The Sun. — London, England, 1859-08-22 00:00:00

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE. LI SKE ARD The election of a representative for the borough of Liskeard, in room of Mr. R. W. Grey, appointed Commissioner of Customs, was held on Friday. Mr. Ralph Bernal Osborne was the only candidate in the field. Previous to the commencement of the proceedings a large number of the electors of Bod min entered the town, in company with Mr. Wyld, the newly-elected member for that borough. Every man wore a wreath of laurel or bore some laurel leaves on his breast. Mr. T. J. A. Robartes, M.P. for East Cornwall, was also present, and the entire assemblage numbered about ~ 000 persons. The Mayor of' Liskeard presided as returning officer. Mr. B. ANSTIS proposed and Mr. A. HINGSTON seconded the nomination of the Right Hon. Ralph Bernal Osborne as a fit and proper person to repre sent the borough of Liskeard in Parliament, and no other candidate having been proposed, the Mayor announced Mr. Osborne to have been duly elected. Mr. OSBORNE, on presenting himself to the elec tors, was received with the most enthusiastic cheer ing. He said—Mr. Mayor, electors, and non-elec tors of Liskeard, male and female—especially the latter who honour and grace this large a ssembla g e with your presence—l thank you. If any man has reason to exclaim, " Behold how ' , clod a thing it is to dwell together in brotherly unit ° y," I am that man. (Hear.) You have placed me in a peculiar position, and one which hitherto I have been quite unaccus tomed to. (Laughter.) All my life I have been constantly, up to the present occasion, fishing in troubled waters ; but now I had a peaceful victory, owing to the united kindly feeling of the Liberal party here so happily reconciled, and to that sense of courtesy and justice displayed by the Con servative party in Liskeard, who saw that it would be a vain proceeding on their part to contest the borough, and have refrained from disturbing the peace of the town. To the Conservative party I also tender my thsnks, for I am equally their represen tative as I am yours; and I am ready to attend to any local business that they may think requisite and proper, and, as far as consistent with my own principles, advocate theirs. (Hear.) You have no venality rife here. You have no mail packet contractor to muddy the clear and pellucid stream of purity of election. But when I mention those subjects allow me to say that although I have stigmatised the nefarious practices of the borough of Dover there are men, and a large body of men, too, in that borough, just as independent and as little liable to be bought as the voters whom I now see around me. (Hear.) But there is a small mass which unfortunately leavens the others, and it is to that small portion my remarks apply, and not to the honest, unpurchaseable, and really good elec tors of Dover. (Hear.) After what has been so eloquently said by my proposer and seconder, it is not necessary for me to declare so much where I come from as it is to say where I am going to, and what I am going to do there. It has been objected on another occasion by two or three gentlemen, I believe, that I am a thick and thin supporter of my Lord Palmerston. (Hear.) I have no hesitation in saying that, I entertain a great and sincere respect for Lord Palmerston ; but when it was imputed to me that I was a thick and thin supporter of that noble lord, I think that the imputer should have called to mind that, had I been such a supporter of his I would scarcely have been in my present position, because that noble lord is notorious for never for getting his thick and thin supporters. (Hear, hear.) It is most probable that, had I been one of that sort of supporters of Lord Palmerston, I would not be on these hustings to-day, but should, in all probability, have gone to another place from which no commoner returns. (" Hear," and laughter.) I might have been sent to the drawing-room when not wanted in the Cabinet parlour. (Hear.) I am not a nominee of Lord Palmerston here, and never will be his thick and thin supporter in another place. (Cheers.) I am here reminded of a passage in an old play where a great philosopher is asked what becomes of all the old moons. " Gentlemen," the reply was, " they are cut up into little stars." (Laughter.) And it seems to me that there are certain members of the old Whig party who are in somewhat the same position as the old moons here alluded to, and who have been cut up into very little stars. (Renewed laughter.) I have seen certain people reduced to that condition noble men now of whom I speak in their individual capacity with the highest respect. No man can equal the conciliating manner of Mr. Vernon Smith now Lord Lyveden, or of Sir Benjamin Hall now Baron Llanover, and no man could surpass in uprightness, straightforwardness, and intelligence Mr. Labouchere now Lord Taunton, and when I speak of these noblemen I do so with the -utmost respect ; but at the same time I dissent from the principle of sending to another place certain men, because I am one of those who have so great a respect for the House of Lords that I wish their number not to be increased by lavish creations. I think he is no friend to the three estates of the realm, the Queen, Lords, and Commons, who seeks to derogate from one or the other, and therefore I object to these creations. I do not wish to see the House of Lords made a waste pipe for the surplusage of the House of Commons, and so far for the accusation of my being a thick and-thin supporter of Lord Palmerston's. If Lord Palmerston had been 20 years younger he would not have made these creations. I do not think he would have made them 10 years ago ; but even now his " failings lean to friendship's side." (Hear.) Now, gentlemen, you may ask me for my opinion of the past, and as I have wished to be very candid with you I have told you at starting what is my opinion regarding the present Administration. I have already told you to some extent my opinion of the last Ministry. I do not wish to be too hard upon them. They say " of the dead nothing but good," and if they were dead I would speak nothing but good of them. But they are alive, and kicking to get back to office. (Laughter.) Well, they have some great men among them. I am not one of those who deny that they have. Mr. Disraeli I look upon as a great statesman. He was the iEneas who carried the whole burden on his shoulders ; and we Liberals have to thank Mr. Disraeli, who I believe to be of my party, for the liberal measures which he was mainly instrumental in carrying. We have to thank Mr. Disraeli for the Jew Bill ; we have to thank him for a proposal to deal with the Church-rates, though not in the right way—(hear) —and another thing we have to thank him for is for having pulled that huge omnibus of his, full of country gentlemen, to the consideration of a Reform Bill, which, if they had passed it, was so revolutionary in its tendency and identity that it would have given a spur to American institutions in this country. (Hear.) I feel very grateful to Mr. Disraeli, and I have no doubt that one day or other sew combinations will arise when, if he can not control these unwilling country gentlemen of his, he will boldly come forward for the good of his country and will join with those who will carry fuller and more liberal measures. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) But in forming his Ministry Lord Palmer ston, no doubt, had great difficulties to contend with. In the first place, the litter of pigs was rather too numerous for the maternal capabilities of the Downing-street mother. (Laughter.) What was he to do ? Nobody would have the old family party back again ; that was out of the question. Weil, some of them were kicked upstairs. - What was he then to do ? I am not one of those who think that he acted best under the circumstances. No doubt there may be a little too much quince in the Cabi net pudding, but at the same time I must admit that the body of gentlemen called Peelites, although they are only a small party with no great following in the country, are a set of the most able adminis trators, and are the right men in the right place ; and so far from my feeling any jealousy of that body of men, I say that if they cast in their lot with us andt carry liberal measures, I, for one, will give 'era my entire support. (Cheers.) At the same time I - do regret that when they had the great meetin g tat Willis's Rooms, and had their ball an, sa A asked two of w hat to their supper, they only is called the " advanced party," aansdideevtaenble. (Hear th were asked to take a seat at hear.) I think it would have been better if Mr. - obden had been offered a Secre taryship of State. I think it would have been much better if Mr. Bright— j lizhose views in all whose things I do not agree, but egr m ea ir t ability and earnes tness of purpose I he art il y ad asked to take a seat at the I ndia Bear e r, because b caus e : l3 l believe there is no man in the community who has subject more complet e l y, and that, grasped the whatever his views be, there is no man more en titled to take a high place in the Government of the country. These things have not d o been ne. Mr. Mr. Cobden, greatly to his honour—for there are few men in this world who refuse anything— (laughter)—refused to take a place in the Govern ment. Mr. Bright I know to be unwilling to ac cept one ; but I regret the absence of both from the Government, because I think th eir presence in the Government would have given it a quality of strength and lastingness. But, now that we have got the Government, I say that there a re excellent, clever, and business-like men in it. Still, at the same time I cannot conceal from myself that they have got their spurs to win by legislative measures. (Hear.) They are a t p resen t on their trial, and I heartily hope they may by their united wisdom be able to bring forth such measures as shall satisfy the great body of the people in this country, who want nothing wild or convulsing, but, on the con trary, d es i re so b er, stea d y, an d , a b ove a ll, earne st reforms. (Cheers.) We all know that in our pri vate families the great secret upon which every thing hangs is the keeping of the financial account. It is the same with nations as with families. Be pend on it that finances are first andlast—at the bot tom and the top of every national movement. What is the state of our finances at the present moment P I am happy to congratulate the country on having probably the most able man of the day at the head of the Exchequer, and if one could only emancipate Mr. Gladstone from the embraces of that Delilah the University of Oxford, we should have in him one of the best and most workmanlike Ministers of the day. But we must take him as he is, and I be lieve that he has the power and the ability to work a great change in our financial system. No doubt it is a matter of enormous labour. We raise in this country £70,000,000 of taxes. Could .that be done in any other country in the world ? (No, no.) But what is the state of Parliament ? I do not hesitate to say—and I will quote my authority, a high one, if you wish it—that Parliament, by which I mean the House of Commons, has abdicated its functions as the guardian of the public purse, and, instead of checking the Minister of the day, members of Par liament are only too ready to urge forward expen diture. (Hear.) What do you suppose has been the increase in the army and navy these last 24 years? In order that there could be no mistake I have made extracts from official documents. In the year 1835 the army and Ordnance, now amalgamated, but then administered by separate boards, cost ,E7,500,000—a pretty sum for keeping up a slnall army—and the same yearthe navy cost £4,000,000, making, let us say, £12,000,000 for both services. At the present day the united estimates for army and navy amount to the sum of £26,ooo,ooo—double what it was 24 years ciao. (Hear.) There may be an excuse for this, and b l think there is as far as the navy is concerned, for we have had a new steam power developed through the screw ; but I wish the screw to be put on those who pass these large votes without inquiry. It is still more singular with re gard to the civil service. It cost £2,000,000 in 1835, and in 1859 it cost the country £7,825,000. The army and navy, including the militia, have doubled since 1835, but the civil service has increased to three times the amount of cost. Then, whose fault is that? Not the fault of the Government of the day, be it Whig or Tory ; the Government always wishes to control the expenditure ; but it is the fault of those individual members of the House of Commons who, instead of controlling expenditure, have each their little business—l will not say job, for that is an ugly word, and I do not want to use ugly words —and who urge on the Minister of the day votes now for this and again for that; and I assert that my experience has taught me that the members of Parliament are the worst body of men that can be found to control the expenditure of the nation. (Hear.) What is everybody's business is nobody's. Look at the wasteful votes that have been given for the new House of Commons, or the Palace at Westminster, to use fashionable language. The first vote was £785,000, but what has it run up to by not controlling the expenditure and letting an architect have his own way ? From first to last the building has cost the country about three millions. (Hear, hear.) And now they have put up a clock there with hands so heavy that they will neither go nor stand. (Laughter.) That is one sample of the Parliamentary control over our expenditure. These hands on that clock are what members of Parliament are as indicators of the national purse, and, as they will not go nor stand, they must be taken down and put into the melting pot. Well, that is reform, and I would put those members of Parliament also into the electoral melting pot, for sure am I, to use the remarkable observation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer when introducing his budget, that if this state of things continue for an other five years longer the finances of the country will be reduced to inextricable confusion. (Hear.) I do hope that in 1860 now coming on, when, meek you, the income-tax expires, and the Long Annuities fall in, that Mr. Glad stone will not be satisfied with merely re-enacting that tax, but that he will revise the whole system of taxation of the country, and if it be found ne cessary to lay on the income tax again that he will repair the great injustice of that tax by which the income of the man who is earning his livelihood by exertions of his brain is not placed on a diffe rent footing from the income of him who derives it from a fee simple estate. (Hear, hear.) I think I need not go further to prove the necessity there is for electoral reform, and I think that we have got one man in the Cabinet who is an experienced and tried Reformer, and who, I am sure, will not be content with bringing in a little peddling mea sure, or anything short of what shall be, as far as we can say of any human measure, a permanent settlement of the question. (Cheers.) I refer to Lord John Russell. (Cheers.) And we may so far congratulate ourselves that the leaders of all parties seem suddenly to have agreed on the neces sity that the Government should give some pledge that they would lower the franchise. I believe the leaders had no objection to the proposal, be cause Mr. Disraeli seemed willing that we should only suffer him to go on. " When the Devil was sick"—you know the rest. (Laughter.) Mr. Dis raeli would bring in measures by which he would lower the franchise. That was highly consolatory. And I do not believe that the difficulty lies with the heads of parties. It lies with the tails, which act on the political world as the tail of the crocodile does on that animal in the physical world. The body is swayed by the tail. (Laughter.) I believe if Lord Der by and Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone and Lord John Russell were to meet in a room together, and consult without regard to party, they would come to the conclusion of introducing a very satisfactory Reform Bill. They say, " We must go with our party." The consequence of that sometimes is that the people of this country are crucified between two thieves, and they get nothing, except when these gentlemen fall out. (Roars of laughter.) What, let me ask, is the great vice of the present day with regard to Parliamentary election ? I believe it is corruption and intimidation. (Hear.) Corruption of voters has progressed to a frightful extent. There are many individuals who ought to know better, exalted end rich, who tempt the poor man, and when he has fallen from his station as an Englishman, a man, and a Christian, leave him to his fate, and escape themselves the deserts they have brought on him. (Hear, hear.) But there is not only individual corruption ; there is also the corruption of constituencies, and we have lately seen an alarming instance in which the public money of the country has been made use of to influence political elections. You have heard of such a thing as a mail packet contract being made and extended not for the public interest, not for the public convenience, but for the service of the interests of a political party. (Hear.) Not for the safe delivery of foreign letters, but for the safe re turn of Members of Parliament. The House of Commons says, " Thisthing must be inquired into," and what does it do ? The House of Commons is very severe against corruption, and imprisons a poor man who has taken £5, and lays him up in ordinary ; and the House of Commons, with that delightful deliberation which it always pays to accusations against members of its own body, ap pointed to inquire into the postal contract, and what sort of a committee did they appoint ? Would you not think it a very sad thing if in your county town a man had been accused of perjury and mal versation of his neighbour's money that the man accused should be put on the jury who were to pronounce the verdict. (Hear, hear.) Tho House of Commons do not think this a sad or a one-sided thing at all. They appointed a committee, of which four of the members of the Government that were accused of having executed this contract for their own purposes sat in judgment upon themselves. One-fifth of the whole triblinal consisted of members of the late Govern ment, and I was not at all surprised that with that clearness of judgment and impartiality and fairness which characterise men on juries, particularly when they are being tried themselves, they voted against the very mild and milk-and-water report made by the committee. One word on that report. It has opened the eyes of the public to the corruption that is being practised. It has caught the little fish, the private secretaries, but it has allowed the big ones to get through. (Laughter.) However, that report will not end there. (Hear.) I have been much amused to see the way in which the First Lord of the Admiralty, Sir John Pakington, has dealt with the question. Sir John Pakington is a most excel lent man, but he is one of those gentlemen who look larger than he is by his having got on the top of a big question—namely, the formation of a screw fleet. Well, Sir John Pakington comes down to the house with exalted indignation, and, after the committee had reported, he challenged the consti tution of the committee. Why had he not done so when the committee was formed ? No, lie was con tent when he saw four of his own Government put upon it. He thought, no doubt, good easy man, that it was all right, and I must say that I thought so too. (Hear, and laughter.) But when Sir John Pakington finds that it is all wrong, down he comes to the house and challenges the constitution of the committee, and th rea t ens to brine. j' the whole matter before P ar li ament next session. Electors and non electors, I return you h my personal thanks for send ing me there(the hearco.ntrim bringing that question thefot . w i T i a i r a d i Ch packet (Cheers,) s ae c : n A lu n eh d t f l o i i i . s t l h e e ad e s xt n e i n e s t i o on al o i! other remark on ce thesubject unt of Ref orm . N o d ou bt ry panics, is our na v y, an d with in which I do no t the great force of thi s reference to those invasi on believe, it is the very force of all others which ought to be kept up effectively and well. I care not for keep ing up a large army. I look with great suspicion upon a standing army. This was the old Whig w e doctrine, let me tell y ou. But Ino t and - look it • "on on the navy ; and I think this—that if .sus picion p i et keptot to u ppermit in an the efficient areproper t o have stat e youth the ought navy n Admiralty to be mixed up with political questions. (Hear, hear.) Not but what you have all very respectable men there, but they .have not been selected for their long continued naval services, but rather be cause they had some little interest in the Cinque Ports—say Dover, for instance, the electors of which are wonderfully fond of the Government of the (1: - .• quite loyal subjects, in fact. (Laughter.) But members are sent to that Admiralty, having been selected, not with reference to their ability for managing the naval service, or of increasing the number of ships, but with r,egard to their power of swelling the votes for the Minister. (Hear, hear.) In that way they may be useful enough, but how can they be useful to the navy ? (Hear.) I say that we should have a reform of that Board of Ad miralty, and I would separate it from any connec tion with the Ministry of the day. I fear that I have wearied you with these protracted remarks. (Cries of "Go on.") I have said a few words about the invasion panics, and I remember that Sir Robt. Walpole said in a part of his writings, "A good war alarm is a great harvest to Ministers." But why are we to have these periodical panics ? lam one of those who believe the Emperor of the French —and here I do not make any reference to his Go vernment, which is a question for the French peo ple not for me—is a man of great wisdom and clear mindedness. I believe him to be one of those who from not having been born and not having lived in the purple has had the advantage of knowing man kind. What is more, I believe he knows his own interest, and assuredly his interest is not to quarrel with this country. (Cheers.) But if we are to go on with petty quarrelling and criticising, and say ing things repulsive to the self-love and pride of the French people, it is not impossible that we may precipitate this country into a war. Ido not be lieve in our invasion panics as I said before, but at the sametime that is no reason why we should not be able to a certain extent to cultivate a mode rate military feeling in this country. But when we talk of congresses, I am reminded of a passage which has met me in my reading of history—that it was a French King who, in the middle ages, promulgated the first idea of a great European con gress where all great national questions would be decided to prevent war. Henry IV. of France in 1610 promulgated the same proposition that Mr. Cobden announced in 1849. Mr. Cobden I believe to be an illustrious statesman, and he repeated the doctrines of Henry IV. id 1610, and I put it to you what would have been the consequences if Henry IV. could have carried out those principles. Look at the taxation imposed upon both countries by war since that period. It had been well remarked that " War is a faro-table of Governments, and nations are the dupes." I agree thoroughly with Lord Aberdeen, " that when war ceases to be o necessity it becomes a crime." And I hope that we shall not always be frightened year by year by these threats, proceeding from those panic fears of invasion. Of course all wars end in one thing—the increase of taxation. The poor man pays for it ; the rich man pays for it ; and, as you all may have seen, for the few men buried in Westminster Abbey the nation has to pay a terrible amount. (Hear.) But, gen tlemen, the Cornish men are not to be frightened and not to be thrown off their guard by those panic fears. Now, the House of Commons as at present constituted is much given to these hot and cold fits. It is liable to a sort of tertian ague, counted by years. (Laughter.) At one time over confident and at another time trembling for existence. The consequence is an unsteady feeling and occasional disturbance of the public mind. (Hear.) Now, gentlemen, to come to another subject, I am not prepared to say how far I am disposed to go in a matter of prospective reform. lam prepared to go against intimidation, and I do not think there is any use in affording an extension of the suffrage without givingthe voter protection. Well,now what is that protection to be ? Can any one be of opinion that the ballot will-not be a sufficient protection ? I am not one of those who believe the ballot would be a panacea for all electoral evils, and here I am reminded of a passage which I have read in Mr. Chadwick's life of De Foe— "A true born Englishman—a contradiction, In fact a fallacy—in truth a fiction ; A character invented to express A man akin to all the universe." This same Mr. Chadwick at the end of his work has a treatise headed " Thoughts Progressive and Digressive," and he offers this in lieu of the Ballot, he would make intimidation and bribery a felony punishable with 12 months' imprisonment, and in extraordinary eases he would go further, but I do know that he would get the House of Commons to go with him. He would have men in high places convicted of these offences stripped naked, tied to the cart's tail, and flogged from Westminster down to the Strand. (Laughter.) Mr. Osborne then proceeded to say that they could hardly get the House of Commons to pass such a measure, or if it were passed, that they could find members so fond of going there as they were at present. He com batted the objection to the ballot that it was un- English, saying that that was the ultimo ratio of a man who had nothing to say. If the ballot were un-English, intimidation was more un-English. He then referred to the new power that had sprung up to override Parliament, and held its seances in the lobby, deciding on election petitions and bar gaining with each other, "If you will withdraw that I will withdraw this." Lately the public had got behind the scenes, and in the case of the Pon tefract election they had witnessed an occurrence unequalled since the days of Richard 11., in the murder of poor Mr. Childers. (Laughter.) It was the duty of the public to insist not only that the House of Commons should be swept, but that the besom should be extended into the lobby abuses. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Osborne then applied himself to the consideration of local questions, and expressed his approval of the ratepayers having a voice in the levying and expenditure of the county rates. He congratulated the electors on the independent spirit they had evinced in electing him, and concluded by saying he thought the pre sent Government inclined to carry out great liberal measures, and while he thought so without being a servile supporter or a thick and thin adherent he would give that Government an independent sup port. He would not endeavour to pick holes in their coats or be very critical on their failings, be cause they weite at present in a difficult position, but if he saw the Government swerving from the true principle he would have no hesitation in voting their condemnation, and so far from being a thick and thin supporter of the Government, he would be a thick and thin supporter of principles, and would endeavour to diminish taxation, and he hoped on some future occasion to return to his constituency with some blazon on his escocheon that would not disgrace Liskeard. Sir Arthur Buller, the newly elected member for Devonport, Mr. Robartes, M.P., and Mr. Wyld, M.P., then addressed the electors, and were received with the warmest applause of the assemblage. Each congratulated the electors on the admirable choice they had made of a representative, and ex pressed their concurrence in the political sentiments of Mr. Osborne. The proceedings terminated amid loud cheering. THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING,' AUGUST 22, 1859, compensate, even in this hour of my defeat, for the regret which necessarily attends upon my failure. ,‘ The principles you have heard me advocate are those to which I shall adhere, and encouraged by the enthusiasm with which so many have responded to them, I here pledge myself to come before you again, a c andidate, to test the g row i ng s t reng th the mischievous tendencies o o f f so-called Con se r\ 'am Liberalism. " In bidding you for a time farewell, I wish that every earthly prosperity may be yours ; and trust ing that I shall live not unfavourably in your re membrance, I subscribe myself, with every senti ment of affection and respect, " Your faithful friend and servant, " ROBERT DIMSDALE. " Essendon Place, August 20, 1859," HULL. Tho contest for the representation of this borough, in the place of Mr. Joseph Hoare (Conservative), unseated by a select committee of the House of Commons, did not prove so keen on Saturday, the day on which the poll took place, as had been anti cipated by both Liberals and Conservatives. The candidates were Mr. John Harvey Lewis, barrister at-law (Liberal), the defeated candidate at the last election, and Mr. Joseph Somes, of London, ship owner (Conservative). Mr. Somes took the lead from the first, and finally headed his opponent by 489 votes, the numbers at the close of the poll being Somes (Conservative) Lewis (Liberal) 1,579 M ajority 489 At the election in the spring of the present year Mr. Lewis polled 380 more than he did on the pre sent occasion, and Mr. Hoare, who was the second on the poll, polled at the last election 201 more than Mr. Smiles did on Saturday. Hence it would appear that upwards of 500 fewer electors recorded their votes at this than at the preceding election. BERWICK. The nomination took place in this borough on Friday for the vacancy occasioned by the resigna tion of Mr. Erie. The Sheriff presided. The Mayor proposed Mr. Marjoribanks ; Capt. Smith seconded the nomination. Mr. Robert Thompson nominated Mr. Richard Hodgson, the chairman of the North British Railway Company ; Dr. Fluke seconded the nomination. After speeches from the hon. can didates, and a considerable amount of discussion about the "arrangement," the show of hands was taken, and was declared to be in favour of Mr. Hodgson. The polling commenced on Saturday, and was conducted with great spirit ou both sides. At noon the poll stood—Marjoribanks, 228 ; Hodg son, 228; at two o'clock the numbers were—Mar joribanks, 273 ; Hodgson, 203 ; and at the close of the poll, Marjoribanks, 303; Hodgson, 304. Majo rity, 1. }IF TFORD. Mr. Dimsdale has issued the following address to the electors : " Gentlemen,—At the termination of the arduous contest in which I have just been engaged, I desire to express, warmly, my most earnest and heartfelt thanks for the universal kindness which has been accorded to me. _ " The large amount of support which I have re ceived, the friendships I have formed in eac h politi cal party, and the cordial sympathy expressed by many who did not feel at liberty to vote for me, THE NINE HOURS' MO YEMENI. If the masters adhere to their resolution to keep their establishments closed until the resumption of work by Messrs. Trollope, the prospect of their opening them would appear as distant as ever. A month has now elapsed since the men struck work at Messrs. Trollope's, and although the most ener get'x measures have been resorted to in order to obtain hands, the result has been by no means commensurate with the efforts used. Operatives from different parts of the country have, indeed, gene in for a day or two at a time ; but suddenly some secret influence is exercised upon them and they cease to reappear. The fact is that the pic kets engaged by the Conference exercise an amount of " persuasive eloquence " which was thought to be the peculiar gift of those persons who sud denly make their appearance in a corrupt borough when a contested election is about to take place. Their power of persuasion is enormous ; but the process pursued is simple. Suppose half-a dozen new men enter on one of Messrs. Trol lope's jobs to-day, when they leave in the even ing the picket get hold of them, enter into conver sation, " explain the nature of the case," show the men how false they are to their order by working where their fellows have struck for their rights, and ultimately convince them either that they had much better never have come to London at all, or that, having come, the best thing they can do is to make their way back again to their old quarters. Should there be any difficulty as to the means of returning, it is soon removed by the funds being provided, and so Messrs. Trollops's yards continue to be unsupplied with labour. It became known to the Conference towards the end of last week that Messrs. Trollope had despatched a foreman to the north of England to engage hands. On Saturday they sent two masons upon his track, and it is ex petted that the " persuasion" of these men will exceed the "persuasion" of the foreman, so that this further attempt, like the previous ones, will prove abortive. This, no doubt, looks like a gross inter ference with the right of an employer to obtain labour how and where he can, but the men justify it upon the ground of necessity. War has been de clared, they say, and it is of so severe and unprece dented a character that no stratagem which pro mises success can be neglected. Each side hopes to force the other into a surrender, and the plan adopted is the favourite one in warfare, of cutting off the supplies—the masters close their shops and pay no more wages ; the men open their subscrip tion lists and stop the supply of labour. It is on this principle that the Conference justify " calling out" men in such small numbers as two or three at a time, however pressing the nature of the works on which they are engaged. Henceforth, if they can keep it, not a man will be obtainable for an hour to perform however essential a service unless the master who wants him consents to open his whole establishment unreservedly. This is the serious issue which is now joined. There are works which will not admit of delay. Are these to be handed over to the smaller builders who have never closed, or can the larger masters obtain hands suffi cient to complete them within the proper period? This is the problem which just now is so difficult of solu tion ; but that it must be solved shortly in some way of another is evident. In the present posture of affairs it is useless to address argument to either side. Each is thoroughly persuaded of the justice of his own cause, and nothing but dire necessity will cause either to yield. In the meantime, in addition to the two masons who have been sent in the footsteps of the foreman above referred to, the four delegates, whose ap pointment was noticed in The Sun of Friday, have proceeded on their course; but, as these also travel in pairs, they cannot bo expected to cover much ground in a short space of time. Two of them have proceeded, via Reading and Oxford, to Bir mingham. They will make only a short stay at the intermediate towns, but will push on to that busy hive of industry, where they will put them selves into communisation with the powerful trades, in the hope of creating a large amount of public sympathy among the artisans of the Midland Counties. The other two proceed by way of Northampton to Nottingham, and thence north ward. Their first stay will be at Northampton, where they expect to enlist the support of the shoe , makers and other trades. A meeting of the "Build ing and other Trades of Northampton" is convened for this evening at the lecture-hall o f th e Mechanics' Institute. The delegates have not yet forwarded any subscriptions to the Conference, but, as they only left London upon Friday, that could not yet be expected. Independently of the pro riinndgsor n Friday pro gress of the delegates, however, meetings a re being held in different parts of the country, at which resolutions are passed in support of th e subscriptions. onight, ght This was when men, and committees are formed for th e pur pose of recciv the case at v‘ a meeting took place at the Duke's H ea d, Peascod street, at which resolutions of the nature alluded to were unanimously carried. A deputation from the Conference will proceed to Windsor to-day to meet the committee appointed at that meeting and to make further arrangements. At Brighton also a public meeting was held on the same even i ng a t the Running horse, Kin g - s t ree t . M r. B et h am oc cupied the chair, and on the motion of M r . Rowse the following resolution w as carr i e d : " That it is the opinion of this meeting that a committee consisting of an equal number of members of the building trades be formed immediately with a view to assist their brethren in the metropolis locked out by their employers, the said committee to use every endeavour to collect sub-, scriptions by such means as they may hereafter determine." Similar meetings have been held in other places, and everywhere with the same result. In many cases, however, more prompt assistance has been tendered, and post office orders, usually varying in amount from £5 to £lO each, have been received from a great number of provincial towns. Among these may be mentioned Reading, Oxford, Wind sor, Cardiff, Plymouth, Portsmouth, Burton-on- Trent, Newcastle-on-'1 yne, Liverpool, Brighton, Woking, and other places. The London trades as yet, with two exceptions, engineers he have made no contributions in support of the "lock ou'two exceptions, are the amalgamated t and the hatters, the former having con tributed £lOO and the latter £2O. Both will send further subscriptions, and the comparative small ness of the hatters' donation is accounted for by the fact that they are just now engaged in supporting an extensive strike in America, by which their funds arc somewhat crippled. The pianoforte makers and the cork-cutters have met, and from both handsome sums are expected. Many other of the metropolitan trades met on Saturday night, but the result of their deliberations, and the ex tent of pecuniary support which they may be willing to afford, will not be made known until the adjourned meeting of delegates from all the trades, which is to take place to-morrow. Nu merous additions to the funds of the Conference have also been made by private persons, both ladies and gentlemen, who have called' at the Paviors' Arms and left sums varying in amount from £1 to £5. In addition to this there is a levy of 10 per cent. upon the wages of all the members of the building trades now in work, and as this amounts to about :33. per week per man—which it is said they. have " voluntarily agreed to pay"—it will be seen that there are many sources of revenue to which the Conference have to look. They do look to these sources with confidence, and although they had hoped that before this the declaration would have been withdrawn and terms come to, they express no fear of the result, and rely upon their ability to stand cut longer than the masters, and so to carry the object for which they are contending. But numerous as these sources of revenue are, and large as may be the sum expected from them, a mo ment's reflection will show how speedily it may be absorbed. The Conference have intimated that this day they will " strike a dividend," so as to award a certain amount to every man locked out and now out of work. The number of these men is usually esti mated at from 15,000 to 20,000, but the Conference do not anticipate that more than 12,000 will pre sent themselves for a share of the funds. Should this be so, and should 20,000 have been thrown out in the first instance, 8,000 represents the aggregate of thoSe who have either gone into the country, or have obtained work from other 'masters in London, or have money in the savings bank and are too proud to be the recipients of this relief. Supposing, howeYer, that 15,000 should pre sent themselves, it would require £750 to make a payment to them of only ls. a-piece. In addition to this, Messrs. Trollop e ' s men , on s t r ik e h ave to be provided for. In this state of things the probability is that these latter will have to submit to a reduc tion on the allowances which they have hitherto re ceived, and that the general body of the lock-outs will be disappointed if they expect anything beyond a very small modicum of relief indeed, The arrange ments which have been made for paying these men appear to be as good as the circurnsiances will ad mit of. By 12 o'clock to-day tke lists from every shop of the names and oc -. , - copations of the men locked out, and still out of, work will be handed in complete to the Conference. The total number will thus be arrived at. By the same hour every cheque and Post-office order will have been realised, and all the available funds i,ill have been added up into one sum. A conP:altation will then take place, and the dividend Will be struck of as liberal a nature as the assets will allow, a small sum only being kept in hand for present use. The committees of each of the five trades and of the labourers will receive their share from the Conference ; and these again it is presumed, will re--distribute it among the heads of the different branches, so as to disseminate the pay ments as much as possible, and to lessen the time oc cupied in making them. The head-quarters of the carpenters and joiners are the Mitre, Long-acre; of the bricklayers, at the Lord Nelson, Clare-maret ; of masons, at the Sun, Mason-street, Lambeth; and of the plasterers, at the Pine Apple, Pi m li co . Th e pain ters and the labourers also have separate houses where the distributions will be made. It is antici pated that as a rule the payments will begin be tween 4 and 5 o'clock, and that they will be finished by 7 o'clock. The best arrangements have been made to secure expedition in the matter ' • but in a case where many ques ti ons are lik e l y to be asked, and many remonstrances perhaps to be made at the smallness of the dividend, it is not an easy matter to get through the payment of 12,000 or 15,000 men. It will be something analogous to compound ing with a crowd of needy creditors. Let us hope that all may pass off quietly. There can be little doubt that the Conference will do their best, and that they will distribute what they have fairly among all. 'Throughout Saturday several board-men might have been seen parading the metropolis with placards 3 feet by 2 in dimensions, of which the following is a description : It is headed in full capitals " The Odious Docu ment." Then follows, enclosed within a mourning border, a copy of the, declaration put before the men at the firm of Messrs. Trollope, together with what purports to be the counterfoil of the agree ment retained by the employer :—The copy of the " document " we have already given. The counterfoil is printed in red ink and runs thus :—" No. 36. Name, Henry Noble. Dated August 18, 1859. Initials of foreman or clerk, G. W. (George Wales)." At the bottom of this counterfoil are the words, also in red ink, " Retained by the master," while under the docu ment, forming the other part of the paper, are the words, printed in black, "To light your pipe with." The placard concludes thus :—" Fellow-Work men—The above is a copy of your badge of slavery." By order of the Executive. Geo. Potter, Secretary. This is not a very pungent piece of wit at best. It can do no good, may do some harm, and as it has already got one of the board-men into a temporary difficulty, probably the sooner it is withdrawn the better. ME ITALIAN CONFEDERATION. (From the Times.) Whatever may be the resolutions locked up in Imperial breasts as to the future destinies of Central Italy, the present appears as flourishing and as peaceful as though Austrian dominion had never been, and French policy was not to be dreaded. The last Turin telegram would not lead us to believe that there was any influence outside Italy which could have any bearing upon Italian fortunes. " A defensive League," it tells us, " has been con cluded between the States of Central Italy." The sheep are clustering together, but there is no hint that any wolf threatens. " Prince Hercolani, the delegate of the Government of the Legations, has signed the act of accession to the league." We might imagine that we had opened a pagl of Sismondi, and that some sovereign Italian Power of undis puted legitimacy was arranging an alliance or mak ing up a feud. The people of Italy are making haste to do what the Emperors at Villafranca de clared they would favour. In a little time the Italian Confederation will appear as a self-born reality in Europe. It is growing from chaos into form, and from form into organic existence, and from organic existence into vital action, with a rapidity and a graduated progression which as tonishes the world. It was but yesterday that, at the instigation of the Emperor of the French the people broke up their old Governments and civilly dismissed their old rulers, leaving themselves powerless against the enemies of order. To-day they have organised their police, constituted their magistrates, levied a numerous army, elected representatives who are met in Constituent Assem bly, and have united in a defensive league to resist all oppression from without. The gourd of Jonas did not rise more quickly than has this Italian Con federation under which the people of Italy seek shelter from the too scorching rays of Imperial favour. A little more delay, a little seascn for further consolidation, some short space to fix in the European mind that this unity is not a passing caprice but a political faith, and who knows how strong this Confederation may grow, both physi cally and morally, while ill-wishers are looking on with more curiosity than apprehension, and are postponing the moment for sweeping it all away ? Already things have gone far beyond the project entertained at Villafranca. Central Italy is already a Confederation, perfect in all save one requisite, and especially strong in that particular imperfec tion. It has an enthusiastic people, a resolute Par liament, and a respectable army, but it has no sove reign. There aro one or more crowns to give away, and candidate may come from all the world except only from the Austrian army. This is a strong position, and, if it can be made good for a reasonable time, the United States of Central Italy will soon become a fact to which diplomacy will have become reconciled. It would be as difficult to reconstitute the kingdom of Poland, or to subvert Belgium, or to restore Greece to the Porte, as to interfere from without to break up by force this new European Power. The operation which is now passing before us is one which, if it shall be conducted with persever ance and moderation to the end, will be one of the greatest events of the age in which we live, and will have but few precedents in history. We can not too persistently claim for it the attention of English readers. For weal or for woe the time will soon come when some Power will interfere, or will attempt to interfere, and it is desirable that Europe should be kept informed of what is passing. The bee. are working under a glass hive, and some hand will be stretched forth to seize the honey. A crisis cannot now be long delayed. Either France and Austria have a common policy, which will be developed in due season, or these two Powers have conflicting views, which are now kept in check by mutual op position. The first supposition is not favoured by the probabilities of the case ; the second is more likely and more in unison with the position the two Emperors now occupy. But the time must soon ar rive wh en th e E mperor o f Austria will see that by no means but by force can the stipulation for re storing the Archdukes be carried out, and when he will fully understand whether the French Emperor will aid him or permit him to invade Italy for this purpose. The time will also soon arrive when N apoleon 111. will have to compute whether the turn which affairs are taking in Central Italy is con sistent with what ho considers his interests. When this crisis has come there must be action of some kind. Italy seems ready to appeal to an European Congress. She boasts that she has upon her side all the justice which could sway the judgment of an assembly which would decide upon moral grounds. Tuscany and the Roman States and Modena are now in a position to show that their acquiescence since 1821 in the rule of their now expelled Sovereigns has been solely owing to the pressure of Austrian force. Austria has said, and the Grand Dukes have said, that the people were contented, and would have been happy but for the agitation of a few factious and turbulent spirits. Recent events have, however, rendered any such pretence impos sible for the future. When Austria, after her first reverse, ordered her troops to withdraw to the left bank of the Po, she admitted that, for her, Central Italy was an enemy's country. When these troops were withdrawn, no turbulent and fac tious spirits attempted to create terror in the capitals of the States and in the palaces of the unprotected Sovereigns; but these Sovereigns, as a matter of course, go forth to the Austrian camp, and the peo ple speed the parting tyrants will all civility, but without a sign of sorrow. Leghorn, and Modena, and Bologna were thus left without a Government. As upon former occasions, so in 1859, society has left studiously without protection. The opportu nity was open for the turbulent and factious spirits. But either there were none, or they were kept in repression by the united popular will. The Arch dukes did not lose a horseshoe. There was no disorder. There was no opportunity given for contrasting before Europe the extravagances of a dominant mob wit h. the mild and regular Govern ment of an Austrian Grand Duke. Even those secret Austrian agents who, under the mask of fierce patriotism, are accustomed to inflame the populace, and to fraternize with the Austrian officers who come to repress the disorder, could not upon this occasion do their ordin ar y wor k . Throughout all this revolution there has been no murder and no butchery except only at Perugia. Whatever violence there has been has been on tho side of legitimacy. Austria has had her military execitions, the head of the Catholic Church has had his massacre, but the people of Italy have not a spot of blood upon their hands. If Europe should choose to take up this matter as one of gene ral safety it is thus the parties would appear before the tribunal. But is an European Congress necessary or desir able ? So long as Italy is left alone to consolidate her nationality she wants no Congress. A Congress could do her no good, and would certainly do her harm. Italy before a Congress would be a sup pliant at a tribunal where the strong man appealed against would be the most influential judge. The discussions would turn upon compromises and sub missions. There would certainly be a series of con cessions proposed—and who but Italy could be called upon to concede ? No one would think of asking Austria to give up Mantua or to withdraw from Venice ; but there would be abundant pressure brought to bear upon Tuscany to be content with something less than Tuscany now has, and with the people of the Legations to return with some illusory securities under the sovereignty of the Roman Pontiff. This is what a Congress would certainly do, and this is work at which we should not like to see an English Minister assisting. The Italians have hitherto relied upon themselves. It is the best proof of a fitness for freedom. The truth is hackneyed in every form of phrase in prose and verse ; but still it is an invariable truth, that the only hope of success is in native courage. Hope in the wisdom of the Representative Assem blies, hope in the enthusiasm of the people, hope in the courage of the army of Central Italy, hope in the devotion of Garibaldi; but repose no hope in this or that Emperor, or in this or that sympathizing Power ; still less repose your hope upon an European Congress. It may be that there is good reason to hope in each or all of these latter aids ; but, to enable them to help her, Italy must help herself. She must go on as she is now going on,—consolidating, building up, uniting, welding herself into a fabric which it will require great physical force to break. There was in old times an Italian who by judicious delays saved Italy from foreign subjection,—" Cunctando restituit rem." Is it not possible, the n , th a t thi s same course o f policy may operate once more to a similar success? To Italy we would say—Labour while this delay is granted. The time may come when an European Congress may be usef u l t o se t th e sea l o f authority to a status quo, and to give to a formed Italian Con federation the stability of a State protected by an European guarantee : but that time is not yet. THE _RICHMOND MURDER. After the sentence of death had been passed upon Dr. Smethurst the warrant of the court, signed by the Lord Chief Baron, was hanied to Mr. Jonas, the governor of Newgate, for his removal to the county gaol of Surrey, Horsemonger-lane, but, as a great multitude of persons were waiting in the Old Bailey anxious to catch a glimpse of the prisoner. an ingenious mode was resorted to in order to avoid confusion. A cab was driven to the door of the gaol, in which it was of course expected that ho would be taken away, but instead of this the pri soner was taken by Mr. Jonas and Humphreys, the principal warder, through the courts and by the entrance to the New Court into the Old Bailey, where a cab was in readiness, and he was safely lodged in Horsemonger-lane Gaol before the crowd were aware that he had left Newgate. Since the prisoner has been confined in New gate he has upon several occasions appeared desirous to enter into conversation with those , about him upon the' subject of his crime ; and he appeared very anxious to impress them with the idea that there was no foundation for the charge of murder. There is, however, this singular re semblance between the prisoner and William Pal mer, that he evidently has some reservation on his mind, as he invariably declares, that " arsenic " was not the cause of death ; and it will be remembered that down to the last moment Palmer declared that Cook did not die of " strychnine," and that it was reasonably inferred, from the observations he made, that some other description of poison hat been made use of. On the way from Newgate to Horse monger-lane Gaol Dr. Smethurst again repeatedly declared his innocence, and asserted, as he did be fore sentence was pronounced against him, that the charge had been made up from ill feeling towards him ; and it appears that since he has been in con finement he has repeatedly made use of the expres sion that Dr. Taylor would rather his life should be sacrificed than that his own reputation should be in any way affected or injured. For a great many years Monday was the day upon which executions took place in the county of Surrey, but owing to its being necessary to erect the scaffold on the top of the gaol on Sunday, and some remarks having been made upon the subject, the day was altered to' Tuesday. Under the ordi nary course the execution will take place on Tues day fortnight, but the sheriff has the entire power of making the arrangements in these matters, and he may appoint an earlier or later day, if he thinks proper to do so, but in all probability the execution will take place on the day above named. Dr. Smethurst appears to be a man of strong nerves, and he does not seem at all alarmed at his position, but quite as cool and collected as before and dur ing his long trial. It appears from observations made by him after each day's proceedings had closed that for the first three days he felt a strong confidence that he should be acquitted, and after Dr. Taylor had been examined, when the court adjourned to take refreshment, he expressed him self to the effect that his evidence had been entirely destroyed by the cross-examination of Sergeant Parry, that the jury could not place any reliance upon it, and that consequently he must be acquitted. When, however, the Lord Chief Baron com menced summing up, and it was evident that he had taken a very strong view of the case adverse to the prisoner, his confidence was speedily dispelled, and after the first day's summing up he regarded the issue with very great anxiety, and this accounted for his altered appearance on the last day of the trial. Since Dr. Smethurst has been in confine ment he has only been visited by one relative, his brother. Although the age of the prisoner was stated to be only 48, it is certain that he is several years older, his marriage with his first wife having taken place thirty years ago, she being at that timo 44 or 45 years old. Thi s f ac t h as b e en ascertained in rather a singular manner, and it appears that in the very year when the first marriage took place, 1828, the prisoner was in custody at Horsemonger lane Gaol upon a charge of obtaining goods by false pretences, and at that time his age was stated to be 24, so that he would be now 54 years old, and this is believed to be his correct age. He was under remand at this time for a week and was then.dis charged by the magistrate. Some doubts appear to be entertained, notwith standing the conviction and sentence of the pri • soner, whether the capital sentence will be carried out. It is said that during the trial an opinion was expressed in high quarters that it was a case for a conviction, but not one in which the capital punish ment should be carried out, and this opinion seems to be very considerably confirmed by the fact that the Chief Baron, in passing sentence merely made some observations in reference to the crime and to the prisoner's statement, and omittted altogether to tell him that there was no hope, and to prepare to leave this world, which is always done in cases where the judge intends the sentence of death to be carried out. This may have been an accidental omission in the excitement of the moment, but per sons well qualified to form a judgment infer that it was intentional, and that the crown will be recom mended to spare the life of the prisoner, and com mute the capital sentence to one of penal servitude for life. ATTEMPTED MURDER ON PLAISTOW !MARSH. At the Ilford special sessions on Saturday, James Digby, a labourer was charged with stabbing a man Ranted John Sharp in the face with a clasp knife, and who is at present lying in a dying state in the Poplar Hospital. Police-constable 341 K, deposed that on Monday night last, between ten and eleven o'clock, while on duty near the north side of Plaistow marsh, he heard a cry of " Murder," and "Police." Wit ness hastened to about the centre of the marsh, and saw the prisoner struggling with the man Sharp upon the ground. Witness separated them, and found Sharp bleeding from a deep wound in the left cheek. He informed witness that the prisoner had stabbed him with a pocket knife. The prisoner did not deny the charge, and said, " Yes, it served him right." The injured man was seen by a sur geon, who dressed the wound, and ordered his immediate removal to the hospital, whither he was conveyed in a 'cab. The following certificate was handed to the ma gistrate : " I hereby certify that John Sharp is lying in a very dangerous condition from an incised wound of the face, which will no doubt prove fataI.—MAT THEW BROMFIELD, House-surgeon of the Poplar Hospital." The Chairman (to the prisoner)—Have you any thing to say in answer to this very serious charge of cutting and wounding ? Prisoner (sullenly)—No, I have not. The Chairman—Then you stand remanded until Saturday next. The prisoner was accordingly conveyed back to Ilford gaol. The constable, in answer to the Chairman, said that every search had been . made for th e k n if e w i th which the injury had been inflicted, but it had not been found. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—EPPs's (Homoeopathic Chemist) COCOA.—This esteemed preparation is sold by the prin cipal grocers at ls. 6d. por lb., in llb., alb., and /lb. packets. Each packet is labelled " James Epps, Homeso pathic chemist, London," ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. NORTHERN CIRCUIT.—LivEnrooL, AUG. 20. CROWN COURT. (Before Mr. Baron Watson.) Zachariah Hardman, Joseph Booth, and Ptinees Murphy, were indicted for the misdemeanour of undue influence upon one Jas. Constantine, a voter, at the last election for Bury in Lancashire. Dr. Wheeler and Mr. Chas. Hopwood appeared for the prosecution ; Mr. Overend, Q.C., an d Mr. Iliggin defended Booth and Murphy; Mr. Fernley appeared for Hardman. 'lle indictment in various counts charged the de fendants in the terms of the Corrupt Practices Pre vention Act, 1854 (17th and 18th Vict., cap. 102, sec. 5), with making use of, and threatening force, violence, and restraint, and inflicting injury, damage, and harm, and practising intimidation on James Constantine, a voter, in order to induce all compel him to vote or refrain from voting. with also for impeding, preventing, and interfering the free exercise of the franchise of the said Jame s Constantine, by abduction, duress, and fraudulent device. This was a case of " bottling" a voter, and has attracted much attention in the county. At the recent election for Bury the Right Hon ; F. Peel and Mr. B arnes , w ho formerly represented Bolton, were the candidates. Political feeling wa excited to great bitterness, and it appeared from the evidence that " bottling" voters was no t of un common occurrence, but this case was more re _ markable on ac coun t o f th e ill-usage received by the prosecutor. Jas. Constantine, examined by Mr. Hop Wen-11-41 live at Elton, which is part of Bury. My Poli ti l opinions are well known there. I was for Barnes-, _ went to the New Inn at a quarter past seven on t 10, ,e . morning of the nomination day, the 29th of Apr il d It was a " Peel" house. I found there Hardnian,9',ld Booth. They said I must drink with them. it so. It was dark-coloured drink. Can't say villtna was. I got up to go, and they " downed" Ine " doubled me up." They carried me into a e a ., e Hardman and anothe r got inside, Booth nu tsi° with the driver. The driver was Phinu M ur P„ il hl i C I shrieked out as well as I could, but Hardma n o his hand on my mouth. I was carried in thecau Mr. Sudren's print-works at Bolholt, and from th ud, to Astley-bridge, near 4301t0n. The cab went rano" and not by the usual road. On the way ilarj ui bit kept me down with his knee in my back. Il e g o me in the mouth and knocked out my tooth. es several times asked me why I would go for Bar.° e, and not for Peel. I got the cab door open twicot and it was shut to, and the last time some one got off the cab and hit me on the face. When sve to Astley-bridge we stopped at the Tipping Ar . e d I was quite "dateless" and exhausted. They, ear° s me into the house. While they were doing, a h ° o woman came up and asked "What was to do ?" i ot a said they had found me drunk, beating ,my they against the ground. I said they were liars, had done it themselves. They carried me u p o ver into a room, and there Hardman put a - On t. my mouth and suffocated me, because I ern:a, He said, " Will yov vote for Barnes now ?' o ff I will if you leave life enough." They took Li my shoes. They pressed me with the pillows wled ever I cried out. They held my nose and,E.°u ave wets spirits down my throat. Hardman and to h in the room. At last I made an excuse b . bucket. They brought one, and I threw it throuftger the window, breaking glass, frame, and all. A ca lled this they let me be, and I went outside an - n a Murder" until the landlady came out to rile, : as gave me ss. to get home. When I got hom e - I . a I bruised all over, a tooth was knocked out, an I was covered with blood. For a fortnight I wss and passed blood. r 0 Several witnesses corroborated the prose ci f the to the mode in which he was carried off, and manner of arrival at Astley-bridge. g a lled For the defence a number of perso ns were to contradict the pros ecu t or , an d to prove the cu•.:,. to be a drunken spree, in whi c h the proseeutor.wf, a willing actor, and to show th a t part of the ns, to his face was occasioned by hi s falling again. he table in Mr. Sudren's house at Bolholt, whcr had no recollection of having been. Mr. Sudren, who was called, was obliged t° mit active partizanship for Peel ; and it transP 7ot from another witness that the prosecu tor was *. the only voter who had been " bottled" at Sudren's. Some witnesses were called to show that Be e left the party at the print works, and 'did not , goon to Astley-bridge. Dr. Wheeleereplied upon the whole case , e. e .. 61 : r menting forcibly upon the evidence the defence, and pointing out many discrePatic,:„ in it and indications of complicitly and partizanewr which made it unworthy of reliance. The learned Judge summed up the case, ular! -- „d.. ling the evidence as it affected the various defers ants. He pointed out the importance of enforcing strictly the provisions of an Act of Parlianlen,v.! which had for its object the repression of all al produced for the tempts to coerce the free exercise of the franchis th e el: ._ The jury retired at 5 o'clock to consi der verdict, and after an absenee of an hour came je say that there was not the slightest chanee of their agreeing. A little after 7 o'clock the jury having t agreed went to the judge's lodg in g s with a verdict of Guilty against Hardman and Booth, and ac uitting Murphy. COUNTRY MA.RIBTS. ROCHESTER—AirG. 20. The accounts from all the great wheat growing district! of the inferiority of the condition of the crop of wheat to year had the effect of giving an additional value to the sam ples, which sold rather briskly a t an a d vance of ls t0°2,1 per qr. Barley and oats dull. Old beans made the flu ' rates cf last week, Peas rather cheaper. 44 4 4611 to 49 s 45 4 90 4 sss Beans. e a e a t w s n , sd 0 1 d White wheat, new, 49s to —s Barley, g.rinding.. 284 to 2 3 4 9 : Red do. Old white Barley, malting— 3Bs to 431 I Beans, new ...... —s Red do. .... 42885 s to .-, 63221 to LE ICE STE R—Ava. 20. mode There vao with s° 4B a good supply of w h ea t t o -d a y, wi. o rate show of other grain. Prices—White wheat, 44s to r. ; per 36 stone ; red, 42s to 455; new red realised 470 P er la, barley, 32s to 38 s per quarter ; the oat trade iv as i c to nn at quotations ranging from 28s to 34s per 24 stone. were active, at 48s to 54s per 38 stone. Fine flour, 35s Seconds, 33s 1 Thirds, 31 15 per 20 it°lle. NORWICH—Ana 20. far' mers The sho Here, to-day, thwereof wheat was rather a g re tty ood at fair, and P tendance 0- rice. . - for both old an d new at about late rates. In other 6 rais there was scarcely any change. "White wheat 46s to 48s Red wheat........ 405 to 4" Flour, 29s to 29s 6d per sack from the miller. OXFORD—Aua. 20. Farmers being engaged in the fields there was 6 13- Irot our rasr "attendance, and a scanty supply of wheat at 00.o 0. t o-day and but few sales took place, at about late ter. Several samples of new wheat offering at 40s to 485 per ti e d Old wheat 43s to 48s. New barley 345. New oa ts rea l° 40a: from 24s to 30 s . Bean.s, 40s to 445, and peas 38s t. ' Flour 32s to 33s per sack. It is quite apparent tha t , is a deficiency in the yi e ld i n thi s ne i g hbourhood as pared with that of last year. DUBLIN—Au°. 19. note the Our market was again dull for old grain, and wen ° 0,1 tO prices of wheat as nom i na ll y una l tere d . Oats were ou tly 6d lower. There were fair supplies of new grai n ' in°l di• damp, with a slow sale. Foreign wheat in limited r , thing doing in Indian corn, although mand, barely supporting Tuesday's price. Scarcely ate s. d. l', l 0 Wheat, white 26 oto 27 0 D0.,12 oto , 1 1 0 new .... • 13 3t° 0 Do., red 24 oto 25 6 Bere . 23 1 0 6 to - 4 0 Do., new Barley offered at lower 1 1 i. Oats Do., black l4 oto 15 0 Indian corn .. 29 ot ° __. BIRTHS. 1411. BYITAIL—On the 19th inst., at 23, Pembridgo-street, George Byham, of a daughter. York' DE LISLE.--On the 19th inst., at Ingleby Maile r ' shire, the Lady De L'lsle and Dudley, of a son. ; f 0 FELLOWS.—On the 19th inst., at Riekmansworth, the of Herbert W. Fellows, Esq., of a son. HENRIQVBS.—On the 19th inst., at 38, Ohl Broad-otree4 Mrs. A. A. Henriques, of a daughter. MARRIAGES. ..„, e , PLANK—CROYSDILL.---011 the 18th inst, at at St. Af ill i„b.. Islington, Robert Noble Plank, E s q ~ o f Fench u— t v r s e tr r e o e f t, H an an d ry Ca c n r o a n y b a ury dill: to E aFgann, ofy L o o l u d is j . e, evrr seo y on c d ha d m eu b e g o, Y ll - tte ° rm il and Canonbury-park south. UTTER Thom 3 i i t A s R B E a f p fi E e l Rd -pi POI -TIC ar set, to e,Esq., of Lana° , -,-, ao ie ar t h e lBth inst at St. .. Elizabeth, younger daughter of the hit )-• Terry, Esq. " rt SO Ol- . 1 . LMAN.—On the 18th • t Eliza, . DEATHS. 13FL ins ~ wife of IL Esq., of Bungay. BURLEion.—On the 17th inst., at Coldharbour-lane, (Zola: berwell, Oliver Francis, youngest child of leigh, C.E. g• DENIS , oN.—On the 17th inst., at Bonlondeb, ConwaY, Denison, Esq., late of Liverpool, aged 76. Brorar HUNTER.—On the 18th inst., at Brompton-row ton, Mrs. Mary Hunter, late of Brighton, aged 80- of HunsoN.—On the 19th inst., at Hull, John, eldest son M. D. Hudson, Esq., aged 14. r f Cole PATON.—On the 13th inst., at Rugby, Jane, wile ~°- „ z fil Bellniall, J. S. Paton, Deputy-Quartermaster-General, -1-4-v Army. THOMPSON.—On the 19th inst., at East Bath, Virilliaill Thompson, Esq., M.R.C.P., aged 60. of 1, YATES.—On the 18th inst., William Yates, Escl' , A 61. Church-court, Clement's - lane , Lombard-street, age" _____-.--r-"'"---- ,oNDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Suo Office, No• 112 k Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, is the ° Aliddlesex, Monday, August 22, 1869.