The Sun. — London, England, 1859-03-08 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT• HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY). The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY presented a petition from Wigan , in Lancashire, praying that Dissenters mi g ht not be alowed - to administer trust funds of Grammar Schools. MARRIAGE LAW AMENDMENT BILL. Lord WODEHO USE postponed the motion for the second reading of this bill until Tuesday, the 22d inst. VACCINATION. The Earl GRANVILLE called the attention of their lordships to the defective state of the law with respect to vaccination. The noble earl, in the course of his remarks, referred to the report of the Registrar-General, in which the deaths from smallpox for some time past had increased to a very alarming extent. He thought that if an inquiry into the subject of vaccination was instituted very important results would follow. The noble earl con cluded by asking the noble marquis whether the Govern ment intended - Co take any steps with a view to render the law more efficient than it was at present ? The Marquis of SALISBURY was understood to say the subject had not escaped the notice of the Government, and as far as they had the power they would use it, but the subject was one surrounded with great difficulty. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY regretted that vaccina tion was falling into disuse, and the deaths from small-pox was greatly increasing. He knew there was a great ob jection amongst some persons with respect to having their children vaccinated, as they imagined that other diseases were brought on in consequence, but nothing could be more erroneous. He was aware there was a strong feeling against compulsory vaccination, but he thought it was a mistaken one, and that some law ought to be introduced on the subject. He agreed with the noble earl (Granville) as to the inefficiency of some of the public vaccinators, as he knew of instances where they had altogether failed in the performance of their duty. Lord REDESDALE was also of opinion that some mea sure was absolutely necessary. Earl GRANVILLE expressed his satisfaction that the noble earl (Salisbury) was fully alive to the importance of the subject. ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS AND REGISTRIES (IRELAND) BILL. This bill passed Through committee. On the motion that the report be received, The Bishop of DOWN moved the omission of a certain clause, which was opposed by the Earl of Donouglamore. The motion was negatived, and several other verbal amend ments having been made, the bill was ordered to be re ported. OCCASIONAL FORMS OF PRAYER BILL. The committee upon this bill was postponed till Thurs day next. ACCELERATION OF IRISH MAILS. In answer to the Marquis of CLANILICARDE, Lord COLCHESTER said the contract was signed on the 3d January with the Northern Railway, and he had no objections to lay a copy of the contract on the table. The state of the landing at Kingstown was not under control of the Post-office, but that at Holyhea d he had no doubt would be finished during the present year. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-(YESTERDAY. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. SALE OF EXCISEABLE LIQUORS (SCOTLAND) BILL. Lord CLAUDE HAMILTON brought up her Majesty's answer to the address from the house, which stated that her Majesty' was graciously pleased to grant a Royal Com mission for inquiring into the system that prevailed in Scotland with reference to the sale of exciseable liquors. PRIVATE BUSINESS. Mr. C. FORSTER moved that the order, that the Sal ford Borough Bill be committed be read and discharged, and that the bill be withdrawn; also that leave be given to bring in a bill to enable the mayor, aldermen, and bur gesses of the borough of Salford to raise a further sum of moneyfor improving their gasworks, and for other purposes ; and that Mr. Masseyand Mr. Bazley do prepare and bring it in; also, that the order that the North London, Paddington, Richmond, Hampton Court, and Kingston Railway Bill be committed, be read, and discharged, and that the bill be withdrawn; also, that the order that the West End of London and Crystal Palace Railway (No. 2) Bill be com mitted, be read, and discharged, and that the bill be with drawn ; also, that the order that the Liverpool, Garston, and Allerton Railway Bill be committed, be read, and dis charged, and that the bill be withdrawn. PETITIONS. Several petitions were presented praying for a removal of the unnecessary restrictions on the shipping trade ; for the repeal of the paper duty ; for the rejection of the Dublin Highway's Bill ; from officials in provincial post offices that they might be placed on the same footing as those engaged in the London post-office ; for the discontinuance of the opium trade ; for the rejection of the Government bill on Parliamentary Reform, as being most unsatisfactory ; from Protestant Dissenters, that they should be rendered eligible for the trusteeship of endowed charities ; for the introduction of a measure to extend the franchise, the adoption of the ballot, and the shortening of the duration of Parliaments; against the abolition of church-rates, &c. &c. THE MAYNOOTH GRANT. Mr. SPOONER gave notice that on this day fortnight he would move that the house resolve itself into committee to consider the grant to Maynooth, with a view to its re peal. (Laughter.) PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE gave notice that on the second reading of the Government bill for Parliamentary Reform he would move a repeal of that portion of the act of 1832 which requires the payment of poor rates before raters were entitled to register, and various other alterations to extend the franchise. ROYAL GARDENS AT KEW. Mr. DILLWYN asked the First Commissioner of Works whether it was his intention, in the next estimates, to make provision for the erection of a new conservatory at the Royal Gardens at Kew ? Lord J. MANNERS said it was impossible for him to answer the question at present. FOREIGN TRADE OF DUBLIN, Mr. VANCE asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it was the intention of Government to introduce any general or special measure, during the present session, which would relieve the foreign trade of Dublin from the imposts now levied on it exclusively fer the Barbour of refuge, at Kingstown. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was not intended to introduce any such measure, and he was not aware that the port of Dublin laboured under any grievance in reference to imposts ; but the matter was under consideration, with a view to the revision of those laws. THE LAW RELATING TO BEERHOUSES. Mr. NICbLi, ;;Zfif;lTnderSecretary of State for the Home Department if it was the intention of Government to bring in a bill before Easter to amend the law in respect to beerhouses and places of public entertainment. Mr. HARDY said it was intended to introduce such a bill, but not at present. THE BATTLE OF CALPEE. General BUCKLEY asked the Secretary of State for India whether Sir Hugh Rose, in his despatch relative to the battle of Calpee, had made particular mention of the gallant conduct of the camel corps on that occasion, and whether a clasp would be given for that action? Lord STANLEY said that the despatch alluded to had not reached this country, having been lost in India ; but he had written to obtain a duplicate. No such clasp as that mentioned by the gallant gentleman would be distri buted. OFFICERS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. Major STUART KNOX asked the Secretary for War the reason why officers in the Mediterranean were not en titled to the same accommodation (in the way of quarters or allowance for the same) as officers in the United King dom ; and whether it was his intention to remedy the pre sent state of things ? General PEEL said the officers in question were entitled to the benefits specified. CHURCH R4TEs, In reply to Mr. HUTT, Mr. WALPOLE said he proposed to move the second reading of this bill on Wednesday next. EAST INDIA LOAN BILL. On the motion for the second reading of this bill, Sir G. C. LE WIS said that, in dealing with India, they should act in the same way as they did with their other c°li mbes, and preserve the separateness of the colonial from the imperial treasury. The great difficulty in which Indian finance found itself arose from the great military expenditure. For the year before the mutiny in India the expense of the military and navy in this country and India, exclusive of police, was £13,400,000 ; and for the year 1858 it was increased by R 21,850,000, making a total of £35,250,000. while the expenditure of France for her military and naval departments amounted only to £19,781,000 in 1859. As he understood from the gallant Secretary for War, there was to be a reduction in the military force, and if they could extend that r e d uct i on to India with safety they would be promoting materially the interests of that portion of the British empire. It hadbeenused as an argument against the reduction of the native army that the frontiers were open to invasion, and that they had to apprehend attacks from the small princes in the country. He considered, however, that as the frontiers of the British Empire in India extended from Cape Comoriti to the Himalayas, any f ears of such invasion were not well founded. Now, what he wished to impress on the Government was that theywere in positionnto effect a reduction of native troops, for the body of t - h;1) e 7 )ple in that country were not armed; the insurgents had been scattered, and the principal garrison s were i n th e p ossess i on of European troops. He thought the best course to be pursued was for this country to raise a loan on the credit of India,lnd was a wantonndthey should bear in mind that the mutiny in and unprovoked by any act of Government in that country. Mr. BRIGHT said he was not about to follow the right hon. gentleman, or to attempt to answer some points in his speech which he thought were not very sound, buthe would say generally that he thought he rathe r contradicted himself in what he had been saying, because he wished from the that the revenue of India should be kept separate o revenue of England, and yet he proposed that under certain circumstances certain expenditure which had been hitherto borne by the Indian revenue should be borne by the Eng lish exchequer. It appeared to him that there was very little difference with regard to the future between the plan which was launched, he thought rather unfortunately, by the noble lord a few nights ago, and the plan laid down by the right hon. gentleman. But he was anxious to address a few words to the house on this question, which they were forced at last to consider was one Of great magnitnde. , The noble lord (Lord Stanley) made a long and able speech in introducing this bill. He explained with great fairness the condition of the Indian Jinn - ices, and, except a little colour ing which his lordship's position compelled him to give to the statement, he had nothing to complain of respecting it. He read the speech with great care, and he confessed that when he came to the end of it he f e lt grea t anx i e ty, an d h e thought the case the noble lord had laid before the house and the country was enlculat e d to excite their alarm. The noble lord showed them that it was impossible to conceive anything in a worse condition than the finances of India. The finances of a country were almost everything to that country ; they meant public order, the industry of the people. Through that single department of finance he thought that there was no government in Europe or the world that was more deserving of an emphatic condemna tion than the government of India. The facts were in so mufti a compass that he-would-wouldsre-state_ so me et them The debt of India wags about £80,000,000. . He excluded the sum that was to be paid at some remote day to the proprato • roi of East I.udia §t9cac, awl tit 9;0 11 4(104 also thy guarantee of public works in India, which stood of course altogether on another basis. The noble lord showed them at the same time that the expenses of the Government were constantly increasing, and to make that which as so bad much worse, he showed them that the revenue was diminish ing. Now a Government with a constantly incr :sing debt, a constantly increasing expenditure, and a constantly dimi nishing revenue, was in a position of great d w ger, and was going on rapidly to an abyss which he shou not attempt to describe. And it was an unfortunate thin r that the Go vernment of India, owing to its excessive borrowing and its excessive want of faith towards those from whom it had borrowed, had almost lost its credit, and it would require all the management and honesty of the noble lord to reform it in one particular. At that moment the noble lord was asking from them powers to borrow seven millions in this country, and at the same time there was open in India a loan at the rate of not less than 51 per cent., and the Go vernment, he believed, undertook the repayment of that loan at a period when there was not the remotest chance that the money could be repaid. The noble lord made use of an argument which was very common, that the debt only amounteckto two years' revenue, while that of England amounted to 10 or 12 years' revenue. But it was not a states manlike view to compare India with a country which had got into debt more than any other country in Europe. The argument would be bad if the comparison was just. But the comparison was not just. We knew very well that through the increase of machinery, of productive power and of capi tal, the debt of England was much less onerous on the people of England now than it was some years ago. But that was not the case in India. The noble lord admitted that there was no elasticity in the revenue of India, and the increase of its debt must necessarily result in a greater deficit. They came then to the expense, which the noble lord admitted was increasing; and ho (Mr. Bright) was prepared to assert to the house tat there did not exist at this moment in the hands of the noble lord or his council any control—he had almost said any check, whatever over the increased expendi ture of the revenues of India. If the noble lord would tell them all that he thought about it, he would tell them that at this moment the funds of the Indian government were being poured out like water in every part of India, and that there was no responsibility and no check whatever; while, at the same time the landed revenue, which was the most perma nent of any of the sources of revenue in India, was declin • ing, and the revenue from opium was in great danger of falling off almost altogether; that it was just possible, nay it was probable, that the Chinese government, having been compelled to admit opium, would permit it to be cultivated in that country. The state of things he was describing had not arisen from the recent rebellion; it had existed before the rebellion. For 13 years out of 14, in the lifetime of any body in that house, there had been a deficit, and the rebel lion had only produced an aggravation of that state of things. The right hon. gentleman said the government was changed in form. The fact was that the government wss leastchan changegedonl inyin name. He believed there had not been the principle. An hon. gentleman, who was re cently a member of that house, but who was now a member of the Indian Council—he alluded to Mr. Mangles—was examined the other day before a committee sitting upstairs, and he was asked if he approved of the present government of India. He answered with great frankness that of course he did ; that it was composed of the same men, and it was conducted on the same principles, as before. The noble lord would understand that he was not condemning him in any thing he was saying. 'One of his objects was to point out to him that however honest and enlightened was the minister who might be at the head of Indian affairs in this country, under the organisation that now existed in India it was ut terly impossible that he should bring about changes in that country which were absolutely necessary to restore Indian finance to a condition of soundness. He should like the house to consider for a moment whether it was possible to apply a remedy to this state of things. This India Loan Bill was not the last they would have. Let them compare themselves for a moment with nathe states. It was said we had conferred untold—no doubt they were untold—advantages on the na tives of India, but was it not a remarkable fact that while the government of India was in the hands of 20 or 30 native princes, every one of them, without exception, was able to carry on his government without debt, and they had gene rally a surplus. Indeed, one of the great temptations to the British authorities in India had been to secure the sur plus. He believed the noble lord could state that when the kingdom of Oude was annexed, it was found that there was a considerable sum in the exchequer, and that the revenue of Oude amounted to nearly double the expenses necessary to govern Oude. Well, we had abolished all these govern ments, and had spent all their revenues, and had borrowed eighty millions sterling, and spent that also, and they had had increasing year by year a deficit till it had become so appalling that on both sides of the house they had been discussing whether it would be necessary to bring in, not only the authority but the security, the guarantee of Eng land to raise a sufficient sum of money to enable them to carry on the government of India. Now, there was not the smallest thing like a remedy proposed. It was more debt, more taxes, no better government, and as far as he could see, very little of that description of public works which was necessary to develop with any success their dustry of the people of India. The noble lord was not in fault at all. He knew long before he held his present office what his opinions were, but being in office he was now responsible for providing a remedy. The right hon. member for Radnor thought that we should pay a part of the Indian army, and that that would balance the Indian finances. But it would not balance the English finances, and if the right hon. gen tleman was looking forward to again being Chancellor of the Exchequer, he was rather surprised that he should have made such a suggestion as that. He (the hon. mem ber) was aware that a diminution in the rate of salaries would form but a limited resource ; but still it was ad mittedthat there was no service in the world that was so highly—he might say extravagantly—paid as the civil ser vice of India. The principle of that service was never how to economise, but how best to plant upon the people of India the largest number of our countrymen, who might live there very comfortably for not a very long period and then return home to occupy a very respectable if not high posi tion in English society. But was there any reason why the officials of India should thus be paid ? Fifty or a hundred years ago it was said that our eastern possessions were so far away that men who went there seldom returned till they had grey hairs and bad livers. (A laugh.) But the distance lied of late been much shortened, and he (Mr. Bright) did not believe one-tenth of what was said aboutthe climate. Several years ago, when he had a committee on the supply of cotton, he bad an opportunity of seeing many gentlemen who had been in India for 15 or 20 years. Since then he had seen scores, he might almost say hundreds, of the same class, and they appeared to enjoy just as good health as if they had been spending one-half of the year in London, and the other half in the Highlands of Scotland. (Hear.) He dismissed, therefore, all idea that there was anything in the nature of the service or in the climate of India which rendered it necessary to pay such extravagant salaries. If there was, why did they not pay their military officers or their chaplains on a similar scale ? They did not pay those gentlemen any unreasonable sums, nor did those who were engaged in agriculture or commerce in India—a class which he regretted to say was a very small one—reap profits that were so much in excess of the ordinary remune ration enjoyed by those who were engaged in similar pur suits. (Hear.) Or, again, compare the salaries received in India with those paid in Ceylon, and it would be found they were enormously larger ; some being as large again, and others 50 per cent. greater; and yet the conditions of service in India were at least as good as those in Ceylon, and the climate at least as favourable to European life. (Hear, hear.) If the noble lord saved anything out of the civil salaries he would be able to do one of the three things, any of which would be very advantageous. He might em ploy a much larger number of Europeans, or he might em ploy a much better class of officials (and of native officials there were 10 for every European), or lastly, whatever was saved would go into the Indian treasury, and render it less requisite for the noble lord to borrow at 6 per cent. in India or to come here for leave to borrow money from year to year. (Hear, hear.) But it was quite true that the great source of expense was, after all, the military establish ments ; and he was glad to hear what had fallen from the right hon. gentleman (Sir G. Lewis). It was right that the moral and Christian people of this country should know that, with all our civilisation, all our boasting, all our mis sionaries, and all our talk about the Bible—it was right that the people should know that there was every year wrung from the toiling millions of this country and of India no less a sum than 35 millions sterling for purely military purposes. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord told them that we had 91;000 European soldiers in India ; in addition to a native force of 243,000, making thus an army of 334,000 men. (Hear, hear.) Every historian of India and every Englishman who had resided in India, was agreed that in the whole world there was no people more industri ous, mere docile, or more submissive to authority, by nature and habit, than the people of British India. Governedwith ordinary wisdom and justice they would require to keep them in subjection, not an army of 334,000 men, but simply a well organised police. (Hear, hear.) It would be better, and the right hon. gentleman (Sir G. Lewis) was very near saying, the same thing, it would be far better for the honour of England, for the good of India and for the credit of huma di n, nature, that we should leave Ina altogether if we could not maintain our power without this immense cost, and if these great calamities were to look us in the face from year to year, as they would do unless some great change were made. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord could. not save enough from the civil salaries to make his finances balance ; but he might save enough by diminishing the armed force. Such a step must, however, be combined with other changes, or it would meet with no complete success. In the first place, everybody who had written about India said there was no country in the world in which there was such a combination of soil and climate, of people and industry, and even of water, if they would but garner it up at the proper se.ison:— every one admitted that there was no country where there were the elements of such abundance and prosperity than were to be found in British India. (Hear, hear.) • Every thing that nature could give she had bestowed with no scanty hand ; but the whole system of the. Government had been to thwart the benevolence and the goodness of God to His creatures. At the present time the industries of India were almost nothing ; and all the public works put toge ther. did not approach what had had been done in any mo derate sized English county. The noble lord knew that with an insecure ownership of land the industry of every country was garotted and could not properly extend itself. He knew also that there were districts in which from want of roads it was utterly impossible for the natives to send their pro duce down to the coast ; and he knew, further, that there were districts in which any amount he might choose to lay ro t in constructing works to store water in the rainy sea yerai,rsand to disperse it over the soil in the dry, would in two failing le repaid twentyfold. and would continue to be a never B b eofalth. Was the house willing that the should which had always Governm ent, like some old lumbering waggon, dragged along its old ruts with the same slowness peril to all that were 8 characterised its pace, and with the same ltehnirgdthrehiadsinvgiewofsthonetbhilelp concerned( in iti e, Last year, on the (Mr. Bright) stated at great in his opinion, subject of government. He told the solute simplicity; that, of f a the government at home should de centralisation. should be pursued b li e m o ise n ein India itself a process of He argued that it would be obviously impossible for ary governor-general to rule with succe ss a populationwhich was variously rec k o ned at from 150 to 200 millions ; and hq w ou ld now r ead an extract fro m a letter writt en from the N a ti ve Asso ciation at Calcutta to that . at Bombay, with re gard to t h i s very committee can con ceive of no system of administration. very question of centralisation :—" The co • e prejudicial to tho India, and more pregnant with mischief to the • essential • interests improvement of the various races inhabiting Ind' of govern_ Acentral power, howevernient, than the deep-laid, wide-spread, and elaborate centrali sation which now prevails. and enlightened, cannot, of itself, embrace all the skil fuldetails of the existence of so vast a nation—or rather of so ma n y nations—as those of India. Such vigilance exceeds the powers of man. The tendency of cen t r alisati? . n . as you are aware, is unif)rrnity ; but the distinguisbingl may thrive the Indian communities is variety. A s ingle nation under centralisation, for then the rinciple action has a wide field for play. But ce ntralisation tor a p ofthe unity of number of nations, each at a different stage of progre!s/?lyi with various degrees of intelligence, can have no principle for its basis, for it is the practical confusion of all principles imaginable." .He (Mr. Night) quite agreed with the opinion expressed by. these Indian gentlemen—intelligen t and respectable gentlemen they were—for it was impossible for any governor-general at Calcutta, whatever the power they might choose to giveiim, to bring the Governmental ey %Wawa. 014;471)94p otazi4 TarOt 4134131041 proposition which he (Mr. Bright) suggested was that they should revert to the ancient plan, and establish something like municipal presidencies in India. (Hear, hear.) There was another point not less essential. They must seek to draw into those councils and incorporate into the Government the best and most intelligent natives. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord told them the other night that to raise the revenue so as to balance the expenditure would be extremely difficult. The noble lord could not do like his colleague the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the country—he could not lay new taxes Upon the people. He might easily commit some blunder that would create a feeling of alarm amongst millions, and a disbelief in the good faith of the government, even if it did not actually stimulate revolt. But if there were in each local council two or three, or four natives—he was not pleading for a native majority—he believed that they might suggest taxes that would fall upon the rich and spare the vast body of the poor. He believed, too, that if the Indian people were satisfied as to the justice of their rulers and the necessity of the demand upon them, they would submit to new imposts like any other people. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord committed a fatal error last year, when in obedience to his colleagues he consented to leave India in the hands of those who had been the instruments of its ancient misgovernment. The noble lord might not have had any votes of want of confidence passed upon him by the council ; but it was possible for men sitting at the same board to throw at every step difficulties in his way that he might find himself utterly unable to overcome. F rom the correspondence which came*y every mail from India to an association with which he had for many years been connected, he (Mr. Bright) knew. perfectly well that not even the shadow of a change had been brought about by the act of last year. (Hear, hear.) For instance, he had some time ago asked a ques tion respecting Dhar. Dhar was a principality with a revenue of £50,000 a-year, and was governed by a rajah 13 years of age. No charge had ever been made against the rajah himself, but on the pretext that some one connected with him had not been sufficiently zealous on behalf of the British Government, his principality had been "annexed." It had been the custom to sneer at the use of that word across the Atlantic ; but it had become a perfectly English word, so far, at least, as our conduct in India was concerned. It was understood that the noble lord did not approve of the annexation of Dhar, and that instructions had been sent out to India with respect to it. But the annexation had not been relinquished ; and it was said that no papers or explanations on the subject had been sent home. In fact, it was clear that the Indian government at home knew no more of the affair than if no despatch had been sent out. The Government in India did not care one straw for what the Government in England might choose to do. (Cheers.) It would not be polite in any society, and it would certainly not be suitable in that house, to quote the language in which some of the officials in India endeavoured to describe how very little they cared for what had been done. Now, unless they were made to care ' they would soon drag this country into greater cala mities than ever. (Cheers.) It was the duty of the noble lord to let those men know that if they neglected the orders sent to them from this country they would be instantly recalled. It was his dutyto impress upon our great pro-consuls in India that there was a power which, though distant, could pull them up and check them in their career of wrong. (Cheers.) Look at the proclamation which the noble lord had sent out. What could be more admirable than its tone and intention ? Did anybody suppose that the noble lord was dishonest in issuing that proclamation, or that the Queen did not mean what she said when she put her name to that.new charter of India? Of course nobody doubted either the noble lord or the Queen. That proclamation was a reversal of all our past policy ; but its execution was left in the hands of those, who had been instruments of the old policy ; and un less there was a Minister in this country who would not allow it to be set at nought, unless that Minister was well backed up by his colleagues, and supported lay that house, not five years would elapse before his proclamation would be no better than waste paper. (Cheers.) With regard to the question of the debt, he did not think that any person who had lent his money to the Indian Government had a shadow of a claim, either moral or legal, upon the taxes of England. (Hear, hear.) He knew his security ;he had bargained for his rate of interest ; and that rate had been double what he would have received if he had lent his money to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Hear, hear.) At the same time he (Mr. Bright) was bound to say, that there was no real justice in the people of England fixing this burden upon the inhabitants of India. (Hear, hear.) Did anybody mean to say, for instance, that it was right to tax the people of India for the debt incurred in the Affghan war, which had beenundertaken in further ance of a policy adopted by the cabinet at home ? (Hear, hear.) So, with regard to the late revolt, which he (Mr. Bright) ventured to say would cost not less than forty millions sterling, and which he was surprised to hear the right hon. baronet (Sir G. C. Lewis) say was an unjustifiable one. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord the member for the City (Lord J. Russell) bad just published a work in which he ex pressed a strong opinion as to the justifiableness of the American. War of Independence ; and when he recollected how the right hon. baronet had last year pointed out the atrocities of the Indian Government, he thought it was rather inconsistent in him now to say that there had been neither cause nor excuse for the conduct of the people of India during the last two years. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Bright) did not want to enter into any defence of that con duct; but he wished to see the Government of India based upon a justice which the people of that country themselves could feel and see, and which would secure our power without the necessity of keeping up an army of 334,000 men. (Cheers.) In the meantime, he thought that £40,000,000 would be a grievous burden to place upon the taxes of a people, seeing that the revolt had been caused by our mis management. (No, no.) An hon. gentleman said " No." Well, he (Mr. Bright) would not dispute the point with him ; but if the hon. gentleman was neither an Englishman nor a native of India, but was writing a history of our transactions during the last hundred or even twenty years, he would come to the conclusion that it would be more just that we should ourselves pay the expenses of the war we had undertaken, in order to re-subjugate the country. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Bright) was sorry to speak so long in derogation of his countrymen, but he was convinced that the course we had pursued had only led to the logical and inevitable consequences ; and that unless some body undertook to reverse the system which had hitherto been followed, we might in ten years have another great revolt, the results of which might be much more disas trous than anything that happened within the last two years. (Hear, hear.) If the Government could only see how much more we might profit by a just and wise policy he might hope that the principle of pure selfishness would lead them to reverse the helm. He knew how greatly the trade of Manchester had lately been increased by the de mand which had sprung up for cotton goods for India. No doubt much of that demand arose from the mode in which the local government was squandering its money ; but he also knew that we could not advance one mile into the country without finding a customer waiting for us; and he knew that the extension of our market amongst a popula tion of 150,000,000 to 200,000,090 could practically have no limit for at least a long time to come, if we would only give our subjects a chance by securing to them the free enjoy ment of that which they produced. (Hear, hear.) He hoped the noble lord would believe that he (Mr. Bright) had not made a single observation with a view of finding fault with anything he had done since he came into office, but he besought him to deliberate well upon the experience he had gained during the twelve months lie had been in his present position, and if he shohld come to the con clusion that changes were necessary, he hoped that he would be prepared either as Minister for India or in an unofficial situation, to declare to the house what his ex perience had taught him. He hoped he would declare that the present arrangement was a provisional and experimental one only, and that the Indian Government must be entirely reconstructed, not only in England, but in India itself. Mr. AYRTON thought it would be most unfortunate if the speech of his hon. friend went forth to the public as an authoritative declaration that the finances of India were at all in a desperate condition. India had, in fact, been in a position tenfold worse than her present one ; and the govern ment had in vain before now to offer not six, but 12 per cent. There was no doubt much more confidence felt in, India itself as to the strength and efficiency of its new ad ministration than appeared to exist in this country. For his own part, he (Mr. Ayrton) expected to see a considerable improvement in the revenue, and especially that arising from the land tax. He believed that with a wise and judicious administration, the increase would more than cover the additional charges which had been thrown upon the country by the recent disturbances. What was wanted was that the tenure of land should be put upon a better footing. Some of the officials in India had gone as far as to say that the Government was the absolute owner of the soil; and he hoped that the noble !lord would make it clear that the Government did not in reality claim any more than a mere right to levy taxes upon it. The land tax under the Hindoos had been 30 per cent. The Mahommedans in creased that amount ; and in some cases we had raised it still higher. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord would com mit a fatal error if he remitted the tax from any portion of the land on the ground that it was waste land. It would be a mere bonus to the neighbouring occupiers, and the re sult would be to arrest the growth of the land revenue. With the formation of roads the unoccupied lands would be taken up, and would yield additional revenue. The noble lord spoke of the progress of India, but his facts did not reach down to the present time. Ho said that 18 miles of the Bombay railway had been constructed, and that it paid 41 per cent. But there had since been opened 130 miles of that line, and the return was 6i- per cent. Other 50 miles were now open, and the return was equally great. When these means of communication were complete, as they would be in about four years, he believed that the returns of the land revenue would be equal to all the claims upon them. In some cases the blunder had been committed which was made with respect to the land tax at home—the revenue had been capitalised ; but this was an eperation which ought only to be performed when interest was very low. Ho considered the proposition of Sir G. Lewis, that there must be an entire separation between the Indian and the Imperial treasuries wrong in principle and impracticable. He recommended the Government of this country to borrow money in this country at 31 per cent., and to lend it to India at a rate of interest that would insure the repayment of the principal in 15 or 20 years. He suggested various reforms in the details of the Indian Go vernment ; and gave a qualified assent to Mr. Bright's pro posal to admit the natives of India to a participation. in the Government, and, with him, in order to keep down expen diture, recommended the reduction of the salaries of civilians. _ _ - 111T. — EWAILT differed from Mr. Bright in respect to the financial prospects of India ; he expected from the improve ment of the means of intercommunication a great develop ment of the resources of that country. Mr. WILSON had not only no apprehensions as to the financial prospects of India, but he had the greatest hope of them. Almost every increase of the Indian debt had arisen from wars, and from expenditure upon public works which would be reproductive. If the increased interest upon the Indian debt were taken at £2,000,000, and the expenditure upon public works at £1,000,000, and there should be a de ficiency of £3,000,000, he should not despair of seeingin the next three or four years such an increase of the revenue from existing sources as would enable the Government of India to bear this charge. He disputed some of the conclusions of Mr. Bright regarding the land revenue of India : he condemned the policy of alienating in perpetuity waste or jungle lands, as repeating the error committed by Lord Cornwallis in his permanent settlement ; and he justified the views of the late and former Govern ments in relation to railways in India and to certain branches of the Indian revenue. He did not anticipate a falling off in the revenue derived from either salt or opium. He dis approved an Imperial guarantee of an Indian loan; he be lieved that the future rule of England over India was more secure than ever, and did not fear for the resources of the latter country. Lord STANLEY—One, and not the least, difficulty ex perienced in addressing the house after a discussion such as has now taken place is that the debate has ranged over such a variety of topics that it is next to impossible to enter with n n any practic a l a d vantage into the majority of the su bj ec t s that hav e b een discussed. Many suggestions have been consideration. value—whichOeho. thrown out f or the better government of India—some of them fmuch willr i ec h e as ive to , ladsusthtehay that among gentleman tieintu the principal requirem en t s of Indian administration was the admission o . f a certain number of na ti ves i nto the Leg,isla- OTO Cimnelle 144 ith quite agree that it is very iwPgra taut to obtain as far as possible a genuine expression of native opinion upon matters which are discussed in India; but the objection to the plan of proceeding suggested is this —that you cannot find any one, two, or three natives who could be said in any sense to represent the native population as a - whole. (Hear.) So again, the question of judicial reform has been mooted. That is a question of the deepest interest and the greatest importance. It is one that must and does call for immediate and careful consideration ; and I shall only repeat to-night, what I said on a former occa sion, that I am quite satisfied—the Government here is quits satisfied—that any partial, fragmentary, and incom• plete mode of dealing with this subject would introduce greater complication than it would remove, and that when the question comes to be dealt with it must be in a compre hensive manner. (Hear, hear.) As to the subject of Enam at Madras, I may remind the house that this question will be reported upon by the new Governor of Madras, and that pending the receipt of his opinion no definite step that can commit the Government will be taken. ' Now, the hon. gentleman opposite, with much of whose speech I agree, said it was a fatal error to sell uncultivated lands in India to private persons ; that you would be merely making a present to them of that which was the property of the State, and that a 30 years' lease was sufficient for all practical purposes. I apprehend that that is not found practically to be the case; because both in India and the colonies the one point on which all those agree who apply for lands of this description* is that they desire to have them in perpetuity, to pay a sum down and have done with the matter, and then to hold them as lands are held in England. But when I am told that a 30 years' lease, or a lease for a term of years at a fixed rent, subject to be raised at the end of the term, is sufficient for all practical purposes, I answer, there is no analogy between the case put and that of a tenant who holds lands in this country. With regard to the debt of India, I have to say, in reply to the hon. member for Birmingham, that I never thought of making light of the Indian debt by comparing it with that of England. I never made light of the injury which is inflicted on India by the burden of that debt. I admit that it is a great drawback and a great inconvenience ; but my argument was and is this—that as England has enjoyed an immense amount of material prosperity even under an enormous pressure of debt, there is no reason why India should not be equally prosperous under a similar state of things. But the hon. member for Birmingham answered his own argument when he admitted that he saw no limit to the development of the future resources of India. That is what I fully believe, and believing that the trade of India will increase to an in credible extent, I contend, and that is all I have contended, that the amount of this permanent burden, even taking it at £90,000,000 —looking at what the resources of the coun try will be when properly and fully developed—will not be greaten' than those resources will bear. (Hear.) Frequent remarks have been made on the deficit in the Indian re venue. It is said there has been a continual deficit, and that the debt has constantly increased. It is true the debt has constantly increased, but I have not heard any contra diction of the statement I made on a former occasion— namely, that although there has been a considerable in crease to the debt absolutely, yet previous to the mutiny there had been no increase in the amount of the debt rela tively to the amount of the revenue on which it was charged since the beginning of the century. A question largely touched on to-night, and on a former occasion, iethat of the salaries of the civil service. I have stated, and I state again, that I do not mean to pledge myself that those sala ries are incapable of considerable reduction, but this I will assert that the whole amount . of retrenchment which it would be possible at any future time to make in that branch of the public expenditure is absolutely insignifi cant when compared with the outlay which takes place in the military department. (Hear, hear.) It is to that enormous excess of military expenditure that the present financial embarrassments are owing. With respect to the civil service, a comparison had been made between the civil services of Ceylon and Madras. I remember seeing that comparison drawn up in considerable detail in a journal not long ago. It is quite true that in point of climate there is not much difference between the two places, but it is fair to re member that the whole administration of Madras is on a scale incalculably larger than that of Ceylon. Again, we are told that the clerical and military services do not receive the same enormous rate of pay as the civil service. As re gards the clerical service, that was rather an unfortunate assertion, because it so happens that the salaries paid to chaplains in India do very greatly exceed the rate of salary given for corresponding duty at home. It is reckoned that, taking the whole of the ecclesiastical appointments in this country, the average income of each clergyman would not amount to £3OO a-year ; while, in the Indian service the chaplains are paid £6OO a-year, with a prospect of rising to £9OO a-year. Then again, with regard to the military pay and allowances, it isimpossible to forget that they are much higher in India than in any other part of the globe. (Hear, hear.) I stated the other night the case .of those employed on railways, and the high rate of salary paid to them as a proof that the Government did not stand alone in finding it necessary to give a high rate of remuneration for services in India. We are told to-night that it is the amount which the Government pays that fixes the rate of remuneration ; but [ doubt whether that can be made out to be the case. When the option is offered to a railway engineer to serve or a line in India or to be employed in England, he does not consider what is paid to civil or military servants it India, but he considers whether it would answer his purpose to submit to late various inconveniences of a protracted residence abroad, and whether increased pay would compensate him for other disadvantages. I have fully admitted that in fixing future salaries, it should be borne in mind that the inconvenience attendant on a residence in India resultin6 from distance is an inconvenience that every hour is tending to diminish— (hear, hear)—but that inconvenience which arises from climate is not so imaginary as some hon. gentlemen are inclined to suppose, because it is well known that invalids are sent to England, or if not to England, they are sent to the hills. With regard to the salaries of the civil service, I have a report drawn up and printed in India, occupyir g five considerable folio volumes. (Hear, and a laugh.) I do not pretend to have mastered its contents, but the general result is that an increase rather than a diminution of the total expense is recommended. It is fair, however, to ex plain that that increase is produced by the recommendation that an increased amount of European labour and superin tendence should be had recourse to. There are some pro posals for reductions in existing offices and also for the creation. of new departments or the extension of existing departments. It may be possible to separate one from the other, and to adopt, I hope, some of the proposals for re duction without adopting those for increased expenditure in other respects. (Hear, hear.) The Government will be ready to take this subject into consideration, but I must repeat that if the total amount of retrenchment were larger than I believe it will be, still a very small saving would be available for existing purposes, because you cannot cut down the salaries of the present possessors of office. Therefore it would be only misleading the house if we were to hold out the prospect of a considerable reduction in this matter. It is to the reduction of the military expenditure almost exclusivelythat we umstlook—(hear, hear)—and I agree that when India is restored to its normal state, there will no longer be any need for so large a native army as has hitherto been maintained. (Hear, hear.) The house will ' have an opportunity very shortly of seeing a good deal of evidence taken on this subject here and in India, but until the report of the commission to inquire respecting the re organisation of the Indian army, and the evidence taken by that commission were received it would be desirable to avoid any discussion on this subject. With respect to the Imperial guarantee, I have been told that the act of last year makes no difference in that respect, and in that state ment I fully concur. I fully allow that the Indian creditor has no claim whatever except on the Indian re venue—(hear, hear)—nor have I ever held language to a different effect. What I have stated; and what Ido not hesitate to state again, is, that the Indian creditors have the first charge on the Indian revenue. If that revenue, after paying the interest of the debt, were to be found not to suffice for carrying on the civil and military adminis tration, then the question would arise as to who would be responsible. (Hear, hear.) It is in that way that the question of responsibility will turn up. With respect to the proposal of the hon. member opposite (Mr. Wilson), I was not aware that there was any difference between the act of last year and the present bill. The omission of the word " only" is, I apprehend, not material, but I have no objection to its insertion. We have been told that the change made in the government of India is one of form, and has produced no practical result to the country. I ven ture to doubt whether that is a correct statement. It is quite true that before the change there was an Indian Minister responsible to Parliament for the conduct of Indian affairs, but the first and most practical difference which I will venture to say the measure of last year has made is this, that two departments, formerly in perpetual conflict, are now working in harmony. There has been some, not very considerable, saving of expense, and in the transaption of business at home there has been experienced a very consi derable saving of time. In India it is considered that that delay in forwarding answers to questions sent home, which was so much complained of before, is very materially diminished since the Act of last year; and when it is as serted that no alteration has been made, and that every thing remains as it was, it will be worth while to recollect that different parties, from precisely opposite motives, hold the same language. Those who had maintained that no improvement in the government of India' was required are naturally unwilling to admit that a great improvement has taken place ; and those who believed that much more ex tensive reforms were needed, likewise hold the same lan guage, and deny that anything has been effected worth mentioning. As to the influence which the change would have on the government of India, I apprehend that it is quite possible that expectations may have been formed on that point which it was impossible to satisfy. Practically the government in India is carried on as it was before. In structions are sent from home, but a large amount of dis cretion is necessarily vested in those who administer the affairs of that country on the spot—a discretion which is as large as the responsibility devolving upon them is heavy. We hear it said sometimes that the administra tion of Indian affairs is falling into the old routine, and that it is guided by the advice of those who are called " Old Indians.' , I believe that all persons, whether possessed of Indian experience or not, have been led in many respects greatly to modify their ideas upon Indian affairs by the events of the last two years. (Hear.) No doubt those who have been connected with the civil or military services in India form peculiar notions, just as members of those ser vices at home look at matters connected with themselves in a peculiar and professional light ; but I do not admit that they alone guide us. I believe that in India, as in Eng land, the best security for a proper Indian administration is a due admixture of those who bring Indian ideas and ex perience to bear upon Indian subjects and of these who bring English ideas to bear upon the same subject. (Hear. hear.) lam far from admitting that it would be well, whe ther in London or Calcutta, to entrust the Indian adminis tration exclusively to those who take an Indian view of such matters, but neither can I consent to hold, what is now a common doctrine in some quarters, that Indian experience is a disqualification—(hear, hear) —that the best way of administering the complicated affairs of a great empire is to come to their consideration without any previous knowledge. (Hear, hear.) I have always felt, and I repeat it now, that there haveen in our system of Indian administration ninny abuses that required weeding out—that there were many reforms necessary—but I cannot forget that that ad ministration as a whole has produced some of the ablest men and called forth some of the finest qualities which have been exhibited in our history. I cannot avoid protesting against a doctrine that has become somewhat common, that our administration of Indian affairs has been nothing but a blunder and fault. (Hear, hear.) Sir E. PERRY observed that all the best authorities now agreed that, under present circumstances and present prospects, the finances of India presented an al armin g as pect. Was India able to bear the burdens cast upon her ? If not, and if this country would be ultimately responsible, it would be wiser and more economical to raise the money at once upon the credit of England. Mr. C. BRUCE said, upon the question of the liability of this country for the Indian debt he coneurred.in the 9144911exprogied by the late Sir Robert Peel ira, 1842 3 tUats THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 8, 1859, if the credit of India' ecame disordered, that of England must be brought forward to support it. Upon every prin ciple of equity, when the Government of India was assumes} directly by the Crown it was taken with all its liabilities, and a possible contingent liability could not be repudiated. The bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Friday. SUPPLY. On the order of the day for bringing up the report on supply, Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said he should be glad to know whether the 122,000 officers and men voted under the head of land forces included the 12 batteries destined for India. General PEEL said the 12 batteries referred to were at present included in the English establishment. They would be paid up to the time of their embarkation by the British Government, and as soon as they had departed for India they would be replaced by an equal number. Mr. MONSELL wished to put a question which he had put the other evening, but upon which some misapprehen sion had existed. The question was this—Why were the officers of the artillery now systematically excluded from staff appointments ? He also wished to ask a second ques tion. Three generals were appointed inspectors—the one of cavalry, another of infantry, and another of the Guards. Now he wished to know why there was no inspector-general of artillery. He also wished to know why no vote was taken for a director-Feneral of artillery. General PEEL said that, in answer to the first question, he must inform the right hon, member that, with the excep tion of three, all the generals of artillery were upwards of 68 years of age. Their ages ranged from 68 to 86. (Laughter.) Three only were younger than 68, and each of these three held staff appointments. (Hear, hear.) [Mr. MONSELL : But with regard to the colonels ?] The colonels stood much in the same position with regard to age. (Laughter.) As to the second question, that subject was now under the con sideration of the Government. The reason why no vote was taken for a director-general of artillery was this. A change in the nature of that office was under consideration, it being proposed to bring the artillery under the direction of the Commander-in-Chief. The effect of this would be (of course he could not go into details) to give the whole of the duties of the. office to younger men, to the increased effi ciency of the service. The report was then received. On the motion for a committee of supply, Sir H. WILLOUGHBY complained that a vote which had been taken ostensibly for the militia was appropriated to the pay and allowances of regiments of the line. Mr. J. WILSON explained that this transfer of the money had originally arisen under the pressure of the Indian mutiny, and at a time when Parliament was not sitting. Now, however, circumstances were different, and a more regular system might be adopted. After a conversation, Mr. WARRE wished to call attention to the case of the gunboats employed in the Chinese war. These vessels had encountered much risk on their voyage out, and it was 'a question whether it would be expedient to repeat the risk of a voyage home. The second matter to which he wished to draw attention was the training of the coast guard. Lest these men should lose their nautical habits, he would suggest that they should occasionally be sent out to sea for a cruise. The hon. member also complained of the system of naval promotion. Sir J. PAKINGTON said that Governmenthad no inten- tion of recalling the Chinese gunboats. With respect to the coast guard, his answer was that a considerable number of the men were already employed at sea in the guardships. The difficulties in naval promotion had arisen from the too small number of young men yearly admitted into the navy. Lately, however, an improvement had taken place in this respect, and there was every reason to expect it would re move all the inconveniences complained of. After an observation from Sir C. NAPIER, the house went into committee. General PEEL moved that £1,050,000 supplementary vote be agreed to. He explained that it was required in consequence of the sending out of extra regiments during the Indian mutiny, and for certain extraordinary expenses which had been incurred in the course of the Chinese war, both of which would ultimately be defrayed by the India Company. Mr. NEWDEGATE, in reference to a charge for the Enfield Factory, stated that the committee of contracts last year recommended a debtor and creditor account of the cost of that factory, which account was promised. At present, however, it had not been produced. Mr. V. WILLIAMS complained that these estimates were £600,000 more than they need be. The vote was agreed to. Sir J. PAKINGT ON then rose to move the supplemental navy estimates, which, he said, consisted of three items— the first of which was £193,383 3s. 9d., for the excess of expenditure arising on the votes for the China war. It would be remembered that £400,000 had been voted last year to cover the excess in both services, of which the navy had absorbed £390,000, which sum he had hoped would have covered the whole naval excess for the year 1857-58 ; but last autumn a further deficiency was found to exist in the amount he had now stated. The second item was £12,000, a charge incurred by the surveyor of the navy, in employing additional shipwrights; and the third item was £27,000, towards the purchase of some land in Malta. Last year, it would be remembered that £23,000 was put down in the estimates by the right hon. gentleman who at that.time was at the head of the Admiralty for this land, and he was quite I justified in doing so, the estimates which had been made to him of its probable cost being £20,000. Subsequently, however, a Government valuator went over it, and va l u ed it at £40,000 ; and afterwards a person who came to Eng land on the part of the owners claimed £120,000 for it ; while the Colonial Secretary at Malta valued it at £60,000. Ultimately, as it was necessary to have the land,. the Go vernment made an offer of £50,000, which 'was accepted ; and it was to make good the difference between the £23,000 voted last year and the £50,000, the amount of the purchase money, that this vote was required. The three items, as explained by the right hon. gentle man were put as separate votes and agreed to. The following votes were agreed to : £185,594 to defray the charges of the Secretary of State for War and the General Commanding-in-Chief. £356,040 for manufactory establishments, military, stores, ecc. £1,003,604 for provisions, forage, fuel, &c. On the vote of £718,088 for warlike stores for the land and sea service, General PEEL said, in reply to a question by Mr. Ma cartney, that nothing could be more satisfactory than the factories at Woolwich. £73,500 had been taken for Arm strong's gun, and measures had been taken to turn out as many as possible, and in the shortest possible time. General CODRINGTON remarked with respect to Mr. Whitworth's rifle, that the object of that gentleman was not remuneration, but a desire to give his time and attention to the improvement, of firearms for the benefit of the country. The vote was then agreed to. On the vote of £325,072 for fortifications, Mr. MONSELL said he thought it would be inexpedient to lay out any considerable sum without considering the effect likely to be produced - by Armstrong's gun. Sir F. SMITH understood that the works at Plymouth were to be three miles in advance 'of the present works, but doubted whether the distance was sufficient. As the sums voted were limited, he would suggest the propriety of com pleting some works instead of carrying on a great variety. Lord- PALMERSTON had no doubt. that Armstrong's gun must "produce a considerable alteration, both in the land and sea service ; but trusted that the Government would not suspend the works which were required for the immediate defence of our dockyards. (Hear, hear.) Sir C. NAPIER wished to know whether any money voted for Dover was to be expended on completing the harbour ? General PEEL observed that experiments were going on with Armstrong's gun, and it was hardly possible at present to tell what effect it would produce on masonry. With re spect to Dover, it was necessary to carry out some addi tional works in consequence of that harbour having been converted into a harbour of refuge. He thought it most desirable that Portsmouth and Plymouth should be at once placed in security. The next vote was £212,507 for civil buildings at home and abroad. General PEEL, in answer to Mr. Macartney, said the vote 'included the cost of a building at Pimlico, in which the clothing of the army would be kept. The establish ment at Weedon would be maintained for its original pur pose—that of a great central depot for arms. The vote was then agreed to. The next vote was £797,122 for barracks at home and abroad. Mr. W. WILLIAMS said the enormous expenditure for barrack accommodation, coupled with the great com plaint of the want of barrack accommodation, showed that there must be a misappropriation of public money some where. He was not opposed to proper accommodation being secured, but the money voted ought to be properly applied. General CODRINGTON remarked that in many bar racks it had been found that the space for each individual was only 300 cubic feet, whereas for prisons the rule was 1,000 cubic feet per individual. Mr. COWAN complained of the great inconvenience both the troops and the inhabitants of Scotland were sub jected to by the present system of billeting in Scotland. General PEEL said he had reduced the estimate to the lowest possible amount ; but it was absolutely necessary to build new barracks in London, in Glasgow, and in Notting ham. With regard to billeting . in Scotland, he did not in tend to make any alteration in the remuneration till he brought in the Mutiny Bill, and he should then state his intentions respecting it. The vote was then agreed to, n well as the next vote, which was £268,531, to defray the cost of the educational and scientific branches. The house then resumed, and the chairman reported progress. - The house went into committee pro forma ,on the High ways Bill, which was ordered to be re-committed on the 18th. The committee on the Superannuation Bill was post poned till Friday. The other orders of the day were then disposed, of, and the house adjourned at 20 minutes past 12. A PRETENDED MILLIONAIRE.—A remarkable case was disposed of at Ipswich quarter sessions on Friday. A person named Neville Allen was charged with obtaining money from various persons under the pretence that he was concerned in a litigation, Allen v. Allen, referring to vast estates in the West Indies and £2,000,000 or £3,000,000 in the funds. His plan was to direct the attention of his vic tims to a report of a case, Allen v. Allen, at Vice-Chan cellor Wood's Chambers, and to state that his solicitor was pressing him for money to carry on the proceedings. In this manner the fellow succeeded in swindling three per sons, one of them in humble life, of £9, £B5, and £6O re the charges. The Deputy Recorder sentenced him to 18 spectively. The prisoner pleaded guilty to the whole of months' imprisonment. THE FATAL RAILWAY ACCIDENT AT LEAMING TON.—The adjourned inquiry respecting the late fatal acci dent at Leamington took place at the Town-hall on Friday. Engineers and some of the passengers were examined, but no additional fact of importance was elicited. The follow ing verdict was returned :—" The jury is of opinion that the deceased met with his death from an accident on the railway, caused by the breakage of the adjusting screw of the leading or near spring of the engine attached to the 10 . 5 train from Rugby, but that there is no evidence to show how the breakage occurred. The jury recommend that the rails of all curves such as the ono where the accident hap pened should be more strongly pinned or coupled together, V se Eli ve T in lS s ElVlE S N w T oi l nd stronger timber used for sleepers." s a P rg il e l in s a en n t d O of in t t h m e e v n e t i .— ns V RC- i A c D o of the legs, caused by a sluggishness of the circulation or e — Swollen by long standing, which prevents the free return of the blood from the extremities, is a painful and troublesome complaint. The application of this inestimable ointment, and a course of these equally valuable pills, are a certain remedy for these diseases. These medicaments impart an astringent tone to the system ; rapidly brace up the affected limb, and improve the circulation. Their joint corrective action can never fail. Tho ointment should be rubbed in twice a day after fomentation, and the pills taken regularly, The effect on all diseases of feet and legs is =Min d pailamat, .B.ANIL RETURNS. An Account, pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth Victoria cap. 32, of the Average Amount of Bonk Notes, of the several Banks of Issue in England and Wales, in circu lation during the week ending Saturday, the 19th day of February, 1859. PRIVATE BANKS. Andover Bank„Andover-Heath and Co. £9,320 Ashford Bank, Ashford-Jemmett, Pomfret, & Co. 10,898 Aylesbury Old Bank, Aylesbury-Cobb and Co 22,842 Baldock Bank and Baldock and Biggleswade Bank, Biggleswade-Wells, Hogge, and Co. Barnstaple Bank, Barnstaple--Marshall and Co 6,012 Basingstoke and Oldham Bank, Basingstoke- Seymour, Lamb, and Co. Bedford Bank, Bedford-Barnard and Co Bewdley Bank, Bewdley--Nichols ' Baker, and Co 10,576 Bicester and Oxfordshire Bank and Oxford Bank, Bicester-Tubb and Co. Birmingham Bank, Birmingham - Attwoods, Spooner, and Co. Boston Bank, BostonClaypons and Co. . • ....•• 62,728 Boston Bank, Boston-Gee and Co. Bridgwater Bank, Bridgwater-J. &J. L. Sealey.. 2,213 Bristol Bank, Bristol-Miles, Miles, and Co. . • Broseley. and Bridgnorth and Bridgnorth and Broseley. Bank, Broseley-Pritchards, Boycott, and Co.- Buckingham Bank, Buckingham-Bartlett, Par rott, and Co 22,272 Bury and Suffolk Bank, Sudbury Bank, and Stow market Bank, Bury St. Edmunds-Oakes, Bevan, and Co. Banbury Bank Banbury-J. C. and A. Gilbert 31,771. Banbury Old flank, Banbury-Cobb and Son 24,640 Bedfordshire Leighton Buzzard Bank, Leighton Buzzard-Bassett, Son, and Co. Birmingham Bank, Birmingham-Lloyds and Co 25, 6 37 Bradford Old Bank, Bradford, Yorkshire-Harris and Co. Brecon Old Bank, Brecon-Wilkins and Co 44,206 Brighton Union Bank, Brighton-Hall, West, and Co. • 14,616 Burlington and Driffield Bank, Burlington-Hard ing, Smith, and Co Bury St. Edmunds Bank, Bury St. Edmunds- Worlledge and Co. Cambridge Bank, • Cambridge-Mortlock and Co. 14,085 Cambridge and Cambridgeshire Bank, Cambridge -Messrs. Fosters 40,083 Canterbury Bank, Canterbury-Hammond and Co 28,758 Carmarthen Bank, Carmarthen-David. Morris and Sons Chertsey Bank, "Chertsey-La Coste and Son 3,050 Colchester Bank, Colchester-Round, Green, &Co 14,148 Colchester and Essex Bank, and Witham and Essex Bank, and Hadleigh, Suffolk, Bank, Colchester- Mills, Bawtree, and Co. Cornish Bank, Truro-Tweedy and Co. 37,533 Coventry Bank, Coventry-Little and Woodcock 5,955 City Bank, Exeter-Milford and Co. Craven Bank, Sottle-Alcocks, Birkba3k, and Co 67,028 Chepstow Old Bank, Chepstow Bank, Monmouth Old Bank, Monmouth Bank, Brecon Bank, and Ross and Herefordshire Bank, Chepstow- Br:image, Snead, and Co Derby Bank, Derby-W. and S. Evans and Co. 12,103 Derby Bank, Derby-Samuel Smith and Co 34,813 Derby Old Bank and Scarsdale and High Peak Bank, Derby-Crompton, Newton, and Co 26,456 Devizes and Wiltshire Bank, Devizes-Locke and Co. Diss Bank, Diss-Fincham and Co 10,200 Doncaster Bank and Retford Bank, Doncaster- Cooke and Co Darlington Bank, Durham Bank, and Stockton-on- Tees Bank, Darlington-Backhouse. and Co 79,900 Devonport Bank, Devonport-Hodge and Co 7,777 Dorchester Old Bank and Dorsetshire Bank, Dor chester--R. and H. Williams 49,968 East Cornwall Bank, Liskeard-Robins, Foster, and Co. . 82,613 East Riding Bank, Beverley-Bower and C 0.... 48,960 Essex Bank and Bishop's Stortford Bank, Chelms ford-Sparrow, Round, and' Co 41,485 Exeter Bank, Exeter-Sanders and Co 25,780 Farringdon Bank and Bank of Wantage, Farring doh-Barnes, Medley, and Co 6,631 Farnham Bank, Farnham-John and Jas. Knight 8,271. Faversham Bank, Faversham-Hilton and Co 5,573 Godalming Bank, Godalming-Mellersh and Keen 6,724 Guildford Bank, Guildford-Messrs. Haydon... • 13,436 Grantham Bank, Grantham-Hardy and Co 24,015 Hereford City and County Bank, Hereford-Mat thews and Co Hull Bank and Kingston-upon-Hull Bank, Hull- Smith, Brothers, and Co Huntingdon Town and County Bank, Hunting;- don-Veasey and Co Harwich Bank, Harwich-Cox, Cobbold, and Co. 4,019 Hertfordshire, Hitchin Bank, Hitchin-Sharples and Co. Hereford, Ross, and Archenfield Bank, and Ross and Archenfield Bank, Ross-Morgan and Co 19,052 Ipswich Bank, Ipswich-Bacon and Co. 20,655 Ipswich and Needham Market Bank, Suffolk, Had leigh Bank, Manningtree and Mistley Bank, and Woodbridge Bank, Ipswich-Alexanders &Co 57,959 Kentish Bank, Maidstone-Randall, Mercer, and Co. Kington and Radnorshire Bank, Kington-Davies and Co. Knaresborough Old Bank and Ripon Old Bank, Knaresborough-Harrison and Co Kendal Bank, Kendal-Wakefield, Crewdson, &Co 47,421 Longton Staffordshire Bank, Longton-C. Harvey and Son Leeds Bank, Leeds-Beckett and Co 50,099 Leeds Union Bank, Leeds-W. Williams, Brown, and Co. Leicester Bank, Leicester-T. and T. T. Paget 31,140 Lewis Old Bank,Lewis-Whitefeld and Co 23,484 Lincoln. Bank, Lincoln-Smith, Ellison and Co 75,263 Llandovery Bank, Lampeter Bank, and Llandilo Bank, Llandovery-D. Jones and Co Loughborough Bank, Loughborough-Middleton and Cradock Lymington. Bank, Lymington-S. and G. F. St Barbe Lynn Regis and Lincolnshire Bank, Lynn Legis- Gurneys and Co. Lynn Regis and Norfolk Bank, Lynn Regis- Jarvis and Co 10,867 Macclesfield Bank, Macclesfield-Brocklehurst and Co. Manningtree Bank, Manningtree-Nunn and Co 1,897 Merionethshire Bank, Dolgelly-Williams and Son 4,287 Miners' Bank, Truro-Willyams and Co Monmouthshire Agricultural and Commercial Bank, Abergavenny-Bailey and Co 26,298 Monmouth Old Bank, Monmouth Bank, Brecon Bank, Chepstow Bank, Chepstow Old Bank, anEl Ross and Herefordshire Bank, Monmouth- Bromage, Snead, and Co. Newark Bank, Newark-Godfrey and Riddell Newark and - Sleaford Bank, and. Sleaford and Newark Bank, Sleaford-Handley, Peacock, and Co. Newbury Bank, Newbury—Bunny, Slocock, and Co. 16,929 Newmarket Bank, Newmarket—Eaton, Hammond, and Co.. 17,273 Norwich CroWn Bank and Norfolk and Suffolk Bank, Norwich—Harveys and Hudson Norwich and Norfolk and Fakenham Banks, Nor with—Gurneys and Birkbecks 92,651 Nottingham and Nottinghamshire Bank, Notting ham—Hart, Fellows and Co. Nuneaton Bank, Nuneaton—Craddock and Co. 3,111 Naval Bank, Plymouth—Harris & Co New Sarum Bank, Sarum—Everett and Co. — Nottingham Bank, Nottingham—Samuel Smith and Co Oswestry Bank and Oswestry Old Bank, Oswestry —Croxon and Co Oxford Old Bank, Oxford—Parsons and Co .. 34,204 Old Bank, Tonbridge, Tonbridga and Tonbridge Wells Old Bank, Tonbridge and Tonbridge- Wells and Sevenoaks Bank, Tonbridge—T. H. and S. Beeching Oxfordshire Witney Bank, Witney—J. W. Clinch and Sons 11,606 Pease's Old Bank, Hull, the Hull Old Bank ar d Beverley Bank, Hull—Pease and Cd. Penzance Bank, Penzance—Batten and Co. Peterborough Bank and Oundle Bank, Peter • . borough—D. Yorke and Co. Pembrokeshire Bank, Haverfordwest—J. and W Walters Reading Bank, Reading—Simonds and Co. Reading Bank, Reading—Stephens, Blandy, &Co 29,329 Richmond Bank, Richmond—Roper and Co. Rochdale Bank, Rochdale—Clement, Royds, & Co. 3,131 Rochester, Chatham, and Strood Bank, Rochester— Day and Nicholson Royston Bank, Royston—Fordham and Sons 12,216 Rugby Bank, Rugby—A. Butlin and Son 10,115 Rye Bank, Rye—R. C. Pomfret and Co 9,431 Ross Old Bank, Herefordshire, Ross—Allaway and MacDougal ___ __ — Saffron Walden and North Essex Bank, Saffron Walden—Gibsons and Co. Salop Bank, Shrewsbury—Burton, Lloyd, &Co 12,329 Scarborough Old Bank, Scarborough—Woodall and Co. Shrewsbury Old Bank and Shrewsbury and Ludlow Bank, Shrewsbury—Rocke, Eyton, and Co 32,54 9, Sittingbourne and Milton ank, Sittingbourne— Valiance and Co. Southampton Town and County Bank, Southamp ton—Maddison and Pearce Southwell Bank, Southwell—Wylde and Co 9,984 Southampton and Hampshire Bank, Southampton —Atherley, Fall, and Co. Stafford Old Bank, Stafford—Stevenson and Co. 12,717 Stamford and Rutland Bank, Stamford—Eaton, Cayley, and Co 25,817 Shrewsbury ant Welsh Pool Bank, Shrewsbury— Beck, Downward, and Co. 20,554 Taunton Bank, Taunton—H. and R. Bad coc k 25,346 Tavistock Bank Tavistock—Gill, Sons, and Co. Thornbury Bank, Thotnbury—H arwoo 'd and Co 9,639 Tiverton and Devonshire Bank, Tiverton—Duns ford and Co Thrapston and Kettering Bank, Northamptonshire, Thrapston—York and Eland 11,471 Tring Bank and Chesham Bank, Tring—Butcher and Son Towchester Old Bank, T owchester—P ercival and Co 7 ,544 Town and County of Poole Bank and Ringwood and Poole Bank, Poole—G. W. Ledgard and Sons 9,348 Union Bank, Cornwall, Helston—Vivian and Co 12,065 Uxbridge Old Bank, Uxbridge—Hull, Smith, &Co 12,590 Wallingford Bank, Wallingford—Hedges, Wells, and Co. . , Warwick and Warwickshire Bank, lVarwick— Greaves and Co. Wellington Somerset Bank, Wellington—Fox, Brothers, and Co 3,094 West Riding Bank, Wakefield and Pontefract 43,199 Bank—Leatham Tew, and Co Whitby Old Bank, Whitby—Simpson, Chapman, and Co. Winchester, Alresford, and Alton Bank, Winches ter—Bulpett and Co. Weymouth Old Bank and Dorchester Bank, Wey mouth—Elliot, Pearce, and Co. Wivksworth and Ashbourne Derbyshire Bank— Arkwright and Co. .............. Wisbech and Lincolnshire Bank, Wisbech—Gur neys and Co .......... .. Wfveli sco mbe Bank, Wivehscornbe—P. and W •, Hancock 5,742 Wolverhampton Bank, Wolverhampton—Good r ick e and Holyoake Worcester Old Bank and Tewkesbury Old Bank, Worc,ester—Berwick, Leehmere, and Co 69,698 Wolverhampton. Bank, Wolverhampt on —R. and W. F. Fryer 9,933 Yarmouth and Suffolk Bank, and Halesworth and Suffolk Bank, Yarmouth—Gurneys, Birkbeck, gurCos •turmotilllfillintutumittoto 10,2458 SPORTING 121TTELL1GENCE. Time was almost entirely occupied with the settlement of the Liverpool accounts. The business of paying was satisfactorily proceeded with, and demands were met with a promptitude which would indicate that to the majority of backers the recent meeting was " harmless." For the Nottinghamshiro Handicap Gladiolus was in strong demand, as little as 6 to. 4 being taken about him during a portion of the afternoon; 7 to 4 was, however, his closing figure. The Greek received feeble sup port at 6 to 1, while, a strong disposition was evinced to back Flitch, but the actual transactions in her favour w ere not numerous. The Northamptonshire betting W£l.4 at a dead lock. Little Agnes receded to 12 to 1 offered, and at those odds Shafto found backers. For the Chester Cup, 9to 1 was currently offered On the field ; 20 to 1 against Polestar was laid three or four times. Volcano was in "great for ce" for the Derby, and at the close of business ho was decidedly second favourite. Gamester was advanced fro man extreme outside price to 25 to 1, with takers. 30 to '1 was offered against Cavendish, and 28 to 1 was taken at .out Rainbow The "feature" of the afternoon was, however r, the advance of Volcano, beyond this, speculation was particularly inanimate. CLOSING PRICES. NOTTINGHAM HANDICAP. 7to 4 agst Gladiolus (taken and offored) 6to 1 agst Greek (taken) Bto 1 agst Flitch (taken) 10 to 1 agst Hop Merchant (taken) 20 to 1 agst Ladywell (taken) NORTHAMPTON STARES. 12 to 1 agst Shafto (taken) 12 to 1 agst Little Agnes (offered) TWO THOUSAND. 4to 1 agst Promised Land (offerer 3) 100 to 8 agst Lord of the Manor (ta ken) CHESTER CUP. 9to 1 agst Drogheda (offered) ' 20 to 1 agst Polestar 30 to 1 agst Herne (taken) 1000 to 30 agst Simpleton (taken) 50 to 1 agst Rogerthorpe (offered) 50 to 1 agst Jordan (taken) DERBY. 12 to 1 agst Promised Land (offered) 14 to 1 agst Volcano (taken) 1000 to 35 agst Gaspard (offered) 25 to 1 agst Gamester (taken) 30 to 1 agst Cavendish (offered) 30 to 1 agst Balnamoon (taken) 28 to 1 agst Rainbow (taken) 40 to 1 agst Ticket-of-Leave (taken) 600 to 50 agst Rainbow and Gamester (ta ken) COUNTIIY MA.RIBTS. NEWCASTLE-MA.llm 6. We continue to be fairly supplied with wh eat ; there is no great activity in the trade, still a fair buarness passing at about previous rates. Fine barley fully as dear. Beaus in limited demand. Oats and other articles as before. COLCHESTER—Mmes 5. The wheat trade dull to-day. Millers are ar e looking for lower prices, and the farmers refuse to give way. To effect sales a slight decline had to be submitted to. Oats were 6d and beans is per qr. less money. Barley and peas as before, but holders not willing to make concesi3ions. Wheat, white 46s to 50s I Beans, Mazagai t.. 33s to 35 5 red 36s to 44s Middle & smadl 38s to 403 Barley 3os to 42s I White peas .......40s to 42s Oats 23s to 28s Grey.. .........40s to 423 YORK-MARCH 5. At our corn exchange this morning there was a fair attendance of the town and country trade, but the busi ness passing was limited, and no further quotable alteration occurred in the value of either wheat or flour. Oats and oatmeal also in limited request, but holders we re very firm. Beans a moderate show, and previous currencies are bared maintained. Wheat ...37s to 40s White do .408 to 45s Barley .34s to 39s Malt, 62s to 64s per qr. ; Oats . 2os to 22s Beans ...... 8 t o --s Ditto, old .40s to 40 flour, 30s per 20 stone. KIRKALDY-MARCH 5. The supply of wheat at our market was large, and the currencies of last week were scarcely realised. Barley sold readily, and in small supply. Oats a large supply, and a slow sale. Wheat (N). Barley (N). Oats (N). First.... 34s Od 26s Od 18s Od. Second.. 42s 6d 32s Od 23s Od Third .. 46s Od 34s 6d 26s Od Wheat (0). Barley (0). Oats (0). First.... —s Od Od —8 041 Second.. —s Od —8 Od —8 Od Third —s Od —8 Od —a Od COAL MARK] (Prices of Coal per Ton at ?.T—MARcH 7. the close of the market.) s. d. Buddle's West Hartleyl4 6 Byass's Bebside West Hartley ... .14 6 Davison's West Hart- Walls End. 0. d. Haswell • 174 0 South Kelloe .. . .. .. .16 0 Thorpe .. l - 6 Heugh Hall It 6 Harvey l4 0 Hartlepool. l6: 6 Kelloe l6 0 Cassop Braddyll's Hetton 1 5 South Hartlepool 15 9 0 South Hetton 16 Nixon's Merthyr 2l 0 I Fothergill's Aberdare 21 0 Powell's Duffryn Steam 21 0 ley 15 0 Walker Primrose 12 0 Lambert's West Hart- ley 14 3 Wylam Haswell Gas. l2 6 142—Sold, 75. Walls End. Harlon. Framwellgate l4 0 Whitworth 14 3 Riddell 15 0 Ships at market, [ADVERTISEMENT.] SIGHT AND HEARING. e— SPEC' TACLES.—POWERFUL TELESCOPES.—OPERA, RACE, AND PERSPECTIVE GLASSES.— Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, opticians, 39, Albermarle-Street, Piccadilly. Observe- - opposite the York Hotel, W.—Opera, Race-course, Field, and general Out-door Day and Night Perspective Glasseei very small, for the waistcoat pocket, each containing 12 and 18 lenses, constructed of German glass. Will show die tinctly a person to know them at two-and-a-half and thre e miles, and an object from eight to ten miles distant. Her Majesty's Coast Guards are making use of them as day end night glasses in preference to all others; they are also pre: ferred for deer-stalking by sportsmen, gentlemen, en a gamekeepers. Telescopes 3i inches long, by which a yet' son may be clearly seen and known at 3t miles' and an object at 12 to 14 miles' distance; 'and with an extra astr°' nomical eye-piece, Jupiter's moons, Saturn's rings, and the double stars are distinctly seen. All the above can e; had of larger and all sizes, with increasing powers, and are secured •by her Majesty's Royal Letters Patent. The Royal • Exhibition, 1851.. A valuable, newly invented, very small, powerful Waistcoat-pocket Glass, the size of a walnut, . by. which a person can be seen and known one and a half mile distant. They answer every purpose on the Race-course and at the Opera • houses. Country scenery and ships are clearly seen at four to six miles. They are invaluable for shooting, deer-stalking, yachting, to sportsmen, gentlemen, game' keepers, and tourists. Price 30s.—Spectacle Lenses of the greatest transparent power. The great advantage derived from this invention is, that vision becoming impaired is preserved and strengthened, and very aged persons are enabled to employ their sight at the most minute occupation —can see with those lenses of a much less magnifying power, and they do not require the frequent changes to the dangerous effects of further powerful assistance. Persons can be suited at the most remote part of the world by send' ing one of the glasses out of their spectacles in a letter, nue,. stating the distance from the eyes they can read small print with it, and those who have not made use of spectacles by statingtheirage. Deafness.—New Discovery.— fhe Organie Vibrator, an extraordinarily powerful small newly-invented instrument for Deafness, entirely different from all others, surpasses anything of the kind that has been, or probably ever can be, produced. Being of the same colour as the skin, is not perceptible. It enables deaf persons to hear distinctly at church and at public assemblies ; the unplea' sant sensation of singing noises in the ears is entirely re; moved, and it affords all the assistance that possibly couldbe desired.-39, Albemarle-street. Piccadilly. Observe...." appOsite the York Hotel, W. BIRTHS. ALLDRIDGE.—On the 6th inst., at Devonport, the wife of Commander 4}. M. Alldridge, R.N., H.M.S. Asp, of son. BARNARD.—On the sth inst., at 69, Portland-place, the wife of Herbert Barnard, Esq., of a son. DRAKE.—On the 7th inst., at Forest-hill, Mrs. John Y• Drake, of a son. LAwFono.—On the 6th inst., at Clapham-park, the wife of Wm. Lawford, Esq., of a daughter. MARRIAGES HARRIS—ADEY.—On the 2d inst., at the BritishEmboss'' , Florence, William Harris, Esq., late 88th Regiment, W Laura Georgina, third daughter of Stephen Adey, Esq., of Gloucester-place, Portman-square. KNIGIIT-SMITH.--On the 3d inst., at St. John's Church , Upper Holloway, John, the only son of George Knight , Esq., Talbot-square, Hyde-park, to Jane, eldest (laugh' ter of John Smith, Esq., of Percy Villas, Solloway. DEATHS. UMFREVILLE.—On Monday, the 7th inst., at Ingre° B Abbey, Greenhithe, Kent, after a long and severe illness , Emma Harmer, wife of Samuel Charles Umfreville, Esq. , and only child of John Chaplin, Esq., much and verY • deservedly regretted. home Appleton, from Calcutta. APPLE'FON.—On the Bth. Jan., at St. Helena, Henry Todd Commander of the ship Solway, on his voyag e BOTTEN.—On the 6th inst., at 24, Percy circus, Charles Botten, Esq., aged 63. BEVERID6E.—On the 2d inst., John Aird Beveridge, Esq . ? of Swiss Cottage, Shepperton, aged 46. BRENT.—On the 4th inst., at 78, Warwick-street, Pimlico, Mrs. Daniel Brent. DicxErrs.--On the 6th inf.t., Major Dickens, late of 11.1 4 . ° 05th Regt., aged 65. MOSELEY.—On the 4th inst., at Clapton, Middlesex, M r ' Francis Moseley, aged 76. PRIOR.—On the 4th inst., Edward Prior, Esq., of Hake House, Somersetshire, and York-terrace, Regent's-Pa r ' aged 78. • Peck - THEAKSTONE.—On the 6th inst., at 6, Elm-grove, ~. ham, Mary, wife of Mr. W. F. Theakstone, of the Stool, Exchange, aged 35. LONDON : Printed and Published by WEIRDO YOUNG of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 1 1 1 Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in, the oeuatr Middlesex, Tuesday, March 8, 1858. 8,942 UNIT LANI bAY, treat v Pin tin der 1 One aiundre Furtl Sn_perin The t ders wt Nan THI that M I Tllef blishm Messrs Messrs. Messrs. sis. Joh Itess rs Messrs . Messr s . Messrs . Messrs . ...Messrs'. ziessrs. It ha: bleats a AI P I.I s ul, py be been re ofT he I end of Meal. It ig 1 lioUset Peek, 'Mtn pe Prom Works. Aeral R. 17) C , I lra brat ROIL T , place f ooroug, !Just : 6, 1 Deb Dietari their and on spring 100 Cas Sync) - —The Treat it for, all Consul T" A\ enre fo niters Pri ee To b Street Ord„' daily i Ov D New tomica Post, Tfl] i nfecti 'fermi and di: and L Loud ° also 8, gauge ] street, /eyo the pose Suitt SOLD ADV Ecc d IJ The of the ward: Tin A( Dui Ant The For has be Per: find it 6th of Prol plicat: Mar Ti ,