The Sun. — London, England, 1859-05-05 00:00:00

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE. SUFFOLK (EAST). The constituency of the eastern division of Suf folk assembled yesterday in Ipswich, under the . supervision of Mr. J. G. Sh e pp ar d, the High Sheriff of the county, for the e l ec ti on of two knights of the shire to represent th e m i n Parliament. The nomi nation took place on hustings erected on the Corn hill, the customary scene of the local elections, in the presence of a large number of the gentlemen and yeomanry of the county and a still greater gathering of the inhabitants of the town, The day being auspicious, most of the members of the fem. lies of the neighbouring gentry were attract e d t o the ceremony, a more than ordinary amount of party spirit was displayed, and altogether the occasion served to bring into play all the more striking inci dents and traits of character with which a contested election in an ancient county town is associated in the national mind. The candidates in the Conser vative interest are Lord Henniker and the Attor ney-General, who represented the division in the last Parliament, and on the Liberal side Lieut.- Colonel Adair, who formerly sat for the borough of Cambridge. The two Conservative candidates were met by a large body of their supporters, many of them mounted on horseback, on the Norwich-road, and escorted to the hustings. A similar compliment was paid to Colonel Adair, who entered the town by the Woodbridge-road. An indescribable uproar prevailed more or less throughout the whole of the nomination, accompanied by occasional acts by the partisans on b o th s id es , asse mbled in a compact mass in front of the hustings, which gave rise to some indignation. Among the rabble collected at elections in this town a dangerous and filthy prac tice obtains of pelting an obnoxious candidate w i th eggs, and to this they had again recourse yesterday. The present Attorney-General has been more than once pelted, after this fashion, on the s ame spo t . One of these missiles aimed at the learned knight yesterday struck the Hi g h Sh er iff on the head, resulting, however, only in more personal annoyance to himself and those about him than actual harm. This was repeated several times, and on one occasion the offensive object alighted and burst in the Liberal camp, though the aim was chiefly directed to the opposite side of the hustings. The hat and coat of Lord Henniker, in particular, were ludicrously besmeared, but the learned Attorney- General was more fortunate in this respect than those by whom he was surrounded, including the High Sheriff himself. The formal preliminaries being concluded, Lord Henniker was nominated by Mr. Barne and Capt. Corrance ; Colonel Bence and Mr. Barthropp nomi nated the Attorney-General ; and Colonel Adair was introduced to the electors by Mr. T. B. Western and Mr. P. R. Burrell. No other candidate having been proposed, Lord HENNIKER first addressed the electors. He said, the Conservatives, and himself among the number, had on many occasions supported Lord Palmerston when they could do so consistently with their principles, but from the time that Lord Derby became Premier a skirmishing warfare began which had continued ever since. The noble Lord referred at length to Mr. Cardwell's motion last session, which he said reminded him of that famous King who, with twice ten thousand men, walked up the hill and then walked down again. (Laughter.) Alluding to the Government Reform Bill, his lord ship said it would have enfranchised on a moderate computation 1,000,000 persons, and he considered the class of perscns on whom it was proposed to confer a £lO franchise in counties were possessed of at least an equal amount of intelligence as the £lO voters in a town. Lord John Russell, supported by Mr. Bright, had not allowed the bill to be fairly con sidered in its details in committee, but he (Lord Henniker) would say of Mr. Bright that he admired him for his straightforward honesty. Mr. Bright told the public what he wanted—(cheers)—but neither Lord John Russell n or Lord Palmerston did so. They were in fact as different as they could be from Mr. Bright. Lord John Russell and Lord Pal merston were both adverse to the ballot, while Mr. Bright was for it; they were not for annihilat ing the Church and the House of Lords, but Mr, Bright said fairly he was for doing away with both. With regard to the proposition in the Government bill for the use of voting papers, Lord Henniker said he believed it emanated originally from that great reformer, Mr. Hume. His lordship added that he did not agree with the clause affecting the 40s. freeholders living in boroughs, but he believed it might have been modified or struck out in commit tee ; instead of that, however, no opportunity was given for ascertaining the opinions of the House of Commons. In respect to the European war he sup ported Lord Derby's policy of an armed neutrality on the part of England. He believed, however, all present sympathised with the Italians, and that their liberty was only a question of time, for " Freedom's battle once begun, Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son, Though baffled oft, is ever won." (Cheers.) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL, who was received with loud cheers and interruptions ofa less complimentary character, appealed for that fair play which he said was a distinguishing characteristic of the British people. Alluding to Colonel Adair, the learned gen tleman proceeded to observe that the question now at issue in the county was not one of a personal character or of private merit. The electors were called upon to discharge an important duty, and in the discharge of that duty he appealed to them to declare who were the real Reformers of the day, who were the true friends of the working classes, and who were the advocates of those measures which really tended to the good and welfare of the people. [An Elector—Why, the Whigs, certainly.] Well, with respect to the Whigs and the great question of reform, who were the Reformers? Twenty-seven years had now elapsed since the Re form Bill of 1832, and for 20 years during that event falperiod the Whigs—as the hon. elector called them, although their name was almost lost—or the Liberals, had been in power ; and he appealed to those present, especially those who belonged to the work ing classes, whether if the Whigs, the Liberals, or by whatever name they chose to call themselves, had sincerely desired reform and the enfranchisement of the working classes, they would not during the 20 years in which they commanded large majorities of both Houses of Parliament have introduced a bill for the extension of the franchise. Instead of that, however, they- had failed to bring forward a bill, or a single clause of a bill, for the enfranchisement of the working classes. (" Why didn't you propose a bill ?") Why, he and his friends had proposed a bill —the only bill. (Cheers.) The Government to which he bad the honour to belong had proposed the only bill to Pitrliament which ever tended to enfranchise the working classes, or to confer a single vote on any of that numerous and deservin g c l ass o f th e people of this country. B ut f or t h e ex i stence of dif ferences which had arisen between the two noble lords who called themselves leaders of the Whig or Libe ral party—but for the comp li cations and differences which arose between Lord J. Russell and Lord Pal merston, he thought he could satisfy the most doubt ing man present that the public w ou ld not have heard —at least from the Liberal side of the House of Commons—of any Reform Bill at all for the people of England. (Cheers.) He was sp ea ki ng of dates and facts which admitted of no contradi c ti on. During the greater part of the period which el a p se d between the passing of the Reform Bill of 1832 till 1850 the Liberal party had been in power, com manding a large majority of the House of Commons, and at l eas t a sufficient degree of support in the House of Lords to have passed any bill. The House of Lords at l east would have g i ven a bill which would have conferred upon many who were yet imenfran chased th e f ranchise which they so earnestly desired ; but during the period to which he had alluded Lord John R usse l l and Lord Palmerston, although Ministers of th e C rown possessing the confidence of their own party in the House of Com mons, never suggested a Reform Bill. On the contrary, it would be remembered th a t L or d John Russell had declared in favour of the finality of the Reform Bill of 1832. " Finality" had become an adjunct of the name of the noble lord— (cheers)—till in'lBso, by reason of some real o r sup . posed d e f ec t or i rregu l ar ity in the foreign policy of the country, Lord Palmerston had the ill luck to fall into disfavour with Lord John Russell and others of the Ministry, and was most unceremoni ously ejected from the Cabinet. [" By your party."] No, it was by Lord John Russell. His (the Attor ney-General's) friend in the crowd was rather mis taken as to names and dates. (Cheers.) The Conser vative party at that time was not in power at all. It was Lord John Russell. From that moment a schism or feud arose between Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston ; and it was from that feud, and that alone, that Lord John Russell brought in a Reform Bill in 18.31. He (th e A ttorney-General) believed that reform was not really asked for by the p u bli c voice of the peop l e. (No, no, and inter ruption.) Well, he rejoiced to find that at least it was called for, becatie he agreed with them that there ought to be a Reform Bill. (Cheers.) What s more, he had done what Lord John Russell had not done, he had a party to a Ref orm Bill which was laidueonemthe e table of the House had f Commons, and which he and his friends h really and faithf ully Afterthe endeavoured to make the law of the land. (Cheers.)division which took place between Lord J. Russelland Lord Pal merston, the one remained perha s a t the head of 100 followers, and the oth er at the head of some 70 or 80, each seeking to outma noeuvre the oth er , and i to obtain an ascendancy n the Government of the country- and the leadership of the g reat Lib eral party in the House of Commons. It was in o r d er to catch the stray voters of the party in the H ouse o f Comma= that Lord J, RUSSell—abazdeni ng the finality which he had professed for 20 years—in 1851 brought forward an abortion of a measure which he called a Reform Bill. (Cheers.) .\ gain, in 1854, the struggle still continuing betwesen the two noble lords as to which should be the I_, der of the Liberal party, the leader of the House ) Commons, and the Prime Minister of the county; Lord John Russell, in order again to stand well ,‘ th the great majority of the Liberal party in the House of Com mons, brought forward what he called a Reform Bill. Now, if that noble lord really and sincerely desired the emancipation and enfranchisement of the working classes, if he really desired to confer upon the people of this country a great, wise, and salutary measure of reform, why did he not in 1851 and 1854, at both periods commanding a large majority of the House of Commons, pass the bill which he laid upon the table of the house ? (Cheers.) It had become the will and the deter mination of the people that some Reform Bill should be passed ; and he might remind them that when he addressed them from that place in 1857, when Lord Derby was not in power, and when there was no idea that the great majority of his party would sanction a Reform Bill, he called on them to agitate the question of reform,with the view to an extension of the elective franchise to the great body of the middle classes of the people. (Cheers, and " What about the 40s. freeholders ?") Why, the 40s. free holders constituted the great mass of his supporters in that county, and it was not likely that he should ever forget them. (Cheers.) But let them consider what the Government would have done but that they were opposed and defeated by a combination of factions in the House of Commons,who were alone responsible for the destruction of the only Reform Bill ever sincerely brought forward since the great measure of 1832, and by which at least 1,000,000 of our fellow-countrymen would have received the elective franchise. He confessed that in reference to any measure of reform, or to any kindred ques tion introduced with a view to the benefit of the people, he had always thought it safer and wiser not to proceed rashly, but deliberately and by slow degrees. Those who complained of the Reform Bill introduced by the Government must remember that for twenty-seven years previously nothing at all had been done in the way of reform. When the present Government brought forward an experimental measure, designed to enfranchise 1,000,000 of the community, no one could fairly denounce them as the enemies of progress. By the bill they brought in every man throughout the country—for it was the intention to have ap plied its provisions ultimately to Scotland and Ireland—who occupied a house of the value of £lO a year would eventually have received the elective franchise. They would, in that case, no longer have seen that mischievous distinction which obtained in reference to occupation, as a ground for conferring the elective franchise, which had given so great an amount of dissatisfaction to the people during the greater part of the present century, excluding as it did the occupier of a better house in a county and of greater value than that of the occupier within a represented borough, who was admitted to the franchise, though the former might be a man of better position and higher in telligence and attainments. The Government en deavoured by their bill to equalise the qualification tor the exercise of the elective franchise, and they would have at once enfranchised the entire middle classes of the people. He hoped his gallant oppo nent would tell them explicitly the reduction of the franchise in boroughs which he was prepared to advocate. He (the Attorney-General) ventured to say that if a majority of the new House of Commons should put an end to the Ministry of Lord Derby, and bring Lord John Russell into power, Lord John Russell could not maintain him self in office for one week without the support of Mr. Bright and his party. (Cheers and uproar.) Mr. Bright had within the last week publicly avowed to a large assembly of his countrymen that he thought the policy of the country required that the suffrage should be extended, not to a £6, a £5. or a £3 franchise, but to householders throughout the realm. He knew it was the deep and deliberate conviction of Mr. Bright that it would be for the good of the country that such should be the qualification for voting ; and he (the Attorney-General) asked, were they prepared, by electing his gallant opponent (Colonel Adair) to support an Administration composed of Lord John Russell and Mr. Bright ? (" No, no," and uproar.) He would also seriously ask them to consider what would be the first consequence to the people of this country of the passing of such a measure as that to which Mr. Bright would only consent. There were, according to the last returns, 3,500,000 inhabited houses in England and Wales, and the result of adopting the principle of house hold suffrage would be, after striking off half a million for minors, women, and casualties, to create a constituency of 3,000,000, of whom 2,000,000 would be occupiers of houses below the value of £lO a-year. Once sanction a measure of that kind, creating an entirely new constituency of 2,000,000 persons not possessed of property, and many . of them without education, and the consequence would be to outnumber the whole of the upper and middle classes of the country. (Cheers.) The learned gentleman proceeded to comment, amid oc casional interruption, on the lodgers' clause in the Government Reform Bill, and the educational clause, remarking by the way that for the first time edu cation had been made a qualification for the elec tive franchise—and the provision relating to savings-bank depositors. With respect to the last named topic, which elicited some expressions of ridicule, he said a gentleman had that very morn ing informed him that in a town in the northern part of Suffolk, containing not more than 4,000 inhabitants, there were no fewer than 125 depositors in a savings-bank to the amount of £6O and upwards. (Cheers and uproar.) Did the Liberal party pretend to talk to them (the Conservative party) about the working classes ? What had the Liberal party ever done for the working classeg ? (A Voice—" What had Lord Derby done for them ?") Did the Liberal party do anything for them in the Reform Bill of 1832, or in those of 1851 and 1854 ? Let any one point out to him a single measure which any one of the Liberal party ever brought forward or ever supported, and which conferred the shadow of a shade of benefit on the working classes. He would tell them what the Conservative party had done. For three years in succession a bill was brought forward to enable the working classes to resist combinations formed against them by their masters and employers. It was introduced by an independent member, and supported by =any of the Conservati re party, and uniformly by himself (the Attorney-General) as the representative of the good men of East Suffolk. And by whom was it opposed and thrown out ? (A Voice We' ve never seen or heard of it," and laughter.) Why, by the party led by Lord John Russell. Eventually, however, it became the law of the land, and he (the Attorney-General) bore a humble part in passing it. The result was, that the working men throughout the kingdom might now meet and agree upon mea sures for their own protection, without fear of their masters. And yet it was the Conservatives who were to be taunted by the Liberals as the enemies of the working classes. The learned gentleman also reminded them that his party had sought to benefit that class of the community by admitting the most respectable and industrious of them to the exercise of the franchise. He proceeded to defend the proposed transfer to the borough constituencies of the 40s. freeholders whose qualifications were situate in boroughs, and to comment upon the exer tions made by the Government to maintain the peace of Europe and to prevent the country drifting into while gl n t a h m e ye sou n g e ht re t p o ea u te p d ho i l n d s tl u i b e s h th o n n e o e ur th o e f t a h N e va E r n , statement made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer to his constituents in reference to the Mediterranean and Channel fleets, adding that we had 100,000 men in arms either about to depart from India or on their way home. With such means of defence, and with a Government determined to uphold, as far as in them lay, the liberties of the people and to main tain the peace of the world, they need have little apprehension in the present state of affairs. To that Government they might safely intrust the destinies of the country ; and he doubted not when he met them on those hustings again he should have to congratulate them upon England having, throughout the impending conflict, maintained the honour of her name and the stability of her insti tutions. (Cheers.) Colonel ADAIR, the candidate in the Liberal in terest, then addressed the meeting at considerable length, and with much vigour and effect. The gallant gentleman was frequently cheered by his own supporters, but the partisans on the opposite side kept up a continual clamour during his speech, which, irrespective o f i ts mer i ts, was un d er th e circumstances a wonderful effort of lungs; and in spite of great provocation he maintained his good humour throughout. He exhorted them, as long as the question of reform remained unsettled, not to be diverted from it on one side or the other by what the Attorney-General would call "collateral issues." He added that he belonged to the great Liberal party, for whom he claimed the merit of preferring the interests of their country to any party triumph. (Cheers.) He defended his party at some length against the attacks of the Attorney- General. Adverting to the 40s. freeholders, he called it rash innovation and opposed to constitu • tional law an d custom to d ea l w ith th em i n the manner proposed by the recent Reform Bill. Most of all, he found fault with that tampering spirit which led an inconsiderate Government into acts from which it could not recede, and then placed the mass of the people on one side and a portion of the Legislature on the other. He warned his op ponents that now the question of reform had been THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, MAY 5, 1859, agitated it would not be laid down, as it had been taken up, as the plaything of a party. The Liberal party would have it out now, or, in the words of the song, they " would know the reason why." (Cheers.) At the conclusion of Colonel Adair's speech, Mr. CHILDS, of Bungay, from the same side of the hustings, attempted to address the crowd, but the Conservative partisans refused to hear him, and he was obliged to withdraw. The High Sheriff then took a show of hands, which he decided to be in favour of Colonel Adair and the Attorney-General ; and a poll having been demanded on behalf of Lord Henniker, it was arranged to be taken on Saturday, beginning at 8 in the morning and concluding at 5 the same afternoon. SUSSEX (WEST). The nomination of candidates for this division of the county took place yesterday, in the Guildhall, Priory Park, Chichester. The candidates (the Earl of March, President of the Poor-law Board, and the Hon. H. Wyndham) were met at their resi dences by a large body of yeomen on horseback, who accompanied them to the hall, where a consi derable number of the inhabitants of the city had assembled. The noble lord and the hon. gentleman were received on entering with cheers. The High Sheriff, W. W. Blaauw, Esq., presided. S. DICKENS, Esq., proposed, and Colonel CARR-LLOYD seconded, the nomination of Lord March. W. BARTELLOT, Esq., proposed, and Major SAND HAM seconded, the nomination of the Hon. Henry Wyndham. No other candidate being proposed, The High Sheriff declared the two former repre sentatives re-elected. The Earl of MARCH then addressed the assembly in an able and argumentative speech. He first alluded to his again appearing before them so soon after the recent appeal he made to the constituency on his appointment as President of the Poor-law Board. Next, he dwelt at great length upon the circumstances under which the dissolu tion of Parliament had taken place, and de fended the policy pursued by the Earl of Derby. As to the course pursued by the Opposition, he considered it factious, and believed that the people of England would prefer the Conservative policy of Lord Derby to the democratic attempts of Lord John Russell and Mr. Bright. The resolution pro posed by the noble lord did not, in his opinion, forward the cause of Reform, but prevented the Government from proceeding to the settlement of that question, which they could not again intro duce during the present session. He did not believe that Lord John Russell's object was to facilitate the settlement of this very important question, but to oust the Ministry, in order that he and those who coalesced with him might step into their shoes. If the Government bill had been proceded with it would undoubtedly have been greatly improved in committee ; and he might remark that, even as it stood, it would have had the effect of doubling the numbers of the existing constituencies. The noble earl then referred to a late speech made by Mr. Bright, at Manchester, and said that the words he then made use of, if hey meant anything, meant very little short of exciting a revolution in the country. With regard to the ballot, he was de cidedly opposed to it, because he believed that it was wholesome, right, and proper that those who enjoyed the franchise should vote openly, so that the people might see how they exercised their franchise, and that they were not influenced either by sordid motives or the interest of gain. If we adopted this system of secret voting, we must, in order to carry it out to its legitimate extent like wise have a penal enactment that no voter should divulge the name of the candidate for whom he voted, or we, in reality, would have no ballot at all. In short, he believed that if the ballot were adopted it would make the electoral body of this country a mass of humbugs and hypo ' crites. Having disposed of the " democratic tendencies" of the speeches and conduct of Mr. Bright, his lordship adverted to the present threatening state of affairs on the Continent. He said he believed it was the duty of this country to preserve an armed and dignified neutrality, and, if possible, to keep out of this great conflict. Our policy ought to be a policy of peace ; at the same time that would be best secured by our being pre pared with a fleet and an army to go to war, if compelled to do so. He believed that not only the electors of this division of the county, but the people of England, would stand by her Majesty's Government at a great crisis, and maintain our constitution unimpaired. The Hon. HENRY WYNDHAM next addressed the electors, and the proceedings terminated. SURREY (EAST). The nomination of candidates for the election of two knights to serve in Parliament for the eastern division of the county of Surrey took place yesterday in the Town-hall at Croydon, Sir Walter Farquhar, the High Sheriff, presiding. Mr. J. H. PALMER nominated the Hon. Peter John Locke King. Mr. HUTTON seconded the nomination. Captain FITZROY proposed Mr. Thomas Alcock. Mr. W. A. WILKINSON seconded the nomination. Mr. C. WOOD proposed Mr. Anthony Cleasby. Mr. STENNING seconded the proposal. Mr. LOCKE KING then rose, and said he was so liciting their suffrages in a most momentous crisis. His opinions were so well known to most of them, and so much too well known to his opponents, that he would not talk about himself. (Cheers.) He re joiced to think that the £lO franchise had been touched upon, because the more it was ventilated the more beneficial it would be to the Liberal cause. (Hear, hear.) It had been said that he had attempted to introduce into this country the French law with regard to property, but that he denied; for the French law was founded on injustice. His proposal was only to provide a proper distribution of pro perty among a family where the head of it died in testate; whereas the French law did not allow the testator to will his property as he pleased, but di rected him as to how he should dispose of it. He then explained the working of the English law and the nature of the bill he introduced into Parliament, which did not interfere with the power of a man to will his property as he pleased, but only prevented the eldest son taking all and the rest of the family being left destitute in the event of the father dying intstate. Passing on to the conduct of the Govern ment, he said Parliament was dissolved at the most untoward moment that it was possible to conceive. They had every prospect of a general European war, and in the face of such a crisis the Conserva tive Administration dissolved Parliament. An able man would scarcely have had the hardihood to do so, but, on the contrary, would have applied for ex traordinary powers to keep it together. But the fact was the Government had not the confidence of the late House of Commons, and was therefore en deavouring by some means or other to obtain the confidence of the country. Lord Derby had been playing fast and loose with the foreign Powers—at one time the friend of France, then assisting Austria to trample on the liberties of Italy, then asking Sardinia to disarm, and thus he had been playing with them all. And what was their con duct in the House before the dissolution ? They put off the explanation in the House of Commons until the last day of the session, when nothing could be said, and then Lord Derby went to a dinner at the Mansion-house ' and made a speech diametri cally opposed to that which had been made previ ously. But he would ask them which speech would they believe—the before , dinner one in the House of Commons, or the after-dinner one at the Mansion house? Then whom had they at the head of foreign affairs ? Why, Lord Malmesbury, who, but for the seriousness of his position, would be the laughing stock of Europe. (Cries of " . .No, no.") The Reform Bill was not a Reform Bill, but one for the perpe tuity of the Derby Government, and he could prove that it was one of the most unprincipled that ever existed. (Uproar, and cries of " Those are strong words.") He said it advisedly, and he would prove it. (Hear, hear.) How did they come into power ? When Lord Palmerston brought in the Conspiracy to Murder Bill they formed a disgraceful coalition with the ultra-Radicals, and defeated the Govern ment, so that they might get place. They had since then sacrificed their feelings and let Jews into Par liament, and they had also assisted them to pass the Property Qualification Abolition Bill. He thanked them for that, although by so doing they had aban doned their principles. The next thing he hqd to refer to was the £lO franchise, and in that they were consistent, for they uniformly opposed it ; but he beat them by a thundering majority. (Cheers.) Looking at the Government as it was constituted he did not believe the honour of England was safe in the hands of Lord Malmesbury, and as soon as the Parliament was assembled would do all in his power to turn them out. Mr. APTED asked whether he would do all in his power to prevent England being entangled in the approaching war ? Mr. LOCKE KING said the policy he would advo cate would be to express sympathy in the strongest terms for Italy, but at the same time to observe a strict neutrality. Mr. ALCOCK and Mr. CLEASBY having addressed the meeting, A show of hands was taken, when the High Sheriff declared it to be in favour of Mr. Locke King and Mr. Alcock. A poll was then demanded on behalf of Mr. Cleasby, and a vote of thanks to the High Sheriff terminated the proceedings. WILTS (NORTH). The election of two knights of the shire for the northern division of the county - of Wilts Was held yesterday in the Corn-exchange, at Devizes, before Captain Gladstone, M.P., High Sheriff of the county. There was no objection to the return of the late members, Mr. W. Long and the Right Hon. T. Sotheron-Estcourt ; and the proceedings were therefore without the interest which attaches to a contested election. The usual preliminaries having been gone through, Mr. A. L. GODDARD proposed, and Mr. G. BROWN, of Avebury, seconded, Mr. Walter Long, as a fit and proper person to represent this division of the county in Parliament. Mr. G. H. W. HENEAGE nominated, and Mr. T. CLARKE, of Trowbridge, seconded the Right Hon. T. H. Sotheron-Estcourt, whose name was received with loud cheers. No other candidate having been proposed, the HIGH SHERIFF declared that these two gentlemen were duly elected to serve as knights of the shire for the northern division of the county of Wilts. Mr. R. LONG thanked the electors for the honour which they had conferred upon his father, who was prevented by illness from being present, by again sending him to Parliament as their representative. He had hitherto given to the Government of Lord Derby a steadfast, hearty, and undeviating support, and that course he would continue to pursue. Mr. SOTHERON-ESTCOURT, who was received with loud cheers, in acknowledging his re-election, referred to the fact that only two months ago he had addressed the electors from the same hustings. He then told them that the Government were pre pared to stand or fall by the Reform Bill which they had introduced, and which they sincerely be lieved to be a well considered and well digested plan suited to meet the exigencies of the country— (" The country di I not think so")—and that if the House of Commons should take a different view of it they would give the country the opportunity of expressing its own opinion. That meant a dissolu tion, and now they had it. He told them plainly that that dissolution, disagreeable and inconvenient as it was, could not possibly be avoided. (Cheers.) There was enough good in the Government mea sure to prevent parties in the House of Commons from resisting its progress in the usual manner, and they, therefore, devised a crafty scheme in pursu ance of which, by picking out two parts of the bill, they were enabled to obtain a majority against the Government. There were then three alternatives open to the Government, the adoption of any one of which must have rendered a dissolution inevitable. They might have accepted the propositions con tained in the resolution, and gone on with the bill, which would have been no longer their own, but Lord John Russell's; they might have resigned, or they might, as they had done, appealed to the coun try. The first would have been a discreditable course, to which he for one would never h ave as sented% but even had it been adopted, the majority would have said, "Go on with the bill with these propositions." The Government would have resisted, and the consequence would have been that upon the first division they must either have resigned or dissolved Parl'ament. Gn the other hand, had they at once resigned, a new Government must have been formed, and, as an inevitable and immediate consequence, Parliement must have been dis solved in order that the country might give an opinion upon it. (Cheers.) Therefore, according to his understanding of what must necessarily follow when the Government was placed in a minority in the House of Commons, a dissolution was inevitable. (Hear, hear.) He would not enter into a discussion of the various provisions of the Govern ment Reform Bill, but would only refer to the ob jections which had been taken to what was called the disfranchisement clause, and to the non-exten- I sion of the suffrage in boroughs. In his opinion, both those objections were disposed of by the ques tion " Is it reasonable that we should deal with town and country upon a different footing ?" (Cheers.) The Government thought it was not ; and they adopted what was called uniformity of franchise, they thought that it was fair to deal evenly with town and country, and to give to one the same franchise as was possessed by the other. (Cheers.) With respect to secret voting he entertained the same opinions as h. had always expressed. He in tended to act upon them, and they would never find him voting for the ballot. (Cheers.) To improper canvassing, unfair solicitations, undue influence, or what was called " putting on the screw," he enter tained as great objections as any man could do ; and he thought that the most reasonable mode of getting rid of them was that included in the Govern ment measure, viz., the introduction of polling papers, because as a man was never solicited after he had given his vote, he would, if he could send in his voting paper immediately that Parliament was dis solved, escape all the evils of this improper canvas sing or solicitation. (Hear, hear.) However, if any better mode except secresy could be devised for effecting the same object he should be ready to give it at least a very favourable consideration. (Hear.) Now that he had, from the position which he filled in the Government, obtained a certain amount of power, he was determined to do his best to settle some of those questions which had long agitated the public mind ; such for instance as those of church rates, of beerhouses, and of the regulation of the great corporation of the city of London. They would not expect that he should inform them how any. of these matters were to be dealt with, but within a month they would, in some shape or other, see what had been the result of the best consideration which he and his colleagues could give to these subjects. (Hear, hear.) At this moment, however, domestic questions, interest ing as they were, faded into comparative insignifi cance by reason of the dreadful war which was at this moment impending fiver Europe. To him it appeared most shocking that after 40 years of peace, during which the arts of peace had been cultivated and its blessings enjoyed both in Europe and Ame rica, when even in Italy a chance had been given for the spread of constitutional doctrines by means of the example of Sardinia, all this should be checked and the world should be thrown into con fusion—for what ? He said most distinctly, for nothing that was apparent, for nothing in truth but the selfish ambition and love of aggrandisement of two despotic kingdoms. (Cheers.) What had been the attitude taken by the British Government ? They had been like a mutual friend, attempting— attempting, he -allowed, in vain—to prevent two bullying fellows who were determined to have a scratch at each other from fighting. Austria and France had clearly resolved to have a turn at each other; and probably their military forces, the result of peace, had at last got t o suc h a head that they could not keep them down ; 500,000 men ready for strife was too great a power for the Executive of either country to keep in order. But although we might all agree, and he believed we did, as to the folly, the wickedness, and the shame of a general European war, what was our duty as Englishmen ? Our first duty was to do our best to part the com batants; our second, to be well prepared to repel aggression. (Cheers.) There were those who called themselves exclusively the friends of peace—who told us that it was enough for a great country like Great Britain to hold its hands and take care to give no offence. (Cries of "So it is," and " Bosh !") He said that he who held those opinions was the man whose property would be first taken from him; and that, living as we did with angry passions all around us, there was only one course by which we could hope to preserve our independence, our property, our lives, and all that we hold dear, and that was to be well prepared, not for aggression but for defence. (Cheers.) Speaking for the Go vernment, he said that they had done their utmost for both these objects. They had spared no pains, by representations, by proposals, and by every legitimate and ordinary course by which nations communicate with each other, to show to these hostile countries the full wickedness of their proceedings, and to endeavour, as it were, to bind them down to keep the peace towards each other. It was not their fault that they had not succeeded, and when Parliament met they would lay before it documents by the dates of which the country would see that for the last three months, ever since war first loomed in the distance, the British Government had performed a truly British part in endeavouring to separate the combatants. (Cheers.) They had also, as far as possible, taken care that our means of defence should not be wanting, and since the period at which Lord Derby took office the available effective navy of this country had been exactly doubled in amount. (Cheers.) What course was the Government going to pursue in the future ? The same which they had adopted hitherto. They would of course, since war had begun, cease their attempts to keep the peace. Those who rushed into it must submit to the loss which it entailed, and the best wish which we could have must be that both parties might soon be so far financially ex hausted as to compel them to put an end to the struggle. (Cheers.) The Government would take care to go on with their defensive preparations, and the country might rest satisfied th a t th ere was nothing whi c h could fairly be undertaken by the Executive which would not be done. When Parlia ment met the Government would ask for an indem nity for any act which they might have done beyond the strict letter of the law; and he was quite sure that neither Parliament nor any Englishman would grudge any money which might be required to insure the country against danger. Among other things, he would take that public opportunity of saying, that if in that county and in any others there were any gallant spirits ready to enrol them selves in rifle corps or similar volunteer bodies the Government would be glad to receive the assurance of their willingness to do so, and, as far as they were concerned and as Parliament would sanction the measure, they would be glad to ' afford them countenance and goodwill. (Cheers.) The real question which the next Parliament would have to determine would be who should • govern the country ; whether it should be the pre sent Ministry or some other, at the head of which might be Lord John Russell, Lord Palmer ston, or Mr. John Bright. (Laughter, and a cry of " You had him to help you in.") He did not deny that Mr. Bright had done the Government good service, both by his vote upon the Conspiracy Bill and by the publication of his Reform Bill; but although he admired that gentleman's honesty of purpose, and wished that many others would speak out as plainly as he did, he did not wish to see him ruling the country. At the present moment this country was in a very critical state. The question to be decided might be whether order and property should be maintained. Many persons would not believe this because they did not wish it ; but when you were at the edge of a precipice, a single step would send you over. Referring to an observation which had been made by a person in the crowd that he was well paid, the right hon. gentleman said that although he received the usual salary attached to his office, it was swallowed up •by various ex penses, and at the end of the year nothing was left of it, and then continued,—The question is, are you content that the country shall be go verne d by the present Administration, or are you desirous to see another ? By returning my friend Mr. Long and myself you have given your adhesion to the Go vernment which is now in power—(cheers)—and I believe that the great majority of the electors of this division of the county will assent to that deci- sion. Whether or not the House of Commons will be of your opinion a few weeks will show. I am sure that, whether the present Government is to last or not, I at least shall look back upon the mea sures which we have passed, and upon the truly patriotic course which my Lord Derby has chalked out for himself, with great satisfaction, (Cheers.) One advantage which office has conferred upon me has been to give me better opportunities of knowing how at the present moment our greatest men conduct themselves. Ido admire—and I say it plainly because it may not be said else where—l do admire the patriotic abnegation of himself which Lord Derby has shown during the last 13 or 14 months. What I say of him I say of others. Ido believe that there never was a Government composed of gentlemen more decidedly devoted to the good of their country than are the members of the present Administration. (Cheers.) I am very glad to have my lot cast among them. So long as I have the power and my services can be of any use they shall command them ; but if I am discarded, I shall retire with great pleasure and satisfaction to the private life where all that most interests me is to be found. Age is coming upon me and you must begin to look for a younger man. (Loud cries of No, no.) Whatever be my position in or out of office, in or out of Parliament, the best part of my life has been passed in the public service of this country. It is tol England that my homage is due, and I thank God that I have had an oppor tunity of showing that I am indeed devoted to that good and excellent country of which it is the boast of all of us that we are citizens. (Loud cheers.) Thanks were then voted to the High Sheriff, and the proceedings terminated with cheers for that officer and the newly returned members. IRELAND. BELFAST, MONDAY EVENING. At the re-election of Sir H. Cairns, the English Solicitor-General, in conjunction with Mr. Davison, to-day, the learned and hon. gentleman, in the course of his address, made some interesting allusion to foreign matters. After the usual formalities had been gone through, and the two gentlemen declared re-elected, Sir. H. CAlR'ks addressed the electors. He cor dially thanked them for having returned him a fourth time to the House of Commons as a repre sentative of his native town. He then contradicted a rumour that he had an intention of accepting a seat in another place ; and declared that as long as the electors of Belfast chose to elect him he would sit for Belfast. He then said,—You will not be disappointed if I refer for a little to the state of our foreign relations; and I fear that we can no longer believe that war has not actually broken out. I fear we are about to see again the realization of that which the historian of Italy has so eloquently described when he said " Italy has seen her harvests trodden down by the horses of the stranger, and the blood of her children washed in quarrels not always her own." But the important question for us is this, what will be our policy? And on that subject I unhesitatingly declare my opinion —which I believe to be also the unhesitating opinion of the Government—that our policy- should be this, and this only—a strict and undeviating pacific neutrality. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) There are, at least, two reasons why that policy should be accepted by you and every consti tuency in the country. The reason is this—you all know the warning we have received, and from the highest and holiest word, against meddling with strife which does not belong to us. But there is another reason independent of this. Of those who are now engaged, I fear, as combatants, I do not think there is one nation which we can acquit entirely from blame, or to which we can unhesi tatingly give our adhesion. Let us take Sardinia in the first case. We all know how long and how enthusiastically we have admired her constitutional history in past years. She was the first to plant in Italy the standard of constitutional government. She has adopted our institutions, our constitution, our Parliament. She has been a little light amid the gloom of Italy by which we trusted the whole country would be regenerated. We had hoped that all the other seats of Government of Italy would adopt a like form of government, and advance in a constitutional progress. But, gentlemen, when we see Sardinia raising herself into a military Power, entertaining, I fear, hopes of territorial aggrandise ment, in seeking the development of her internal resources in order to encourage and lead the van of Italy, I fear our hopes of Sardinia are somewhat overclouded, and that she is pursuing a course which is most calculated to retard her own ad• vancemcnt. (Hear.) But Sardinia is now in co operation with France. Now, with regard to forms of government, if the inhabitants of any nation choose to adopt any particular reyinte, I believe we have nothing to do with that ; we are not to express any opinion upon it, but we all know that that form of government is an absolute one ; that the liberty of the press is sus pended ; that public opinion has no legiti mate mode of expression ; and, therefore, when we find France, under the guise of promoting civi lisation and liberty, advancing to the support of Sardinia, we are impelled to ask ourselves this question—Do we believe that the real end of a French invasion of Italy would be the freedom of that country ? Now, you have all heard the fable of the venerable author, of " The Stag, the Horse, and the Man." The stag began to butt the horse with his horns, and the horse applied to the man to assist him against the stag. The man put a saddle on the horse, and they soon drove the stag off the pas ture, when the horse said to the man, "I am very much obliged to you, but now take the saddle off me, and I wish you good morning." But the man said—" Oh, I think you are a little premature there —(a laugh) —I found the saddle on you to be so good and you so serviceable in enabling me to keep this pasturage for myself, I must prefer to occupy my seat on your back, and preserve my dominion here." (A laugh.) Now, Austria is the stag, Sar dinia is the horse, and France is the man, (Laughter.) I will say no more on this matter except this—that I hope the stag will not be al lowed to injure the horse; but I hope that when the horse succeeds in repelling the assaults of the stag, he will not be made the subject of the man. (Loud cheering and laughter.) Now, let us turn to Austria. Can we feel any sympathy with that Power ? It is also a Government of the most abso lute kind; liberty, civil and religious, is utterly unknown there. Austria's domination exists in her more immediate territory, and supports in other places the despotism which is so repugnant at home. To Austria, then, we can afford no sympathy —no aid ; and the conclusion to which I must arrive on the whole of the case is this—we as a nation should, in addition to the sound policy of not meddling with strifes which do not belong to Us, also look to the additional reason that there is not one of those Powers which is not subject to some blame, and at the present time there is not one of them which can command our entire support. (Hear.) I believe that in this conclusion I am an nouncing not merely the policy of the Government, but that which accords with the feeling in the com munity, and if I qualify that statement, it is that I may state my own opinion with respect to a matter which I have seen. I say, then, that I have seen— and have seen with regret—in the organ which is regarded as the organ of the Opposition to the Go vernment in England—the Times—and repeated more than once, that though we are bound in this quarrel to be neutral, yet that it must be understood that the first cannon which France is to fire in Europe is to be the knell of the Anglo-French alli ance. Now, I remember the course which public opinion has taken with regard to that alliance, and I remember hearing in the House of Commons a living statesman—a Cabinet Minister under the Government of Lord Aberdeen—speaking of that alliance in a manner which would hardly be cour teous in any communication or arrangement between one man and another. I recollect that notice was t a ken of the matter in the Commons, and th a t th e unanimous expression of the Conservative party t a the time Was, the alliance between England a n d France was the natural alliance through which th e civilisation of Europe was likely to flow. (H ear. ) That was the course of the Conservative Pare) , then. But while we announce our policy of neutrality, I we not be oboeiying it ii We say to France-- " If you take a particular line, and fire cannon in a certain place, then our alliance is at an end." Gen tlemen, I repudiate any such language, and I hope and believe it will not be adopted by the Govern ment. (Hear.) It is a satisfaction, though a melan choly one, that every exer ti on has been made by our Government to avert and prevent war. Ido not here stop to answer statements I have seen in vari ous quarters. Ido not stop to comment on objections which have been made, that if the Government had done this, and not done that, peace would have been preserved. I believe that what the Government did was the best that could be done, and that was, not to show any favour to one side or the other. When Sardinia asked too much, England called on her to reduce her demands. When Austria asked too much, England asked her to reduce them. To each and every Power England acted with impartiality. The other day it was stated in a paper that our Government had lent the greatest weight to the Austrian proposals, and had thereby provoked France ; but in the same paper, just turning over a leaf, I found the counter-statement, from an Austrian source, that England had lent the greatest weight to France against Austria. (A laugh.) Now, when I find these both saying that England lent the other the greater assistance or encourage ment—that England leant too hardly on Austria, and France saying that England leant too hardly on her, I think that the fair conclusion to come to is that there was an impartial mediation between both. (Hear, hear.) With regard to foreign affairs, at all times I hold it to be the cardinal po licy of the Conservative party not to interfere in foreign war unless there is an absolute necessity. (Hear, hear.) I hold with the statesman who de clared " when war ceases to be a necessity it be comes a crime." (Hear.) That is my opinion. (Hear, hear.) I believe that this country, guarded by its insular position, dependent on the arts of peace for its material advancement, is bound to show that her national honour has been insulted, or her national interests have been imperilled, before she should embark in war. (Cheers.) lam happy to think that, though the Government have held office not more than a year, they have given to the country the strongest pledges that this was their policy. For instance, if we go to the begin ning of last year, we found a serious cause of quarrel with the King of Naples. Sardinia was also en gaged in that quarrel, and had a right to complain, as we also had, of the conduct of the King of Naples. I remember a gentlemen saying in the House of Commons, " Why don t you send Admiral Lord Lyons with two or three line-of-battle ships to Naples to bring the King to his senses ?" Now, that would have been very easy to do, but had we done it we should have inevitably have brought on a war in which we must have taken a part. The King of Naples had two English engineers in his dungeons, and we said to him, " You are a rational man ; here are our reasons why you should not imprison these people—consider them and leave the matter to arbitration." What was the consequence? The King felt himself to be dealt with in a way probably ususual to him, and he said, " I give up the contest; I release your men, and, further, I will pay them £3,000, and, as to the Sardinian ship, I will give her to you that you may re store her to Sardinia." (Hear, hear.) Thus we preserved our nati ona l h onour , an d we had no war. The Solicitor-General next referred to the dispute with America as to the slave trade and right of search, which, by England making similar pacific proposals, ended in an adjustment of the difference. He also referred to the dispute with France as to the Newfoundland fisheries, which also was sub mitted to arbitration, and ended in a satisfactory settlement. He next alluded to the Charles et Georges affair with Portugal ; that also was settled by amicable proposals; and only the other day, a senator of Portugal, ho had at first thought that England had in that case deserted its ally,Portugal, had openly stated that, having read all the papers on the subject, he felt bound to declare that the charges of want of good faith towards Portugal, on the part of England, was made in ignorance of the true facts of the case, and he withdrew what he had previously said on the matter. (Hear, hear.) The matter was debated in the House of Commons at great length, and Sir James Graham, who was present, did not think it necessary to say a word on the subject; but the other day, when before the electors of Carlisle, he found it a good electioneer ing trick to bring the matter up and charge Gover nment with a dereliction of duty. But of course it was always desirable to make a telling speech whenever there was no one to answer it. (Laughter.) The Solicitor-General next referred to the allega tions that there were treaties, offensive and defen sive, between France and Russia, and between France and Denmark, Now, as to the former, the Government had the assurance that there was a written convention—which he should prefer not to exist—between France and Russia ; but they had the strong assurance of the Russian Minister (Prince Gortschakoff) that there was nothing in it that could affect the friendly relations of either country with Great Britain. (Hear, hear.) As to the treaty between France and Denmark, he had authority to state that this was a fable altogether. There was no such a treaty of that description. The Solicitor- General next referred to some domestic matters, and commented on the Palmerston and Russell policy which had led to the dissolution. If Lord John Russell's £5 franchise were to be put in ope ration in Belfast it would add 120 per cent. to the electoral body, that is, for every 10 electors now there would be 12 added ; or 22 instead of 10. What would be the effect ? The right to vote would be taken from those who now had it, and it would be transferred to those who never held it. The new electors would completely outvote the old. This would not be reform, it would be revolution. [A Voice—" Manslaughter.''] (A laugh.) He would not admit the working classes in a rush, he would admit them gradually. He extolled the proposed savings bank franchise, and after advert ing to some other matters passed on to the new Government of India, which he said had been trans ferred quietly and so harmoniously from the East India Company to the Queen that the officials scarcely believed in the fact. This was owing in a great measure to the courtesy of the new Minister for India, Lord Stanley. (Hear, hear.) He then referred to the state of our army and navy. The former had been increased without one shilling of expenses, and the navy had been more than doubled. Nay, more, some reductions had taken place in taxation, notwithstanding the great im provement which had taken place in naval and military affairs. We now knew our shores were not left defenceless. He need not refer to the general measures of the Government, but he might instance the case of the Post-office clerks, who, with others in public departments, were, it was said, treated niggardly, and when unfit for service were turned out unbefriended. Now, these people did not pos sess votes; yet the Government had passed the Superannuation Bill, under which any one who had served 10 years (or sooner in cases of accident) would be entitled to a retiring allowance in pro portion to his salary. Then, with regard to the removal of the I r i s h p oor from England or Scotland to Ireland, the late President of the Poor Law Board, Mr. Estcourt, took the matter up. He was told that he would have two-thirds of the House of Commons against him ; but he said if he could only get at the facts he would take the risk of proposing a 13.11. A committee had been appointed, and the facts were now being prepared upon which Mr. Estcourt would found a bill. Then, as to the Ga way packet line, the Government had ordered the payment of an annual sum for the postal service. The English and Scotch members said th e • Irish should pay for a packet station if they wanted one, as it was not an Imperial question ; but when a packet station was wanted for England then the question was an Imperial one. (Hear, hear.) Now, the Irish would havo the Americans landing on their own shores, and making their purchases here, probably not going over to England at all. (A laugh.) Next, as to the municipal affairs of Belfast. Bills had been sought for, but the Government sent down a commission to report on the - whole case. They found out what the real facts were, and then the Government laid the report on the table of the Hcuse of Commons. Afterwards they prepared a bill, and when it was fully considered it would be referred to a committee, so that at length a sore would be removed which had long marred the prosperity of their town. He then thanked the electors for his re-election, and also for associating with him his valued friend, Mr. Davison. (Cheers.) He next referred to the threatened opposition on the Liberal side, an d t h en said he had pledges to offer except those based on his previous conduct. He was for reform, not revolution, and, above all, for the maintenance of our Protestant institutions. (Great applause, and the Kentish fire.) [A Voice —" Three cheers for Derry, Aughrim, and the Boyne !"] (Cheers.) He maintained these as being the precious jewel of our constitution, as they alone conduced to the prosperity, the happiness, and the contentment of the country. (Cheers.) PRICE OF GOLD.—The quotation of gold at Paris is about at pit, and the shortexchangeon London is 25.05 per £1 sterling. On comparing these rates with the Eng lish Mint price of £3 17s. 100. per ounce for standard gold, it appears that gold is nearly 6-10ths per cent. dearer in Paris than in London. By advices from Hamburg the price of gold is 424 per mark, and the short exchange on London is 13 per £1 sterling. Standard gold at the English Mint price is therefore about 2 per cent. dearer in Hamburg than in London. The course of ex change at New York on London for bills at 60 days' sight is about 1094 10 per cent., which, when compared with the Mint par between the two countries, shows that the ex change is slightly in favour of England ;'and, after making allowance for charges of transport and difference of inte rest, the present rate leaves a trifling profit on the impor • tation of gold from the 'United States. THE SUSPECTED POISONING AT RICHMOND. Yesterday afternoon Mr. Thomas Smethurst, a surgeon, residing at No. 10, Alma Villas, Richmond, was brought before E. Penrhyn, Esti., and a bench of magistrates at the Richmond Police Court charged with causing the death of a female by administer ing poison, supposed to be arsenic. The case has caused considerable excitement in the neighbourhood for the last two days. The parties had lived together for nearly a month as man and wife at No. 10, Alma Villas, where they had apartments. It appeared that the deceased was possessed of some property which the prisoner was aware of, and some arrangements had been desired to be made for the disposoal of a portion. A short time ago the deceased became ill, and was attended by Drs. Julius and Bird, of Richmond, but the me dicine administered by them had an effect contrary to that desired. On Monday she became so changed in appearance that suspicions of foul play were aroused, and the police were called in. Mr. In spector M'lntyre, attended at the house, and from information he received a warrant against the pri soner was obtained and placed in the hands of John Jukes, 195 V, who was to remain in the house until further orders. The deceased expired in great agony on Tuesday morning, and it being the opinion of the medical men who att en d e d h er th a t s h e h a d b een poi soned, the prisoner was apprehended, and taken before the magistrates in the course of the evening. The evacuations were sent up to Dr. Taylor in the morning, and that gentleman detected a small portion of arsenic, so that the magistrate decided on remanding the prisoner until yesterday. On the case being called on yesterday, Mr. Binns appeared for the prisoner. Dr. Taylor was called, and said he had examined the matter sent up to him, and found a small por tion of arsenic, but not sufficient to cause death. He had not, however, examined the contents of the stomach. Drs. Palmer and Martin, of Mortlake, proved making a post mortem examination, in the presence of Mr. Bird and Mr. Julian. The contents of the stomach were sealed up, and in the possession of Dr. Taylor, for analysation. The brain was healthy, but the liver and stomach were much inflamed. The evidence of Drs. Julius and Bird was also taken, and the magistrates decided on remanding the prisoner, to give Dr. Taylor an opportunity of analysing the contents of the stomach. The prisoner was then removed to Horsemonger lane Gaol. He is a man about 45 years of age, rather stout, swarthy complexion, with dark mous taches. He is a married man, but has separated from his wife. He formerly practised as a surgeon in the country. The deceased was a single woman• IRELAND. DUBLIN, WEDNESDAY. THE PHOENIX CLUB PRISONERS. Judgment was given to-dat in the Court of Queen's Bench on the a ppli ca t ion t o a d m it t o bail the prisoners in Tralee Gaol awaiting trial at the next assizes on a charge of being members of Or Phcenix Club. The Judges disagreeing, their Lordships delivered judgment in the usual form. Mr. Justice Hayes and the Lord Chief Justice decided against the application, and Judges O'Brien and Perrin were in favour of it. The Court being equally divided, the application fell to inn gaol. ground, and the prisoners are to re main n gaol. COUNTRY MARKETS. NEWARK—Msy 4. At to-day's market there was a fair supply of English wheat, which was in good condition. Farmers asked ex• treme prices —ultimately they obtained an advance of 1 28 per qr over the rates of last week. Barley, a slow for malting sorts, and grinding moves off at ,full prices. Oats a trifle better, at 2s to 3s higher. Beans dull, and 3 0 to 43 dearer. White wheat, new, 50s to 60s Red do. 4Bs to 58s Old white sos to 60s Red do. 48s to 58s Barley, malting 38s to 44s Barley, grinding 288 to 315 Oats,:old, .. 2Bs to 37 5 New do 26s to 365 Beans. 488 to 615 Peas ....—s to --5 MARKET HARBOROUGH-MAY 3. There was an average show of wheat to-day, which sold at an improvement on last week. Farmers would not sell except at extremely high prices—viz., 44s to 54s ; barley at high rates, ranging from 36s to 40s per qr. ; oats, 28s to 358 per 24 stone ; beans, 44s to 47s per 38 stone. MELTON MOWBRAY-MAY 3. At this day's market the show of wheat was limited, and the trade ruled firm at 8s to 12s per qr higher. ()nil a moderate business in barley, at higher prices. Oats dun, at 2s to 3s more money. Beans scarce, and 3s to 4s higher in price. DUBLIN-MAY 3. Our corn market to-day was again excited, and very wild prices were demanded for everything. Business, however, was small, at an advance of 2s to as on wheat, 6d to la on oats, and 3s to 4s on Indian corn. s. d. a. d. Wheat, white 25 0 to 31 0 Do., red 23 6 to 30 0 Do., new Barley Oats Do., black ll 0 to 12 0 e.d. a.d• Do., new 11 6 to 13 0 Bere . lO 0 to 12 6 Rapeseed 26 0 to 29 0 Oatmeal l3 6 to 15 0 Bakers' flour Indian corn COAL MART (Prices of Coal per Ton at LET—MAT 4. the close of the market.) Walls End. s. d. Haswell Gas. l3 6 Wylam l5 6 Tanfield Moor 12 0 s. d. 1 Braddyll's Hetton lB 0 South Kelloe lB 6 Caradoc l6 9 Heugh Hall 18 0 Hetton. l6 9 South Hartlepool. 16 3 Kelloe l7 0 t, 4 2—Sold, 36. Walls End. Ha5we11...... l9 6 Trimdon Hartlepool 17 3 Thorpe Ships at market LOCAL SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL—MAY 4. The market was quiet throughout the day, and prices as follow :—Midlands, 93 92f—East Lancashire, 84 85-- Birkenheads, 60 I—Leeds Northern, 41 42—Blackburns, 111 i—North British, 50f 11—Great Western of Canada, 14—Grand Trunk of Canada, 7 i—Great Western, 50 I -- Eastern Counties, 10 a I—Chester and Holyheads, 48f 9 —Sheffields 33 —Caledonians, 73 4—Lancashire and York shire, 844 51—London and North-Westerns, 85 I—Dutch Rhenish, 7f 7 dis.—Dovers, 18 1-16 ii—Berwicks, 82 3- - Lombardo-Venetian' 2- dis. • ditto new, 31 n dis— Great Luxembourg, 4 15-16 5 1-16 Leeds, 41 2. BIRMINGHAM-MAY 4. There was a better business done to-day in this market, but prices wore rather lower. South Staffords, 10} to V} Londons, 86 87—Birmingham Guaranteed, 701 711—Mid land, 92 93. LEEDS-MAY 4. The market has been very dull to-day, and sales were limited. Eastern Counties, 101—Midlands, 92 t—Shef fields, 33—Leeds New Gas, 120—Craven Moor Mine, 7s 3d• MANCHESTER-MAY 4. There was a flat business doing most of the day, And prices closed lower. Leeds, 84 1—Sheffle1ds, 32f—Midlands, 924—Dovers, 18 3-16—Great Western, 50—East Lanca shire, 834—Great Northern, 951 c.—North Eastern, Hull and Selby Purchase, a d. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's pills..—Fever.—From the contaminated air caused by the collection of large num bers of people in cities, from malaria produced by defective drainage, this disease is ever present in our large towns. Whether intermittent, remittent, nervous, inflammatory, or putrid, in Holloway's pills an effectual remedy exists, capable in the impurest atmosphere of protecting from fever, and equal to expel it if febrile symptoms have already manifested themselves. These pills so correct the blood and fluids as to render it impossible for the latent seeds of any fever to lie undiscovered in the frame to break out afterwards with redoubled vigour, placing the victim in jeopardy of hi s lif e, and risking the communication of the disease to his household. BIRTHS. CLARKE.—On the 2d inst., at 37, St. John's-park-road, Haverstock-hill, the wife of C. Harwood Clarke, Esq., F.S.A., of a son. DRuMMoND.—On the 3d inst., at Charlton, Rent, the wife of J. Drummond, Esq., late 10th Hussars, of a son. WARNE.—On the 3d inst., at 6, Doughty-street, Mrs. W. H. Warne, of a daughter. WOOLWARD.—On the 2d inst., at Little Gaddesden, He" the wife of the Rev. A. G. Woolward, of a eon. MARRIAGES BA.RLOW—POWYS.—On the 3d inst., at St. George% Hanover-square, Arthur Pratt Barlow, Esq., of Doctors commons, and Sonning, Berks, to Maria Bode, daughter of the Rev. T. A. Powys, rector of Sawtry, St. Andrew's, Hants. Simms—WvoN.—O n the 3d inst.. at Staines, Frederick Simms, Esq., of Twickenham, Middlesex, to Caroline Frances, youngest daughter of the late William Wyou, Esq., R.A., of H.M.'s Mint. DEATHS. BOORMAN.—On the 2d inst., at 3, Montagu-terrace, Tun bridge-wells, Thomas Hugh Boorman, Esq., late of Braxton-rise, aged 91. COLVILLE.—On the 28th ult., at 13aylham, the Rev. Wm• Colville, M.A., rector. GREEN.—On the Ist inst., suddenly, James Allen Green, Esq., of 2, James-street Adelphi. IhotmoND.—On the 3d inst., at New Hall, Chelmsford , suddenly, Bernard L. Joseph, infant and only son of A. 0. Hammond, Esq., of Lloyd's, and Blackheath. LANonAm.—On the Ist inst., the Rev. C. J. Langhana, M.A., of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, aged 28. LEE.—On the 2d inst., at Edinburgh, the Very Reverend Principal Lee, aged 80. WATLING.—On the 2d inst., Mr Henry Goddard Watling, of 21, Marchmont-street, Burton-crescent, aged 68. LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUN G ' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Offiee, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the county 0 Middlesex, Thursday, May 6, 1859.