The Sun. — London, England, 1859-02-04 00:00:00

ICOW hie The crime $660 6 the ,nd it sh ° amitY re.b . it Sin cow.' 3t end r eally Ncit 4 in ev Id be Le dis" el di' ) [e re each. 'prone fired to on the their nsloW ester), ceived dging or big lbuO y 111 r. the clared wOuld the luired ;Meld, THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 4, 1859. seemed as if the Address would be adopted without further . observation, but Lord PALMERSTON rose amidst some merriment to address the house. He said, sir, I do not rise for the pur pose of adding a " N 3" to the " Aye," which has already been expressed. (Hear, hear.) I rise to propose no amend- Irsibeedy,nt. I might, ind ee d, p er h a p s , if it were no t t a ki ng a propose some amendment in the composition of the Address ; but that would be to trifle with the house upon an occasion like the present. It has seldom, I think, hap pened to this house to meet at a moment when greater and More important questions were pending than at the pre sent. We are assembled with the prospect, according to general impression, of war on the continent, which must, if it takes place, be productive of great disasters. We are assembled with the announcements that we shall be called 'Von to enter into solemn deliberation upon important change s in the constitution of this house. These - are ques tions of themselves sufficient to engage to the utmost the most anxious attention which the members of the Legisla ture can bestow upon any subject. Before I enter upon the topics of the Speech I must express my cordial concur rence in those sentiments of congratulation with which the hon. member who moved the Address alluded to the auspicious event which has recently taken place in the f amily of her Majesty. (Cheers.) I am persuaded that there is not a man in this country who will not respond to the sentiments which the hon. gentleman has so Properly and with such good feeling expressed. (Cheers.) When that illustrious Princess quitted these shores t he People of England looked upon, her as the daughter of England, and expressed the liveliest interest in her fut ure welfare. We may reasonably hope that the Prince to whom she has lately given birth may live long to li e an ornament and an advantage to the country of his birth, and an honou r t o th e li neage f rom w hi c h h e h as s prung. (Cheers.) I agree entirely in the sentiments of satisfaction wi th which the mover and seconder of this Address have received the announcement, officiallymade by her Majesty's Government, of the prosperous internal condition of the country, It i s i n d ee d mos t gra tifyi ng t o fi n d th a t suc h are e internal resources of this country, and the energy of the People, that we have in a comparatively short period of time recovered from that disturbance of our internal interests which took place a little more than twelve months ago. And not only is that consideration most gratifying as to the pre sent, but it also inspires confidence in the stability of our re sources and the permanent prosperity and future good estate of the country. (Cheers.) Upon that point, therefore, I most cordially concur in the Address which bag been moved. The Speech next adverts to that most important subject,—our interests connected with India—a country, I may say pass ing, which the Speech first describes as a great Empire, and after Wards only as a part of her Majesty's dominions. I presume that the latter description is that which her Ma jesty's Government would, upon due reflection, abide by. (A laugh.) It is most gratifying to find that the arrange ments which were begun by the late Government, and the appointments which that Government recommended to Majesty have be en a tt en d e d b y the success w hi c h i s now recorded in her Majesty's Speech. It is impossible to "r-praise th e va l our of our troops, or the skilfulness of calr com manders—(cheers)—and it is peculiarly gratifying 2to t hink that thi s va l our h as b een exhibited by every Eng 111nan who h as b een engaged, whether civilian, or mill arKor naval, throughout the whole course of these trans "ions, and that all the commanders almost have shown ft gre at skill in the conduct of th e o p era ti ons i n t rus t e d t o rat. (Che ers .) Wi th regard to Lord Clyde, who has had Lae chief command, it is impossible to praise too highly, not merely his skill in the management of his troops, but the `uscretion and prudence with which he has abstained froth e°4un itting them to enterprises which were beyond their strength at the moment, and the care which he has taken of the lives and health of the troops under his command— (cheers)—for it is as great a quality in a general to care for te health an d sa f ety o f hi s t roops as it i s t o con d uc t th em to victory in the hour of battle. (Hear, hear.) It is most gra tifying to those who were members of the late Govern- Ment to find the appointments which they recommended her Maje s t y to M ake w i t h respec t to t h e comman d o f the forces in India, and the Governor-Generalship of that coun try, have bek crowned with the success which has attended t hese two most distinguished men; and I am sure the u a ultrY will appreciate their merits in their resp ec ti ve ices, (Cheers.) Although I cannot go so far as the so ender of the Address in saying that the last embers of re- ' bellion have been stamped out, because we are told, even in t he Speech from the Throne, that there are still in India armies in the field, yet it is evident that the rebellion is s ubstantially put an end to, and that that which remains to do will be chiefly in pursuit of those fugitive bands who are more marauders than enemies in the field. It is gratifying to know that her Majesty's advisers will turn their atten- Umu to those subjects which are essential to the permanent tranquillity of India. There is great anxiety in this country to know what are the views of her Majesty's Government as to the principles upon which India shall be governed. tine Speech ne x t a d ver t s t o th e s t a t e o f our f ore i gn rela nsi and undoubtedly that is one of the most anxious r a tters to whi c h th e a tt en ti on o f th e coun t ry can b e t urne d . "ging bywhat we are told, there is aprobability of a great E n —Dean war, beginning by a conflict in Italy between France and Sardinia on the one hand, and Austria on the other, the object of which will be, I presume, the expulsion s . " ,Anstria fr om th e f ront i er o f I ta l y. N ow, there are many "'lto think, and I undoubtedly am one of those, that it W i i : te 4l4 be most desirable, with a view not merely to the rests of Italy, but the interests of Austria herself, that ( i g s s . i lmild not possess those provinces south of the Alps, tic'' , hoar.) I do not believe that those possessions cou p°. ute her strength. I am sure that they place her in a and I nv olves 'im which makes her an object of hatred to many, Involves a course of policy from which a wise meatGovern liol.nlight be desirous to abstain. But we must recollect Vlt is that she is in possession of those provinces. Sho ilesses those provinces by virtue of that general treaty of E ber o ttetae i rp rich is the title-deed of many other territories in Possessed by other Powers. That treaty was the ettlement of Europe. It might, perhaps, have been i se lf many portions of that arrangement had not been had'tiedoL in. the treaty—(h ear )— an d, as it now turns out, d have been bettor, I think, if different arrangements to i„ s e en made for Northern Italy. But we must, in order et Tge of that, carry our thoughts back to the state of things at 4, tine When that treaty was made, and the reasons that arr e time led the parties concerned to think the existing the Part were the best. There were certain claims on were of Austria founded upon ancient possession. There fut. _ other considerations connected possibly with the o t sr2 defence of that portion of Italy. At all events, right of F ur g, that was an arrangement in which the great Powers 1171:an° concurred, and they sanctioned it by treaty ; and gust y t ln c s tY subissit that no Power could justly violate that °Y attempting, without reason or cause, to dispossess i ; e tria of that which the treaty gives her. Treaties ought asid e re spected. t If any theoretical preference were to set would he stipulations in any treaty all the affairs of Europe (L I SQ be at sea, and it would be impossible to tell the con- I T ion to which such a principle would lead. (Cheers.) I t i ° b eginning of a war is not a light thing. (Hear, hear.) it, is beginning to begin it • it is impossible to say what will be A un l it,. War between two such great Powers as toady, but and France may begin about the possession of Lom ths,Y, but to say who might ultimately be involved in I.'' . ! contest is beyond the sagacity of man. (Cheers.) 1 ,; ,se, therefore, who would engage on or commence such . a N i i diould duly weigh the.responsibility which attaches to forrt?ett. To commence such a war would be to involve rope Pe in calamitie s w hi c h it wou ld b e diffi cu lt t o d escr ibe, b s , - c ause which, however in the abstract desirable, would alsoo means justify such a war. But in saying this I must weirsay that although Austria stands upon the firm ground vir ' t 'ght with regard to those provinces, which she holds by parties, of a treaty to which all the Powers of Europe . are w she does not stand upon the same ground of right ,footle goes beyond the limits to which that treaty refers ers)—and that the occupation of the other portions of no belonging to her is not justified by any treaty right thul will possesses. I should hope that, although 9re 'will be no war—l trust there will be none—l should ipse that these subjects having been taken into considera ,2ll..by the differont Governments of Europe, arrangements s w,Suld be made for the cessation of that exceptional state of th ings which now exists by the occupation of the Papal 2tates by Austrian troops on the one hand and by French 'mops on the other. (Cheers.) That is a state of things v shich h as con ti nue d long enough. It is a d e p ar t ure f rom tb--e ordinary state of thi ngs. It 'is not a violation, undoubt edly, of any treaty ; but it is sanctioned by no treaty. It is !aid as a justification of this, that if these troops in occupa tion were withdrawn, revolution would break out in the roan and Neapolitan States. B u t I would suggest that there is a better remedy for that than foreign occupation. I would suggest a reform of those abuses which have created `,Z_(sear, hear)—and let those Governments but adopt the power - `"gi them so long ago as 1832, by the five great of Europe them reform their system, let them Put an end to tyrannical abuses which oppress and exas perate t he people, and then there will be no revolution— i',.°‘en the oceniatiOn might cease, and the internal trunquil , Lb e s :J the country would be no note lonr endangered. (Cheers.) ( 3 5 ut if heat Governments will put an end to that sy i s r - I 11 14 ' t hey must abide by the consequences. Therefore, § ~nite with all men of reasonable minds, land precating at war of which rumours have spread far wide, and (s e - t r ess the hope that the sagacity of rulers and f tte ur g o oo e d . Coe of nations will tend to preserve the th e e t er s.) J am glad to hear that the arrangementeeename Europe. th e lath) —which provinces which of late have got a . neu satisfact b ut t611)--which we used to call the Danubian Provinces, which . name they have . e now call the Rouman Provinces—is going on obt o s o jrilY ; and I. hope that the new int eres t wia not give rise to new ideas at variance with the catio n to Protect which was the object of the new organi b ees • We are informed that a treaty ssio''sconcluded with Russia, which has re-established those of commerce . has I hialtlY relations which had disturbed by the late war. roaetlortily-rejoice in that announcement. Our commercial hop s I ' s with Russia areonan.unsatisfactory footing—great th e imLements are needed with regard to having access to a sicrier of tbe country, and I presume that this treaty gi ve :lye us all the advantages which the French treaty te tos ,‘° o the subjects of France, and will remove those in-. ext:,%.bstacles which preclude our subjects in Russia from (li e t a i •alog their enterprise into the interior of the empire. of r, hear.) We had differences with Russia on matters itreat political i mpor t ance , b u t I am p ersua d e d t h e feel intel, tile People of thi s cou ntry will lead th em t o l oo k w ith we are t o a f r i en dl y i ntercourse w i t h R uss i a the moment our re ° I t sassred that th ose am bitious projectswhichpsompted agomstance are laid aside, and that Russia is disposed to s l i e r_a faciliti es of access to her i nter i or, an d to reciprocate „Intl]. other nat i ons of the earth the advantages of trade and C hi gorse. _(beals hear.) The speech then adverts to the it imr ss :war. We are glad to find that our successors in ofice from fully the great advantages which have arisen op e „-''he war. with China—(cheers and a laugh)—that those oo t . ; I l i tmls in China which were undertaken in concert with pred s 2 the Eniperor of the French, by the advice of their Mte t 7 a sors, have r esu lt e d in 'he prospect of an extended ourse with that country. It is never too late to wet thatXrePentant sinner, and it is most gratifying to find do j uo rt ce migh the gentlemen. opposite were not disposed to rtileZ3tilt° to the motives and views of tho squ ill operations were recommended, they are at least se by whom participate the fruits in which they have • (Cheers.) I have no doubt, with the hon. gentle operar seconded the Address, that the result of those Ma will bo an extended intercouroe with the got population of China and also with the empire of Japan. And allow me to say, in passing, that her Majesty's late Government contemplated opening negotiations with. Japan as well as with China ; and that instructions were given by them to Lord Elgin, on which he acted in his negotia tions with the Japanese. I concur with the hon. gentle man in thinking that the commercial intercourse, the pros pect of which is now opened up, will be productive of great advantages to the commercial and manufacturing interests of this country ; but I also concur with him in warning the country against indulging in over-exaggerated expecta tions ; because, as we found when the former treaty was made we did not reap the advantages of it so rapidly as might have been expected, so also, on the present occasion those who,enter into this commercial intercourse should be cautious and not too hasty in their expectations of the re sults. Sir, I am most delighted to learn, not only from the Speech from the Throne, hut also f rom what we have seen in the foreign papers, that that system of the slave trade into which, under the name of free immigration, the French Government had incautiously been led, has been at last stopped from the east coast of Africa, and I most earnestly hope that it will be put an end to on the western coast also. (Hear, hear.) It was the slave trade in its worst form. (Hear.) You may call it "free immigration" if you please, but men bought and sold are no more free when taken on board a vessel of M. Regis than they would be if exported in a Spanish or Portuguese ship. The traffic was charac terised by all the abominations of the old slave trade, and when those unhappy victims were landed on French soil, their condition, though it was nominally denominated free, was in truth anything but free ; for, although slavery had been abolished in the French possessions, and the condition of those unfortunate persons was not so bad as it would have been in Cuba, still they were slaves. But the French Go vernment were led into a mistake on this subject ; they were deceived by interested men, and led to suppose, what is not the case, that the transaction in question was free from the taint of the slave trade. Their eyes, however, have been opened by the flagitious and iniquitous circum stances connected with the matterof the Charles et Georges —and I shall be glad if those circumstances have convinced the French Government of the iniquity of the enterprise in which that vessel was engaged. In 1815 the French Go vernment, in conjunction with the other Powers of Europe, made the most solemn protest against the slave-trade. They declared that the slave trade had been considered by just and enlightened men in all ages as repugnant to the prin ciples of humanity, and that they would endeavour to put an end to a practice which had for so many years desolated Africa and afflicted humanity. If the Government of a country which was a party to that noble declaration in 1815 could now, more than 40 years afterwards, fall back into all the criminalities then denounced, it would be the most afflicting spectacle of human degradation that the eyes of man ever witnessed. (Cheers.) I cannot believe, there fore, that this practice will be persisted in, and I hail with great satisfaction the intimation that negotiations are going on which will put an end to this abominable trade, not only on the eastern but also on the western coast of Africa. I presume, with regard to the transactions con nected with the case of the Charles et Georges, to which I have alluded—transactions with which, I apprehend, the public are very imperfectly acquainted—her Majesty's Government will, at the earliest period, lay the papers on the table, in order that the house may know what has been the course pursued by her Majesty's Government in refer ence to that matter. We know there are circumstances in which we are bound by treaty to render assistance to Por tugal should she need it. That is a consideration which tray bear on the negotiations in question, and, therefore, it is desirable to know in what manner her Majesty's Govern ment have acted in the matter. The Speech says the patience of her Majesty's Government has been exhausted ' by the continued outrages practised by the two contending parties in Mexico on British subjects. I believe the Go vernment have• acted wisely in that respect. The conduct of those Spanish American Republics from the one end to the other has been a series of outrages on all foreign resi dents. In Mexico especially, our fellow countrymen have had the greatest cause for complaint. The very nature of Republicans renders it difficult for other nations to deal with them. (A laugh.) They are very much in the habit of obeying no law but that dictated by passion and caprice, and their external arrangements are as unsettled as their internal condition. With regard t • those Spanish Ameri can States, I think the only course open from time to time is to employ force in order to obtain that justice for British subjects which persuasion and diplomatic negotiations may fail to enforce. We are informed that a large expenditure will be necessary to provide for the re-construction of the navy. It is undoubtedly true that the general employment of steam as a propelling power for ships of war has rendered comparatively useless many of those vessels of which our navy was formerly composed. I shall, of, course, wgit to hear what the proposal of the Government on this subject may be • but I am sure the house and th e public w ill feel that at al tunes, and more especially at the:present moment, it is an object of vast importance to this country to have a powerful and efficient navy. (Cheers.) We hear of great armaments elsewhere, and though we have no reason to think that these armaments are in the remotest degree in tended to be directed against us, yet, at the same time, when other nations arm it is essentially due to the secu rity, the dignity, and the interests of this country that we should provide proper means of defence. (Cheers.) We are informed that several new bills are to be presented to the house. Many of these bills—l may say most of them, relate to matters to which the late Government had given their attention, and with res•ard to some of them measures had been in preparation. Indeed, I think the Lord Chan cellor of the late Government had brought bills into the House of Lords calculated to accomplish some of the objects now brought under our notice. (Hear, hear.) I am sure the house will give ample attention to the measures which her Majesty's Government may introduce, especially in connection with matters so important to the commercial interests of the country as the laws affecting bankruptcy and insolvency. (Hear.) We have been informed that a bill is to be brought in to make indefeasible the title of every man to the estate which he possesses, whether his title be now good or bad. (Laughter.) lam sure such an announcement will be received with the greatest satisfaction by all owners of land, for they must be charmed to think that all doubtful titles will be masle undoubted, and that henceforth they will have an indefeasible title to their land whatever the nature of their present titles may be. (Laughter.) I presume the announcement implies the estab lishment in this country of something like the system that has so advantageously been employed in Ireland—(hear, hear)—and, I have no doubt that, if properly devised, it will be received with satisfaction by the house, and prove a most useful measure, not only to the landed but to the com mercial interests of the country. (Hear, hear.) It is the usual practice to reserve thebest and most important things for the last, and accordingly her Majesty's Government, after haying kept the house and the public on the tenter hooks of expectation through many long preceding para graphs, at last come to the topic which is at present most ex citing the attention of the public—viz., the subject of Par liamentary Reform. (Hear.) I take the lastparagraph in the speech to mean that her Majesty's Government have a bill ready prepared upon that subject, and that it is their inten tion without the least delay to lay it on the table of the house, in order that the house and the public may have an opportunity of consideringit. I think that is a proper course for them to pursue. (Hear, hear.) I think that a measure of such deep importance as that properly belongs to the responsible Government of the country—(hear, hea r)—and I hope the house will receive with due respect the measure which her Majesty's Government are about to propose, and that they will make it the subject of their serious and anxious deliberation. (Hear, hear.) When it is proposed the house will have an opportunity of judging of its merits or its faults ; but it is a measure which I think the respon sible Government of the country ought to take upon itself. (Hear; hear.) We have been told that the measure they are about to propose will not affect the stability of the Throne. (A laugh.) Well, I should hardly imagine any measure of her Majesty's Government likely to affect the stability either of the Throne or the great institutions of the country. (Hear, and laughter.) lam persuaded there is in this country a most devoted attachment to the mcosar chical system of government. (Hear, hear.) lam per suaded that the great institutions of this country are founded on the convictions and in the deeply-rooted affec tions of the people. (Hear, hear.) I am persuaded that when the people of this country look around them in the world, and see on the one hand the nations which are ruled by despotic authority, and on the other the nations which are ruled by a power coming from below—(great laughter, caused by the action of the noble lord, who pointed to the floor)—I mean the Republican—when the people of this country see the results of these two opposite systems and effects which they produce, and when they compare the condition of these countries with the happy condition in which we are fortunately placed, the attachment which, as Englishmen, they feel to our institutions will become every day more deeply rooted, and they will not consent to any changes that are likely materially to affect those insti tutions which are the pride, the glory, and the happiness of our country. (Cheers.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said—l am glad to hear that neither the noble lord nor any other mem ber of the house is about to offer any opposition to the Address which has been moved and seconded by my two hon. friends with such distinguished ability. (Hear.) And, sir, - it would hardly have been necessary for me to rise after the noble lord, had it not been that I wished to show him that courtesy which is always accorded to each other by the members of this house, and had he not made one or two observations which, if I had not risen, might have led to misconception. The noble lord discussed the various subjects referred to in the Speech and in the Address which has been proposed in a manner more elaborate than probably it is the wish of the house that I should do. He seems not to he satisfied with the composition of the Speech, though the subject matter of it meets with his approbation. Criticism, we know by experience, is easier than composition. (A laugh.) I have in the course of my life heard even the composition of the noble lord criticised. (A laugh.) With respect to that epithet which appears to have attracted more particularly the critical attention of the noble lord--that by which we describe the Danubian Principalities-4 believe the epithet " Rouman" was bor rowednnbc rfromlord as a despatch o f toytthhea t n p o s l e s a l g o er thein ( L a s u p g c h e t e e n r . 1 ) v h T i h e h e announces the probable termination of the system of immi gration known as the free scheme, which so long excited the attention and reprobation of this country, and he thinks that is a result on which the house and the country may be congratulated. But the noble l or d ma d e some allusion to the conduct of the Government with respect to the ship " Charles et Georges," and expressed his belief that we should not hesitate to place on the table of the house the papers that will be necessary to illustrate the course taken by the Government with respect to it. The noble lord is under no mistake on that head. I will take a very early opportunity of laying the papers on the table of the house ; but I may be permitted to say, as so much has appeared in the newspapers of a very unauthorised character, accom panied with garbled extracts from the documents connected with other countries, that I shall lay these papers on the table with the full conviction that they will prove that the advisers of her Majesty did their duty to their Sovereign and their country in respect to that question. (Hear, hear.) As the noble lord has alluded to treaties under which he seems to think we are bound to come forward at a moment of emergency in support of our ancient ally Portugal, I may be permitted to inform the noble lord that no question under whose treaties was ever raised, that no appeal in consequence of those treaties ever was made to her Majesty's Goverrunent—(hear, hear)—and that when it was recently demanded of the Prime Minister of Por tugal in the Parliament of his own country why he had not made that appeal to the English Government ho de clared, among other good reasons why he did not, that it was his belief that no' castes fcederis had arisen. (Hear, heal.) When the papers are,placed on the table it will be seen, and, I believe, accepted by the house, that the proper advice was given by the Government to our ancient ally, that all the good offices which, considering the relations that subsist between Portugal and this country, might have been expected of us were exercised in the right quarter in her behalf, and that terms were obtained which might have been accepted by Portugal with honour to herself and with satisfaction to Europe. (Hear, hear.) The reason why those terms unfortunately were not accepted will appear in these papers ; but I believe it will be the opinion of the house, and also of the country, when the subject is calmly and completely investigated, that the conduct of her Ma jesty's Government in that respect was such as became a British Ministry towards an ancient ally. (Hear, hear.) I have no wish to avoid the topics to which the noble lord has alluded, but, as those remarks lead to little controversy, I should be wasting the time of the house if I entered upon a discussion scarcely provoked by anything that has fallen from the noble lord. The noble lord says her Majesty's Governmext have kept for the last paragraph of the Speech the most important and most pressing subject which it,con tains. That it is one of the most important no one can doubt, and it is as pressing as the house will consider any subject to be which demands its calm consideration. But when the noble lord expects that, without the least delay, the measure for the amended representation of the people shall be laid upon the table, I beg to state that the noble lord is perfectly right in supposing that the measure in question is prepared, and that it is the duty of her Majesty's Government to introduce it at a period when it can receive ample deliberation, and when Parliament will have time to comprehend the purport of all its details. But the noble lord cannot expect, or if he does indulge so unreasonable an expectation he will be disappointed, in supposing that her Majesty's Government will bring forward that measure before the urgent business of the country can be put in a proper frame—(cheers and some murmurs)—and before my rig-ht hon. friend the First Lord of the Admiralty can bring forward that subject which he admits is not second in importance to any that can occupy our attention. (Hear, hear.) At the proper time, and giving to the house the most ample opportunity to consider its merits, I shall be prepared on the part of the Government to introduce that measure to their considera tion. (Hear, hear.) Sir, the noble lord has touched upon a subject which I believe at this moment engages the atten tion of Parliament and the country even more than the one I have just mentioned, and that is the state of our relations with foreign Powers, and the state of the relations existing between two of our principal allies. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord has talked of the probability of a war, which he himself describes as one that may be general. Now, Sir, for my own part, I have no wish to conceal from the house that, in the opinion of her Majesty's Go vernment, the state of affairs abroad is critical. If I attempted to conceal that opinion it would be in vain, because in these days of rapid communication few men who are well instructed in public affairs are igno rant of events that have happened which might in a brief space of time bring about a very critical state of affairs. But if the noble lord expects that I can entirely agree with him in the opinion that a war between two great Powers—a war which may involve the whole of Europe—is a matter of probability, I must say that I should hesitate before I accepted that description of the present emergency. (Hear, hear.) That the state of affairs is critical I admit, but it is not a state of affairs that makes me believe that the maintenance of peace is by any means hopeless. (A laugh.) Sir, the house is well aware—because hourly and daily something occurs which impresses the fact upon its know ledge—that there exists at this moment great jealousy and distrust between France and Austria. (Hear, hear.) Sir, her Majesty's Government, under the present state of affairs, have taken that course which they believed was the one most conducive to maintain peace and remove that jea lousy and distrust between two great Powers who are th e allies of her Majesty. We have frankly communicated t France and Austria our views of their relative position in Italy, which has led to this unfortunate jealousy and misconception between these two great Powers. We are as much alive to the unsatisfactory condition of parts of Italy as the noble lord him self or any of his late colleagues can be. We have before dis cussed in this house the subject of Italy, and high authori ties on all sides and representing all parties in this house have expressed their °pillions. Sir, I think the house will agree with the noble lord, whose observations I listened to with complete satisfaction,. when he deprecated any con duct on the part of any Power that would disturb those important treaties which are the guarantees of Europe and order. The noble lord spoke so explicitly on that head that no misconception of his opinions can possibly prevail. But the noble lord justly observes—and all men of sense must agree with him—that the state of Central Italy is highly unsatisfactory, as it is very little, if at all, connected with the important treaties the validity of which the noble lord wishes, like all sensible men, to uphold. The present Government have long been conscious, and their pre decessors were equally aware, of the unsatisfactory state of Central Italy. But let me ask the house calmly to re member what is the cause of that unsatisfactory state ? What is one of the principal causes that have created among foreign Powers a dissatisfaction with respect to its condi tion ? It is that Central Italy is occupied by the armies of foreign Powers. (Hear, hear.) It is because Central Italy is occupied by the armed force of two of the great military empires of Europe. And let the house recollect what aro the Powers in question that occupy Central Italy. They are the empires of France and Austria, from whose mutual jealousy and mistrust so much danger arises. What has been the course taken by her Majesty's Government under these circumstances ? We have impressed upon our allies France and Austria, and we have not limited our represen tations to those two great Powers, but have impressed upon the Courts of Turin, of Berlin, and of St. Petersburg our opinion, that the state of Italy is no doubt unsatisfactory, and that it is highly expedient that measures should bo taken to remove those long existing causes of public dis content and those circumstances which are calculated to disturb the general peace. (Hear, hear.) But we have equally and firmly expressed our opinion that these great and beneficial results cannot be obtained by attempting to . subvert the established order that has been secured by the public treaties to which the noble lord has referred, but rather by using the influence of the States most interested in the condition of Italy to improve the, condition of Central Italy itself. (Cheers.) While we have done this—while we have endeavoured, both with regard to France and Austria, to remove the mistrust that has unfortunately arisen between them—while we have sought to allay the suspicions that have been unhappily excited—while we have placed before them every consideration that could be urged for maintain ing that general peace which has been so long preserved, and which has been, upon the whole, so beneficial to the cause of humanity and civilisation—while NV 0 have done this we have equallyimpressedupon those two great Powers the duty that devolves upon them of entering, not into hostile rivalry for the military command of Italy, but into that more generous emulation of seeking- to advance its in terests and improve its condition. (Cheers.) We have pointed out to Franceand Austria that their peculiar posi tion—the one being essentially an Italian Power, and tho other a Power in military possession of the ancient capital of Italy, and lyine• in geographical contiguity to Italy— while Austria and France are the two favourite children of 'the Churchmakes it the primary duty of thesetwo Powers to hold counsel together, and see whether by their united influence a course of policy cannot be urged upon the Princes of Central Italy which shall lead to the removal of those abuses and that misgovernment which a general and universal opinion has pronounced intolerable. (Cheers.) We have shrunk from joining in those efforts ourselves, not from any wish to avoid responsibility or the fulfilment of the high duties which must devolve at a critical moment in the affairs of Europe on all great Powers, but we have felt that England being a Protestant State, her obtrusiveness on such an occasion might bo misinterpreted, and that it would be better that France and Austria should join and exercise their united influences to obtain those results which Eng land is equally anxious to see realised as themselves. (Hear.) The same feeling, no doubt, has also influenced Prussia and Russia, both States which hold no communion with the See of Rome. But while we have refrained from obtrusively thrusting ourselves forward—while we have used every persuasion to induce France and Austria to combine to gether and unite their influence for the great object, the improvement of the Italian • Government—we have also told them that if the result of their deliberations bo that it would, in their opinion, be of importance that the other great signatories of the treaties of 1815 should combino with them for ulterior and ultimate purposes—if, for example, some new arrangement of the territory of Central Italy should be deemed by France and Austria necessary and expedient—we would assist them to the utmost with our a mnsel and influence to bring about such a result, and we would call upon the other signatories of the greatest treaties of 181:5 to join and aid in that ob ject. (Hear.) I believe that the course which her Ma jesty's Government has taken at this moment is one which, when fairly understood and discussed, would be approved by the House of Commons. (Cheers) It is a course which counsels and would secure peace—(cheers)—but it would secure peace by a policy which would ameliorate the condi tion of Italy- and advance the general civilisation of man kind. (Cheers.) We cannot believe, and no sensible man can believe, that the improvement or regeneration of Italy can ever be secured by making it once more the hostile field of contending armies. (Hear.) The course which we are recommending appears to me to be sound, so moderate, but at the same time so recommending itself to all judi cious men, that I do not, and cannot, despair of its ultimately proving to be the course which will be adopted, and therefore, although I admit that the condition of affairs is critical, I will not yet agree with the noble lord that war—and perhaps, European war—is a matter now of probability. (Hear, hear.) The word may have escaped inadvertently from his lips, but it is a word of great import, and it is escaped from lips which, on these subjects, have just weight on public opinion; and, therefore, the house will excuse me for making this comment upon it. (Hear, hear.) I said we made representations to the Court of Turin in the same sense and with the same frankness and fulness as we made representations both to France and Austria. The position of Sardinia is one which necessarily and natu rally demands sympathy in a free Parliament, and there is Ita,, no State in It a ly w hi c h th e E ng li s h f ee li ngs h ave more clustered r oun d th an t h e ki ng d om o f S ar di n i a, espec i a ll y during th e l as t f ew years. (Hear, hear. ) We have a l l hoped that and morally Sardinia v ve valuable may.lyuagenerousabnlbde a virtue bo materially th i e rt means , b iny which nbli e the libe rt improvement as w well a as of in other r es p ec t s, may be effect e d; and I will not readily re linpnsh hop es w hi c h seemed so well founded, and so encou raging spirit. A: all t ßut ha t I e y d a nd all impress thaton that interesting St a t e that patience in her career is as neces sary ase enterprise which she has shown, and that by maintaining order, by maintaining her public' liberty by becoming expe riencedtdh—annabay-lecloyi , nb t advancement with any in the practice of p u bli c liberty, in which every year n great she was advancing snore and more, ;he is mere certain of e o l b e t l a a ii i i i i o n n g o l f ie t r h u e l e t om irna l t t e r e . li P o wer who may lend to- her for a moment the unnatural impulse of overwhelming force, but who will probably only draw her into scenes of unnatural exertion which must eventually terminate in the degradation of any small State: (Cheers) I cannot tell the house—l should be misleading the house if I-attempted to convey to them —that the re presentations which we have made have already as com pletely effected the purpose which we wish. But they have been made frankly, fully, and freely to all the State* of Europe. No misunderStanding exists respecting the inten , tions of her Majesty's Government, and, whatever may happen, the advice which we have given, and our allies, and the principles of the policy which we have upheld, an such as, I believe, will be sancti o ned and ratified by the House of Commons. (Loud cheers.) I confess that, among other causes why I will still indulge in the belief that these rumours of war, which have been so rife will pass away, one main reason is because I have confidence in the character of the ruler of France. (Hear, and a faint " Oh l") What ' ever may be said he has proved to this country a faithful ally—(cheers)—he has shown himself for no short period a sagacious Prince. (Hear, hear.) We are told sometimes indeed that although a faithful ally he is always meditating some blow against this country, which may take it at a fatal disadvantage ; but you will recollect that when in a distant dominion—l will not call it an empire, as the noble lord disapproves of the phrase—we were ourselves involved in a large and dangerous war, we did not find on the part of the Emperor of the French any great eagerness to avail himself of the occasion when we were embarrassed and per plexed, and I cannot, therefore, suppose, looking merely to his interest, and not to his inclination (although I give him credit for the best and highest), that he would select for the moment of quarrel the peculi r time when England is stronger, and has more resources at her command than she ever had since the Peace of Paris in 1815. (Cheers.) When we • have a larger army in England itself than we have ever had for the last 44 years; when our fleet, notwithstanding that we have read in the newspapers, still capable--and when my right honourable friend (Sir J. Pakington) has detailed his plan for its complete reconstruction, the house will also agree is still capable —to maintain the honour of this countr•y—(cheers) —when the nation, as her Majesty has most truly and most graciously informed Parliament, is content and prosperous ; when our resources never were more considerable ; when the spirit of the country never was higher, why should I suppose that ono who has avoided an opportunity when, had he looked for it, he might have attacked us with advantage should deem this the moment of all . others to quarrel with a Power the alliance with which I believe to be his proudest boast ? (Cheers.) I have always maintained in this house the high policy of an alliance with France. (Hear, hear.) In expressing my opinion that it isa policy which this coun try ought to uphold, I have reminded the house that it is a policy which the most sagacious Sovereigns and most emi nent statesmen that England ever possessed have at all times advocated. An affiance with France was the policy which Queen Elizabeth and the Lord Protector both adopted. It was the only point upon which Lord Bolingbroke and Sir Robert Walpole agreed. I believe it was the policy that Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt alike approved. It is no new policy. There may have been intervals of misunderstanding between the countries. There is still the recollection of a great war which a great Revolution produced, but it has been followed, let the remind the house, by a peace of double the duration ' (hear, hear)—and why arc we to suppose for a moment that an alliance which the greatest statesmen have always adopted, which for 210 years has more or less prevailed be tween the two countries depends on the caprice of an indivi dual or the fleeting fancy of a nation ? (Hear.) There must be deeply-rooted reasons why that alliance is what I will call it, a natural alliance. (Hear, hear,) There may be a thousand superficial difficulties arising from the contiguity of the two countries, from the quick and constant emulation which subsists between two nations, each confessedly in the van of civilisation, from the recollection of an ancient and a passing quarrel," or from the difference and contrast of the national character, yet there must be deep reasons for the political connexion of • the two when we find it sanctioned by such high authorities as the greatest Sovereign and the most illustrious statesmen we have ever known. (Cheers.) It is an affiance independent of dynasties, individvals, or forms of government We have nothing to do with them ; all that we have to be assured of—and we are assured of it —is that the relations between the two countries are such as must be to the advantage of the two nations and of the world at large. These being my general opinions on the subject, and having expressed them when other princes were on the throne, when other dynasties flourished, and when a different form of government prevailed why should I be prevented from sa y ing now that, so far as this country is concerned, it has found in the Emperor of the French a faithful ally, proved at a moment of emer gency, and I believe the alliance between the two countries is prized as a great act of policy by that Prince ? I cannot therefore bring myself to think that so sagacious a Prince is about wantonly to disturb the peace of the world, and to subvert the good opinion which his previous conduct has gained. Until much more has happened than has yet reached us, I will not relinquish the opinion that the agitation which now undoubtedly exists in men's minds as to the state of the relations between France and Austria will pass away —I will still cling to the opinion that 'the termination of the present state of things will not be a struggle between two military powers which cannot benefit Italy, but rather a wise, politic, well considered union between two great powers in devising measures which will lead to the improvement of the condition of Italy and to the removal of those causes of war, which so long as that condition remains unimproved must periodically recur. have attempted, not in answer to the observations of the noble lord on this important subject, but in noticing them, to place before the house , the policy which the Government have pursued and are pursuing with reference to the condition of Italy and the jealousies at present existing between two great powers. We have entered into no alliances ; we have made no agreements on the subject, but we have given to all the powers concerned the same frank, friendly, and cordial counsel. It is a counsel which has two objects—first, the maintenance of peace ; secondly, the improvement of the condition of Italy ; and I cannot relinquish my persuasion that, in an age like the present, when public opinion, if not omnipotent in every country, exercises in every country a great and benignant sway, a military struggle will not be entered into from a wanton spirit of aggression, but that great Princes, wherever seated, whether in France or in Germany, will feel that there is a higher glory than mere military glory—a truer source of power than the mere deve lopment of military force. (Hear.) I think every day must more and more convince monarchs and cabinets that there are sources of strength to be enjoyed by a nation, for the enjoyment of which moral influences are required, and which no material resources can Command. The respect of the world, the appreciation by the civilise communities of Europe of the conduct of a Prince, give him a credit on the exchanges of Europe more important than the treasure which he derives from his subjects. Thelelief that he dares to resist the temptation of military lust, that he desires to acquire reputation for political justice, gives to that Prince an authority which the organisation of troops will never command. These are opinions prevalent in high places —they are no longer confined to the closets of philoso sophers—they aro influencing, even at this moment, the course of public affairs. The very announcement in the speech from the Throne this day, referring to the ter- , mination of the misconception betw een P or t nea l an d France is an illustration 9f the power of public opinion. A great • Prince was placed in momentary—l will not call it collision —but painful misconception with an honourable Power of ' very inferior strength. His fleets arrived in the Tapas, and by the demonstration of superior force he obtained the ob ject of his desires. But at the moment lie felt that public opinion did not approve of that recourse to superior power, he reflected upon his position, he acknowledged the force of truth, and in the letter to his relative, Prince Napoleon, in the commission which he issued and in the treaty which is virtually concluded, he showed the respect he felt for the public opinion of enlightened Europe. I believe he will act in the same spirit now. It is natural that lie should take especial interest in the condition of Italy. He is connected with it by blood, by his contiguity to it as a great Power, and by many consiaerations which cannot influence a Nor thern and Protestant state; but we have evidence in his previous conduct that he is influenced by public opinion, and I believe the same effect will be produced now. I am glad the house has shown itself disinclined to question the general accuracy of the representations made by the mover and seconder of the Address, and I trust the rest of the session will be as pacific as this night. (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON—I wish to set myself right with the house. The right hon. gentleman conceives that I expressed an opinion that war was probable. I may have said so inadvertently, just as the right lion. gentleman stated that he did not think peace utterly hopeless, while the tenor of his argument was quite the other way. What I meant to say was that there was a general opinion on the Continent that war was likely, but I endeavoured to ad duce reasons why, in my opinion, the Sovereigns con cerned were too wise to do anything of the sort. Lord J. RUSSELL—I do not rise to find fault with the Address just proposed—on the contrary, I have heard her Majesty's Speech with great pleasure; nor shall I think it necessary to enter into any of the questions which we may have to consider hereafter. The right hon. gentleman has told us that the papers with regard to the Charles et Georges will be laid on the table, and his opinion is, that when we have read thorn we shall agree that the conduct of her Majesty's Government redounds to their credit, and that it was of the most friendly character towards Portugal. I shall read those papers withthe most perfect impartiality, and I shall be glad if I can come to the same conclusion as the right hon. gentleman. Neither do I wish to enter into the question of the increase of our naval forces. I shall listen to the statement of the First Lord of the Admiralty on that subject, and if he makes out his case, I shall give my vote in support of the proposition with great pleasure. These are matters for future consideration, but there does appear to me to be one matter which, if we are to discuss, we must diScuss to -day, and on which the right hon. gen tleman wishes to give the house as much satisfaction as possible, and has felt that he could not give that satisfaction in any complete form. He has told us, that with regard to the breaking out of war between two great powers of Europe, he should hesitate to say that war was probable, or that peace was absolutely hopeless. These are expressions which I have no doubt convey a right impression of the pre sent state of affairs, and they are not a little alarming. I must say that I entirely agree with almost every word that has fallen front my noble friend the member for Tiverton upon this subject. I could have wished that in 1815 some other arrangement had been made with regard to the north ern provinces of Italy. I could have wished that even of late years Austria had thought it conducive to her inte rests to relinquish sonic of the territories which sho pos sesses in northern Italy. But the treaty, fully made and ratified, which gives her those territorial possessions is part of the public law of Europe, and no one can attempt to dis turb by force that territorial arrangement without commit ting an offence against the public law of Europe, and, of course, without deep injury to the peace of Europe. There fore, I should hope, with the right hon, gen tl eman, th a t no such wanton violation of that treaty will be committed. (Hear.) But if an aggression were to be made for the pur pose of aggrandisement—if France were to have territories added to her, and Sardinia also was to increase her posses sions, that would only make the aggression more odious than the merely wanton violation of a treaty. I have always taken a very deep interest in the independence and free dom of Italy; but I cannot say that I think that the cause of Italian freedom and independence would be promoted by such a war as appears to be in contemplation. (Hear.) In the old days of the Whig Club there Was a toast which used frequently to be given,—" The:Cause of Civil and Religious Liberty all over the World." When Mr. Canning became Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, he changed his seat. from Liverpool to Harwich, and he went down to Harwich and presided at a dinner, and the toast which he gave was, " The Cause of Civil and Religious Liberty all over the World." I also am for the cause of civil and reli g ious liberty all over the world, but I cannot for the life of me see how that cause would be promoted by any such aggression as is now spoken of. (Hear, hear.) We have no right to criti cise the form of government which is adopted in a neigh bouring nation. The people of France by the value which they set on peace, and by the prevalent opinion which is now said to be almosti universal, that peace ought to be pre served, show their estimation of the condition in which they now are, and it is not for us to quarrel with them as to their form of government. But if that government is to make an invasion upon another country, with the view of improving the form of governinent in that country. then we have a right to ask whether the freedom and inde pendence of that country will be promoted by such a pro • ceeding. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, for all these reasons I should deprecate, as an infraCtion of the peace of Europe, as one of the very worst of examples that could be set, and as tending to shake men's confidence i n a ll t rea ties upon which • the present stability of the peace of Europe is founded, any such war as is now spoken of. But we must not attempt—and we should gain no advantage for the cause ofpeace, no advan ! tage for the future welfare of Italy or of Europe, by endeavour ' ing to do so—to blind our eyes to those serious evils and mis fortunes which from time to time have been inflicted upon Italy. From the very first year of the signature of the treaty of 1815 Austria attempted to govern the whole of Italy. She early interfered to prevent the King of the Two Sicilies from introducing into his kingdom institutions based upon principles different from those which prevailed in Austria ; and when, in 1821, the Neapolitian people attempted to improve their institutions, and to have a representative assembly, which Lord Colchester, a retired Speaker of this house, declared to be remarkable for its decorum and moderation, what was done ? Why an Austrian army was marched to Naples, and 40,000 troops were placed in that kingdom to prevent the people from having that constitu tion and those laws which they deemed best. Lord Castle reagh upon that occasion, in the name of the British Government, declared this fret—which was a sort of protest —that the British Government could not approve the prin ciple upon which that invasion took place. (Hear, hear.) Again, when the people of Parma, who were suffering at that time under the worst form of government, the worst kind of aristocracy, and the worst class of clergy that were to be found in any part of Europe, endeavoured to improve their position, 12,000 Austrian troops were marched into the country to prevent the people from improving their institutions. Again, in 1831, there was a similar kind of interference. Advice was, no doubt, given to the Pope, as has been said, but at the same time forcible means were used. In 1848 the people of Tuscany, in the general confusion and fury that prevailed upon the Continent, became discontented with their very mild Government, and established a Republic; but they had not had a Re public long before they themselves repented of their haste and of their revolution, and overset the Republican Govern ment and restored again the authority of the Grand Duke. Here, then, was the example of a people who of their own accord wished to revert to that mild form of govern ment which they found was most consistent with their happiness and prosperity; but that wasn't enough—not a bit of it. A great Austrian division was marched into Tuscany, and kept there some years, for no purpose of necessity, but to insult that very mild and docile people with the spectacle of a foreign force domineering over them. (Hear, hear.) And now again with, regard to Central Italy, of which the right hon. gentleman has spoken, be it observed that it is these interferences of Austria which have excited the jealousy of France. It is useless for us to inquire why these great powers should be jealous of one another, because we know that it is and must be the case. Accordingly, in the early part of Louis Philippe's reign a French force was sent to Ancona to counterbalance the interference of Austria in other parts of Italy. Again, in 1848, Austrian troops inter fered with the Government of the Legations, and a French division was immediately sent to Rome, and captured Rome, and according to the state:nent almost of every official person in this country then representing France it was done entirely because France did not choose Austria to have the entire command and dominion over Italy. But the jealousies of those two great Powers have resulted in misery to the unfortunate people over whom that military force has imposed a government which is most distaste ful to them. (Hear.) For, be it observed, the Emperor of the French, not wishing to impose bad government, wrote himself a letter, in which he pointed out what might im prove the condition of the Roman people—the introduction of the Code Napoleon, secular administration, and other provisions. But that advice was not taken. The Austrian Government is in many respects a very enlightened Govern ment ; but it is not the Austrian Government at Bologna and Ancona, but it is the Austrian forces and the French forces which impose upon that country about the very worst form of government that any country ever had. Those who doubt this may consult various works describing what has been the case with the Papal Government. Among others, there is one very interesting and amusing work by the pre sent Attorney-General for Ireland. (Hear.) He travelled in Italy, and he is not content with a superficial view, but he 1 gives you parts of the code of the Roman State, and hepoints out how inconsistent those provisions are with anything like j estice and freedom. I have heard myself the way in which every attempt at improvement is frustrated. They said at one time " Let us have a secular government, and let the ecclesiastical officers be replaced by secular officers." Well, secular officers were sent to them, but they were men so ill-calculated to create confidence, and so entirely without character, that the poor people said—" Let us have the priests back again, or let us have a cardinal, or anything in preference to these people." Thereupon it was argued that they were not in favour of a secular government. In the same way it was said the people did not vant municipal institutions. Before the French Revolutiortrffere were muni cipal institutions. The people very much governed them selves. The French destroyed all these municipal institu tions, but they put in their place a good administration of justice, and what is called an vlightened despotism. Since 1852 they,have ha,d neither municipal institutions nor an en. lightened despotism. They have every kind of corruption and oppression. It persons are r e qu i re d t o p a y allegiance they should receive protectio n f rom th e G overnment, an d in what respect is protection more required than in the administration of justice ? It is one of the first objects of government that there should be justice between man and man ; that criminal justice should be fairly admini stered ; that civil justice should be had without corruption ; but I happened to be reading, I think last night, a descrip tion of the Roman Government by a noble friend of mine, a member of the other House of Parliament, Lord Broughton, and, as his description is con tained in a very few words, perhaps the house will allow me to read it. This is his description of a Governmet, let it be recollected, that for the last ten years has been carried on by the aid of foreign forces. Lord Broughton says,— " If under this theocracy there were a tolerably impartial administration of justice—if the lives, persons, and proper ties of the citizens were secured by any contrivance it would be no great hardship to submit to the anomaly of receiving la\vs from the altar, instead of the throne. But the reverse is notoriously the case, and there is scarcely a single prin-. ciple of wise regulation acted upon or recognised in the Papal States." Again, be says : " The first principles of criminal jurisprudence seem as much forgotten or unknown as if the French code had never been the law of the land ; a secret process, a trial by ono judge and a sentence by another, protracted imprisonment, disproportioned judgments, deferred and disgusting punish ments, all tend to defeat the ends of justice and to create a sympathy with the culprit rather than a reverence for the I rend two years ago in this house a statement, on good authority, that the confessions of several persons accused of crimes could not be taken, because they were con fessions made under torture. This is the usual adminis tration of justice. Can you wonder, then, that a people thus governed by means of foreign forces have been impa tient with that Government, and can you wonder that they would resat to any extremity, that they would look to my resources, rather than continue in their present state ? But what is the remedy ? The right hon. gentleman, if I under stand him right, says the advice has been given, no doubt with the most benevolent intention—viz., that Austria and France should frame measures, should point out how jus tice should be administered, and how the government should be carried on. Well, this is all very good advice. Bnt there is one plan better than any of these, and that is that the people should be allowed to settle the law for them selves. (Cheers.) I remember reading a pamphlet some time ago on Italy. It was written by Signor Farini, whose " History of the Papal States" was translated by my right hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford, who I wish were here on this occasion —(hear) —because there is no man whose voice has been raised so powerfully on behalf of Italy. Well, Signor Farini said this—he had been reading the Treaty of Paris—" I observe that by this ' treaty the people of Moldavia and Wallachia are to be allowed to meet to consider their own form of government. Why should not we have the same thing ? (Hear, hear.) Why should not the people of Romagna meet and declare what are the laws under which they wish to live ?" (Hear, hear.) It seems that Signor Parini wes perfectly right in that suggestion, and you have here, in this very Queen's speech, a declaration that the Assemblies of these Danubian Principalities—these Rouman States, if you choose to call them so—have met and settled their own laws. Whether these will be good laws or not they will undoubtedly be laws which are fitting for the people of those provinces. I am convinced that the people of Cen tral Italy—a people who for five centuries have been glori ous in literature, a people who have been enlightened dur ing these five centuries, and who are, therefore, far superior to those persons in the Danubian Princi palities—if the foreign forces were withdrawn, if provision were made, as provision could easily be made by the Catholic Powers of Europe (with which arrangement the Protestant Powers have nothing to do) for the furnish ing of any contingent forces to secure the personal security of the Pope in Rome— I am convinced that such a people would seen settle such laws for their own government as would produce contentment and pro sperity. Let the people of Bologna, let the people of Romagna, frame laws for themselves, and I believe the difficulty of Italy would be almost entirely solved. (Hear, hear.) I believe there would be no need of this bloody war—this conflict of armies, which will giro nothing to their freedom, and which will, I am afraid, not add much to their independence. (Hear, hear.) I agree with the right hon. gentleman, with my noble friend, and With the whole house, in hoping that no such dreadful calamity as war will come upon Europe. I cannot believe that there is any sufficient cause for it. I cannot believe that there is any necessity for it. You have said in the Treaty of Paris, and said most wisely, that there shall-be no interference in the Danubian Principalities, no interference in Servia by any foreign troops, unless all the contracting Powers of Europe are consenting parties to that interference. Now, why should we not say that with regard to the whole state of Italy—that neither in the States of the Church, nor in Tuscany, nor in Naples, shall there be any interference by a foreign force unless the Powers of Europe are parties to that interference. I cannot believe that any plan that can be framed by the Austrian Government, or by the French Government, for the government of the Papal States, will have any- success, because the Papal Government has talent and cunning enough to defeat and evade any Pew provisions. (Hear, hear.) I quite agree with the right honourable gentleman in all that he said as to the French alliance. There is no alliance so valuable to this coun try. I believe the disposition of the Emperor of the French is friendly to this country. I have never seen anything ' in his forei g n a ffairs that has indicated hostility to this country. I think there is nothing so desirable for the people of Great Britain and the u people of France, who live so close to each other , and hose manufactures are so different, as to cultivate t hat alliance and to entertain feelings of amity and respect for one ano ther. (Hear, hear.) I trust, therefore, that the course of prosperity which Europe appears to be entering upon will not be interrupted. There . is another subject which the right lion gentleman touched upon somewhat tenderly, and which appeared just at the end of t he Speech from the Throne. It certainly appears to me a s if her Majesty's Ministers had gone through all the topic s upon which they thought Parliament would expect to be addressed, an d then that some member of the Cabinet said, " Is there nothing forgotten ? We have not left out M ex i co, h ave we? (Laughter.) There is passage about Chi na an d Japan. I cannot think of anything that is omitted." But at last some ingenious member of the Cabinet perhaps said, ,‘ There is one subject forgotten—that is the r e f orm o f Parliament ; we must put that in." The right hon. gentle man seemed as unwilling to ttouchch on that su bj ec t h ere as the Cabinet were in putting it into the Speech. heaven knows how it has fallen into their charge. How came they to be Reformers? How they will answer that ques tion when it is put by the country, I cannot say. As the right hon. gentleman the member for Radnor has properly said, " Before you ask for a reform in Parliament a ou ought to point out the evils which you want to redress." There are some evils in the system of Parliamentary repre sentation which I wish to redress. I think there are vast numbers of people who are not electors, but who are well entitled by their honesty to be admitted to electorel rights. I believe that their being admitted to these rights will give them a greater ,sense of their stake in the constitution, and will strengthen the bases of the constitution. Ido not be lieve this extension will shake any of the institutions of this monarchical constitution, with its aristocracy - and its EstablishedlChurch. I do not believe the admission of those persons who are fitted to exercise the franchise will tend to injure any of the institutions of the country. (Cheers.) I believe the mass of the country in general are of the opinion of our forefathers before us—of the opinion of Burke, Fox, and Pitt—that the institutions of this country have given the people as great a share of.liberty and happi ness as was ever enjoyed under any institutions which human wisdom has advised. (Cheers.) That, no doubt, was the opinion of Mr. Burke, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Pitt, and they were no fools. I believe such to be the opinion of the country in general, and I wish to see those benefits extended. ' But I am at a loss to understand the hesitation in this mat ter. The right hon. gentleman " first tried the halter, th en travers' d the cart"—(a laugh)—he seemed unwilling to api•ly the noose or to fix the time. I don't want to hurry the Govern ment on this subject. I think it is quite fair that the Firat Lord of the Admiralty should say, "We want to increase our naval force;" but I don't see that there is any subject which the Government intend to bring forward that will furnish them with any excuse for delay in this matter. We had under consideration last year the great subject of India, which was enough to absorb the attention of any Govern ment, fraught as the circumstances were with danger to our whole .empire there ; but there is now no such excuse for procrastination. If the Government have made up their minds to introduce a Reform Bill, let them lay it on the table. (Cheers.) I Will give no opinion upon a measure of that.kind until I see what it proposes to do. I can .under stand that it is not the sort of task for which they are fitted. (A laugh.) It had been said, in reference to this question, they had never tried to play on the fiddle before, but there was no reason why they should not do so as well as anybody else. (A laugh.) There is every disposition in this house to wait their time ; but they must not be putting off the subject. My hon. friend behind me (Mr. Bright), I am afraid, will hardly be able to restrain his im patience. (Laughter.) But really it is the business of a Government to undertake great questions of this nature ; they have given a pledge in this matter and they are bound to perform it. Sir J. PAKINGTON—After the discussion to which the subject before the house has given rise, commencing with the very able and to her Majesty's Government not unsatisfactory speech of the noble lord the member for Tiverton, I had not intended to address the house but for the remarks which had fallen from the noble lord the mem ber for the city. The noble lord seems to think that her Majesty's Government have treated this great question of Parliamentary Reform with a great wa n t o proper respect. He appears to doubt even the sincerity *f the Government with regard to legislating on this subject, and complains that amore prominent position has not been given to it in the Speech from the Throne. He seems convinced that it must only have been by an afterthought that it found its way into the speech at all. We are deeply sensible of the reproach which the noble lord attaches to us, and we natu rally look round to see what consolation we can find under the circumstances, and what precedents, if any, there are for the course we have pursued. I have now in toy hand the Speech of her Majesty on the opening of the session of 18.52, when, if I remember rightly, the noble lord was at the head of the Government. I find that Speech refers to a great number of topics, of more or less interest, connected with the govern ment of the country, and then at the very end of it, and not ti:l then—(cheers) ---adverts to the question of Parliamentary Reform in these terms :—" It appears to me that this is a fitting time for calmly considering whether it may not be advisable to make such amendments in the act of the late reign relating to the representation of the Commons in Par liainent as may be deemed calculated to carry into more complete effect the principles on which that law is founded." (Hear, hear.) So that, whatever error we may have com mitted in the position which has been assigned to the topic in her Majesty's Speech relating to a reform of the repre sentation in this house, we have at least the censolation of knowing that we are supported by the precedent and ex ample of the noble lord himself—(cheers and laughter)— seeing that he assigned to that subject precisely the same position in the Speech which we have given to it. I hope I have re move d from the noble lord's mind the ground of complaint he has made against us on this point ; and I hope at some not distant day we shall equally remove from his mind any doubts he may have as to the sincerity of the Go vernment in dealing with this question. (Hear, hear,) The motion for an Address was then agreed to, and a Committee was appointed to prepare it. The house then adjourned. EAST INDIA AND CHINA MAILS. SOUTHAMPTON, THURSDAY. - The heavy portion of - the above mails reached here this morning at three o'clock, by the Penin sular and Oriental Company's steamer Ceylon, Captain Evans. They were in charge of Lieut. Bridges, Admiralty Agent. During the voyage the 'Ceylon experienced fine weather in the Mediterranean ; north-easterly winds along the coast of Spain and Portugal ; across the Bay of Biscay and up Channel very strong north wssterly winds, with heavy sea. -She brings 31 first-class passengers, 11 second, and 6 children. • Her latest dates are :—Alexandria, Jan. 21 ; Malta, Jau. 24; Gibraltar, Jan. 28. The freight consists of 1,314 bales of- silk, 20 packages elephants' teeth, 3 cases precious stones, value £855, and 43 boKes of oranges. The following ships were at Alexandria on the 21st of January :—United States' frigate Mace donia, French screw steamer Cbai tal, Royal Yacht Squadron's yacht Emilia, and usual Egyptian fle et. At Malta on the 24th.--Her Majesty's ships Marlborough, Centurion, Euryalis, Caradoc, Scourge, Hibernia, Hearty, Boxer, Tartarus, and Medina, and the _Russian three-decker Ccsarewich. The Himalaya was at Gibraltar, and the Pcia arrived there at 10 p.m. on the 2ith of January, having experienced very boisterous weather during the passage, particularly in the Channel and across the Bay of Biscay. On the 21th several Neapolitan Government steamers arrived, with the political offenders lately amnestied by King Ferdinand. They were being conveyed to Cadiz, from whence they will be exiled, according to deer( e, to America. Exchange at Gibraltar, 90 days, 501 to 501. THE PENINSULAR MAILS. SOUTHAMPTON, THURSDAY. The Sultan Captain Evans, arrived this morning at seven o'clock, with the Southampton portion of the above mails, in charge of Lieut. Percival, R.N., Admiralty Agent. She sailed from Gibraltar on January 26; Cadiz, 27; Lisbon, 29; Oporto, 30 ; Vigo, 30 ; and expe rienced fair weather to Lisbon, but heavy gales and tremendous seas afterwards. She brings 21 passengers, and six packages of specie, value £1,466 ; besides 12 casks of wine, 566 half-chests of oranges, 745 boxes ditto, 57 cases of eggs, and 24 packages of sundries. - The Vultue was at Gibraltar, and the usual Portuguese squadron at Lisbon. At Cadiz were a Wench war steamer and corvette, a Dutch squadron, and Spanish line-of-battle ship. Her Majesty's gunboat Quail left Gibraltar on the morning of the 26th for Tangiers. AMERICA. LIVERPOOL, THURSDAY. The Canadian mail steamship North American, Captain M'Master, arrived at this port to-day with the mails from Canada, and two days' later advices from Canada and three from New York. The North American also brings from Portland, which port she left on the 23d ult., 18 cabin and 37 steerage passengers, and a full cargo on freight. The. Washington carrespondent of the New York Herald says that the President is engaged in some important Special Message, the purport of which at present baffles speculation. A general impression prevails that Congress will place 30,000,000 dols. at the disposal of the President for diplomatic purposes connected with Cuba. The measure meets with the approval of the party at W`' ashinghton. An appropriation will also be made for a large increase to our navy. These two measures will necessarily involve a loan. Th e p r esident has sent to the Senate' a Message in reply to the resolution calling for copies of any correspondence in relation to the purchase of Cuba, which has not yet been made public. He says that no such correspondence has taken place, which has not already been communicated to Congress. The arrangements for a grand ball to Lord and Duty Napier are nearly completed. The advices from Havannah are to the 15th ult. The excitement produced by Mr. Buchanan's re marks on the purchase of Cuba was subsiding. A large number of representations from the munici • • - palities and other corporate bodies in that island, opposing the idea of selling it to the United States, have been sent to Spain. From California we have three days' later news. Business was stagnant at San Francisco. Consider able rain had fallen. The dates from Victoria are to the 18th December. There was great suffering at Fraser River from cold. The steamer Enterprise left Fort Hope for Fort Langley, on the 9th, with 125 passengers. She was frozen in on her way down. There being no provisions on board, the passengers attempted to go to Fort Langley overland. Snow was falling, and they lost their way; but after three days of inexpressible suffering, during which five or six were frozen to death, the weather moderated, and the steamer got free from the ice, and came down and took the survivors to Fort Langley. A peti tion was being circulated at Victoria for the re moval of Governor Douglass. Mining had almost entirely ceased at Fraser River. COMMERCIAL. NEW YORK, JAN. 21. In the absence of latter advices front Ent ()pc, the stock market is dull and meagre. 7n money and sterling ex_ change there are no now features. Ashes—Pot firm and in d e mand at pearls2c.ar dull at 6 e. Cotton firm at advance. Sales 5 500 ; , bal, Middlina• uplands, 121 c. NEW ORLEANS, JAN 20. Cotton—Sales to day 3,530 bales at unchanged prices. Sager steady; sales 2,000_ hhds. at &4e.-for fully fair. Flour is advanced at 25 c. ; sales on speculati on o f 3 , 30 0 brls. at 5 dols. 50c. for super. Corn firm at 1 del, AUSTRAL lA. The Melbourne Argus, which has ar r i ve d w i t h files 'of the other Australian papers, in anticipation of the mail, has news down to the 17th December. The Reform Bill, the passage of which through the House of Assembly, With some important amend ments, was announced last mail had not yet become the law of the land, though it awaited only the royal assent. The reduction in the proposed number of members, and the consequent alterat►on in the proportion of representatives allotted . to the digging and urban constituencies, had the effect of neu tralising much of the opposition felt to the measure in the Legislative Council. By this act the colony will be divided into 49 electoral districts, and the number of members constituting the Legislative Assembly will consist of 78. The maximum number of representatives allotted to any single district will be three, and the average proportion of representa tion to population will be one member to about every 5,700 persons. The object effected by this reform bill is simply an increase in the number of members and a re-distribution of the representation. Another measure has just passed the Council, and also awaits the royal assent, which limits the dura tion of Parliament to three years instead of five, according to the present law. There is also a third, disqualifying all persons receiving salaries or fees for services from the Crown from holding scats in Parliament except the responsible ministers. The mining intelligence by this arrival has few if any features of special interest. The A rqus says : No discovery of importance in alluvial ground has been made since the finding of the deep lead at Indigo, hat from all parts of the country we have accounts of the discovery of new quartz veins, some of them giving promise of great richness. In the Ovens district, where, Inconsequence of the distance from town, but little crushing machinery has been yet erected, several reefs with most promising, indica tions have been lately found, and are new being worked in anticipation of machinery being soon on the ground. On all the gold fields there is a growing tendency towards more settled habits, and an increasing disposition on the part of the miners to render this a more steady and regular pursuit, so that when leases can be obtained we may expect to see this class avail themselves largely of the advantages to bo derived from a fixity of tenure, and the right to take up an extent of ground that will afford occupation for years to each company or co-operative 1-.ssociatien. With regard to the labour market, the same journal says : During the last week or two the general labour market has been in a better condition. The demand for men suitable for most kinds of comVry work has much in creased ; still there arc more men unemployed than should be idle at harvest time. Many cannot obtain work, nor is there • a probability of any sudden demand for skilled workmen arising. The construction of the national lines of railway is being proceeded with, but not with that celerity which the • present com paratively low rate of wages would admit of under more spirited management. However, the government is satis fied that the number of men employed is sufficient to com plete the formation of the lines within the given time, so the public has no right to complain. Melbourne commercial intelligence comprises the following summary of transactions in the gold market throughout the month : There has been an active demand, and a less than average supply, but no change has taken place in rates. These are now quoted by the Melbourne bullion brokers at :—For Omeo, 675. 9d. to 71s. 6d. ; PleaSant Creek and Goalburn, 745. 6d. to 755.; Castlemain, Sandhurst, an d Ji m C row , 755. to 765. ; Ararat, Maryborou g h, D o d o ll y, Fi ery C ree k , Avoca, and Amherst, 765. to 775. ; - Ovens and Yackandan deli, 775. to 78s. 61; Ballaratt, 775. 6d. to 78s. 6d. per ounce. ' The shipments have not been heavy lately, but entries have been passed for large parcels for England by the ves - sels on the berth. The clearances of last week amounted to 93 tons 6 cwt. 2qr. 231 b. 190 z., the value of which, at £4 per ounce, amounts to £9,248,380. The quantity shipped i, to the same period of last year was 2,582,793 ounces, or 107 tons 12 cwt. 1 I r. 71b. 90z., of the value of £10,301,172. I"roui New South Wales we are furnished with accounts to the 10th Due., by the Sydney Morning Herald, which says:— The Electoral Bill sent down from the council to the assembly, with amendments, wits returned to that body, the only amendment on principle which was retained being tho addition of a member to the assembly to represent the uni versity. The principles, therefore, of manhood suffrage, the ballot, and of residence without regard to property, have been assented to. The Assessment Bill has also received - the royal assent. It is thought by most professional men to be illegal and unconstitutional, on the grounds that it - interferes with regulations contained in leases granted under imperial enactment. On the 11th Nov., Mr. A. J. P. Lutwychc announced in. the Legislative Council that he had been appointed attor ney-general of the colony, Mr. James Martin having retired. A similar announcement was made in the Assembly by Mr. Cowper, and the explanation given was that the resignation arose out of no legal or political differences with his col leagues. Eventually, however, an explanation from Mr. Martin and Mr. Cowper, it appeared that the resignation was to a certain extent compulsory on Mr. Martin, on the ground that he had not in his capacity of Minister efficiently or zealously supported the measures brought forward by his colleagues in Parliament. Syney commercial intelligence is as follows : The wool market is much firmer than it was at .the com mencement of last month, 'and the . disposition to purchase has caused an improvement of fully ld. to 2d. per lb. The f)llowing were the rates obtained at the weekly produce sale of Messrs. Mort and Co.:—fleece, 1744. to 230.; scoured, 2s. 3d. ; handwashed, 14 to 211 d. ; grease, 441 to 13d. ; locks, 101 to 131 d. ; New Zealand, 12d. to 171 d. The quantity of gold-dust received by the escorts from the several gold-fields during the month of November was 2(1,577 During the corresponding month of last year the amount received was 14,4.51 oz. The increase on the receipts of the month is, therefore, 12,123 oz., or about 84 per cent. For the eleven inciths of the year 1857 the amount of gold-dust received was 131,917 oz. During the same period of 1853 the quantity received has been 23U,690 oz., which an increase of 93,7130 z., or nearly 75 per cent. in favour of the present year. The increase on the receipts from the Western gold-fields is 55,5C0 oz., or 70 per cent.; Southern, 33,413 oz., or about 155 per cent.; Northern, 4,770 oz., or.lB per cent. THB WAVY, Port-Adtniral Sir B. Reynolds, accompanied by Captain Jerningham, of tho gunnery ship Cambridge, went into Plymouth Sound on "Wednesday, and inspected the Pique, 40, Captain Sir Frederick W. E. Nicolson, Bart. Her in valids have landed, and, having discharged her powder on Wednesday, she was appointed to. go into Hamoaze yester day. The steam-sloop Racer, 12, Commander the Hon. T. A. Pakenham, was placed in dock at Devonport on Wed nesday to be cleaned and overhauled. It was intended to pay her crew yesterday. The Windsor Castle, 116, was taken out of dock of Key ham, on Wednesday. The gunboat Clinker went outside Plymouth Sound on Wednesday to try her machinery. The troop ship Ramillies, which sailed on Tuesday u y o mi t t i h i detachments for the East Indies, put back to l , it Sound on Wednesday. Her Majesty's ship Nankin, .s th o c , l C d o 3 nz e o r d d o a r , e , Keith Stewart, weighed from Spi a t t h l e l and stood out to sea under all n tl erl - bound to the No,-e. The Hon. -Irs. Keith plain sail, with a l fresh breeze or . having proceeded had . previ.otouslSypiegeba'd'rkini on board the Nankin, Sprightl . Her Majesty's steam-sloop Wasp, 13. Commander F. 11. Stirling, proceeded from Spithead yesterday under canvass for Sheeniess to be paid off. Commander Lambert left Portsmouth yesterday for Ply mouth to assume the command of the Gannet, 11, screw steam sloop. The f u n„ w i n g is an extract of a latter from Vera Cruz, d a t e d January 2, from Her Majesty's ship Araehne, 18, Commander V. 0. Ingletield if w e have here the Arachne, Tartar, screw steam-cor vette, 20, Captain Dunlop, and the Devastation, paddle steamer, 6, Commander C. Wake, and 10 foreign vessels of war,—French, Spanish, -and American." Iler Majesty's.scriw steam frigate Mersey, 40, moved her position from under the shears in the steam basin at Ports mouth'Dockyard yesterday, and afterwards got up steam and tried her machinery for the first time since her screw has been shipped. Her Majesty's screw steam-frigate Curacoa, 31, Captain Thomas Mason, steamed out of Portsmouth harbour yester day at high water, and .anchored at Spithead, where she will take in her shell, powder, &e., preparatory to embark ing Lord Lyons and suite for New York. • The pa;ictlew•hecl steamship Heck, 6, Commander Aplin, from Sierra Leone, January 11, and Tencriffe, January 23, arricetiat Plymouth yesterday afternoon. The following appointments were made yesterday at the Admiralty :—Captain Thomas Picketing Thompson to the St. Jian d'Acre, commissioned; Commander David Spain to the Recruit; and Mr. Thomas G. Grant to be Acting Assistant-Storekeeper at Deptford Victualling-yard. THE ARMY. Major-General C. C. Hay, Inspector-General of Mus ketry, and the Deputy-Assistant Adjutant-General, who have been on a visit nt Chatham for the purpose of inspect ing the officers and troops who are undergoing a course of instruction in the use of the rifle at that garfison, have been to the Government marshes and land adjoining the Engineer establishment for the purpose of selecting "(,; tional practising ground for the troops at Chatharil, n w e % are being instructed in firing with the rifle at long o ra wh g ic y , in order to obviate, if pbsa , ible, the inconvonif w il e d to send the now arises from the authorities ham to East troops of the East India depots ije f i ro ng" l: ( C )m h r East bourne. The number of troops who are daily under rifle instruction at Chatham exceeds 500. , RAILWAY INTALLIGENCE. GREAT WESTERN, state that the 'disposable balance of • c t lnpany, to tho 31st Deceniber last is c :l l: (l7 t e tiel d id rrectors intend to recommend a dividend per coilt. per annum, which will leave about a t £ l: l . e 4t V ? : t e, e e 4 c roo ti o a r t t e , i o r i l i r t io I. 2 £64,000 to be carried forward to the preeent half-year. BRISTOL AND EXETER. It appoars that the directors of this company intend to recommend a dividend for the half-year ending the 31st o December last at the rate of 5 per cont, per annum, being the same rate as that declared for the corresponding period of 1857. COCKERMOUTH AND WORKINGTON. At the half-yearly meeting of this company, held at Cockermouth on. Saturday—Mr. - T. Steel, M.P., in the chair —a dividend of 7s. GI per share, less income tax, was declared for the half-year on the ordinary shares of the company, payable on the 10th inst. MANCHESTER, BUXTON, AND MIDLAND JUNCTION. At the half-yearly meeting of this company, held on Wednesday, at Derby-=Sir J. Paxton, M.P., in the chair — a dividend of ls. 4d. per share was declared for the half year ending the 31st of December last, payable on the 12th lust, would alarlY TER. early with av o to locos- it in cony' anec. Lary cioue , that •ong nont• . es of and i the their inggt eon n•va- Lsing I, or ern oval