked whether tht re was any truth in a statement which had appeared in the Irish journals, to the effect that a person named Burke, the principal evi dence in the case of the Cormacks, lately executed at Thurles for the murder of Mr, Mils, had since confessed, while in tha bands cf the authorities, that his evidence upon their trial bad been fal,e, and given under coer cion ; whether any investigations had taken place into the circumstances, and what bad s:nce been done with Burke? The ATTORNEY-GENERAL for IRELAND be lieved no such confession had been made by Burke. In vestilaticns had been made into the statement, but it had ins,-n found to be unfounded. He declined to„state where Burke now was. He had no doubt Burke was protected by the police till he left Ireland. Newgate every editor of a newspaper who charged hon. members with partiality they would soon not have a prison large enough to bold them. (Hear, and laughter.) This was not an offence of sufficient gravity for Mr. Wilkes to be sent to Newgate. It also partook of the character of partizanship. (Hear, hear) He (Mr. Gibson) had lately been charged of partisanship in supporting Lord Derby's Government—(hear, hear, and laughter)—but he should not think of calling an editor of a newspaper for such a charge. He had no objec tion to Mr. Wilkes being called to the bar of the house, and asked if he retracted or not the whole of the article in question. Mr. DOUVERIE supported the amendment of the Solicitor-General. Mr. ROEBUCK, whilst expressing hie contempt for anything the press might say of him, urged that the gravity of the offence charged against Mr. Wilkes was such that he ought not to be discharged without making a full retractation of the `charges containedlin the article iii question. Mr. GLADSTONE drew a distinction between cor rupt partisanship and partisanship. It was often their pleasure to read attacks in the press on their partisan ship—(laughter)—which no doubt were open to actions in a court of law, but hon. gentlemen, instead of taking that course, were content to rest on the general f ee li ng of the people against such attacks. He admitted it was necessary the press should have groat powers (but they ought to be guarded), in order to protect the rights and liberties of the people, and he cautioned the house how they proceeded in such cases as this, where the charge of corrupt motives had been withdrawn. The Solicitor-General's amendment was carried, and the matter stands over. CAPTAIN PEEL. Admiral WALCOTT inquired whether the Admiralty had received any official information in reference to the melancholy death of Captain Peel / Sir J. PAKINGTON said that no information bad been received beyond that which appeared in the news papers yesterday. , MILITARY DEPATMENTS. Captain VIVIAN called the attention of the house to the necessity of more clearly defining the responsibility and duties of the various military departments, and moved the following resolution :—"That, although the recent consolidation of the different departments of Ord• nance, Commissariat, and Secretary of War has, to a certain extent, improved the general administration of military affairs, a divided resaa neibility still exists ; and that, in order to promote greater efficiency, the depart ments of the Horse Guards and War -office should be placed under the control of one responsible minister." General PEEL was of opinion that the existing sys tem was more calculated to prove beneficial to the army than the plan recommenqed by hie hon. and gallant friend. At present the Horse Guards acted free alto gether from party bias, which could hardly be the case with a minister who would have to retire on every change of Government. He therefore opposed the motion. Lord A. V, TEMPEST contended that the present organisation of the army was not what it ought to be, and advocated the necessity cf placing it on a similar footing to that of the navy. Mr. HORSMAN supported the motion. Mr. B. JOHNSTONE also supported the motion, be ing opposed to divided responsibility. It was said that two heads were better than one, but in the case of the army he preferred one head, for then they would know on whom the responsibility would rest. At present he was sent from the War-office to the Horse Guards, and from the Horse Guards to the War-office, without being able to find out which of those departments should have given him the information ho required. Sir F. SMITH approved of the present arrangement, for which the Minister of War was really responsible. Mr. S. HERBERT was opposed to the motion, which would in effect place the duties of the Commander-in- Chief in the hands of a civilian. He did not think that there was a divided responsibility at the present moment, for the Secretary of State fir War was responsible for everything connected with the army. Colonel NORTH also opposed the motion. Sir ffl. CODRINGTON thought the present system superior to any which had been suggested in the course of the discussion. Lord PALMERSTON opposed the motion, thinking that the lioe of demarcation between the two offices was sufficiently definite, and that to give the power to a civi lian would be destructive of the interests of the service. The house then divided— For the resolution lO6 Against it Majority in favourof the resolution --2 The result was received with immense cheering on the back benches on the Opposition side of the house. THT SUEZ CANAL. Mr. ROEBUCK called the.attention of the house to the subject of the Suez Canal, and inoved—" That in the opinion of this house the power and influence of this country ought not to be used in order to induce the Sul tan to withhold his assent to the project of making a canal across the Isthmus of Suez." The hon, and learned gentleman said his motion related only to a canal; but involved in that question was nothing less than the hon our of England. He contended that it was for the inte rest of England more than of any other country that the Suez Canal should be made, and that Lord P a l merston was wrong in us i ng the influence of this country to in duce the Sultan to withhold his sanction to the plan, under the plea that the project was that of a French company. He believed that this policy had more to do in weakening the cordial feeling between this country and Franca than any. ping else which had occurred likely to cause estrangement. Mr. GRIFFITH moved, as an amendment, "That in any course that this house may sanction in furtherance of the construction of such a canal, it is expedient that care be taken that the despotic powers of the Egyptian Government be not allowed to be made use of by the promoters of such project to obtain the required labour from the 'faith' at an inadequate remuneration, by those compulsory means familiar t ) the practice of that Government, so as to produce the effects of slavery under the guise of paid labour." Lord HADDO thought the amendment was a very uncourteous one to the ruler of Egypt, and should, there fore, not be adopted by the house. Mr. STEPHENSON said that Mr. Roebuck had dealt in generalities, not in facts. He did not believe that the engineering difficulties could be overcome, and if they could, he much doubted if the canal would be found to be the shortest way to India, for it never could cam. pete with the railway. Mr. S. FITZGERALD opposed the motion on poli tical grounds, in which the interests of this country were deeply interested, for it was scarcely good policy to give to other countries such facilities of reaching our East Indian possessione. Mr. M. GIBSON regret'ed that the present Govern ment had in this instance adopted the policy of Lord Palno , rston, and asked if Government would lay the correspondence upon the subject between this country and Turkey upon the table ? Lord PALMERSTON said he did not mean to retire finally. (A laugh.) Mr. Roebuck bad complained that he could not learn the reasons which had induced the Go vernment to oppose his scheme ; but those reasons had been fatly .steted in the house. It was one of the greatest bubbles that had ever been attempted to be imposed on the credulity of this country. (hear, hear.) Though it might be made at a great sacrifice of money and human life, as regarded remuneration it was nothing less than a bubble. Tao public hmetings referred to by Mr. Gibson were no thing like opontanooug expressions of opinion ; they had bean got up by the promoter. oi the scheme, and though they had produced resolutions, the necessary subscrip t ! tions had not been forthcoming. (Hear, hear.) Mr. e Stephenson bad explained the difficulty of subsisting the id labourers employed on such a work ;he had also shown that even if the canal were made the progress would be quicker by the railway than it could be by the canal As i the winds blew f irsix months in one direction, the passage . of vessels in the other would be seriously obstructed. It was quite a mistake to say that the Government had been employed 15 years in preventing the Sultan from acceding to this measure ; but the Government of Turkey was as much opposed to it as was the Government of England. Knowing that the Ottoman Government was pressed by other powers to sanction the scheme, the Government of this country had sought to dissuade them. Mr. Gibson was for maintaining the independ ence of Turkey, but he said nothing of the integrity of Turkey, which was quite as essential to be preserved. We had sent out expeditions for that object; and every year that passed showed more strongly the necessity of maintaining the connection of Turkey and Egypt, and preventing Egypt from fading into the hands of ary power opposed to us. (Hear, hear.) Since the siege of Alexandria, every point of the coast of Egypt had been most scientifically fortified by engineers and funds supplied by another country. Were an army of 20,000 men to occupy that line of forts, Egypt would bo per fectly impregnable to any army from Turkey. There remained only one passage for a Turkish army into Egypt, along the shores of the Mediterranean ; and the object of this scheme was to bar that passage. Were the ruler desirous to shake off his allegiance to Turkey, th e existence of this canal would greatly favour the object, and render the retention of Egypt by Turkey much more precarious. That was the argument w hi c h the Government of this country had urged on Turkey. It was also contrary to the interest of England that this canal should be made, which might be b arre d to this country, our sbfps being sent round by the Cape, while it was open to another power, and gave them ready access to India. (Hear, hear.) We should not shut our eyes to these facts, though we might not b e ac t ually within a few hours of war. (A laugh.) After this scheme had been practically scouted by all the commercial men of the country—(no)—Yes, " damned with faint praise." The only result of affirming tais resolution would be to give a " parliamentary title" to the scheme and send up the ebares in the market. (Hear, hear.) He hoped the house would not be deluded into any such cour-e, but would believe that there would not have been a con tinued opposition bysuccseoive Governments unless the scheme were really opposed to the interests of the coun try. (Hear ) , EWART said that the scheme was regarded as a bubble in Liverpool, where he believed a single share would not be subscribed for. Mr. GLADSTONE contended that it was not for the house to decide whether the scheme was or was not a bubble. The question was, whether they should put an end to this vici,ms system of arbitrary and gratuitous reasons against it ? By those reasons the intere.t of Eng land was put in oppc &Lion to tlat.of the world, and all Europe denounced cur op/cm:Lion as unwarrantable and selfish. He denied that the connection of Turkey and Egypt depended upon marching an army across the Isthmus ef Suez. By opposing the scheme, on the ground of opening new dangers to India, they put the interests of oar Indian empire against those of mankind. How i2reat would have been the advantage to us if this canal had been open last Tar, to facilitate the transmission of our troops. It would bo England who would obtain the control of the canal, as the first maritime nation in the . DRAWING CUECKS, Mr. CAIRD asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether (hafts or orders on bankers in the form of " De:bit my account 10/,," or " Pay myself 10/.," but not including the words " Bearer on demand," might be drawn at and paid over the bank counter without a penny stamp ; and whether, notwithstanding the recent act, such unstamped checks were legal ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER sal drafts or orders to drawers were liable to the r. tamp except where they were drawn by the person and pail to him at the same time over the counter. BOARDING AMERICAN VESSELS. Mr. LINDSAY asked the Under-Secretary of State fur Foreign Affairs if it was the case that merchant yes. sell belonging to the United States, engaged in the trade with Havannah, or the West Coat of Africa, had been fired into, boarded, searched, arid detained by British cruiserr ; and, if so, by what authority, or under whose instructions the commanders of these ships had so acted. Mr. S. FITZGERALD said the Government had re ceived no official knowledge of such circumstances hav ing taken place. A statement had been forwarded to her Majesty's Government by their representative at Washington, taken from a Now Orleans newspaper, but no ~f ilcial communication had been made by him to her Majesty's Government ; they were anxious to pre veat such occurrences, but the d.flieulty arose from actual slavers hoisting the American colours. (Hear hear.) Orders had been sent by former Boards of Admiralty, to our cruisers off the American coast, to use the greatest caution in these matters, and these in structions would be ca:eful:y repeated by her Ma jesty's present Government, without loss of time. THE lONIAN ISLANDS. In reply to a question from Geu. CODRINGTON relative to the payment of 1,5001. and 8001., Gen. PEEL said that the above sums formed no part of the 20,0001. paid to this country by the lonian Islands. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE, Mr. M. GIBSON moved that the order for the die. charge of Mr. W. Wilkes should be read.—Agreed to. Mr. GIBSON then moved that Mr. W. Wilkes should be discharged. By his petition to that house, he had withdrawn the particular imputation of corrupt motives against Mr. Clive, for which he was committed to the custody of the Sergeant -at-A rms. He therefore moved that Mr. Wilkes should be discharged on payment of the usual fees, Mr. ROEBUCK contended that Mr. Wilkes did not by his petition withdraw the general charge of corrup tion against the committee in question, and in which the honour of that h ouse was concerted. ' Until Mr. Wilkes made a full retractation, he (elr. Roebuck) should oppose his discharge from the custody of the sergeant at-arms. (He ar , bear.)l Mr. CLAY also urgi'd that Mr. W. Wilkes should not be di charged until he bad made a full retractation of the charg e at the bar of the house. The SOLICITOR GENERAL thought the house was not in a position to arrive at the conclusion asked of them by the right hon. geotlemau the member for Ashton-under-Lyne. I3t.fore Mr. W. Wilkes was dis charged, he (the Solicitor-General) considered ho ought to be called upon to make a full retractation of the charges contained in the article in question. He there f ire moved as an amendment that the considera , ion of Mr. W. Wilke:i's petition be discharged. (Hear.) Mr. KN ATCHBULL-HUGUESSEN suggested that Mr. W. NVilkea should be c filled to the bar of the house, and asked if he retracted fully the charges contained in the artice, and if not, the house would then know 44w to deal with him. Mr. M. GIBSON said there could be no doubt Mr. W. Wilkes intended to withdraw any charge _of corruption against M r . Cli ve . H e contended corrup tion this was a partiality, and not of _ ; and if th e h ouse were t o send to world. Let them not attempt to follow a policy which they must abandon in time. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER asked what evidence there was that the power and influence Of England had been exercised in a manner that called for a resolution of that house ? One would suppose that means bad been taken to constrain the Sultan to with hold his consent to the project, or that there were papers on the table, sholing an intention of taking each a course ? There was no evidence of that sort. When Go' vernment thought the project was of an injurious Len; decoy, it was not an undue interference to oppose it; and he was unaware of any step of the late or present Govern meat to cmstrain the Sultan. To pass this resolution would be to give the sanction of this house to the pro ject, and whatever their ultimate opinion, it would be unwise to bind them se lf t o a pro j ect of doubtful, and in the opinion of many, a pernicious measure. They should not leave out of sight the feelings of the Turkih Govern ment. It bad been assumed that they were either new tral or favourable. But the discussion had been a series of assumptions; that Turkey was constrained by England , that foreign nations were against us, &c. They were told not to tak e a course hostile to France, but there had been on the part of France no expression of feeling of that decided character which had been implied. The French Government had not desired to give to their own opinion any weight beyond what it was entitled ta in fair argument. There were grave political considers• tions in the question which must not be made light of. He would not say that political considerations must not sometimes yield to moral considerations, and if he could see that the general felicity of mankind would be ea much advanced no doubt the political considerations must yield. But these were speculations, and the poll tical reasons were f ac t s . Th e i ntegr i ty of Turkey would be affected, and the Turkish Government were acutely sensitive to the danger. It would also entail the Deco . city of vastly increased armaments on our part, which was a point worth considering in opposition to philan• thropic results of a doubtful nature. (Hear, hear.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL said it was clear that great power and influence had been used by the late Govera ment to induce the Sultan to withhold his consent. (Hear.) It had always been avowed by Lord Palmer ston, and was not even now denied. If this were a bubble project, if there were insurmountable physical obstacles, and if the Sultan of his own accord objectede there was no need for the power and influence of Eng lard to be used against it. As to the alleged injury. to English inter es t s , he contended that i n p eace our policy was that of the purest competition in trade, and in war e whatever would be the effect of a canal, the same wo uld apply to a railway. Mr. H. DRUMMOND supported the policy which had been hitherto pursued by various Governments of this country, for he believed it to be the true British policy. He therefore opposed the motion. Mr. BRIGHT asked if the correspondence would be produced, as in that case Mr. Roebuck might be in duced to withdraw his motion. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he would answer the question if put to him this day. After some observations from Mr. ROEBUCK in replft the amendment of Mr. Griffith was negatived without a division, and the house then divided on the original motion :--• Ayes 62 Noes 290 Majority against Mr. Roebuck's motion 228 CHEQUES UPON BANKERS. The ATTORNEY -GENERAL introduced a bill altering the law with reference to cheques upon bankers. LANDED ESTATES IN IRELAND. Mr. BUTT obtained leave to introduce a bill simplify' ing the titles to landed estates in Ireland. CHURCH RATES ABOLITION BILL. SirJ. TRELAWNEY moved that this bill be read a third time. Mr. H. DRUMMOND moved that the debate be ad' joureed (it was half-pait one o'clock). Sir J. TRELAWNY said the subject had been tho' roug'cly discussed, and there was therefore no reason why they sh :u?d not even at that advanced hour read the bill a third time. (Cheers.) Mr. NE WDEGATE supported the motion for ad journment, and declared it to be his opinion that gen tlemen epposite had come to the determination of en deay.)urir„.• to overthrow that august assembly the House of Lords by an exhibition of brute force. (04 oh, and laughter.) Mr. BRIGHT thought it was perfectly useless toad' journ the debate, as the result would be the same in the end. Mr. GLADSTONE thought it only reasonable that the motion for adjournment should be acceded to. Lord J. RUSSELL also supported the proposal for the adjournment, although he was quite ready to divide then. In any case, it seemed to him that there was bat' little chance of the bill becoming law during the pre" sent session. (Cries of Divide.) Mr. ROEBUCK wanted t, know whether the Go vernment could give a day for continuing the debate if they consented to its adjournment for the present I The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER Co' tainly joined in tlie opinion that it was unreasonable to ask the house to divide upon so important a question et such an hour. At the same time he could not give O P a day for the adjourned debate. (Oh, oh.) Mr. lIUGUESSEN considered any further discussion a mere farce. The house then divided—. Ayes Noes 103 150 Majority against adjournment... 47 Mr. F. HUM E moved that the house do now adjourn. (" Oh, ob.") Mr. COLLIER pronounced the opposition to the bill to be factious. (Cheers.) Sir J. TRELAWNEY declared himself determined to proceed with the bill that night. (Chee r s.) Mr. DRUMMOND, although perfectly aware the bill must ultimately be carried, would persevere in sap' porting the motion for adjournment. Sir C. NAPIER would promise his hon. friend whO had' charge of the bill, that if necessary he would stay in his place until 10 o'clock in the morning to support hirg• (Loud cheers). . After a long discussion, in: which a great number Of members took part, The house divided— Ayes Noes ................ 78 136 Majority against adjournment... 58 Mr. S. ESTCOUBT then proposed that the debate should be adjourned until Tuesday next at 12 o'cloekt which was agreed to. The house then adjourned at 20 minutes to three. Country Markets, LIVERPOOL, JUNE 1. There was a limited attendance of buyers this morning, and, as a consequence, the business was confined to need,' purchasers for passing daily consumption. No change was made in the plies of any article in the grain trade, The fine weather puts a collapse upon business activity, NE 'CASTLE- JuNE 1. Business i❑ English and foreign wheat dull, and buyers require a decline, which factors refuse to concede, and salem consequently restricted to a few retail lots, at fully the .7a,es of Saturday last. Flour in better demand. Barley neglected. Oats in slow sale, and the turn lower• Beaus and peas without inquiry. LEEDS, JUNE 1. Tho weather being now extremely fine causes a dull trade. The arrival of wheat is large, millers try to buy on lower terms, but any decline of moment is resisted—the trade is, therefore, slow, and no advance on Friday's rates can be established. Barley unaltered. Oats and beans quite as dear. Other articles as before. : s f the week Wheat, 43s 5 Averages d Oats, or 258 lid Peas, —a OJ. Barley, 34s OP I I Beans, 43s Sid Rya, —a Od. NORWICH CATTLE —MAY 29. We had a large show of Scots, short horns, and Irish to-day. Trade slow, but improved during the afternoon* Fat beasts, 7s Od to 7s 6d ; prime, 8s Od per stone; being about same as last week. Sheep, 30s to 35s per head, and J I good store pig s , 15 s t o 2 0s. Fat pork, 6s to Os 6d Per stone of 141 Cs; trade dull. P ROVISION MARKET. Beef, per lb 6 .1 to 7d Butter, p pt. is 1.(1 to is 2J Mutton, pe r 1b.... 6d to 7d Eggs, per 18, Os Od to is 01 Lamb, do., Os 8d to Os 9d Hens, p pair Os Od to 0. 01 Veal, per lb ... 6?,d to Os 7d Chickens, do. 4s Od to 5s 6 1 Pork, perlb...oB 5141 to 64:1 Ducks, do., 4s 6d to Co 61 Salmon, per lb .. Os Od Ducklings,o 2s Od to 28 61 Grouse, per brace Os to Os Turkeys, each Os Od to 04 01 Tallow, p stone, Os to —s 03 Potatoes, per pt., .----d to 12 1 1 BIRTHS. BROMLEY—On the Ist inst., at the residence of her father, the Attorney-General, Mrs. Bromley, of a daughter. BRAUFILL —On the 29th ult., at Peterstone Court, Brecon, the wife of Captain Braufill, 4th Light Dragoons, of son. PETRE —On tho 31st ult., at Thorndon, the Lady rare/ of a son. MARRIAGES. NEWDIGATE—GARNIER —On the Ist inst., at Trinity Church, Mlrylebone, Major Edward Newdigate, Rifl e Brigade, to Annie, seco n d d aug h ter of the Rev. Thoma s and Laly Caroline Gamier. SALTER —JENTZEN-011 the 2d lost, at St. Martin's-in' the-fields, by the Rev. G. W. Humphries, vicar, John, second son of Mr. R. Salter, Park Farm, Bradninoll. Devon, to Miss Harriett Brooks, eldest daughter of Mrs. J. Jcntzan, European Hotel, Coventry-street, Leicester' square. DEATHS, I BELLPIELD —On tho 30th ult., at Primley-hill, county of Devon, the Rev. F. Bellfield, aged 75. BROCK—On tho 26th nit., at Edinburgh, Commander A. M. Brock, It N., aged 30. BARNARD—On the 22d ult., at Painswick, Glocestershire , Colonel Henry C. Barnard, Bengal Army, aged 47. COULSON— Oa the 31st Wt., at St. John's-wood, Jukes Coulson, Esq., late of Dorset-square, aged 59, HODGSON—Oa the 30th ult., at Debden Rectory, the Rev. Henry Hodgson, &LA., rector. Now.NLL —On the 30th ult., Samuel Nowell, Esq., of Cambridge Villas, Richmond-hill, and Lower Belgrave . place, Pimlico, aged 51. SEWELL —On the 31st ult., Mr. Charles Sewell, late of Syd,mhain, and 13, Charles-street, Westbourne-terrace, aged 3 '. LONDON Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG , of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at 27&e Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the c ounty of ItLitittlest , x, W9dneelay, June 2, 1855. Itati„,„ Of th, is He, ~Ull."eed of E. a Tgec held 46 0 t ‘S DA Y, the precisely, 41,4? rd ni gh tlp Lor n and 0 101 l be po tle b ireet Pro 4414 111 . office B 3 °4117° Cel T 4tl O CaV t T o tal E 1 11313 ) o c ai LI P I eeSEL I o : 11 4111 - 4 ••• are g , etquiltiontundae l Claims p , at I llitt : an nn e tt es iai .And m ar / Piy the 9110 Y, 7, 131, N.Q.T Establi l'arilDENl , .Sir JOH g ollettor, A L A Pital of 0111 from trvite'tellthi among I I._ l4 'rorit Pol !NI div fits iso on 8 Tp tOn Pei Celt. 0 3 : 4, I t _ twid bl ilyrt ßs ar -4e4 2 --jEZTI ,83.7._ pa h n . of ass V I and su k — . 117: de em n be " trac e g • .1! 141 11 00 .„„ "trei by VIVORE rc, la I r e Kn M iwil O pg . Elliotsc Pr ° l 6eaor wi J• Elllot r t%et UStii tidl eat 11 P s tlki n e i all ii ,ad (I,l;l . Pkin; tnit7on the h nd ( f t h ta t ,: great ( FAt a „ — als tioa„ — ' o lls E ti e vi a i t24 t rn 7hP°4 gb i lli t l *lv er e the k . faiiin, lion 4 2 1 15 h t k _ Of th world e C q%t Dart 0 ,1 *lS7hitt tr4 tl ett 14,„ ° t o ,„.ge) ; NIT *ret 44 . St. i Ittr m ,;'iee the • .dreadt; re, I here tNatcr kta 4:40:1 1 W. 8, ~~