The Sun. — London, England, 1829-06-02 00:00:00

hi m w, abaadon, that tine of conduct which he noiv exercises by the means of . powers' obt a i ne d b y f rau d from therr47 - 7(Hear, hear.)—lnoW come to the con sideration of another head, into which I divided my subject, and in my mind it is matter which, however fee it may be e x pl a i ne d , mu st be viewed with the deepest ngs of regret. I a ll u d e to t h e con d uct which the Commanders of the British ships thought it ne cessary to pursue towards the unhappy exiles who, when driven by an execrable tyrant from their homes and families, endeavoured to find a home and refuge, and to preserve a portion of her states for their Sover e i gn . I hope, for the honour of my coun try, that his iklajesty's Ministers will he able to give the most satisfactory explanation of the instructions given on the subject. I shall be perfectly satisfied wi th M Y exertions, if the observations which I have thought eecessarY to address to the House this evening may e tilY on thi s point produce a satisfactory explanation fraYilom the G overnment. I cannot, however, help B ig that I Vi ew w i t h f eelings of great jealousy and re , grbt those soldiers who remained faithful to ooverei gn , q DO H M and wh o o pp ose d t h e l ate con d uct —.guel, takin g refuge in the ports of France, covered with wounds received from the oldest allies of the; Sovereign —namel aoot h mel, thy of the Kin at such ag England.--(llear, hea Y r.) I nav — had hoped thng Could h ave happened which could lead to n event as that to which I have alluded. I grie ve to think that the faithful subjects of our betwe en E ngland most anc i ent ally (and the alli a nc e b a d su b s i s t e d and Port uga l near ly fi ve centu ries) s h ould tho a have been comp e ll e d t o see k re f uge i n lU.e ports which were formerly viewed as belong g to our natural enemies. I fear that no explana tion w hich can be given can satise feelings of these poor men t but I trust that t y h th e Government `will ))e able to exonerate themselves from a charge f t vbiet must weigh so heavily upon them in the n of the world if suffered to pass unexplained. eat-f that there are circumstances connected with his affair which it will be difficult to explain. The npture of- t h e Spanish frigates laden with treasure, their voy age to Europe in 1805, and which ex cited such an outcry throughout the whole of the continent at the time, can, I believe, be explained on store satisfactory grounds, in relation with the law of bui eas, than I conceive the present question eaung as it now does —can be. I can c onceiv e f ew events which would appear as a greater blot o n t h e pages of our history t ' a " this untimely event, if a satisfactory explana eon i s pert not given. O ur con d uct with respect to Zugal has deprived us of all influence in that untry, and we had abandoned that controul,which been exercised SO !Mich to the advantage of 'nth countries, to other nations. All those sacred rem embrances o f E ngland, which had subsisted in that country, u n l not only a s h er o ld est and most faith re_rallY, bu t a l so as the classic land of liberty, I vill be at an end. Of all people they had least h e td ex tir . c t' f rom this country, which they of lib : rt a ' Y , s been t aug h t to regard as the native soil 3 ; but t h ey h ad been opposed in their at „, 4l 'u l Pts, when they had been led to expect assistance heerr support. This co un t ry , w hi c h h a d a l ways regarded as the supporter of good govern ° tut, had been exhibited in other countries as the tPo_oser to the establishing and securing free institu , tons. They did not merit opposition, or what was t h, be en led O pposition, from England, when they had to peort. I trust that the expla- Nlon which will be given will satisfy the expecte- I t y l e t iis of the country. I know of no public man for f0 1 :° 1 11 I entertain a higher degree of respect than the Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs (Lord liAeberdeen), and I hope that when his instructions t:itPtoduced, they will not disappoint those high ectutions which I as well as the country enter gf him- I have expressed myself perhaps in too tag °i 11414 anguan.; 6 but I cannot forget the strong feel hatred entertained by the supporters of Don forget Pei a gainst any thing that is English. I cannot h,. the c onduct pursued by this petty despot and . Colstiototlrluwers against any thing in connection with this rep, Y, and the pains he takes to mark his abhor ?t, "ce and hatred of it. Of the men who at present rb ed the .Constitutionalin Portugal, it was .._ party .4111°S sihle to speak in too high terms ; it was corn lies a 4 20 f the most distinguished of ull parties, and le gtUined all the talent. in the country. The pre e:t Party might be considered as formed on the 41;institationat p ar ty of 1820, but greatly modified tr softened down by the junction of the supporters t he Constitutional p ar ty o f D on P e d ro. Thisus l ' u iob o dy, who were sca t tere d an d di sperse d i thrt "ghout Europ e , was composed of the most en h ht men in existence. The hopes of this I.4t Y nOW only rested on the support of the Con party i n France; and they relied alone (41 th e assistance of that country for the establish -Ittlent of -the lib ert i es o f their country, instead of de -1::4441g0n the countenance of this cou n try. Eng- Fm wits bound, by all the ties of honour and po s I to uPport her ancient ally, and prevent her 11 ° 12 1 falling und er the influence of France. Let it 1): 1 "g e r be said t h at a d e f ens i ve a lli ance su b si sted lot,een this country and Portugal. Let it no be. said that a commercial treaty existed, after , ils4o.l.tiduct which we had pursued. In the year th 'N'r• Canning informed them, in consequence re thi'eats of invasion, that England would . p 110 1 1 1 . 1 the. interference of any foreign nation with the_ rekltical Constitution of Portugal, and that they might 1; 7 1 ° 1 )0 P the support and assistance of this country. come to the last point in this tragic story, and 1. 1, 7 the details of which I fear I have fatigued the The event to which I allude calls forth the :'eltlPathy and lamentations of every man who pos , s se . ,L fttf the common feelings, of our nature. It is now ( 1 )f alluo\re than three weekiago (n . amely,. on the 7t h r eit — I), that ten gentlemen of distinguished f,ami in ta . a lve re seized in . Oporto, and shortly afterwards Wo - a l ere d the most :wanton and brutal manner. I te a ,,, ask any man acqua i nte d wit h t h e circum eiet,Vl of this case to tell me the cause of this atro to.' :et, and I feel confident that no one could do 41.0- was because they had in the previous year,. 16 4% 1 1 "- 8 , treated Don Miguel as the Constite- Oet -I ;those nof Portugal—that they had co Isla Ca'rleißeteose oaths which lie had then taken to the aitte -d tution as binding, as well upon him, as the t e e r 4 ef allegiance which they had taken upon them- Place:` change of the Government had taken Itt,j,,' and, an amnesty had been published, which tiii . "• l :!_t_ve been regarded is any other European ‘,/iti l e : l ,uut not so in Portugal; these gentlemen, 4 41.1„ - "e exception of two, who were reserved for a f t he f ate, were Moat inhumanly butchered. 0 t ent ;1 3 Whose liveS were preserved, the one was the o e- ' th 'd to theialleys and hard , labourfor life, and t hee et---the brother of a gentleman who was for hataYi 4,lobassader to our Court—was condemned to ita s fi a ,"ur of the most degrading nature for life, but na .8t compelled to witness the murder of his : 4 e b tie S s ei o d th c a n t m o p u a r t t is . (Hear, hear.)—lt was to information was incorrect on this Ni j l e a e h t, and that such scenes as had been described ot have occurred. According to the accounts WI ' had ate been received, such was the alarm ttty of ad been excited by these executions in the :tl l4 , ° Perto that the Nobles had fled the city, .•ei ti ,„ l - even the ignorant peasantry had concealed ,`sis ties, and were ashamed to be witnesses of ,ce l itvi n tie of blood. The city was described as . 041 Uteri left almost deserted to the soldiers and 4 a illissar of I e„ w lesthe 'late. tyrant, Don Miguel. ?te ee as but too f a i t hf u l a picture o f t h e conse etaot' re sulting from the government of a lawless !Ai ;Z(Hear, hear !)—What a day was this 16th devoted . to outrage and, murder I . etiti : 4 ) , e t : r ents done on it would even blacken the I, Mt, e° a Don Miguel. To suppose that there t ie to ', i n my conspiracy for this against Don Miguel would L ekp otie e * his acts in a light too favourable t hi re L t Yvant. Ten months after the event for which they i tat. ':eY were put to death, and o b it eee ti.questioned in the interim f —a e period, , 1/4iiti,o't sufficient to still the rapacity o t f th leg e a 'RI with this monster—ten months a ft er sets Pereffence. he put these gentlemen to death for i ttfo fe etlY leg al at the time, and for the non _ hid 0 1 which they were liable to punish- i 41 . 1411, by his acts ) 11401 Kt at defianc. all the other Sovereigns in Europe. He had com mitted acts which hail excited the' indignation of every country in the civilised world. He had made all Europe rib.- with his horrors ; and his acts had excited such alarm at Lisbon that it had been deserted, and became like a city afflicted with the plague. - He had insulted every Sovereign in Eu rope by his conduct, and had thrown down the gauntlet to them in the face of the world, and had shown how far a tyrant could go.—(Hear, hear.) — He cared not by what means he arrived at his ends, and resorted to any crime to perfect his acts. He acted thus to show to the assembled world how far he could carry his designs of bloodshed and crime. He determined to show that he would, by force, dispossess justice and mercy of their seats in those places in which he had controul. Ile holds up the bloody head to Europe as a challenge, to show how far he can trifle with the common feeling of our na tion, and how far he can exhibit his hatred of all laws and powers either human or divine.—(Cheers.) —The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded with pro posing, " That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, praying for the communication of such Papers as may throw light upon the relations be• tween Portugal and this country from the year 1826 to the present time, provided that it can be done without danger to our foreign alliance." Mr. Secretary PEEL—The Right Hon. Gent. made some very pointed observations on the events which are supposed to have lately occurred at Oporto. I, as well as the Right Hon. Gent. must express my deep regret that such events should have happened, but I cannot help lamenting that the Right Hon. Gent. should allude to them, as they are calculated to mix up the - question before the House with sub jects in no way connected with it. I have not heard any observation which would induce me, as a Mini ster of the Crown, to recommend the abandoning a course of policy which has always hitherto been the guide of this country. I trust that no act Of this country will tend to put an end to that peace which has so long subsisted in Europe, or to weaken those pacific principles which seem to influence most of the Sovereigns in Europe. Indeed, considering that for the long period of fifteen years, the peace of the greatest portion of Europe had been secured, I think that the man who for one moment would put it in jeopardy would take a fearful responsibility on him 4M; and I must confess, that following the line which the Right Hon. Gentleman marks out, would in my mind lead to such a result. I hope that one effect of this peace will be, to show to all nations what great interests they all have in preserving and securing the peace of Europe. I trust that the cha racter of a mere military hero--one who goes to war merely for the sake of gaining victories—no longer exists; and that all men begin to see the importance and die advaritages which each nation and people gain by a firm peace.--(Hear; hear, hear.)—l entertain no fears of the ability of this country to enter into a war ; I am acquainted with her resources; and I feel convinced that as she has already made extraordinary exertions in seasons of difficulty and danger, she would be prepared, if called upon, to make similar exertions.—( Cheers.) —At the same time I do not hesitate to express my most ardent hopes that nothing will occur to dimi nish the chance of preserving it.—(Cheers.)—l admit that our intimate relations with Portugal have now existed without intermission for nearly 450 years, and I hope they will still continue; and I will say that, during that long period, and until very recently, no attempt was made to induce her to interfere in any way in the internal arrangement of that country. England had ever been ready to assist Portugal in case of foreign invasion, and in periods of adversity, and it is my wish that she may ever be able and willing to do so.—(Hear, hear.) — The first attempt to induce her to interfere was in 1820. The Constitution had been established in Portugal; and on the invasion of Spain, in 1822, Mr. Canning had written to our Mini s t er at Lisbon, and desired him to communicate his Note to the Portuguese Ministry, that England was willing to render Portugal any assistance in support of any Government she might choose, and prevent the interference of foreign States; but that if she took part in. the war, England would be compelled to deny all hopes of assistance. This had been. our uniform answer to 'applications for assist ance. The general rule for our policy is, I repeat,, non-interference with other countries—(Cheers) — and this must be the rule to follow in the present case.—(Hear.)—lndeed, in the case of invasion, we were bound by treaty to assist Portugal. I need not call the recollection of die House to the course pur sued by my late Right Hon. Friend, Mr. Canning, under such circumstances, and who then held the si tuation of Foreign Secretary. He had brought down a Message from the Crown, and a number of troops had been sent to Portugal to prevent a fo reign invasion, with the full concurrence of the House. I then thought, as I now think, that such a proceeding was absolutely necessary, and called for in that instance, and I should be prepared to follow a like course in similar circumstances. My late Right Hon. Friend had then stated that he was only pur suing the line of conduct marked out by his prede cessor in office, the Marquis of Londonderry. Again, when the Emperor of the Brazils declared himself the Independent and Constitutional Sovereign of his country, he governed, and had declared himself in dependent of Portugal. The King of Portugal, the father of the Emperor of the Brazils, called upon Eng land forassistance, to preserve the Portuguese empire inviolate, and from partition. The answer of Mr. Can ning then, in the note which he directed to Mr. Ward, our Minister at Lisbon, was, that England could not interfere; and quoted a long extract from the instructions of the late Lord Castlereagh to our Minister at the Congress of Laybach, in which the principle of non-interference was most pointedly laid down. He added, that in the unhappy occur rence of a war between Portugal and Brazil, England would preserve the most strict neutrality—(Hear) ; that the British Government were determined to . act on the fundamental principle of our foreign policy, namely, not to interfere with the rights, liberties, or ' internal affairs of other countries.—(Hear.)—Such, I trust, will always be the policy of England, when called • upon to interfere—(cheers)—either in the affairs of Portugal, or of • any other country.— (Cheers.)—Such a course I am satisfied is most con sistent with the best interests of this country, and it is founded on the sound basis of policy and justice. England is ready and willing, as in 1828, to send an army in support of her treaties of alliance; but I am convinced that in a case like the present, we should sacrifice both honour and justice, were we to pursue the mode of action which the Right Hon. Gent. seems to recommend.—(Hear.)—l do not want to revive the discussion relative to the occupation of Portugal by our army. I only refer to it to remark that Mr. Canning, in strong and express terms, dis claimed, in sending that army to Portugal, any poli tical intention. It was sent in consequence of the nets of the Portuguese Government, claiming from us the performance of our engagements, in order to protect Portugal from foreign invasion. The principle on which that army was sent to Portugal was, that, by our ancient alliance, we were bound to assist Portugal, when threatened by foreign in vasion. The Government of that day declared that the course which England meant to pursue was to decline all interference with the civil dissensions with which Portugal was, unhappily, at that time, afflicted. Non-interference, then, is our general rule; and is there any thing in the usurpation of Don Miguel, - and in his declining to acknowledge the rights of Donna Maria da Gloria, which imposes on England the necessity and the duty of departing from her usual accustomed course ? I must state, in opposition, not to the direct assertions 'of the Right Hon. Gent., but in opposition to the general tenor of his inference and his arguments united, that there is nothing in this particular case—nothing in the usurpation of Don Miguel which makes his a special case, requiring England to depart from her general principles of not interfering in political dis putes, on which she has acted in all former cases. • The first feature of peculiarity to which the Right Hen. Gent. has referred, as imposing a duty on Eng land of a qualified interference with Don Miguel, since he has usurped the Governnient of IJu Pe• dro, is the fact that in IS'23 we were parties to- the Treaty which separated Portugal and the Brazils, and to the grant of a Constitution by Don Pedro, which was brought from the Brazils to Lisbon by Sir Charles Stuart, our Ambassador, now Lord Stuart de rfoib•ay. The Right Flom Gentleman contends that b. a subject of the King of England undertaking to bring theonstitution, granted by Don Pedro, from tit Brazils to Portugal, wetitßrazils l b ed the Portuguese to believe that England was a party to granting that Constitution, and that we would lend our aid to preserve it. The answer I have to make is this:—Don John VI., the late King of Portugal, died in March, 1826. Prior to his death, his son, Don Pedro, had effected the separation of Brazils and Portugal, and had assumed the title of Emperor of Brazils. This title had been acknOw• hedged by his father in the preceding year, and the treaty of dismemberment of Portugal had been rati fied. It was agreed that the two Crowns should be separated, but no provision was made for the , accession to the Crown of Portugal. Notwith standing the intended separation, Don Pedro, on his father's death, claimed the Crown of POrtugal, and as King of Portugal he determined to abdicate to make his daughter Queen, and granted a Con stitution to Portugal. It was not possible, in fact, that England could be responsible for this grant of the Constitution. It was, indeed, physically impos sible. The news of Don John's decease arrived at the Brazils on April 26th, and on the I lth of May Lord Stuart departed from Brazils with the Consti tution of Portugal. Whether sufficient time had been allowed to digest the Constitution, I will not say ; but I will say, that it was not possible that England should advise the giving of that Constitu tion, or be responsible for its maintenance, of which Lord Stuart was the bearer. That Nobleman was not only the Plenipotentiary of this Govern ment for effecting the separation of Portugal and Brazils, but he was also the Plenipotentiary of the King of Portugal for adjusting some existing diffe rences between Portugal and the Brazils, and for ne gociating a Treaty of Commerce between the two countries. No authority was given by Mr. Canning—no commission was given to Lord Stuart to - act for this Government as to the Constitution ; and it was as the servant of the King of Portugal that he was the bearer to Lisbon of the Constitutional Charter. We were not the advisers of that measure, and Lord 'Stuart merely carried it to Portugal. The British Government, or at least Mr. Canning, who was then the - Minister for the Foreign Department, was aware that the cir cumstance of Lord Stuart being the bearer of that Treaty would create an impression in the European Courts that England was connected with the grant ing of that Constitution. He accordingly addressed a circular to all the Courts of Europe, disclaiming . all responsibility for the measure on the part of England. Positive orders, also, were given by Mr. Canning to Lord Stuart to return from Lisbon forth with, and not countenance in any manner the delu sion that England was concerned in granting their Charter. The Right Hon. Gent. has said that the steps so cautiously taken, togeth€r with. Lord Stuart being the bearer of the Constitution,-induced the Portuguese to infer that England was'concerned in granting the Charter, and he wished it to be inferred that this delusion ought to have been removed.l This delusion was effectually preven:ed by the language of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. When, in consequence of the transactions of that period, Mr. Canning advised his Majesty to send troops-10 Portugal to protect that country from foreign inva sion, nothing could be more explicit than his public - declaration on that occasion. The Right Hon. Gent. has dwelt much on the moral obligation imposed on this country by her conduct towards Portugal; and I trust the House will allow me to refer to Mr.. Canning's words on that occasion. Ott the 12th of December, Mr. Canning made his celebrated speech' on bringing doWn the King's Message on the sub ject of Portugal, and - on that occasion he - made' use - of these exprissions:— " It has been surmised- that this: tneasure, • as well as the abdication which it accompanied, was the offspring of our advice. No such thing—Great' Britain did not suggest this measure. It is not her duty nor her practice to otfer suggestions frir the , internal regulation orforeign states. .She neither approved nor disapproved of Ain. grant of a 1 Constitutional Charter to Portugal ; her opinion upon that grant was never required. True it is that.the instrument of the Constitutional Charter was brought to Europe. by a gentleman of high trust in the service of the British Government. - Sir C. Stuart had gone - to BraZil to .nego tiate the separation between that country and Portugal. In addition to his character of Plenipotentiary of Great Britain, as the mediating Power, he had also been in vested by the King of Portugal - with the character of his Most Faithful Majesty's Plenipotentiary for the negociation with Brazil. That negotiation had been brought to a • happy conclusion ; and therewith the British part of Sir C. Stuart's commission had terminated. But Sir C, Stuart was still resident at Rio de - Janeiro, as - the Pleni potentiary of the King of Portugal, for negotiating corn mercial arrangements between Portugal and Brazil. In this latter character it was that Sir C. Stuart, on his return to Europe, was requested by the Emperor of Brazil to be the bearer to Portugal of the new Constitutional Charter, His Majesty's Government found no fault with •Sir C. Stuart for extending this commission ; but it was im mediately felt that if Sir C. Stuart were alloWed to remain at Lisbon, it might appear, in the eyes of Europe ? that England was the contriver and imposer of the Portuguese Constitution. Sir C. Stuart was therefore, diricted to return home forthwith; in order that the Constitution, if carried into effect there, might plainly appear to be adopted by the Pot tuguese nation itself—not forced upon them by English interference." I have answeiedi then, the first part of the Right Hou. Gent.'s speech; and I have shown, first, that England did not advise the granting of the Consti tution ; secondly, that it was distinctly gated that this Constitution was adopted without the advice and responsibility of our Government ; and I have shown, in the third place, that Mr. Canning took the proper means of making Europe and the people of Portugal aware of the real facts of the case. I do not contend, however, that the people of Portugal may not have deceived themselves, by suppoing that some reliance was to be placed on England supporting that Constitution, and that they may not have supposed that England advised that Constitu tion to be granted. The second point to which the' Right Hon. Gent. has adverted, as a peculiarity, imposing on England the necessity - of supporting the claims of the Queen of Portugal, and the second point referred - to in the discussion, was, that by the discussions at London and Vienna, we had made ourselves a party to the accept ance of the Regency of Don Miguel. It is, however, too much to contend, because England and Austria took part in the discussions relative to this subject, on - the invitation of Don Pedro, that they were guarantees to him that the promises made by Don Miguel should be performed. The English and Austrian Sovereigns did, by their Ambassadors and Ministers, co-operate in endeavouring. to per suade Don Miguel to observe the instructions he received from Den Pedro when he was admitted into the Regency, and they did enforce on him the necessity of keeping his engagements. It is also true that these promises of Don Miguel have not been fulfilled. Ido not say that this is to vindicate Don Miguel, but it is no part of our duty to enter into an examination of the private vices and crimes laid to his charge by the Right Hon. Gentleman. Should we make the private vices and crimes . of in dividuals the matters of our consideration for the decision of public questions—should we once regu late our public policy by the consideration of the private character of individuals—that peace will not long continue in the continuation of which the Right Hon. Gentleman rejoices, and which 1 hope will long continue. These are matters for the con sideration of the people over whom the Sovereign reigns, and not matters which ought to influence, much less dictate the public policy of other nations. I Is England to undertake the conquest of Portugal for the Queen Donna Maria? This is the question. The Right Hon. Gent, says, that we should have compelled Don Miguel to execute the trust reposed its, him. But by what measures could we compel him I know of none other than these:—Either we must preserve QU neutrality., or we must unawake thum! • • quest of Portugal. To give advice to Don 'Miguel, and not to enforce it, would be of no use. To threaten, and not to execute our threats, would only encourage him, and would be inconsistent with the dignity 0! the Crown of Great Britain. Were we to enter into an alliance with the Brazils to ensure the succession of the government to the young Queen, whatever might be our engagements, from our proximity, and other causes to which I will rot refer, England would, I am sure, become a principal in the war. It is dif ficult to say, that there is any thing in our ancient treaties, or any thing in what passed at Vienna, which imposed on Great Britain the obligation to enforce the claims of Donna Maria by force of arms, or to undertake, by force, to place her on a throne which some out of the majority of the people would not willingly see her fill. The Right Hon. Gent. says, that it was intimated to Don Miguel, that if he did not accept the Regency on the conditions offered, he should be detained at 'Vienna. I do not positively recollect, and I therefore may be mistaken, but I do not believe any such intimation was made to Don Miguel. But after announcing the intention of I)on Pedro, could he force us to detain Don Miguel ? or does the Right lion. Gent. suppose that we could detain him ? I do not recollect that there ever was an intention to do this ; but I am sure that Eng land never was a party to any such intention. I do at think that it could ever be in the contem plation of this Government, which only took putt in the conference at Vienna, by the invitation of Don Pedro. Undoubtedly an indignity was done to the King of Great Britain, by Don Miguel's not fulfilling the obligations and engagements he then contracted; but we were trot parties to those cor fereaces, we were only witnesses. It is not just, it is not politic in England to make war on Portugal; because Don Miguel has not kept the engagements he solemnly entered into. The Right Hon. Gent. has also referred to this blockade, and seems to think that we have not acted with regard to Portu gal, as we have to other countries. When this sub ject was discussed formerly, I attempted to shew that England had respected the blockade, not on ac count of the Government, but because it was a blockade established by a Government de facto. The Right Hon. Gent. ,wished that the question of acknowledging die blockade should have been re ferred to Don Pedro, but in this I cannot agree with him. The question of the blockade was to be de tided by public law, and it was not possible to refer it to Don Pedro. To shew that there was no par tiality in recognising the blockade, it is only neces sary for me to remind the House, that when Don Pedro dismembered Portugal arid Brazils, lie declared a blockade against a port of South America, which England, without inquirin g into the legitimacy of his Gove rnment , r e s p ecte d. England had acted on the same prnciple, in recognising the blockade instituted by the Greeks, and all other blockades. It had always acted on principles of law, and had recognized every blockade instituted by a Government de facto, supported by a sufficient force. The Right Hon. Gent. has also referred to our conduct to three individuals in this country, which he has described as discountenancing the Ministers of Brazils. There are, it is true, three in dividuals residing in this country, who have had diploma tic relations with the Government, and the Right Hon. Gent. complained of a want of courtesy in the conduct adopted by the Government of this country towards them. These individuals are, the Marquis Palmella, the Marquis Barbacena, anti Viscount Itabayna. The Viscount its- bayna represented the Court of Brazil, and his functions ' had never been suspended. The Marquis Palniella was accredited to this country from Portugal, and when Don Miguel usurped the Government of that country, he de clared that his functions were at an end. The Right Hon. Gent. however, is aware that communications have been made to this gentleman since Iris functions have been at an end, and there surely can be no want of courtesy in them. The Marquis of Barbacena, the Right Hon. 'Gent. complains, is not yet recognized ; but that Nobleman Arrived very unexpectedly in this country. The Queen of Portugal was sent to Vienna to be placed under the care of her august relation, the Empress of Austria. No noti fication whatever was made to the Government of this con n 'try, of any intention to send her here. Mr. Gordon, our Am bassador at the Brazils, had written letters home three weeks after her departure,' and no mention was .then made of Any intention of sending her to England. The Marquis of Barbacena had arrived at Gibraltar before he resolved to bring the young Queen to England. 'Was it not, then, too much to expect that the Marquis of Barbaceaa should be received here without the Government knowing in what capacity? In all this lean see no want of courtesy on the part of this Government, which could not be ex 'pected to acknowledge as Ambassadors or as Agents any persons without 'first knowing the authority those persons possessed. I have now concluded all the observations 'which I think it is necessary to make in reply to the Right 'Hon. Gentleman. Let me, however, remind the Right lion.' Gentleman that Don Miguel is not kept on the Throne by any foreign intrigues. He is supported by the people of Portugal. There is every indication that he does not reign in opposition to the will of the people. He was proclaimed by the Cortes, and he seemed generally acceptable to the people. There has been one insurrection, but that failed—and failed, as the Right Hon. Gentleman says, from mistake of the Colonels at the head of the troops. Into that discussion I'will not enter. There is one other transaction to which the Right Hon. Gentleman has alluded; and to which I will refer. I mean the affair of the Island of Terceira; of that transaction I will en deavour to give a brief and clear view. It was the determination of this Government to preset ve the most strict and undeviating neutrality in the civil dissen sions of Portugal. It resolved to yield to no entreaties, and not to be induced by any appeals to depart from its neutrality. There was no reason why England should in terfere by force, and it determined to preserve its neu trality at all hazards. After the revolt which occurred in the North of Portugal against Don Miguel, the troops n g e co wasethnt to t of the sought refuge in Spain. An objection was made to re ceiving them, the English Government interfered, and proeured for them a more hospitable reception. They afterwards determined to come to this country, and an appeal was made to England to receive them. An answer was returned, that we sympathised with their misfortunes, that no o pposition would be offered to their coming to England; and that if they came, they should be hospitably received. They accordingly arrived in this country, and remained at Plymouth, to the amount of three to four thousand men, for a considerable time. The Right lion. Gentleman has stated, that in November it was found ne cessary that the ,officers should be separated from the men, and in consequence of this being intimated to them, the Marquis of Palmella e e ar le tie ed d to to g t o he to D a, u o ke ß o ta f z W il. e . lling T t h on te might made to go to the Brazils, and it was er 23d that an application was made for re h tl at leave theyllftapplication roop, ra. Rigb ll t ly H v e e e rs . ion Ge d n iff tle e m rs an, solu bt e i; it is true that it was on the 23d December that the Mar quis of Palmella applied for permission for these troops to go to Terceira. The Marquis was told, in answer, that England would not permit troops to be embarked from any port of Great Britain on a hostile expedition. The Right Host. Gentleman has not added, that shortly after the arrival of the Marquis of Barbacena in this country, on September 24, that is, on October 15, the Marquis of Barbacena wrote to the Duke of Wellington, pressing him to allow a part of the Portuguese troops in England to go to Terceira, and to supply them with a convoy for that island. Terceira is one of the Azores ; and while some of the other islands had declared for Don Miguel, Terceira was divided, and a large party there was in favour os Don Pedro. On the 18th of October the Duke of Wel lington wrote to the Marquis of Barbacena, and replied that the military force at Plymouth could on no account be permitted to prepare in any of the ports and arsenals of the kingdom the means of equipment for attacking foreign na tions. On the 20th of November, the military depot at Plymouth, though it could not be said to cause any danger from the Portuguese troops, was found inconvenient ; and it was doubted whether it could be suffered to remain. The application of the 15th October having been made to us, which was, in effect, to fit out an expedition to make war on a part of the dominions of Portugal, it was inti mated to the Marquis Palmella, that though we had given a friendly reception to the Portuguese refugees, we could not allow them to exist in this country as a military body. It was said that all they asked was, that they should sta tion themselves in the different towns and villages in the neighbourhood of Plymouth.- But the answer was, that they must separate as a military body, in order to relieve the Portuguese Government from the apprehension it must feel if the military body residing at Plymouth did 'not se parate. Was it to be allowed—l appeal to the House— that a Power with which we were not at war should have its apprehensions excited by the presence of a military body ready to attack it? Was it consistent with the maintenance of our neutrality, if we allowed a mili tary body to be formed here not compatible with the security of a country to which we were not hostile' We certainly did intimate to the Marquis Pa'simile that this body of refugees must give up its military character, and reside as individuals merely, and with the officers se parate from the men. The answer the Marquis Palmella returned was, that rather than destroy their military cha racter, they would prefer to go to Brazil. What was out reply ? That we dill not wish them to go to Brazil, but that we would throw no obstruction in the way of their passage thither; and in order to protect them from the Portuguese cruisers, we offered them a British convoy They declined the offer ; it was repeated, and again de clined by the Marquis Palmella. We, at the same time, told him that the Government of England would not per mit them to use Plymouth as a port for the equipment of a hostile expedition against Portugal. The Right Hon. Gent. says that this was an application made by a body. not of troops, but of unarmed men. They were not body of soldiers with arms, no doubt; but they were not an ordinary and undisciplined body of unarmed men, in the common meaning of the words. It is absolutely ne cessary, in this part of the details of the case, to stet( what bad previously occurred as to the transport of arms; for though these men were unarmed, yet every object that armed men could gain would have been obtained by their conveyance to that place to which they were destined. I shall be sorry to st ate any facts but such as are necessary to the vindication of the British Government.—(Hear.) — At an early period of these transactions, viz. on the 15th of August, 1828, which is much earlier than the matters to which reference has been made in the course of the debate, for• they occurred in the October and December of that year, Viscount Itabayana, the Brazilian Minister, ap plied to Lord Aberdeen fin• permission to send 150 barrels of gunpowder and 1,200 muskets to Brazil, bya Brazilian frigate called the Isabel. The answer was that Lord Aberdeen would give the permission required, provided he was assured that no part of these munitions cf war would be employed in the civil dissensions of Portugal ; and, he added, that to promote acts of hostility against powers with which we were at peace, was forbidden by the Eng lish law, and that if any attempt were made far the con quest of Portugal, England would not interfere, but that she would not permit the dismemberment of the Portu guese Monarchy, and therefore Lord Aberdeen required an express declaration that these arms were not to be em ployed in the civil dissensions of that country. The answer of Viscount Itabayana with respect to the non employment of these articles of war in the civil dis s:•nsions of Portugal was, that he did not hesitate to give it a clear and precise answer—namely, that Brazil was also at peace with Portugal ; but though she lamented over the mis.or•tunes of that country, she had no intention to attack her. In consequence of this clear and precise answer, Lord Aberdeen (lid no doubt agree to send the arms and gunpowder to Brazil ; but notwithstanding that answer, these arms and that gunpowder were transported to the Isle of Terceira.—(Cheers.)—When they applied to us for the removal of this unartned body of men to the Isle of Terceira, we were obliged to argue, that as we were deceived before, when they assured us that the gun powder and tire-arms should be sent to Brazil, though we were afterwards informed that the Brazilian frigate the Isabel went to the Isle of Terceira, so we might find, if we agreed to this unarmed body of men going thither, that they might find their arms at Terceira. We did, therefore, refuse to allow them to go. We felt it our duty, as they were a military body, to refuse that they should sail front the port of Plynionth to strengthen the garrison of Terceira, because we held that on our part to be a breach of our neutrality. The Right Hon. Gentle man expressly asks us what right we had to stop those men on the high seas ? I will tell him a sufficient reason: they sailed on false clearances. They applied to the Cus tom-house for the clearance of the vessels for Gibraltar, Virginia, Rio Janeiro, and various other places ; but these vessels, thus bound to different parts of Europe and North America, did all repair to Terceira, notwithstanding the clearances they had made. I ask the House to consider and decide, with reference to the peculiar circumstances at tending the whole of the transaction, should we have acted in an impartial manner if we had suffered that body of men, tt whom we had very propel ly given a hospitable reception as refugees, to sail direct from our ports to wage war against a power with which we are at peace? If we have suspended our diplomatic relations with Portugal, that does not necessarily place us in a situation of war with that country. We maintain our commercial relations, and have a Consul resident there. The Brazilian Minister was asking us to place ourselves in a different situation from that which we had judged it proper to take. The Bra zilian Government also maintain their commercial rela tions, for they have a Consul resident at Lisbon, or they had lately. Had we not , a right to require to know by whom these troop were to be sent to strengthen some garrison, or to attack some part of the Portuguese domi nions? We did require to know this, and the answer was that they were not the troops of the Emperor of Brazil. As we had at that very moment a Minister at the Court of Rio• Janeiro, Lord Strangford, who had been sent to effect an amicable arrangement between the two countries, was that the moment to be selected for allowing a body of troops to be embarked to wage war, or to act in any way offensively against Portugal ? This application resolved itself into an allowance of a direct expedition against Por tugal. 'We are at this moment bound by treaties with Portugal. We have a commercial treaty, which we com pel the Sovereign de facto to observe. The engagements of these treaties are reciprocal. If we compel the Portu guese to keep the conditions of the commercial treaty, Portugal has a right to expect front us strict neutra lity ; and let me remind the House, that the ditties of neutrality are as strictly due to a Government existing de facto as to a legitimate Government.—(Hear. ) We say to Portugal, " we are determined to take no part in your civil dissensions." It is, therefore, inconsistent in us to allow a military force to leave the shores of England to act hostilely against Portugal. To give a character beyond all question as to these transactions, I should state, that in addition to the Portuguese refugees in this country, there arrived 300 Germans, who had been enlisted in the north of Europe, and who were brought to this country to reinforce this military body which was going to Terceira. Is it possible that we could allow private individuals, not acting under the direct sanction of the Emperor of Brazil, to recruit forces in Germany, and bring them to England, and direct an expedition against a power with which we are not at war? The Emperor of Brazil, nor any other Power, can make the ports of England subservient to their own designs. Such a practice would be inconsistent with the dignity and independence of the country. But when he intimates to us his desire to maintain amicable relations with Portugal, and we are also doing the same, if we had permitted that military body to have set sail to invade Portugal, what would our conduct have been Under precisely similar circumstances, when the Portuguese refugees went into Spain, we insisted that the Spanish Government should separate the officers from the men. We complained of Spain, because these troops were allowed to be assembled on the frontiers; and because we believed that Spain was encouraging the Portu guese refugees to make an attempt on Portugal, we actually sent five thousand men to protect the Portuguese Go vernment. I do not say that these cases are perfectly asta lagous, but I do say that we are bound to prevent any military body of Portuguese refugees from remaining sta tioned where they can excite the apprehension and threaten the tranquillity of Portugal. Is it the policy of England to permit the dismemberment of the European Portuguese empire? Is it not settled by treaties that Eu ropean Portugal is to be constituted a separate empire, en tirely independent of the American empire, and with all the ports and colonies in Africa and elsewhere belonging to it ? By the Treaty of Separation it is expressly stipulated that all dependencies shall belong to the Mother Country, and that the Portuguese empire shall be distinct from the Brazilian. By one article, the Emperor of Brazil declares that be will not accept the offer of any colony to unite it self with his empire. Motives of policy, as well as the obligations of treaties, compelled us to prevent the sailing of this military expedition. But, above all, I desire that in discussing the principle by which we shall decide, whether this free country shall become the arena where foreigners may collect military bodies to wage war on Powers at peace with us—whether we shall make the port of Plymouth for the future what we have prevented it from becoming on .this occasion —whether, if there should be a war between Russia and France, we shall allow either party to use our ports to carry on their• aeparate o`►jects?—(Hear.)—Would it not be a breach of our neutrality, if this should be per mitted to take place ? Would it net expose us to the hazard of a war? If the present Government of Portugal be a weak one, that is no reason why we should suffer parties in this country to,fit out hostile expeditions against it. We could not mistake the intention of that expedition from Plymouth. It was this—that that military body was to sail to Terceira, to strengthen the hands of one of two parties between which Portugal is, divided. We were determined to preVerit it, because we conceived those who had practised such evasions before, es in the case of 'the transport of arms to Terceira, were not fit to be trthied in this instance; and therefore jive directed a naval force to ward off from the isle of Terceira the descent which the application made on the 15th of October was intended to carry into effect. I leave it to this House to decide whe ther the Government of England was not right, to prevent its intentions from being defeated by false assertions, with respect to the character of this transaction. These are the facts of the case; and I am perfectly satisfied that the House will be convinced we have acted with impartiality, and that we have viudicated the isparation ut England, by not allowing any party to render her ports subservient to promoting such dissension in countries with which we are not at war. The flight Hon. Gentleman tae not entered into the details of the transactions which took place: at Terceit a, or I could shew that the officer in command only executed his instructions, of which he gave due warnings to the parties, in addition to the warning that had been riven previously in England ; and that it was only when they attempted actually to pass into the port of Terceira., that the fire took place, which wounded one sailor 111 M, tally, and another seriously. The Right Honourable Gentleman laments that those wounds should be exhibited o the people of France. But the course of Franc: was till in precise conformity with that of England ; and if diey had been placed in the same situation with regard to Terceira, the same melancholy consequences must have susee d. [laving disposed of these grounds of complaint, Jew come to the terms of the motion. It is impossible Aor me, in discussing a question relating to foreign affairs, to forbear from acknowledging that, with respect to these subjects, the conduct of the House has been charactestieed—. I will not say by indifference, or by confidences in any Administration that may have existed—but, I believe, by an apprehension of interfering with leading negociations, and injuring the interests of the country by. sreinature explanations. There is no disinclination on dim tat of his Majesty's Government to give the fullest expla- . :ration by which the interests of the country may not be ( nejudiced; and I have no hesitation in assuring the Right don. Gentleman, that I am now prepared to acquiesce in ais motion, and as far as it is stated in his notice. Pro uably the Right Hon. Gentleman, who has thought proper to confine the terms of his motion to esrtain papers so hid: lie had there described, will allow the motion to be put as , it stands in the notice, where it calls for all the Papers. connected with the relations hew( en this country and der Most Faitful Majesty the Queen of Portugal."' I as sure the Right Hon. Gentleman that every paper relating to the connection between this country and Portugal shalt he laid before the House, though they may probably ex creed the number the Right Hon. Gent. calls for in his motion, which specifies those which he thinks it might be • store eviden ly desirable to have laid before the House.— Those which will be included in the terms of his notice, will embrace a wider period of time. If we take the mo tion as it stands, it will not so effectually answer the Right Hon. Gentleman's object ; and I repeat my assurance, chat every Paper not relating to pending negociations, or by which any communication may be prematurely made to the injury of the public interests—every Paper rekstive; the relations of this country with Portugal, w•th but single exception, shall be laid before the House...(l.ml cheering.) Mr. BROUGHAM—AIthough the Right Hon. Gen tleman has expressed his disposition to grant the Papers for which my Right Hon. Friend has called, yet still I think it necessary to trouble the House with a few driers vations, for the purpose of setting my Right Horn. Friead right with the House, and of preventing the idea Irons going abroad that my Right Hon. Friend has in any pact of his speech—and I am sure I can answer for myself—. shown the slightest disposition to maintain such doctrine, as the Right Hon. Gent. opposite has imputed to him.-- With regard to the principle of non-interference in the affairs of Foreign States, I must say, that if the abstain-• ing on all occasions, without horsily allowing an exceptions to the rule which proscribes any interference in the inter nal affairs of other nations—if the Right Hon. Gentleman says that that is the sacred and inflexible principle of English policy, I subscribe to it without hesitation, 1 agree that the case is barely possible, in which a country shall be plunged into such anarchy that it would be dill's. cult to decide with which party we should maintain the relations we had before maintained with the country. I own that it is hardly possible to conceive stub a ease, In which we ought to give aid to one party to establish its power over the other. My objection to the conduct of this country, in regard to Portugal, is not that it bast shown too little disposition to interfere, but that there ban been, in my view of the case, ,too much interference on our part. I will proceed to show on what this opinion of mine is founded. I contend that the principle of non interference has been departed from, and I hope to show that this was the case at a period considerably anterior to any to which the Right lion. Gentleman has referred. I will go back to the time to which my Right Hon. Friend referred, but which was passed over by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. ,My Right Hon. Friend did not say - • that we ought to send to Portugal to establisi. 9tIeSII Maria, or an army . to set up the Constitution aga,.‘ l,4 Absolutism ; but having done so much to establish a free system in Portugal, it occurred to my Right Hop. Friend to ask why we should stop here? why, haying got men into a situation in width they are suffering—why, having produced effects under which they are writhing'---I dis not say we should send an army and fleet to make isonquentss, or take a part in civil dissensionsbut I do ask Why we ought not to follow up our former interference by sor.f." councils, and finish and make safe what we hid already, begun to establish ?. The Right Hon. • Gentleman .ob- - jects to the facts stated, but he . has passed over then to-night ; but by the Right Honourable Gentleman's own: statement, that which passed with respect to the Cons stitution of Portugal being sent over by the hands of,. Lord Stuart, does appear to me of the nature ,of . fence. I do not accuse the Government with being charge able with that interference, for the dates are a defence for them. The English Government would not have been consulted as to a document resulting from the death or John VI. on the 26th of April, and dated on the 10th ef June following. No despatch could have enabled them to be consulted as to the formation of this Constitution, and, therefore, if it did happen that an English Ambassador carried it over from the Government from Brazil to Por tugal, and if, in addition, Lord 'Stuart was at the same time the English Ambassador at Brazil, and the Portu guese Ambassador there also—though we have nothing to, do with it, and could not possibly object to its being brought over three weeks after it was rendered necessary— yet we know that Lord Stuart acted as Ambassador front Portugal to Brazil. We can never exactly determine, when the same person is Ambassador from England to Brazil, and also from Portugal to Brazil, whether he is not carrying on at the same time negotiations between Eng land and Brazil, and between Portugal and Brazil; and this same individual leaves the new Constitution to the old mother-country. This is interference, if there. be any thing of the nature of interference—l do not say military interference, but that which belongs to the interest we naturally feel in matters of this nature. This interference had the effect of committing England to more transactions. Is it not also true that the Regency of Portugal consulted the English Government as to the course theyshould follow ?, And was not the answer, "Adopt the Constitution?" ,So that here was a plan of Government continued in Brazil, and this Constitution, which was intended to have been more. liberal, was rendered less so, it is said, by the advice of my Noble Friend (Lord Stuart), who was acting both as Am bassador of England at Rio de Janeiro, and as Ambassador of Portugal, though he was an Euglishtnan, He .so far interfered_as to counsel Don Pedro as to the Constitution ;, and the result of their joint deliberations was that Consti tution of which he was the bearer to Portugal. The Re gency of that country then consulted the English Govern ment how they should deal with the new Conetitution; and' the answer was, that they should adopt it, institute it, and - act upon it. .In these circumstances does England stand perfectly unconnected with Portugal? And I understand that I have not a little understated the facts ; but that, per haps, is the better for my argument. My Right lion. Friend did not state that our Government was consulted by the Regency of Portugal, but that their council was-tendered in the first instance, and sent over to Portugal when the Constitution reached that country. Be it so or not, we are clearly in some degree committed to the support of that Constitution ; and those who have been induced to take part in its maintenance we should defend. Ido not say that we should interfere by a fleet and army, or attempt to conquer Portugal, or put down the old government or revive the new, which was stifled as soon as born ; but I say we ought to do this by the weight of our influence and authority., These was not always so great an abhorrence of interference, for there was a little more once at Vienna. I listened with great attention to that part of my Right Hon. Friend's speeds relative to the attack on the Portuguese refugees at Ter.. ceira. I was desirous to bear some explanation of what led to it, but I confess I am as ignorant as I was before. I understand how the English Government may require foreigners to leave the country, but how they are entitled to seize an expedition afterwards, in the waters of a foreign sea, I cannot understand. The very law which was passed to prevent violrtions of our neutrality was evidence that, by the common, law, there iraWifo power to prevent these transactions. All the i64ltiy had *right:tools unclpy the old law was, tcriay 'you shall: nut make us a _party t( 7 l/44 1 r • measures, Which •Midertake at your own peril.. Ile Hon. Gem tlernewthen went on to say that the point they : had to consider wee, not the conduct of Don Miguel ,soi it ap peared in the eyes of the world, but how that s person stood in relation to Portugal. It would he no excuse for - their interference for them to be able to say, that Miguel, in the whole tenour of his conduct, Was so detestable as to he hateful in ,the eyes of every man who pretended to: possess the most common feelings of our nature; or-to as sert that it would be too short of description to number s , among the petty tyrants of modern days, one who, .in the amount of his enormities- rather deserved to be classed ,witia the most flagrant and hateful of ancient despots.. -,.Tliests was 'not the point. at issue i this wupeter,: with :0111aris