The Sun. — London, England, 1862-03-26 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—YEsTERDAY, The LORD Ch ANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. TRE REVISED CODE, i'-',Witiona against the Revi.;c! Ce , lo wero prc: - .;crited LY Lord Cranworth, tho Earl of Derby, Lord Kingsdown, the Bishop of Worcester, Viscount Dungannon, the Marquis of Bath, the Earl of Devon, Lord Redesdale, Lord Calthorpe, and several other peers. to his rule. After that change was made various events and circumstances took place, and the Russian Ambassadors at this and the other Courts of Europe were instructed to state to the different Governments what were the intentions of the Emperor. The noble earl has stated most truly that these intentions comprised a Council of State which should be provided with members not belonging to the official Wer ra:o,n mo^ , ^ing IT that; some independent, members whose advice should be asked by the Government. Another article was to secure municipal councils, which were to be elective. A third provision was for a council upon cede siastical matters, and with that council was connected the subject of education. I must say that I think those pro positions wise, and not only wise but likely to lead the way to the enjoyment of greater privileges by the Poles when they should have had the benefit of national administration, and when, by education, they should have been raised in the scale of nations. (Hear, hear.) The circular despatch was read by the Ambassador of the Emperor of Russia,but no copy of it was left. However, it soon afterwards became public, and I will read a passage to show the spirit in which these propositions were meant—a spirit highly honourable to the Emperor, and demonstrating the benevolent views with which he acted : EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN BILL. This bill was read a first time. SIR JOHN SOANE'S MUSEUM BILL. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM moved the second read ing of this bill, which was to enable the trustees of the museum to lend some of its treasures to the Commissioners of the Exhibition of 1862. Lord OVERSTONE said he thought this bill required serious attention. In the approaching summer, when a ' great number of foreigners were expected to visit this country, he thought that it was highly objectionable that the interesting museums and galleries of the metropolis should be denuded of their great attractions. He thought that instead of such being done, it would be of the highest importance that the various attractions should be arranged in the highest order, and therefore he was of opinion that some further explanation was necessary before the present bill was agreed to. The same demand as that which they were now considering had been made to the trustees of the National Gallery, but after full consideration the authorities thought it would be incon sistent to comply with the request. He did object to the second reading of the bill, but he thought the subject should not be hastily disposed of. Earl GRANVILLE agreed that it would not be desir able to denude our public galleries, but ho did not think that because the National Gallery had refused to lend some of its pictures, the trustees of Sir John Soane's museum should be precluded from lending some of its treasures to the coming exhibition, as last year not more than 2,000 persons visited the establishment. The bill *as then read a second time. POLAND. The Earl of CARNARVON rose to call the attention of their lordships to the present state of Poland, and also for the purpose of inquiring of her Majesty's Government whether Prince Gortschakoff's circular letter of the 20th of March had been communicated to them. The noble lord com menced his observations by alluding to the difficulties of the subject which' he was about to bring under the atten tion cf the house, and he thought that cold indeed was the heart of that person who did not feel a sympathy for Po land, whose sons had borne up under every difficulty, as nothing had ever shaken their courage or devotion to their country. It was said in one of the petitions presented that evening that England had looked with indifference on the partitions of Poland. That was false as a matter of history. England never did look upon those partitions with indiffer ence, but had frequently protested against them, and had protested against the revocation of the constitution. We had never acquiesced by deed or word in the revocation of the constitution. The first, second, and third partitions of Poland were effected on the pretext that Poland had be come a dangerous neighbour, Even now we heard it said that Poland was dangerous to her neighbours, and that was alleged in order to justify the revocation of her consti tution. The extraordinary fatality had happened to her that whilst in her early days she was the source of trouble and constant anxiety to her neighbours, so since she had been destroyed and incorporated with other countries she had become a still greater source of anxiety, not only to her neighbours but to Europe. England was directly con cerned in the question of Poland. She was interested in preserving the balance of power which at present existed among the various states of Europe, and he ventured to say that the incorporation of Poland with other countries was a source of as great mischief to Europe generally as to Russia. It was a mischief to Europe in this way—that country which was designed as a restraint against the aggression of Russia on Europe was no more. Russia by seizing Poland had crossed the German frontier, and held an attitude some times threatening to Austria. It was a painful task to dwell upon these matters, but he trusted their lordships would think he had said nothing which would give offence to Russia. As far as he had studied the question he did not believe that the Polish nation was at the present time ripe for entire independence, but he thought that they had so far disciplined themselves through great calamities and great trials as to entitle them to some extension of constitutional liberty. He would be an imprudent man who predicted the restoration of the Polish kingdom as an impossibility, but looking at recent events in Europe there was no well-grounded reason for believing that such a contingency would arise at present. At the same time these who, with the best intentions, but the worst judg ment, had held different language, and encouraged the Polish people in illusory dreams, had done poor service to the cause they desired to advocate. Equally for Poland and Russia he regretted the continuance of the present deplor able state of things. (Hear.) He regretted the language in which Russia and her policy had been stigmatised, as she did not deserve it. It was no light thing for the Emperor of that kingdom to have undertaken the task of emanci pating the serfs, nor was it any light thing that the nobles and the great proprietary classes had co-operated in carry ing out that measure. For many years past it had been the practice for the nobles of Russia to meet occasionally in assembly for conference, and the Emperor had now gone so far as to consult these assemblies, and place before them matters of the highest national importance for the purpose , of obtaining their advice. Looking at all these things it was evident that a more liberal view prevailed in Russia than in former years, and he could not believe that this libe rality on the part of the Government would be confined to Russia, but that it would be extended to Poland. He had a right to assume that this policy would be lasting ; for, look ing back, they saw that three successive rulers, the Emperor Alexander, the Emperor Nicholas, and the present Em peror, had promised to give a constitution to Poland. Those three emperors had, in succession, acknowledged their duty to that people, and pledged their honour, and taken the oath of fidelity, not only as Emperors of Russia, but as Kings of Poland. There were, no doubt, classes in Russia unfavourable to Polish liberty ; but it would be an injustice to the present ruler of that country to say that he was indifferent to the voice of truth, or that the benevolence which he had shown in the emancipation of the serfs would not be ex tended to his subjects in Poland, a course dictated not only by generosity, but by every principle of sound policy. " The solemn act of emancipation inaugurated by the manifesto of the 19th of February attests the profound soli citude which our august master devotes to the wellbeing of the peoples whom Providence has confided to him. Russia and Europe have seen in it a proof that, far from evading or postponing reforms demanded by the progress of ideas initiative and of interests, his Imperial Majesty takes the and pursues it with perseverance. Our august . master ex tends the same solicitude to his subjects of the kingdom of Poland, and has not wished that a painful impression should arrest the course of his generous mtentions. ' That was a voluntary declaration on the part of the Empe ror of Russia. It showed, in the first place, that he did conceive himself bound by the general provisions of the Treaty of Vienna to Europe to give a liberal and generous G o vernment to Poland, and in the next place it showed that Poland was a country to which especial care would be given. Unhappily Poland, when she has excited our sym pathy, has generally excited our sorrow. There happened those painful events to which the noble earl has referred, in which the Poles by appearing in the streets in great crowds wished to manifest their attachment to their nationality, but at the same time excited apprehensions, not unreason able, that tranquillity might be disturbed. I took occasion in the other house to state that while I thought those appre hensions not unnatural, it was the duty o f th e G oveanment to give notice that no crowds would be permitted—that to attack an unarmed multitude by means of soldiery, with out notice, was an act of rigour and cruelty, and from that opinion I cannot depart. (Cheers.) The Prince who then commanded at Warsaw did me the honour to write a letter to a person in this country, who communicated the letter to me, endeavouring to show that due notice had been given to the people by proclamations. I am convinced that Prince Gortschakoff felt great interest, I believe almost affection, towards the people over whom he was placed, and that he did not intend to aet with harshness and cruelty. At the same time I cannot depart from my opinion that the acts then committed produced irritation which was but natural and justifiable under the circumstances. (Hear, hear.) Matters proceeded. The people paraded the streets. National hymns were sung in the churches. Upon that subject the Russian Government was extremely susceptible. I had some of these hymns sent over and translated. One at least, if not more, was sanc tioned by the Emperor Alexander, but the hymns were cer tainly addressed to the national spirit, excited the Poles to maintain their national character, and evidently had refer ence to some period when they should maintain their cha racter as an independent nation. I cannot wonder that the Russian Government should wish to prevent such hymns being sung. But the way in which the people were shut up in the churches, and then let out, as described by the noble earl, appears to me to have been utterly unjustifiable. I have no doubt that a deep feeling of anger and resentment was the consequence , an d t h at i t produced national irrita tion, dejection, and alarm. At the same time, we must not only regard the circumstances which make us look on Poland with compassion, but also the original intentions of the Russian Government, and what may be expected from them. IA ith regard to the state of siege, I do not think it possible for any foreign Government or any individual to say what measures a Government ought to take in order to preserve its own internal tranquillity. (Hear, hear.) Whether those measures be taken at Warsaw, whether they be taken in Hungary, or whether they be taken in the United States across the Atlantic, if the Government says such measures are necessary to secure obedience to the law and to keep the State and society together, I think credit should be given to the Government as knowing best what is necessary for its own internal tranquillity, and that, at all events, it is not for other Governments to interfere. (Hear.) But, with regard to a state of siege, it must always be deemed a temporary measure, and I cannot but hope that before long some relaxations will be made. I quite admit that at the end of four months the mitigations are trifling ; but it shows a feeling on the part of Russia that such a mode of government cannot be kept up, and that they are looking to a return to a better state of things. There are other circumstances of a hopeful character. A Pole (the Marquis Wielopolski) was summoned to St. Petersburg to give advice to the Emperor, and, if general rumours are correct, the advice which he gave was very wise, and well befitting a man who takes a great interest in his own coun try, while thinking it hopeless to sever the connexion be tween it and Russia. He proposed that there should be a civil government for Poland, entirely separated from the military government; that the civil governor should be a Pole ; ihat the offices of the administration should be filled by Poles ; that the laws of Poland should have their free course, under a Polish administration; that the people should enjoy as many privileges as were consistent with their con dition ; and that the troops should never be employed ex cept in cases of public disturbances, or against external vio lence. That proposition was not adopted by the Russian Government of the period; at the same time, it was not wholly rejected or thrown aside. On the contrary, much favour was shown to the distinguished man who gave that advice, and it was courteously and graciously received by the Emperor. I see no reason to doubt, or at all events to despair, of advice of that kind being taken at some future time, and that the Poles will have the benefit of a govern ment of their own nationality. Now, a country subjected to foreign sway may be reconciled to it by a government of that kind. There was a great instance of this in the go vernment of Italy under the first Napoleon. He had the supremo military command over Italy ; but he did not place there a French administration and a French government. On the contrary, Italians of distinguished talent were placed in the government of Italy. By that means the people of Italy were reconciled to the foreign power of Napoleon. But there are other circumstances that justify us in looking for some mitigation of the grievances of the Poles. The Em peror of Russia has granted to all his subjects who were in the state of serfdom an emancipation from that condition, and we may look forward to the period when all these men will be free. Now, no one can expect that the change will stop there . When thi s c l ass set tl es i n t h e towns and cities of Russia, it is quite impossible that the monopoly of power by the nobles can be maintained. Indeed, a great portion of the nobles have declar e d th e i r w i sh to share with those who were serfs, but who will be their fellow-subjects, all the ad ' vantages andlall the privileges that can be attained under a freer government. And when the Russian people have ob tained a government more in accordance with the views and general system of Europe, must not that have a great influ ence on the condition of Poland ? If the noble lord, who has paid so much attention to the subject, will refer back to the year 1831, he will find the feeling prevalent among the Russians was, not only that the Poles were in rebellion and insurrection against the Government of Russia, but that it was unjust and unfair that the Poles should, since 1816, have been in the enjoyment of greater privileges than the Russians possessed themselves. There was a sort of national envy in regard to the Poles and the privileges they possessed. But if the Russians once come into the enjoyment of greater privileges and freedom, so far from having a feeling of hostility to the Poles, they will be glad to see them also in the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty. Not only my observation of the past, but my ex pectations of the future lead to this result. But I must end as I began, by saying that while nothing could give me in dividually, or the Government collectively, greater satisfac tion than to see happiness and peace prevail in Poland, I do not think any immediate interference, and still less con stant remonstrance with the Government of Russia, will effect the object proposed. (Hear, hear.) lam very glad that the noble lord, who has spoken with so much discre tion and so much ability, has called your lordships' atten tion to the subject; but I do not think anything immediate can be done, though I do trust that, as in other pa r t s o f th e world oppression is gradually decreasing, so it is decreasing in Poland. Earl RUSSELL—I must do the noble earl the justice to say that he has spoken on this painful subject not onlywith gr eat ability but with great prudenc e . he (Hear.) I rejoice to observe the measured and temperate manner in which has spoken of the government of Poland. But, however the noble lord may be at libert y to s p eak, I feel that on who holds the office of Secretar y of State for Foreign eAf fairs is more restricted than anoae else in giving atiopinion on such a subject. (Hear, hear. y ) Any member of this or of the other House of Parliament, any organ of public opinion in the press, may avow sentiments with regard to the go vernment of Poland, may point out what may be deemed oppressive in that system, and may protest against the mea sures of Russia more easily than one in my position. Your lordships must remember that any official language which is used cannot fail to be futile and undignified, unless, on the one hand, it be such as is likely to be received as satis factory and agreeable by the Court of Russia, or unless, on the other hand, it be maintained by material assistance to the Poles. (Hear.) I have therefore been very cautions in the official language which I have employed on this sub ject. As the noble earl justly says, Poland has from her first partition always met with sympathy in this country, yet at the same time no English Go v er nment or Prime Mi nister has at any time held out the prospect of material as sistance to the Poles. A ter the last partition, in 1791, Pitt spoke of it in terms of abhorrence nearly as strong as those which were used by Fox, but neither he nor any other Mini ster thought it was the duty of this country to interfere save by an expression of opinion. It is therefore in the same spirit that I shall make some observations which occur to me on the speech of the noble earl. It has been justly said by the noble earl that this is a matter which occupied a Prominent place in the deliberations of the Congress of Vienna—not sc much, indoed,during the regular conferences a 4 in conversations and correspondence b etween the Minis tersof the different States. That was a period, we all know, thosewnen the interests of peoples were not so much reg arded as of the great sovereigns of Austria, , Russ ia, and pr_ .tt whose armies had produced such an . effect in Eu rope by th e i r fought the predominant strength. Lord Castlereag h battle in the interests of Poland with as much energy as ever efforts h e eo.hi! but as the noble earl justly says, what -I,v.e expected wen d make and whatever success he might a a einterrupted by the return of Napoleon f ro m Elba. The rr angements of 1815, therefore, were in this respect very imperfect, The noble earl justly says that by the Treaty of viet Poland was united to Russia by constitution. But there ie u ukgr.eat fallacy in that expression. It was united by constitution; no part of those conces sions made by th e Emperor n o'ngress o f Vienna, der to Poland were enu merated or sanc t i oned b y Congress and 11/ to to within the terms they could not be held spee terms of European obligations. Theirhe Poles en a vast insurrection occurred in Poland, and 1831 and 1832 e d d eavou red to obtain their independence, wa s overcome ; the I: ussian arms prevailed, and resistance wa s Em peror of Russia held that by that insurrection the claims the roles to national rep resentation, to a national arm of and to those privileges which the Emperor Alexa n d et promised were altogether forfeited. Ny noble f e nd (Lor d Palmer:lton) contended, and with, as I think, sound ara superior .arguments, against that proposition. Those pap ers were produced last year in Parliament, and Parliament has had an o pportunity of seeing with how much ability and with how much perseverance m y noble friend attempted to m - press ur on the Russian Government the sanctity of the ob ligations.; which Russia had undertaken. That controversy was not pushed any further, and the constitution of the Ernperor.Alexander was not given to the Poles. The con.- , stitution i ntended by the Emperor Nicholas was, I believe, never enjoyed by Poland. But at the commencement of the reign of the present Emperor a change took place affecting -"ussi a a.- —one of the greatest changes perh a p s which has oc curred i modern times , I mean the chang e made by th e .}.; XPerot r with regard to serfdom in the dominions subject The Earl of CARNARVON briefly replied, and Their lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—YESTERDAY. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. MEW MEMBERS. Mr. MORRITT took the oaths and his seat on his elec tion for the North Riding, and Mr. J. R. Mills for Chip ping Wycombe. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Berwick-upon-Tweed Harbour Bill and the Fros terly and Stanhope Railway Bill were read a third time and passed. The following bills were considered and ordered for third reading :—Coventry Poor Act Amendment, Daventry Railway, and Leeds, Bradford, and Halifax Junction Rail way. ' THE MIN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 2el, 1882, which could determine, or ought to determine, this ques tion. The question of expenditure was not one which should govern the decision of the house ; but when they came to the appropriation of the money so liberally voted by Par- • liament, it was important to see that the money was so spent as to produce the results which Parliament had in view. This consideration forced itself upon the Govern- • merit last summer. Government was in connexion with a vast number of persons in various parts of the country engaged in education—drawing their sala ries from the Government, and to a great extent inde pendent of those managers with whom they arc more immediately associated. Government had to consider whether this gigantic system of centralisation might not be checked, and whether to a greater extent local manage ment and control could not be given. The Government also considered the report of the commissioners, and what they said as to the present system being complicated, cumbrous, and costly, and the Government also came to the conclusion that the results were by no means commensurate. Then they set themselves to work to revise the code, and the result of their deli berations was laid befcre Parliament some time previous to the prorogation, with the full expectation that it would produce the criticism which it had produced during the recess. The heads of the department to which this matter was entrusted had received deputation after deputation on the subject, and had read all the pamphlets which had appeared. In fact, he had scarcely ever known a subject which had been more thoroughly dis cussed, whether in or out of that house. The Government thought that the principle which they ought to maintain was, that the money voted by Parliament for the promotion of education should be contingent upon the success of the machinery employed, as tested by results. To this principle he understood his right hon. friend to assent. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Walpole) in his speech pointed out what he deemed the four advantages of the present system, but ho failed to show that the Revised Code would not sus tain these advantages, nor did the right hon. gentleman in any of his resolutions ask the house to say that the Revised Code would affect the religious instruction given in the schools under the present system ; and as to taunting the religious bodies on the subject, he thought that it would be reproaching them to suppOse that they would be less atten tive to religious education when they ceased to be paid for it than they were when they were paid for it. In schools in connection with the Church of England no difference would be made under the Revised Code; and as to discouraging voluntary efforts, he held that the effect of the Revised Code would be exactly the reverse of what the right hon. gentle man anticipated; for the supporters of schools would be more and not less anxious and interested. The very cer tainty of the grants heretofore had operated as a check rather than an impulse to a voluntry effort. He attached quite as much value to these voluntary efforts as his right hon. friend could do. Those represented by his hon. friend the member for Leeds were entitled to the thanks of the country for the efforts they had made unaided by any Par liamentary grant. Amongst those not unwilling to receive Government aid large voluntary contributions had been made ; and many such schools would have been established by benevolent people, even if there had been no Parlia mentary grants. He could not see how voluntary efforts would be checked by e ffi c i en cy being made a co n diti on o f grants. (Hear, hear.) As to discipline and cleanliness, schools where these qualities were not found would not be entitled to a grant; and as to the test of how the children turned out in life, it would be impossible to follow them and to make the grant dependent on the issue of such inquiries. He was not disposed t o underr ate what had been done by the present system. He rememb ered and took part in the efforts of the Marquis of L ansdow ne and Lord Rus sell, to whom the right hon. gentlemen had referred. Ho remembered the jealousy with which these grants were at first regarded, and the danger the system then ran of almost annihilation at the hands of the majority of that house. As to the results, it was a fact which stood broadly out in the report of the commissioners, that not more than one-third of the scholars could be said to be efficiently educated ; but he cared not to state the precise proportion; what he con tended for was, that notwithstanding the vast amount of money spent, a very large proportion of the children were imperfectly educated in those very elements of education which all agreed should be insisted on. He thought he had stated the figures incorrectly—the fact being, as he had just been informed, that one-third were well taught and two thirds imperfectly taught. His right hon. friend stated as an objection to the system that it did not reach the poor dis tricts. That objection had been often repeated, but the de fect complained of was inherent in the system which made Parliamentary grants dependent on voluntary contributions. The Revised Code was intended to meet that objection by making efficiency the sine qua non of the money contributed. Another objection of the right hon. gentleman was, that by the Revised Code the junior classes would not be sufficiently attended to. Now, if anything could induce the masters to attend to the junior classes it would be the regulation which made the master's remuneration depend on the testing of each child—which would make his remuneration depend, not on the general management of the school, but the actual instruction given to each individual child. The Revised Code was to remedy the very evils of which the right hon. gentleman complained. As to the masters and pupil teachers it would be seen, when the house came to discuss the resolutions, that the Government had kept faith both with masters and pupil-teachers, and that full justice had been done to both parties by the Revised Code. Under the recent system neither 'party had any legal security for pay ment of what they were led to expect; under the Revised Code masters and pupil-teachers had a legal guarantee for six months' salary before they could be dismissed. He (Sir G. Grey) would assure his right hon. friend that when the house went into committee the Government would be pre pared to consider his resolution with impartiality. (Hear.) He observed, and truly, that the subject of education should not be made a party question. (Hear, hear.) He (Sir G. Grey) believed it was the sincere and earnest desire of the house to promote a sound education among the children of the working classes of the country, and hoped the house would go into committee with the desire of considering the resolutions of the right hon. gentleman. With respect to the point of economy, and also that of secresy, nothing would be done without the consent of Parliament, and therefore in those respects the Government would afford no just ground of complaint. It was generally understood that the house would now go into committee to discuss those resolutions, and he hoped the time would not be wasted by matters of detail, but that general principles would be kept in view. (Hear.) Mr. B. STANHOPE criticised at great length the vari ous provisions of the new code, and complained that the Vice President of the Committee of Council had not dealt with the subject in a fair spirit. He observed that the at tendance of children at school was a matter beyond the con trol of the managers, yet both the grants to them and to the teachers were made dependent upon the examination and attendance of the scholars—a result equally illogical, un reasonable, and unjust. Mr. BUXTON, as one of the managers of a school, owned that be had felt at one time under a cloud of uncer tainty ; but after considering the question fully, he had come to the conclusion that the Revised Code, whilst it would not damp religious teaching, would tend to stimulate secular, at the same time that it would not discourage the friends of education or induce them to remit in their efforts. Lord It.. CECIL admitted that there were evils in the existing system which required amendment, but he objected to the Government scheme that it not only did not remedy these evils, but left them where they were, or deepened their intensity and increased their range, and had evils of its own ten times more extensive and perilous. The system now in operation did not reach poor districts, new schools, and dull pupils; and in all these particulars the Revised Code would be worse than its predecessor. Mr. W. FORSTER said experience had convinced him that a reform was absolutely necessary ; but the great and swooping change contemplated by the Revised Code would not be a reform so much as the utter destruction of the present system. _ _ Mr. Puller opposed, and Mr. Leatham supported, the Revised Code; after which, on the motion of Mr. White side, the debate was adjourned until Thursday (to-morrow). WEST HARTLEPOOL RAILWAY AND DOCK THE REVISED CODE. A very large number of petitions were presented against the Revised Code, and one was presented in its favuur amid much laughter. Mr. noitsT HE INLAND REVENUE. he would mo _F e ALL gave notice that on this day fortnight to inquire in for thef or the appointment of a snlect committee with a vie w mode of collecting the inland revenue, pu bli c service.to a heater economy in that department of the THE MILITAit Colonel STUART asked .. 5 C TRAIN CORPS. the Secretary of State for War p w hether the Military Train 48 uow a urchase or non purchase corps; if the form er 1 to sta .._ reasons the change was made ; if ti z a when and for what what principle officers wore allowed to lathe, to explain on "" f ' .44lll Augo from the line into the ?binary Train, and vice versa; also to what extent commissions are sold in the Military Train ? Sir G. LEWIS said that the corps in question was the same as any other in this respect. THE TAEPINGS. Mr. FREELAND asked the Under Secretary of Stare for Foreign Affairs whether any communications had been received from our military or naval officers in command on the China station with reference to the character and ope rations of the Tacpings, or rebels; and whether the Go vernment would lay upon the table of the house copies of, or extracts from, any such communications ? Mr. LAYAIU) said that the papers in question were prepared, and would shortly be laid on the table of the house. TB,FIATY WITH BELGIUM. Mr. W. FORSTER asked the Under Secretory of State for Foreign Affairs, whether he could give the house any information relative to the commercial treaty now negotiat ing between ,. l . hi_s_oeun!r3: and Belgium ? Mr. LAYARD said that the demands put forward by the Belgian Government led to the negotiations being sus pended for the present. THE REVISED CODE—MR. WALPOLE'S RESO- LUTIONS. Mr. WALPOLE moved " That this house will imme diately resolve itself into a committee to consider the best mode of distributing the Parliamentary grants for educa tion now administered by the Privy Council." After some preliminary observations, the right hon. gentleman said that he did not propose to endeavour to have the Revised Code rejected, but he thought that it must undergo very extensive alteration before it could be palatable to the Parliament or the country. He said that the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Lowe) completely underestimated the feeling of the country when he con sidered there was any • apathy on the part of the public in reference to the question, for the innovation in the existing system which it was proposed to introduce in this code excited the greatest interest amongst all classes. He argued that all education, to be truly valuable, must be based on religious training—(hear, hear)—and that was the general conviction of the community. They must remember that the system which it was now proposed to supersede had been in operation since 1853, and had given considerable satisfaction. They must combine eco.. nomy with efficiency to render any system perfect, and still the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Lowe) said he would secure one or the other, and not both. In fact, the Government could not state what would be the positive results which would flow from the proposition they presented to the house. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches.) He alluded to the report of the commission on this subject, for the constitution of which he expressed the greatest respect ; but he said that report spoke in high terms of the fact that the voluntary principle had been enlisted in behalf of the existing system ; yet, he contended, the effect of the alteration proposed would be, in its present form, to discourage the efforts of the voluntary principle in reference to the Go vernment scheme of education. He referred also to the opinion expressed by the commission in regard to the merits of pupil teachers, the discipline, and the religious element in the existing system. The commissioners were all agreed that education had not sufficiently reached the lower classes, and that the removal of the children at too early an age, before they could acquire a sufficient amount of elementary education, was most disadvantageous. They were also agreed that not more than one-fourth of the children received mar e than an imperfect knowledge of reading, writing, and arithmetic in the Government schools, But how was it proposed to remedy the evil ? In the first place the masters were to be increased, but their standard of qualification was i to be lowered. He said that they ought to test in the most careful manner the results of a system that hitherto worked comparatively well. By that system he contended that according tothe showing of the commis sioners themselves in their report not only were secular results obtained, but also moral results by making the Go vernMent grants pass through the enthusiasm of religious bodies. They said in that report the effect of these schools was greater in a religious than even in s.n„intellectual point of view. He denied that the mode proposed by Govern ment of testing the results of a system merely by the an. swers given in three elementary matters was fallacious, for frequently a ntunber ot children might haveleft these schools before the day of examination arrived, or they might be subjected to depressing influences, which would prevent their answering satisfactorily. He cited the authority of Sir James Shuttleworth in support of his arguments on the point, and argued that it was quite impossible to arrive at a correct conclusion as to the state of elementary educa tion founded on an examination on a specific day of a limited number of pupils. He had received an inundation of letters from the clergy and laity, and persons of all shades of po litical opinion on the subject of his resolutions, and only one of these was in favour of the Revised Code. He read extracts from some of these letters, He said his right hon. friend Mr. Lowe rested his case on two passages in the report of the commission. (These were the passages in which the commissioners stated that in several cases children did not obtain a knowledge of reading, writing, and arithmetic, and that only one-fourth of the boys in the schools at tained to more than an imperfect education.) The teachers differed from the inspectors, and Govern ment should have come forward with a system based on such inquiry, and he would then have discharged his duty nobly. The defects of the scheme, as stated by the com missioners, were that education had not sufficiently reached some of the poorer and neglected classes ; that the early re moval of the children from school before their instruction in elementary subjects was completed, and the irregularity of their attendance, were most disadvantageous to them, and that the junior classes of the schools were not suffici ently attended to; that in the masters there was no want of power, but want of motive to attend to them; that edu cation in the three elementary subjects of reading, writing, and arithmetic was therefore completely neglected ; and that one-fourth only of the children educated arrived at a tolerably perfect knowledge of these three subjects. Here, then, he was at issue with the Committee of Council. The Vice-President of Council said these defects could only be remedied by testing results in the manner provided by the Revised Codes ; and that there was a costliness and cumber someness in the machinery that must be swept away and everything turned into a capitation grant. In both these respects, however, he contended that the Revised Code would not only not accomplish the objects which Parliament and the country had in view in promoting the education of the poor, but would form a serious impediment thereto. It would not test results even in the three matters of reading, writing, and arithmetic ; it would do so only in the case of a limited number of scholars, who would appear on a cer tain day, and be necessarily subject to all kinds of accidents and contingencies. And even in this case it would not test the least important results fairly and fully, whilst, with re gard to the great majority of the children in schools, the results would not be tested at all. He entreatedthe Govern ment therefore to reconsider the subject so far as not to make the whole of their grant depend upon the single examina tion of each separate child without taking into account any other circumstances. As to the simplification of the ma chinery by which education was to bo carried on, it was high time to look into the expenditure with a view to eco nomy, whilst not neglecting efficiency ; but he agreed that it could not be put under one cen t ra l authority or worked without local agency. In the attempt to economise, then let them take care that th e y did not unduly increase the , liability of the managers, and strike at the root of that por tion of the system which had been most successful, in such a manner as to run the risk of subverting it altogether. This would be to commit an injustice, and to break faith with the managers. The right hon. gentleman also condemned the code as calculated to undermine and destroy the system of pupil-teaching; and, adverting to his own resolutions, called upon the house to negative the idea that the whole amount of the aid given by the Government should depend on the individual examination of each child in reading, writing, and arithmetic ; that the system of grouping by age for the purpose of examination should be continued ; that when once the children had passed from the highest class of examination, they should be entitled to no further por tion of the Parliamentary grant ; and that the non-exami nation age should not be extended from six to seven years, After remarking that it was for the executive to propose affirmative resolutions, and commenting upon the uncon stitutional character of the proceedings of the Committee of Council in taking upon themselves legislative functions in the preparation of the Revised Code, the right hon. gen tleman concluded by moving that the house should go into committee, with a view of framing a measure that would bo more satisfactory to both Parliament and the country. Sir G. GREY assured the right hon. gentleman that the Government were perfectly ready to accede to his mo tion to go into committee. Some time ago his noble friend the First Minister of the Crown announced the intention of the Government to take that step. The right honourable gentleman said he might have formed resolutions con demnatory altogether of the`principles and details of the Revised Code ; but if the right hon. gentleman had taken that course, then be (Sir George Grey) thought it would have been the duty of the Government to havo re sisted the motion for going into committee without having previously taken the opinion of the house as to whether the views of the right hon. gentleman would be sanctioned by them. As the right hon. gentleman stated that he assented to the two main principles of the Revised Code, it would be obviously inconvenient that they should enter into the de tails till the house went into committee, when those details could be considered. The right hon. gentleman assumed that'this was analogous to the second reading of a bill upon which we were going into committee ; but if that were so it was a pity that the right hon. gentleman had not put noon the paper, in the way of notice, the exact terms of the amendment. Ho would advise the house to adopt instead a series of resolutions merely negativing the motions which are embodied in the Revised Code. The right hon. gentle man should have been prepared to state to what extent he thought the principle of testing by results should be car ried, Government a s hhe approved carried it of too th f e ar.h l principle, e rightwhile honcontending. gentleman that should have pointed out remedies for the defeats which he suggested. These e d ucat i on votes h a d i ncreased from £20,000 in 1833 to £BOO,OOO in 1862, and no one could see where they were likely to stop, for the regulations under o si n v en increase. e t z : . e x T t e h n o t s e t o w w h h o i c w h e r t e h e b s e e s t v a o b t e l s e w hich the moneys were administered were of a nature to see that tho more (maim, 0 expenditure was one a an pr o o p g7 in e i s. tdoi mightci form n otg g o differed to the ext en t of several millions. But he lead to COMI'ANY. Mr. ROEBUCK moved for a select committee to inquire into the truth of the allegations contained in the petition of Benjamin Coleman, charging fraud on the part of the directors of the West Hartlepool Railway and Dock Com pan3 Mr. CLAY seconded tho motion, which was opposed by Mr. CONINGHAM. nr. FARRER also condemned the motion as calculated to pr ejudice the case of persons whose conduct was at that mom ent the subject of investigatjon by the courts of law. He 4ienounced the petition as an unwarrantable attack on a most respectable company. Mr.. M. GIBSON said that if a select committee were to be appointel on a petition complaining that the returns made by a certain company were incorrect, there would be no en . d to such inquiries, for petitions would be presented for in vestigating the affairs of every railway company in the kingdom. Ho understood, moreover, that all the allega tions In the petition would be inquired into by the Court of Chan cery and the Court of Queen's Bench. As the pro ceedings were still pending, therefore, he thought it would not is 3 right to appoint a select committee to prejudge the case. Tb e motion was negatived without a division. MUTINY BILL. Tb is bill was read a third time and passed. Tt Le house then adjourned. [ll .DVERTISEIdENT.]-11olloway'sPills.—Languid Cir- Clllll7 tion.—The accidental or constitutional weakness, whit h prevents the active performance of the ordinarY fund ions of natur e , soon un d erm i n es the health, unless someinvigorating restorative be judiciously applied. No one man act wrongly in taking Holloway's purifying Pills ; balsi Lmic in composition , and gentle in operation, they will be :found equal pow er in the circul a ti on or nerves i s di sor d er ed these I'll? to any emergency. When the me,ans. of will soon restore the balance, and once more fit the invalid for active duties without interfering with already healthy or gans. These Pills possess the inestimable virtue of (;testing out all imp ur iti es w hi c h ma y h ave silently gained admission into th e s y s t em , an d wou ld become secretly thCnigil surely tine seeds of future disease. CITY SEWERS COMMISSION. Yesterday afternoon the members of this commission held a meeting in their court room at the Guildhall. THE EMBANKMENT OF THE NORTH SIDE OF THE THAMES. Mr. . HAYWOOD, the engineer to the Commissioners, laid before the Court a report stating that he had perused the bill for embanking the north side of the Thames, from Westminster-bridge to Blackfriars-bridge, and for making now streets in and near thereto, and from Blackfriars bridge to the Mansion-house; and he had also examined the deposited plans. The title of the bill explained generally the nature of the proposed work, which in its entirety re presented perhaps the largest and most important metropo litan improvement that had been before the public for many years past. The embankment, as shown by the plans and sections, was to start from the bridge at Westminster and to continue along the northern shore of the river to Black friars-bridge. The level of the ourface would be uniformly four feet above Trinity high-water mark from Westminster bridge until it reached a point nearly opposite to Middle Temple-lane, it then ascended with a gradient of about one in sixty to the present level of Blackfriars-bridge ; its width was to be 100 feet from Westminster-bridge to the eastern boundary of the Inner Temple, and 70 from thence to Black friars-bridge. The whole of these widths were to be laid out as carriageways and footways. No railway was contem plated along the line. It appeared to be intended to build the embankment solid and arrangements were to be made by which the low level intercepting sewer might be constructed within it, so as to obviate the necessity for constructing it between the Strand and Fleet-street. The public conve nience would thereiore be uninjured, whilst a better line for the intercepting sewer would be secured. The general line lying between the embankment and the present line of river frontage would be reclaimed, and was to be let for building or devoted to public purposes. Two now streets were to be made between the embankment and the main thoroughfares lying to the north of it. Many streets, also, now terminating at the nresent river wall were to be con nected with it. The means of access to the embankment throughout its length would th ere f ore be f r equ e nt. The Jurisdiction of the commission was not touched until the point of junction of the embankment with the roadway of Blackfriars, from which point a street 70 feet wide was to be formed up to the Mansion-house. The centre line of this street crossed Chatham-place in a north-east direction; it crossed Earl-street near to Printer-street, and thence curves round to the foot of St. Andrew's- hill, and runs midway between Thames-street and Great Knight-rider • street to Bennett's-hill, from that point curving gently northward across Old Fish-street-hill and Bread-street hill; the centre line runs along the southern side of the short length of New-street, (formed some years ago in an ticipation of its continuation somewhat upon the line now proposed) to Cannon-street, and then runs in a north eastern direction straight to Charlotte-row, by the Man sion-house. This street was not upon the line of that recommended by the Royal Commission upon the Thames Embankment. The total area scheduled within the city was about 22/ acres. The sewers of the entire district through which the line of street passed would have to be altered and reconstructed. In the plans deposited there was an absence of detail, nor could he (the engineer) learn that detail had yet been considered. He was unable, therefore, to give the court further information as to the design and mode of construction proposed. The compre hensiveness of the project must however, commend it to those who had studied the wants of the metropolis in re spect to its thoroughfares, and if it was carried out in the spirit in which it had apparently been conceived it would be in every respect a work worthy of the age ; but if, on the contrary, it was curtailed in its execution by undue regard to small economies, by inattention to detail, or neglect of collateral points, it might still result in a comparative failure, and a failure would, in this case, be little short of a national disgrace. Upon carefully studying the plan it would be seen that there were many parts in connexion with the embankment which, according to the way in which they might be treated, would either conduce to or lessen the grandeur of the whole. The same might be said of the proposed street within the City, where oppor tunity would be afforded for effecting collateral improve ments of general as well as of a local character, which, if now lost, could not effected at a later day without large cost; but no attention appeared by the deposited plans t o have been given to those points. The whole design was, indeed, one which admitted of being improved, and to a large extent perfected, before it was placed in the hands of the board which might be destined to carry it into execution, and it should not be permitted to pass into law until every point was arranged which was capable of present determi nation. The bill as introduced varied very considerably from that deposited. This was much to be deprecated, in asmuch as it rendered it difficult for the officers to examine and report properly to those bodies of persons concerned in the measure, and prevented those affected by it from taking proper means in defence of their rights; in fact, the safe guard which was intended to be given to the public by the deposit of a bill and plans was by such alterations to some extent destroyed. The board for carrying out the work of the northern embankment and new street was, accord ing to the present (but not the deposited bill), com posed of eleven members, two being members of the Me tropolitan Board, elected by the Corporation of the City of London, the remaining nine to be other members of the Metropolitan Board, one of them being its chairman, who was also, when present, to be the chairman of the committee ; five was to be a quorum, and the committee appeared, when once constituted, to be intended, to a large extent, to be independent in its action of the board from which it emanated. The committee was to hold its first meeting at such time and place as the chairman might appoint, and it might afterwards meet at such time and place as was thought proper. The cost of the works were to be defrayed out of the Thames Embankment and Me tropolis Improvement Fund. The powers of the district boards, vestries, and other bodies appeared to be reserved, but it was by no means clear that the same reservation was made in favour of the powers of the Commission of Sewers ; but, on the contrary, it seemed to him that powers which the commission had hitherto possessed in respect of sewers when now streets were to be formed within the city were abrogated entirely. From a clause in the bill the duration of the functions of the board, or the Embankment Com• mittee, seemed to be limited to ten years, but this was not distinctly set forth, nor was it clear under whose control the embankment was permanently to be placed, nor from what funds it was to be maintained; but owing to the en grafting of numerous clauses from the other acts, but which clauses were not inserted in the bill, and by incorporating other acts, there was considerable difficulty in ascertaining the exact intention of the bill upon various points, and it appeared to him to require the most careful consideration of the legal advisers of the court. It was a noticeable point also in the bill, that for the first time it was sought to invest a body other than the Corporation with powers to form new thoroughfares within the city of London. After some observations from several members, the re port was referred to the Improvement Committee to ex amine and report. The court then adjourned. ASSIZE INTEL LIGEA CE. HOME CIRCUIT.—LEWES, March 25. The business of the assizes for the county of Sussex was proceeded with yesterday morning, at ten o'clock, Lord Chief Justice Erle presiding in the Crown Court, and Mr. Justice Wightman at Nisi Prius. There are 23 causes entered on the civil side for trial, 18 of which are set down to be tried by special juries, but 15 of the number are actions for compensation for injuries received by the fatal accident that occurred in the .Clayton tunnel last year. CROWN COURT. (Before Lord Chief Justice Erie.) His lordship, in charging the grand jury, said that there were an unusual number of cases for this county to be brought before them ; but it appeared to him that the calendar seemed more formidable than it really was, as the greater portion of the cases were charges affecting property, which might very well have been disposed of by the magistrates sitting in quarter session. Emma Jutten, 38, was indicted for the wilful murder of her child, aged three years and a halt, and named Emma Eliza Jane J utten. Mr. Hake conducted the prosecution. It appeared that the prisoner was a married woman, and resided at Brighton, and on Dec. 24 the child in question was found dead in her bed with a piece of string tied round its neck so tight as to cause strangulation. There was no doubt that the act was committed by the prisoner, but from the medical testimony it appeared that she had not been of sound mind for a considerable time previous to the transaction, and that she was insane when the offence was committed. The facts were only very shortly gone into, and the jury at once acquitted the prisoner on the ground of insanity, and she was ordered to be detained dur ing her Majesty's pleasure. NORFOLK ClRCUlT—Nonwiar, March 25. CIVIL SIDE. (Before Chief Baron Pollock.) CHAPMAN V. RUSIIMAN.—LREACII OF •PROMISE OF MARRIAGE. This was an action to recover damages for an alleged breach of promise of marriage. The de• fendant pleaded that he never promised to marry the plaintiff; that she was not ready to marry him when he was prepared to marry her; that she exonerated him from the performance of the pro mise, &e. Mr. Keane and Mr. Metcalfe appeared for the plaintiff; Mr. Palmer and Mr. S. Reeve for the defendant. It was stated that the plaintiff is 38 years of age, and that she has for some time carried on, with her mother, the business of a grocer and general shop keeper at Claxton, Norfolk. The defendant is a miller, of about the same age, residing at Ashby, an adjoining villoge, and seems to have been at various times during the last 12 or 14 y e ars at tracted by the plaintiff, whom he had known as a child, and to have made her offers of marriage. Those offers, for some re4son or other, came to no - , thing, bat in the spring of last year the defendant sought an opportunity of renewing his intimacy with the plaintiff, and his marriage with her was spoken of to many persons as likely soon to take place. Only one letter was put in as having been written by him to the plaintiff, and this was in the following terms : " May 2, 1861. " My dear do not know whether you will allow me to address you in this familiar strain, but I do hope you will once again. lam truly sorry for my past conduct to wards you, and beg your forgiveness. My conscience tells me that I have acted in a most disreputable manner, and I wish to retract all I have said or done. Will you forgive me, Sally? la m m i sera bl e , an d I canno t li ve w ith ou t y ou . I know I have caused you a zreat deal of sorrow and anguish, but I do hope to be able to bind up that sorrow ing heart. Oh I how can I ask your forgiveness when I know how wrong I have been. Would you allow me to see you once more ? Do not deny me, and I promise instead of your reproach you shall have more cause to praise. I never will wound any more that bosom where affection dwells. Forgive me, dear Sally.—Your repentant lover, «J. F. R. _ . "P.S. Anxiously waiting your reply." On the receipt of this letter a reconciliation took place between the parties, and the result was that marriage was again proposed, but abandoned. The plaintiff unfortunatly became enciente, and was delivered of a child (which is still living) on the 28th of last month. The defendant acknowledged that he was father of the plaiatiff's child, but it ap peared that in September he had married his cousin, thus rendering it impossible for him to make the plaintiff any reparation,for the injury he had done her. Elizabeth Chapman, sister to the plaintif f , was examined, and stated that in 1848 the defendant commenced visiting at the house very frequently, never meeting the plaintiff without kissing her. His intentions were believed to be honourable, and preparations were made for marriage,when the in timacy was renewed more recently. In fact she and her sister began to take stock of the goods in their shop with a view to a dissolution of ipartner ship, defendant wanting witness to get her niece to assist her " when he took Sally." On the last day of February her sister was confined, and she had not been at all well since, in fact witness, was afraid she would " never be a woman again." In conse quence of her sister having been confined the busi ness which they had carried on was not so good as it used to be. Cross-examined—A Baptist minister had come sometimes to see her sister and herself, but came as a minister only. He never stopped late at nights„ and she never heard of his wife's telling him, "There, go back to black Sally." (Laughter.) She had heard that the defendant had given a bill of sale on his mill on account of money which he had borrowed. Her sister had a little money ; she did not like to say whether it was £5OO or £l,OOO. She would have had this money when she married. She was satisfied the letter put in came from the defen dant. Re-examined—She had only heard of the bill o: sale on the defendant's property since the corn mencement of the action. The plaintiffs brothers were also called, and one of them stated that he estimated the returns of the defendant's mill at 50s. per week. The defendant had told him he intended to make the plaintiff his wife. On another occasion he also referred to a chest which he had as one in which the plaintiff would like to put linen. Mrs. Stimpson ' a married woman, whom the de fendant supplied with flour, stated that he had talked to her about the plaintiff's being in the fa mily way, and that he said he made no doubt that the child was his, that he would readily own it, and that he would pay for it if that was all. Medical evidence was also adduced to show that the plaintiff was at present in a very feeble state, both physically and mentally. Mr. Palmer addressed the jury in mitigation of damages, and said the question which the jury would have to determine was, had there been any promise of marriage ? It was clear, at any rate, that it was not a case in which unsophisticated in nocence had been beguiled, or in which a young girl had been led into paths of vice, for the plaintiff was a woman of the mature age of 38, who was quite as able to take care of herself as the defend. ant was to take care of himself. The defendant was only a small miller ; a bill of sale was impending over all his property; and would not a lady with £5OO in her pocket have been a good catch for him —have relieved him of his banker's debt, and set him up a free man in the world ? If so, and a pro mise had been, the probability was that it would have been fulfilled. The Chief Baron having summed up, The jury returned a verdict for the plaintiff— damages, £lOO. MIDLAND CIRCUIT.—WARWICK, March 25. At three o'clock yesterday (Tuesday) afternoon, an application was made to Mr. Justice Williams to allow the prosecution to be withdrawn in the case of Richard Guinness Hill. This case has obtained great notoriety o wing to the extraordinary features with which it was surrounded. It will be remem bered that the defendant stood charged with falsi fying the register of his own son, at Rugby, in January, 1859. It was alleged that he did so in order to become possessed of his property (about £B,OOO per annum), and the whole of the property of his wife, which she had bequeathed to him abso lutely, in the event of no issue surviving his decease; and what gave strong confirmation to this suspicion was the mysterious disappearance of the child itself, and its subsequent discovery, after a lapse of two years, in the hands of a woman to whom Richard Guinness Hill had given it in secret charge. In the investigation into the case made at Rugby, some extraordinary disclosures were made, and the public have seldom seen in print such a combination of fraud, duplicity, and cruelty. Mr. Field said the suspicious circumstances of the case had been satisfactorily explained to the persons prosecuting. Mr. Justice Williams said he supposed " an arrangement" had been made. He knew nothing whatever of what transpired out of court. Mr. Field thought he should have little difficulty in convincing his lordship that the evidence might advantageously be withdrawn. The Judge said he did not see how the prosecution could be withdrawn. Mr. Field said persons would have to be dragged into the case if it was proceeded with, and that unnecessarily ; and there were many matters of a private nature altogether. Mr. Justice Williams said the offence was ren dered a public one by actof Parliament, and certain penalties were attached to it. He must certainly refuse to grant the application. MIDDLESEX SESSIONS—ZIIarch 25. (Before Mi. Bodkin, Assistant-Judge.) Henry Cross, 38, solicitor, was indicted for frau dulently obtaining by false pretences, from Mary Ann Roles, the sum of £5O, with intent to cheat her thereof. Mr. Metcalfe prosecuted. The prisoner was de fended by Mr. Warton. Mr. Metcalfe having briefly opened the case called the prosecutrix, who stated that she lived at Glou cester-gardens, Kentish Town, and was a widow, and housekeeper to her brother. From May up to November last, the prisoner visited at her brother's house once or twice a week, and paid his addresses to her, offered her marriage, and said he was preparing a comfortable home for her. A marriage was agreed upon, and he asked if she was dependent entirely upon her brother. She told him she had £2OO of her own at 4 per cent., which was correct. He said it was foolish for her to put it out at that small rate, he could get 121 for it if she would like to try it, and if she liked she could put £5O in his firm (Cross and Nixon, 58, Lincoln's Inn-fields), and his partner would make more than that of it. He said he was advising her as a soli citor should advise a client. She drew out £5O, and went to the prisoner's office on the 2d of September. He met her at the door. She expected to see the partners together. He asked her if she d had got old the money. She said she had. man," meaning a little man door, H at e th sa e lh become" oliotetl,e knows how soon we, you and I, i shall , He prevented her seeing Mr. Nixon, by wysaas engaged to he did not wish him to know that h to her, as he (Mr. Nixon) wished him to marry his daughter ; but she was only a school girl, and h e should not like her. She went with him to a hot e l in Covent-garden, and he called for pen, ink, and paper. He asked what receipt he should gi ve p She said he knew best ; but she should require a proper one. He made out a receipt with a stamp on it. She gave him the £5O, and he gave her £6 ss. as interest, at the rate of 121 per cent. He said she could have it back in a month if she required it. He visited her afterwards, and she asked him what Mr. saidNrtir. she li Nixon said about the transaction a ft er he saw it entered in theNixonvde. Shewanted to know who money beli ev i ng it was going to she was, s,vhe parted now with "Nixon and Cross," solicitors. In case she wanted the money she was to apply at the office ; even if he left Mr. Nixon she would never lose a shilling of i t . Soon after his manners changed, and she told him she was going to Mr. Nixon for the return of the deposit; he begged and implored her not to do so as it would cause words. He promised to pay her on the 3d of December. He never visited her a f fte t r h w e a , sod she h a d never rece i ved one farthing January Mr. Nix on t o ld h er h e ox rd s s o. In knew nothing of the money. She first saw the prisoner in. April, when he gave her hip: card. The money was not a loan to the prisoner. She consi dered it to be as he represented a deposit at interest with the firm of Nixon and Cross at interest repay able on notice, which it WU not, She met bite near Queen-street, Holborn, as he was going to post his letters. She was with a highly respectable young woman, a farmer's daughter, and he gave her his card. Next day he wrote her two letters. She went with him to Weston's, the Alhambra, and other places of amusement. In reply to questions as to having had intrigues with persons in the coun try, and having stated that they unfortunately ended in nothing, she gave an unqualified denial, but said she knew some persons in the country whose names were mentioned; She did not proceed against him in this case because he had committed a breach of promise of marriage, but because he had swindled her out of the £5O. Had his conduct been after he had the money such as it had been before, she would certainly have married him, but his visits were much less after he had it, and he wrote insulting letters to her, containing remarks which she declined to repeat. A letter was put in, with the postcript cut off—as it was not, she said, fit to be seen. It was a vile imputation upon her, but she could not recollect the exact words. She could not say that it was to the effect that he had paid dear for a lady's charms. She believed it imputed to her that she was a slut or untidy person. She had many letters from him, but with respect to the identification of the handwriting, she said he was clever in disguising his signature. Sometimes it was W. H. Crosse, sometimes simply Henry. She received £6 ss. for interest on the £5O, but she was to have the money back in a month on demand, less that amount. She considered she was investing the money with the firm of Nixon and Cross, and not as a loan to Cross himself. James Edward Nixon deposed that he was a solicitor, at 58, Lincoln's-inn-fields, and was in partnership with the prisoner until January. He knew nothing whatever of this borrowed money, and, by the articles of partnership, the partners were not to give security for money or for any other purpose without the full sanction and consent of the firm, given in writing. There was no entry in the call book of any visit of Miss Roles until the Bth of January. If the prisoner had received the money on account of the firm it should have been entered in the cash book, and paid into the bankers. There was no entry of the kind, and the affair was entirely one of fraud upon Miss Roles. The witness was cross-examined at length by Mr. Warton as to his own private affairs and his business transactions, but neither questions nor answers had any direct bearing upon the charge against the prisoner. Sergeant Palmer, detective of the A division, Scotland-yard, said he took the prisoner into cus tody on the 12th of March, from instructions he had received as to his having obtained £5O by false pretences. The prisoner said he knew who it was ; it was that - Miss Roles. Mr. Warton addressed the jury, and made some comments upon the conduct of the prosecutrix, in which he was interrupted, as they were said to be unfounded. The learned counsel said he was only acting upon the prisoner's instructions. The prisoner laid he had given special directions that no allusion should be made as to the personal character of the lady. This was not only denied, but it appeared in the learned counsel's brief that such were the instructions given, and that the pri soner himself, when at the police court, had made worse defence. Mr. Cooper and Mr. Metcalfe said that it was due to Mr. Warton to say that the in structions were upon his brief. The jury found the prisoner guilty. His lordship said the case was a very gross one, the prisoner having endeavoured to defame and blacken the character of the lady he had robbed, under the pretence of being her lover, and he a married man. Were it not that his conviction would have the effect of removing him from a pro fession which he had so disgraced the sentence upon him would certainly be one of penal servitude. The defence set up by him and put in the hands Of counsel was a great aggravation of the offence. Under the circumstances, the sentence upon the prisoner was that he be kept to hard labour for two years. COUNTRY MAItliL S. 5... ... . BRISTOL—Maum 25. At our market to-day there was but a small attendancet and in order to make sales in some descriptions of when a decline of is to 2s per qr from last Tuesday's rates had to be submitted to. Barley in fair demand, at full prices' In oats very little doing. LEEDS-MARmi 25. We have to report only moderate arrivals of grain tI week. The demand for wheat to-day was limited, and fae: tors had to take is per qr less money. Fine barley sold at full prices; secondary parcels neglected. Beans and 00 sold slowly at late rates. SHEFFIELD—MARCH 25. At our market this morning the show of wheat 0 1 !i other grain was below an average, but Eac:re than equa l the demand. Wheat, best samples, realised the rates of last week, but inferior is to 2s lower. Malting barley was unaltered ; other qualities slow. Oats dull, at about late rates. Red wheat, per load of 3 imperial bushels...2os Od to 22s Od White ~ ...22s Od to 23s a Now red .21s Od to 238 Od New white .24s od to 25a Gd ~ ), Beans lt If ... 18s Od to 198 Od Peas, per qr s4s Od to 55s 0 Grinding barley, per qr 32 s Od t o 35s Od Malting ditto, „ 36s Od to 40s a Oats 21s Od to 26s Oct or Millers' prices for flour-2s ld, 2s 3d, and 2s 5d p 141 b. MELTON MOWBRAY—MARCH 25. There was again a short supply of wheat to-day, ana!, with a dud trade, prices re ce d e d i s per qr. Barley was moderate request, at extreme prices. White wheat, 69 Od to 67s Od ; red, 56s Od to 62s per 36 stone ; beau„ slow, at 40s to 46s for old ; new sorts, —s per 38 barley, 34s to 39s for malting, and 29s to 32s per qr. ft 3 ' grinding; oats, 24s to 33s Od per 24 stone. NEWCASTLE-UNDER - LYAIE—MARCH 25. At this market to-day there was only a moderate show wheat, in irregular condition, and the demand was s low' White wheat, 63s to 69s ; red, 57s to 64s per 36 stone' Barley steady, at the r a t es o f th e wee k previous, malting selling at 36s to 40s per qr., grinding 30s to 31s per 30 si; Oats, 24s to 30s per 24 at. ; be ans , 40 s t o 465; new, 385 to 46s per qr. 70.RE1GN MAIL PACKET LIST. MAILS DUE. AUP:ralia and Mauritius, v via ia Sout Marseilles April April Brazil and Cape Verds, by B r iti s h pac k et. April u,' Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. H e l ena April 1. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton April 4. via Marseilles April 4. Falkland Islands .... April 6. Gibraltar, via Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.. April 4. via Marseilles .... Mar. 2,t• India (Bombay), v i a Southampton ............ Mar. : 4(7 ' via Marseilles .. April 4 ' Lisbon Mar. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Mar. 2 ' via Marseilles Newfoundland r. Oporto and Vigo .. U. S. and British N. America, by B r it. packet a paa :19. " by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. Mar. 2 4: W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and T ener if e .......... April Bahamas, via New York April 10• Mexico Mar. 31 ' All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, I Mar 31, California, and British Columbia.. BENSON'S WATCHES AND CLOCKS..—" Perfection et mechanism."—Morning Post. Gold watches, sto ICO guinea° silver watches, 2 to 50 guineas. Benson's new Illustratea Pamphlet, free for two stamps, descriptive of every constrUe" tion of watch, enables persons in any part of the world t ° select with the greatest certainty the watch best adapteii their use. Watches sent free and safe by post on r ece ipt ut a remittance. —J. W. Benson, 33 and 34, L udgate-hill, 46 0 14' 47, Cornhill, London E.C.—Established 1749, BIRTHS. BETTS.—On the 23d inst., at 3, Sundown, Deal, the Wi of Mr. William Botts, of twins, daughters. MANN.—On the 22d inst., at 10, Lower Durnford-stree t, Stonehouse, Plymouth, the Wife of Lieut.-Colonel Na il/it Town-Major, of a daughter. a .s RADSTOCK.--0/1 the 23d inst., th e L a d y R d toe. o f daughter. WARREN. —On the 24th inst., at 12, Brunswick-Equa l* tho wife of Frederic Wat Ten, Esq,, of a daug,inter. MARRIAGES. CHOLM ELEY--GOODFORD.—O n the 25th inst. at at t, ; , , ,, ,0 „ , George's, Bloomsbury, Henry Daniel Cholme . P s ' e t of The Priory, Woodchester, Gloucesvershire, youngf oo son of the late Sir Montague Cholmeley, Bart., of Eih` te r Hall, Lincolnshire, to Penelope, only surviving daufP of the late John Goodford, Esq., of rJhilton Cantelo. . s L E YLAND — SCARISBRICK.—On the 25th i ns t., at park,T. N. Leyla n d, E sq., l ate 2d Life Guards, only son of Y, Leyland, Esq., of H aggers t ono Castle, N or th um berla to Mary Ann, only daughter of th e into Charles Sefir t , brick, Esq., of Scarisbrick Hall, and Wrightington) L 0 cashire. DEATHS. AINSWORTIL—On the 22d inst., at Kensington, IN T P igfi t i . Ainsworth, Esq., of Pr es t on , Lancashire, a Dep.-. 1 - 1 ! °- , i of the county of Lancaster, aged 54. BURNETT.—On the 16th inst., suddenly, at Naples, .°- J. Burnett, Esq., of Gadgirth, Ayrshire. DUCKWORTII.—On the 24th inst., at Wear House, Fel Catherine, youngest daughter of Sir John a nd L a dy Duckworth, aged 1 year and 9 months. ELLIOT.—On the 24th inst., at Biarritz, in France, d' denly, Robert Liston Elliot, Esq,, of Upper 330. 1 °^ - street. GLOVER.—On the 17th inst., Edward Auemnidy GloVerf Esq., J.P., ex. .M.l'. for Beverley, aged 45. TORPH TCHE.N.—On the 22d inst., at Calder lkouse, Jaine°° 10th Lord Torphichen, aged 92. Lo: Printed and Published by JOH.D. of t 112, Strand, Print er , at T i SUN Oflke, No• 11 Strand, in the Precin c t o f ttie Savoy, 1, the C°111214 of 441C§CA1-"W"149§4437, D4lgell 26, Of a. N ;N:onoNd. --'---....°.'''./.'