The Sun. — London, England, 1829-06-02 00:00:00

may be satisfied that- - lobe conduct of those re lations his Majesty's Ministers are not sacrificing the peace, the security, .and,T . abate all, the ho n o ur o f the country, which, indeed„ is is the only sound ground of peace and security. If it were for no other reason, an occasional exposition of this nature is due in courtesy to the various members of the great civil community of which we are a part. I am confirmed in this opinion by what has been pass ing itt two neighbouring natious , -i-etie with which we have long been in the . tgo'sest alliance—the 'other, formerly our most illustrious antagonist, but beheeforward, I hope, Duly our illustrious rival—iu which a limited monarchy and a representative Go vo.rtment have been established. I cannot help thinking that the discussions which hare taken place Ytt the Legislative Assernlrlies Of those t:oluttries, on subjects similar to the present, connected with the stare Of Europe, have been of great and oxtensive use. I am con firmed in this opinirm by the conviction that, in Spite of indivithral intemperance and indiscretion, the discessiuns to which I allude, and %N . hitril have 'taken 'ice in the Representative 13 - cdCaes of those 'coultrclea, have given a salutary vent to those sus &ions, antipathies, and .joalousies, the silent indul gence of which might wove fatal to the good under standing and goad will so happily at present exist. iaQ among tb nations of Europe, and have rooted still more deeply that passion for peace, which, in 'pine of of what may have occurred in some quar ters calculated to diminish it, is, I am confidently persuaded, growing in the world, and is, indeed, one of the most valuable legacies of that setnguinary tt.nd long continued war, by which Eist - tme was con vulsed from Copenhagen to Vcnize. This, Sir, is sr subject which addresses itself, not to the particular interest of any individual State, but to the general interests of matt. lam sure, therefore, that the House will excuse me if I digress in a Might degree From tit* subject which I ant bringing under their consideration, by declaritigN that if my own passion for peace could have received any acce s sion, it would ~. )oAve so received it when on a recent occasion I heard teat deprecated by one who has given the most striking and memorable example, since the time when Scipio conquered Hannibal at Zarsa, of the utter overthrow of a powerful army under one of the greatest military commanders. Sir when I heard the praise of peace proceed from such a mouth, I could riot help calling to mind lines written for a very different purpose, and frequently quoted on former occasions : '" admoveris ora, tannas et Trebiam ante oculos Thrasymanaeis bustos, Et Patilli stare ingentem mirabcris =brain." the passion for peace, which was so highly gratified by hearing the declaration to which I have just alluded, leads me to be very jealous and suspi cious of any new guarantees by which peace may be endangered. There are implied guarantees :t3 well As expressed guarantees, and the former are, per )us, the most to be apprehended, If there be any virtual guarantee at present existing among the great nations of Europe, by which peace may ulti mately be endangered, I doubt its wisdom, and am apprehensive of its consequences. To consent to such a guarantee is wantonly to add to the chances of war; it is to add to the contingencies of evil. I will not concee; from the House that I allude to the introduction, into Europe of the integrity of the Ottoman, empire as a principle of general policy. It is in my opinion difficult to imagine any case in 'which a guarantee expressed or implied could be more objectionable, because it is certainly a case in which it is at least possible to carry a guarantee into permanent effect. From the nature and circum stances of the case, such an agreement on the part of the great Powers of Europe would devote all the Countries on the southern coast of the Medi terranean, from the Euxine to the Atlantic, to hopeless barbarism and slavery. An edict such as that to which I have alluded would doom the countries in question to the threatened fate of Greece; to eternal subjugation and wretchedness. . All such combinations as these end in the aggrandisement of the great military states, who smile at the credulity of those distant powers whose force, however great, is not of a nature to admit of that immediate inter position which alone can avert the evil. I beg par don of the House for having thus called their at tention to a subject not strictly relevant to that on which a rose to address them, but which appears to ".ste to be one of the greatest importance, convinced RS I am that the introduction of the principle that the present integrity of the Turkish empire must be maintained is incompatible with the principles of a pacific policy—a policy never so much called far by the situation of this country as at the present mo ment—a policy which gives us the best chance of healing the wounds which the long contest in which we have been engaged has inflicted on our resources. I will now, Sir, proceed to state the circumstances which induce me to presume to address the House on a subject of a different nature. What are those tivetttnstances ? A country closely connected with tireat Britain for the last 450 years, by an alliance unexampled in the history of man, and which no cloud of disagreement had ever interrupted—a wuntry which, although- strongly bound to us by a treaty during the term of 120 years, had never vo luntarily drawn England into a war, or exposed her to the risk of war ;—a country which had been thrice invaded,—in 1761, in 1801, and in 1807, — for the fidelity with which she maintained her en gagements with England : that country is now suf fering under the tyranny of a usurper, who made his way to the throne by a succession of falsehoods, perjuries, and frauds, which, in the case of any one amenable to the laws, would have long since sub jected him to the most disgraceful, if not to extreme punishment—(Hear, hear)—a being who, in addi tion to his public, has long laboured under the im putst:on of private crimes,. of almost unparalleled enormity—such as are recorded of a Comodus or a Caracalla rather than such as belong to the vicious of modern times,--a being who exhibits, in the face of Europe, the brand on his brow of the pardon which he obtained from his King and his father for an act of parricidal rebellion. In what I have said of this person, I have only anticipated the sentence which history will pronounce upon him. In what I have said of him, I have only said what his Majesty has twice told Parliament, although in milder lan guage, from the Throne. His Majesty has twice told Parliament, that he and all the other great Powers of Europe had been obliged to cut off all diplomatic intercourse with that great branch of the Christian family,. Portugal, for above twelve istotiths. Sir, this was a mark of the displeasure of Europe unexampled in the history of nations. It proves that Europe has sat in judgment on that man whose conduct has brought disgrace on his once illustrious and still respectable country ; for what can be a greater disgrace to ally country than to de clare, that it is unfitted by the yoke of a foul and dishonourable usurpation under which it is groaning, for the maintenance of the usual relations of peace and amity among nations ? While, however, this person was enjoying the semblance of royalty in Portugal, his Majesty and his Majesty's Ministers, with great propriety, recognised and acknowledged the legitimate tights of her Most Faithful Majesty Donna Maria 11. Her Majesty was received by the King with that graceful and dignified courtesy for which his Majesty is sp distinguished and which so cell becomes him. She was received by the Eng lish nation with those feelings which her station, her sex, and her age, are so well calculated to elicit.— Still, however, we ought to inquire into the fruits which her Majesty is likely to derive from her: resi dence in England. I think I am not asserting too much when I assert that this is a case in which the House ()tight to feei, - vapictiallSeijialaus of the na tional honour-eetthat this is a case in which we ought critically to examine into the conduct:Of our : Government,. with reference to one of the unpro tected and defenceless Allies of the country. In entering upon the question, I. slaril!' lithdet:thc. necessity of stating at some) kilo' the reasons on which 1 found the motiont with which I shall con clude; namely, for SIP. Address to his Majesty, praying fur the communication of such papers as may throw light on the relations between Portugal and this country, from the year 1826 to the present time. Sir, it is well known that in the year 1825, a Treaty of Reconciliation between Portugal and Brazil, founded on the principle of a peaceful sepa ration of the two brarichea,of the. Empire was nego. ciated under thn'Attspices of Austria and France. That Treaty iras concluded in August, 1825. At that hegociation, Sir Charles Stuart, of whose distin guished abilities and eminent character it is quite unnecessary for me to speak, acted as the Minister Plenipotentiary of King John the Sixth. This is a circutnetence well Worthy the attetiOtits f the Howe. So Close ttA ihe'l.:teiiti6n with England with thiS freaky of separation, that Sir Charles Stuart Was selected by King John as his Plenipo tentiary on this important occasion. In the March following the conclusion of the treaty, King john the Sixth died. By his will he appointed his daughter the Infanta Regent of Portugal, until Den Mituel should arrive at Lisbon from I , 7 iSftia. Don Miguel then barred the rights he afterwards usurps, by the most soltaits oaths, and by promises of a nature not inferior to oaths with men of conscience. He has by the most sacred of oaths acknowledged before the Powers of Europe the rights pf Don Pedro and of the Regency of Donna Malin ; during the minority of the Infanta whom he has acknowledged as the lawful Queen of liertugal. It is impossible for the Govern ment of England to undo what it has done, and re lesse itself from the reCognikicn, which, by its con duct, it has given to the arrangements of Don Pedro. After the death of Dan John, his son Don Pedro pro eeiled to draw up the Treaty of Separation between the two'states of Brazil and Portugal, and his situation was, I must confess, of a very peculiar nature. As far as I am acquainted with the subject, there is no instance in histiry exactly analogous to this. How ever, Don Pedro proceeded to execute his Treaty of Separation between the States of the Brazils anal the ancient Kingdom of Portugal. By that Treaty he has renounced all rights and pretensions as per manent King of Portugal. On the other hand, however, Don Pedro had authority over Portugal for the purposes of patting the Treaty in execution. If this be denied-=if he had no such authority, I ask who had? How was the Treaty to be executed ? Of necessity, therefore, although after the Treaty he was not King of Portugal for any permanent purposes—although he was not King of Portugal in the sense of a lasting Sovereign—he was King of Portugal for the time necessary to perform the duty imposed upon him by that Treaty. A reasonable time must have been allowed to him for that pur pase. It is impossible to fix any precise limits to that time, for the period must of necessity have varied according to circumstances; but whatever powers were requisite to put that Treaty into full effect, with these powers Don Pedro was fully and per fectly invested. I hope I have made myself thoroughly understood by the House, and that it is not neces sary for me to state any thing further on this point. This being the case, I proceed to state that Doll Pedro then introduced other measures to accom plish his object of the safe and pacific separation of the two countries. His natural desire was, not only to separate them, but so to separate them that he might preserve the existing relations between the two branches of the house of firaganza. It was his duty as well as his interest to do this, and this country cannot object to the prudential course he pursued in order to effect this object. When, there fore, he abdicated the crown of Portugal, he thought that the marriage of Don Miguel with his daughter, Denim Maria da Gloria, was a species of alliance between the two houses which offered the best hope of at once securing the connection of the family and of preerving the tranquillity of both countries in the moment of separation. This is a measure most painful, and in every respect distressing, to the feel ings of an affectionate father; but Don Pedro was unhappily placed in that situation in which personal feelings were to be sacrificed to the public good. This measure was the introduction of the Constitution, without which the rest. would have been vain. It was necessary that there should be a reasonable distri bution of power between the two parties, so that neither the Royalists nor the Constitutionalists should have the least shadow of advantage over the other, or the arrangement would in reality have been no :security at all to any party. Let whatever may be the opinion of the House as to the fitness of Portugal for a Constitution, all men must agree in this great truth—that after a country has been shakers by civil confusion, every man is entitled to safety.: The only means of safety in this case was in a Constitufon, vesting political power in both parties. This was acknowledged to be the only means to effectually preclude the possibility of one party triumphing over or disturbing the other. These were the means taken in 1826 to effect. the separation of the two countries with the least possi ble chance of evil, and with the greatest prospect of good. It then occurred that the Constitution of Portugal was received at Lisbon; but observe by what hearer it was brought from the Brazils. It was borne back to Lisbon from Rio de Janeiro, by Sir Charles Stuart, who bad gone to Rio from the Portuguese Capital as the Plenipotentiary of Don John the Sixth. I will not enter into the stories circulated as to the propriety or impropriety of this step. I am willing to express myself persuaded that Sir Charles Stuart acted according to the judg ment of an able and honourable man, under the circumstances in which he was placed. He was not to lose time in bringing news likely to produce peace to Portugal. Nor will I enter into the question whether he acted justly or nor, in so openly carrying the Constitution. It is much more easy for men at a distance to make observations and to cast reflections, than for men in emergencies to decide. But I call the attention of the House to the effect produced upon the people of Portugal by a British Plenipotentiary's bringing the Consti tution from Rio de Janeiro. Is it too much for me to ask whether any man in this House, were he a Portuguese, would not in such circumstance augur that the English Government entertained a fa vourable disposition towards the Constitution.— (Hear, hear.)—l call upon any man who differs from me, to state on what grounds he can believe that this was not the inevitable interpretation of every individual of Portugal. If I am riot greatly de. ceived, the Government of Portugal hesitated with respect to the introduction of this Constitution. They were fearful of taking upon themselves the awful responsibility of conferring the benefit trans mitted by the•lawful Sovereign; and they did not carry the Constitution into effect until they desired the advice of his Majesty, through his Ministers; and dispatches were accordingly transmitted, which led to the .reception of the Constitution. It was not till after this dispatch was transmitted that the Constitution -. was promulgated. I must beg to - ask, was such a transaction capable of being tept secret ? The changes of Administration were so great and various in Portugal, that more than one set of Ministers were officially informed of this. It was generally known at Lisbon; and there was not a shadow of doubt that most of the nobi lity of Portugal were. encouraged to manifest their principles by the fact that the Constitu tion was befriended by the ancient - and powerful ally of Portugal. I don't reflect upon the gallant men who are now scattered over the face of the earth by the tyrant : they were conscientiously zealous for the institutions: they supported; but • they found it a vain undertaking, fraught with blood shed and ruin, to support that Constitution without the concurrence conveyed. by the advice of the ally of Portugal. Do I blame that advice ? Do I say that it was any breach of neu trality—any contra vention of international law Far from it. It was a part of the good offices which nations owe to friends, and which imply no undue interference in the affairs of allies. Could stronger encouragement be imagined than that which was given to those who embraced the Constitution ? I will call the attention of the House to the next transaction, and explain a little what I have heard said upon th e subject. Neutrality requires some definition. Neu trality is not an equally good opinion of both par ties, nor an equality of good wishes to both. It does not require a detestable indifference between right and wrong. It did not oblige us to reject petitions or applications from either party. We re gulated the sale of Corsiea, although we were at peace with France. Neutrality was not a point. It was a line within the scope of which each might offer friendly offices, manifest opinions, and express its judgment without any offence to the other party. Neutrality is a line of such length, that a neutral Power may in reality be changing from one extreme point to the otherfromfriendly to. ildt , erte; With out ceasing to bb % . Vithih the line. It is not for any breach bf neutrality that I require any explanation from the Right lion. Gentleman opposite; it is for his conduct towards an ancient ally of England. What tve have done in the recent relations of Spain and France was within the line of neutrality ; and Mr. Canning, in his assistance given to Portugal ; had kept lyithin the same line. But I now revert to the conduct of Don Miguel. On the 30th Oc tober the espousals took place. It was a ceremony of affiance, not of marriage—a betrothing performed before the Nuncio of the Pope and the British Mis nister. This required a Npal dispensation ; and all of which required time and deliberation. The par ties had full time to consider well the consequences of the act in which they were engaged:. On that day, in the presence of those I haVe mentioned, was Don Miguel sworn to the observance of the Consti tution granted to Portugal.—(Hear, hear, hear.) — This was the first of his profanations, his awful and horrible profanations, of all that is held most sa cred upon earth. Whilst the oath was made to maintain the Constitution at Vienna, the rebellion of his partisans against the Constitution was ma tured in Portugal ; and I shall ever consider the landing of the British troops in that country to be ' the most just, honourable, vigorous, and splendid act of policy ever performed in this country.—(Cheers.) —lt saved the country from being enslaved by the rebels set in motion by the conspirators at Vienna. Mr. Canning had the satisfaction of completing the deliverance of Portugal, and he thus repaid the debt of 130 years uninterrupted alliance, which, for more than a century never cost England a single hostile movement. I cannot allude to the next point with out saying a few words on the nature of the autho rities I shall quote. The House will understand, that in the autumn of 18727 the Portuguese Am bassador at Vienna presented a Note, founded upon letters from Don Pedro to the King of Eng land and to other personages. On the basis of that Note, and on the basis also of the opinion of the greatest Ministers of Europe, Don Miguel was ac knoe ledgcd King of Portugal; and a Protocol, a word answering to the English word Minute, was made on the subject. In this Protocol was the De cree of Don Pedro, nominating on the 3d of July, 1827, Don Miguel to be his Lieutenant in the king dom of Portugal, confirming the elisting institutions, and containing provisions for the purposes of carry inginto effect the Constitution or Ckarter granted by him to his Portuguese subjects. This is clearly a conditional appointment of a Lieutenant, as con ditional as words can make it. Next to this was a letter from Don Pedro, addressed to his Britannic Majesty, beseeching him as the most ancient and faithful ally, as the protector of Portugal, not mils , to aid in placing Don Miguel in the Regency, but to take care that the Constitutional Charter should be come and be as a fundarnentary law to the kingdom, I quote from memory, but 1 believe I quote cor rectly, and, if I am - wrong, the Right Hon. Gent. opposite can correct me. There is a letter of the same date addressed by Don Pedro to the father-in law of Don Miguel, the Emperor of Austria. The Emperor of the Brazils desired the aid of the greater Powers, not simply to support the Re gency of Don Miguel, but to carry into effect the Constitutional Charter. When this Protocol was produced, Prince Metternich—for it is ridiculous for rue to hesitate to name the person to whom I have alluded—as the first Minister of Europe, naturally thought that the first question was to ascertain whe ther Don Miguel would accept and observe the conditions of the Regency. He was determined to ascertain this; because, on this condition alone his Court was asked by Don Pedro to co-operate in putting Don Miguel in possession of the Regency. He did wish to ascertain not only whether he would promise to carry into effect the Constitution, but whether he were resolved, in every part of his con duct, to avoid all that might tend to impress per sons with a contrary opinion. Prince Metternich, in his first conversation with Don Miguel, found him impracticable as to the route which he would take to Portugal. His return to Portugal by the way of England, it was urged, would be a security to the Constitutional party. The people of Por tugal, by his coming from England, would infer, that as lie was sent to them by a free people, he was not coming to destroy free institutions. There were at that time two Portuguese Plenipoten tiaries—the Viscounts Villa Real and Villa Secca and these arguments were an encouragement to the former to undertake the hazardous expedition. — This was well known to the greater part of those who took an active part in the politics of Portugal, and it induced them to think well of the disposition of England. Prince Metternich confirmed this idea. Don Miguel declined returning to Portugal by the way of England. He said he knew that very strong prejudices existed in that country against him, and that he was afraid of meeting with a very bad reception. Persons of his description very well understand in what light they are viewed in countries of this sort. Don Miguel formed a just estimation of the virtuous feelings of the people of England ; but he did not trust to his own powers of imposing on their generosity by his powers of hypocrisy. Prince Metternich told btm that he could not return to Portugal through Spain. Austria would not consent. At length Don Miguel had an interview with a much higher person, to whom he was bound to speak truth, if truth were in him. He spontaneously—for these are the words of the docu ment I quote—he spontaneously assured the August Person of his intention strictly to fulfil the injunc tions and commands of his brother, Don Pedro. — Afterwards Prince Metternich was under the neces 3ity of telling him that he had only two parts to choose—to return to Portugal through England, or to wait at Vienna the ulterior determination of Don Pedro. I claim the attention of the House to the bearings of this proceedimr. The English Minister at Vienna, who was placed, as it were, between the August Person to whom I have alluded, and Prince Metternich, transmitted to England an account of these proceedings in a letter which I have read, and MIMI was ordered to be communicated to his Ma jesty's principal Secretary of State. No dissatis faction was manifested by this Government, nor by any party to these proceedings. Prince Metternich's acts were ratified by the other Powers of Europe, end whence had he the right to direct the path of Don Miguel in his return to Portugal? If I doubted his right upon this occasion I should be afraid to express it, for it would amount to an impeachment of the Governments of Europe for being parties to an act of false imprisonment. Whence had P r i n ce Metternich the right ? Was it derived from the ori ginal commitment of Miguel to prison by his father for his attempt at parricide, and for his re bellion against King John the Sixth ? Had sen tence of transportation been enforced, and had Don Miguel refused time terms of liberation ? The Powers of Europe had engaged as allies of Pedro to acknowledge the Government of Portugal in such a manner as was consistent with their peace and safety. By his engagement - with Pedro, Prince Metternich had acquired a right of doing what he had done. He had a right to insist that the conditions of Don Pedro were observed, and to insist th a t Mi gue l should not goto Portugal until he had given a satis factory answer. His powers were urgent, an d he dictated that unless Don Miguel should take the proper course to Portugal, he would detain him at Vienna till the determination of Don Pedro was 'known. This was a strong proof that he considered that the Monarch had a right to exercise his discre tion as to die terms upon which Don Miguel should exercise the Regency of Portugal. Miguel wrote a letter to his brother, assuring him that he accepted the Regency with the deepest gratitude, and that he repaired to Portugal with the determination to carry into effect the Coniititution granted to his faithful subjects. lie wrOit a simitar letter to the king of England and to his Most .Christian Majesty. He likewise wrote a letter dictated in strong language to his sister the Infanta, Regent of Portugal, and directed her to make public that letter for the satis faction of his faithful subjects. In his letter to his brother be had had the boldness, the perverted cou rage, to speak of supporting the Constitution to which he had his terms being, the Constitution d moi jure. Phis solemn oath had been confirmed at the ceremony of his espousals. In consequence of these professions he was permitted to return to Portugal by way of England. Den Miguel was placed in a situation which enabled him to accomplish his usur pation. If they were gulled by his frauds, which it in evident they were, so far as to give him the means of completing his crime, by defeating the purpose of his brother, and destroying the rights of his sub jects; and if they supposed that they were entitled to impose conditions, when did the right to intro duce those conditions cod ? If they could demand those conditions, they had morally the right to re quire (I do not believe it would be necessary to compel) him to desist, when at Lisbon, from ac complishing that which, itt Consequence of his frauds, they had, to a certain extent, aided him to attain. I confess I feel much interested upon this point, be cause I a:n anxious that the slightest speck of sus picion should be removed from the character of this country; and to skew that nothing has been left undone to preserve our ancient ally, in a situation of the utmost need, from the depth of disgrace and misfortune into which he has fallen. Don Miguel is carried back, attended by a British Ambassador. Conferences took place in London, of which I shall mention nothing; but the protocols of all those con ferences were sent out to the Brazils. Don Pedro was apprised of all that was done, in consequence of Don MigueN promises and engagements at Vienna and in London, and as the effect of the advice of his allies. Entertaioing no just suspicions, and in con sequence of tile appearance of affairs in Portugal, he dispatched his daughter Donna Maria to Europe, to complete what had been commenced. I take what passed to amount to a verbal engagement, of which a minute was preserved by the Ministers of the great Powers of Europe, acting in the names of their Go vernments, and which wasbinding in faith and honour upon all of them. I conceive that they acquired the most - indisputable right to oblige, if necessary, but at all events to require Don Miguel to desist from his conduct, and to place the parties deteri ed by de ception in the situation they would have occupied. Don Pedro acted upon the conviction of the nature and extent of the verbal engagement, and lie sent his daughter to Europe to be married. Don Miguel arrived in England in the last days of February, 1828, attended by a British Ambassador—a person whose previous and subsequent conduct has been distingnshed by as much skill and sagacity as were, perhaps, ever displayed in diplomacy. He was at tended also by a loan ; and here I will mention some circumstances connected with these affairs, that seemed to afford remarkable encouragement to the friends of the Constitution. Count Villaflor, a Member of the •Administration at Lisbon, knowing Don Miguel better than the Cabinet of Vienna, as soon as he knew that Don Miguel was about to re turn to Portugal, procured himself to be appointed on an embassy to Paris, in order to escape from the wolf when he should re-enter his den. It was thought that this circumstance would excite suspi cion; and letters were written front Vienna, en treating Count .Villatlor to remain at his post, and assuring him that Don Miguel would injure nobody. He was therefore persuaded to continue in Portugal although he afterwards fortunately escaped. Was not this, let me ask, an encouragement to the whole body of the Constitutionalists, and did it not lead to the conclusion that all parties would be tole rated, and none oppressed ? I feel that I ought to pass over this portion of the subject as quickly as I can. I need not go over, in detail, all the steps of this man's usurpation, for they are perfectly well known. Perhaps the most scandalous and disgusting of all his perjuries was the oath he appeared to take, but which he slurred over, in the presence of the Cortes, and of the whole diplomatic body at Lisbon. He seemed to swear, but only muttered unintelligible words; and while he satisfied those whe believed him sincere, he kept a reserve for his own conscience when he chose to break through that sacred obliga tion. Of all his base perjuries, this was the liasest ; it arose out of the most paltry cowardice and the lowest superstition, and it offered the grossest indig nity to that sanction he affected to regard. Nothing more shocking can be conceived thaw -for a Prince of one of the noblest families of Europe at the mo ment of his inauguration to resort to one of those knavish tricks practised in this country only by the vilest wretches at the Old Bailey (or said to be practised by them, for I trust they are slandered), in hopes at once to cheat their own consciences and the Searcher of Hearts. Miguel was soon found out by the leaders of the Constitutional party. During the month of March, be gave such evident marks of his determination in the dissolution of the Cortes, and in the calling of a new Assembly, that he might • justly be deemed guilty of rebellion against his bro ther, and there is no doubt that all the faithful subjects • of Don Pedro were entitled, nay, bound by their al ' legiance, to.endeavour to resist the accomplishment of his treasonable purposes. Nobody, as it seems to me, can doubt this principle. They owed it to their loyalty and to their love of liberty to oppose him. There existed, however, one insurmountable obstacle —the British troops were not yet removed; and one instruction to their commander was to guard the per son of the Regent of Portugal from all attacks. The general maxim was non-interference; but an exception was made in favour of the worst man in Portugal, who had already waded through so many perjuries to the very verge of criminal usurpation. I do not mention this fact as any matter of blame; but I have no manner of doubt that at that time, but for the presence of the English troops, the Constitu tional party had the means of sending this recreant brother to the Brazils, to receive the provision the Emperor Don Pedro might assign, and which, what ever it might be, was much beyond his merits. The Constitution would thus have been preserved until fresh orders were received from Rio Janeiro. But the British army was there, and it remained there for three months, only to make it impossible for the friends of the Constitution to preserve it from de struction. I admit that this course might possibly be justified on-the principles interchanged between the Thrones of Europe; but I must say that it was most unfortunate, and the consequences that at tended the evactiation of Portugal were extremely disastrous. At least it imposed a duty of tenfold caution on the part of the British Government in all its subsequent proceedings on this subject. S:r F. Lamb, acting with the decision and vigour that became - him, returned the loan ; but time was af forded the Usurper and those who were his crea tures to remove all loyal officers and troops from the garrisons, and to supply their place by rebels whom the British troops had driven out of Portugal six months before ; and thus, by the influence of the Priests, Don Miguel succeeded in effecting his usur pation. Our forces aided him by their presence until his power was established, and only quitted Portugal when liberty was at an end. I argue that no higher than the point I have stated—l should tire the House were Ito go into detail of all the cir cumstances, and the unfortunate blockade of Oporto I discussed last year. I shall only say now, that I lament that the words " Prince Regent of Por tugal" were ever used, and that I did not hear last year, and have not yet heard, why other and more general terms were not employed. I must also say, that I do not yet think the proposal to suspend the blockade until the pleasure of Don Pedro had been taken so absurd as it was represented. I ought also to remark, with respect to the events that followed being taken as a proof of the national sense of Por tugal, that all the information I have received from the best authorities leads me extremely to doubt it. I believe that much delay was occasioned by the dif ferences respecting the Commanders-in -Chief; and if a body of troops had advanced suddenly from Coimbra upon Lisbon, it is the opinion of the whole diploinatie body that no resistance would have been made g in defence of the Government of Don Miguel. It is known as a fact to all Europe that the Queen Mother was prepared to fly to Spain, and it is universally thought by the best informed and most intelligent persons in Lisbon, that if the insurgents had at that moment advanced not a blow would have been struck. In consequence of these unfor tunate proceedings, the great body of royalists and royal troops was compelled to leave the territory of Portugal: they had the double honour of being treated—severely and ignominiously in Spain, and liberally and generously in France. Some landed in England, and were fixed at Plymouth ; and after the calumnies that have issued from some quarters, it is but fair to mention that the whole of the respectable inhabitants of that town, at a public meeting, passed a vote in favour of the conduct of the troops, and presented a petition to the King that they might not be re moved. I now approach a transaction to which I cannot allude without considerable pain; but before I come to that I must shortly allude to some nego ciations v%hich took place between the Portuguese and Brazilian Ministers and the King's Government, between the months of February and November. We may be said to have been then in a very extra , ordiHary state in some respects. 'I here were three Ministers in this country representing the House of Braganza. First, the Marquis of Barbacena, sent by Don Pedro with his Royal daughter, in a confi dential capacity; next, the Marquis Palmella, Am bassador from the kingdom of Portugal ; and lastly, the Viscount Itabayana, Ambassador from the Go vernment of Brazil. Now, as to the Marquis Pal mella, the Government he had come to represent was at an end, and his occupation was therefore gone : as Brazil was separated from and quite inde pendent of Portugal, the Viscount Itabayana could have no connection with the affairs of the latter, while the Marquis de Barbacena had been only deputed by the head of the House of Braganza, as the guardian and protector of the Royal daughter of that family. For this reason they were none of them recognised and treated with officially, and this, by what used to be called in my time in Courts of Law, rather sharp practice—a sort of international special pleading. This is a case, I will venture to say, without parallel; I find nothing like it in the history of' international law. The daughter is recognised as Queen, but our Ministers will not acknowledge her father as her natural guardian, nor will they recognise any Ministers to act on her behalf. What sort of recognition is this ? It is putting only a barren sceptre in her hand. No similar case having occurred, the dictate of common sense was to consider that nature and nee cessity had given to Don Pedro the guardianship of the young Queen, and that any Minister she might employ ought to have been treated with on the affairs of Portugal. In a memorable instance a So vereign of England,jealous of authority, especially on the subject I am about to mention, did not behave with such extreme civility of punctilio. With all our admiration for the genius of Elizabeth, we must admit that mildness was not one of her character istics. An. Ambassador was sent to this country from the deposed Queen of Scots : strictly, as the agent of a deposed Prince, lie was not entitled to the privileges of an official Envoy, but Elizabeth waved that ceremony ; and it was not until he was engaged in a plot of assassination against her, or at least of rebellion, that, after consultation with her Ministers, he was imprisoned for a time, and subse quently set at large. The head of the House of Braganca was the national guardian of the young Queen of Portugal, and in that light he should have been treated. The subject of negociation, official and unofficial, which afterwards took place, was a claim, on the ground of alliance, for the guarantee of the Constitution—it was a call for assistance. I will not enlarge on the nature of the correspond ence : arid, looking at the whole of the Treaties, perhaps, I am disposed to admit that such a gua rantee is not within the limits of them—that there is nothing amounting to a guarantee—nothing which imposes the necessity of supporting the Constitution by a military force. At the same time, I must allow that it required but little self or national par tiality in the Portuguese Minister to draw the very opposite inference. The number 'of treaties is so great—the difficulties are so considerable, and some passages in them are so strong, that it is not unna tural to think that, on the whole, they amount to a guarantee. As to the aid given to these ancient treaties by the Protocols at Vienna, I have already expressed my opinion. I have stated what I think, and what I shall continue to think until my notion shall be changed by argument—via. that the agree ment of the Ministers at Vienna, and the acts done, amounted to a promise to Don Pedro to cause his Lieutenancy to be carried into effect according to the provisions he prescribed for its execution. It implied a duty on the part of the Powers who were deceived into a permission to permit Don Miguel to go to Portugal, to take measures to prevent him from accomplishing the purposes lie denied before he went, and avowed when he arrived. But I do not argue the matter so high ; I only ask whether these treaties bordering upon guarantee—ap proaching nearer that frontier than any series of si milar documents in history—treaties which have endured for 4.50 years, from the reign of Ed ward 111. to that of Geo. IV., accompanied as they were by promises from Vienna, were at lest an encouragement of the strongest kind to the friends of the Constitution in Portugal, to lead them to exeect the support and aid of Great Bri tain. No treaty can be made with a people; they_ have no character separate from the state of which they are members, and you can only treat with the state. The encouragement here was both by words and by acts—acts amounting to promises, and pro mises producing excitement, and the expectation of positive aid to carry into effect the only engagement that can be contracted with a people. The nego ciation respecting the Portuguese troops began in November, and an unofficial correspondence on the subject was entered into with my friend the Mar quis Palmella, one of the representatives of the House of Braganza in this country. It was unoffi cial, because it was said that the Minister was un authorised. When speaking of the Marquis Pal mella, I may say of him that he has been engaged in the most important political transactions of Eu rope for the last sixteen years, and that he distin guished himself early at the Congress of Vienna. I believe there is not a man in Europe who is more incapable of practising any approach, even the most remote, towards deception. One object of the cor respondence was to disperse the Portuguese troops at Plymouth over the West of England, and to separate them from their officers. Nobody could for a moment imagine or pretend that that force en dangered the tranquillity of this country or threatened a descent upon Portugal ; but the proposal of the Marquis Palmella was, that rather than annihilate the last remai'ts of the faithful troops of Donna Maria, he would send them to Brazil. I beg the House to observe when this occurred : it was on the 20th November. From the 20th November to the 23d December, the Marquis Palmella persisted in framing his request ill such a manner that Brazil might be the destination of the troops. Why then did he change? On account of events in Terceira, the principal island of the Azores. Terceira, which for a moment only had been occupied by the partisans of Don Miguel in the month of June, had proclaimed Don Pedro, and had regularly acceded to the Constitu tion. An insurrection was excited by some Priests in December, but order was soon restored, and the legal authorities of the island proclaimed Donna Maria 11. on the 4th December. On the 23d Des cember, or a day or two before, the Marquis Pal mella received ail account that the . authority of the Queen had been completely re-established, and uni versally acknowledged. From that moment he changed the nature of his application, and desired leave to send the troops to Terceira. In a letter dated of advises the 23d l)e c f e r m o e r t , h e e Azores,st ated thatlie wishedit conse quence ro change the destination of the troops. I mention the dates with great anxiety, because exactness is ne cessary to the vindication of the Marquis Palmella. Ile stated to the Duke of Wellington his reasons r I i .or mos rig the change, and I have before me a IWO --.: body of documents from Terceira, containing ' t he l Proclamation of Donna Maria, and Addresses fron t the local authorities of all descriptions, b y which i t appears that although the public peace had been for a short time disturbed by the influence of the Priests, yet, that from the mouth of November, the Clove r '''. merit of Donna Maria was completely esta blished. I will not say that there might trot b ell ! guerilla or two, or a few banditti in the mou e " tains, but nothing that could be called a resist' ante to her authority. I will not fatigue the House by detailing these documents, but they fully bear out the point. I have maintained ; and under these circumstances, the Marquis Palmella thought there could be no reasonable objection to his prow' sition. There might be an objection to rernoviil- - the troops to any country actually Usurper. I do not say that we should not be boul to prevent them from going to Portugal ; but at S . events the Marquis Pahnella supposed he had right to transport the troops of Donna Maria to, territory which acknowledged her soveraltP. That would be a movement of a perfectly Pae i L fic. nature ; the preparation and the sailing ,of troops were no violation of neutrality; and th: British Government had no right to milli-Jain. do not know how this is to be answered. SuPli e. obeying the, ing the fact to be that Terceira was then in °he'. dierice to Donna Maria, how far is the contrary pi l l: position to go ? Should we hinder Don Migtie. from sending troops which happened to be in land to Lisbon, because they might afterwards be transported to the Azores ? Should we attempt t 0 hinder his despatching troops from Lisboar tti s ; deira ? It seems to be, that if the territori fe which troops are destined be in obedience td 7;f . Prince whose troops they arc, there can be nom or° breach of neutrality in suffering them to depor t, than in suffering his troops to march from one poi; of his dominions to another. This is not a as to the Azores generally, but as to Terse, particularly, which had acknowledged the authority of Donna Maria ; and the mere circunistan ee , that other islands possessing the same g e t ; neral name were not in her allegiance, coal e • not divest Terceira of the character the dominion of Donna Maria. It is said that the troops had a hostile intention against Portugal; bat. why is that assumed ? They went without arms tO strengthen the garrisons, arid why might,not • the , Queen send her troops to Terceira for that purpOte Supposing, however, for a moment, that the em' barkation of the troops was a breach of neutralitY, and that the 'British Government was bound to P re ' vent it en its own so'l, and in its own waters, does questioa it fellow that it was to pursue the ships over 14° . whole ocean, and to allow them to land on n o v er' of the world ? Where are the authorities in fail° of such a proceeding ? Where are the exaniPlth taken from good times, in support of such a (1 9„ e. Itrine ? It sounds to my ears an alarming inll°„-; tion, unsupported by the laws of nations, and 1. ( 1 ,, which I never yet heard alleged the shadow g o reason. We might have some pretence for what did in our own jurisdiction, but what right /1 0 ,1 to interfere with the vessels of an indepell°`" - power on the high seas, and still more to P au i i them within gunshot of the island of Terceira, 811 0 there commence hostilities? The House will p ie° to consider the condition in which the faithful P°1:: ttignese subjects have been placed. What a mnes t y from such a quarter can be relied upon ?—wke t s i e ; curity which the tyrant can give can satisfy a nd en' i v the fears of the people of Portugal ? This anie st • had been granted in consequence of tile i nte rventil. of two of the most powerful States of Europe , the reason of their intervention was, because it voi, probable that the peace of Europe might be al; fected by the state of Portugal. But I ask, who sort of an amnesty could be granted by suc h ° a .. man as Miguel, who has sacrificed every duty aa . „, brother and a subject--who has imbrued h is hon ` f in the blood of those who have been faithful to their, Sovereign arid to their-oaths of allegiance ?'what security could emanate • from such a' source as th! . present Ministry of P or t u g a l, who had sa crificet! every duty as faithful subjects—who bad betraYed 511 that they should hold dear as - men ; and w ho ha l', yielded tip to destruction those whom they Ir L er el : bound by every tie to defend and protect ? security, I repeat, that can be relied upon--78-, amnesty that may riot be broken at any moment,„t come from such a foul arid impure source ? only advantage which can possibly attend such:Pr?: ceedings will be in the universal detested& which they are held by the whole of Europe, ° P t the hatred which will naturally be excited ag ei t all similar attempts. Indeed it were out o f power of language to describe the abhorrene...e.:"o which this detestable tyrant is held by all who h o o f the least pretensions to the feelings or sympat hies : men—l cannot paint in language sufficiently sit4lzp7; the contempt and hate which have been riniveta.` l e t excited against him whose hands have been cow ers with the blood of those whom he had bound kr self by the most sacred oaths to maintain anti:j'; fend.--(Hear, hear.)--I trust that the young Ol io which has been committed to our keeping treated in a more honourable manlier than I gt beard some surmise might possibly occur. I L .- s e this Illustrious Princess will not be conaignd to the keeping of him who has shown ki n ",, s t the most -faithless of subjects and the 01 " • cruel of tyrants, and who; as a consequent fe, his conduct, would be the worst husband in Eur,P h ei I trust that to the' father of this lady alone will " e d, be delivered up, and that the conduct now Pe rliu- he as Well towards her as to the people over whom the tyrant now rules, will induce all PortugUese r d , • are still faithful to their allegiance, to exert the"selves to restore to that. Throne to which she is Jre b . e . titled, as well by the rights of legitimacy as by t voice of the people, this Illustrious P r incess•tio also that constitutional liberty, without which t h e can be neither security of person or property• course now in operation in Portugal will, I li e f v ; induce the illustrious father of this lady to rest', I never to abandon her cause. I•should lament kt, could believe that the wishes of Don Pedro, -With regard to the detention of his daughter in Engl e h il o i had been opposed. 1 should grieve to think t" • this country could, under any circumstariceso be t aa party to the appearance of wishing to detai n t lady in Europe, after her father had 'expres sed o f . , contrary wish. I wait with a sure anticipation eo. the return of better times, and that" until t ie d . Donna Maria will be returned—if such should continue to be the wish-of those nearest ‘7 o f , cerned—to the most safe Custody, namely, t_. h t t re' her Illustrious Father. I should oppose most " - t aa nuously all such attempts, which I trust, to t ' ; ra t • honour of this country and of Europe, twill n e ot: be made. 1 have, indeed, heard rumours thot iap e two most powerful and greatest Powers in E 11 :, - ,d had united for the purpose of opposing the exP r h ,`. - e at.. opinions and wishes of Don Pedro on the 511 7,i e ss I repeat, I hope, for the honour of those eotl i Nsat arid of mankind, that such rumours are vo t ",,,e ; foundation. I would ask, if such could be the c u b e. whether the faithful Portuguese could hope t ..a .,"iii able to resist the present Government•there, otPeor, to attempt, with any chance of success, to ree7,oo, their rights and liberties? I hope for the sake ° ;d ate faithful Portuguese—l hope for the sake of thert'etbe and liberties of these unhappy people—l hope fog sake of humanity arid the welfare of mankind'at that the detestable tyranny which now is donlielto; that unhappy country, will soon be put an . e!l „Ater, and that a rightful Sovereign will be restored Ol ; vole° 'a faithful subjects, and the latter to tne enjoy %Te ti-- their constitutional rights and liberties. I° l 4 doubt but that the reign of Don Miguel will 9 1 1 ) .4 be brought to a close, and that without there, por any necessity for resorting to the assistance olgoald Pedro; and that better and brighter W I bop again dawn upon Portugal.—(Hear, hear.) 'OO4 that the great Powers in Europe will adopt In e t ti opt to put a stop to the present abominable sYsi (00'' Portugal; that they will require Don Mig° wer e indeed, they are bound to do so, as the guarantees to his brother and to the people of I yrort o", gal for his good conduct) to administer thgs;Dge which he 'swore to maintain; Out dot wim