The Sun. — London, England, 1862-09-23 00:00:00

"THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 23, 1862. IRE KINGDOM OF ITALY. (From the Times' Correspondent.) TURIN, SEPT. 19. The rumours, well or ill founded, of the intended dissolution of the Chamber, or of the close of the Parliamentary session, have led to the publication of an unedited letter of Count Cavour, which pos sesses, in my opinion, sufficient interest to deserve to be laid before English readers, not only as illus trative of the sound political views of that great man, but also as pointing out the line of policy which it will be wise for his successors to pursue. The letter was written to a political friend in Tus cany, I believe the avvocato Vincenzo Salvagnoli Turin, Oct. 2, 1860. "My dear Friend,—l thank you for your letter of the 30th of October last, but I cannot accept the advice which it conveys. To speak freely to you, I think it would be a fatal proposal to ask Parliament to grant full powers to the King, to be exercised till every Italian question has been brought to a complete solution. You must, doubtless, re collfct how loudly the Engltsh journals reproached the Italians for having put in abeyance their constitutional franchise during the war of last year. To renew such a disposition now, in a period of apparent peach, would have the most fatal effect on public opinion in England, and on all the liberals on the continent. As to the interior of the State, such a measure would certainly not restore concord in the great National party. The best means of showing how far the country is from sharing Mazzini's views is to allow Parliament the freest exercise of its censure and control. The favourable vote which the Ministry may obtain from a great majority of the deputies will give them a moral authority far superior to any dictatarship. Your advice would precisely tend to give effect to Garibaldi's notion, for a great revolutionrry dictaiorship is what he aims at—a dictatorship to be wielded by the King without the control of the press, without individual or Par liamentary securities. I hold, on the contrary, that it will not be the least title for glory to Italy to have it said that she how to constitute herself into a nation without sacri ficing freedom to independence, Without passing through the hands of a Cromwell without falling into a revolutionary despotism. Now, this object can only be attained by seek ing in the co-operation of Parliament the only moral force which may be able to overcome the secret societies (la Bette) and to secure the sympathies of liberal Europe. To go back to the committee of Public Safety, or, what would be tan tamount to them, to the revolutionary dictatorship of one or more men, would be to kill that legal liberty which we wish to go hand in hand with national independence.—Be lieve me, ever, &c,, " C. CAvoun." The proclamation of the state of siege of Naples and Palermo was already a sufficiently broad depar ture from the sound principles devoloped is this short but most significant letter, and it is to be hoped that M. Rattazzi will not dwell upon his de signs of a dissolution of Parliament, or even of the close of the session, if he ever harboured them, as the prolonged interruption of the labour of the Chambers in the present disorder of the financial, political, and administrative situation of the country would be almost equivalent to a coup d'etat, and would reveal an intention to govern the country by at least a temporary dictatorship. As to the South itself it would be difficult, indeed, to depre cate the continuation of the state of siege there for a few weeks more, seeing that that measure, harsh and illegal as it certainly was, was nevertheless attended with good effects, and was hailed by the Neapolitans especially as a most salutary provision. These two Southern kingdoms, as I told you at the time of their annexation, would have to be won over again to the common country by sheer con quest. The populace of both Sicilies, as it came out of the Bourbons' hands, was decidedly the most corrupt and degenerate, not only of all Ita lian, but of all European races ; yet it is, at the same time, perhaps, naturally one of the most re deemable and improvable. The first great object with any man placed at the head of the Govern ment in these two kingdoms was, if, and must be, to establish public security on a permanent basis ; and this could not be done without an open war to be waged against brigandage and the Camorra. The power to carry on such a war is all that La Marmora asked for at Naples, and Cialdini or his successor, Brignone, in Sicily. The results of their work are already seen in the hundreds of ruffians who are torn by main force from the dens of vice and infamy which disgraced those Southern cities, and who are restored to the gaols and bagnios from which they, in an evil hour, were let loose upon a defenceless society. The whole of the old Bourbon edifice of popular demoralisation must be pulled down, by gentle or harsh means, before the basis for a new fabric of rational freedom can be reared. The task of regenerating that part of Italy will be eventually found to be far less difficult and much shorter than men conceive. Already we hear that perfect tranquillity has reigned at Naples and Palermo for this last score of days—a proof that the mass is sound at heart, and only longed to be rid of Hu, &To hold malefactors who tarrtn.,,a, ai.- traded, and degraded it. SEPT. 20. The deliberation which took place in the Council of Ministers with respect to the expediency of a dissolution of Parliament at this crisis has given great offence to the Minister of Grace and Justice, the upright and good Raffaele Conforti, who has tendered his resignation to the King. The resigna tion has not been accepted, and it is believed that the opposition of his honourable colleague has stag gered M. Rattazzi in his resolution. The firm and dignified behaviour of the loyal Conforti, however, has given offence to men at the head of the adminis tration, whose semi-official organs are incited, or at least allowed to fall foul of the Keeper of the Seals to their heart's content. The King's Govern ment had sent a private circular to the Prefects, especially of the Southern provinces, to ask their opinion as to the probable results of a general elec tion. The Neapolitan Prefects almost unanimously wrote in such a tone as to dissuade their chief from a dissolution, seeing the present temper of the po pulation, under their rule, boded no good to the present Cabinet. M. Rattazzi must, therefore, be fain to put up with such a Chamber as he now has, only putting off the evil day by a close of the session, and prolonging the present recess at least till November. Not only the Opposition papers, but even some of the organs moat heartily attached to the present Ministry, as, for instance, the Gazetta del Popolo, very bitterly, complain of the frequent seizure of several journals, which has lately been of almost daily occurrence. There is good brotherhood and solidarity among the various members of the Italian press, and all are ready to resent as a personal offence any encroachment on the common right of a free utterance of opinion. The attack which has roused the greatest resentment is that which fell upon the 'Vero, Opinione, and Gazetta dt Torino, the first -named a stanch partisan of the Government, the two others moderate and Conservative—all of which papers were seized simply for reporting part of a speech of Garibaldi, although all of these papers a ccompanied their quotations with unqualified dis approbation. How, it is asked with great justice, can we hope to be a bl e efficiently to refute the opinions of our adversaries if no allusion to their sayings and doings is allowed? "The very defence of the laws, of the King, of the Government, of the army, &e., would," says the Mini s t er i al Gazetta del Popolo, " become altogether impossible if one can not venture to make known the thrust s which it is our duty to parry." Rattazzi seems, above all things, anxious to give proofs of great vigour, but he should learn from Cavour that it is not by for cibly hushing np Parliament and the press that a Minister may hope to sway the p u blic mind. Ther e is no disposition in Italy, as far as I can make out, to put up with this kind of incipient Imperialism. - Professor Partridge has been received with every demonstration of honour by Dr, Ripari and all the medical men under whose care Garibaldi had placed himself by his own choice. You are aware that 'Lipari, a Garibaldian doctor, was by the side of his chief at the moment the latter fell wounded at As promonte. I believe he was at the head of the Volunteer Medical Staff both in 1860 and this year. Ripari and two of his colleagues, after dressing the hero's wounds on the ill-omened field of battle, em harked with him on board the Duca di Genova, landed with him at Spezzia, and stood by him ir " during the whole of the confinement at at e arig nano. On first hearing of Garib aldi's arrival th e most distinguished doctors were sent to w a i t Upon the General by onler of the Government and of the King himself, and leave was given, besides, to v i s i t him, to all the members of the faculty who proffered their aid, and whom the illustrious captive wishcd or consented to see, with the single exception of Ber t ani, whose political inktence over Garibaldi's mind caused the Government some very pardonable un easiness. You may easily understand, unier such circumstances, that no hindrance could b 3 made to Professor Partridge's kind assistance. It was con sidered as a rare proof of the sympathy of the Eng lish with the Italian nation that so emii ent a practi tioner should have travelled all the way from London to Spezzia at the suggestion of a liberal committee, and at the expense of a whole legion of voluntary contributors. The interest taken in the welfare of a man whom Italy will always revere and love as her greatest hero could not fail to be most accept able, in whatever manner it might choose to mani fest itself. It was only feared, and very reasonably as I think, that the doctors about the person of the wounded General might feel some qualms of pro fessional displeasure, as if the mission of the Lon don professor might be meant as an expression of English mistrust in Italian skill. Such a mistrust would have been ill-grounded, as, whatever may be thought of the system of the medical schools in Italy, there can be no doubt as to the excellency of Italian surgical operators. The belief universally prevalent in England, which I shared at the time, and which I perhaps in some measure contributed to spread and strengthen—that Cavour was killed by the lancets of his physicians, undoubtedly gave rise to the disquietude evinced in that country about Garibaldi's fate. It should, however, be kept in mind that the rage for bleeding, for which the Turin doctors have won so sinister a reputation, is as strongly condemned by their brethren of other Italian provinces as by the most uncompromis ing enemy of the Sangrado practice in England. The Italian surgeons, meanwhile, whatever their real inner feelings might be, to all outward seeming gave their much honoured visitor from distant Albion the most cordial and gentlemanly reception, and I have before my eyes long letters by Dr. Ripari, most certainly giving no intimation of pro fessional jealousy and wounded feelings, and ex pressing on the contrary all the sense of the hon our that the presence of the English doctor re flected no less on Italy and Garibaldi than on the professional attendants on the latter. For his own part Professor Partridge awarded his most unqua lified approbation of the mode of treatment hitherto followed with respect to Garibaldi's wounds, and agreed with all that had hitherto been done or was yet to be done towards the completion of the cure. Garibaldi's news, to-day, are most favourable. Zenetti came from Florence to consult with Part ridge. The Court of Caseation at Milan has, it is re ported, come to the resolution that Garibaldi's trial shall take place before the Court of Assizes at Alessandria, M. Rattazzi's native city. 7HE BATTLES IN VIRGINIA. GENERAL POPE'S REPORT. The following official report of General Pope has been published:— " Head-quarters, Army of Virginia, Sept. 3,1862. " General,--I have the honour to submit the fol lowing brief sketch of the operations of this army since the 9th of August. I moved from Sperryville, Little Washington, and Warrenton, with the corps of Banks and Sigel, and one division of M'Dowell's corps, numbering in all 32,000 men, to meet the enemy, who had crossed the Rapidan, and was ad vancing on Culpepper. The movement towards Gordonsville had completely succeeded in drawing off a large force from Richmond, and in relieving the army of the Potomac from much of the danger that threatened its withdrawal from the Peninsula. The action of August 9, at Cedar Mountain, with the forces under Jackson, which compelled his retreat across the Rapidan, made necessary still fur ther reinforcements of the enemy from Richmond ; and this time, it being apparent that the army of the Potomac was evacuating the Peninsula, the whole force of the enemy concentrated around Rich mond was pushed forward with great rapidity to crush the army in Virginia before the forces eva cuating the Peninsula could be united with it. I remained at Cedar Mountain, and still threatened to cross the Rapidan, until the 17th of August, by which time General Robert Lee had assembled in my front, and within eight miles, nearly the whole rebel army. As soon as I ascertained this fact, and knew that the army of the Potomac was no longer in danger, I drew back my whole force across the Rappahannock, on the night of the 17th and day of the 18th, without loss of any kind, and one day in advance of Lee's proposed movement against me. The enemy immediately appeared in my front at Rappahannock Station, ana attempted to pea. the et- or at that bridge, and the numerous fords above and below, but without success. The line of the upper Rappahannock, which I had been ordered to hold, that the enemy might be delayed long enough in his advance upon Washington to enable the forces from the Peninsula to land and effect a junction with me, was very weak, as it could be crossed at almost any point above the railroad bridge by good fords. By con stant vigilance and activity, and much severe fight ing for three days, the enemy was gradually forced around from the railroad crossing to Waterloo bridge, west of Warrenton. Meantime my force had been much diminished by actual loss in battle, and by fatigue and exposure, so that although I had been joined by a detachment under Gen. Reno and the other division of M'Dowell's corps, my force barely numbered 40,000 men. On the -- a heavy rain fell, which rendered the fords impassable for 24 hours. As soon as I discovered this I concen trated my forces, and marched rapidly upon Sul phur Springs and Waterloo-bridge to drive back the forces of the enemy, which had succeeded in crossing at these points. This was successfully done, and the bridges destroyed. I passed one day, or rather part of one, at Warrenton and beyond. The enemy still continued to move slowly around along the river, maski ng ever y f or d w ith ar till er y I and heavy forces of infantry, so that it was impos sible for me to attack him even, with the greatly inferier forces under my command, without passing the river over fords strongly guarded in the face of superior numbers. The movement of Jackson to ward White Plains and in the direction of Tho roughfare Gap, while the main body of the army confronted me at Sulphur Springs and Waterloo bridge, was well known to me, but I relied confi dently upon the forces which I had been assured would be sent from Alexandria, and one stray divi sion of which I had ordered to take post on the works at Manassas Junction. I was entirely under the belief that these would be there, and it was not until I found my communication intercepted that I was undeceived. I knew that this movement was no raid, and that it was made by not less than 25,000 men under Jackson. By this time the army of Heintzelman, about 10,000 strong, had reached 1 Warrenton Junction ; one division of cita,le hu th w i i n t k, o on t , the very day of the raid; but they came artillery, with only 40 rounds of amunition to the man,without waggons, and even the field and general officers without horses. Fitz-John Porter arrived at Bristow Station, near Rappahannock, with one of his I divisions, 4,000 strong, whilst his other division was still at Barnett's and Kelly's Ford. I directed that corps, about 8,500 strong, to concentrate imme diately at Warrenton Junction, where Heintzelman atihraetadly:k.::: was is was accomplished on the even ing of th e —th. As soon as it became known to me on, the railroad, it became ap parent that the upper Rappahannock was no longer tenable. I could not detach a sufficient force to meet Jackson, and at the same time attempt to con front the main body of the enemy. I accordingly at once evacuted Warrenton and Warrenton Junc tion, directing MiDowell with his own corps and Sigel's, and the division of Reynold's, to march rapidly by the turnpike upon Gainsville, so as to anecand io in st g rusting Reno rpiro n w y iigidiiep reinforcement s; to Jackson intercept t h roug h with his command, and Kearney with one division of Heintzelman'e, to march on Greenwich, so as to support Al 'Bowe!l in case of necessity, I moved back along the railroad upon Manassas Junction. N ear Kettle Run, Hooker came upon the advanc e of i Ewell's division on the afternoon of the 27th. A severe action took place, which terminated at dark, Ewell being driven from the field with the loss of his camp and 300 killed and wounded. Tne unfor tunate oversight of not bringing more than 40 • round s of ammunition became at once alarming. l At n i• ifietfell•Heoker tad . about five rounds to the I man left. As soon as I learned this I sent back i orders to Fitz-John Porter to march with his corps at 1 o'clock that night, so as to be with Hooker at daylight in the morning. The distance was only nine miles, and he received the despatch at 50 minutes past 9 o'clock, but did not reach the ground until after ten o'clock next morning. He can pro bably explain better than I can the reason of this delay. Fortunately Hooker had handled the army so severely the evening before, and the movement of M'Dowell had begun to be so ap parent, that the enemy, fearful of being sur rounded, had retreated precipitately from Ma nassas Junction, directing his retreat through Centreville, as M'Dowell, Reno, and Kearney had made the road through Gainesville impractica ble. I immediately pushed forward to Manassas, and thence to Centreville, which was occupied by Kearney, that night only a few hours after the enemy had left it. Reno had reached Manassas Junction, and Fitz-John Porter was immediately ordered up from Broad Run, where he stopped. M'Dowell's movement, conducted with vigour and speed, had been completely successful, the enemy being intercepted at Gainesville, and part of his forces driven back through Thoroughfare Gap. Late in the evening of the M'Dowell's advance (Gibbon's brigade) met the force of Jackson retir ing from Centreville, and about six miles from that place. A very sharp skirmish took place, ended by the darkness, in which the brigade of Gibbon be haved very handsomely, and suffered heavy loss. Si , ,,el was close at hand with his corps, but did not join the action. I instructed Kearney to move for ward at early day dawn towards Gainesville, closely followed by Hooker and Reno, and engage the enemy thus placed between M'Dowell and Sigel on the west and Fitz-John Porter on the south. I also instructed Fitz-John Porter with his own corps, and King's division of M'Dowell's corps, which had for some reason fallen back from the Warrenton Turnpike towards Manassas Junction, to move at daylight in the morning upon Gainesville, along the Manassas Gap Railroad, until they communi cated closely with the forces under Heintzelman and Sigel, cautioning them not to go further than was necessary to effect this junction, as we might be obliged to retire behind Bull Run that night for subsistence, if nothing else. Heintzelman marched early from Centreville towards Gainesville, closely followed by Reno. Meantime, shortly after day light, Sigel's and Reynolds' division of M'Dowell's corps had become engaged with the enemy, who was brought to a stand, and he was soon joined by Heintzelman and Reno, when the whole line be came actively engaged. Porter marched as directed, followed by King's division, which was by this time joined by Rickett's division, which had been forced back from Thoroughfare Gap by the heavy forces of the enemy advancing to support Jackson. As soon as I found that the enemy had been brought to a halt, and was being vigorously attacked along the Warrenton Turnpike, I sent orders to M'Dowell to advance rapidly on the left, and attack the enemy on his flank, extending his right to meet Reynolds' left, and to Fitz-John Porter to keep his right well closed on M'Dowell's left, and to attack the enemy in flank and rear, while he was pushed in front. This would have made the line of M'Dowell and Porter at right angles to that of the other forces engaged. The action raged furiously all day, M'Dowell, although previously in rear of Potter, bringing his whole corps on the field in the after noon, and taking a conspicuous part in that day's operations. To my surprise and disappointment, I received late in the afternoon from Porter a note saying that his advance had met the enemy on the flank in some force, and that he was retiring upon Manassas Junction without engaging or coming to the assistance of our other forces, although they were engaged in a furious action only two miles distant, and in full hearing of him. A portion of his force fell back towards Manassas, and he re mained, as he afterwards informed me, where he was, looking at the enemy during the whole of the afternoon of Friday and part of Friday night, pass ing over in plain view to reinforce the troops under Jackson without an effort to prevent it or assist us. One at least of his brigades under General Griffin got round to Centreville, and remained there during the whole of the next day's battle, without coming on the field, though in full view of the battle which was raging, whilst General Griffin himself spent the day in making ill-natured strictures upon the general commanding the action, in the presence of a promfarainne assemblage. Darkness closed the action on Friday, tha ciaamy being driven back from his positions by Heintzelman's corps and Reno, con cluded by a furious attack along the turnpike by King's division of M'Dowell's corps, leaving his dead and wounded on the field. I do not hesitate to say that if the corps of Porter had attacked the enemy in the flank on the afternoon of Friday, as he had my written order to do, we should utterly have crushed Jackson before the forces under Leo could have reached him. Why he did not do so I cannot understand. Our men, much worn down by hard service and conti nuous fighting for many previous days, and very short of provisions, rested on their guns. Our horses had had no forage for two days. I had tele graphed and written urgently for forage and ra tions to be sent us, but on Saturday morning before the action was resumed, I received a letter from General Franklin, written the day before at Alex andria, stating to me that he had been directed by General M'Clellan to inform me that rations and forage for my command would be loaded into the cars and available waggons as soon as I would send a cavalry escort to Alexandria to bring them up. All hope of being able to maintain my position whether victorious or not vanished with this letter. My cavalry was utterly broken down with long and constant service in the face of the enemy, and bad as they were could not be spared from the front, even if there had been time to go back thirty miles to Alexandria and await the loading of trains. At the time this letter was written Alexandria was swarming with troops, and my whole army interposed between that place and the enemy. I at once understood that we must, if possible, finish what we had to do that day, as night must see us behind Bull Run if we wished to save men and animals from starvation. On Friday night I sent a peremptory order to Gen. Porter to bring his command on the field, and report to me in person within three hours after he received the order. A portion he brought up, but, as I before stated, one of his brigades remained the whole day at Centre ville, and was not in the engagement. The enemy's heavy reinforcements having reached him on Fri day afternoon and night, he began to mass on his right for the purpose of crushing our left and occu pying the road to Centreville in our rear. His heaviest assault was made about five o'clock in the afternoon, when, after overwhelming Fitz John Porter, and driving his forces back on the centre and left, mass after mass of his forces were pushed against our left. A terrific contest, with great slaughter, was carried on for several hours, our men behaving with firmness and gallantry under the immediate command of General M'Dowell. When night closed, our left had been forced back about half a mile, but still remained firm and unshaken, while our right held its ground. General Franklin, with his corps, arrived after dark at Centreville, six miles in our rear, whilst Sumner was four miles behind Franklin. I could have brought up these corps in the morning in time to have renewed the action, but starvation stared both men and horses in the face, and broken and exhausted as they were, they were in no condition to bear hunger also. I accordingly retired to Centreville that night in per fect order. Neither on Sunday nor on Monday did the enemy make any advance upon us. On Monday I sent to the army corps commanders for their effec tive strength, which, all told, including Sumner and Franklin, fell short of sixty thousand men. Instead of bringing up thirty thousand men, Franklin and Sumner united fell short of twenty thousand ; and these added to the force I had, already wearied out, and much cut up, did not give me the means to do anything else than stand on the defence. The enemy during Monday again began to work slowly around to our right for the purpose of possessing Fairfax Court-house, and thus turning our rear Couch's division and one brigade of Sumuer's had been left the'. e, and I sent down Hooker on Monday after noon to take command and post himself at or in front of Germantown, at the same time directing M'Dowell to take position along the turnpike from I Centreville to Fairfax Court-house, about two miles I west of the latter place. Heintzelman was directed to post himself in rear and support of Reno, who was pushed north of the road, at a point about two and a half miles east of Centreville, and to cover that road, it being my purpose, in the course of the night, to mass my command on the right, in the direction of Germantown, where I felt convinced the next attack of the enemy would be made. Late in the afternoon of Monday the enemy made his de monstration upon Geimantown, but was met by Hooker at that place, and by Reno, reinforced by Kearney, further west. The battle was very severe, though short, the enemy being driven back a mile with heavy loss, leaving his dead and wounded. In this short action we lost two of our,most valuable and distinguished officers, Gens. Kearney and Stevens. By moving, the whole of my .command was massed behind a difficult creek, between Flint Hill and the Warrenton Junction, with the advance, under Hooker, in front of Germantown. With the ex ceptionLof Sumner, the commanders of the army corps of the Army of the Potomac had continued to inform me that their commands were and had been demoralised ever since they left Harrison's Land ing—that they had no spirit and no disposition to fight. The latter statement their conduct in the various actions fully contradicted, but the straggling in those corps was distressing. The full facts hav ing been reported, " on Tuesday afternoon, to retire to the intrenchments near Washington, which was accordingly done on that day and the next, in good order and withoutithe slightest loss. Banks, who had been left with the railroad trains cut off at Bristol by the burning of the bridge, was ordered to join me on Monday at Centreville, which he did on the afternoon of that day. This brief summary will explain sufficiently in detail' the whole of the operations of the forces under my com mand, during 16 days of continuous fighting by day and marching by night. To confront a powerful enemy with greatly inferior forces, and fight him day by day without losing your army—to delay and embarrass his movements, and to force him, by persistent resistance, to adopt long and circuitous routes to his destination, are the duties which have been imposed upon me. They are, of all military operations, the most difficult and the most haras sing, both to the commander and to his troops. How far we have been successful, I leave to the judgment of my countrymen. The armies of Vir ginia and of the Potomac have been united in the presence and against the efforts of a wary and vigo rous enemy in greatly superior force to either, with no loss for which they did not exact full retribu tion. Among the officers whom I feel bound to mention with especial gratitude, for their most hearty, cordial, and untiring zeal and energy, are Generals M'Dowell, Banks, Reno, Heintzelman, Hooker, and Kearney, and many others of inferior rank, whom I shall take great satisfaction in bringing to the notice of the Government. The troops have exhibited wonderful patience and cou rage, and I cannot say too much for them." THE CIVIL WAR 1N AMERICA. (From the New York Evening Post.) Our military affairs are very much in the same position now that those of the French Republic were when it became necessary for France to meet the combined armies of the continent. There had been a vast and enthusiastic uprising of the people ; armies of enormous magnitude were raised ; and these armies were equipped as well as they could be, by the joint exertions of the Government and the nation. But they had to be officered, in the outset, as all such improvised armies must be, by a multitude of inexperienced and incompetent men, who had generously rushed forward under an im pulse of patriotism, to proffer their services to their country. The consequence was, that wherever they en gaged the enemy, which was generally in detail, they were either sadly beaten or put to rout. It was soon seen by the authorities that, unless the military administration was rendered more rigo rous, the cause of the country was lost. They ac cordingly adopted measures which, though arbi trary and extreme, speedily turned the scales of fortune against the hitherto successful allies. The first of these measures was the massing of the troops, which prevented their being cut to pieces in detail, and enabled them to move with vast momen tum and power upon given points of strategical importance. But the second recourse was still more effective, which v y.. to h,la epoii general responsible, even to the extent of his life, for the success of that part of the common operations in which he was employe& Those who failed were either banished, or imprisoned, or put to death, and in a little while there was no tardiness, no mistakes, no quarrels on the field, and no defeats that could be by human means avoided. We need some of this rigour in the management of our own armies. There has not been, from the beginning of the war up to this time, even so much as an inquiry into the causes of our want of suc cess. I\l'Dowell failed ingloriously at the first battle of Bull Run; he was never court-mar tialled or tried, but he was shortly afterwards made a major-general and put over a large com mand. M'Clellan failed on the Chickahominy, and the causes and reasons of the failure have been left to the wranglings of the newspapers, while itl‘Clellan, after a few weeks of temporary obscuration, is again raised to high command. In the same way the disastrous affairs at Great Bethel, at Ball's Bluff, at Stono Inlet, and at a dozen other places, were subjected to no other adjudication than the superficial and often unintelligible com ments of the journalists. We do not now say that the commanding generals were in either of these cases at fault, for that is not the question ; they failed, and for this failure they should have been held to answer at the regular tribunals, until which time others should have been put in their places. In other words the government should have made success the standing rule of merit, until competent authorities had adjusted the degree of praise or blame in disputed cases ; but so long as it refrains from the exercise of this salutary rigour it must expect disaster and defeat. An army will not fight as well under a leader who has been defeated as under one who has been successful, and an American army in particular, which is so largely composed of intelligent, think ing, and reflective men. It discerns at once the weaknesses of generals, as we have seen in the case of Pope; it loses confidence; and although every individual man may be as brave as Julius Caesar, and as patriotic as Washington, the body as a whole cannot proceed with spirit, dash, and hope. It is not assured that it is going to be led to vic tory ; it halts, it hesitates, and finally it breaks away. Confidence is two-thirds of any battle; and when confidence is lost you may, as the Russians are sometimes said to do, whip your troops up to the fire, but their fighting will be slow, indecisive, and feeble. Give them on the other hand a leader who to acknowledged skill and prudence adds chivalric audacity and dash, and they will follow him to the gates of death. We trust, then, that our military authorities will at once give us this first and indispensable sign of renewed vigour in military management ; that they will subject every commander who has failed to the severest scrutiny and trial ; that they will advance the men who have shown mastership in any line of duty; that they will not allow any probable popu lar or military clamour to stand in the way of the execution of their duty ; that they will regard no political or personal considerations; and thus, while they weed the incompetents or the misplaced from the army, they will encourage both army and nation by the conviction that a reign of energy has begun. The rebels, who have shown better leaderships than we, do not scruple in this respect. A year ago Beauregard was the idol of the Southern troops and Southern masses, but he decamped from Shiloh and he is now not named. Floyd and Wise have shared his fate, as others who will do not meet the one essential point —success. At Devonport, the other day, a rat, which was being chased by several persons, ran up a man's leg inside his trousers. It laid hold of the man's leg with its teeth and held its grip with such tenacity that the man's trousers had to be cut, and the rat was ultimately taken off with a piece of flesh between its teeth. The wound inflicted is stated to be serious, THE NEW GREAT WAR POWER. (From the Spectator.) There is a slight reaction perceptible in the European enthusiasm for the South. Among the many causes which have produced that strange aber ration of feeling, the principal has been an unavowed half-conscious sense of relief. The American Re public, always prosperous and always exacting, with resources as boundless as its vanity, and courage almost equal to its irritability, had begun to dismay politicians. Statesmen felt as if a power were growing up with which single nations would be incompetent to deal, and the popular annoyance at repeated concessions was deepened into hate by a feeling that such concessions were not altogether without need. The division of the States was therefore hailed as an event of good omen for the world, a catastrophe which, however dreadful in its circumstances, still, like the French Revolution or the Irish famine, had its own compensations. To make the sense of relief complete, however, it was essential that the fragments of the great empire should be politically manageable, should be reduced to the point at which they could no longer safely menace, and it begins to be doubtful whether this requisite has been altogether secured. The South is developing rapidly into a first-class fighting power, and its admirers confess that, its indepen dence secured, they could see the tide of victory roll back without very keen repugnance. Were peace declared next week, the South would remain immeasurably the strongest power on the American continent. All the causes which led ob servers to believe in its military weakness have one by one disappeard, and for the 50th time it has been demonstrated that aristocracy, whatever its other demerits, is the most effective of ruling powers. From the very beginning of the contest, the action of the South has been direct, coherent, and singu larly able. From among 300,000 slave-owners, all accustomed to govern, and all, from the permanent danger in which they live, imbued with the military spirit, it was inevitable that really governing men should immediately step out. Accident placed at their head an organizing mind which there is rea son to believe one of consummate power, and in a few weeks a Government, strong to the point of despotism, had been brought into working order. Supported by popular opinion,and the fear of losing their property—a fear strong enough to make Frenchmen, for example, submit to despotism— the governing class were enabled to perform a feat almost without a parallel. They drove the whole of the non-propertied class into the ranks of the army, officered it from their own numbers, and in a war of combat drilled and disciplined a semi civilised race into effective soldiers. General Jackson has an army which is able to march,which he can carry away from his base of operations, and which can act with the secresy and suddenness be longing only to regular troops. Compare ITC lellan's march down the peninsula with the Southern in vasion of Maryland, effected at the rate of 20 miles a day. There is nothing in their own organisation to prevent the Southerners reaching Canada. Al most without support, dependent on the North for powder and guns, cloth and food, the energy of the leaders, and the inventiveness always developed in the Anglo-Saxon race under the stimulus of danger, supplied all deficiencies. Possessed as they were of all property, the aristocracy being really in earnest could not be checked for want of means. They fought like Frederick the Great or the Committee of Public Safety, devoted all property to the war, taxed themselves practically in their whole incomes, and gradually welded the whole population into one fighting mass, This was the easier, because to the mass of that population war was a direct relief, The mean white, badly fed and incapable of labour, accustomed to hardship and consumed by ennui, felt a soldier's life, with its regular duties, and rations, and plentiful excitement, a relief from its former existence. The exceptional character of society greatly favoured his conversion into a soldier. Ac customed to look up to the planters as the sole pro perty holders, he readily obeyed them as officers, and fanatic for slavery, marched against Abolition ists with an almost religious zeal. Unused to labour, his disappearance left the locality no poorer ; the slaves, who had always worked, working on still like machines. The labour-market could not be dis turbed, for the labourer was the one class from which recruits could never be drawn. A systematic despotism, probably at once lightened by the absence of overseers and intensified by the free use of the punishment of death, aa.:aeu because the slave was valuable, crushed them into rank and order, and society, as a mass, had organised itself for war. Strong men cropped up everywhere. Aristocracy, incapable of some forms of genius —a great aristo cratic poet is still to seek—always, until worn down with intermarriage, produces governing men; and Jefferson Davis had able assistants. At least three able generals, Beuregard, Lee, and Jackson, rose successively to the top. A finance minister was appointed who, whatever his system, succeeded in finding without revenue all the required supplies. A minister of marine was found who, as no navy existed capable of contending with the foe, called on science, used railway iron to make ships, and by his first essay created profound alarm in every Go vernment in Europe. The Merrimac was destroyed, but not till she had modified all men's thoughts on the 'subject of naval warfare, and after her destruc tion the Secretary still regained by a similar device the temporary control of the Mississippi, and is even now alarming the Northern coast. New ships were purchased in Europe. At least two captains were discovered of the very first class for energy and rapidity of movement; and the South, in the teeth of every natural obstacle, was enabled to claim an effective though still insufficient navy. For the rest, the Government in whose territory the enemy, with secret allies in the population, can obtain no information, and no unbought supplies, must be ably and zealously served. The South, to all out side appearances, acts as one man, a working mili tary despotism as efficient as that of France, and far more terribly in earnest. And now it would seem that the State, thus organised and changed in its character, is about to secure independence, and the communication with the external world, which is all it needs to perfect its military arrangements. Can any one seriously doubt that it will be one of the most formidable states of the earth ? The Southern leaders have always had a floating idea that slave states should, as Calhoun advised, be organised on a military basis, and the planters are not likely to lose the lesson they have acquired. The army, which gives them importance abroad, will impart to them also a new feeling of security at home. A strong and most able despotism will direct a regular army of 200,000 men, filled with unfailing rapidity by the conscription, composed of soldiers who have reached just that point of civilisation at which men, without losing their instinctive ferocity,become capable of action in coherent masses, and governed by officers educated in command, and trained in a terrible series of campaigns. The South has no wooden fleet to abandon, and, with the sale of one cotton crop, it can place a hundred Merrimacs, manned and armed, on the water. The property of the country is at its governor's disposal, and must, therefore, be adequate to the support of the army, while the expense of the year has accustomed the governing class to severe and effective taxation. The slaves, so far from a source of weakness, have proved an element of strength, enabling the South alone among the nations of the world, to make war with out in the smallest degree impeding the work of production. Add to all this a geographical situa tion eminently favourable to expansion, and how is Europe to restrain such a power if it chooses to de vote its energies to the foundation of an empire? By invasion? A million of Angio-Saxons have made the attempt in v a i n . B y bl oc kades ? No blockade could equal in severity or duration that which the South has survived. By naval warfare ? The South can conquer Mexico without sending a ship to sea, and move troops by thehundred thousand in regions whither France could transport only tens. Without mentioning the revival of the slave t ra d e, wh i ch Virginia may be able to stop, the South will cer tainly covet Cuba, w hich Spain ca nno t aga i nst suc h a power defend. it will hanker for Hayti, which Europe, not owning the island, will scarcely cake to protect. It will long for the West Indies, whose free blacks are a permanent menace to the first ' principle of its existence, and England may at any moment be exposed to an enemy who can produce a cotton crisis, and who is, at least, as formidable as the United States ever were. The command of the isthmus, the most important point on the American continent, and almost indispensable to our vast pos sessions on the Pacific, must belong to the power which, seated at once on the Atlantic, the Gulf, and the Pacific, can at any moment transport 50,000 trained soldiers to Nicaragua, and which in *Walker's expedition, indicated clearly the groove its am bition would select. To all human appearance if the South succeeds, a grand military aristocracy —brave, tenacious, and merciless, may enthrone it self on the continent from the Potomac to Panama, everywhere ruling a subject race, reduced from a state of more or less complete freedom to permanent and degrading bondage. It may be, moreover, for a time, one of the strongest of external powers, con testing our liberty in the Gulf and obliterating our influence in the Pacific, with a mighty alliance to offer to any European enemy, and an organisation which no State based on freedom can permanently hope to conciliate. That is the prospect before us, and it is one which may make the most ardent sym pathiser with the South hesitate in his effusion of friendship. He relied on two secret beliefs—that the South must be exhausted, and that a slave power must always be weak—and both are proving fallacious. The South has lost many men, but while it has enough for its army, its chiefs, who want no mean whites to grow corn, will not feel their power diminished. It has incurred a great debt, but the governing class has lent the money to itself, and is quite capable, if need be, of making a holocaust of its bonds. It has two crops to sell, the value of which will soon recoup all losses, and its slaves will be worth at once more than their highest value. As to slavery, while the slaves obey, they are a source of military strength, and the planters have learnt the secret of making them obey. Rome armed her slaves with impunity, and the men who fell at Therniopylte induced helots to share their fate—and be forgotten. The slaves re lease the white men for war, and the South is, in fact, a military despotism in which two millions of males, governed by astute and determined chiefs, stand ever prepared for battle. Is that the result which those who accuse us of fanaticism, because we support civil government and remain true to the principle of human fre, dom, so anxiously desire ? POLICE IN7ELLIGENCE.—Sept. 21. MANSION-HOUSE.—After the conclusion of the ordinary business of the Court, Major Snell, secretary to Messrs. Rothschild, waited upon Mr. Alderman Dakin, who was sitting for the Lord Mayor, and said he attended on behalf of Messrs. Rothschild, and other bankers and merchants, to call the attention of the police, through the Court, to the difficulty which they and the public in gene ral Experienced in crossing the road from the Bank to the Royal Exchange. The number of omnibuses, carts, and other vehicles was, so great and so close together that the danger in crossing was very great. He said he was requested by Messrs. Rothschild to draw attention to an arrangement which was made by the police at the most crowded thoroughfares at the West-end, where policemen were placed for the purpose of giving facility to foot passengers in crossing the roads, and Messrs. Rothschild begged to suggest that some similar arrangement should be made in the City. Mr. Alderman Dakin said that any representation coming from Messrs. Rothschild would receive every attention. He believed the police were already in structed to give every assistance to pedestrians, and that they did so to some extent, otherwise the ob struction would be much more serious than it is at present ; but the increasing commerce of the City made, as might be supposed, an increase in the traffic through the streets. Inspector Shelford, who was present, said there were already four and sometimes six officers placed upon the spot mentioned for the special purpose of regulating the traffic. Mr. Alderman Dakin asked if they were instructed to assist pedestrians across the road. Inspector Shelford said there were certain cross ings on which the drivers ought not to stop their vehicles, and the police took care to keep those crossings clear, but the traffic was so great that if double the number of men were placed there it could not be kept different. Mr. Alderman Dakin said there was great hopes that when the Thames Embankment was finished the new street would lessen the traffic in the streets which were at present so overcrowded. At the same time he told Major Snell, that he could assure Messrs. Rothschild that all that could be done to lessen the evil should be done, and that their sug gestion, which it appeared had already been partly anticipated by the police authorities, should he acted upon as far acs possi hle- GUILDHALL .—THE BRITISH COLUMBIA OVER LAND TRANSIT COMPANY.—Mr. James Henson, the secretary to the British Columbia Overland Transit Company, appeared this day before Alderman Hale, aecording to previous arrangements, to receive the decision of the Court upon the charge of conspiring with Col. Sleigh to cheat and defraud Mr. Henry Isaac Collingwood of a sum of £4O by means of false pretences. In this case it will be recollected that a company was projected early in the present year by Col. Sleigh, the objects of which were to carry passen gers from this country acrossthe Rocky Mountains to British Columbia at the rate of £42 per head. The advertisements of the company held out the most flattering prospects of success, and the direc tory having a number of names of undoubted re• spectability among them, as many as 33 gentlemen emigrants were induced to part with their money on the faith that the company was a bona fide un dertaking, and that the contract would be honestly carried out. They started about the latter end of May, and upon their arrival at St. Paul's, in Min nesota, on their way to the Red River Settlement, they were abandoned by the company in a most heartless manner, no provision being made either to forward them on their route, for their maintenance there, or to bring them back to their own country. Some found their way back at their own expense, while others exhausted their own private means in assisting their fellow-victims • but such were the hardships they had to endure that after camping out in the wilderness for a time they were at length dispersed, and gentlemen unused to labour were com pelled to accept employments in the lead mines at 2s. a day to enable them to procure the common necessaries of life. Those who returned immediately applied at the offices of the company, but found them closed, and, on making further inquiries, they ascertained that the whole of the funds had been absorbed by Col. Sleigh, who had decamped as soon as the expedition was fairly off his hands. Circum stances which came to the knowledge of the emi grants induced one of their number to proceed against the secretary of the company, through whom the whole of the alleged fraudulent misre presentations had been made, and after several ex aminations before Alderman Finnis, during which the most extraordinary disclosures were made with regard to Col. Sleigh, and a warrant issued for his apprehension, the matter was adjourned until now for the alderman's decision. Mr. Harris said in the absence of Alderman Fin nis it would be desirable to adjourn the case, parti cularly as the defendant had volunteered to give every assistance, and tell all he knew to fix the guilt upon the real delinquents. Mr. Pearce said Mr. Colletti was anxious to be examined, with the same end in view, as it was pretty well acknowledged by all parties that Col. Sleigh was the only party who ought to be here to answer this charge. Indeed, 10 did not know why Col. Sleigh was not in custody, as there was a war rant out against him, and he was to be seen almost daily walking the Strand. Alderman Hale said it would be better that Alderman Finnis, who had Leard the case from the first, should also hear the conclusion. He therefore adjourned the case for a week, and then if Alder man Finnis could not attend he would go into it himself. This arrangement was acceded to by all parties, and the defendant having entered into the same recognisances as before, the proceedings were ac cordingly adjourned. Kaufmann Kaufmann, a slipper manufacturer, of No. 90, Cannon -street-road, St. George-in-the- East, and Jacob Goodman, a lodging-house keeper, of 111, in the same street, were charged be fore Alderman Lawrence with having unlawfully in their possession upwards of 500 riding whips and sticks, value about £l5O, which had been stolen from the premises of Mr. Smith, of Beech-street, Barbican. Mx. Lewis, jun., appeared for Goodman, and Mr. Wontner, jun., for Kaufmann. - Mr. Robert Smith, a whip and walking-stick manufacturer, said he carried on business at No. 1, Beech-street, Barbican. On the 3d of September he saw his premises secured for the night, and on the following day they had been entered during the night and property to the value of about £l5O car ried off. He did not fasten any of the intermediate doors in the warehouse, because he was in the habit of leaving a ferocious dog loose when he locked up the premises. Sergeant Ruggett, Sergeant Green, and detee tive officer named Smart, deposed that frcnvt infor mation they received, and by direction of Mr. Ha milton, the chief of the City detective departinent, they went to Cannon-street road, in St. George-in the-East, where they saw the prisoners in conver sation, and eventually watched them into Good man's house. The servant came out soon after wards, and, leaving the door open, witnesses en tered. They first saw Goodman, who came up stairs, followed by his wife, and on telling him they were in search of stolen goods, the with implored Goodman to tell all he knew, and asked him what the man upstairs had brought in. They went up to the back room on the first floor, the door of which Goodman unlocked, and on entering . the room witnesses discovered Kaufmann ; and beneath a bed in the same room they found a box containing 517 riding whips, which they brought away with them. Kaufmann said he knew nothing of them ; and Goodman said Kaufmann brought them into the house about half an hour previously, having before asked him if he could sell them for him. Mr. Smith identified the 517 silver mounted riding whips produced as his property. Mr. Wontner, juu., urged in the prisoner Kauf mann's defence that the prisoner Goodman locked him in the room for some purpose of his own until the officers arrived, and that he (Kaufmann) knew nothing of the goods being there, and mentioned as a fact in corroboration that none of the stolen pro perty was found at his house. Mr. Lewis, for Goodman, submitted that his client was innocent, and called his servant to prove that Kaufmann brought the stolen property to his house shortly before the arrival of the officers, and put forward a respectable tradesman, who deposed that about a fortnight previous Kaufmann offered to sell him the property produced, and upon his declining to purchase, Goodman offered to find Kaufmann a customer ; that witness also said he had known the prisoners for many years, during which period they had always borne the best of characters. Alderman Lawrence said Mr. Wontner wanted him to believe his client and dismiss Kaufmann ; and Mr. Lewis asked him to credit his client and dismiss Goodman ; but he Was not inclined to do either, inasmuch as the witnesses for Goodman had strengthened the case against both prisoners, and he therefore committed them for trial, when they would have the opportunity of endeavouring to con vince a jury of the truth of their respective stories. Committed for• trial accordingly. CLERKENWELL.—MURDEROUS ATTACK UPON Two CONSTABLES.—WiIIiam Nagel, a low-looking fellow, was charged with committing a murderous assault upon two police-constables and causing the rescue of a prisoner. Police-constable John Briggs, 195 G, deposed that on Saturday evening he was on duty in Gray's-inn lane, when he found a man making a great distur bance, and in consequence he attempted to remove him to the station. He became very violent, and a crowd soon collected,w hen Nagel came np,attempted to get prisoner from his grasp, and said (addressing the mob), " Don't let him go; give it the police;'' and used other language calculated to incite the mob to commit violence. In a few moments he (the constable) was set upon by Nagel, thrown down, kicked and stamped upon, receiving very severe in juries to his face and chest, from which he was still suffering. He got up, drew his staff, and endea voured to defend himself, but was t• gain knocked down and most roughly treated. Police-constable 5 G at that time came up to his assistance, but was also set upon by several in the mob, which by that time had increased to upwards of 400 persons, con sisting chiefly of the low Irish living in Baldwin's gardens and that locality. The prisoner Nagel,with the aid of two others, and after a most determined attack, succeeded in rescuing the man he (the con stable) had in custody. The mob, incited by Nagel and the two others, would have proceeded to further acts of violence, but he and his brother officer made their escape and sought refuge in a house, where they were, however, followed. Information of the riot was sent off to the station, and in a short time 25 constables arrived and succeeded in making all quiet. The prisoner was ultimately apprehended, but his two companions eluded the constables, and had not since been seen. The evidence was fully corroborated. The prisoner, on being asked, denied having com mitted the assaults, or having anything to do with the row that took place. Mr. D'Eyncourt said the charge against the pri soner was most serious, and one which he would not look over lightly; in fact, he would not deal with the case, but send the prisoner for trial, not only on account of the serious nature of the assault, but for the prominent part I he prisoner took in inciting the mob to such ants of violence as proved. The prisoner,who appeared completely astounded, was then removed to await his trial; and warrants will be issued for the apprehension of others impli cated. COUNTRY 111 A RAL2)S. ,i, , COLCHESTER—SEPT. 20. The supply of wheat to-day at market was good, and prices were about the same as last week. Wheat, white 56s 66s Beans, Mazagan . . 38s 409 red 50s 608 middle & 5ma11.38.8 44s Barley ot,to GLOUCESTER—SEPT. 20. To-day there was a better supply of English wheat at market, and to make sales prices had to give way is per qr. Foreign in retail demand, at a decline of is per qr. Beans unaltered. Barley firm. Oats dull. CHELMSFORD-SEPT. 19. The trade in everything was very slow to-day. A large supply of wheat, end quite out of proportion to the demand, prices being 3s per qr lower. Spring corn much the same as last week, though very little changed hands. Wheat, old white 42s 58s , Yeas Partridge.- ...378 410 new 42s 66s White 39s 40s old red....47s 54s Boiling .. 40s 43s new 46s b3s Dun 35s 38s Barley 308 39s Ditto new -s Chevalier .......30s 42s Beans, Tick, old 345 39s Grinding.. 24s 32s new —s --s Malt.... Chevalier . ..... ,64s 69s new..—s 7 8 Oats 22s 29s Mazagan .......34s 380 KIRKCALDY A small show of wheat, GRAIN—SEFT. 20. barley, and oats to •day, and prices is to 2s lower. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First....4Bs Od I 24s Od I 25s Od Second ..50s Od 30s Od 27s Od Third ....57s Od 32s Od 30s Od COAL (Prices of Coal per Ton a• ARKET. t the close of the market. I s. s. d. Wylam ' ..16 6 Carway and Duffryn Malting 23 0 Do. Anthracite 21 6 Holywell 15 6 Walker Primrose 12 3 Hastings Hartley l6 0 Tanfield Moor 13 0 Tanfield Moor Butes l3 0 Cowpen Hartley ..16 0 Byass's Bebsido West Hartley ....16 0 West Hartley 16 0 Howland and Elsecar Steam l5 0 Lambert's West Hart- _ _ Sleekburn West Hart ley 6 14 Walls End. Kelloe South Kelloe. l7 v Hartlepool.. l7 6 Trimdon Hartlepool l7 " Hetton .. lB n° Camp .. 17 L! Heugh Hall 16 6 Framwellgate 16 0 6 Haswell Gosforth 16 3 Whitworth 15 0 Caradoc Tunstall Trimdon. Thornley.... 16 0 54; sold, 41. ley 15 9 Ships at marker [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Holloway's Ointment and Pills.- - Systematic Treatment.—These mediaments boldly face the evils they profess to remedy—local relief and general puri fication progress together—the diseased portion is cured, the foul whole is cleansed. Holloway's Ointment, rubbed on the throat and chest, exercises the most beneficial in fluence over sore throats, diphtheria, and cough, whether resulting from catarrh, asthma, or bronchitis. This unguent acts miraculously in arresting the extension of sores, healing ulcerations, curing skin diseases, and com pletely stopping all destructive intlammation, irrespective of its exciting cause, character, situation, duration, or seve rity. Holloway's Ointment, aided by his Pills, gives most immediate and most marked relief to those irritating itch' ings and painful swellings of the shins occasioned by ra w cury or latent syphilitic virus. .804 BIRTHS. FARQUHAR.—On the 19th inst., at Greenock, the w ife of Captain Farquhar, R.N., of a son. RICHARDS.—On. the 21st inst., at Tottenham, the w ife of Basil Richards, Esq., of a son. STOKES.—On the 21st inst., at Greenwich, Mrs. Chas. W' Stokes, of a daughter. YOUNG. —On the 19th inst., at Brighton, the wife of the ßev. Charles Young, of a son. MARRIAGES. PITTS—WILLsoN.—On the 17th inst., at Union Clue f L e wisham, Samuel, eldest son of Sam ue l Pi tts , Esq., in° C at h er ine-street, Strand, and. High Bank, Fulhaint i r Caroline Louisa, fourth daughter of Mr. Samuel son, of 393, Strand. YORK—RuspoLL—On the 20th inst., at Paris, Frances Elizabeth, eldest daught er of John Oliver York, Est of Inverness terrace , Kensington-garcTans, to Don Pa" Ruspoli, of Rome. DEATHS. BURNES.—On the 19th inst. at Jas. 13 .,% 111/ f e O S; K.H.. LL.D., F.R.S., Ladbroke-square, J•r* Middlesex. CHILDE.—On the 19th inst., at Kensington, J. W. Chill Esq., form er l y o f B ed f ord - street , C ovent - gar d e n, ag e 82. ELLESMERE.—On the 19th inst., at Balbirnie, Fife' the Bail of Ellesmere. of EDIVARDS,—On the 20th inst., Mr. John W. Edwar ds ' Croydon, formerly of Lime -street, city, aged 90. GUNNING.—On the 22d inst., at 74, Oxford-terrace, ll9de' park, Sir R. H. Gunning, Bart., of Horton, Nort harar tonshire, aged 66. KING.—On the 14th inst., at Oldenburg House, Tunbridge ag ed 7 0 . W e ll s , Rear-Admiral Richard Henry King, _ LONDON; Printed and Published by JOHN CHAP•L'',q of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TILE SUN Office No. I '7 Strand, in the Precinct of tho Savoy, in theSoutitY paidctleties,—Tuesday, September 23, 1862,' 24 - i A( to In, 1: 0 , D e eu 9