The Sun. — London, England, 1859-09-01 00:00:00

. - T HEATRE --ROYAL, HAYMARKET. Lessee, Mr. J. B. Buckstone. THIS ETENING the performances will commence with ALLOWE'EN. With THE CONTESTED ELECTION. After which, OUT OF SIGHT OUT OF MIND. And DAUGHTER TO MARRY. Commence at 7. NEW THEATRE - ROYAL, ADELPHI. Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. Benj. Webster. Vic. Last Three Nights of the Summer Season. For the Benefit of Mr. Carter, Treasurer. THIS EVENING, the performances will commence with VIC I' ORINE. Messrs. Billington, P. Bedford, C. Marshall, Eburne, Miss K. Kelly, and Mrs. Billington. After which, THE LOTTERY TICKET. W. Smith and Mrs Chatterley. To conclude with NORMA. Paul Bedford and Miss Arden. Acting Manager—Mr. Wm. Smith. Doors open at a quarter-past six—Commence at seven. Box Office open from 10 to 5 -no charge for booking. No fees to Servants permitted. A registry kept of all articles found. ROYAL STRAND THEATRE. Lessee and Directress, Miss Swanborough THIS EVENING, THE GOOSE WITH THE GOLDEN EGGS. After which, A SCHOOL FOR COQUETTES. Misses Swanborough, Oliver, and Lavine. Followed bi THE VERY LATEST EDITION OF THE LADY OF YONS. Commence at 7 o'clock. VERDI'S OPERA. OF MACBETH. The whole of the first Act of this Opera, now produced for the first time in this country (the remaining three acts being in course of rehearsal), is sung nightly at the CAN TERBURY HALL CONCERTS. THE DELEPIERRE FAMILY, consisting of three Juvenile Violinists, viz., Jules, Juliette, and Julia Delepierre, aged, respectively, FOUR, SIX, and EIGHT years. The perfect execution by these Lilliputian Artistes of some of the most difficult and brilliant Solos, Duets, and Trios evci written for-the violin, has excited mingled wonder and admi. ration in Continental Musical Circles, and drawn forth enthu siastic tributes of praise from the Public Journals o f France and Belgium. They will perform TWICE EACH EVENING, in addi tion to the,usnal Entertainments. THE WEATHER. —SUN OFFICE, SEPTEMBER 1. THERMOYETER, IN THE SHADE. 64—highest since noon yesterday. 51—lowest this morning and during the night. 64—this day at noon. BAROMETER-29.63. WIND, North-Westerly; fresh, with fine, cool weather. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. THIS DAY.—Morning, 4h. 24m.—Afternoon, 4h. 43m. To-MORROW -Morning, sh. 2m.—Afternoon, sh. 20m. The number of Blackwood for the present month contains, among other excellent articles, one in continuation, entitled " The Fleets and Navies — England"—penned in a true spirit of nationality, and quite in keeping with our own ideas on the subject, dearest and nearest to the independence of this country. But for our naval supremacy where would be the fortunes of England ? They would be neither here nor there. Insteadof being a first rate power, commanding with an eagle's sweep a universal glance around the earth, we would be prostrate as doves in the talons of that emblem of JOVE'S omnipotence. We should descend from our present proud eyrie not to be what is termed a second, third, or fourth-rate power, but to be no power at all. If an individual at tain to eminence by genius or by labour, and even genius avails little without labour, he awakens far more envy than esteem in his career. So it is with nations. There is not a Principality on the broad continent of Europe but envies, and even hates, England for her prosperity as much as for her power. There may, indeed, be some sympathy manifested among the more con stitutional States for our free institutions, but the measure is small. The people are kept down by the eloquence of the bayonet, and it is only where commerce pushes its beneficial and civilising in fluence that the expression of free sentiment is encouraged. Liberty is a tree of slow growth, and yields feeble fruit where its cultivation is stunted in the land of the sword. Hence the undisguised dislike to a country whose proudest boast is that being free itself, it wishes to extend that freedom to others, in the belief that the wider the com munity of feeling is extended, the more will peo ples and countries amalgamate for mutual benefit. The position is singular as it is happy for the promotion and protection of liberal institutions. And this is mainly owing to our hitherto naval su premacy. But there is a culminating point in the power of nations as of individual existence. The superiority of our wooden walls may now be called more in question from the application of steam power to ships. True, our many resources of coal, iron, and money give us great advantages even in that matter ; but other nations have acquired more advantages comparatively by the use of steam poweethan they formerly possessed, inasmuch as steam supersedes seamanship. Not that able sea manship is quite indispensable in stormy weather, but on a smooth sea every man on board may go to sleep save the helmsman, the officer of the watch, and the man on the look out. If we apply this smooth idea of facility in a case of invasion for a given time it increases our danger immeasurably to what it was before the introduction of steam. It was this feeling of comparative inse curity that so quickened the people of all classes in urging the Government to be more prepared for every possible exigency, and hence the exteisive measures of precaution rather abruptly pressed on the present and late Government. The writer in Blackwood enters fully into the absolute necessity of maintaining our Naval Supre macy, not only now but for all time. It is Hie to make a grand effort to meet danger, and when the apparent danger is supposed to be over, then to re lapse into false security. To be as we ought to be in naval supremacy, every exertion must be made, not only to build ships of sufficient power, but also to prepare or modify vessels now lying idle to rot in our crowded harbours. Why not bring forward some thirty or forty of these ships to be in a state for coast defence. They may cost more than they are worth for sea-going ships, but surely they might be made available for defence at the mouths of our harbours, and be even turned to good account for manoeuvring by the aid of gun boats, of which we have abundance since the Rus- sian war was over. But our men of power in Government are not men of experience in business, nor men of aptitude in danger. Indeed, a suspicion seems to gain ground that the struggle for party pre dominance supersedes the patriotic virtue for national safety. The cuckoo cry of "There's no danger !—all foreign powers are not only friendly, but express the most friendly feelings to this country"—is mere bosh. Strength is our only security. While we can uphold our own power we are safe against the world, but no longer. We commend the present Board of Admiralty to peruse the article in Blackwood flir its honesty of purpose as for its fearlessness in boldly stating the uth. We have ourselves, in common with our con temporaries, repeatedly enforced the necessity of lookhig to Dur position as a Naval Power, but, we regret to add, with little effect, for obstinacy in -resisting,' 'any suggestions for improvement is only equalled :by the ignorance and presumption of men in power. The first of September summons away the few lincrerers in Laodon streets to the more tempting neighbour hood of guns and partridges. The long vac; ton relieves the functionaries of the law • , . . , ( ' - '.lf. t, • ,) V,,r.. , „0, ,,,, . ,, ..i4.A : _... S-Stri;;,-,.;:,., 41/".'"' ,c 7 ' 4 h , .:•-• 4 4' . • , ' '''- '4.*...? . : - ' , 11t.., --. 't r•lt o' ____?:, „ ..o , '. - r - bR 4 ,•,- lit ,' • 0 1 ~0, ~ bI X "U •,. ki ll ' . 1. 1%., -. '', . , , c- _4:- THE SUN. THURSMIY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1859. .. . _ _ —judge and barrister, clerk and attorne y—from their wearisome attendance in the courts, and brings a no less welcome respite to those more actively concerned in the snits and non-suits, the verdicts and costs. The busy metropolis shows a sensible diminution of its throngs, although the common phrase that " London is empty" is never visibly realised. Cabinet Ministers and Parlia mentary generals bid a brief adieu to red boxes and blue-books, and seek to recruit themselves for the forthcoming campaign. Even sovereigns lay down the cares of State awhile, and strive to forget the uneasiness too often associated with their en cumbering dignity. Our gracious QUEEN has taken her accustomed departure to the north of her dominions, and is now gazing on her favourite banks and braes, and hills and heather. Her journey, thanks to modern enterprise and efficient management, has been accomplished with an ease and a rapidity that would have somewhat asto nished the last Queen-Regnant of these islands. Secure of a genuine welcome, as well as the observance of outward ceremonial, our QUEEN moves freely among her loyal people. Another potentate has also abandoned for a time the crown and purple which, to him, are some what more thorny and troublesome possessions. The Emperor of the FRENCH and his charming EMPRESS, of whose kindness of heart and liberality we hear such frequent mention, have quitted Paris for a season to taste the pleasures of a less cere monious existence at Biarritz. The EMPEROR, let us hope, will enjoy his holiday the more from the consciousness of having made his first step towards the position of a constitutional Sovereign—that step being, as our friend Punch facetiously ob serves, " very well for a beginner." We all admit the difficulty of the task to be acquired by• this same beginner, but if he prove an apt scholar, and eonvince us that he is really bent upon achieving his undertaking, we shall not be hard taskmasters. In the repose of Biarritz ho may have full leisure to mature his plans, whether of a fresh campaign or a more glorious victory—the subjugation of discon tent and disaffection by liberality and leniency. Harsh and repressive measures have been tried long enough by successive rulers of the French without any very encouraging results to the authorities. Suppose, for a change, they were to adopt a more constitutional course, by way of experiment. In following the example of the British Sovereign in State craft, as well as in leisure, he might secure, like her, the gratifying assurance that, whoever may be her foes abroad, she is secure of friends at home. War again in Ireland ! CULLEN and his hosts against unsectarian education ; joined, alas ! by the little band of WHITESIDE and his ultra-Protestants, to the cry of the " unmutilated Bible !" If Lord DERBY ever did, what all fair-minded men will deem, a good deed in his life, it was when, as Lord STAN LEY, nearly 30 years ago, he inaugurated the Irish National School system. It was a system expressly designed to make education a healer of the wounds of that distracted country. Not only was much looked for from the naturally soothing influences of mental cultivation and knowledge, but the attempt was made to associate in common schools the chil dren of parents who had been too much taught to consider each other as born enemies, and between whom the watchwords were—Protestant and Pa pist, orthodox and heretic, Saxon and Celt, op pressor and oppressed. Education was felt to be a great want in Ireland, and it was resolved so to give it that it should be the minister of peace, and not merely the means of sharpening weapons al ready too keen and too fiercely used. It was rea sonably hoped that children of the same neighbour hood, studying in the same school, and engaged in the same pursuits, would acquire that feeling of natural regard and s expect which often survi►es from our school-days to the close of life—would learn that the professors of opposed creeds have more in common than in contrast—and might co operate through life as neighbours and fellow citizens. To these general objects the late excellent Catho lic Archbishop, Dr. MURRAY, cordially contributed. He was a patriot. A sincere Catholic, but not a slave to Rome ; and by his aid all worked at first as smoothly as could be hoped. Selections, inclu ding in one case a whole gospel, were made from the Scriptures, that the children of Catholics and Protestants might study even the Bible in com mon ; and an adequate supply of excellent school books were provided, under the sanction of a board composed of members of all the leading sects, who also administered the whole system with scrupulous impartiality. The first opposition, we are ashamed to say, came from Protestants ; from a small and factious, or fanatical section of them, however, only, Orangeism, and a kind of fanatical Evangelical school having united to raise the cry for an " un mutilated Bible." It was pure sectarian and party zeal. Not the slightest practical good was at stake ; but this party has become clamorous for the abolition of unsectarian education, and the trans ference to Ireland of the sectarian grant-in-aid system, of which this very sectarianism is the great subject of regret with all truly liberal-minded per sons in England. We cannot help the sectarianism of the people here, so we educate through it. Most certainly we wish the system had never begun, but that schools adapted to all had been open to all, as in Ireland. These Irish partizans ask for our blemish as an ornament, for our defect as a pri vilege ! Of late the vastly more numerous Catholics have taken the field in the same cause. They, too, want the education of their own sect entirely in their own hands. Very plausibly they say that " schools for Catholic youth should be such as to insure for them the benefit of a safe secular education, and adequate religious instruction in the faith and prac tices of the Catholic Church." It is thus that a Synod of Bishops, lately held in Dublin, introduces a series of resolutions, which demand the abroga tion of the system of mixed instruction, and the allotment from the national treasury of a satisfac tory amount for purely Catholic schools. They have obtained the sanction of the POPE to this move against a liberal system of education, and the Catholic members of the Government board have therefore felt it their duty to resign. Most of the Catholic newspapers side with the prelates ; one or two, however, have the manliness and courage to denounce this ecclesiastical interference with the province of the laity. They honourably contend that while ready to bow to the authorities of their Church on a purely religious question, they are not prepared to make them masters of the education of their children. It is admitting the old Jesuit prin ciple of rendering education the instrument of Church supremacy in the things of C.ESAR as well as of GOD. We need not say that we wish success 40 the reasonings of our more sensible and liberal Irish contempo rar i es ; but we fear reasoning and reasonableness will be thrown aw ay on Irish pre lates and most Irish Catholics tco. Next session these high Romanists and high Pro testants are to unite their forces, we are told, in the House of Commons. Of course, the narrowinc , the system of education will be a far more interest ing subject than that of enlarging the franchise and extending popular liberties. We trust, however, that they live but little success in Parliament THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 1,185 g. The better part of Lord DERBY'S followers, with their leader, can have no sympathy with such mis chievous bigotry. A question of conscience it can not be, unless the infallible Church has had a bad conscience during the 28 years through which it has sanctioned the mixed system. It is a purely sectarian and party attempt to get education and such power as it gives, into the hands of Catholic prelates and Orange Protestants. We hope the attempt will be signally defeated. We would treat both parties alike. Our reply to them would be— "A truly national system was begun in Ireland; it has worked admirably for nearly 30 years ; its real fault in your eyes is, that it has to a great extent leavened the sectarian animosities which prevailed in the island ; and we do not intend to go backward to the worse system, which we accepted here only as a necessary evil, which we would certainly abo lish if we could." MR. AND MRS. T. GERMAN REEL'S ENTERTAINMENT. We advise all those who are left lingering in the metropolis at this dreary season to avail themselves of the few opportunities left of witnessing Mr. and Mrs. Reed's amusing entertainment. We can pro mise them that the entertainment will not be only in name, but in fact. The vivacity, the variety and the rapid changes of costume, prevent the slightest tedium or - weariness. Mrs. Reed's fine voice is in frequent requisition, and in one song she created a perfect enthusiasm among the audience, who insisted on an encore. The talkative lady having fairly driven her husband off the field by her pertinacious assertions of being right, which ever side wins, sits down to the piano and sings triumphantly and ferociously, a song whose re frain is— "I must speak my mind, if I die for it." The shouts of laughter as well as the hearty applause which greeted this performance were not very com plimentary to the conversational powers of the fair sex. The first part of the entertainment shows us Mr. Reed at an assize town, where he meets law yers, sailors, plaintiffs and defendants, German suitors and English heiresses, and several other characters—all supported by himself and Mrs . Reed. In the second part we find him at the sea side, where he has come to finish composing an opera, secure, as he fondly hopes, of a quiet day, Mrs. Reed having gone out. In vain. Incessant interruptions in the shape of a lady, who is fright ened successively by a bull, a spider, a dog, and a worm ; a talkative idler ; a hoyden who pursues a " cat ;" besides itinerant musicians and criers in numerable ; and finally his sleep-walking landlady who accosts hiin as her rival, " Mrs. Jones," put to flight all harmonic inspirations. Mrs. Reed arrives in time to comfort him by rehearsing a completed scene, with a very apt imitation of the extrava gancies of operatic singers. The room was srowded ; and the continued laughter and ready applause of the audience testified their satisfaction and amuse ment. THE QUEEN'S JOURNEY TO BALMORAL. EDINBURGH, WEDNESDAY MORNING. After arriving in Holyrood, shortly after eight o'clock yesterday morning, the Queen did nut again leave the precincts of the Palace till the afternoon. At four o'clock her Majesty, the Prince of Wales, the Princesses, and Prince Arthur, and several members of the Royal suite, drove out in three open carriages and four as far as Dalkeith-house, the seat of the Duke of Buccleuch, about seven miles dis tant, and, returning to town about seven, drove through some of the principal streets. The Prince Consort, in her Majesty's absence, took a short walk in the neighbourhood of the Palace. Some preparations had been made at the National Gal lery in anticipation of a Royal visit, but no publio place was visited by any of the Royal party. The Royal dinner party in the evening included the Duke of Buccleuch, Sir George Grey, the Hon. Henry Fitzroy, First Commissioner of Public Works, and the various members of the Queen's and Prince of Wales' household. This morning, at a quarter to nine o'clock, the Royal family and suite left Holyrood Palace in open carriages for St. Margaret's Station. The morning was sunny and warm, and the Royal equipage had a most brilliant and attractive ap pearance. The square in front of Holyrood was lined by the 16th Lancers, and the West York Rifles furnished the guard of honour. The gateway of the Palace was kept by the Abbey constables, and the Edinburgh constables were ranged on the left of the entrance. Tho Duke of Buccleuch and Viscount Melville were in waiting on her Majesty, and rode on either side of the Queen's carriage on the way to the station. The first carriage of the Royal cortege contained the Queen and Prince Con sort, the Prince of Wales and the Princess Alice, the second the younger Princesses and Prince Arthur, the third the ladies of the Royal suite and Sir George Grey, and the fourth and fifth the gen tlemen of her Majesty's and the Prince of Wales' suite. As her Majesty left Holyrood a Royal salute was ag usual fired from the Castle. On each side of the military line through the park were deep files of spectators, who loudly cheered the Royal correge as it went rapidly past. The station was reached a few minutes before nine, and the Prince of Wales (who is to prolong his stay at Holyrood till the 10th inst.) here took farewell of his august parents.. The train was then set in motion, and its progress through the city westward was viewed by large crowds of spectators at every available point. ABERDEEN, AUG. 31. Her Majesty the Queen arrived at the Ferryhill Junction, Aberdeen, at 1.55 p.m. She immediately started for Banchory, which she reached at 2.30 p.m. Her Majesty alighted and lunched, and drove off in a travelling carriage at three o'clock for Balmoral, which would be reached at 6 p.m. Rain fell heavily. We learn that a marriage is arranged between Mr. Wm. George Granville Vernon Harcourt, son of the Rev. W. V. Harcourt, canon of York, and grandson of the late Archbishop of York, and Miss Lister, daughter of Lady Theresa Lewis, step-daughter of Sir George C. Lewis, and niece of the Earl of Clarendon and Lord John Russell. GUARD OF HONOUR TO THE QUEEN AT BALMORAL. —On Monday fifty men of tho 93d Regiment, under tho command of Captain Brown, left Aberdeen for Ballater, where they will form a guard of honour during the stay of her Majesty and the Court at Balmoral. The royal car riages, &c., have also arrived at Aberdeen per steamer, and been sent on to the Highland palace.—. Dundee Advertiser. A LIBERAL BISHOP.—The first stone of a new district churCh for the thickly-peopled suburb of Heigham, Norwich, was laid yesterday. In aid of the building fund the bishop of the diocese has made the handsome donation of £5OO, in two yearly payments of £250. The report of the Ottoman Bank, preparatory to their meeting on the 14th of. September, states the profits for the half-year ending the 30th of June at £22,794, which with £3,236 brought from the last accounts shows au avail able balance of £26,030. A dividend is recommended at the rate of 8 per cent. per annum. £5,000 is to be appro priated to the reserve, which will then amount to £40,000, and £1,030 will remain to be carried forward. LIVERPOOL, Wednesday.—Owing to the bois terous state of the weather the Canadian mail steamer Anglo-Saxon and the Kangaroo, for New York, have not sailed at their appointed time. The former vessel takes out 112 cabin passengers, including- Lord Aylmer, Mr. W. Gregory, M.P., Col• Rylands, the Hon. John Ferrier, and Mr. Head, son of the late Governor-General of Canada. The Kangaroo has 95 cabin and 230 steerage passengers. On Saturday next the Cunard steamer Persia will sail for New York with the American mails. The box at the post office closes on that day at 11.45 a.m., and on the landing stage at 12.30 p.m. ROYAL SURREY G.IRDENS.—The performances of this evening at this now popular place of amusement will be for the benefit of Mr. Corbyn, the manager, and, if variety of entertainment and the excellence of the artists engaged can assure a bumper, Mr. Corbyn will be sure to have it. - - - A CANDID MINISTER.-- - --A minister in the north, returning thanks in his prayers one Sabbath for the excel lent harvest, began as usual, "0 Lord we thank thee," &c., and went on to mention its abundance and its safe in gathering; but feeling anxious to be quite candid and scru pulously truthful, added, "all except a few fields between this and Stonehaven, not worth mentioning."—Glasgow Commonwealth. FIRE AT DARTFORD.—Yesterday afternoon a fire broke out in some workshops belonging to Mr. Sneezutn, a carpenter and joiner, situate at the Waterside in this town. Several engines were quickly on the spot, but the fire was not distinguished until the workshops and four adjoining dwelling-houses were destroyed. LATEST NEWS. The following telegrams have been received at Mr. Reuter's office : CALCUTTA AND CHINA MAILS. The Indus, with the heavy portion of the mails from Calcutta and China passed Hurst Castle ten minutes past 12 this day. MARSEILLES, AUG. 31. Advices have been received from Constantinople to the 24th inst. The Sultan had been on the point of death from a severe attack of fever, but his health is now re stored. He has had since a lengthened conference with the Grand Vizier with reference to the inter view of the Sultan with M. Thouvenel, respecting the carrying out of the Hat-Humayoun and also upon various financial matters that in particular concern the Custom's tariff. The Journal de Constantinople says : the rumour of the modification of the ministry is unfounded. Letters from Syria to the 18th inst. state that fears are entertained of an extension of the civil war in that province. The Druses were devastating the country by setting fire to people's property; the Europeans are said to be flying from the towns. Some silk factories had hoisted the French flag for protection. The French Consul had sent for troops, but the Turkish force was insufficient. LISBON, AUG. 29. The Tasmanian has arrived, with advices from Rio de Janiero to the 9th of August. Exchanges on London, 24 to 241 ;on Paris, 385 to 395 ; on Hamburg, 745 to 750. The exportation of coffee since the departure of the last mail amounted to 73,673 bags for th• United States, 24,495 for the Channel; 14,019 for Havre ; and 12,875 for Marseilles. Stock, 60,000 bags. Prices.—Good first, 5,900 reis ; new crop, 6,200 reis. The Tasmanian brings no political news of im portance. MADRID, Aug. 30. The Corr espondanci a Autografa announces that orders have been given for the formation of an ex peditionary corps of 10,000 men. The Spanish Consul at Tangiers has withdrawn from that place, after having handed a note to the authorities an nouncing that Spain is decided to ha're satisfaction by arms for the hostilities against Ceuta. COPENHAGEN, AUG. 31. The Council of State is summoned for the 26th September. The opening of the Diet will take plae on the 3d October, after which it will be prorogued fur two months. FRANCE. PARIS, WEDNESDAY. BOURSE, Aug. 31.—The market still continues in the same heavy state. Threes varied from 66f. 80c. to 68f. 70c. Mobilier, 825 f. to 820 f. ; Austrian, 555 f. 75c. to 552 f. 50c.; Lombard, 553 f. 75c. to 551 f. 25c.; Orleans, 1,365 f. to 1,362 f. 50c.; Lyons, 867 f. 50c. to 865 fr. The fol lowing were the last quotations : 4i per Cents. .... 98 25 Credit Fonder 655 I Do. end month .. 98 Belgian 41 99 3 per Cents 6B 70 Piedmontese (5) .. 86 -- Do. end month 6B 70 Roman B7 Bank Shares 2790 Austrian . 88 Credit Mobilier .. 821 25 Spanish Threes .. Do. Account RAILWAYS. Caah. Account. 1366 25 .. 1366 25 _ _ .. 921 25 Orleans Northern 920 New ditto — Lyons and Mediterranean B7O B7O Geneva 627 50 .. 527 50 Southern Western 567 50 .. Eastern _ . Sardinian Austrian Exchange on London, at sight, paper, 25f. 121 c. ; money, 25f 71c.; three months, paper, 24f. 971 c.; money, 24f. 95c. SARDINIA. The Diritto of Turin announces that the first medal struck at Paris in commemoration of the Italian war has been sent by the Emperor of the French to King Victor Emmanuel. At the dinner given on the 26th ult. by the municipality of Turin to the deputation of that of Milan, after the usual toasts to Napoleoii 111, Victor Emmanuel, and the allied armies, others were drunk to Central Italy, to Venice, and to Count Cavour. The latter was worded as follows : "To him who, being called to the Ministerial chair in Piedmont, was the first after 1839 to adopt a really Italian policy ; to him who, send ing the (Italian) tricolour to Tausida, caused it to spread its lustre before the eyes of Europe; to him whe, at the Congress of Monarchs at Paris, stepped forward the first to uphold the Italian cause; to him who, in the silence of the Cabinet, prepared all for a third war of Liberty, concluding a new alli ance with the Sovereign of France ; to him who, though he has resigned his powers (for a time only, it is to be hoped), lives for ever in the heart of whosoever loves Italian independence. To Camillo Cavour, immortal honour and glory !" TUSCANY. The following is the text of the memorandum addressed by the Tuscan Government to the Euro pean Cabinets, and which has been already briefly alluded to in a telegraphic despach : " The causes which produced in Tuscany the na tional movement of the 27th April, and the circum stances in the midst of which the State was aban doned by the then reigning prince and by the whole of the grand ducal family, are already too well known to be necessary to repeat them. What it is important, however, to state, is the perfect unani mity of all Tuscans in the Italian sentiment ; the wonderful order maintained in times of such diffi culty ; and the accord, constant and full of dignity, of all wills, both as to the object in view and as to the means considered best calculated to attain it. And if, on the one side, we witness such things, on the other there may be pointed out an invincible obstinacy, first to oppose the most noble and the most legitimate wishes of Tuscany, and afterwards a contempt of those same wishes, and of national opinion, to the extent of seeking an asylum in the camp of our enemies, and of lighting on their side against the Italian arms. " These facts were already known when the news of the unexpected piece of Viltafranca arrived in Tuscany. The whole country was deeply affected by that intelligence, not only because, in presence of the gre it hopes which had been raised, the gene ral cause of Italy received a grievous blow, but also because certain articles in that treaty inspired a fear of the dynasty of Lorraine being restored in Tuscany. " The calmest minds and those most versed in political affairs endeavoured to remove the general anxiety by calling to mind the general sympathies of the Emperor Napoleon 111. for the Italian people, and his noble words relative to respect for their legitimate wishes, and by concluding that it was absurd to fear that the French Government, which, by the participation taken in the war by the Tuscan army under the orders of an Imperial Prince, had sanctioned the fall of the Loraine dynasty by supporting the movement against its throne, would afterwards effect a restoration by fordo, or tolerate that others should do so. T ;es° prudent words were listened to, and the country was restored to the most perfect calm. Every one reacquired confidence in the destinies of his coun try, but it was impossible not to conceal from our selves that our future fate was subject to great uncertainty. With the peace ceased the protea torate of the ling of Sardinia, and the commis sioner extraordinary left Florence and transferred the supreme authority to the Ministry in the same manner as the Provisional Government had trans mitted it to him by its decree of the 11 th May. " Under such serious circumstances, the Govern ment of Tuscany felt the duty and necessity of im mediately convoking the national representation. The Constitutional Charter of 1848 still incontest ably represented the public rights of Tuscany, since no one could doubt the illegality of the Grand Ducal decree of 1852 which had abolished it by a coup d'etat. It was, therefore, decided that the elections should be proceeded with accord ing to the enactments of the law of March 3, 1848. The law itself was extended and liberal enough at the time it was decreed, and the succes sive increase of the family had rendered it still more so by considerably increasing the number of the electors. This law, moreover, presented the additional advantage that, emanating as it did from the Grand Ducal Government, the partisans of the latter, both at home and abroad, would not be able to approach it with giving results in disaccord with the true state of public opinion. _ " So many and such grave considerations deter mined the Tuscan Government to convoke the As sembly according to the provisions of the law of March 3, 1848, as well as to decree a new one. One subject of alarm for some, and of hope herhaps for others, was to see a nation, so long accustomed to any act of political life, and who was now called on to accomplish one so serious in the midst of cir cumstances so calculated to excite anxiety and pas sions, fail in the trial. The Tuscan people came out of it, on the contrary, in giving striking proofs of patiotism and good sense. Admirable order, the enormous affluence of electors, the concord which reigned in the elections, and the nomination of re presentatives who are in different ways the illus tration of the country, eloquently showed that Tus• cany was worthy of the independence and the liberty which she claims from the justice of Europe . " The National Assembly, regularly convoked, regularly assembled, and legally deliberating, has put forth two decisions which in substance only form one, because, when united, they correspond to the object of the convocation of the Assembly, in providing for the definitive organisation of the country. " It has adopted a first resolution, which de clares the reign of the Austro-Loraine dynasty to be irrevocably finished in Tuscany. It has also passed a second resolution, which declares that the will of the Tuscan people is to form part of a powerful Italian kingdom, under the constitutional sceptre of King Victor Emmanuel 11. " We believe it necessary to speak of each of these resolutions apart, in order to show not only the full right which the Tuscan National Assembly had to adopt them, but the grave political reasons which recommend the sanction of them to all the Governments. " That Tuscany, abandoned to herself and left without a government, had a right to elect a go vernment in conformity with her sentiments and interests, is a truth so elementary that it needs no demonstration. It will be sufficient to cite, in proof of this, an authority which in the present case can meet with no objection, that of the Grand Duke Leopold 11. himself. That prince, in his de cree of the 12th May, 1848, relative to annexation to Tuscany of the provinces of Massa, Carrara, Garfaguana, and Lunigiana, solemnly proclaimed the principle which we here invoke, and did so on the same facts and for the same reasons. " The hostile sentiments of a sovereign against the country he governs constitute, according to the international law of all times and all civilised na tions, another motive of the gravest kind for de priving him of the rights of sovereignty. Sove reignty is the protection of a people, and not hatred of and war against them. Now there are unfortu nately too many proofs of the sentiments of hos tility of the Loraine dynasty to Tuscany. Belve dere, the asylum sought in Austria during the war, and Solferino proclaim those sentiments so clearly that we abstain, from moderation and from regard for propriety, from insisting on the subject. What can be said too of the violation of faith which took place by calling foreign -soldiers into the country, and by destroying, by the abolition of the statute, the fundamental compact which bound the Prince to the people ? " But if the right of the Tuscans not to accept the Lorraine dynasty is incontestable, not less evident are the political reasons—not only in them selves, but as regards the general tranquillity of Italy and the world—which imperatively counsel all the Governments of Europe to accept and sanc tion the wishes of Tuscany. The consequences of a restoration Of the Lorraine Dynasty in Tuscany would be so politically fatal that no statesman can regard them without dismay. The conduct 'and the tendencies of the Lorraine dynasty during the last ten years have raised up between it and Tuscany a barrier which cannot be passed. If a sovereign of the fallen dynasty were to return to Tuscany ;he would do so—no illusion in this respect should be entertained—with the profound and invincible sentiments of hatted against the whole country, embracing in his aversion all classes of society, the highest as well as the lowest. The country would respond to such senti ments by sentiments still more hostile. Profound animosity on one hand, incurable distrust on the other—that is what would prevail between the rulers and the governed. Mutual repugnance and personal divisions would render any Government impossible. Tuscany would become the permanent centre of the revolution and would reduce the peace of Italy to a dream. Where would be the force of the restored Government, where its sup port, where would it find the authority and the means of governing ? In all countries where re volutionary agitators are to" be found the army is the natural guardian of public tranquillity and the natural defender of the Government. But in Tuscany it is precisely the army which more than any other class of citizens is compromised with regard to the dynasty of Loraine, which more energetically than any other has manifested its reprobation of the anti-national conduct of that dynasty, and which more than any other has actiTely contri buted to its fall. It is easy to determine after that what would be the tendencies and the spirit of the Tuscan army. The dynasty must therefore have recourse to auxiliary troops, to foreign interven tion, and thon would begin again with more ter rible intensity that series of violent proceedings on the one hand, and revolutionary conspiracies on the other, of oppression and vengeance, which have at tracted the attention of the world on this unhappy Italy, and proved the necessity of applying a re-, medy for her numberless grievances. " It is important to remark that Austria, though obliged by the fortune of war to consent to the peace of Villafranca will never accept it heartily and sincerely. She will always be ready to seize any opportunity either to recover Lombardy or to resume her former position in the rest of Italy, and with that view will ever be ready to avail herself of any European complications that may arise. Already the journals most devoted to Austria make no mystery of these projects. Should it so happen, Italy ought and wonld again make a great national effort to preserve the immunities obtained by the bravery of the Franco-Italian army, the exploits of King Victor-Emmanuel, and the powerful and generous co-operation of the Emperor of the French. With an Austrian dy nasty in Tuscany, we should be again in the same position as on the 27th of April. But no one will pretend that a country can be always risking its destiny and welfare in a continual alternation of revolutions and restorations. The questions now pending between Tuscany and the dynasty of Loraine may be thus summed up :—The question is whether the vanquished shall give the law to the victors—whether a civilised ation, which has given proofs of all the civic virtjtcs ought to be sactificed to those who are manifestly di,posed to pay no attention to such virtues; whether the ambition and interests of one family shall outweigh the interests and will of two millions of tue Z ? Let Europe and the public con science decida. " T. - .e Tuscan Government, although diplomatic communications are still wanting, is nevertheless aware that great importance is given in diploma tic circles to a pretended abdication of Leopold 11. and a pretended programme of his son Ferdinand, containing ample promises of liberal institutions and Italian policy. It is on that abdieation and those promises that are more especially based the counsels of a friendly Government, to the effect that Tuscany should not refuse to consent to the restoration of the deposed family. In order to yield to such sug gestions Tuscany must first forget all her history during these latter times, and numerous violations of sworn faith ; she must also forget that the fallen dynasty was so completely assimilated with the interests and passions of Austria as to be incom patible with the feelings and interests of the coun try. She would also have to forget the presence at Modena of this same Archduke Ferdinand, who, all impatience and anxiety, there awaited the issue of the battle of Magenta, in order to return into Tus cany at the head of the Austrians, if the latter had been victorious in that battle. The name of Sol ferino should also be razed from the pages of his tory. What a singular example of public morality ! A prince who seeks refuge in the camp of the ene mies of his country, who fights against it at their side, and who, when the allies whom he chose are vanquished, says to those against whom he had fought, and whose defeat he had hoped for, Now I am one of you!' The sentiment of her own security, as well as that of reciprocal dignity, will not allow Tuscany to subscribe to this humiliating capitulation, extorted by defeat and the fruit of too long delayed re pentance. "In tracing out this rapid sketch of the conse quences which a restoration might give birth to in Tuscany, we have abstained from considering the hypothesis that such restoration might be brought about by foreign intervention. We have abstained from it because assurances emanating from a high authority, and coming to us from different quar ters, guarantee the impossibility of such a calamity; we have done so because, after the events which have been accomplished in Tuscany, a foreign in tervention to re-establish at the point of the bayonet an Austrian archduke on an Italian throne would be a thing so enormous that even to think of such an act for a moment would be not only an absurdity but a gratuitous insult towards a friendly Govern ment. " The Tuscan Government is not ignorant that, intervention being rejected and excluded as impos sible, there are people who think that the same object may be attained by other means. There are some who speak of the not recognising the vote of Tuscany, and of abandoning her to herself until htr state of political uncertainty and the con sequences resulting from it, shall bring about in one manner or another the wished-for restoration. Would that be an act of justice or of political prudence ? We feel a firm conviction that such a plan would not succeed, because Tuscany would remain united, calm, and disciplined; but if un fortunately the contrary should happen, can it be_ relied on that agitation in Tuscany would not ex tend to other parts of Italy, and not become the starting point for new and terrible complications ? A sanguinary war has just been carried on to re store tranquillity to Italy, and to destroy a hotbed of incessant perils for the peace of Europe, and the country could not again be thrown back into a state which would form the foundation for future agitations. Romagna, and the provinces of Mo dena and Parma, are in a situation similar to ours, and naturally the same system would be applied to them. Thus, therefore, if certain eventualities were to be realised, upwards of four millions of Italians, in the centre of Italy, would be in a state of agitation from revolutionary disorders, and Europe would look on impassible and indifferent ! And if, to the disgrace of such a system, the people should persist in not recalling the dethroned princes, and that agitation should become anarchy, what would Europe do ? Would she allow anarchy to give itself up to all excesses and the people to destroy each other ? Would she interfere ? And in that case would it be Austria or France to do so, either separately or together ? Each of these hypotheses is a political impossibility. Thus, the Tuscan Go vernment, confident in the wisdom and the equity of the great powers, feels a firm conviction that after having coolly weighed the system above mentioned, and after having looked at iya useless and dangerous effects, they will all agree•in regard ing it as impracticable. " But in declaring that the reign of the Austro- Loraine dynasty is at an end in Tuscany, the National Assembly had not entirely accomplished its mandate, inasmuch as such a vote was not suf ficient to provide for the definitive organisation of the State. It, therefore, came to a second resolu tion, unanimous like the first, declaring that the will of Tuscany was to form part of a powerful constitutional kingdom under the sceptre of King Victor Emmanuel. The communal representatives, interpreting the public wish, recently adopted a resolution in conformity with all this. The mu nicipal deliberations on this subject are of 225 communes, in which are comprised the cities of Florence and Leghorn, and all the other important towns of Tuscany. To give an idea of the im mense majority which the resolution has obtained, we will confine ourselves to saying that out of 1,350 suffrages 1,297 were for, and only 53 agains. Thus. the resolution of the National Assembly has already, as an expression of public opinion, a pre cedent which shows all the importance and value of it.. Numerous and powerful reasons have dic tated this wish, and numerous and powerful ones recommend it to the sanction of Europe. " The principal, or, to to speak more correctly, the sole and exclusive, character of the Italian move ment of 1859, is the sentiment of nationality. That is so true that no question of the internal form of government has this time, as was unfortunately the case in 1848, disturbed the aspiration of the Ita lians for national independence. All the Italian populations, on the contrary, have applauded the temporary restriction of constitutional liberties in Piedmont, because they considered the measure useful for the good conduct of the war the subject of all their thoughts. " The resolution adopted by the Tuscan Assem bly in the sitting of the 20th of this month was principally inspired 1. y that sentiment of nationality, and by the wish to satisfy it. When Austria pre serves a strong position in Italy, which may be come still more formidable, if the confederation of which there is a question in the preliminaries of Villafranca should be established, the necessity of constituting in Italy a powerful state, the most powerful possible under present circumstances, becomes manifest to everybody. It is, on the one hand, a necessity of defence, and, on the other, a necessity of equilibrium, without which the con federation proposed will never be possible. That this attachment to the national cause, and this pa triotic foresight, weighed greatly in the resolution adopted by the National Assembly, and that they now prevail in public opinion, is clearly proved by the circumstance that the number of partisans of the union of Tuscany and Piedmont "was greatly augmented after the peace of Villafranca. As long as the war lasted, and it was hoped that, the Austrians being driven out of the Peninsula, the kingdom of Upper Italy would have seen its force increased by that of Venetia, the independence of Tuscany had its partisans. But they have now disappeared, and mhy ? Because in Tuscany the Italiam idea domi nates all others. There are, perhaps, few people who would be disposed to reproach us with that. But if, under present circumstances, Tuscany had displayed various aspirations, those who now consi der our wish as excessive would have reproached us with our old municipal rivalities, and with our petty local quarrels, and would have concluded that the Italians are incorrigible and unworthy to be come a nation. " To reinforce Piedmont is, we have said, ne cessary both for defence and for maintaining equi librium. That is not only trus as regards Italian interests, but it is equally true as regards Euro pean interests. As long as Piedmont is not strong enough to oppose serious resistance to Austria Austria will always be tempted to attack her. Re cent events cannot have failed to give more strength to the sentiment of old hostility. Europe will con sequently be in constant apprehension of a new conflict in Italy, and a conflict in Italy may again compromise the peace of the world. " As a condition of equilibrium for the sake of Europe, the necessity of an increase in the force of Piedmont appears manifest, if we consider the case of the confederation projected at Villafranca being realised. The tendencies of Rome and Naples are known; by an alliance with these two Govern ments, Austria, if Piedmont has not a great weight to throw into the other scale, may one day become mistress of the confederation, and, at a given mo ment, dispose of all the forces of Italy in addition to her own. Then it would be no longer a question of Italian, but of European, equilibrium. Can France, Prussia, and the other 'European powers accept the probability of these dangers ? " After so much agitation and uncertainty, Tus cany is most anxious for tranquillity. Her union with Piedmo n t is the most certain and substantial guarantee of that tranquility. As it is henceforth beyond all dispute that this union is ardently de sired by all or nearly all Tuscans, there can be no doubt the universal satisfaction will render any thing like disorder impossible. That state of per petual agitation, more or loss latent, which, in the different provinces of Italy, has existed and still unfortunately exists in some of them, as the effect of a deep-seated disaffection between the people and the Governments, will entirely disappear in Tus cany, as soon as the country sees its future secure in the hands of an upright and powerful King, possessing all its confidence and its gratitude in common with all the people of Italy. " It would neither be just nor wise to deprive the Tuscans of the advantages they would find in forming part of a great State. Experience has now proved that, without large aggregations, nation can never attain that great moral and ma terial development which is one of the distinguish ing characteristics of modern civilisation. Tuscany has done enough for the civilisation of the world to entitle her to a share in the enjoyment of its benefits. To possess neither army, nor navy, nor diplomacy, to have a languishing trade and manu factures still worse, to be deprived of all scientific or artistic movement, such is the fate of a small country in the nineteenth century. With what right and justice can Tuscany now be thus sub mitted to such a Procrustean process ? We mig ht enumerate many other not inconsiderable advan tages that Tuscany may reasonably expect from her union with an important State. It would be an act of wisdom and good policy on the part of Europe not to smother so many germs of moral development and material prosperity , since that beneficent solidarity of interests which the progress of the times has everywhere created would certainly make it advantageous to all nations. " In giving these votes, the Tuscan Assembly, after having expressed the special motives it has for hoping, with regard to all the great Powers, that its wishes will be sanctioned and seconded, has confided to the Government the task of em ploying the most efficacious means for attaining their accomplishment. And the Government, en couraged by the same considerations, has readily accepted that difficult task. " It feels confident, like the Assembly, that the valorous and loyal King, who has done so much for Italy, and has protected Tuscany with special kindness, will not repel the homage of gratitude and fidelity which an entire nation conjures him to accept, both for his own sake and for that of the common country. " It feels confidence in the justice and the wis dom of France, England, Russia, and Prussia. " The magnanimous Emperor of the French, who, with so m uc h generos ity, has taken in hand , the defence of a n o p presse d na tion, who has said, and gloriously proved by acts, that he would be everywhere where there is a just came to defend; sage and liberal England ; Russia, whose pokey' elevated and full of grandeur, now excites the ad miration of Europe; and valiant Prussia, whi ch . so nobly repr esen t s i n G erman y the principle of nationality, will neither disregard nor trample under foot the right of a quiet, united, and disci plined people, who do not demand anything than to provide f o r th e i r own destiny in the man ner which they thi n k b es t f o r their security and happiness. " If, however, h uman j us ti ce s hould fail us , we will defend by all means ou r rights and the dign it y of country a g ai ns t an y aggress i on . And if even ° should turn out contrary to us, at least we sh all have the consolation of thinking that all, else peo ple, Assembly, and Government, have done our duty without weakness and without boasting. And then public conscience and history will say on what side were right, civil prudence, and moderation; and on what side are injustice, blindness, and abuse of force. (Signed) " RICASOLI, President of the Council of Ministers, and Minister of In terior. C. RODOLFI, Minister of Public In struction, and ad iaterim of Foreign Aflairs. E. POGGI, Minister of Justice and R. B G u ra sA ce. ccA, Minister of Finance. SALVAGNOLI, Minister of Ecclesiasti cal Affairs. DE CAVERN°, Minister of War. "Florence, 24th August, 1859." MODENA. It may be remembered that the provision al ae governmentoof commission mis Modena s ioh some s charged withhor t t thiem task back insti tuted of seek ing out in the archives of the duchy such documents of the last two sovereigns, Francis IV. and Francis V., as might best display the tendencies of these princes. That commission has now published some of the papers so found, as well as a long list of orders, regulations, ordinances, and sentences pro• nounced by the two dukes. The following two letters relate to the general policy of Europe, and are remarkable for the virulence of their language towards the French Government. The first wal written by the present duke to his foreign minis ter, Count Forni, in 1855 : "Pavullo, 9th Sept. " Dear Forni,—l send you a bulletin from Parma and two telegraphic despatches. Nesselrode's is a temporary conge, and nothing more. The other shows that Piedmont is still determined to make people talk and to tease us, now she is supported by that dear idol of Europe — Napoleon . And on that point I must advise you that it appears to me very absurd that our journal should be al ways publishing Bonapartist glories o it d On reading it, no one would imagine it to be the journal of the Government which has n nt ot recognised Napoleon of the only Governme which will have nothing to d o with that brigand (di quel brigante), In yesterday's number I was disgusted to see inserted, without the least neces sity, the article of the M oniteur on the Archduke 'aximilian's arrival at Toulon. They might ta hav ted e omitted all mention of the fact, or merely s the Archduke had been well received, and had seen everything ; but to repeat such words as ' he was full of admiration of Napoleon and modern France' is quite astounding , a nd must puzzle allt folks who will think that I am anxious to repair my wrongs towards Monsieur Bonaparte. 'The Archduke certainly proposed the health of the self styled Emperor, but it is well known that he did so drily, and with out addin g a word ; he was invited to Paris , but be gg ed to be excused ; con sequently the lying Moniteur gives us to I nder stand what assuredly is not true. also desire, and even command, that they copy the articles of the Nord, an excelle t and well edited journa l, which you receive and that they quote no more from the filthy and stupid Corriere Italiano , and several Sardinia! and Trieste gazettes, which appe ar to be too much t reg arded as oracles by the Messagere ; le theta select only indifferent articles, and be careful not to copy any expressing opinions contrary to our t own. The Augsburg Gazette has at times excellen articles, breathing a proper distrust of the baragua Bi»utpartiste (sic.) Perhaps it would bo advisa ble to tianslate them, if they can find a good translatorci for 1 anticipate this objection on you r part. I h i , a advised Ferdinand Galvani to con sult uncle I!, et sar frequently respecting his edi torial duti es; 11 he did this I believe things would be better, ina m ich as the journal would have more charactur s and and political colour. I remain now and ever 37 , 0 , affectionate F R ANcis. The second is also addressed by the duke to the count : " Pavullo, Sept. 11. " Dear Forni,—l send a few words in answer to your letter of to-day, wh ich brings me the. two gloomy telegraphic despatches from the Crimea. In . this world, but in this commonly, soundrel's Vnbi) can triumph, and do triumph. 1 believe, however, that the Westerns have reached _