The Sun. — London, England, 1859-07-30 00:00:00

LATEST NEWS. The following telegrams have been received a , Mr. Reuter's office : ST. PETERSBURG, JULY 29. The Journal de St. Petersburg contains the fol lowing :—The journals, relying upon diplomatic documents, have pretended that the basesof media- tion were agreed upon by the neutral Powers prior to the conclusion of the treaty of Villafranca, and that these bases being especially judged by Austria less favourable than those proposed by France, had determined the Emperor of Austria to accept the latter ones. We are authorised to state that the bases of mediation7:of which the pro ject lately published is composed, had not been agreed upon by the neutral Powers, nor even discussed. The preliminaries of peace between the belligerents were already signed before the principle of mediation, which formed the object of negotiations between the neutral powers was de nitively agreed upon. TURIN, JULY 30. The ladies of Milan have opened a subscription for erecting a marble monument in honour of the Empress Eugenie, on which will be inscribed the gratitude and the hopes of Italy (exprimant la reconnaissance et l'esperance). The Dictator of Modena has convoked the Popular assemblies. All persons competent to read and write, and whose age is not less than 21, will be entitled to vote. Perfect order prevails. TURIN, JULY 29. It is announced from Bologna that the Govern tnent of the Romagna has adopted the Code Napo leon. This measure has been received by the popula tion with great enthusiasm. TRIESTE, JULY 29. The Austrian Lloyd's steamer has arrived hers te 'daY, With advices from Constantinople to the 24th inst. His Imperial Majesty the Sultan left to-day for itodosto and Salonica. 11 1 consequence of the conclusion of peace be tween France and Austria the calling in of the Redifs has been suspended. A Turkish Legation or Consulate General is shortly to be established at Rome. The Persian ambassador has arrived here. FRANCE. PARIS, FRIDAY. PARIS BOURSE, July 29.—The market has again a cconle heavy, an d th e a mount of business limited. Thre es, after baying been done at 68f. 75e., de clined to 68f. 40c., and are now at 68f. 50c. ; Mobilier varied from 822 f. 50c. to 812 f. 50.; Lom bardo -Venetian 562 f. 50c. to 555 f. ; Austrian, ~5 62 t 5 0c. to 560 f. ; O r l eans , 1,360 f. to 1,352 f. 50c. ; 1 - 4 Y °ll s) 865 f• to 860 f. ; Southern, 517 f. 50c. to 515 f. , f he f ollowing were the last quotations : 4t per Cents. ... 96 25 Credit Fonder Dt)• end month Belgian 4f — t o r Cent 5....... 68 50 Piedmonteas (5) 13 end hmarosonth.... 68 45 Roman Austrians n e llE S Mobilier 815 Spanish Threes .. 42 50 Account 815 Home Debt 4l 25 RAILWAYS. Orlea •• Cash. Account. ns 1350 .. 1355 tlc' e llh ern 932 50 .. 930 LAw ditt o Bons Q e aeva 525 .. Southern. W ester , 550 • . 545 Rilet ent 645 .. 645 Sastriaati rditti 406 25 .. 405 -- A un .000 567 50 .. 565 j 4 c, hange on London, papert sight, paper, 25f. 71c. ; money, —' oc.; three months, p,.24f. 95c.; money, 24f. 94c. TUSCANY. Th e Opinione of' Turin has the following article OT the abdication of the Grand Duke of Tuscany : " The Grand Duke Leopold has abdicated ix favour of his son e Archduk Ferdinand. " He was called upon to abdicate by those who Were least averse to his dynasty when such an act Would have prevented complications foreseen and Which eventually occurred. " What does abdication signify now ? " The G ran d D uke a bdi cates power w h ic h h e no longer possesses. He renounces in favour of his 60 n rights w hi c h are no longer h i s, o f which he has been deprived. " He has understood that his restoration is im possible; but he wishes to save his dynasty. " Tuscany has the right, and it is her duty, to give as a reply It is too late.' She will have nothing more to do with Austrian Princes, colonels and proprietors Austria.regiments, " And in favour of Austrian vassals of dicate? of whom does he wish to ab " Of Prince Ferdinand, who, on the 24th of Stine, Was present at the battle of Solferino in the Aus trian camp, hoping troops. to see th e d e f eat o f th e Italian His brother, Prince Charles, is the man Who made the noble proposal to bombard Florence. And men fancy that n a ti ona l ques ti o ns are to be settled by such exped i ents pu b l i c op i n i on calmed and nations tranquillized! the Tuscany has not asked for the abdication of e Grand Duke, but has decreed the overthrow of his dynasty, and she must see that her decree is respected." VENITIA. The following i s a t ranslat i on of the address 'voted by the Venetian people to King Victor Ern raanuel,through the medium of Count Cavaur, which 131 aY be taken as a clear indication of their deter- Mination not to submit to the Villafranca peace e°ll ' d itions without a severe struggle : ADDRESS OF THE PEOPLE OF VENETIA. As soon as the terms of the preliminary treaty of Villafranca became known, a feeling of quivering Passion se i ze d the whole population of the territory f Venice. The most respectable men of the different pro "daces ha ve agreed upon an address to Count Ca - h. vo ur, as President o f t h e Council of Ministers to Majesty Vi c t or E mmanuel, requesting the gs protection for the unhappy provinces. The address was presented to the Government by a commission of Venetians chosen by their fellow citizens. The address runs as follows :—' To his Excellency Count Cavour, President of the Council of Ministers to his Majesty King Victor Emraanuel 11. Your Ex ce ll ency, —S i nce 1848 the people of Venice have, amidst great sufferings, acted i n spontaneously fusion with the kingdom of Piedmont. tThe misf ortunes of war have limited the effects of his act to th e express i on of a simple desire. But desire grew and became more ardent in suc ceedin te g years —yea rs mar k e d b y suc h s l avery as ndered the hat re d o f t h e V enet i ans to the Aus trian Government immortal, while it increased their attachment to Piedmont. t h The i ncontestable proofs of this hatred are, that o usands of young men, of all classes, have left their families and well-being, to exp on The battle -field a ga i nst the enemyose their lives. proof of this hatred are, the generosity and e agerness o f those that could not become soldiers to risk th eir liberty and give their money in aid of t he bra ve who had entered the ranks under the King's banner. The proofs of this hatred are, the general shudder Pervading the people the day before yesterday at ROathe remotest suspicion that the preliminaries of ke c ou ld contemplate the separation of the ene tians from th e i r brethren of Piedmont and Lom bardy, and leave them in their former miseries under the yoke of Austria. , whether this yoke be imposed direct by the Aus t,irilan Government, or through the hands of an Arch -11!• ke, under the garlands of flowers chains would ar,ways be hidden sufficient to annihilate the impe ial promise of Italian independence, for whatever tie,,,, may exist between Italy and the House of napsburg, it can only be a tie of s l avery for Italy. sel v Your Excellency, the V enet i ans address them es with confidence to you, beforelnedhlin to their King (for they and. through your may call him so God and man), well knowing that the one as well as the other appreciates what they desire and hope, what they have done and are doing, what they have suffered and are still suffer' d that ing, an you would at this momentous time do all in your power to obtain for the people of Venice the accomplishment of a desire and necessity f e 1 t for more than ten years past. This desire and neces sity is linked with life itself, and its accomplish ment alone can guarantee peace to the whole peninsula. The flame of revolution—always calamitous, and often fruitless—smoulders in Italy, and may every instant burst forth into instant conflagration. If the clink of arms, which could prevent its ex plosion has ceased, there remains but one method by which the evil consequence can be averted ; this remedy is that your just voice defend and maintain the sacred cause of this country in the European discussions which are about to decide upon the des tinies of laly. Your Excellency, our country confides its cause entirely to the protection of our loyal and intrepid King, to the wisdom of your counsels, to your warm heart, to the well-known eloquence of your voice. THE PEOPLE OF VENICE. INDIA, CHINA, & AUSTRALIA. MARSEILLES, FRIDAY. The India, China and Australian mail leaves to day with dates, Hong-Kong, June 4 ; Calcutta, 17 ; Madras, 29; Sydney, Xay 14; Melbourne, 19; Kangaroo, 22 ; Adelaide, Tune 1 ; Sound, 9 ; Port Louis, 1. _ _ The Oneida, with the February mails, arrived out on the 30th of April; the E;mares, with the March mail, arrived there on the 1101 of May. The Kent and the Marco Polo had arrived. The banks had lowered their rates of discount on three months' bills to (?—indistinctly telegruhed) per cent., and had raised the rate of exchange on London to 11 per cent. Their stock of specie was large, despite an export of £174,000. The traffic returns of the Government railways for four weeks amount to £5,840. The following shipments of gold had taken place since the 17th of April :—The Lincolnshire, April 23, 46,000 ounces ; the Prince of Wales, April 30, 42,000 ounces; the Lightning, May 11, 65,000 ounces. Great excitement prevailed in Melbourne through the Chinese refusing to pay the residence tax. Numbers had been arrested. Produce firm. Imports active. Exchange, 1 to 2 per cent. premium. Calcutta.—Produce inactive. Imports dull. Ex change, 2s. Old. Madras.—Trade dull. Exchange 2s. ON. Hong Kong.—Exchange, 4s. 101 d. to 11d. Honan, June I.—lmports in steady demand. Little doing in tea ; prices higher. Fou-Tchow, May, 28.—Imports inactive. Tea : market active; prices higher. Exchange ss. 2d. to ss. 3d. Shanghae, May 26.—Imports dull. Transac tions in silk limited ; prices rather higher. Tea : dull. Exchange 6s. Bd. Singapore, June 11.—The inhabitants at Ban jermassin have risen and murdered nearly every Euro' pean. FATAL EXPLOSION 1N BIRMINGHAM BIRMINGHAM, Thursday Evening.—This even ing, at seven o'clock, a disastrous explosion oc cured at the manufactory of Messrs. Ludlow, Brothers, percussion cap makers to the Board of Ordnance, Legge•street. It is supposed that an old woman, named Booth, who has been similarly employed by the firm and predecessors for the last thirty years, was engaged in the hazardous opera tion of mixing fulminating powder used in the manufacture. She had a room for herself at the top of the main building, and here the explosion took place. The poor woman must have been instantly blown and torn to fragments, as no portion of her remains larger than a person's hand has been picked up. A man named Perricoe, engaged in another part of the building, was killed by the roof falling in. A person named James had both his legs broken. A woman named Warren is badly burnt about tke hands and face ; and several other persons employed in the manufactory were injured. The premises were completely gutted, and thrown open to the sky. The explosion was heard at a distance of two miles. 111. JULLIEN. M. Jullien, who has been a prisoner in Clichy since the beginning of May, has been set at liberty by a decree of the Imperial Court, reversing a judg ment of the Tribunal of Commerce. The circum stances were simply. these :—ln 1852, M. Jullien, being in London, obtained from the Home Secre tary a certificate under the act of 1844, conferring upon him the rights in the United Kingdom of a natural born subject (excepting always the right to be a member of or of her Majesty': Privy Council), and be took an oath o f allegiance to the Queen accordingly. Oncoming to Paris this year M. Jullien was arrested on mesne pro cesosnobrey, money-change ra named D er e of apr w e h F o üb m h o a u d r g been St. Honore, i , to th indorsed a bill of exchange accepted , London. maintained e ta o in n e ly d by M. Jullien in favour of a Mr. Chappell of lond ground on which the arrest could was that M. Jullien was a foreigner,m for one neprocess. Frenchman cannot arrest another on The day after his arrest M. Jullien declaredes a bankrupt, and an application was subsequently f made to the Tribunal of Commerce, praying for an order for h is dischar g e from custody. rhis co urt held that the effect of the certificate which M. Jullien had obtained in England was to strip him of the rights of a Frenchman, and that he was not entitled to the benefit of the French bankruptcy laws. It is plain that, in delivering the judgment Ile Tribunal of Commerce completely miscarried. The French law, it is true, differing in this respect from the English, allows a Frenchman to shake off his nationality and become the subject of another power. But in accepting the benefits of the statute of 1844 M. Jullien had no intention to cease to be a Frenchman, and most certainly did not become an Englishman. He became at most a denizen of Eng land, and, according to the express words of the certificate, the privileges which it conferred upon him were limited to the United Kingdom, and would not accompany him abroad. The Imperial Court in reversing the erroneous judgment of the court below observed, as I believe correctly, that the oath of allegiance taken under the statute of 1844 was nothing more in effect than a formal re cognition of that local and transitory allegiance which every foreigner owes to the Queen of Eng land, from the mere fact of his living under her protection.—Paris Correspondent of the Daily News. VACAN-CIES, APPOINTMENTS, 4.c. India Office : The office of keeper of the museum has become vacant by the death of Dr. T. Hors field. Law Department : Mr. Robert John Biron has been appointed recorder of Hythe, in the room of Mr. Henry P. Gipps, deceased ; Mr. Stamford Raffles has been appointed judge of the Court of Record for the Hundred of Salford, in succession to Mr. Segar, promoted. War Office : Mr. Charles Pritchard has passed his examination, and been certified for a temporary clerkship in the Quar termaster-General's office. The Admiralty : the following gentlemen have passed their exami nations, and received certificates from the Civil Service Commissioner :—Mr. Henry Risley Smith, for a clerkship in Somerset-house ; Mr. A. W. Sargent, for a temporary clerkship in Somerset house; Mr. P. Butt, for a temporary clerkship in Somerset-house. Office of Works, &c.: Mr. E. M. Duplock has been appointed a clerk in the office of Public Works. Customs :—There are two vacancies for tidewaiters, &c., at Weymouth. Mr. R. Marshall, principal coast officer at Arnside, Lan caster, has been appointed principal coast officer at Oban, Campbeltown ; Mr. J. Pirie, principal coast officer at Oban, Campbeltown, has been appointed third-class clerk at Londonderry ; Mr. George Walter Bull has passed his examination for a land ing-waitership at Newhaven ; Mr. John Ross Buckley has passed his examination for principal coast officer at Wicklow ; Mr. James Rees, tide sur veyor at Shoreham, has been promoted to be second class tide surveyor at Southampton, in the room of Mr. William Forrester, superannuated ; Mr. Wil liam Goff, first inspector of patrol at Southampton, has been appointed to be tide surveyor at Shore ham ; Mr. George Beck, assistant tide surveyor at Dover, has been promoted to be tide surveyor at Weymouth, vice Mr. Robert W. Shorman, who retires from the service. Inland Revenue Depart ment—Stamps and Taxes Branch—Messrs. Charles Edward Cousins, Charles Clavering Wardell, and John Hamilton Pollock, having passed a success ful competitive examination before the Civil Ser vice Commissioners, have been appointed to the establishment of surveyors of taxes in England. East Indies—Mr. S. D. Birch, sub-treasurer, Madras, has been appointed accountant-general, Bombay, vice Mr. E. E. Elliot, resigned. Mr. H. D. Sandeman, accountant, Punjaub, has been appointed sub-treasurer, Madras. Mr. W. Balmain, first assistant to the accountant -general, Madras, has been appointed accountant, Punjaub. Mr. W. Waterfield, has been appointed first assistant to the accountant-general, Madras. Mr. R. H. -William son, postmaster-general, Madras, has been appointed director-general of the post-office of India, in the room of M r . H . B . Ridd e ll , on l eave . Mr. E. G. R. F ane has been appointed to officiate as postmaster general, Madras.— Civil Service Gazette. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY). The LORD Cf/ANcELLon took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY presented petitions praying that Dissenters might be allowed to administer trust funds of endowed schools. Lord BROUGHAM presented petitions from Chelms ford, and other places, praying for en alteration of the law relating to County Courts, more especially with regard to commitments. The Duke of MARLBOROUGH presented petitions against the abolition of church-rates. CHURCH-RATES. The Marquis of SALISBURY asked whether it was the intention of the Government to proceed with the bill for the abolition of church-rates at this late period of the session. He was of opinion that the whole of the evidence which had been taken before the committee on the subject ought to be laid on the table of the house. The Duke of NEWCASTLE said, in the absence of his noble friend, he could not give the noble marquis a defini tive answer to the question. Individually, he did not think it would be advisable to proceed with the bill at this period of the session. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY' lEVtNING, &ECOND READINGS. On the motion of Lord REDESDALE, the following bills were r'iad a second time :—Berks and Hants Extension Railway, Chichester Harbour Embankment, Finford Bridge and Banbury 'Road, Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway (Rochdale and Royton Branches), Lancaster and Carlisle Railway ; Lawton, Burslem, and New castle-under-Lyme Roads; Ludlow Roads, Maltraeth and Corsddaugan Marsh, Midland Railway (Erewash Valley), Midland Railway and Burton-upon-Trent Bridge, North-Eastern Railway (Harrogate Branches), Silverdale and Newcastle-under-Lyme Railway, South Staffordshire Railway, South Yorkshire Railway and River Dean Company, Stockton and Darlington Railway, West End and Crystal Palace Railway (No. 1), and West London Railway. THIRD READINGS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Droitwich Roads, Hinckley and Melbourne Roads, Charles toVrn Railway and Harbour (Amendment), Ringwood, Christchurch, and Bournemouth Railway, and Wansbeek Railway. REVISION OF THE LITURGY. Lord EBUIIY presented a petition from certain clergy of the Established Church, praying the house to address the Queen for a Royal Contraission to revise the liturgy. The noble lord said it was not Ws intention to bring the subject under the consideration of their lord ships this session. The! Bishop of LONDON said the object of the peti tioners was to shorten the services of the Church, but he was afraid the alteration which was proposed would involve questions of doctrine, and would give rise to dissensions which would be most prejudicial to the interests of the Church. After a few words from several noble lords, the petition was ordered to lie on the table, ADMIRALTY COURT BILL. This bill passed through committee. JURY TRIAL (SCOTLAND) ACT AMENDMENT BILL. This bill passed through committee. ; PAWNBROKERS BILL. This bill was read a second time. BOUNDARIES (IRELAND) BILL. This bill was read a second time. COURT OF PROBATE (ACQUISITION OF SITE) BILL. This bill passed through committee. DIPLOMATIC PENSIONS BILL. This bill passed through committee. CONSOLIDATED FUND (£7,000,000) BILL. • , „ This bill was read a third and passed. CRIMINAL JUSTICE MIDDLESEX (ASSISTANT- JUDGE) BILL. This bill passed through committee. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YzsTERDAy.) The SPEAKER took the chair at 12 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Bray Commons, and Ipswich (Borough) Fishery. The Lucettis Estate Bill was read a second time. ELECTION PETITIONS. The members nominated to serve on the Cheltenham and Limerick election committees were sworn. INCOME TAX, &c., BILL. i • On the motion for going into committee, Mr. PIGOTT, who had a motion on the paper to the effect that the proposed assessment on trades and profes sions should be reduced from 4d. to 2d. in the pound, said he would not press his amendment at present, considering the late period of the session, but he hoped the Govern ment would consider the subject next session, with a view to placing it on a more satisfactory footing. He hoped the Chancellor of the Exchequer would not look to this tax as a permanent source of revenue, and that he retained the opinion he expremed in 1853, that that impost was diffi cult to be collected, inquisitorial, and therefore unpopular, consequently that it should not be retained as a permanent source of income. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY considered that after the house had agreed to the resolutions on the tax he thought it would be most inexpedient to raise a question like the pre sent. The only amendment he would suggest was that in those cases where the income amounted only to one-half or three-fourths of the financial year that parties should not be taxed for the whole year. He mentioned two cases of hardship that had arisen in the collection of this tax, the first being when the income liable to taxation was made up partly of an annuity solely the property of the wife, and the next when firemen employed on railways received an amount that brought them within the operation of the tax, while they had to expend a large sum on the clothes they required for their employment. Mr. BENTINCK expressed some surprise that the right hon. gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, should advocate the increase of this tax, having been a member of a Government that endeavoured to carry on the war in the Crimea on a peace establishment, which resulted in great disaster. He thought if the country were called on to pay a war tax in time of peace, that they should be satisfied that the national defences were maintained in efficiency. Col. SYKES proposed that in cases of income derived from professions, the parties should be taxed at half their incomes. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he agreed with the last remark of the hon. member (Mr. Bentinck), but he denied that he was a:member of a Govern ment that carried on war on a. peace establishment, the in come-tax having been doubled at the breaking out of the Crimean war. With reference to the first case alluded to by the hon. member for North Warwickshire, he could only say that there were inequalities in this tax which appeared inseparable from it ; but cases like the one in r q e u s e p s e t c i o t n t o did h en other t t h w e r a r e r a a s n e t, anythere a l w t e a r s a t a i o in special the law. clause nWith the act which provided a remedy for the hardships complained of, which could be brought under the notice of the inland revenue. He adhered to the opinions he formerly expressed with reference to this tax. The house then went into committee. Clause 1 was agreed to. On clause 2, Sir H. WILLOUGHBY moved an addition to the clause, that annuities expiring in October and January should, in the former, be charged only for the half year, and in the latter only three-fourths of the year. After some discussion, the house divided. For the amendment 37 Against 72 Majority —3s The amendment was accordingly lost, and the original clause was agreed to. Clauses 3,4, and 5, were also agreed to. On clause 6, Mr. BEALE suggested that the malt tax should be col lected like any other tax, namely, when it accrued, but that the maltster should be allowed two years to pay the £2,500,000 now, or about being due. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he could not make any alteration in the schedule this session. The clause was then agreed to, as well as clause 7. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved a n additional clause to the bill providing that persons pur chasing annuities from insurance companies should be allowed the same deduction with regard to the income tax that w as granted to those who had purchased Government annuities. The clause was added and the house resumed. SUPPLY. The house then went into committee of supply, and several minor votes were agreed to. On the vote of £29,193, the regium donum to noncon forming c l er gy in Ireland , Mr. BAXTER protested against two or three dissenting sects being selected for this grant, and objected to such grants altogether as having been given for political pur poses. The operation of the grant was most injurious to the nonconforming clergy in Ireland, who were worse off than other clergymen, and he contrasted their condition with that of the nonconforming Free Presbyterian Church in Scotland, towards which no less than £45ru,500,0 had been subscribed since the period of the diption. oo He conc l u ded by stating that he would briptg the whole ques• tion before the house next session, a nd in order to enter his p ro test against the grant he would m ove that it should be reduced by £69 4s. Bd. the proposed increase on the vote. Mr. LABOUCHERE trusted that the housethe would not do away with this tax lightly, and adverted to sery which the sects in question had rendered to the cause of peace and good order in Ireland. Mr. DAWSON sketched the history of the Irish regium donum, which, he said, was a contract entered into by our ancestors 100 years ago, and could not justly be abolished. Besides this was a grant to which he believed no party in Ireland objected, and the nonconformists in that country were placed in a position different to that of their co religionists and other sects else where. If this question were brought forward on a future occasion he would en deavour to show that not only should this grant be con tinued, b rid u jos t dc t uio h sa a sli t ,ain i t t tac s a h tk o ps u r. ld be increased and placed perraa nently on the consolidated fund, thereby relieving it from Mr. CARDWELL said that, as the whole question Mr . S P OsOelNf shouldoEf Rt alwaysh had e would be before the ho e u s s e e nt n . ext year, he would not enter which wiiic stood on differen i t n h t e o se th Pe e availe h d h h e im objections against the latter grant. different groundsobjection te t h to a that the f present Arayn o o g t rant h,to , Mr. BLACK considered should be widened, and a opportunity „e so b e mo o t p i o p n o t s i a e n udt introduced o,d u The cld r faonfr. histhe member usual pur pose of abolishing graduall Lord NAAS concurred w iy that tahll t the thhee s, aso basis grt an grants. speaker. this question After some discussion the house divided, and the numbers were— For the vote 126 Against .. Majority —B6 The vote was then agreed to. On the vote of £5,965 for salaries of officers of the Board of Health under the Local Government Act, Mr. - WILLIAMS denounced the class of votes to which this item belonged, as being most reckless and extrava gant. Some discussion ensued, and it was ultimately arranged that the vote should be postponed until the evening sitting. On the vote of £3,588 for defraying the salaries of a number of the officers of the ecclesiastical commisson of England and Wales, Mr. WILLIAMS contended that this vote was most un just towards Roman Catholics and Dissenters, who were called onto pay for services which were of value only to the Church of Faagland. Mr. D. SEYMOUR, said that, as a Protestant, he was opposed to this vote. After some remarks by Mr. Walpole, Mr. A. Smith, Mr. Deedes, and Sir J. Shelley, Mr, E. JAMES said it appeared that the .aom- missioners had a surplus of £57,000 in hand, and contended that it was most unfair to call on Dissenters to pay salaries to clerks and others for administering the affairs of the Church. After a few words from Mr. WILLIAms the house divi ded, and the numbers were— For the vote ... Against „ . Majority The vote was accordingly agreed to. A vote of £16,695 for the Charity Commission was agreed to. On the vote of £26,278 for sundry temporary commis sions, some discussion ensued. Mr. LAING said with regard to the Decimal Coinage Committee it was about to terminate. It being ten minutes to four o'clock, the house resumed -10 ASHBURTON. The chairman of the committee nominated to try the petition against the return of Mr. J. H. Aston, announced that they had come to the conclusion that he was duly elected. FROME ELECTION, It was announced that the petition in the case of the Frome election was withdrawn, and the order of the day for its being tried was discharged. The house adjourned at four o'clock. The house resumed at six o'clock. GLOUCSTER ELECTION PETITION. Mr. HARDY brought up the report of the Gloucester Election Committee, which stated that W. P. Price and C. J. Monk had not been duly elected ; that the last election was a void election ; that Mr. Price and Mr. Monk had, by their agents, been guilty of bribery (several instances of which were stated), but it did not appear that such bribery was committed with the knowledge of Mr. Price and Mr. Monk ; that corrupt practices extensively prevailed at the last election for the city of Gloucester. IRISHMEN AND IRISH OFFICERS. Mr. SCULLY said that he would next session move a resolution expressing the opinion of the house that it was not politic or just to exclude native born Irishmen from the position of Cabinet Ministers, and from the offices of lord lieutenant of Ireland, chief secretary of Ireland, under secre tary of Ireland, commander of the forces in Ireland, inspec tor-general of Irish constabulary, and chief commissioner far the administration of poor laws in Ireland. (Laughter.) And he should also move as a separate, distinct, and inde pendent motion—(laughter) The SPEAKER—The hon. member can only give no tice of one motion. ELECTION PETITIONS. Mr, JAMES gave notice that he should next session move for leave to introduce a bill giving power to committees to give costs against unsuccessful parties, and also against persons who presented petitions against members of the house and afterwards withdrew them. (Hear, hear.) THE EMANCIPATION ACT. Mr. SCULLY gave notice that he should also move next session that it was not consistent with the true spirit of the Roman Catholic Relief Act of 1829 that Roman Catholics should remain from that time to the present altogether ex cluded front the Imperial PolitWiN MO from the local go vernment of Ireland, THE WAKEFIELD ELECTION PETITION. In reply to Col. SMYTH, Mr, MbNSELL said he had moved that the report of the proceedings be laid on the table of the house, but he thought it would be premature on his part, till the house had an opportunity of considering the evidence, to express an opinion as to the adoption of ulterior measures with re gard to the Wakefield petition. (Hear.) THE BARRACKS AT ALDERSHOTT. In reply to Mr. BRADY, Mr. S. HERBERT stated that it was the intention to light the the barracks with gas, but not the camp, and for that purpose works would be erected. PLURALITY OF OFFICES. In reply to Mr. BRADY, Mr. FORTESCUE said it was quite true that Captain Bennett, the emigration agent in Glasgow, had been for some time at Aldershott, but not for 12 months. There was an efficient substitute at Glasgow, and the public had not suffered. However, there was some irregularity in the mat ter and it had been intimated to Captain B enne tt th a t if h e did not attend to his emigration duties, he would be ca ll e d on to choose between the two offices. METAL CASING OF SHIPS. Sir J. PAKINGTON wished to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty what progress had been made with the experi ments of the effects of artillery on metal casing of ships, which were directed by the late Board of Admiralty, and what steps it was intended to take for the fulfilment of the intentions of the late board to order the construction of a second man of war covered with iron ? Lord C. PAGET said he was sorryto say that some delay had occurred in carrying out the experiments. The firm that were to send in plates of various sorts had only just sent them in, and consequently the experiments had been much delayed. They would now, however, be proceeded with im mediately, but they could not order a second iron ship till they knew the result of the first experiments. DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH ROME. On the motion for the adjournment of the house, Mr. SCULLY wished to ask the First Lord of the Trea sury whether the sovereign of the Roman States had finally accepted or declined the position of president over the con federated states of Italy; and whether, in the event of the sovereign pontiff accepting that office, it was intended on the part of her Majesty's Government to adopt effectual steps for establishing direct diplomatic relations with the court of Rome. Lord PALMERSTON said that if he were to answer the question then, he could not speak again on the present motion. HYDE-PARK. In reply to Mr. W. EWART, Mr. FITZROY said that two years ago complaints were made against allowing cows to roam unrestrictedlyover the park, and it was for the convenience of the public that rails had been erected, which confined the cows within narrower limits. If the public w , ished that they should be allowed to roam at large he would make arrangements to meet the public convenience. . LANDED ESTATES COURTS. Mr. GRIFFITH wished to ask the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether a memorial had been received from Mr. Wrenfordsley, solicitor of Dublin, applying for compensa tion, on the plea of having suggested that the Landed Estates Courts in Ireland should be made self-supporting ; and whether it was the intention of the Irish Government to recommend such claim to the Treasury for considera tion? Mr. VANCE considered the gentleman was entitled to some compensation for the pains he had taken in bringing forward his plan. He disapproved of the system of the rates of poundage ; the effect of which was to keep largo estates out of the court, and he hoped a change would be made. ' Mr. CARDWELL said the court had been in existence too short a time to admit of any return of the poundage. The gentleman referred to had not made any application to him. CHURCH RATES ABOLITION BILL. Mr. CROSS wished to know what were the intentions of the Government with regard to the Church-rates Bill,which stood amongst the orders for that evening. He trusted it would not be brought on at two o'clock in the morning. He had given notice of certain amendments similar to those approved of by the Government in 1856, and on which the house had never pronounced an opinion. Unless when the bill came on the Government were prepared to state their views with regard to them, he would oppose the further progress of the bill that evening. THE DEFENCES OF THE COUNTRY. Mr. BENTINCK said the question of which he had given notice involved considerations of such importance that he should ask the indulgence of the house for a few moments in prefacing it with some observations. He admitted it rested solely on the ground of rumour. The noble lord might refuse to answer a question founded on rumour, but the matter in volved so much, not merely the honour and dignity but the very existence of this country, that he feltj ustified in bringing it forward, and pressing the Government tor a clear and con clusive answer. He was sure hon. members would acquit him of any party motive, bift he could not ignore the history of the past. At the commencement of the Crimean war they had a coalition Government, including the two noble lords opposite and the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, and characterised by the same composite character as the present. That Government attempted to carry on the war with a peace establishment. The result was the loss of a large number of valuable lives, and a subsequent wasteful expenditure of public money. Looking to the composition of the present Government, it became the imperative duty of the house to ascertain what conduct they intended to pursue with regard to the armaments, more especially the naval armaments, of' the country. Since he had given his notice an announcement had been made which rendered it still more important to have a clear and distinct answer. It was announced that the Emperor of the French intended to ' commence a system of di sarmamen t, an d the consequence h was at once a sees of articles congratulating this country on being able to cease its exertions. The fact that the French Government was about to reduce its armaments was no reason for any reduction in the armaments of this country. (Hear, hear.) - Whatever might be the reduction of the Frenbh army, it was the duty of the Government to continue their exertions until the defences of the country, both naval and military, were placed in a more efficient state than they had yet attained. (Hear, hear.) Suppose the Emperor of the French should say to the Government " I am about to reduce my army." (He would put a case to show there was no parity between the armaments of the two countries.) " I intend to reduce my forces ; I intend to reduce my army by 100,000 men, and I call on you in fairness to do the same." What would be the result? The Emperor would be left with 500 ,000. men, but this country would be Left with nothing. (Hear. hear.) So far for the military force. The disparity in the positions of the two countries with reference to their naval forces was still stronger. There was no parity b e t ween t h e t wo coun t r ies as to the amount of naval forc es th ey requ i re d f or t h e i r de fence. France had no demand s on her for t h e d e f ence o f distant and extensive colonies, any naval force she kept up must be solely for the purpose of home defence, or in war of forei gn a k gress i on . Th e pos i tion of this country obliged her to furnish a large force for the colonies before she could spare a ship for home defence. Ag a i n , suppose a proposi tion was made for a naval disarmament and acceded to, and each country p a id off 20 line-of-b a ttl e s hi ps, w h a t would be the result ? France could recruit these men again in 48 hours, (Hear.) It was merely placing more ships in ordinary and landing the seamen until a telegraphic message called them together again , but in this country, if a ship was paid off, re-assembling the men was a question of months, and almost of years. He trusted that no proposition for a dis armament would be accepted, and that no reduction would be made in the navy merely because of proposals to dis arm. There was no parity in th e pos i tions of the two coun tries ; in Franc e , a ft er pay i ng as ever, but here it was o th erwise, and if such a proposal were accepted it wou ld p l ace this country at the mercy of France or any othe r aggressor for the men were as available for ma n y y e ars to come, He should like to know f rom th e b in. member for Birmingham what would become of the commerce of the country if she once lost the supremacy of the seas? He would be glad to know how our commerce was to be supported without a navy. It had lately been suggested that Government should propose to the Emperor of France to make a mutual disarmament; ho was informed the suggesti on h ad already been acted on. He believed his information w as correct, b ut h e l e ft it t o the house to Judge of the story. At the time of the fetes of Cherbourg a very distinguished person, fully qualified to do so, made a suggestion to the Emperor like that now recommended to the Government. The answer of the Em peror was, that he considered he was the best judge of what was required for the well-being and welfare of France ; P :v ri a i s mi n ' ot what he meant, but 50 of the have 50 of the best screw lint-of -battle ships that could be built. He referred to some ships then in the French ports, her Welfare required that she should modern and best Construction. He added that, if he might ' offer a suggestion to England, he would say she ought to 100 ine-of-battle ship u t , -S be construction ; he have believed that would be the best chance of maintaining a t a h n a d t, sa in w h t i h s a o t and lasting peace between the two countries. He long (Mr. Bentinck) gave the statement as he heard it; he be lieved it to be trne. helieyed nothing, would be more fatal to the interests of the Country than to reduce the most naval defences . ( ll,ear.) Ho had put his notice on te top.; would give r t a 1 ? -e r t m FR° in the hope that o , • their v iews, and that they igh have scene clear and dis oilet assurance that there was no intention to reduce MY 80 1 • 1859, naval armaments. He begged to ask the First Lord II the Treasury whether there was any intention on the part of her Majesty's Government to reduce the naval arrna ment of the country ? Mr. CONINGHAM said that one of the most effectual modes of providing for the defence of the country would be to establish liberal constitutions in the northern states of Italy. (A laugh.) Mr. LINDSAY.wouId wish to put the question to the nebie lord in a different shape, as he supposed his conduct would be guided by what were the real intentions of France. He considered there was a great deal of false economy in allowing the defences of the country to fall as low as they had been. (Hear, hear.) The mere rumour of an invasion produced such a difference in the exchanges that the loss to the country was far more than was required to keep the navy in an efficient state. (Hear, hear.) It was reported that France intended to reduce her naval armaments. As to her army it was different ; she might say the army was not to meet England, but Austria, Prussia, and Russia - but as to the navy, th a t was t o meet E ngland and if the imperor was prepared to reduce his navy he trusted the noble lord would consider whether the present expenditure could not be checked. A bill introduced that morning by the Secretary of the Admiralty would involve an additional £600,000. If France made the first move he trusted the noble lord would meet the proposal in the same spirit in which it was made. Lord LOVAINE reminded the house that when ships were paid off in this country the men were all dismissed, there was no reserve of seamen; but in France the men were merely placed in barracks, and, if required, the ships could be fitted out and the men placed on board almost before the troops which were to embark in them could be got together. -He trusted there would be no reduction in the naval force until they had an absolute pledge from France, not only that she would pay off her ships, but also that she would not build any more. That would be the only way to get security against unpleasant results. (Hear, hear.) Lord ASHLEY expressed his cordial sympathy in the views of the hon. member for West Norfolk, - Unless the navy was maintained in an efficient state, the country never would be safe. It was very well for the Emperor to talk of reducing ; it meant nothing but putting a few ships in ordi nary, and placing their crews at the naval depots, where they were available at a moment's notice. He had had the honour of serving in the Black Sea fleet; no vessels were ever better manned ; but where were the men now Some had entered the American service, some were in Australia, others in whalers. In consequence of the reduction at the end of the war they were obliged to seek employment where they could, and if they were now wanted to man the fleet, they could not be got. It took a long time to make a sailor ; mere pluck and willingness were not enough, (Hear.) The navy ought to be maintained at a sufficient force without regard. -to that of any other State, and he trusted they would re ceive some satisfactory assurance from the Government on the subject. Mr. S. BOOTH considered that such discussions did not at all tend to the credit of the house, or become the dignity of the country. (Hear,) If the Government was fit to conduct the business of the country under present circum stances, this question of her defences ought to be left in their hands. The constant repetition of these alarms in the house only increased the agitation in the country. Mr. H UTT wished to know whether the report of the Commission on Dockyard Expenditure, appointed by the late First Lord of the Admiralty, would be laid on the table before the close ef the session. He understood it had been in the hands of the Admiralty for some time. Lord PALMERSTON—Sir, my hon. and learned friend the member for Cork will understand why I did not answer his question at the moment. I saw there was another ques tion on the paper to be put to me, and I thought it better to wait as I could only speak once. My hon. and learned friend asked me whetherthe Sovereign of the Roman States has finally accepted or declined the position of President over the Confederated States of Italy; and whether, in the event 'of the Sovereign Pontiff accepting that office, it was intended on the part of her Majesty's Government to adopt effectual steps for establishing direct diplomatic relations with the Court of Rome. As to the first question, I really am not competent to give an answer, because as yet no confedera tion has been formed, and we are not in such a positionwith the Pope as would induce him to give us an intimation as to what his intentions may be. I would refer ray hon. and learned friend to the hon, and learned member for Dundalk, who is much more likely to be in the confidence of his Holi ness. As to the second question, whether in the event of the confederation we intended to establish diplomatic rela tions with the Pope as the head of it ; if such a confedera tion was established we would, no doubt, have diplomatic relations with the diet which would represent it, as we have diplomatic relations with the German Confederation. Our representative is accredited to the diet quite independent of any diplomatic relations we may have with the sovereigns who constitute the confederation. It may be as well, per haps, that I should state what is the law with regard to diplomatic relations with the Pope. It will be in the re collection of the house that some years ago an act was passed enabling her Majesty to enter into diplomatic rela tions with the Pope. In the upper house a clause was in serted, preventing her Majesty from receiving an eccle siastic as his representative; the Court of Rome chose to consider this as a bar to the establishment of diplomatic relations with the Court of Great Britain. The Govern ment of Prussia, which is a Protestant country; and of Russia, which is non-Catholic, decline to receive at their courts any ecclesiastic as representative of the Pope. I do not know the reason, whether it is the law or otherwise, but still such is the practice on their part, and I confess I do not understand why the Pope should make a distinction between England on one hand, and Russia and Prussia on the other, and should require us to repeal a law before he would do for us what he does for them. It is true he does not send representatives to Berlin or St. Petersburg ; yet he receives their representatives at Rome. With regard to the question of the hon. member for West Norfolk, I might simply content myself with saying at once that the answer to his question must depend on a great variety of circumstances, which in due time, and at the proper mo ment, it will be the duty of the Government to take into deliberate consideration. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman asked the First Lord of the Treasury whether there is any intention on the part of her Majesty's Government to re duce the naval armament of the country. 'lf I were to say that we have no intention to depart from the estimates pre pared by our predecessors, and which we have adopted, that would be a sufficient answer. As to one ground on which the hon. gentleman has put his question—viz., in consequence of information having been received that the Emperor of the French intends to make a reduction in his naval and military establishments, and his assump tion that this information may be met by a corresponding change on our part, I might put it to the honourable gentleman that although such information may afford him and other honourable members a `term ground for putting forward their opinion, it would be somewhat prema • ture to expect the Government—(hear, hear)—=to give any information as to what course they may think it their duty to adopt in consequence of an event which has not yet hap pened, and of which information has only been received that it is intended to take place. I have no hesitation in concurring in the principle which I understand has been laid down, that it would be impossible for the Government of this country to enter into any treaty with another coun try for the reduction of our naval and military establish ments in order to put our establishments upnn a footing to be determined by the arrangements which another country might think fit to make. (Hear, hear.) If there were but two powers in the world—if you had but England and France—l should say that even then it would be an ar rangement we could not enter into, because the interests of England and France, the position which they have to main tain, are so entirely different, that no arithmetical arrange ment could be entered into that one country should make a reduction simply because the other did so. But the house will remember that there are other parties to be considered besides England and France. There are powers with whom we have, and I hope shall continue to have, friendly rela tions, but with whom those relations might alter. Hence our naval and military armaments must depend not upon any foreign power, but upon that which the responsible Government of the day may from time to time consider to be necessary for the safety of the country. Sir, I can say no more than that. Of course, the duty of the overnment is, while on the one hand it proposes to Parliame n t th e es tablishments which it conscientiously believes to be neces sary for the public safety, on the other hand not to raise false alarms `or to burden the country to a greater extent than necessary. With regard to the question put by the hon. gentleman, I am informed that the report to which he alludes will be placed before Parliament in a few days. _ CHURCH RATES. Lord J. MANNERS said it was desirable to know what was proposed to be dcne by the Government on the subject of church rates. Sir C. LEWIS said that all which the Government could do was to give precedence, so far as possible, to all mattters which must be dispo se d o f b e f ore t h e en d of session, At a later period, Mr. BOLDER° asked whether, if the Church Rate Bill were brought on at a late hour, the Home Secretary would move the amendment which stood en the paper in his name. The hon. member was proceeding to discuss that amend. ment when he was called to order by the SPEAKER. Mr. M. GIBSON said that he believed his right hon, friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department would move his amendment if an opportunity offered. He concurred with the hon. gentleman in the inexpediency, as a general rule, of bringing on important questions late at night. (Hear.) THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS, Mr. CAIRD asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether any new instructions were sent to Captain Palliser on receipt of his report of October 7, 1558, inregard to his further explorations along the American boundary line and in the Rooky Mountains; and whether Captain Palli ser's journal had been received and would be printed. He said that Captain Palliser had discovered a countrytowards the range of those mountains which was most fertile, and which promised to open up a most fertile track of land for the purposes of this country. These explorations had not been carried so far as they would have been, on account of the want of funds. Now he trusted that no feelings of petty economy would be allowed to stand in the way of further explorations. Mr. ELLICE said that no new discoveries had been made by Captain Palliser, and:he hoped that no more money would be wasted on this subject. Mr. D. SEYMOUR quite differed from the right hon. gentleman. He believed that Captain Palliser's discoveries were fraught with interest of great value to the public. If no new discovery had been made, certainly Captain Palli ser had for the first time made that public which was before generally unknown. Within the last year Captain Palliser had discovered four passes through the Rocky Mountains. He hoped that the Government would turn their attention to this subject. Mr. BLACKBURN protested against the money of this country being expended upon this subject. Mr. C. FORTESCUE would not enter into all the points which this question might give rise to. He would assure the house that the Government would not expend the money of this country on places which were destitue of colonists. (Hear.) The report to which the hon. gentle man referred was received in January last, and at that time a small sum only was asked by Captain Palliser, and that amount had been sent to him. In answer to the question of the hon. member he could only state that everything re ceived from Captain Palliser had been published. RIFLED GUNS' Mr. MONSE LL called the attention of the house to the fact that a valuable invention in rifled guns had been made by Mr. B. Briden, and that repeated trials of guns rifted upon that plan had been made at Salisbury and elsewhere. The great advantage of the plan consisted in its making a bore of only 1 , 16 th of an inch ill the interior of the gun, whereby no injury was done to its strength. He wished to know whether in the rifle guns which were being made Mr. Briden's invention had been used, Mr. S. HERBERT said that many Ingenious plans had been tjll}}htnitt64 to the eovernment for rifling guns, and aniongst . them was that of Mr. Briden. These plans were now the subject of experiment and inquiry, and witil these f experiments were concluded, tYeTt? N 10 o necessity be no aßfiFer to 1114 right,h9p. Ai e ncri question. • ..*:'N4NES i(sked a question on the subject ofiuthcig statistics, but the Home Secretary having already spoken on this motion, no answer could be given. The motion that the house at its rising adjourn to Mon day was then agreed to. THE NATIONAL DEFENCES. On the motio : r going into Committee of Supply, Mr. HORSMAN, pursuant to notice, rose to propose a motion as to the mode of providing for the expense of com pleting the necessaay works of national defence, projected or already in progress. If any apology were required for the motion he was about to submit, it would be found in the preliminary discussion which had already taken place in the house that evening. The question of the national defences had only to be mentioned in that house to excite a feeling of general interest, and he believed the feeling of that house on the subject was a very inadequate representation of that which preyailed throughout the country. (Hear.) They had just been called on by Government to make a large in crease in the taxes of the year, and that was grounded on the necessity of adding to our national defences. This year our armaments would cost us £26,000,000, and in order to meet that enormous outlay we should have to submit to an augmentation of the most odious and exceptional of all our imposts. In a time of profound peace we were about to double the income tax nearly, and there was a general dis position to inquire whence the great exigency arose. It was obvious that those great estimates were the result of some great necessity, and were the evidence either of some ima gined or some concealed danger How long, he asked, was that state of things to continue, and what was the proba bility of these estimates either being diminished or continu ing permanent in their present enormous size ? There was a point at which inquiry on this subject became the duty of Parliament, and when anything like reserve or concealment on the part of the Government was fraught with danger and involved a positive betrayal of the interests of the coun try. (Hear, hear.) There was always a disposition on the part of the House of Commons to act with forbearance in reference to all questions affecting international rela tions ; but there were occasions—and he believed this was one—when it behoved the house to press the Government of the day to speak out in plain and unmistakeable lan guage. All those armaments and that taxation originated in one cause, namely, in an apprehension of some war or some attack being directed against the country by France. He need have. no hesitation in saying it, for all Europe knew and said it. It was an indisputable fact that our Minister at War was adding greatly to our defences, and that our Minister of Finance was doubling our income-tax, and all from an uneasiness caused by the circumstance that the armaments of our nearest and dearest, our much lauded and much trusted ally, had increased and were increasing, and, notwithstanding the intimation in the Moniteur of yesterday, with no immediate prospect of diminution. Ought we not, he asked, to look our position boldly and sensibly in the face, and really ascertain either the necessity or the folly of the alarm ? If that uneasiness, which was costing us so much, was unfounded, we ought to be instantly relieved from sacrifices we were now called upon to make ; but if there was anything like real danger in our position not an hour should be lost in placing our security beyond the possibility of question. It only remained for the Government, like men, like Englishmen, like states men, to tell us so. Let them but say the word, that this was an occasion for England to put forth some portion of her latent strength, in order to overtake a march stolen upon her, and the spirit of the nation, which would be in stantly aroused, would do all the rest. (Hear, hear.) At such a time the real indiscretion, folly, reproach, and guilt would be on the head of the Minister who, having bound less resources at his command, hesitated to employ them, dissembling the danger until it was too late to avert it. A rebuke had lately been administered from the Ministe rial side of the house to the press of this country, because, in' expressing a feeling of misgiving occasioned by the aspect of public affairs, it had used language alleged to be offensive to our neighbours across the Channel. He was one of those who, in common, he believed, with the great majority of that house, had shared largely in the appre hensions which the public had lately expressed ; and he felt gratitude to the press for the warnings it had sent forth, (Hear, hear.) It was his good fortune recently to listen to the speech of a venerable peer whose courageous exposition of the national defences had created so much sensation, and even with the fear of incurring rebuke, he cou ld not refrain from taking the most public opportunity of tendering his thanks. (Cries of " Order, order," interrupted the sen - tence before its conclusion.) He had made no allusi, m to the place whete that speech was delivered. He ;sad only referred to it as the speech of a peer. He asere fore submitted that he was in order, and he would take leave to express his admiration of the wisdom and patriotism by which that address was characterised—(hear)--speak intr, home, as it did, in much needful warning to the hearts, sympathies, and convictions of, he believed, the great majority of his countrymen from one 'end of the kingdom to the other. (Cheers.) . But what did those arti cles in the English press and speeches such, as that really imply ? Not fear of any enemy abroad but, of our own in capacity at home. (Hear.) It was not fear of France, but, correctly translated, want of confidence iii our own depart ments in England. It was not that we dreaded plans of attack from abroad, but that we had an uneasy feeling as to the want of plans at home. (Hear.) The recollections of the Crimea had sunk deeply into the national mind. They had never been obliterated, and knowing how powerful and invincible we were as a nation we were struck with terror, not of those by whom we. might be invaded, but of those to whom our defences might be committed. Again, if the lan guage of apparent hostility to France had caused so much uneasiness, what was to be said of that language of compli ment and adulation of which this country had become some what ashamed ? There was no doubt the demeanour of some of our public men towards the Emperor of the French had lowered us abroad and sickened us at home while it had provoked many o f th ose counter demo nstrations of opinion which would not have been so frequent or so marked had the public not felt that the honour and character of the nation had been complimented away. (Hear.) The Em peror of the French had been our friend and ally. He was a man of sense, and a man of business ; and our Ministers ought to have said to him, "We cannot, without explana tion, allow you ander cover of the English alliance to make such an enormous increase of your armaments—it is under the cover of our alliance that this increase has taken place ; you have never ceased to make professions of peace and friendship towards this country ; but, for some time past, we have found it difficult to reconcile those professions with the enormous preparations you have been making for war ; increased armaments ought to be resorted to only in time of danger; the attitude you will shortly assume will be one of menace, and in that case it is evident we shall NM cease to be allies ; either you must give us the assurance that you will desist from these menacing preparations or we shall be under the alternative of girding up our loins and making preparations for whatever may occur." (Hear, hear.) This language would have been better and more appropriate than the perpetual use of diplomatic compliments, which had not raised us in the estimation of foreign countries, and which was distasteful to our own people. (Hear.) The probability was that two or three years ago the enormous preparations which gave us now so much uneasiness—which financially at least was so heavily felt—would have been departed from, or at least we should have known what other alternative we had to contemplate, (Hear, hear.) Our Ministers would only have had to take the alternative that lay before us, and the country would at once have been stimulated into activity and liberality ; if it was felt that danger was reallyintminent we should in a very short time have been placed in such a state of security as to render us impervious to fear, and to cause the idea of invasion to be received only with a smile. (Hear.) At the eleventh hour, however, the necessity for in creasing our defences was proclaimed by the increased esti mates which the house had this year been asked to vote. But it was to be deplored that they wore meeting that neces sity with half measures, and he felt bound to say that, for purposes of national defence, half measures were no mea sures at all—to be serviceable they must be complete. (Haan) They were engaged on permanent works of na tional defence. These were very costly, but the result was veryunsatisfactory. Our arsenals were entirely undefended; our shipping, in ease of war, had no shelter for their protec tion or repair. The necessary works were planned, but the money to complete them was got in driblets. It was distri buted over so many works, and spent through such a series of years that in the meantime we were utterly defenceless. (Hear.) He had hi his hand a few items taken from the estimates for the year for these public works. The first work he found was that of Devonport. The cost of these for tifications was estimated at £457,500; and the sum voted this year was £86,000. This was one of the most necessary and urgent works that had been undertaken, but according to the present rate of payment it would take four years to complete it. That was on the supposition that the estimate was correct, for, as the house knew, it frequently happened that the expenditure was rather in excess of the estimate. (Hear.) The next place was Dover. The esti ' mated cost of the fortifications here was £311,000. There had been already voted £133,000, and the vote this year was £26,000. To complete these fortifications would take a period of seven years, Alderney was next on the list. The I estimated cost was £200,000; last year £15,000 was voted, leaving £185,000 still to be granted. To complete these works would.take no less than 12 years. (Hear.) Then there was Pembroke, with the sea defences of Milford Haven. The estimated sum for the works was £190,000. There had been voted £25,000 this year ; £165,000 still re mained to be voted, and it would take six or seven years to complete the works. Portsmouth works were estimated at £300,000 ; this year £65,003 was voted, and it would take 31 years to finish the undertaking. The Hilsea Lines were estimated at £135,000. A sum of £65,000 had been voted this year, and 3i years would be required to complete the works. The Southsea line was put down at £30,000 in a t supplementary estimate; £3,000 had been vo T tl e , would take nine years to complete the works. would take six £20,000. They had voted £7,000, and itStokes Bay Bay line was estimated in a supplementary estimate at Butthe most years more to finish the undertaking. bpeorretd how the Secretary for War spoke . o extra ordinary case was that of Portland f th T e h i twas that it was one of land. His statement regarding i emypoalrltanreniceeomf possession of the if an enemy were to take _.. fenceless ; that great difficulty in dislodging him— the finest harbours in the world, but:that it was utterly de island we should have the defences would be so but that when completed everybody knew that impossible that Portland should ever t o h au at y t , heworks required could be executed very economi cally, as to make it m nem ent y ; b N ut ow what must be the feel ing• ster who made that statementwhen he re flected of the Minister who to the rate of the vote taken this t fa h l a l t in w t a o s th a e v h ery and fa s ir of s an tate e that, according . _ year h r ) He might rest his case on that years would be required to complete the works at 21 ea . Portland ? (Hear, instance alone, for it was impossible that any Minister who had made the house conscious of the importance of such a work could contemplate with anything like equanimity the idea that 21 years would be required to complete them— (hew) —but there were other cas es — suc h as the defences of commercial harbours—to which he would refer the house. Even with regard to Gibraltar and Malta a strong case could be made out, for it would take four years to bring the defences of the latter plac e t o an end. (Hear.) There were other works not in the estimates which the Govern ment must feel to be imperatively called for. He would take the case of Woolwich as an example. The amount of property in our arsenals there could not be less than £10,000,000 to £15,000,000 ; and it was perfectly defence less, not a single shilling of public money ever having been voted 'for fortifications at Woolwieh. (Hear, hear.) He assumed that the wor k s to which he had referred' were all necessary, because, with the exception of Woolwich, they had all been a pp roved by Parliament, and money had been voted towards them. He was far from saying that it was necessary that these works should be completed according to the plans an d est i mates laid before the house. That was a question that would come under the consideration of the Royal' Commission to be nominated at the instance of his hon. and g a ll ant friend (S i r Do L. Evans). In fact, the appointment of that cm:emission was necessary to :arty out the obj ec t o f his ova). motion if the house should a g ree to it, If t out its recora- Is most valuable, and the money to carry ss flat committee were well selected, its report would o mendations would no doubt be most ungrudgingly and un hesitatingly provided. It would not do for Government in such a case to tell the house that England could not afford to spent] whatever sum that commission might think ne cessary for the national defences. The safety of England was too precious not to be insured at any price • and the only question was how the money, was to be goi. There was no member of that house who would not .scout the idea of consenting to a. loan for the purpose of the ordi nary expenditure of the country, but the question was whether this was part of the ordingry expenditure of the country. (He ar , h ear. ) I t was expenditure which was taking place in anticipation of a possible war. It was not occasioned by a belief that any foreign Power at present en tertained or, he, hoped, would f or a l ong time entertain, any idea of invading England;, but we knew not how suddenly such a war might arise, and if it broke out and found us unprepared and defenceless we should not be safe for a single day. Hitherto the plan had been to spread this expen diture over a series of years, but the general opinion of the house, and he believed also that of the Governinent, now was that it ought to be compressed within a limited period. If these *orks were to be of any use they ought to be com pleted at, once; and if the expenditure intended to be that of a series of years was compressed into two or three, it be came an extraordinary expenditure, and must be met by extraordinary means. (Hear, hear.) You could not meet it out *of the ordinary income of the (, hear.) You must therefore either complete these works by means of a loan or leave them unfinished. That was an alternative which the house could hot avoid. , (Hear, hear.) Some gen tlemen thought that his object in bringing forward this mo tion was to obtain the establisbnaent pf a line of forts along the whole of our coasts, so as to prevent the possibility of a landing being effected by an invading army. Instead of this he wentrather into the opposite extreme, and thought that such an expenditure would be perfectly absurd, and indeed a complete waste of money. (Hear, hear.) Our expenditure ought to be limited to two objects. We ought to provide defences for our shipping and our arsenals His object was merely that, as certain plans had been approved by Govern ment, sanctioned by Parliament, and the works already commenced, we should obtain the money required, and com plete at once operations which would otherwise be spread over a number of years. (Hear, hear.) It had also been supposed that he wished to borrow money to pay some part of the expense of our military said naval establishments. Nothing could be more absurd. The only objection which he had heard to the raising of this large sum of money, in order that these works might 'be completed within a certain time, was that if so great an amount was at once placed at the disposal of the Government there would be an enormous quantity of jobb ery an d waste. , His;own opinion was that this was a very absurd objection, and he was sure that he might safely leave it tb — be . dealt with by his right hon. friend the Secretary of State , for War, who would hardly . admit that, although his department • could control the ex penditure 'of £2,000,000 over that it cO O ,0 no efficient superintendence over that of £6,000,000. It was the more necessary that the money required for this expen , diture should be raise:] as he proposed, be for some time, at least, the ordinary military and naval expenditure of the country would absorb all that portion of the income which could possibly be devoted to it. He was not able to comprehend the logic of the statement made by the Chan cellor of the Exchequer the other night, that it matters did not get worse in the course of next year they would pro bably get better. His belief was that, so far as a diminu tion of expenditure went, they could not get better, as long as we acknowledged our obligation to keep the navy of England up to an adequate strength. The superiority of our fleet—he would not say our supremacy at sea, as that might be objected to as implying rather a bellicose spirit —was as essential to our commerce as were the ships which carried :it. (Hear, hear.) He agreed with what was said by an hon. member early that evening, that the superiority of our navy was rendered absolutely neces sary by the superiority of our colonial and commercial interests. (Hear, hear.) The superiority of our fleet at sea had hitherto been the first necessity of our empire; It had been considered the first law of our existence as a great Eu ropean Power. Other Powers had great military establish met ntsthat . Th we Char A nel was our natural defence;_ and if we ,shesild at on ce l ose our position in Europe as a first-rate Power. (Hear, hear.) . From the time that En land first b ecame a great maritime Power, her superiority g at sea was never Vest until th e c l ose of the Crimean war. That it should then have been lost was a - great misfortune and a great niistsale. (Hear.) It was much to the honour of gen tlemen. opposite that they endeavoured—and successfully en deavo-ared—to re-establish the navy of England in the posi tion, which it ought to hold ; and no Government would de serve a moment's forbearance which did not strain every nerve to make it the most powerful navy in the world. (Hear, hear.) During the discussion upon the navy esti mates last year, he expressed an opinion in which he was fol lowed by the gallant admiral the member for Southwark that the navy of England ought to be equal to the navies of France and Russia united. (Hear, hear.) To his great satis faction the noble lord at the head of the Government had the other night endorsed that sentiment. I twas an opinion which was becoming very general in that house ; but, unfortunately, the equality which he desired was not very easily obtained. Russia had lately been building in the United States large ships of war, some of which were already completed. France had got a-head of us, and was making every effortto preserve that start. While we were only experimenting she had already got iron-cased vessels, armed with rifled artillery— (" Hear, hear," from Sir C. Napier)—and could at short notice bring into the Channel a fleet more powerful than ours, and could man it more easily with practised seamen. It was admitted that if unfortunately a naval engagement between the fleets of the two Powers should take place its re sult might be doubtful. Ifits results were in favour of France, if she could bl oc k a d e or d estroy the remainder of the fleet,and our defences were incomplete, England would become part of the main land of the Continent, and France with the command of the communications could transport a fleet across the Channel as easily as she could send it across the line. Suppose such a thing occurred--and he was speaking of what might happen 10 or 20 years;hence, a short period in the lives of such nations as England and France—we should have to depend upon our land force. What was that ? Here, again, everybody felt that we were the victims of half. measures. Every one knew that if in any future war that might occur a French general were to land in England, he would bring with him every soldier for whom transport could be found. It would be for invaders and invaded a life and death struggle. That army would leave its own ports an exultant and, by anticipation, a victorious army. From the moment it landed in England it would have to fight its way with the desperation of a forlorn hope, and within two or three weeks of the landing of the first zouave either it would be completely annihilated or London would be taken. It would be less a war than a surprise, and its suddenness would be one element in the calculation of its success. What force had we, what preparations had we to meet such a danger as this ? We all knew that it was very inadequate. We ought to have one of two forces, either a standing army equal to any which could be brought to invade us, or a large auxiliary force of militia and volunteers. But could anybody say that we had either, or were likely to have either ? Lately we had had a movement for the establishment of rifle corps. They were set on foot by the late Government, and finding them very popular the present Government was obliged to take them up, but still had extended to them but a very chill support. (Hear.) So great, in fact, were the dif ficulties thrown in the way by routine and red-tape that it seemed as though the Horse Guards and the War-office would preferto see the country conquered by the old methods rather than saved by any perilous modern innovations. (Hear.) In 1803 we had 400,000 volunteers and militia under arms, and even then we thanked our stars for , the Channel, which was our best defence. (Hear, hear.) Napoleon, it was well known, regretted to his dying day that he had not at tempted to invade England, for he made but light of the forces he would have to meet had he once landed. In our days we had no such volunteer force. We might have rifle corps, but it did not appear as though we had rifles to arm them, for he had heard lately that a large contract entered into with a Belgian house for rifles had been annulled on account of some slight extra sum demanded by the contrac tors, so that we were altogether left without the arms for which a short time ago there was thought to be an urgent necessity. He hoped, however, to hear this report contra dicted by the Secretary for War. But when we saw how inadequate were our defences--whether [naval, military, or irregular —we c ou ld no l onger wonder at the feeling ofdis quietude which had sprung up, not so much from fear of danger from abroad as from the state of unreadiness and non-preparation in which we were at home. (Hear hear . ) such a state that she would be entirely out of the reach far We ought not to lose one moment in' putting England i n any hostile attack. (Hear.) War everybody hoped was country into that perfect state of defence Every ln public w and distant ; but we ought to employ the interval in pu hi l o 'n h g s t h h e e ought always to be in time of peace.. every workman and artificer ought to be se in our present state of extra hours. As long as we were every private yard ought to be put in t to to ac w ti o vi rk ty , insecurity we ought to act as though the crisis were_ upon us. ; and at h at home we ought to could not make rifles fast enoug without troublng renew our contracts with foreign houses, d 6d extra per us. The volunteer corps ought to be encouraged, di rifle. The work of manufacturing, I.l unlit to be pushed on until Eng landing and drilling , o placed in that state of security as never ourselves whether they might dem co a n n struct .. mg, recruit. de grading, nay, even dangerous all this was foolishness—(" hear, again was to be liable tooneof pau ttor of hinuvmusillioanth.igif Many y persons might think that plkrrers.muCgobdheins)—opbinuitonridoicnulethiwsousludhjneoctt. detelrt was very much to be regretted that on a matter of such h h i e m ar,i r deep interest, where the feelings and judgment of all men o f m rom ex ought to be considered, our highest military authorities, our most experienced diplomatists, and our most venerable and wisest statesmen could not use that liberty of speech which was tho birthright of us all, without being exposed to an amount of ridicule and derision which was wholly unde served. (Hear, hear.) He had no fault to find with any private member responsible for his own opinions only ; taking this view of the questitn, the hon. member for Bir mingham, for instance, had a perfect right to express his belief that there was no Zouave in the French army who would not prefer a remission of the wine duties to the sack of London ; but it was a very different thing when a Mi nister of the Crown rising after him expressed such a con currence in his views as to lead the hon. member to congra tulate his friends on gaining over so distinguished a convert to their views. The country, however, was not converted to those views, and it would watch with great alarm the con version of the Government to them. (Hear, hear.) He and others who thought with him had been content to refrain from any public statement of the reasons for their disquie tude—but when they were told on the highest authority that the Ministers of the Crown were become members of the Peace Society they felt bound to protest against the progress of those views—to state the reasons for their appre hensions, and to justify those reasons. He had never uttered a word in disparagement of the Emperor of the French, for he had always formed a different estimate of his character from that usually formed in this country. The Emperor found France in a state of anarchy, and he re re-establiishrec! order. Befor e h e appeare d on th e sta g e every b o d y believed that Fran ce mus t go t h roug h a fi erce sangu i nary econvul sion, but he carried h er th roug h the cr i s i s a t a smaller cost . than anybody believed possible, an d grateful France a warded him with the throne. She believed him her bene factor,hnile military Between him and his people glory beyond her frontiers. given her re peace chose and him prosperity for sp h er e i r ty sovereign, and an an d d there was a accord, which cla c t riticism, was at least h gh with the domestic removed from censure. B must have no concern, it was our drity affairs of France we if asked why, with hises timation her foreign policy , and , if not entirely shu c t om out from to watch muaftnordteignou of an invasion, he was driven to assis . va as a possibility fact which was notorious to everybody Vero and in of the character of the Emperor, he beheved , ,n the reason a France. He believed in the possilaility of a war w ith France at some future time because he eaw th a t the EmDeror him self believed in that possibility 4 .'rom the preparat 4 ,ons he had made. He believed that if a war broke out 'sr, attempted invasion of England would bo one of the fir at. steps in that war. As they saw unmistakeable proofs or p re paration for war, every man who was no t wilfully blir id must see that. there were unmistakeable preparations fo• ma king that war s if it took place, more formidable by insn asion. He knew it might be said that it was an insult to ' the Emperor to sus pect such an int en ti on, b ut h e could o, al sa y that he did not insult any man by believing that s. J possible which he had. himself openly, publicly, a n d ostar s iatiously told them, *:', l "'7n*