The Sun. — London, England, 1859-05-02 00:00:00

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE. 1)1 . LOITW [CH. The election of a representative for this borough took place un Saturday. Sir J. Pakington, who arrived from London on Friday evening, met his supporters at the George Inn on Saturday morning at ten eclock, and, accompanied by a large number of thri electors, proceeded to the Town Hall, the building in which the elaction was to take place. The right hon. baronet was loudly cheered on the Way. of Droitwich presided at the electi The Mayor on, and the town clerk read the writ. Mr. Beacroft proposed, and Mr. Clay seconded, the nomination of Sir John Pakington. There being no other candidate, the right hon. baronet was declared duly elected amid great en thusiasm. Sir JOHN PANINGTON then rose amid cheers, and having paid an eloquent tribute to the me mor y o f Mr. Ricketts, who had been his proposer at all his former elections, proceeded to say—Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, I am happy to say on this occasion that I have a privilege that does not always attach to a member of Parliament, viz., that of addressing you as brother electors of this borough. I now come forward to make my acknowledgments for the great honour which you have confered upon me, and I assure you that I am afraid I shall be obliged to do so in an imperfect manner. I have to thank you for this honour under circumstances which may well excite varied and deep emotions, and which at any moment might render it extremely difficult for any one, however accustomed he may be to address public assemblies, to give utterance to language at all adequate to express the feelings which he must en tertain. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I assure you that for the last few days, and up to the hour at which I left London last evening, my labours, owing to the present state of public affairs, were so heavy and of so anxious a nature, that really I have been unable to meditate even for a single moment on what sub jects I ought to touch upon to-day, and I can only ask your forbearance while I throw out such thoughts onjthe state of public affairs as may suggest themselves to my mind while I thus address you. Gentlemen, having said thus much, I must now ad vert to that which has been alluded to by my friend Mr. Clay, who has, under somewhat pecu liar circumstances, seconded my nomination to-day. I must refer to the fact, and I think I may refer to it not idly, or in any vain feeling, but as a source of honest pride, that I believe my situation is alto gether unparalleled in the House of Commons, or if it has parallels it has certainly very few. I have now represented you for 22 years, and you have elected me on eight different occasions, including two occasions when I came down for re-election upon being appointed to office under the Crown, and during all that period I have never had to stand a contested election. (Hear, hear.) I doubt if th:re be a parallel case to that among the members of the late or any Parliament of recent years. It is to me a most gratifying fact, and I confess I regard with feelings of very great pride the fact that, owing to your kindness and good opinion of me I stand here, I may say, unanimously supported, and receiving th• confidence and support—the kind and cordial support—even of many who do not belong to the same political party with which it is and has long been my pleasure to act ; for in passing through the town last week, whilst paying my respects to the electors of this borough, I met with what I am entitled to call a unanimous support. (Cheers.) Nothing could have been more gratifying to a public man than the manner in which I was then welcomed in every house ; and amongst those who so welcomed me were many who said, " Yes, sir, Ire shall give you our support. We do not profess your public opinions ; we do not belong to the same political party that you do ; but we feel a respect for you personally, and for your public conduct, and on that ground we will give you no opposition." That is the feeling with which my friend Mr. Clay comes forward to-day, saying truly that the elec tors of England have something to look to besides political feeling, important as that may be in consi dering and deciding whom they will send to Parlia ment. Having a connection of this nature with the borough of Droitwich, I think it will be no surprise to you to learn that when I received, as I think it right frankly to tell you I have received, in• vitations from several quarters—l may say from four or five quarters, including some of the largest and most important constituencies in Eng land—requesting me to allow myself to be put in nomination for those places, I at once, and in every case, declined. (Cheers.) Amongst those places I would allude particularly to the port of Liverpool. The overtures I received from Liverpool were of a most flattering character, and were made more for mally, and perhaps more pressingly, than those which were received by me from any other town. These offers were repeated to me on more than one occasion. The first answer which I gave, declininc , to comply with an invitation, was not accepted); and the matter was still pressed upon me, and pressed under circumstances that entitle me to say that I feel no doubt whatever—although these things cannot of course be calculated with mathe• matical accuracy—that if I had accepted the invi tation I should have been returned for the great commercial community of Liverpool. (Hear.) No doubt it is a very proud position for any public man personally to receive any invitations from a great constituency like that, and to be selected solely for his political conduct. It has been over and over again considered by the most eminent public men that to be selected as a representative of so large a constituency and so important a place as Liverpool was a matter of just pride, and no doubt it would be a matter of importance to the Government of which I am a member to have one of the members of that Government returned triumphantly for such a town. But, gentlemen, upon full deliberation, I distinctly and finally refused that invitation. And now, if you will allow me, I will read to you a few words which I found the other day in a letter writ ten by Mr. Thomas Baring, who has long repre sented the borough of Huntingdon, in reply to the invitation addressed to him to stand for the city of London, in conjunction with my noble friend Lord Stanley. Mr. Baring says—" From them (the electors of Huntingdon) I have received repeated proofs of confidence, of which I am justly proud; for, however inferior in numbers my constituents may be to the electors of the City, purity of motive, honesty of pur pose. and consistency of conduct, are happily in this country not confined to large constituencies ; and I feel naturally most unwilling to sever a connection which has been most honourable and independent for me." (Cheers.) I feel that although Mr. Baring only wrote in the very same sense and to the same effect as I wrote to those from whom I received the invitation from Liverpool, he expressed those sen timents in language so much more happy than I could command that I could not better express my feelings to the electors of Droitwich than by read ing this extract from his letter. (Hear.) It was precisely for those reasons, then, that I preferred to remain at Droitwich ; and I may say now, and I think I have given proof of it, that I think there is no seat that can be offered me in this kingdom which I should have more reason to feel ustly proud of being elected to fill than this of the borough of Droitwich. (Cheers.) I am not a stranger to any of you. ou are acquainted with my every-day life—with almost every habit of my life ; and so knowing me, you have proved your confidence in me by sending me year after year, Parliament after Parliament, to represent you in the House of Commons. (Cheers.) I can only say that I heartily thank you ; and, perhaps, I may be allowed to add that my only desire for my son is that his public career may be as successful and gra tifying to him as mine has been to me. (Har, hear.) Now it does so happen that the commence• ment of my public career was precisely the same as his. I commenced my career by being beaten for the eastern division of Worcestershire. [A female voice, " We'll have him yet—Pakington for ever."] (Loud laughter and cheers.) I remember hearing those words, and in the very same accents, on former occasions. I heard the cry of " We'll have him" applied to myself when I was a candidate for the eastern division of the county ; but it so happens that they never yet have had me. (Laughter.) I hope, however, that Mr. Pakington will not receive it as a bad omen for the future that, commencing exactly at the same age as I did, he too has been beaten for the eastern division of the county. (Hear.) I believe that it is a wholesome thing to be beaten sometimes ; that it is not a bad " start" for a young man ; that it prevents him from being too confident, and too triumphant in any thing that he is called upon to do. I can look back to the defeat which I then sustained as the forerunner of my political career, and I hope I may do so without being ashamed of what has followed. (Cheers.) It was said by my hon. friends who have Pr°l3osed and seconded me that they abstained from touching on the present aspect of - political affairs bec ause th ey f e lt that I should deem it to be my duty to do s o . a nd probably you would feel disap pointed, and think that I was hardl y f u lfilli ng my duty toward s y ou a ,your representative and as one who has the h oi rof being a mei of her Majesty's Governm:olti f I did not more or less touch upon that stib i jl4 l But with one or two ex • ceptions, I hardly in tn . y . lif e recollect the com mencement of a new Parliament, r in which there were so very few leni °dative measures of domestic interest which was incumb ent either for a Minister or, indeed, for any candid ate, touch upon at length. Generally, before the commencement of a new Parliament, we have had ser a , exciting topic largely agitating the public mind, and up fully and on which it was necessary that a candidate should frankly express the views he entertained. (Hear.) Sometimes it has been a great political stru ggl e on the subject of gariiamentary reform , You Will re- member that for many years after the passing of the great Reform Act by Lord Grey there was much agitation, arising chiefly out of differences of opinion which prevailed respecting that measure. Again, for several successive elections, there was the question of free trade—the question whether or not the Corn Laws should remain on the statute book of England. On those questions you will recollect there was a great and awi difference of opinion and much discussion ; but at present I am free to say that the re is no question of great political interest or great political difficulty by which the minds of the electors of this country are agitated ; and this I regard as a happy sign of thetimes. I do not regret it. lam glad to see this comparative lull in strong, violent party feeling. Perhaps it may be said that the subject of Parliamentary reform is an exception to this, but Ido not so regard it. On the contrary, I am happy to observe, and I do so with some surprise, how little excitement there seems to be in any part of the country on that question. I hold that that is a most auspicious omen, and I am one of those who have no hesitation in declaring that, as a citizen of this great country, as a member of the House of Commons—ay, and even as a member of the Government, this question of Parliamentary reform having been mooted to the extent it has been, it ought now to be settled. (Cheers.) I think, moreover, that the time when it can be best and most advantageously settled for the interests of the country is the time when a calm public feeling exists upon the subject, and when it may be ap proached both by the electors and by those whom they send to Parliament without that degree of excitement which has prevailed in former years. Gentlemen, you will not be surprised to hear from me the expression of my conviction that whatever party is in power, be it the present or any that may succeed it, it is bound to settle this question as soon as ever an opportunity - presents itself for the pur pose, and to bring to its settlement calm considera tion and those just principles which are likely to meet the views of moderate men. (Hear.) And here I may be allowed to say that I think the Go vernment with which I have the honour to be connected has a right to claim some credit for the fact that, although a Conservative Government, and although it does not profess what are called in a party sense reform principles, it has addressed it self in a spirit of moderation and fairness to this question, and has carried a bill upon it with more success and to a greater extent—l mean to a more advanced stage—than any Government that has preceded it since the question of Parliamentary reform has been revived. (Hear.) Two measures upon the subject were introduced before that of the present Government ; one by the Government of Lord J. Russell, the other by the Government which succeeded his—the Government of Lord Aberdeen. The Government of Lord Palmerston promised a bill but never introduced it ; and what is more, never drew or prepared it. This they were obliged to confess after they left office. Well, that is what was done by our predecessors. What did we do ? We framed a bill. We introduced it, and carried it to the stage of a second reading; and whilst I do not mean to refer in any unfair spirit to what passed during the discussion of that measure, I have no hesitation in saying, if we had not been met in a factious spirit, in a spirit that had nothing whatever to do with reform, in a spirit that did not aim at reform, in a spirit that aimed solely at a scramble for political power—had we not been met in that spirit we should have carried that bill on the second reading. (A voice —"No, no.") I assure my hon. friend who says "no," that I do not intend to speak in any party spirit. I am speaking only that which I think I may say I know to be the fact ; and I assure you that I believe as implicitly as ever I believed any thing in my life, and again I say I know it to be the fact, that had that bill been met, on the motion for its second reading, by the ordinary amendment, that it should be read a second time that day six months, the House of Commons would have passed the second reading, and rejected that amendment. (Cheers.) Why did Lord John Russell meet it in the way he did? Why did he meet it with an amend ment the parliamentary propriety of which has been seriously questioned? Why did not Lord John Russell, instead of . adopting that course, take the straightforward course of moving the rejection of the bill on the second reading ? I believe he took that course because he was perfectly aware that there would be a majority in favour of the second reading; that he took that course, whether it was a factious one or not may be a matter of opinion, be cause he thought it was the only way in - which he could obtain a majority against the bill. And how did he obtain that majority? I can state it of my own knowledge, by the concurrence, for party pur poses, of gentlemen not on ours but on the Opposi tion side of the house—of gentlemen who made no secret of their approbation of the bill, of the main principles of the bill—l speak not of its details— and who, after the resolution had passed, announced that it had been their intention to vote with the Go vernment, but that they hadat last been persuaded to abstain from carrying out that intention ;in con sequence of the party pressure which was brought to bear upon them. I could name the individuals, if I chose, who came to our managers, and said, "We do not mean to vote against the bill, but what can we do? All our leaders are for the resolution." (Laugh ter.) This is not the time or the place for so doing, or I could name those gentlemen, and one in parti cular—a very eminent member of the Opposition— who, after the bill was introduced, came to a distin guished member on our side, and said—" This is a wise and liberal measure." (Renewed laughter.) Well, gentlemen, that may have been a very foolish saying ; his words were, nevertheless, " This is a wise and liberal measure." But when the struggle came, when the party pressure came, these gentle men changed their minds, and without calmly or wisely considering whether it was for the good of the country, when it became a question whether A or B should be in the councils of the Queen, the matter assumed a new aspect in their sight, and they voted against us on the grounds I have just stated. Under these circumstances of course we felt that we had no alternative but to appeal to the country. (Cheers.) It is now in their hands. I think I should not be using too strong an expression if I said that it is a matter for universal regret that members of the House of Commons—men of high character, seeing a great national plan of this kind before them, should, nevertheless, have been so led away by party feeling and attachment to the politics of their leaders as to be induced to abandon all idea of discussing the measure on its I.,erits, or gravely entering into the question of whether or not it might not be amended, and then as amended become the law of the land—so led away as to give their vote, solely looking to the momentary interests 1 of this or that ,political party ; but I must tell you at the same time, as a member of the Government, that, in a party sense, and bearing in mind that the working of our constitutional system depends very 1 much on party action, I by no means regret that things have taken the course they have. I must say I by no means regret that there was a majority against us. On the contrary, by that division the Government were relieved of a great practical em barrassment. They were relieved from being in a position in which no Government in this country could long remain. From the moment we took office we were more or less in an embarrassing pcsition. Lord Derby, as has been stated, frankly told the Queen when her Majesty summoned him to her councils, that as we stood in the beginning of 1858, we could not reckon with certainty on the support of more of than one-third of the members of the House of Commons. Throughout the re mainder of the session in which that statement was made we received from the independent Liberal sec tion of the members, as I may call them, a fair and frank and very generous support ; b ut we knew that this . could n o t go on, an d i t di d not extend very o f r ar fi T e to ti t m h e e s p u r n ese d n iff t were e s r e e s u si t on ciues l t l i r o e nsiva beaten mau four - ner extremely humiliating, extremely annoying, and extremely injurious to the Government—in jurious to the Government, not in a narrow or party sense, but injurious to the Government in the im portant sense of impairing their efficiency, impair ing their power, impairing their means of carrying out what they thought was for the good of the country. (Hear, hear.) I have no hesitation in saying that I, on more than one occasion, felt that embarrassment in the department of the Govern ment with which I am connected ; and in some in stances when there were proposals before the house whiCh I could not approve of, I was obliged to pause and hesitate in order to consider, not whether I approved of what was before the house, but whether under the then existing state of things I, as a Minister, had the power to oppose. (Hear, hear.) Th a t was n ot the position in which a Government ought to remain, haying regard to what is due to their own efficiency and honour and to the people x. hose affairs they are called on to ad minister. Therefore it was a relief to my mind— though the majority against us was obtained in a manner which I thought wrong—that we were afforded an opportunity of appealing manfully and honestly to the country, and leaving it to the coun try to decide the question as to the hands in which the administration of the affairs of the country ough t to be placed. (Hear, hear.) We have made that appeal—we await the issue ; and we await it calmly and with confidence as to the result. (Hear, and cheers.) But reverting for a moment to this inte resting and important subject of reform, th oug h I should b e on l y was ti ng your time if I ventured to go at any length into the general merits of that Reform Bill, I beg to tell you that we who are responsible for ha: ing introduced it do not look back to that bill with any feeling of regret for hav ing brought it before the House of Commons. (Hear.) I believe it found favour with a large portion of the people of this country—(hear, hear)—and while some porti ons o f i t were undoubtedly un- THE SIJN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MAY 2, 1859. of this country. There has been a state of things ' in the City of London for the last few days such as is hardly to be remembered of any former period. There has been a state of ruin—the failure of per sons to such a number as I am almost afraid to mention—agitation in the public funds, and a great depression of property. No I have no hesitation in saying that to a most serious extent these cala mities have been caused irrespectively of the real state of affairs on the Continent, which undoubtedly is alarming enough. I have no hesitation in saying that this panic has arisen in a great degree from the want of due caution on the part of some portions of the public press in publishing prematurely, and in an exaggerated form, intelligence likely to create the greatest alarm, and for which, unquestionably, they could not have had authority sufficient to justify publication. I think I may justly express a hope that those who conduct the affairs of the press with such great ability—an ability felt in every corner of the country—will, remembering the momentous character of the events that may, under existing circumstances, be from time to time passing on the Continent, and the likelihood of ex aggerated or false reports being spread in reference to these events, feel the necessity of acting with great caution, and will, bearing in mind the respon sibility of their position, be cautious not to make public any communication of a startling nature without being thoroughly informed of the accuracy of what they state. (Hear, hear.) lam afraid we can hardly flatter ourselves that war can be averted. I believe there is no doubt that in the course of yesterday—but not before, as you have been told— the Austrian army did cross the Ticino. That is the information which her Majesty's Government re ceived yesterday morning, and of the correctness of which I believe there is no doubt—namely, that it was certainly the intention of the Austrian generals to invade the Sardinian territory by crossing the Ticino yesterday, or last night. That is the in telligence by telegraphic despatch from Vienna. French troops have been poured in, especially by Genoa, so that the whole of that part of Europe is bristling with arms. The Italian States are in insurrection in consequence, and everything at this moment does certainly por tend a sanguinary war, in which possibly all the great Powers of Europe may be—indeed, I might say must be—more or less co ncerned. It isimpos sible to view such a state of things without a very great anxiety. The only one Power which has a reasonable hope that it may continue to be disen gaged and disentangled from this unhappy struggle is this free land in which we have the happiness to live. (Hear, hear.) At present there is no reason why we should be at war with any Power in Europe. (Hear, hear.) We are on friendly terms with every great Power in Europe. We have received friendly assurances of the most recent date even from those two great Powers which are, by public repute, supposed to be engaged in an alliance injurious to this country—l mean France and Russia. But, gentlemen, you will all be aware that while at this moment we have no quarrel with any Power in Europe, while it should be widely and thoroughly understood by the country that the view of the Government is to maintain a continuing, honourable, and dignified neutrality—that that is the policy of the Government; yet, as citizens of this great country, we must all bear in mind that, if unhappily this war should become protracted—if unhappily, as is but too probable, the great Powers which are distant from the scene of action should be drawn into the struggle month after month, or, as may happen, year after year, it must in s uc h a state of things become more difficult for England to maintain her neutrality. (Hear, hear.) You must remember how our commercial interests —our im perial and colonial interests—are mixed up with every part of Europe. Look to the Mediterrane an and the importance of our possessions there, and ' bear in mind the importance of maintaining to England her connection with India. Look to our trade, ramifying through the Mediterranean and the Baltic, to every quarter of the world. Our interests are so mixed up with those of other parts of Europe that while the policy of her Majesty's Government is neutrality—while the intention of her Majesty's Government is neutrality, the country must consider that the day may come when it will be difficult to persevere in the maintenance of that neutrality. (Hear.) But, gentlemen, sincerely do I say that I hope these difficulties may not arise. (Hear, hear.) I assure you the constant efforts of the Government—the unceasing efforts of the Govern ment, will be directed to the one great and para mount object; that even after war ha s commence d and blood. has been shed we shall labour to—if pos sible, and as soon as possible —restore the peace of the world. (Great cheering.) Let it not be sup posed that the Government, any more than the people of this country, are insensible to the sym pathy which in this free land must be felt for any nation labouring under the bad government and the ' domestic oppression which the Italian States have endured. Do not let it be supposed that we are insensible to that sympathy which free men every where feel for the rising liberties and constiutional institutions of the kingdom of Sardinia; but these are not reasons for embarking in a sanguinary war. (Hear, hear.) Let us endeavour to improve the institutions of Italy, if we can, by friendly inter vention, friendly remonstrance, and the interposition of friendly feeling on the part of the great powers of Europe ; but sure I am that we shall not pro mote those objects by lending ourselves to war—if it go on, but God grant it may not—its result as regards Italy is too likely to be that, instead of restoring liberty or giving her the basis of a free dom such as the people of this country enjoy, the struggle will eventually be maintained to decide the question whether she shall change hands and come under the grasp of one despotic tyrant instead of that of another. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I have now stated to you frankly the views of the Govern ment. (Hear, hear.) lam sure you will feel that to carry out those views—to protect our interests —to protect our honour—to make our neutrality respected—to make our power felt—it is impera tively necessary that England shall be powerful— (cheers)—it is imperatively necessary that England shall be prepared for events. (Renewed cheers.) Accordingly the Government have decided to take strong measures ; in fact, to take whatever mea sures may be necessary to incr ease our p ower , an d, above all, to increase it in that arm which is the greatest strength and the right hand of England, and by which at this moment more than by any other means we can assert our influence and power —I mean by strengthening the navy. (Loud and continued cheering.) Th e G overnment h ave re solved toimmediately take such steps as may be necessary to provide for that deficiency which un happily exists in the manning of our fleets. We have already reinforced our squadron in the Medi terranean ; we have already reinforced our squad ron in the Channel; but we shall take further steps, and we shall not hesitate to adopt any mea sures which we may think necessary to put the fleets of England in a position which shall ensure our safety. (Great applause.) Gentlemen, whether the measures which I have just glanced at, both domestic and foreign, should be carried out by the Government which is now existing, or by one formed of those who are now endeavouring to sup , plant and succeed us, must be determined by the result of these elections which are now going on. I believe I may say for my colleagues, and. I am certain I may say for myself, that what ever may be the verdict of the country we shall bow to it respectfully and con tentedly. If it be the desire of the country that the existing administration should continue at the head of affairs we shall continue to do that which we have done for the last 14 months, to de vote our energies and continuous exertions to the faithful discharge of those duties which our Sove reign has imposed upon us. (Hear, and cheers.) If it be the pleasure of the country that the Go vernment should change hands, and that we should not receive from the House of Commons that sup port which shall enable us to carry on the public business with advantage to the empire,we:shall bovv to that decision. We shall only hope that our suc cessors may be animated by the spirit, at least, of honesty, which has animated us—(hear, hear) — and I believe that my colleagues and myself will be able to look without shame on the period during which we have conducted the affairs of England. (Hear, hear.) But I have a strong confidence that the feeling of the people will be that we have done our duty—(hear, hear)—that if the peace of Europe has been broken it was owing to no fault of ours ; and that the great interests of this country have been safe in our hands. (Enthusiastic cheering.) For myself I can say that if I am to continue in the arduous post which I have now the honour to fill I will as long as health and strength are granted to me, discharge the duties of my office in the best manner I can for the public interests—(ch eers )— but I assure you the labour of that post is most severe. I do not believe that any man, however blessed with good health, could continue to fill my office for any great number of years without having his health impaired an d i n j ure d by th e l a b our which it involves ; but while I hold the post I shall endeavour to do my duty, and redeem those pledges which I gave, not only to you, but, through you, to the public, when I came before you on my ac ceptance of office some 14 months ago. I then told you that I should distribute the patronage of the office as fairly and impartially as I could. Gentle men, I can now say that I have done that. (Hear, hear.) The patronage of that office is necessarily very large. I have had to strengthen the fleet, and to appoint officers to command our ships ; and I am free to say that I have, in every case, asked, " Who is the best man ?" (H ear , h ear .) I c an further assert that in nine cases out of ten when I appointed the person whom I believed to be the best man I have not considered and have not known whether he was a Whig or a Tory. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the navy itself, I hope that when ever I quit office I may be able to say that great arm of our power has not suffered in my hands. (Cheers.) I have no wish to pass a censure on those who preceded us—l have been accused of wishing to do it ; but I have no wish to do it beyond that point which strict fact and truth indicate. How- I ever, when I took office last year there were either 25 or 26 effective screw line-of-battle ships. That was the lowest point to which the navy of England had been reduced for a very long period. Well, several were prepared to be launched last year ; and you are all aware of the steps which the Go vernment have taken. since that time. I need only state I expect, by tho end of the present financial year, the number of effective line-of-battle ships will be, if not quite, very nearly double what I found it when I came into office. We have devoted the same pains to other classes of our vessels of war. (Hear.) If there be one feeling on the part of the 31overn ment stronger than another—if there be one subject to which they attach more interest than another, it is that the navy of England should never be allowed to fall into anything like weakness, but that that great arm of our strength should be maintained in the highest possible state of efficiency. (Loud cheers.) This is the principle upon which since I have held my present office I have endea voured to act. (Hear, hear.) I shall continue to act upon it as long as I remain at the Board of Admiralty, and in all future duties which may devolve upon me as a citizen of this great state, whether those duties be of a public or a private cha racter, I trust I shall prove myself worthy of the kindness and confidence which I have for so many successive years received from you, my neighbours, a kindness and confidence which I fully appreciate, and which it shall ever be my anxious endeavour to merit. The right hon. baronet resumed his seat amid enthusiastic and long-continued cheering. The proceedings then terminated. IRELAND. DUBLIN, SATURDAY EVENING. DUBLIN UNIVERSITY. The first election held in Ireland has been a tri umph for the Conservative party. Trinity College, hitherto contested at, I believe, every general elec tion for the past quarter of a century, this day returned her former excellent representatives—the Attorney General and Mr. Lefroy—without a word from the opposition. The second election, that in progress for the metropolis, will also terminate in the re-election of its late onservative representa tives, notwithstanding the exertions made by the son of the late Chancellor Brady and his newly arrived colleague—the rejected of Cork county — Mr. Alex. M'Carthy. However, to retun to the University. After the usual formula had been gone through, The Rev. Dr. Moore, senior fellow, proposed Anthony Lefroy, Esq., and the Rev. Archdeacon Goold seconded the nomination. The Attorney General was proposed by the Rev. Dr. Lloyd and seconded by the Rev. Sidney Smith. No other candidate appearing, the Provost de clared Anthony Lefroy, Esq., and the Right Hon. James Whiteside duly elected. Mr. LEFROY returned thanks, and in the course of his speech declared that he would continue to give his cordial support to the Government of Lord Derby. (Cheers.) Mr. WIIITESIDE then rose amidst loud cheers. He had to thank the electors for again returning him, and the reverend gentleman who had pro • posed him. His reverend friend represented an important body in the country, and he (Mr. Whiteside) was, therefore, glad to have his recom mendation. The parochial system was one of the oldest institutions in the State, and when the de mocratic babbler spoke of overthrowing it he little considered the revolution such an act would pro duce : but he did not believe that those who spoke in this fashion really intended to attempt what they said—they only did so for political purposes. Mr. Whiteside then contrasted the advantages of a Government guided by public opinion with despotic systems, and said that the latter had advantages, as all power being centred in one man there was no responsibility ; but in great emergencies the coun try of free institutions, like England, was the more powerful. He had no fears for England in con nection with the threatened war. As had been humorously said, " Let them keep their powder dry." (Cheers.) Having given a humorous sketch of the Italian complication, Mr. Whiteside went on to refer to the question of Reform. What this agitation would end in he did not know, but he would not wonder if it ended in Sir James Graham swallowing the ballot and leading on a Radical Cabinet. (Cheers and laughter.) What was the condition of the late House of Commons ? They had a Radical party, which he admired for its con sistency ; a Conservative party that, thank God, outnumbered it ; and a Peelite party, which he con sidered without power. What, then had they to look forward to ? The Conservative party, he thought, would become stronger; the Whig party would become less; and he was bound to admit that the Radical party would become stronger. Finally, the two great parties would stand in direct contrast—one, the party of Conservatism ; the other of revolution. What was the object of the Radicals ? They wanted to concentrate all power in the House of Commons, to make the Lord s an a pp en d age , and. the throne a:brilliant ornament. (Cheers.) A monar chy could not subsist without the institutions that gave it force, and to this all history bore proof. The learned speaker next alluded to the topic of compe titive examinations, and showed the anxiety of the Cabinet to give this principle force. It had been asked, what had the Government done besides for Ireland? He pointed to the Galway packet station, which brought trade to a part of the country which had been too long neglected, and showed that an English Government could rule all parts of a na tion with equal justice. (Cheers.) A cry, an election cry, had been raised, and he was sorry to say it had been got up at his expense--a jury -packing outcry. And what did all this come from ? A thing that gave him the deepest pain ; a conspiracy in which he forebore to believe until the magistracy and the gentry, by their representations, made it impossible to avoid coming to the conclusion that rebellion was contemplated. The Government then proceeded to prosecute the members of this illegal organisation in the most tender manner it could. Having stated the constitution of the juries at Kerry, and the facts well known in connection with the trials there, Mr. Whiteside said he would let them into a secret. On the first trial, after the jury was sworn, he was touched on the shoulder and addressed by a person who said "No verdict." Not being acquainted with Kerry practice, he asked—how was that, and re ceived the same reply. The learned speaker then discussed the opinions that had been expressed in public relative to his conduct at the Kerry trials, and, with his usual irony, raised much laughter at their expense, ending by declaring that while he was Attorney-General he would be active in defeat ing conspiracy against the law as well as conspiracy against the Crown. The persons who had raised the jury-packing outcry (continued Mr. Whiteside) instead of being happy that the expiring rem nants of faction were being trampled out, had taken the very opposite course. (The learned gentleman then referred to the charge brought against him in connection with the Belfast trial, and explained the matter in precisely the same manner as has been already done in these columns, amid cheering.) Out of this circumstance, he said, an attempt had been made to bring into conflict with the Presbyterians of the north, whom he ad mired for their industry and loyalty; but he would be the last person to offend that body, and no jury would satisfy him better to try conspirators against the laws than 12 Presbyterians—(cheers and Kentish fire)—and no jury would satisfy the Ro man Catholics worse. (Cheers.) In allusion to the passage in Mr. Brady's address which spoke of tenant right, Mr. Whiteside said that he only thought it would be considered miserable clap-trap to catch votes. He could have told the country that a measure which cost him months of labour had been printed, and was lying upon the table of the House of Commons, and which he hoped would do that justice to the tenant to which he admitted he was entitled. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) In going over the other points in Mr. Brady's address, Mr. Whiteside came to that portion of it in which the writer —the poor aspirant, as he called him— spoke of the Established Church. The learned speaker denounced Mr. Brady in powerful terms, which were received with tremendous applause. Was there, he continued, no nurse in the family to whom Mr. Brady could pour out his eloquence be fore committing himself before the public ? The next question touched upon in the address was that of education, and he had no hesitation in sav ing that, in his opinion, before long the Reformed Church would be granted the privileges it claimed. (Mr. Whiteside concluded his brilliant speech by bidding the electors a respectful farewell.) The proceedings then closed, the audience cheer ing loudly for Mr. Whiteside. DUBLIN (CITY). The nonination of candidates took place to-day at ten o'clock a.m. The Court-house was thrown open, and soon afterwards every available space was occupied. The proceedings dragged on heavily enough for some two or three hours, but as the day advanced the rival electors became noisy and dis orderly as usual in the same locality under similar circumstances. Beyond the rather sudden intro duction of a new candidate, Mr. Alex. M'Carthy, late of Cork, little of material interest t• distant readers took place. Sir Coleman O'Loughlin is acting as assessor to the sheriff. Sir /01IN K. JAMES p-roposed Sir Edward Gro gan, Bart., as a fit and proper person to represent the city in Parliament. ALEX. BOYLE, Esq. (banker), seconded the pro position. Sir EDWARD BOROUGH ; Bart., proposed John Vance, Esq., and WOODS MAuNsELL, Esq., seconded the nomination. The friends of the Conservative candidates were repeatedly interrupted by the Radical mob, but on the whole they had a tolerably fair hearing. Alderman JOHN REYNOLDS proposed, and JAMES C. COFFEY, Esq., seconded the nomination of Fran cis Brady, Esq. Alderman CAMPBELL proposed, and Mr. M. DARCY seconded Alex. M'Carthy, Esq. The candidates then severally addressed the meeting, and the poll was fixed for Monday morn ing:. _ _ 'The calculation is that Sir Edward Grogan and ?Ir. Vance will beat their Radical opponents by upwards of 500. There is no sign of opposition in the County Dublin ; but whether there be or not, Colonel Taylor and Mr. J. H. Hamilton are well able to meet any that may possibly offer. popular, I believe there were other portions of it which would be received most favourably by the country. (Hear, hear.) While it was framed in a Conservative spirit—framed with a view to main• taining a House of Commons which would support and uphold our institutions—l contend it was also framed in a spirit of liberal concession ; and I believe it would have added very much to—l doubt if it would not have doubled—the constituencies of Eng land. (Hear, hear.) Two parts of it were very much criticised; one was what was called the disfranchise ment of freeholders ; the other was the portion which whilst lowering the county did not lower the borough franchise. Now, except in the case of double votes, there was no disfranchisement. I say that this is a very delicate question, because if double votes were to be allowed, I think it may be possible that that principle may be pushed a little further ; for those who may be anxious to adopt the double votes, as a fair example, may found upon them an argument for increasing the n ember of votes in a ratio with the amount of property. I do not mean to say that I am an advocate for that. Quite the reverse ; but I think it dangerous for the Liberal party to advocate double votes ; and except in the case of double votes I deny any disfranchisement by the Government Reform Bill. All we meant by the clause referring to these double votes was to revert to the ancient principles of the constitution, and to provide that men should vote where their freeholds lay—that a man residing in the borough of Droitwich, instead of voting in the county of Worcester, should vote in Droitwich, where his interest lay. That was only in accordance with an old principle of the British constitution. It was only applying to the smaller freeholds under £lO the principle which the Reform Bill of 1832 applied to the large free. holds above £lO, and no one heard a complaint of that. (Hear, hear.) I shall not dwell longer on the subject. I shall only say that the bill was brought in in a fair and liberal spirit of concession, and the best proof of that was—and I am sorry to say it—that, such as it was, it caused us (the Go vernment) to lose the assistance of two right hon. friends to whom, speaking personally, I have long been attached—two as honourable and as amiable men as there were in the House of Commons—two men of great ability, who afforded the Government valuable assistance in Parliament. On the one hand, though I am sorry to say I cannot agree with those two distinguished friends of mine, on the other, deeply as I regret their loss to the Govern ment, it is at the same time a matter of great satis faction to a Conservative Government to feel that when we proposed a measure—whether it had this fault or that I shall not say—which would have extended the franchise in a very liberal manner, though we lost the assistance of two distinguished members of the Cabinet, our party supported us with a unanimity that has hardly been exceeded in our Parliamentary history. (Hear, hear, and great cheering.) I think, too, that while the difficulties of the Government, in dealing with this question hereafter, have been greatly increased by what has taken place, yet that if we look across the house to the justly eminent men who have opposed the Go vernment on this question, we shall not find great unanimity amongst them. (Hear, hear.) I think there has been a want of caution on the part of statesmen on the other side. They have been in a hurry to declare what their intentions on the sub ject of reform are, and the result is that from four gentlemen of great political eminence we have four plans of Reform, and no one of these plans agrees with any of the others. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) There is the plan of Mr. Bright, the plan of Sir James Graham, the plan of Lord John Russell, and the opinion, if not the plan, of Lord Palmerston. Mr. Bright's plan I will not dwell upon; but I only do Mr. Bright justice when I say that I be lieve there is not in the House of Commons—l believe there is not in this country, many men of more distinguished ability than he; and I will say something more for Mr. Bright than that—namely, that so far as I know him, and I have known him both privately and publicly as a member of the House of Commons for several years—l doubt if there are in this country many men who are more honest in their puposes and convictions than Mr. Bright. (Hear, hear.) I believe him to be a man who in his public career acts honestly in his purposes and convictions, but I believe those purposes and convictions which he so honestly entertains are not purposes and convic tions shared in by the majority of the people in this country. (Hear, hear.) I think he wants to make our institutions more democratic than is consistent with the monarchical form of government under which we live. I think he wants to assimilate those institutions to the institutions of the United States to an extent which would not be approved of by the British people, and to an extent that I shall raise my voice in warning against when ever the opportunity is afforded me, for this reason, that I firmly and conscientiously believe that if Mr. Bright could carry out his views, and assimilate the institutions of England to those of America, to the extent which he would desire, he would strike a blow from which we should never recover at the real liberty we at present enjoy. (Hear, hear.) For these reasons I am happy to believe that how ever honest and however able Mr. Bright may be, his views and opinions will not find favour with the people of this country. (Hear, hear.) Then we have the plan of Sir James Graham. He says the great fault in the Government bill was that it did not lower the borough franchise; and his argu ment then is in effect this :—" You must lower the borough franchise. You must find a principle upon which to rest that franchise, and I see no principle upon which you can rest it but house hold, that is, municipal suffrage." That is the avowed opinion of Sir James Graham. He avowed it in his speech in the House of Commons, and avowed it since in a speech delivered by him at Carlisle. Lord John Russell differs from Sir James Graham. He says, " Let us have a £6 occupation franchise for boroughs." The day after Lord John Russell made this avowal to gain what ever benefit he could by it, Lord Palmerston said that he agreed with the opinions uttered by his noble friend on the subject of reform, with one ex ception—namely, he did not agree with him in what he had said about a borough franchise. (Laughter.) Indeed, Lord John Russell's words on this point were scarcely spoken when Lord Palmerston expressed his dissent from them to an hon. friend of mine. Here, then, are four plans from the opposition. Is it not evident that there is no harmony amongst them on the subject of reform ? Thus the work is one of difficulty. (Hear, hear.) While we have given no pledge that we are to be expected to grapple with the question in the beginning of the coming session, I will re peat this, that I think any government of the day, be it ours or be it that of those who may succeed us, must deal with the question as one which ought to be speedily settled ; and I think we may safely make great concessions after 'the experience of the last quarter of a century. We ought to make them liberally, but at the same time in a safe, moderate, and conservative spirit—(hear, hear)—and I have no doubt that before much time has elapsed we shall feel it to be our duty to grapple with the matter. Neither have I any doubt that should we not con tinue in office our successors will feel it to be their duty to do so. By whatever party the matter shall be approached I hope it may be dealt with in a spirit of patriotism and with a wise and proper caution ; and that while, on the one hand, they remember the claims of our fellow-citizens, they will not on the other forget the liberties so longenjoyed ander the glorious consti tution which England has the happiness to possess. You, I presume, feel it to be impossible that I should pass over in silence the painful subject which must be at this moment in every man's mind in this country, far beyond the reform of Parliament or any other domestic question ; I mean the dreadful misfortune —for I can view it in no other light—of war, which is likely to break out —which I fear I may say has broken out on the Continent. (Hear, hear.) Gen tlemen, this state of continental affairs must be a subject of pain and regret and anxious reflection to every citizen of this country ; but I am sure you will believe me when I tell you that, as regards those who have the responsibility of conducting the affairs of this great country, it is really impossible to exaggerate the anxiety which is felt by men in such a position, or the deep sense of responsibility under which we take every step that we may feel it to be our duty to take. (Cries of Hear, hear.) I can only tell you as regards the past, that there has been the most sincere and anxious desire on the part of the Government to preserve the peace of Europe. We have been accidentally in a position which gave the greatest weight to our interfer ence. We have no immediate part—no immediate interest in this unhappy quarrel. All our anxiety has been—not only for our sakes—not only for the deep interest which England has in the preserva tion of peace on her own account, but for the sake ofsoei a a b l o p u r t og a r n ess, am fo iea rt b h l e e sake of o ci f vi t li b s o a s t e ion em t l o bring - tinental difficulties. (Hear.) For every legitimate that interest the p thateae canpeace of the world be imagined should it b m e maintained, s os t desi ab l e and we have spared no means, -no exertion up to this moment to secure that object. (Hear.) How ever, gentlemen, such have been the passions, such have been the various objects operating against us among certain of the great Powers of Europe, that I am deeply sorry to say that I fear the moment has come when it is impossible to deny that those efforts of ours have failed, and that what I fear will prove to be a sanguinary war is on the point of breaking out. And speaking in the interests of truth—speaking in the interests of this and other great countries, I cannot refrain from expressing my sense of the great respon sibility which rests at such a moment on those who conduct the public press STATE OF ITALY. (From the Correspondent of the Times.) ROME, APRIL 26. The ceremonies of Holy Week and the festivities of Easter are over. Ladies have ceased to mob and to curiosare in the purlieus of St. Peter's. Cabmen and coachmen look sentimental and desponding, for the forestieri (foreigners) are rushing out of every gate of the city, north, south, east, and west. It was a brilliant day was last Sunday, and I went down to witness the grand spectacle of the Bene diction, but it appeared to me to be more than ever a spectacle, for the demeanour of the people had changed, and altogether there was less unction about the ceremony than what I remember to have impressed me some 17 years ago. His Holiness had just dropped the indulgences amongst the crowd, which from a distance appeared like rare flakes of snow, when I saw a number of hats raised in the air—some on sticks, some in the hands ; there was at the same time a simultaneous shout from many voices of " Viva l'lmperatore," " Viva la Francia," " Viva l'lt a li a ." Vi ewe d t h roug h an English lens, this incident was simple and insigni ficant; but a demonstration in Italy has a very serious significance. In a country watched over by gendarmes and spies, and where it is a crime to speak, certain barriers must have been broken down before people could venture on any public expres sion of opinion. In such a way began the revolu tion of 1848 in Naples and elsewhere, and it was no wonder, therefore, that those who were suffi ciently near to hear the shouts above described were taken with a panic, and rushed towards their houses, the great gates of which were immediately closed. I believe that the event of which I speak had been organized some little time before, and it was determined to make the demonstration in favour of the French. The intelligence which arrived on Saturday from Piedmont that Austria had sent her a menacing demand, and in an offensive manner, brought matters to a crisis ; it flew though the city like wildfire, and it is a striking proof of the wide-awake state of the Romans that not a servant or a facchino was ignorant of the fact that something was up, and that, according to them, " war was to begin next week." The French p o li ce an d the Govern ment police were both aware that a demonstration was to be made, and Colonel Nardoni, the Captain of the Gendarmerie, was ordered by the Govern ment to be on the ground with such a force of gen darmes as he thought necessary to maintain order. The appearance of the Due de Grammont and General Goyon was the signal for shouting, waving of hats and handkerchief's, and cries of " Viva la Francia !" " Viva l'ltalia !" Some add that there was a cry, also, of " Abbasso Antonelli !" but this I did not hear. The Duke and General bowed in acknowledgment and drove on. The persons who had organised the demonstration were ranged on each side of the Borgo de St. Pietro, beginning at the extremity where it opens on the Piazza of St. Peter's up to the Castle of St. Angelo ; so that Nar doni, who was just about to arrest a few who had begun to shout close to him, was surprised to find the cries taken up on the opposite side and carried down throughout the line of the crowd. The con sequence was that he remained paralysed, as it were, and did nothing. I passed through the crowd on my road home ; they all retained their ground on either side of the street, and had I been a mem ber of Holy Mother Church I should not have been edified by the jeers and criticisms which were made on the Cardinals as their splendid equipages rolled by. I am informed that imme diately on his return from St. Peter's, Count Collo redo, having taken off his official dress, went in a cab to the Vatican to have an audience of Anto nelli and protest against the demonstration in the morning. The Government itself was greatly embarrassed by what had taken place, for the persons who had rai se d the cries were men of high respectability and , wealth. There were medical men, advocates, " mereanti di canipagna" —large capitalists, who, besides being proprie tors themselves, rent immense tracts of land, pay ing a rental of 8,000 or 9,000, or 10,000 scudi a year. They are some of the richest men in Rome, so that the demonstration could not be sneered down as having been got up by the lower classes. I believe that the Papal Government, had it been left to itself, would have done nothing ; but it is said that, at the urgent request of the Austrian Minister, orders were given for the arrest of the leaders of the movement, and an attempt was made to put the orders into execution after midnight, in Italian fashion ; but the birds had flown, having been informed of what was about to happen. Great excitement prevailed in Rome during the whole of the following day. Many Roman gentlemen went to leave their cards at the houses of those who were compromised by the acts of the previous day, thus giving them their moral support. There was some talk of sending a deputation to the Due de Gram mont to ask how it could be construed into an act of disorder or insubordination to applaud those who were here as the defenders of the Pope and his Government. On the supposition that the Austrian Minister has taken the very decided part attributed to him, he has been greatly blamed by all parties here for an act likely to create great irritation, and possibly to lead to consequences which otherwise might not have taken place, for the Romans, nay, the Italians, are boiling over, and there is the greatest difficulty in keeping them within the bounds of ordinary prudence. It will not be lost upon you, I hope, now strongly pronounced are the Austrian ten dencies of the Papal Government in these attempts at arresting men for cheering a French Minister and a French general. It is no use to deny it, the Governments of Italy lean upon Austria, sym pathise with her, and there is a double antagonism between them and their subjects, because they are Austrian, and because they are the enemies of light and progress. With regard to the Papal Govern ment, represented by Cardinal Antonelli, it is eminently Austrian for religious as well as political reasons, and the close relations which have existed between his Eminence and the Archbishops of Vienna and Olmutz have served to strengthen the _ _ sympathies of the two Governments. Oite of the fats that strikes me most in Rome is, that a man so universally spoken against and detested as is Antonelli should yet manage to retain his post and his power. Wherever I go I hear the same tone indulged in. The other Cardinals dislike him excessively, some perhaps from jealousy; for, in spite of the osculuni pacts periodically exchanged, Cardinals are but men ; yet many are honestly per suaded that he is ruining the country by a home policy which is full of selfishness, and a foreign policy which is anti-national, anti-progressive, and out - of harmony with the feelings and the intelli gance of the age. The same language I hear from all classes of society, and from almost every party in politics, and the day would be hailed with joy which saw him fall from power. This you will say is mere talk, but it is sufficient for me to state that not one of those reforms which were promised on his entrance into power has been carried out, though with the power of France and the goodwill of the people to back him. For a moment, how ever, let me leave these subjects to speak of " our" Prince, for we all feel that we have a kind of pro perty in him. His Royal Highness did not make his appearance in St. Peter's on Easter Sunday. On his own suggestion he attended the English church, and took the Sacrament ; nor must I omit to remark .on the deep religious feeling with which he appears to engage in the services of the Church. Last evening the Prince was in the Piazza del Popolo, to witness the brilliant fireworks which were exhibited as usual on the evening of Easter Monday. The excitement which exists here among the visitors in consequence of the threats of war amounts to a panic, and all are trying to rush off. Names of persons to the number of 450, who were desirous of leaving by Civita Vecchia,.were taken at the Packet-office yesterday, but as the steamers cannot take more than 80 passengers they are com pelled to remain and wait for other additional steamers. I think the panic is unreasonable, and that even if war should be a fact it will be wiser for people to remain in Rome a short time until the roads are disembarrassed. For the satisfac- tion of families in England, I beg to state that here in Rome nothing is to be apprehended. French troops are here, and they are friendly with the people, and it is the interest of the Emperor to protect the Pope. Should war, therefore, break out —if it has not already broken out—travellers had much better remain here for a short time, until the roads are freer than they can be at the present mo ment. Since Writing the above I have made my latest inquiries, and have been informed that Count Col loredo certainly did go to Antonelli on Sunday afternoon, and that six or seven persons were arrested on the following night, though the greater part of those who were doomed were apprised even by the police themselves and escaped. Yesterday morning, it is added, the Due de Grammont wrote to the Cardinal, and sent his first secretary to re quest the release of those who had been arrested, stating that if this were not done he should write to the Emperor and ask for instructions. The Car dinal, according to my authority, stated that the Austrian Minister had not made any application to him, which is positively contradicted by others. His eminence added that the arrest was a mere form, and that the men were only to be examined. Still they were not liberated, and the Romans deter mined to get up another demonstration. It was much talked of during the day, and considerable apprehension was felt that there would be some dis turbance at the exhibition of fireworks in the even-• ing. At half-past 7 o'clock a large number of persons appeared before the house of Gen. Goyon uttering the same cries as yesterday, and it was understood that they would be repeated later. The general ex pressed a wish that nothing should be done, and after the fireworks were over remained an hour on the ground, and returned to his house by a different road ; but he was recognised, and a similar demon stration took place to that already described. Last night four or five arrests of slight importance were effected, and I am informed that the Due de Gram mont will to-day renew his demand for the liberation of the prisoners. Perhaps he has been the more prompt and energetic in consequence of a deputation of Romans waiting upon him yesterday to ask whether the fact of their cheering the de fenders of the Papal Government could be con strued into an insult or an offence. At all events, the imprudent interference of the authorities in an affair which would have been comparatively Of little importance if suffered to remain quiet de monstrates what are the tendencies of the Govern ment •, and if it is true, as I am assured is the case, that Count Colloredo did go to Antonelli and urge severe measures, we have another proof of that predominating influence of Austria which enslaves alike Sovereigns and people. The Romans are greatly exasperated, and bent on making further demonstrations. Hitherto those who had been engaged ik them are of a highly' respectable class, but they threaten that if the pri soners are not released they will call in the lower classes. The feeling is so strong that General; Goyon has issued an order of the day that all assemblages of persons shall be dispersed. At the same time, private orders have been given to the French gend armes t o d o t h e i r biddi ng gen tly and by persuasion. The following is the text of the order issued by General Goyon.:— " Head-quarters, Rome, April 26. " Peaceable but public manifestations have taken plac e ' Whatever may be our sympathy with the sentiments which have been expressed, we cannot allow them to be repeated . Any public manifestation is a breach of order ; no matter under what colour or motive it is made, it involves dis agreeable consequences upon those who instigate it. " The law forbids all gatherings, and orders, if neces sary, their dispersion by force. Here, by order of our Eta' peror, to assist the venerable and venerated Holy Father , by facilitating to his Government the maintenance of order, it is my duty, as commander of the public force, to enforc e the law. This duty, however p a i n f u l it ma y b e , shall ": accomplished by us in every circumstance • but I rely lin': the intelligent and p ru d en t f ee li ngs o f the R oman pupil' to make my task more eas y. "DE GUYON." COUNTRY MA.RICETS. LEICESTER—APRIL 29. There was a fair average quantity of wheat on offer, asid a rather brisk trade resulted in an advance of 6s per cl r ; Barley in moderate supply. O a t s a d van c e d is to 2s per 24 stone. Beans scarce. Wheat 4Bs to 52s I Oats.. ..28s to 349 White do 50 s t o 56 s Beans • 448 to 50 6 Barley 34s to 44s Beans new —s to - ---5 Fine flour, 30s I Seco n d s , 28 s 1 Thirds, 26s per sack. ROCHE STER--Arnin 29. At to-day's market there was a moderate show of W ea t ' which sold briskly at 2 s t o 3 s per qr more money th a n last week. White, good, sold from 44s to 52s ; inferior, 42s to 445. Red wheats realised 43 s t o 48 s. F ore i gn i n d e mand prime lots fetching is to 2s more money. Barley was by no means an active sale, and pri ces nominally unalters• Oats steady. Beans and peas quiet. STAMFORD-APRIL 29. We had fair supplies of all descriptions of grain to-k,f' and wheat met a good sale at fully 8s per qr. over prevT u ; rates. Foreign wheat inquired for, but the high prl°,. asked checks business. Oats in better demand, at is p er qr higher. Flour 2s per sack dearer. Barley at full rates. Peas dull, without any change in value. Wheat .. 40s to 48s Oats . 234 to 30g White do .48s to 54s B eans —8 to • - :; 5 ., Barley .36s to 40s Ditt o , o ld ........39 8 to 44'' NORWICH—APRIL 29. The supply of wheat limited and higher prices demande tl ' sales making fully Ns per qr over late rates for all aes°Pri tions. Even at this price the farmers were reluctall sellers. YORX—ArnIL 28. The wheat trade was very good to-day, and the bul l ' ness done was at an advance of 2s to 3s over late rat es ; Barley, beans, oats, and p eas were i n reques t, a t a bout th previous prices. Wheat, white 4Bs to 56s Beans, Mazagan..--s to I red 46s to 56s Middle & small 38s to V 5 B irley 3os to 32s White peas 42s to 42 Oats 22s to 24s Grey.. 4os to 429 I NOTTINGHAM—APRIL 29. w hich There was a moderate supply of wheat to-day, sold at an advanee of lOs per qr on late rates. Oats scarc e ' at extreme rates. Beans a l so scarce , an d fully is per q r higher. White wheat, new, 58s to 63s B ar l e y, gr i n di ng .. 27 8 to 3 4 " Red do. sos to 58 s Oats, old, .. 2Bs to 316 Old white s 2s to 62s New do 26s to 30 Red do.. 48s to 56s 1 Beans. 46 s to 5 21 Barley, malting... .38 s t o 43 s 1 Peas -•• —s to --0 [ADVERTISEMENT.] SIGHT AND HEARING.*--*Sr s :p . TACLES.—POWERFUL TELESCOPES.—OPERA, RACE, PERSPECTIVE GLASSES. —Messrs. S. and B. Solon:ions, opticians, 39, Albermarle-Street, Piccadilly. Obserri: opposite the York Hot e l, W . —O pera, R ace-course , Fie ' f and general Out-door Day and Night Perspective Glase e l very small, for the waistcoat pocket, each containing 12 tq l 18 lenses, con s t ruc t e d o f G erman glass. Will show di,s- tinctly a per son t o k now t h em at two-and-a-half an d t er miles, and an object from eight to ten miles distant. I le a Majesty's Coast Guards are making use of them as daYsu night glasses in preference to all others ; they are also Pr e. a fetTed for deer-stalking by sportsmen, gentlemen, an, o gamekeepers. Telescopes 3f inches long, by which P etro son may be clearly seen and known at 3i miles' and object at 12 t o 14 m il es ' distan ce; an d w ith an ex t ra astr 0„ nomical eye-piece, Jupiter's moons, Saturn's rings, eil hA the double,stars are distinctly seen. All the above can_ . ,"a had of larger and all sizes, with increasing powers, n . are secured by her Majesty's Royal Lette rs Patel! The Royal Exhibition, 1851. A v a l ua bl e , nef , inventee, very small, powerful IVaistcoot-pocket the size of a walnut, by which a person can be seen and known one and a h a lf m il e di stant. They answer every purpose on thG R ace - course and at the Opera' houses. Country scenery and ships are clearly se e at four to six miles. They are invaluable for shooting, deer-stalking, yachting, to sportsmen, gentlemen, gam e ; keepers, and tourists. P r i ce 30 s. —S pec t ac l e L enses 0 1 ,,d greatest transparent po wer . Th e great advantage d ,' from this invention is, that vision becoming impaireo_. preserved an d strengthened,- and very aged persons impaired enabled to employ their sight at the most minute occupo,t l° —can see with th ose l enses o f a muc h less magnifYl , ,7, power, and they do not req u i re th e f requen t c h anges to t s dangerous effects of further powerful assistance. Person can be suited at the mo s t remo t e par t o f th e world by se--n d a ing one of the glasses ou t o f th e i r spectacles in a letter , an stating the distance from th e e y es th ey can read small pla n with it, and those who h ave no t made use of spectacles 'I, statingtheirage. Deaf ness. —N ew Discovery.—The Orgoe-1 Vibrator, an ext raor di nar il y powerful small newly a -invente d instrument for Deafness, entirely different from all others' surpasses anythi ng o f t h e kind that has been, or proba/VR ever can be, p ro d uce d . B e i ng of the same colour a s t- skin, is not perceptible. It enables deaf persons to I ;''' distinctly at church and at public assemblies; the unPle' v , sant sensation of singing noises in the ears is entirely cool moved,. and it affords all the assistance that possibly co w be desired. -39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Observe' opposite the York Hotel, W. BIRTHS. ArPLECK.—On the 28th ult., at Brastead, near Savenoak* the Lady Affleck, of a daughter. COWAN.—On the 30th ult., at 19, Ufton-road north' 110 Beauvoir-town N., London, Mrs. George Inglis COO' of a daughter. KING.—On the 30th ult., at 8, Pall- ma ll eas t, the wife of Edmund King, Esq., of a son. WEBBE.—On the 29th ult., at 18, Hereford-street, gY de ‘ park, the wife of Alex. A. Webbe, of a daughter. MARRIAGES FAZAKERLET—LILFORD.—On the 28th ult , at Achur c i t i :, Northamptonshire, J o h n Ni c h o l as Fazak ley, Fsi: r a er the Hon. Georgi ana C aro li ne, th i rd daughter of ° Lilford. SHARPE— Jonicsox.—On the 28th ult., at Thatch a ll i ' Berks, Gra nv ill e, e ld est son of the late Granville Sll,a r P e c c i,. Esq., to Adelaide, youngest daughter of the late Johnson, Esq., of Highgate. DEATHS. a BRADLEY.—On the 29th u lt , at Sion Lodge, Richnio n , „ Mr. David Bradley, formerly of Crutchedfriars, Lon d° ' - ' aged 72. BAYNES - .—On the 12th inst., at Dawlish, Major o' llBls Baynes, Royal Artillery, aged 70. CRAUFORD.—On the 28th ult., at Tillington, susses, ow' tain H. W. Cranford, R.N., aged 62. vv. CLEAVER.--On the 29th ult., a t St o k e N ew i ngton , inr' B. Cleaver, aged 54. PINHORN.—On the 28th ult., at Notting-hill, Elizabeth, eldest daughter of the late Sir John Pinhona, aged, „a , 86. PIPER.—On the 28 t h u lt ., at Edinburgh, Edwar d Esq., aged 56. OsnonN.—On the 29th ult., at his residence, 4, road, Brixt on , O ctav i us Henry Vint Osborn, Esq aged 29. WAY.—On the . 27th ult., Mr. Geo. J. Way, of Cairnter'o Coffee-ho use , Covent-arden, aged 39. ,U Na' ' LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YO 12, of No. 112, Strand, P r inter, at The Sun Office,No• 1 12 ' Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the countl Middlesex, Monday, May 2, 1869.. _