The Sun. — London, England, 1858-03-16 00:00:00

it was inopportune in the present state of India, and that it was unwise to weaken the influence of the Govern ment in a country where revolt was raging. But what are the character and influence cf the East India Com pany after the vote of this house ? (Hear, hear.) It is not that a majority of this house is in favour of im mediate legislation which influences our decision upon this point, but it is the moral consequences of that vote as affecting the position of the East India Company which makes us consider it a duty to deal with a ques tion which has been thus touched upon and must no longer be tampered with. (Hear.) That measure it is the wish, and at present the intention of the Government te introduce before the Easter recess—(hear, hear)—and therefore the house and the country will soon be able to decide upon the motives which have influenced us in the course we have taken and the provisions we have made to meet the exigencies of the question. I think when the house remembers that we have satisfactorily settled the question which immediately brought us into office, and teat we are prepared before Easter to lay upon the table a bill for the government of India, it will agree that we have not been idle since we entered upon office—(hear) — and that we have exerted ourselves to deserve the cenfi deuce of our Sovereign, our country, and the Parlia ment. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman has re ferred to a subject upon which years ago he used to be singularly happy, but one which then excited feel ings very different from those which now influence the house in respect to it. He asks us what policy are we going to adopt in Ireland. Years ago, when Irish ques tions excited all the ascerbity of political passion, and when a question of Irish policy was certain to lead to an inflammatory debate, no one was more happy than the late Secretary to the Admiralty in irritating a ques tion of an irritable nature to the very climax of excite ment, and in enlivening a painful subject with illustra tions which excited our laughter amid all the heat of a party contest. But really it is so long since Irish ques tions have been a source of disturbance and disquietude in this house that one is hardly equal to the occasion, wheh the hon. gentleman assures us the country is awaiting with deep anxiety the announcement of our Irish policy. I hope, sir, our Irish policy will he the same as that pursued by Lord Eglinton five years ago. (Hear, hear.) Lord Eglinton is now in the came high office—he will be animated by the same feelings and guided by the same instructions, and I hope we shall find from those instructims and those feelings that the same result will be obtained—that he will be the popular representative of the policy cf this Cabinet, and that Ireland will continue under his rule as quiet in temper and as prosperous as it is at pre sent. (Cheers.) Again, the honourable gentleman says, " What do you mean to do about the Orange ma gistrates—.do you mean to make Orangemen magis trates ?" Well, I am not au Orangeman. (A. laugh.) I am sorry that circumstances over which none of us could have any control have led to institutions like Orange and other kindred societies ; but I cannot help thinking that they did net spring out of nothing. There were causes originally which occasioned their formation, and we must deal with establishments and institutions which we find in the times in which we live. But if the hon gentleman wants me to give a pledge that because a man is an Orangeman he shall net be a magistrate, I can only say I will never consent to anything so essen tially unconstitutional. (Cheers.) I contend that there ought to be ne disqualification of magistrates except that which the law of the United Kingdom proclaims and dewed. If an Orangeman ought not to be a magis trate, let us bring in a bill to declare that, for nothing can be more unjust and more unconstitutional than that any ruler of a country should make that a disqualifies ion for place which after all depends on conviction and not on the law of the land. (Cheers.) The hon. gentleman next asks, " What are you going to do about national education—do you mean to disturb the system of national education which was founded by the chief of the present Government 9" Sir, we have no intention of the kind. We shall maintain that system of education inviolate, but if we can combine with it, without in the least impugning the principle on which that national system is founded, a just relief to those church schools which now receive no assistance from the State, I think that is a question which will deserve the consideration not only of her Majesty's Ministers, but of Parliament. It is one which mode rate men on all aides have considered with great respect, and if we see a mode of adjustment which we believe will be satisfactory to all parties we do not preclude ourselves from attempting to give it effect. (Cheers.) The hon. gentleman went to the climax of all politics, and that is, Parliamentary Reform. He seems extremely alarmed at the opinions which are prevalent on these benches on the subject of Parliamentary Reform. Nobody, it appears, may poach upon that manor except the Liberal party. (A laugh.) The hon. gentleman, in his profuse quotatious,—for which he was always remarkable (a laugh), though unfortunately they have not been of late relieved by the brilliancy which in the old days reconciled us to endless extracts from Hansard (e laogb),—has fixed on the speech I made recently at my county town in Buckinghamshire ; and he Faye I stated that the Parliamentary Reform Bill of 1832 was a gross Whig job. [An hon. member behind the Treasury bench.—" So it was."] An hon. gentleman behind me says, " So it was." (Laughter.) My hon. friend is nameless—for I don't know from whom that expression of opinion proceeded—but I moat tell the hon. gentleman (Mr. Osborne) and the house that it is a mistake to suppose that I ever used that phrase. On the contrary, I hope I shall always speak with the re spect due to a Parliamentary statute of that importance which had engaged for so long a time the earnest atten tion and solicitude of the country. I certainly did say, and I have said it before, not merely on the hustings in Buckinghamshire, but in the House cl Commons, that, though it was a great statute, which no doubt in its primary purpose had the welfare of the country and the advantage of the State for its principal objects, unfortu nately, from the unreasoning excitement of the time, facility was given for perpetrating gross jobs during its progress through Parliament, of which ample advantage had been taken. And I believe that has been the general opinion of the country. I am sure it is an opinion of this house not restricted to the Conservative benches, and without doubt it will be the calm decision of posterity. (Cheers.) Let us now meet this question, with respect to which the hon. gentleman says it is necessary that wo should be expliJit, and that there should be no evasion —let us meet it, I say, with that frankness with which he desires to see it treated. When that bill was first proposed in this house there was a party in the country who laid it down as a principle, while Parliament was delitraating upon it, that they would have " the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bib." The consequence was that there were many amendments proposed and suggested, not only on the Opposition but the Govern ment side, which were not duly considered, which were indeed rudely rejected ; and for a short time after that bill became law there was considerable dissatisfaction with many points. of detail which the country in its more sober moments recognized as not having been maturely considered at the time of its passage through Parliament. But in this house it was always laid down by the party power o e w r einrectohnesnectignenpesowofert,heapnadssiwn'ho,oofwthearet bill,, properly the yin e great cause of suspicion against the Tories was that they had not given a sincere adhesion to the Reform Bill. It was said the Tories ought never to be permitted to regain power in this country, because, it was alleged, if they got into power they would alter the Reform Bill. And this was so great a clamour, and such an amount of pre judice was fostered in consequence of it throughout the country, that in 1834 Sir Robert Peel rose in this house and in the most solemn manner addressed himself to that question. He made a compact, as it were, with the country and with Parliament. He engaged with the party of which he was the leader that he would accept the Reform Bill, and ho did accept it heartily and sin cerely, as the settlement of a great question, and that, if he found himself in power, he would neither directly nor indirectly attempt to change or tamper with its pro visions. And on that compact the Conservative party, as it was called, sincerely and properly acted, and whenever measures were brought forward to change that Act—not from our side, but from the Li beral party—the Whig Ministry were invariably supported by the Conservative party in maintaining intact the spirit and provisions of the Reform Act. (Cheers.) At last, and late is the day, " finality" was deserted ; and we were told—and told by the leader of the Whig party— that there must be a new settlement of the question and a new Reform Bill, and from that mo• ment I held myself free, and I am sure I am expressing the opinions of those with whom I act and of the great body of the Conservative party, not merely in this house but throughout the country--that from that moment we held ourselves free to consider that question upon its merits, and that if any future plan were brought for ward to change the Peril imentary oonstitution of this country we were open to offer those suggestions which, to our minds, might appear to lead to a settlement most conducive to the public weal. (Cheers.) The noble lord the member for the city of London has had ample oppor tunities of bringing forward a new Reform Bill. It is, I think, seven years ago since a new Reform Bill was in troduced to this house. It was nut succesaul, though the opposition did not come from the Conservative side. The noble lord brought forward another bill. I am not aware that that measure engaged the sympathy of the house to any great extent ; but the question became such by the very fact of its public magnitude that it was totally impossible that a public man of any leading could ever neglect to recognise its importance. Lord Aberdeen became Minister, and after Lord Aberdeen the noble lord the member for Tiverton, and we always heard that those Ministers were going to introduce a new Reform Bill. At last the subject was introduced to the attention of the House of Commons even in a gracious speech from the Throne, in which its magnitude was recognised, and so it was that it came at length to be acknowledged that a question of this Tait importance c mld no longer remain unsettled, and that the country was encouraged to believe that it could not be taken up by state•men for party purposes or selfish ends. If there is anything more likely than another to poison the feelings of the people and to alienate their best st atiments fi orn the institu tions of the country, it is the suspicion per nitted to be engendered in the public mind that schemes for recon structing those institutions are used by public men for party purposes. (Cheers.) It is impossible that a ques tion like that of Parliamentary Reform can be hung up and taken down at the convenience of any statesman, so that %thee in Opposition he is to brandish it in the face of those in office, and when a Minister to place it iu a rusty scabbard. Under these circumstances we feel it onto te ll . e t h . e hon. our duty to consider that qua Lion, and we shall consider it with the earnest determination of endeavouring to make a settlement of it that will be satisfactory to the sober-minded i.t tlWeh wa p. presentdo opl notes e of u e i t o h n is ; country. The hon. member for Dover asked me what are the principles on which our \ Reform Bill is to be f a Ided. I do not think I am called . a political gentleman what are the principles of party or I t will not be a bill devised to prop up proposeh u but, i i f nt t r h o e d u h c o e n t . o g t e h n e tl h e o ni n a s n e ii pot . 0 1., t ai i r.) 0 13 reform bill, I will tell him what it' uphold. the interests of a particular Oft, the Cabinet who vote is eurport of the bill. Oa the other hand a noble lord is another place who has been called to the peerage and placed on the woolsack , is its me e t efficient opponent. But, sir, while lam on this subject, I Ind is one of the hustings' speeches to which I have been referred that the Solloitor-General for England (Mr. Cairns) thus expressed himself " There are two sorts of questions -questions of princi ple and questions of expediency. Now, the admission of the Jews, for instance, is one of prieciple which must never be abandoned. But take the qnestiun of Parlia mentary reform. That is one of expediency, on which at different times, and under different circumstances, diffe rent opinions may he properly formed. On a question of expediency, every man in a Government must not hold on to his own crotchet, otherwise the Government coul d not get on ; bat on a question of principle no man should yield." (Hear, hear.) There is another subject which has been totally omitted from the speech of the noble lords and from the statements made on the hustings--I allude to the Government of Ireland. (Hear.) I take it that the future Government of Ireland, whatever party may be in power, is a subject of deep importance to both countries. Yet we have no allusion in any speech either delivered in another place or on the huetings as to the policy which is to be penned with regard to Ire land. All we can judge of is from the appointments which have been made. Now, Ido not hesitate to say that these appointments are not looked upon with any peculiar favour by the Irish people. (" Oh, oh !") I believe the present Lord Chancellor of Ireland drew up the Tula and regulations of the Orange Society in that country. (Hear, hear.) On the other hand, the late Chancellor wrote a letter to the Lord-Lieutenant, I think, of Down, declaring that the Government would appoint no man to the magistracy of Ireland who was a member of an Orange Lodge. (Hear.) What course does the Government intend to take in that particular I Then, what is their policy to be on the important ques lion of national education in Ireland The right hon. gentleman the present Home Secret ar y (Mr. Walpole) moved and carried an amendm ent in this house, th e effect of which, if persisted in , would have been to rd Ch thean celor de stroy the existing system. The late Lo was a commissioner under th at system, while pr eag l et Lord Chancellor is a supporter of the rival system of the Church Education Society. (Hear, hear.) What, then, will the Government do respecting national education in There is another question to which I should like to refer. The hon. member for Warwickshire (Mr. allpoot or), whose honesty and integrity of purpose I shall always respect Par) —is in the habit, irrespective of all Governments, of bringing forward a motion for with drawing the present grant to Maynooth. What has been the conduct of her .Majesty's present advisers with regard to this subject ! I hold in my hand a paper by which it seems that no latter than last year 13 members of the Government voted against the Maynooth grant. I won't trouble the house with names, but all these 13 mailmen supported the motion of the hon. member for North Warwickshire. What do they propose to do when he brings forward the same question next week (Hear, hear.) What, in short, is the policy of the Governmeat with reference to Maynooth Let the house remember what has been the conduct of the new Ministry on this question ! There is but one right hon. gentleman on the Ministerial bench, the First Lord of the Admiralty, who has ever stayed here and given hie support to the Government when that motion has some on. (Hear.) All the rest walked away, and were content to leave the Government to fight that question with the hen. mem ber. (Hear, hear.) I don't think it is an irrelevant question, then, to ask what course is to be adopted respecting Maynooth. A promise has been held out for for the year 1859 that Lord Derby will bring in a Reform Bill. The noble lord has no great opinion of a Reform Bill. He says he rather objects to it, but still, it pressed, he will bring in such a measure. Here are his words : " Believing that, with all its anomalies and all its imper fections, that Act (the late Reform Bill) has given to the country a representative system the result of which is a House of Commons which fairly and fully represents the feeling of the numbers as well as of the intelligence and the property of this country, I should myself have been well satisfied if it had been the pleasure of Parliament that no legislation upon a subjection so exciting should be called for or demanded from the Government." That is the opinion of the noble earl. He is very un willing to do it, but he says he will do it. But what do we gather on this question from the description of right honourable gentlemen on the hustings ! The noble lord (John Manners) said he was true to the principles of rational Toryism. He asked what was the meaning of a Reform Bill, and went on to express his own opinion that no doubt the representation of the counties was deficient and unfair. That is the noble lord's defini tion of a Reform Bill. The right hon. gentleman (Sir J.) Pakington) said he had no particular regard for the 101. I.c.holders, and that he would give no pledge as to what his course would be. The right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer said the late Reform Bill was a gross Whig job. (Ministerial cheers and laughter.) Tss, bet hew will the right hon. gentleman reconcile this with the language of one of the makers of the Re form Bill, Lord Derby, who said that it adequately re presented the property, intelligence, and feelings of the country I (Hear, hear.) I want to know, then, what sort of measure we may expect ; for I cannot believe that the Government intend to carry out the Reform Bill sketched by the last representative of the late Mr. Feargus O'Connor in this house—l mean the pre sent Attorney - General for England. (Laughter.) I wi sh to know what are the principles on which the Reform Bill is to be founded—whether on the principle of rational Toryism, as expressed by the noble lord (John Manners) or on the extreme Chartist principles enunciated by the Attorney-General ! It is true that we have bad the speech of the noble member for King's Lynn (Lord Stanley), who is, I believe, a true and rational reformer. (Cheers.) But he occupies a very peculiar position in tie Cabinet—a position which I thick we should all honest. ; but, at the same time, I very much doubt whether this Reforming eEneae will be able to carry the Conservative Anchises. (Great laughter.) No, sir, I much fear that he will find some Dido of Conservatism to obstruct him in carrying out his good principles. (Renewed laughter.) Well, then, I think I am jus tified in asking what is the policy which her Majesty's Ministers mean to pursue ! We all remember that in 1845 there was a great statesman at the head of affairs in this country. That distinguished man, in his wisdom and sincerity, thought fit to adopt certain measures which bad originally been introduced by his opponents. What was the treatment which he received I (Cheers.) Why, sir, he was denounced by the Conservatives of that day as the head of an organised hypocrisy. (Renewed cheers.) He was accused of having caught the Whigs bathing and adopted their clothes. (Hear, hear.) He was hurled from power amid the regret of all right-thinking men in England ; and what, let me ask, were the expressions which were then used with reference to his adoption of the measures of his opponents This was the language which was held by the right hon. gentleman opposite in this house : " The noble lord (Ration), the representative of Mr. Fox, will not gainsay the motto of that greater leader Men, not measures.' I would ask geotlemen opposed to him hew has the opposite system answered for them ? You have per mitted men to gain power and enter place, and then carry measures exactly the reverse to those which they professed in opposition. You are reconciled to this procedure by being persuaded that, by carrying measures you disapprove of and they pretend to disrelish, they are making what they call the ' best bargain' for you. I say that the par liamentary course is for this house to have the advantage of a Government formed on distinct principles. Here is a Minister who now brings forward as his own measures the very schemes and proposals to which, when in opposi sition, he always avowed himself a bitter and deter mined opponent ; let me ask the admirers of the best bargain' system how they think the right honourable gentleman would have acted had they been introduced by the noble lord opposite lf you are to have a Parliamentary Government, the conditions are you should have a Ministry which decl a res the prin ci pl es upon which its policy is founded. What hav e h inatead ? We have a great Parliamentary middle m e arr m an who bamboozles one party and plunders the ottlr ls ( a he latighterj, till, having obtained a position to which cers he is not entitled, he cries out, ' Let us have no party questions, but fixity of tenure.'" (Cheers.) This was the language which was used towards that great man Sir R. Peel in 1345. What, I ask, is the Conservative party prepared to do now ? Are we to have no party questions ! Is there to be fixity of ten ure (Cheers.) For my own part lam indifferent to mere party cries. (Ironical cheers and laughter.) But I at the same time hold that they who when in opposi tion honestly advocate certain measures ought to deem it their duty when in office honestly to carry these mea sures iota effect. (Cheers.) lam not aware that that is proposition from which any hon. gentleman in this that is prepared to dissent, and of this I feel assured, any Minister who assumes the reins of power by a discreditable manceuvre (cries of " Oh, oh," and cheers) , will the eeentr a y e neither his own cause nor the interests of possible endeavo ured have now, sir, in as short a compass as right hon. and V; o u n red to examine the antecedents of the no explanation of their pr inciples opposite. They have given and if the observatio n s or policy in this house, which I have deemed it my duty to make should prove to b them such an explanation, I suceessful in drawing from fur one, shall be well satis fied with the result. (Cheer s .) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER - -Sir, one of the advantages arising from the recent changes in the Government is that some voice again sound within these walla which have for a long time been silent. I (Cheers and laughter.) I for one rmuttconfess h I listened on F ri d a y l ast t o th a t w ild shriek toiatliwbehretny which Tr . ec ir ee ha ded . from the hon. gentleman who has just ,at wlth no feeling of alarm or mortification. ` l3l :' te ebd"rituand tau - sister.) He will, however, permit vantage of beiwu Z i t % hat I have had once more the ad which be was wo n t t :Zrkaaele notes, that the weapon effectively has become a little rusty—(great laught 4 " y aB be u o t w h e a d t doubt that with suf fi cient"l:Qt",,gh I entertain no brightness which dazzled us et c y - e c t e e lt ' 4 ' ll to add, by way of conselatien to the :Ou t" presenthis position, that it is only that va%el'ltelemanb,ni: eition be can find those opportunities which I ca l : ::,e s ,; - ; bins it is absolutely necessery he should avail hicessit r e - s before be can entirely regain that cunning of fence for which he was once so celebrated. (Continued laughter.) Now, the boo. gentleman has to-night repeated the charge which he wade on _Friday last—viz., that I have e r ri g c r h ea es t been guilty of an act either of great presum inadvertence in taking my place upon [ ' la t ee n ° b o without oferiog to the house any formal pro gramme of the measures which we ar e prepared to bring forward or of the principles which we profess. I am sure, however, the house will acquit me of any intention of acting towards it with disrespect. (Hear, hear.) Had I sup• poled for a moment that hon. members expected any such exposition on my part I should have been prompt in my endeavour to act in accordance with their wishes. But so far as my Parliamentary experience serves me as . a guide in those matters—and I believe I may say with truth it is somewhat longer than that of the hon. member for Dover—the coarse which he has indicated is not that which has been habitually or, indeed, ever pursued in the House of Commons. (Hear.) Ido not for instance recollect that the noble lord opposite (Lord Palmerston) when he acceded to office in 1855—and he was then in a more eminent position than that which I have the hon- our to hold, inasmuch as he was the chief of a Cabinet — favoured the house with any formal statement as to the measures which he meant to introduce or the policy which he intended to advocate. On the contrary, the noble lord was brought into office as the best Minister to carry out a particular and pressing object, to the attainment of which he directed with great success all the energies of his mind, and I may be permitted—notwith standing those imputations of intrigue and manceuvre which have been made against us, and which I a m happy to think h no hon. member condescends to believe—( ceers)—to say that I conceive her Majesty's present advisers were also called upon to take the reins of Government for the performance of a special duty to which it was necessary we should at once direct our attention. A bill was in troduced into this house by the late Government and re jected—(cries of "No, no'')—and the consequence was that the authors of the measure resigned. I do not wish to misstate the case. A bill at all events was brought in by the Minister, a nd npou the motion for its second reading an amendment was carried, which was held to l be equivalent to its rejection. (Hear.) I was there e I virtually correct in what I have just said. Under these circumstances it became our duty to endeavour to effect a reconciliation between this country and her ally, and to refrain from pursuing that course of which the house bad by a large majority signified its disapproval. Now, so far as that question is concerned I am not aware that we have exhibited any great neglect in the fulfilment of our duties, or that that which we have already achieved affords any very strong evidence of failure in our policy. (Cheers.) Indeed, it was only this very night I laid upon the table of the house papers which will in a few hours be in the hands of every hon. member, and which proves that the misunderstanding which unfortunately existed between us and France is entirely at an end. Not only I may add is it at end, but that great object has been attain ed without that condition which we were led to suppose was inevitable—that it should be accompanied by the passing a measure which this house has virtually re jected, and of which the people of this country entirely disapprove. (Hear, hear.) While addressing myself to this point I may say, in answer to the accusation which has liven made against me by the hon. gentleman oppo site of having voted for the amendment on the second reading of the bill after having spoken and voted in favour of the measure upon a previous occasion, I should not venture to trouble the house on the subject had not the hon. gentleman pressed it so closely on its attention that to pats it over in silence might seem to indicate a wish upon my part to evade the question. I may say in answer to that accusation—and the words which I used in the debate upon the introduction of the bill will be in the recollection of many hon. members—that I ex pressed my readiness to vote for the motion of the noble lord opposite, because I thought we should, by assent ing to it, be taking a step which would serve to show a faithful ally that we sympathized with him in the diffi cult position in which he was placed. (Hear, hear.) I, however, at the same time stated that I reserved to my self the right of taking upon the second reading of the bill, if ever it should come to a second reading—the very words which I used—a free and unfettered course. (Hear, hear.) I described the measure as feeble and inadequate to the attainment of the object which its authors professed to have in view, and I do not think there is a single gentleman in this house who imagined that I would give it my support in its subsequent stages. (Hear, hear.) Now, the hon. gentleman opposi is main tains that, in not entering into an exposition of our , policy in the House of Commons, we have pursue d a 1 line of conduct which is both unprecedented and unpar liamentary. I have adduced the example of the late Ministry to show that when the Government of 1855 was formed no formal programme was laid before us of its principles or of the measures which it proposed to in troduce. What, let me ask, was the course taken by the Government by which it was preceded ! The Chief Minister of the Crown in this house, under the Adminis tration of Lord Aberdeen, was the noble lord the mem ber for the city of London. The Government was a coalition Government, and it was but natural that come explanations should be expected from the noble lord of the circumstances under which he acceded to office, and why it was that he had placed himself in intimate poli tical connection with a statesman to whom he had been opposed during the whole of his life. (Hear, hear.) We might very reasonably have hoped that the noble lord would have taken the opportunity to inform us how it was he could reconcile the position which he then occu pied with the opinions which he had previously pro fessed. (Hear, hear.) But what course did the noble lord pursue ? Why, upon Feb. 10, 1853, the day upon which Lord Aberdeen's colleagues took their seats after their re-election—an instance almost parallel with the present—the noble lord said : " I think it may be convenient to the house if I state the course which her Majesty's Government think it fit to pursue with respect to the measures which it is their in tention to bring forward in the early part of the session. In the first place, I beg to say at once that it is not my intention, nor is it at all necessary for me, to make any statement with regard to the general principles and views of her Majesty's Government. (Hear.) A statement of that kind has already been made by my noble friend at the head of the Government in another place, and that statement is so generally known as to require no further remark on that subject." That was a Government of which the bon. gentleman the member for D,ver, who is my accuser upon this occasion was, although a subaltern, still a distinguished member—(hear, hear)—and yet he submitted in silence for five years to this unprecedented unparliamentary course. (Cheers.) Now, let us remember what were the relations between the noble lord the member for the city of London and Lord Aberdeen. They had come together for the first time in a somewhat unexpected combination, but although there might then have been reasons for expecting some formal statement, none was male. The noble earl now at the head of the Govern ment and myself have been for many years in relations of intimate political confidence and communication, and therefore I can appeal to the statement made by my noble friend in another place with much more authority than the noble lord the member for London could do under the circumstances I have mentioned, and yet the noble lord's appeal was considered by the House of Commons to be perfectly satisfactory. But then the hon. gentleman who is so anxious that we should take a course which is not unprecedented nor even unparliamentary— he is indignant at the formation of a Government all the members of which are not upon all questions entirely of the same mind. (Hear, hear.) " What," says the hon. gentleman, " are you going to do about ch urch rates 1 Well, then, I say to the hon. gentleman, " What did you do about church rates 1 " (Cheers and laughter.) I find that upon the question of church rates the late Go vernment was beaten in this session, and although I may not refer to speeches, yet I may allude to the division of Wednesday, Feb. 17. I find that an Under-Secretary of State, and a noble lord holding high office in the Reeve hold voted against the Ministerial suggestion, while the hon. member for Dover, like most of the other members of the Government, stayed away. (Hear, and laughter.) Why do I mention these things I Not to taunt the hon. member for Dover (a laugh) or any of his late colleagues, but rather to remove some of the difficulties which are ' apparent to him, and which he considers to be obstacles in the way of the present Government. He will now know how those difficulties may possibly be evaded. (" Hear, hear, and a 'augh.'') But, again says the hon. member, " What are you going to do about the Jew Bill." I re ply, what did your Government do ? You respect Par liamentary majorities ; you were proud of the majority you had upon the measure to which I have always given a cordial support, but what was wanted from the late Government was support in the House of Lords, where the difficulty arose, and what did we find there ? We found a member of the Government in that house always voting against the measure, which had been carried in this house by large majorities. (Hear.) Therefore, sir, this is not the only Cabinet in which differences oopi mon exist, even upon the Jew Bill. (Hear.) Then, again, how did the hon. gentleman and his friends act upon the ballot question ! We had a division upon that question last session, and I want to know how the late united Government—whose members all held the same views upon the same subjects, or who ought to have done so—how they voted upon a question so interesting to all sinosre and earnest re formers 1 I find that upon the 30th of last June the subject of the bal of same before this house, and a divi sion took place. I find the Prime Minister, the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, the President of the Board of Control, and other members of the Government voted in the majority against the ballot. But in the mi nority I find the names of a nobleman holding office in the Household, of the Attorney-General, of the Vice- President of a Board, and the distinguished Secretary for the Admiralty—(hear, hear, and a laugb)—that dis tinguished individual who is now alarmed at the prospect of a Cabinet being in existence which is not of the same mind upon all questions that can possib y be brought under the consideration of Parliament. (Cheers.) Now, I think the course that was taken by my noble friend in another place was a much more judicious course than that which should have been pursued according to the views of the hon. gentleman—via., that a Minister should state a formal programme of measures which are never carried, and elaborately develop a policy which a de luded people afterwards find to be barren of all results. I think it is much better when the general principles of a political connection are known that the Government should bring their plans before Parliament than that they should simply give the house a long catalogue of measures which are never to be passed, and vague an nouncements of a policy to which no one can attach a practical or precise idea. (Hear, hear.) We represent the Conservative party. We wish to support and maintain the institutions of the country, but we also wish to im prove them. (Hear.) We believe that the best way to t tr . laintain the institutions of the country is to improve of :0". .: : :ii ~ , i . ,;n e i__ : ta,,, m ..::: i ~it a, ,f .tirpeotiribel ameliorationleceoandts o n .. e n r , n when improvement is necessary, and therefore we \ e , e," u se.• re . y i. n _',, be ~, ot g en e rß o : t n l oi e n, m a at on of f 0 society iseutcyh asa monopolist h e and his 11: c:ii t si e il t e . c onsi der ed. so much m t a h n es n e_ er g e. s n o e r a l greedy yiviews s and is I deny ta ,, , , ,, ,,, na., treated w.lthndia all, which the "n• gentleman of the rity. bill upon t o o ur maintain h to bae that :Pre. Part then wit h been i course we are about to take propel tina ue s Y• tha l am ' eminently consistent with all u w p e o o h the subject i t o th n; I believe will be co m p letel y satisfactaovrey to "id ' a" ,hear.) I never stated , 1 nor do , .lie count r. say now. th a t the course we are taking is in deference t o t h e majo,it, of this house. A majority of this house is always to h... respected, but is not to be obe y ed with servility. eve were opposed to e introduction of the bill of the noble th l or d opposite (Lord "'Anacreon) upon the ground that claws. It will be founded on principles of general justice iHe did not 'say that measures were all they need look to, notoriously and evidently the landed interest ;of transferring it to the militia, but the saving would tell on — an d, I h o p e , it will give universal sati-faction. (Cheers 1 and that men were of no consequence. The morality of prevailed. With regard to the two parties, my belief was the gross amount. and laughter from the Opposition.) But, says the hon, this country must have fallen to a very low ebb when you that there would not be that monopoly of power which the Sir G. C. LEWIS reminded the right how, gentleman that, could not pretty well toll from the principles of the men Tory party had then, for nearly 70 years pursued. , 1 under the Appropriation Act, there was power to make tbe gentleman, what business have you and your cellea,guel what their measures were likely to be. Still they must thought that that party which give the greatest satisfac- i transfer, and that therefore this additional vote was unne in that place ; you have not a majority in the House of take care that they did not by any false move give an ad- lion to the people at large, should, by their measures and i cessary. Commons. (Hear.) Why that is the very question. • impossible vantage to their opponents. It was not to see conduct conciliate the people at large, was the party whit; After an observation from the CHANCELLOR, of the EXCHEQUER t Ido not at all agree with him that we are not supported that the position of the present Government was weak, and would be likely to succeed to power ' during the existence the ameudment was withdrawn, and the vote agreed to. by a majority of this house. I entirely repudiate the could only be strengthened by imprudence on the part of of the Reform Bill. I think that events have not proved 849,2851. Salaries of the Customs, &c. statement of the hon. gentleman. (Cheers.) Where is the the opposition. They occupied tho opposite benches for me wrong in my belief. (Hear, hear.) The Government Mr. HAMILTON having promised explanation at a future majority of this house, and wh o has it t Has the nob l e the first time onl y on Friday night, and they had already of Sir Robert Peel was one of the strongest which has stage, the vote was agreed to. lord the member for Tiverton a majority of this house ! made two remarkable concessions. In the first place, that since been seen • the power which he exercised and the 650,0 00 /. Inland Revenue.—Agreed to. If so, why is he sitting on that bench ? Has the noble Conspiracy Bill which he believed was originally suggested confidence whic ' h he enjoyed in this house are a proof that 242,7 0 0 1 . SuPerannuations, Customs, post_office, &c. lord the member for London a majority of the house ? by Lord Derby had been abandoned ; and secondly, the I the bill was not one-sided in its character. Under the cir- Agreed to, and the house resumed. Why, it is only a fortnight ago that the noble lord the Secretary for War had given an opinion in favour of those cumetances which I have stated, I think that with regard MILITIA ACT CONTINUANCE BILL. member for Tiverton beat him by a majority of 200. competitive examinations for the artillery and engineers to this question of reform, we have but little security in- General PEEL obtained leave to bring i n this bill. which his predecessor (Lord Panmure) intimated it to be deed. If we refer to the speech of Lord Derby in another UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE MATRICULATION (Cheers.) Then, where is the majority ? Is it repre- his intention to abandon. (Hear.) Their difficulties would place, we are told that he is not sure whether there are any FEES BILL. seated by the hon. member for Dover (laughter) or the increase with the cabinet meetings. On the question of defects in the present syst e m . If he finds an y defects he This Bill was brought in by Mr. GP A. "F, A m BILL mog . , hon. member for King's Cou nt y , or b y the hon. MEM national education the First Lord of the Admiralty would will consider them , and if he fi n ds a remed y he will bring BOARD OF HEALTH (SKIPTON) ber for Richmond (laughter), for they are th e gent l emen find some difficulty i n reco nciling his views with those of it forward. (Hear) We have, therefore, the danger, Mr. ADDERLE Y obtained leave to brin g in a bill to con who want frown us a declarat ion of our policy , and a the President of the Board of Trade ; while the noble lord first, that he may find no defects; and, secondly, ' that even firm a certain provisional order of the General Beard o f programme of the business which we mean to introduce. at the head of the Government would have seine family if he does, he may not bring forward any remedy. (Hear, Health, applyingly the Public Haftelth Act, 1848, to the district If they have not the majority, and it the two noble lords differences to settle with his youthful Secretary for the hear.) According to his own showing, therefore, Lord of Skipton, e West Riding e county of York, and to Colonies on the question of church rates. The r i g ht hon. Derby is not likely to give us his reform bill, and with re• further declare the limits of the distr ic t of Toxteth Park, i n to whom I have referred have not the majority, it does gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) said he and his friends were a ference to the right ho n . g e n tl e man, I must say that I the county palatine of Lancaster, for the purposes of the said not follow that I am to suppose we do not possess it. (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, we shall carry on the Conservative Government guiding a Conservative party. should look with great suspicion at any measure of the act. .H e (11r. Horsm . anthad always found very great , difficulty kind in which he took a part. (" Hear," and " Oh.") I The Marine Mutiny Bill was brought in and read a first affairs of the country with the utmost energy, and I hope in understanding the word Conservative; anti the best de- cannot sit down withotft stating that I am much gratified time. with the utmost prudence. ( Hear, h ear.) We shall finition he had ever met with eras that discovered by a to find that the correspondence between the Government The house adjo urned at nine o'clock. endeavour to do our duty to oar Sovereign, to the Scotehman soon after the passing of the R e form Bill. of her Majesty and the Emperor of the French has resulted nen.------__ country, and to Parliament, and so long a s we are ani- This gentleman having been told by a candidate in the terininairien of theme differences which produced so mated by that conviction , and till t he fatal truth is for th e count y of Edinbur g h, Sir George Clerk, that painful a result. I think that the noble lord at the head of proved by facts which I do L n o e u t d a anti n e d ipa l t o e n ,: c s o h n a t l i l nu b e e d - he was not a Tory, but a Conservative, looked i n the Foreign Affairs is likely to carry into the affairs of his lieve that we possess the c onstitu t ion al confidence of the dictionary to discover the m e anin g of the word. department a due regard to the dignity of this country the House of Commons. ( He found that "to conserve" meant "to preserv e . " and a spirit of conciliation towards our allies. (Hear.) I That did not much help him. On looking at the hope we shall maintain the alliance of France, which is cheering.)one of main importance throughout Europe. I hope we shall word preserve he found that it meant " to pickle ;" and Mr. HORSMAN said he had the misfortune to dissent hisremark upon this was that he had always believed that not consider that power as the ouly friendly power in Europe. from so much that fell from the hon. memb er for Dover— t h e T or i es had brought them into a pickle, but he had never I believe that the position of England at this time is such (ironical laughter from the ministerial benches)—that if the supposed that they would confess it. (Cries of " Oh, eh.") that there is nothing which she should ask from any power Now, he thought the course which the Opposition ou g ht which can interfere with our friendly relations with that hon. gentleman had confined himself to the constitutional to pursue was to remain patiently on that side of the house power. I trust, therefore,that such a course will be pursued question of the position of the government and the princi- until they found themselves in such a position that a move that whatever I may think of the domestic policy of the Go pies which it was prepared to avow, he should have loft might be made wisely and consistently. For his part he eernment, I may at least approve of the conduct of foreign that question where it stood. But his hon. friend, repro - did not think that sitting on that side of the house was a affairs. DR (He UMMOND said they appeared to be entering at, hear.) scanting the late government — ( no, no, from the opposition ver y great disadvantage—he did not think their constitu- Mr. side of the house, followed by anothe r burst of ironical tions would be very much damaged by change of climate ; upon a debate touchi the Reform Bill which could not be ng laughter from the ministerial side)—and questioning the and he was for their remaining there until they found a useful one. But ho could not hear the remarks of the present one, had given to the question somewhat of the themselves under the leadership of those who would enable noble lord J. Russell) and of the right hon. gentleman (the character of a triangular duel, by accusing a large section them to remove to the other side of the house, and to main- Chancellor of the Exchequer) without saying that ho con of his own party of having contributed to the formation o f taro their position there with honour to themselves and curn3d more in those which full upon that (the Government) the present government. Now he begged to say that he with advantage to the country. side of the house than in those which fell upon the other. differed from his hon. friend, not only as to the eircurin Lord J. RUSSELL-4 am not one of those who consider stances under which the present government was formed, it to be necessary that a Minister, on taking his place in The noble lord had touched upon the real animus of the framers of the Reform Bill when he spoke of the exclusion from office of the Whigs for 70 years. (Cheers.) but also as to their present position and character, and as this house, should make a declaration of the policy which Lord PALMERSTON—I have no desire to interpose iu to the course which it was incumbent pursue. They (the opposition) had before them e oppo insrelation ition to he means to pursue. I stated that as my opinion in 1853, the passage of arms which has taken place between my to her Majesty's government, the old and familiar option and to that opinion I still adhere ; and I should never hon, friend the member for Dover and the right hon. gentle of three courses. They might at once by a hostile vote think of calling upon the right hon, gentleman to make man the Chancellor of the Exchequer—a passage in which place them in a minority, with a view of expelling them any declaration of his policy. I conceive that when a party I .think the house will admit that each knight has distin from office, or evading that direct course, they might , by has sat for years in this house, and has given opinions on means of a series of eloquent attacks like those of his hon. guielied himself is the manner in which ha has wielded h is friend (Mr. B. Osborne) , go on day after day obstructing a variety of questions that have coins before it, when they weapons. So much so indeed that it is difficult to say on to a certain extent public business without raising any de• come into office they will generally maintain those opinions. cider! issue; or th e y mi ght pursue a third course — they At the same time, having filled office myself, lam per- which side the advantage rests. (Cries of "Oh !" from the might extend to the government that courtesy which was featly aware that a party acceding to office may find some Ministerial benches.) I wish, however, to say a few words usually extended to the servants of the crown, and post- questions in such a position that they cannot immediately in reply to what fell from my right hon. friend behind me pone till the occasion most convenient to themselves that ant upoii the opinions which they have formerly expressed, (Mr. Hemmen). lam not going to seek in his speech an decidwily hostile movement which they hoped would one and that on these questions their course may somewhat answer which he appeared to give to the right hon. gentle day displace them from theirseats. (Laughter.) Now it ap- vary from that which they have previously pursued. I was man the member for Bucks, who inquired with some peened to him that the firs; and last of these courses ware not surprised, therefore, when the noble lord at tbo head of perfectly legitimate, and that no one could make any Par- the Government declared in another place that, it having anxiety where the majority of this house is to be found. liaruentary objection to either of them ; but the course been declared by a large majority in this house that an My right hon. friend seemed to know where that majority w hi c h he did dissent. from, and which he thought India Bill should be introduced, he considered that the is ;he appeared to be conscious that he could wield it when the house would not approve, was that of which his hon. staving off of the question for another year was no longer he pleased, and although he spoke in very handsome terms friend had set an example that night. If they (the oppoen an attainable object. It is not then on the subject intro- of the Government, he yet informed the right hon. gentle duced by the hon. member for Dover (Mr. B. °Amino) but man opposite that whenever the time came when ho should tion) could justly charge the present government wit h having stolen office by intrigue or stormed it by faction on another subject introduced by the right hen. gentle- think it fit to wield that majority ho was prepared to wield if they could bring home to them the charge that while in man opposite that I have risen to speak. Before pro- that majority, and eject front office the Ministry who now opposition their opposition was systematically conducted ceeding to notice that subject, however, I may perhaps be sat opposite. (A. laugh.) With regard to those who sit on in a manner that was unfair and -unbecoming, then he allowed to say that Ido not fool it necessary either to review those benches, I can only say that we have submitted in thought they would be perfectly justified in showing them the course of the late Government or to make any state- deference to the opinion of this house, and that there shall no quarter ; but he must say that from the day when the went with regard to that bill which led to the resignation be no factious attempts on our part to anticipate the time late government was formed the opposition to it was, in of the late Government. With regard to that Govern- when the majority which my right hon. friend hail allnded to his judgment, conducted with a moderation and a forbear- ment, let me observe that I shall always respect my noble shall cause the right hon. gentlemen opposite to continue anco to which he could remember no parallel in his experi- friend who was at the head of it. I shall always think opposite no longer. But my right hon. friend, referring to ence in Parliament. (Hear hear.) During the whole that the public are indebted to him for the great exertions the late Government seemed to consider that mycourse had period of the Russian w ar , ' during the negotiations for that he made during the war, and for the opportune me- been rather to ask the support of those who sit on the Principalities, and during ;he progress of the disturbances m ( ent which he chose for signing the peace with Russia. other side of the house than to pursae the line of conduct peace and the subsequent disputes with regard to the in India, there were many occasions on which an opposi- Hear, hear.) I think those are obligations which nothing which would have received the support of those by whom can efface from the memory of the people of this country. the late Government was generally supported. I can only tion so minded might h ews i n d u l ge d i n a good deal more As respects the vote which led to the dissolution of the say, sir, that, sorry as I w as to lose the assistance of m y than occasional unfriendly- criticism. Ho had a strong late Government. I cannot suppose that my hon friend the right hon. friend, I was not aware that that loss was oc persuasion that if the libe ra l party had occupied the same member for Dorset meant to say that there was any die- casion by any failure in political conduct on my part. benches daring the same period, such a total abdication of creditable manccuvre on the part of those members of the If it boas my right hon. friend says, that, as the head of the functions of an opposition would have been considered Liberal party who fell it their duty from the first to oppose the Goveinment, I looken °lslay for support on the other unpatriotic ; an d the Conspiracy Bill. I stated at once my objections to side of tke house , I must sa y that the result has shown that "' unless his memory deceived him , when als o that do they had they did occupy those beechee they felt it their duty to that bill ; I persevered until by means of a vote of this the expectations I might have formed were not founded on take more party divisions n three weeks than their degene- house we got rid of that bill . ; and I consider that that very good grounds. (Hear, and laughter.) But I must rate successors ventured upon in throe years. (Hear, hear.) course was not only a course conducive to the interests of say, that, in pursuing that ' course which I and my col the country, but a manly and open course with regard to a leagues thought was for the good of the country, we were measure of public policy. (Hear.) Sir, the right hon. happy to receive support from every part of the house. We great avidity for office. In 1855 Lord Derby was r idi cu l e d gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) in'g,oing over, with very consider- regretted when measures had not the support of those who acknowledge ll e must for his cowardice in gentlemen opposite the justice to not accepting office. He had accepted able talent--talent which is not now to us—the various ,sat on the same side as ourselves, but we rejoiced to find had not of late manifested any very it in 1858, and they were now astonished at his temerity, questions on which he touched, and drawing a contrast that any portion of the house approved of the course which (Laughter.) - Moreover, a s re garded the construction between the late Government and the present one, has not we thought just. And I must say that I think the °wen d the present Governmert, he must say that the appoint- succeeded in effacing from my mind the recollection that sional support we received from members] who did not ments were, on the whole, such as public opinion was during the many years that I have been in this house, habitually act with us was as creditable to the Government Most likely to endorse, and he thought that in the sub- while the party to which he belonged has pursued a policy as it was honourable to those who gave it—(hear, hear) — ordinate appointments the head of the Government which I consider reforming, and that upon all the great and undoubtedly, if again it should be our lot to bo re had manifested a commendable des i re t o ma intain that questions of religious and civil liberty , up on q uestion ' re- s p ensible for the conduct of affairs, I should not think my intellectual character in which they must all feel a pride lating to the Roman Catholics, the Protestant Dissenters, self acting otherwise than in accordance with the interests and an interest. (Hear, hear.) The country had, it and the Jews, and upon the questions of reform and corn- of the country merely because our measures might receive must be admitted, viewed the change of government mercial liberty or free trade, I have been opposed to the the support of those who did not generally act with us. with great indifference, and had not evinced that anxiety views of the Conservative party, I cannot but expect that (Hear.) Now, sir, when my right hon. friend seems to and alarm which many hon. gentlemen naturally ex- questions will arise on which they will be found main - imply t hat l a m no t a liberal, but a tor y , I be g leave to petted. (Laughter.) The funds had continued not to fall, tanning their principles, and I shall be found differing from remind him that in all those measures of domestic policy them ; but that is no reason why I should endeavour to whi ch m y noble friend the member for the Cit y of London and the country had most provokingly refused to rise. (Renewed laughter.) A business-like and practical corm- embarrass a Government who have just taken their seats. has brought forward, and in which he takes, and justly, try like this could not bo expected to rise very often. The (dear.) If her Majesty has been obliged to appoint them so much pride, I acted with him, and gave him all the sup country rose last year, and returned to that house a power- to the high offices which they hold, it is our duty port in my power. (Hear, hear.) My right hon. friend ful majority to sustain the most powerful minister that in the House of Commons to hear the various mea- has referred to the vote which has placed us upon this side had been seen in modern times, and it now had a right t o sures they have to propose, and to consider of the house. Sir lam not going to impugn the conduct of ask what had become of that minister and of that majority? the merits of those measures, and also to consider those by whose vote we were placed in the position we now (Fleur.) Now, he should speak as he felt towards that gen how far those measures accord with the promises they have hold. No doubt the larger portion of those who voted were Woman who sat on that (the opposition) front bench, with made. (Hear, hear.) There have been two questions sincere in giving a vote for the introduction of the bill, and whom he had been associated for many years in the inter- touched upon by the right hon. gentleman upon which I afterwards joining in a vote against it. B a t nevertheless' I course of public life and of pri rate friendship ; while of the confess I was not entirely satisfied with what he said, those must remind the right hon. ge n t leman that the vote on the noble lord at the head of the late Government he could q uestions being, first,. the appointment of Orange magic- introduction of thebill against the amendment then proposed only speak as every man must do who had ever stood to trates in Ireland ; and, secondly, the support of national by the lion. member for Bridgewater (Mr. Kinglake) was him in the position of official subordination, and who ra- education in Ireland. Now, with regard to Orange magis- a vote utterly and entirely at variance with the vote given membered that unvarying courtesy and kindness, that trates, the right hon. gentleman states very fluently a prin - upon the precisely similar occasion of the second reading. generous confidence and protection, which euperadcled feel- ciple which is generally a right principle, namely, that if (Hear.) The gentl e m en who p ursued that course have, un ings of personal obligation to those of admiration and there be no act of Parliament to disqualify, the Lord doubtedly, reasons which they fairly thought justified esteem. ,But the question here arose, by whom was the Chancellor ought not to impose arbitrary restrictions. But them in taking advantage of the opportunity which was late Governmeat displaced? Its displacement was not, as the right hon. gentleman apparently forgets that many given them for placing the Government in a minority. I the hon. gentleman (Ir. B. Osborne) supposed, the result years ago it was proposed by the late Mr. Hume to adopt do not blame them, but I cannot tchnit, the assertion that of a discreditable manoeuvre. (Cheers.) He accepted all somewhat severe measures against Orangemen in Ireland ; there was not a manoeuvre in the step—though I admit the consequences of the late vote ; and he maintained that that I then proposed an address to the Crown, to the effect that that manceuvre might bo a blameless one. Those who there was Do ineonsistency with the feelings which he had that the then Sovereign, the late King William, might be sit on these benches, I may say, sir, have no intention of just expressed in his repeatinglout of office what he respect pleased to discourage the Orange societies and the qualities adopting any similar course. The right hon. gentlemen fully but pertinaciously urg ed i n offi c e, that the defeat of which belonged to them (I do not know whether or not opposite h a ve undertaken that constitutional res p onsibility the Government and the subsequent embarrassment ani they retain those qualities at present), and that to that ad- which belongs to office. From what has passed, it appears disorganisation of the party were the inevitable result of dress we had the good fortune to obtain the entire assent that they intend to adopt some of the principal measures e a u l t w r a a l y t : i ng the noble lord's (Lord Pelenoreton's) fatal and inveterate of Mr. O'Connell on the one hand and of the present Earl which wo had proposed. So long as they follow out those habit of always looking to the opposition benches for sym- of Derby on the other. Ido not think it would be beneath measures, they will receive all the support which wo can morn intent apps- the present Government to keep the address in view, and give them. (Hear.) Sin with regard to the course which pathy and support—(opposition cheers)—turning a cold bein g foes than on confirm- to act in accordance with its spirit, though there may be we on this side pursued during the three years wo held shoulder circumstances— I do not say whether there are or not— office, lam content to leave that to the impartial judgment ing friends, relying . too much on adroitness and dexterity y conciliatingto his friends, and n which render the Orange Society different from what it of the country. I was called to be the head of the Govern for the firmness and strength which were to be acquired was. lAtieli regard to the question of national education in ment, not through any effort of my own, not by any pro only by constant fidelity to political opinions, and, above Ireland, the right hon. gentleman proposes to give certain ceeding of which I was the mover, but simply because the all, committing the great mistake of imagining that that advantages which would entirely destroy the quality of combinations had failed. (Hear.) The Government of powerful, that earnest, that high mottled majority education in that country, whioh vermin cut up by the root whi oh I was a member carried to a successful termination which was so triumphantly given in answer to an ap- the very institution which he professes to value—that syn. a great and difficult war. In conjunction with our great peal to the country had no other mission than that of sup • teni of national education which, by the admission of all ally, we obtained a peace. We persevered in requiring a porting the personal position of a minister, regardless of Parties, has been successful ever since it was established, complete execution of that treaty, although many difficul the principles of a party. It was this carelessness, this in 1831, by Lord Derby, and which would lead to great ties intervened ; we had other difficulties connected with false security, this miscalculation both of the noble lord's jealousies on account of ono party having an advantage this matter which we succeeded in overcoming. When that own position and of the position of his party, which over another, and to requirements on the part of the great calamity which has' convulsed our Indian empire had led to the fall of the most powerful Minister that this Roman Catholics to which neither the present Govern- occurred we left no exertion untried to meet evils which country had had since the passing of the Reform Bill, and ment nor this house would yield. But, sir, I come were occurring. With regard to our internal legislation, which had made the Liberal party a disunited and disor- now to what alone led me to rise to address the house, in the course of three years wo succeeded in passing mea ganised body, under a Ministry which they knew could namely, the description which the right hon. gentleman sores of great national importance. These comprised 'me net be permanent. He thougnit the right hon. gentleman has given of the Reform Bill. Now, sir, the right sures connected with trade and commerce, and measures (Mr. Disraeli) was perfectly justified in retorting upon the hon. gentleman has at various times, both in this house abolishing systems of long duration, and perfecting hon. member (Mr. Osborne) when he asked, " What are and in addressing his constituents, spoken of the Reform arrangements which had long been desired. It is owing your principles ?' by asking what were the principles of Bill of 1831 with very great respect, But the right hon. to our perseverance last session that, although that session the late Government three weeks ago. Why that was a gentleman is now in the position of the members of a was short in consequence of the dissolution of Parliament, question which some of them had been in the habit of cabinet which proposes to bring in a now reform bill ; and and we were told by the right hon. gentleman opposite asking themselves. W a s parliamentary reform one of their I own that I cannot expect anything just or anything im- (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) we were wasting the principles ? That question was indefinitely postponed. partial from a man who has recently given so unfair, and session, we carried through three measures of great import- Was religious freedom one of their principles? On that I will say so unfounded, a description of the existing act, anew These were the two acts relating to the divorce and tes point he must say the answer of the ri ght hon. gentlema n This is the manner in which the right hon, gentleman speaks tamentary jurisdiction and the act for punishing criminal (Mr. Disraeli) seemed to him most complete. The conduct of the Reform Bill :—" I have never changed my opinions breaches of trust. (Hear.) I merely mention these things, of three members of th e Governme nt on that question , as to that Reform Bill. I consider that a subject of that and I will add nothing more, because we are willing to leave when in opposition, did th em g re at honour. The right hon. ma g nitude was dealt with in a manner that was entirely our administration to impartial history, and we feel perfectly gentleman s own conduct in reference to it was, he must unworth y of it. I did believe then, I believe now, and I satisfied that, when the results of that administration are say, such as would prevent him from ever speaking of him think almost everybody now considers, that there was in looked at, we shall be found not to have abused the confidenc e otherwise than with re s p ect. But w hat was the position the concoction of that bill a greater number of jobs than which our sovereign and the coentry, and Parliament placed of the Liberal party ? For the first time in the history of were ever perpetrated before; and, though the nominal in us, (Hear, hear.) that party—to their shame and dishonour be it said- -the object of the bill was to improve the representation of the Mr. HORSMAN explained that in answer to his hon. question of religious freedom had so retrograded, that that people, the great szbetantial object was the consolidation friend's statement as to the course of the opposition, he had which was inscribed on the Liberal banner, that in connec- of Whig power." Let use ask who then were the Minis- merely quoted the statement made upon the hustings by the tion with which they had gained their most glorious vic- tars who had charge of the affairs of this country ? At hon. member for Northampton, without pretending to say tories, and conferred their most glorious benefits on man- the head of the cabinet was Lord Grey, a man who for that that sta . ernout embodied his (Mr. Horsmau's) opinions. kind—for the first time, he said, religious freedom was, in years was kept from power for which ho was so highly The report of the committee was then agreed to, a Liberal Cabinet, made an open question. That was what fitted by his perseverance in relation to an unpopular MUTINY BILL. was done last year. This year the question was abandoned question, viz., the rights of the Roman Catholics, Th e L ea ve was given to bring in the usual Military and Marine by the Cabinet, and entrusted to mere vigorous and faith- other chief Minister of the day was Lord Althorp, one Mutiny Bills. ful hands. Well, then again, there was the question of who, as was well known to all who knew him , was adverse S ALE OF COMAISSIONS IN THE AR lILLERY. church-rates. Was that one of their principles? Why to office, adverse to patronage, adverse to all the accom• Upon the motion for going into committee of supply, they knew that during the recess a very large and i n fi nen . panirneuts of official position. Now these were "the two Mr. BAGWELL called the attention of the gallant member tial deputation waited on the Premier upon the question I men upon whose memory the right hon. gentleman has the Secretary fur War to a circumstance which he thought ro of church rates ;they wont home, stung with the indignity I cast these reflections, against whose memory he brings quirel s e r ious co nsideration . A y oun g g entleman, a ward of of not having b een received in the manner they had a right I these reproaches. I say that these reflections and re- his, studying in Londou fur a commission in the Artillery, to expect. (Hear.) Then, as to the question of adininistra- I preaches are totally unjust and unfounded. (Hearn Nor saw in a doily paper an advertisement, that certain army tive reform, and the pure dispensation of patronage, need is Ines all' My right hoe. friend opposite, the member for age nts would procure commissions in the canal, y, without he refer to the shabby nepotism which, in the county of 1 Carlisle, and myself, were the two Lumbers who had to examination, upoa payment of 550/. The young gentleman Kent and in Manchester, filched from their legitimate Prepare the bill. We had many persons engaged with us entered into sonic communication with the parties advertis claimants those professional employments which, contrary k who acted according to principles which were geographic ing, but ultimately brought the facts to his (Mr. Bagwell's) to all precedent, had been appropriated to aristocratic con- I and statistical, and had no regard to pasty views. Ard all knowledge. He wen t t o the par ti e s a dvertising, and by them nexions of the Cabinet ? (Hear, hear.) Lastly, was it, he the p lans and measures which resulted from those princi- he was to d that if he would place 550/. in the hands of their asked, on the question ( f national independence and the I plea so acted upon by myself and my ri g ht h o n. f r i en d were bankers, in Regent-street he should have an or der to raise honour of the country that they prided themselves as a submitted to a cabinet of which Lord Derby was a member. 50 men, upon the raisiwg of which his ward would have his par ty ? Why, it was on thatquestion that the late Go- I ask, then, if the right hon. gentleman is prepared, with• commission. Now, ho wished to know to whom this 550?. vernment had been driven out o f office. Now, he thought ' out the slightest proof, to say that Lord Gray, Lord was to go. He had applied to Sir C. Yorke, who stated he it right to bring to the mind of the noble lord (Lord Pal- Althorp, and Lord Derby were parties to that series knew nothing about the matter. Au impressions might arise merston) all these facts, that the might be well pondered .of Whig jobs which he has described ? (Ilear, hear.) that the whole was seine swindling production. He be before he returned to offic e . (Laughter.) y The season of j The right honourable gentleman has not brought out the Neves, however, that the advertisers had actually pow rto adversity was a season favourable to the admission of I slightest tittle of proof in support. If he were to do so, I raise 50 men, and to get the comraissiree When 7,500 men t r uth. With the sunshi ne o f prosperity came adulation ; am ready to go through the hi s t or y of the bill. I believe were got by recr uiting within a month there could be no and it was quite evident that the assiduity and eloquence that I could almost do so no w f rom memor y, and go through very great difficulty in raising 50 men .'ut this was not the of his hon. friend (sir. th Osborne) were likely to lean its details, to answer the statement of the right hon. gen- question. It was, where did this 5501 Cot Ho believed to the noble lord's return to office, end to leave the mem- tlernan. But I think th a t it wou ld b e r i g ht fcr the right that ao underhand system was in forces id that something ment a very short tim e for hers of the late Govern peni- ' Lon. gentleman , ben re h e bri ngs th e se charges against the wrong was g oin g on. With a view to c.ear up the matter, Unice and further r eso l ves. It was sa id that it sv mid be 1 m em ory of those illustrious persons, himself go through he now asked au explanation of the Government. unwise to allow the present Government to remain undis- i the particulars, and make himself master of the details of General PEEL said that, having made inquiry at the Horse turbed, because in that case they might settle themselves j the bill, so that hi s ch arges may, a t least, appear to rest Guards , he had found that no agent was authorised by the tili next year, and i n t h e moan tim might do a great , upon some t ang ibl e grounds. There i s , h o wever, some- Commander-in• Chief to issue the advertisement alluded to by deal of misohief. He did not think that oven the sepal- thing more. Upon the opposition benches there sat at that the lion. member. On the contrary, lie hen found that, by ling prospect of fixity of tenure on the part of the present time Sir Rein. pe e l an d M r . G ou iburn, men of the highest the S7th section of tho Mutiny Act, any person directly or Government for five or six years would, by the majority honour. They nev er b roug ht c h arge s o f a character Gout- indirectly interfering with the recruiting service, without the on that side of the house, who preferred erinciples to lar to those whi c h I h ave rea d , ant I remem b e r Mr. permission of the Adjutant-General or the East India em place and the charactei of a party to the locating of its burn remarking that he hal never repeated such charges, pane, subjected himself to a penalty of 20?. for each offence. chiefs in office, he viewed with very great concern. (freer, although they were at that time to be heard out of doors. The advertisement had been issued witlisut any authority hear.) hi the first place, he doubted the inclination of the 1 believe that there was but one person in the house who from the Horse Guards. right lion. gentleman opp )eito and his friends to do inns - . made them. The right hon. gew ' , alien can know nothing ' she house then went into committee of supply. chief. They and their part comprised very much of the of the facts, But I own that I look with very great sue- In committee, intelligence, the wealth, l and the character of the country. picion and doubt up on an y re f o rm bill of which ho is to be General PEEL moved a vote of 500,000/. towards the ex- The leaders of the party were men of high honour and the concoctor if this is Le manner iu which he speaks of the poises of the embodied militia for the current year, explain undoubted I antis:air/in ; a n d, so far as questions of greet last. (H ear, n ear.) I remem b er men ti on ing in this house mg, that the necessity for inereasine the vote arose from the natiteel honour were concerned, he believed the motives on a former oeca e i on a s t or y o f C ar dinal (10 Betz and the fact, that unusually large draughts of troops had been scut of [heh ministers of England were equally to b e trus t e d t o great Conde. Upon coining to the room to consider terms t He fo o r Igarndia , rison andduty. in conseThi que rty-nce the mili tia imen h ts ad hart been to be called t to out whatever party the mini s t ers might belong (Hear , he a r.) of a p eace, Conde found a q uantity of pamphlets. seven reg But, on the other hand, even if they had the disposition looked them over, an ti f ou nd that they insinuated bad mo- India since the commencement of the mutiny. 200,0011. had they had not the powe r t o d o m ischief. Power was apps- tiv , e3 l , for nvern step which the other side had taken. been the amount originally contemplated, but the expenses tautly deposited at present with the opposition. He be- "., th",' said he, "these men impute to us the sort of con- had exceeded that amount by 500,0001. lie ved that they could contest every move and dictate duct they would hold if they were in our places." (Hear.) Sir G. C. LEWIS said that the assumption under the late every measure, and th a t their power was greater I believe that is a just reproach. I believe that the right Government was, that the saving to accrue from the transfer on that (the oppositi on ) s id e of the house at pre- , non. gentieman's charge on the suldect is a proof o f the of so many troop, t o the service of the East India Company, sent than it was on the other side six weeks ago. ' spirit in which he would concoct a bill. (" Oh, oh," from would, with the addition of 2,e0,000/., be sufficient to defray He believed that the i n t er est of truth and , progress ' tee government side of the hou se.) The men who carried the extraordi n ary expense of the militia. Before l eav i ng might be more s irely promoted ley a real liberality through the Reform Bill had no wish to act with unfair. office lie had not been led by any information from the war in opposition than by a sham libeta'itY in office; ness e ither as regarded the commercial interest on the one department to expect that any additional vote would be and !while he admitted that the most desirable state hand, and the landed interest on the other. I recollect necessary. If this was merely a formal vote on account lie of things foe ithem was that there should be a popular stating at the clues of the debate that I believedblieved that the would not object to it, but if it was intendedto add 500,0001. a dministration in case, he was convinced that the most tended interest would grave a majority. I n so, be- to the expense of them ilitia, he thought the cmmittee unsatisfactory state of thi ngs that could be conceived, the cause I not only reckoned )he representat . ves of counties should ha ve some explanation before the vote was agreed to. moat unsafe, and the most unwholesome, was to have (whom the right honourable gentleman assumes to be the The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the vote neither a Liberal administration on ti • on e side of the only representatives of the landed interest), but th e mem- would be no actual increase in the estimates, as 800,0001. country places inwhich house nor a Liberal opposition on the other, (Hear, hear,) bore for a great number of would be saved in those of the army, There was LW power Country Markets. CHELMSFORD-MARCH U. The wheat tiade to-day was in a rather dull state, and is below the rates of last week. Spring corn also dull, and all else unchanged in value. Wheat, white, old, per s. s. s. s. qr. 45 51 I Oats, per qr 24 29 new.... 45 51 Peas, Partridge 40 43 red, old 42 46 White 38 42 new.... 40 46 Boiling 39 44 Barley 34 40 Dun 38 40 Chevalier 38 44 1 Beans, Tiak 36 38 Grinding 9 i 32 1 Harrow ticks 36 40 Halt 70 73 1 Mazagan . 32 35 Chevalier 72 73 I Ditto, new... 32 34 -a \ • OS 4.4 rn ,23 ) °g ce o • - - 66 - 369 1 154 Colchester4 670, Harwich — 809, Leigh kialdon l39n 129, KIRKCALDY—MARCH 13. Wo had good supplies of grain to-day of all kinds. Sales quick, and prices of barley and oats is per qr. higher than the rates of, last week. Wheat a slow sale, at ls per qr. reduction. Wheat. Barley. I Oats. I Beans. First Second 28s 61 I 23s 01 f Os Oa Third . 34s 0,1 23s 01 131 03 I Os Od :.—MARou 13. t the close of the market Wallsend, &a. s Edon _.16 0 Fiarton Powell's DufTryn Steam 21 6 Riddell l4 9 Haswell 19 3 Cassop 18 0 detign Hall l6 6 Lambton l9 0 3t, 40 ; sold, 32. THE SUN, LONDON TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH IG, IgNB COLCHESTER—MARcu 13. Rather more wheat on offer ; the driest samples realised last week's rates ; other sorts the turn lower. Barley readily taken, at late rates, and for fine malting qualities a slight advance. Beans and peas Is dearer. Prices to-day were as follow :—Wheat, white, 46s to 525; red, 42s to 48s; barley, 36s to 44s ; oats, 24s to 28s ; beans, Mazagan, 34s to 36,5 ; middle and small, 36s to 40s ; peas, white, 40s to 425 ; grey, 40s to 4?s. Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn, &c., received in the port of London, from tho following ports, from March 8 to March 13, both inclusive. COAL MAR: Prices of Coals per ton a B. (1. Bell's Primroso l2 6 Tana()ld Moor Butos 14 6, W&llsend, &c. Framwellgate l6 6 Acorn Close l7 0 Stewart's 19 Hartlepool Hetton IS South Kelloe IS C) Ships at marks TIIE SWANSEA CONVIOTS.—A.II hopes of a reprieve for ,he two convicts sentenced to death for murder at Swansea are now at an end ; the execution will take place at Swansea, and not at Cardiff as was at one time expected ; and Saturday next, we believe, is the day fixed, though no official announcement is made of the fact. A written application bas been made to the sheriff by a resident in Swansea, who tendered his services in the capacity of executioner, offering to despatch the two men "cleverly and well" at a reduced charge upon the tariff of Calcraft. Cali:waft, however, has been engaged. [A.DVERTIBEMBNTJ—HoIIoway's Pills are undeniably the finest medicine for debilitated constitutions, disor dered liver, bile, and indigestion. The wonderful effi cacy of this salutary medicine, and the good effects pro duced on patients suffering from the above complaints, would appear incredible if it were not confirmed by daily - proofs of the cures effected by them, and the permanent benefit derived Iroin their use. The exhilarating pro perties of these invaluable pills entirely banish all ner vousness from the system, and strengthen the stomach, thereby promoting digestion ; also persons suffering from dropsy should use these pills, as they are the most safe and certain remedy ever known for that dreadful malady.—Sold by all medicine vendors throughout the w.,rld ; at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. [ADVERTI3IIIIENT].—It would be to some extent a neglect of the duty which we owe to our readers, if we failed to allude to the unprecedented mass of evidence that has reached us, in proof of the remedial efficacy of Du Barry's Re - relents Arabica Food, in many disorders whit's, whilst most painfal and distressing in their symptoms, have, at the same time, through their obstinacy and continuity, ' been inaccessible to medical skill. We have looked over some of, the lists of heartfelt testimony to the beneficial effects of thislFood, in various and complicated stages of disorder, includieg dye. pepsin (indigestion), constipation, functional irregularity, obstructions, acidity, cramps, spasms, fits, heartburn, diarrhoea, nervousness, affections of the liver and kidneys, flatulency, distention, palpitation of the heart, nervous head. ache, deafness, noises in the head and ears, giddiness, pai ns between the shoulders and in almost every part of the body, chronic inflammation and ulceration of the etomach, erup. tions on the skin, scurvy, fever, scrofula, impuritie4, poverty of blood, consumption (if not beyond human aid) dropsy, rheumatism, gout, influenza, grippe, nausea and vomiting d ur ing pregnancy, after eating, or at sea, low spirits, spleen, general debility, paralysis, cough, asthma, tightness across the chest, phlegm, inquietude, sleeplessness, involuntary blush ing, tremors, dislike to society, unfitness for study, delusions, loss of memory, vertigo, blood to the head, exhaustion, melan choly, groundless fear, indecision, wretchedness, the-tights of self-destruction, die. One or two examples, from theIPIFTY THOUSAND Testimonials received by Messrs. Du Barry, may be interesting and useful. The Yen. Alex. Stuart, Arch deacon of Ross, informs us that he has been relieved from excessive nervousness, pains in the neck and left arm, general weakness of constitution, and other alnaents, rendering his life very miserable." Mr. Hunt, barrister-at -law (a gentle man 85 years old) certifies that he has been radically cured of paralysis of 60 years' standing, as well as of othernfffictions ; and after a long life of comparative misery, he gratefully pro tests that he is now " a stranger to all complaints, except hearty old age." Major Edie states that, after " having suffered fearfully for two years from au enlargement of the liver, and an inveterate diarrhoea," which had totallmy defied the most eminent medical aid , and had brought hi to the brink of the grave, being unable to lift his arms from perfect exhaustion," he bad recourse to the Food, and he then goes on to say :—" The result of eat in g this delicious Food is the perfect restoration of my health within a month, and I take a Peculiar pleasure in reco mmending all sufferers to follow my exa mple." But to pursue these testimonials would be an end. less task. Upon 50,000 authenticated certificates,. we have the " great" and auspicious fact that, for the first time in the history of pathology, an agent has been discovered which com pletely effects all that had hithe. to been fruitlessly attempted by all the nauseous preparations of the labora tory. Not merely in its remed ial, but in its repr!torer eserve tire capacity, as a protector , as well as of health, its efficiency is attested by the grateful evidence of those who have had experienc e in propria persona.—The cir cumstances brought to light in connection with its use as food for infants, chew that whilst it prolongs the lives of thousands of adults, it is calculated to cause many to reach maturity who would otherwise perish iu early childhood. Altogether, we confess to the pleasing conviction that the extended use, amongst all classes, of Du Barry's Food, must produce a marked change for the better in the ave rage vAlue of life, and in the sanitary statistics of our em. Supported by testimonials from the following celebrated Pro fessors of Chemistry: Dr. A. Ure; Dr. Shorland; Dr. Harvey; Dr. Campbell ; Dr. Gattiker ; Dr. Wurzer ; Dr. Ingrain ; Lord Stuart de Decies; the Dowager Countess of Castlestuart; Major Gen. Thomas King, an d many other respectable per sons, whose health has been restored by it, after all other means of cure had Lilo& Suitably packed with full instruo. tious. In canisters, lib. 2s. 9d. ; 21b. -4s. 6d. ; sib. 115. ; 121 b. 225. The 121 b canisters are sent carriage free, on re ceipt of Post-office order. Barry Du Barry, and Co., 77, Regent-street, London. Important Caution against the fear ful dangers of spurious imitations.—The Vice-Chancellor Sir William Page Wood granted an Injunction on the 10th March, 1854, against Alfred Hooper Nevill, for imitating "Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food." BIRTHS. GORDON -On the 14th inst., at Argyll HOLM, the Hone Mrs. A. Gordon, of a daughter. MOFFATT—On the 15th inst., at 103, Eaton•sgnare, the wift; of Geo. Moffatt, Esq., M.P., of a daughter. PIKE—On the 10th inst., at 10, George-street, Edinburgh, Mrs. Pike, of a ion. PORTAL—On the 13th inst. at Laverstoke 'M usa , Haute, the Lady Charlotte Portal, of a eon. MAItRIAGES. HOOTER—OLIVER — On the 13th inst., at St. John's,UPP" Holloway, Mr. Joseph Hooper, of Canonbury, to Mary Jane, third daughter of the late Mr. Wm. Oliver, of 1, Manor Cottages, Upper Holloway. SEXTON-- RIEKIE —Oa tho 13th inst., at West Hackney' Church, Mr. Wm. Sexton, of Mortimer-road, Des Bean voir-town, to Jane Ellen, youngest daughter of Mrs. Itiekie, of 01d-street. DEATHS. DRAYBROOKE —On the 13th inst., at Audley-end, the Lord Braybrooke, aged 75. FITZ-CLARENCE —O,l the 14th inst. , at 29, Rutland-gate, Mary Fitz-Clarence, fourth daughter of Lady Augusta Fitz - Clarence, aged three years and six months. FISHER— On the 12th inst., at Hawkhurst, Kent, Mrs. Fisher, aged 92. HAYWARD —On the 13th inst., at Charlton-house, Want. age, Berks, the Rev. was. Ilayward, aged 76. LAING -On the 13th inst., at 3, Howley-place Villas, Maids.-hill, Charles Henry Christian Laing, M.D., aged 7t3. V ENMOR E—On tho 1 2 th inst. , at E ffingha m, Louisa Vow more, aged 92. WILLIAms —On the 12th inst., at Eaton Mascot, co. Sa l °l 3, Major A. C. LONDON Printed and Published by 1111-11tDO YOUNG of No, 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun 01E04 N °l 1 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy. in the count: I of laidelleloi, Tuesday, March 10, 1858 e 110