The Sun. — London, England, 1859-07-30 00:00:00

I LATEST NEWS. The following telegrams have been received al Mr. Reuter's office : ST. PETERSBURG, JULY 29. The Journal de St. Petersburg contains the 'fol lowing :—The journals, relying upon diplomatic documents, have pretended that the basesof media tion were agreed upon by the neutral Powers prior to the conclusion of the treaty of Villafranca, and that these bases being especially judged by Austria less favourable than those proposed by France, had determined the Emperor of Austria to accept the latter ones. We are authorised to state that the bases of mediation ' . of which the pro ject lately published is composed, had not been agreed upon by the neutral Powers, nor even discussed. The preliminaries of peace between the belligerents were already signed before the principle of mediation, which formed the object of negotiations between the neutral powers was de nit ively agreed upon. TURIN, JULY 30. The ladies of Milan have opened a subscription for erecting a marble monument in honour of the Empress Eugenie, on which will be inscribed the gratitude and the hopes of Italy (exprimant la r econnaissance et l'esperance). The Dictator of Modena has convoked the popular assemblies. All persons competent to read and Write, and whose age is not less than 21, will be entitled to vote. Perfect order prevails. TURIN, JULY 29. It,is announced from Bologna that the Govern 11lent, of the Romagna has adopted the Code Napo leon. This measure has been received by the popula 4, "9 1 1 with great'enthusiasm. TRIESTE, JULY 29. The Austrian Lloyd's steamer has arrived here to-4 a Y) With advices from Constantinople to the 25th inst. . Imperial Majesty the Sultan left to-day for ltodosto and Saloniea. In consequence of • the conclusion of peace be tWeea Prance and Austria the calling in of the Re dif B has been suspended. A Turki s h L ega ti on or C onsu l a t e G enera l i s ebony to be established at Rome. The Persian ambaSsador has arrived here. FRANCE. PARIS, FRIDAY. 2 411 18 BOURSE, July 29. —The market has again heavy, and the amount of business limited. bra es, after having been done at 68f. 75c., de eluoed 68f. 40c., and are now at 68f. 50c. ; I 3 Vtobi lier varied, f rom 822 f. 50 c . t o 812 f. 50. ; Lom ardo-Venetian, 562 f. 50c. to 555 f. ; Austrian, 6 62 f 5 00. to 500 f. ; Orleans, 1,360 f . . -to 1,352 f. 50c. ; I ' )r° 4 l3 , 865 f. to 860 f. ; Southern, 517 f. 50c. to 515 f. The - ( Lowing were the last quotations : Et_Per Cents...... 96 25 Credit Foncier 3°. e nd month . . Belgian 41 — Lter Cents. ..... 68 50 Piedmontese (5) t "A month 68 45 Roman . — atIE Sha Austrian res ...... • tredit Mobilier . 815 Spanish Threes a mount 815 Home Debt 4l 25 RAILWAYS. - Cash. Account. ,Orlea ts 1350 .. 1355 •—• 41 QV lern . • 932 50 .. 930 — l 4 ._ ... .... 1„ ,„7 aut o BlO .. 42 1 s and Mediterranean 867 50 .. 870 -.tsv a 525 .. o ,,,Utli ern vir ° s t ern E,t 645 .. 645 — 4.ll B t rian a lt 406 25 .. 405 567 50 .. 565 2s t hange on London t _ at sight, paper, 25f. 7ic. ; money, - Sc.;o three months, paper,.2,lf. 95c.; money, 24f. 940. TUSCANY. The Opinione of Turin has the following article °ll the abdication of the Grand Duke of Tuscany : 4 .: T he. Grand Duke Leopold has abdicated in ''''veur of his, son Archduke Ferdinand. 'wer He was ca ll e d upon t o a bdi ca t e by th ose who would he leastaverse to his dynasty when, such an act av e whichl event prevented complications foreseen and uill occurred. " "What does abdication signify now ? lon ger Th e Grand Duke abdicates power whic h he no son rig r s sesses. He renounces in favo ur his c are no has be g ea —t d s whi h longer his, of which he e h a seriVed. ponssilible . ;bubutiderstood that his restoration is im " Tus ea , 6 'wishes to save . his is dynasty. prop—rioertee.rsto do gi ve as are ~. ri g h t, nothing Thll has til6 Andand it her duty, to PLY :—` It is too late.! She will have with Austria n Princes, colonels . Austria. ° f Austrian regiments, vassals of - • - diCa ‘ te i r in fav°ll r of whom does he wish to ab i":l:oPrfePserninte aeiPtheredinand, who, on the 24th of June, battle of. Solferino in the Aus ttloll„ 'moll, hoping to see the defeat of the Italian who His lids brother, Prince Charles, is the man „° made t he' noble proposal to bombard Florence. be Aseettdleraden fancy that national questions are to cal bY such expedients—public opinion t lnecluseaannd ritiOns/ trancluillized! the Grand , as not asked for the abdication of of hi s a li ke, lila has decreed the overthrow . dynasty' and li t sew that her decree is respected." 8 e alus - T The following ii VEN'ITIA 4 a translation of the address voted by the Venetian people to King' Victor Em 'flannel, throuh the medium of Count Cavaur, which man be taken as a- clear indication of their deter mination not to submit to tho Villafranca peace conditiona -without a severe struggle : :A . AnDlt Ess OP TELE PEOPLE - OE VENETIA. _. s soon as the terms of the preliminary treaty; of Villafranca beeatne passion seized the whole kno. Population feeling of quivering of Venice. • of the territory . The 'most respectable men of the different pro ics. have agreed upon an address to Count Ca your, as President of the Council of Ministers to his Majesty Victor Emmanuel, requesting the in Majesty protection for the unhappy provinces. The address was presented to the Government by a commission of Venetians chosen by their fellow citizens. , The address runs as follows : • lo his Excellency Count Council o f Ministers Cavour, President of the Emm anuel IL to his Majesty King Victor Your Excellen ey,—Si nce 1848 the le of people Venice have, amidst gre a t sufferings, p spontaneously Thelered i n fusion with the kingdom of Piedmont. The misfortunes of war have limited the effects of act to the expression of a simple desire. But this desire grew and became more ardent in suc ceeding years---years marked by such slavery as rendered the hatred of the Venetians to t Lll:iian Governm en t the Aus immortal, e ir attach ment to Piedmont, while it in crease d „ The incontestable proofs of this hatred are, that innusands of young men, of all classes, have left their families and Nvell-being, to expose tbeir lives on the battle -field against the enemy. The proof of this hatred are, the generosity and eagerness of those that could not become soldiers tilet° risk their liberty and give their money in aid of br ave who had entered the ranks under the - king's b anner. PThe proofs of this hatred are, the general shudder th e people the day before yesterday at racethe rem otest suspi c i on that the preliminari es of could e netians con template the separat i on of the Lomb ard from their b rethren of Piedmont and , and leave u nder the yo k e of Austria. them in their f ormer miseries Whethe r this yoke be imposed direct by the Aus trian Government, or through the hands of an ArCh duke, under the garlands of flowers chains would always be hidden sufficient to annihilat e the impe rial,promise of Italian independence, for whatever tie may exist between Italy and the House of llapsburg, It can only be a tie of slavery for Italy. , • .Your Excellency, the Venetians address them selves with confidence to you, and through y our medium to their King (for they may call him so before Good.the and man ag well ), well kno w i ng t h at the One as other appreciates what they desire and hope, wh a t they have done and are doing, that you would What they have at suffered an d are st i ll sufferiu g, and you r this mo mentous t i me do all in Power to' obtain for the people of Venice the accomplishment of a desire and necessity i 'elt for more than ten years past. This desire and neces sity is linked with life itself, and its accomplish ment alone can guarantee peace to' the whole peninsula. The flame of revolution--always calamitous, and often fruitless—smoulders in Italy, and may every instant burst forth into instant conflagration. If the clink of arms, which could prevent its lex plosion has ceased, there remains but one method by which the evil consequence can be averted ; this remedy is that your just voice defend and maintain the sacred cause of this country in the European discussions which are about to decide upon the des tinies of laly. Your Excellency, our country confides its cause entirely to the protection of our loyal and intrepid King, to the wisdom of your counsels, to your warm heart, to the well-known eloquence of your voice. THE PEOPLE OF VENICE. INDIA, CHINA, & AUSTRALIA MARSEILLES, FRIDAY. The India, China and Australian mail leaves to day with dates, Hong-Kong, June 4 ; Calcutta;l7; Madras, 29; Sydney, May 14 ; Melbourne, 19 ; Kangaroo, 22; Adelaide, June 1; Sound, 9; Port Louis, 1. The Oneida, with the February mails, arrived out on the 30th of April ; the Benares, with the March mail, arrived there on the 11th of May. The Kent and the Marco Polo had arrived. The banks had lowered their rates of discount on three months' bills to (?—indistinctly telegraphed) per cent., and had raised the rate of exchange on London to 1 per cent. Their stock of specie was large, despite an export of £174,000. The traffic returns of the Government railways for four weeks amount to £5,840. The following shipments of gold had taken place since the 17th of April :—The Lincolnshire, April 23, 46,000 ounces ; the Prince of Wales, April 30, 42,000 ounces; the Lightning, May 11, 65,000 ounces. Great excitement prevailed in Melbourne through the Chinese refusing to pay the residence tax. Numbers had been arrested. Produce firm. Imports active. Exchange, 11 to 2 per cent. premium. Calcutta.—Produce inactive. Imports dull. Ex change, 2s. 01,d. Madras.—Trade dull. Exchange 2s. 02d. Hong Kong.—Exchange, 4s. 101 d. to 11d. Honan, June I.—lmports in steady demand. Little doing in tea ; prices higher. Fou-Tchow, May, 28.—Imports inactive. Tea : market active; prices higher. Exchange ss. 2d. to ss. 3d. Shanghae, May 26.—Imports dull. Transac tions in silk limited ; prices rather higher. Tea : dull. Exchange 6s. Bd. Singapore, June 11.—The inhabitants at Ban jermassin have risen and murdered nearly every European. FATAL EXPLOSION IN BIRMINGHAM. BIRMINGHAM, Thursday Evening.—This even ing, at seven o'clock, a disastrous explosion oc cured at the manufactory of Messrs. Ludlow, Brothers, percussion cap makers to the Board of Ordnance, Legge•street. It is supposed that an old woman, named Booth, who has been • similarly employed by the firm and predecessors for the last thirty years, was engaged in the hazardous opera tion of mixing fulminating powder used in the manufacture. She had a room for herself at the top of the main building, and here the explosion took place. The poor woman must have been instantly blown and torn to fragments, as no portion of her remains larger than a person's hand has been picked up. A man named•Perricoe, engaged in another part of the building, was killed by the roof falling in. A person named James had both his legs broken. A woman named Warren is badly burnt about the hands and face ; and several other persons employed in the manufactory were injured. The premises were completely gutted, and thrown open to the sky. The explosion was heard at a distance of two n;tiles. 31. JULLIEN. M. Jullien, who has been a prisoner in Clichy since the beginning of May, has been set at liberty . IT a decree of the Imperial Court, reversing a judg ment of the Tribunal of Commerce. The circum stances were simply these :—ln 1852, M. Jullien, being in London, obtained from the Home Secre tary a certificate under the act of 1844, conferring upon him the rights in the United Kingdom of a natural born subject (excepting always the right to be a member of Parliament or of her Majesty's Privy Council), and he took an oath of allegiance to the Queen accordingly. On coming to Paris this year M. Jullien was arrested on mesne pro cess by a money-changer of the Faubourg St. Honore, named Delapierre, to whom had been indorsed a bill of exchange accepted by M. Jullien in favour of a Mr. Chappell of London. The only ground on which the arrest could be maintained was that M. Jullien was a foreigner, for one Frenchman cannot arrest another on mesne process. The day after his arrest M. Jullien declared himself a bankrupt, and an application was subsequently made to the Tribunal of Commerce, praying for an order for his discharge from custody. This court held that the effect of the certificate which M. Jullien had obtained in England was to strip him of the rights of a Frenchman, and that he Was not entitled to the benefit of the French bankruptcy laws. It is plain that, in delivering the judgment the Tribunal of Commerce completely miscarried. The French law, it is true, differing in this respect from the English, allows a Frenchman to shake off his nationality and become the subject of another power. But in accepting the benefits of the statute of 1844 M. Jullien had no intention to cease to he a Frenchman, and most certainly did not becom an 1 ;1 Englishman. He became at most a denizen of ng land, and, according to the express words of i the certificate, the privileges which it conferred uipon him were limited to the United Kingdom, land would not accompany him abroad. The Imperial Court in reversing the erroneous judgment of, the court below observed, as I believe correctly, that the oath of, allegiance taken under the statute of 1844 was nothing more in effect than , a formal re cognition of that local and transitory allegiance which every foreigner owes to the Queen of Eng land, from the mere fact of his living under, her protection.—Paris Correspondent of the Daily News. , VACANCIES, .APPOINTMENTS, • India Office : The office of keeper of the museum has become vacant by the death of Dr. T. Hors field. Law Department : Mr. Robert John Biron has been appointed recorder of Hythe, in the room of Mr. Henry P. Gipps, deceased ; Mr. Stamford Raffles has been appointed judge of the, Court of Record for the Hundred of Salford, in succession to Mr. Segar, promoted. . War Office : Mr. Charles Pritchard has passed his examination, and been certified for a temporary clerkship in the Quar termaster-General's office. The Admiralty : the following gentlemen have passed their exami nations, and received certificates from the Civil Service Commissioner :—Mr. Henry Risley Smith, for .a clerkship in Somerset-house ; Mr. A. W. Sargent, for a temporary clerkship in Somerset house; Mr. P. Butt, for a temporary clerkship in Somerset-house. Office of Works, &c.: Mr. E. M. Duplock has been appointed a clerk in the office of Public Works. Customs :—There are two vacancies for tidewaiters, &c., at Weymouth. Mr. R. Marshall, principal coast officer at Arnside, Lan caster, has been appointed principal coast officer at Oban, Campbeltown ; Mr. J. Pirie, principal coast officer at Oban, Campbeltown, has been appointed third-class clerk at Londonderry ; Mr. George Walter Bull has passed hi s examination for a land ing-waitership at Newhaven ; Mr. John Ross Buckley has passed his examination for principal coast officer at Wicklow ; Mr. James Rees, tide sur veyor at Shoreham, has been promoted to be second class tide surveyor at Southampton, in the room of Mr. William Forrester, superannuated ; Mr. Wil liam Goff, first inspector of patrol at Southampton, has been appointed to be tide surveyor at Shore ham ; Mr. George Beck, assistant tide surveyor at Dover, has been promoted to be tide surveyor at Weymouth, vice Mr. Robert W. Shorman, who retires from the service. Inland Revenue Depart ment—Stamps and Taxes Branch—Messrs. Charles Edward Cousins, Charles Clavering Wardell, and John Hamilton Pollock, having passed a success ful competitive examination before the Civil Ser vice Commissioners, have been appointed to the B I establishment o f surve yors of taxes in England. East om di Birch, sub-treasurer, Madras, has been appointed accountant - general, Bombay n , , es—Mr. S. D. vice Mr. E. E. Elliot, resigned. Mr. H. D. Sandeman, accountant, Punjaub, has been appointed sub-treasurer , Madras. Mr. W. Balmain, first assistant to the eountan't-gener_a.l, Madras, iv. has been Waterfield, has been appointed accountant, fi Punjaub son, postmaster- ene 1, accountant -general, M adras. director-general Madras , a pp ointed has a s first been ass i stant a_ppio.tion. the t.ed 'Mr. R. H. William roo Fanem of f has Mr . been H postmaster-general, the ra post-office of India, i n the Riddell, on leave. Mr. E. G. R. H. B. to officiate as postmaster- Madras.-- Civil eivi/ S general, er vice Gazette. T Mil EDIT I ON. SUN OFFICE, Six o' Clock. PRUSSIA. • A letter from Berlin o f th e 27th sa y s :—":The replacing of the army on a peace footing is being effected step by step. The greater part of the landwehr and of the reserves of most reginients have been sent home, and an order was signed 'yes terday to discharge the rest, so as to have the army re-established on a peace footing by the .I.st August. Only the officers and non-commissioned officers will remain in the regiments of the landwehr, !and they are retained in order to effect more easily the reorganisation of the army by the fusion of the first ban of the landwehr in the perma nent army. In spite of the vaunted excel lence of our military institutions, it cannot be denied that they cause any warlike movement to be ex ceedingly expensive and very prejudicial to the in terests of the country. It is to be hoped that, after the recent experience, the Chambers, which are too partial to the old patriotic name of landwehr, will no longer refuse the projected transformation, A commission has been formed in the Ministry of Ma rine to prepare plans for protecting the Prussian coasts. It is believed that the fortresses situated on the sea will be strengthened, and that batteries wil be established on the points of the coast which are most menaced." IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY). REVISION OF THE LITURGY. Lord EBURY presented a petition from certain clergy of the Established Church, praying the house to address' the Queen for a Royal Commission to revise the liturgy. The noble lord said it was not his intention to bring the subject under the consideration of their lord ships this session. The' Bishop of LONDON said the object of the peti tioners was to shorten the services of the Church, but he was afraid the alteration which was proposed would involve questions of doctrine, and would give rise to dissensions which would be most prejudicial to the interests of the Church. After a few words from several noble lords, the petition was ordered to lie on the table. ADMIRALTY COURT BILL. This bill passed through committee. JURY TRIAL (SCOTLAND) ACT AMENDMENT BILL. This bill passed through committee. PAWNBROKERS BILL. This bill was read a second time. BOUNDARIES (IRELAND) BILL. This bill was read a second time. COURT OF PROBATE (ACQUISITION OF SITE) BILL. This bill passed through committee. DIPLOMATIC PENSIONS BILL. This bill passed through committee. ;.;CONSOLIDATED FUND (X 7,000,000) BILL. This bill was read a third and passed. CRIMINAL JUSTICE MIDDLESEX (ASSISTANT JUDGE) BILL. this bill passed through committee. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-(YESTERDAY.) PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed :•-- Bray Commons, and Ipswich (Borough) Fishery. The Lucettis Estate Bill was read a second time. ELECTION PETITIONS. • The members nominated to serve on the Cheltenham and Limerick election committees were sworn. INCOME TAX, &c., BILL. On the motion for going into committee, • Mr. PIGOTT, who had a motion on the paper to the effect that the proposed assessment on trades and profes sions should be reduced from 4d. to 2d. in the pound, said he would not press his amendment at present, considering the late period of the session, but he hoped the Govern ment would consider the subject next session, with a view to placing it on a more satisfactory footing. He hoped the Chancellor of the Exchequer would not look to this tax as a permanent source of revenue, and that he retained the opinion he expressed in ISO,. that that impost was diffi cult to be collected, inquisitorial, and therefore unpopular, consequently that it should not be retained as a permanent source of income. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY considered that after the house had agreed to the resolutions on the tax he thought it would be most inexpedient to raise a question like the pre sent. The only amendment he would suggest was that in those cases where the income amounted only to one-half or three-fourths of the financial year that parties should not be taxed for the whole year. He mentioned two cases of hardship that had arisen in the collection of this tax, the first being when the income liable to taxation was made up partly of an annuity solely the property of the wife and the next when firemen employed on railways received an expressed amount that brought them within the operation of the they required re ß q E ui N reiht N or e t i lr h employment.sometax, while they had to expend a l arg e s um on th e c l o th es surprise that the right hon. gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, should advocate the increase of this tax, h • avmg been a member of a Government that endeavoured to carry on the war in the Crimea on a peace establishment, which resulted in great disaster. He thought if the country were called on to pay a war tax in time of peace, that they should be satisfied that the national defences were maintained in efficiency. Col. SYKES proposed that in cases of income derived from professions, the parties should be taxed at half their incomes. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said , that he agreed with the last remark of the hon. member (Mr. Bentinck), but he denied that he was a:member of a Govern ment that carried on war on a peace establishment, the in come-tax having been doubled at the breaking out of the Crimean war. With reference to the first case alluded to by the hon. member for North Warwickshire, he could only say that there were inequalities in this tax which appeared inseparable from it; but cases like the one in question did not warrant any alteration in the law. With respect to the other case, there was a special clause in the act which provided a remedy for the hardships complained of, which could be brought under the notice of the inland revenue. He adhered to the opinions he formerly expressed with reference to this tax. The house then went into committee. Clause 1 was agreed to. On clause 2 Sir H. WILLOUGHBY moved an addition to the clause, that annuities expiring in October and January should, in the former, be charged only for the half year, and in the latter only three-fourths of the year. After some discussion, the house divided. For the amendment 37 Against 72 Majority —3s The amendment was accordingly lost, and tho original clause was agreed to. Clauses 3,4, and 5, were also agreed to. On clause 6, Mr. BEALE suggested that the malt tax should be col lected like any other tax, namely, when it accrued, but that the maltster should be allowed two years to pay the £2,500,000 now, or about being due. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he could not make any alteration in the schedule this session. The clause was then agreed to, as well as clause 7. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved an additional clause to the bill providing that persons pur chasing annuities from insurance companies should be allowed the same deduction with regard to the income tax that was granted to those who had purchased Government annuities. The clause was added and the house resumed. ' , e • 7 -f -; • I V y 4 • T 411 I.;* 1/ITI 8 THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 30, 1869. SUPPLY. The house then went into committee of supply, and several minor votes were agreed to. On the vote of £29,193, the regium donum to noncon forming clergy in Ireland, Mr. BAXTER protested against two or three dissenting sects being selected for this grant, and objected to such grants altogether as having been given for p?lj tiuical putor poses. The operation of the grant was most inrious the nonconforming clergy in Ireland, who were worse off than other clergymen, and he contrasted their condition with that of the nonconforming Free Presbyterian Church in Scotland, towards which no less than £4,500,000 had been subscribed since the period of the disruption. He concluded by stating that he wou ld bring the whole ques tion before the house next session, and in order to'enter his protest against the grant he would move that it should be reduced by £69 4s. Bd. the proposed increase on the vote. Mr. LABOUCHERE trusted that the house would not do away with this tax lightly, and adverted to the services which the sects in question had rendered to the cause of peace and good order in Ireland. Mr. DAWSON sketched the history of the Irish regium donum, which, he said, was a contract entered into by our ancestors 100 years ago, and could not justly be abolished. Besides this was a grant to which he believed no party in Ireland, objected, and the nonconformists in that country were placed in a position different to that of their co religionists and other sects elsewhere. If this question were brought forward on a future occasion he would en deavour to show that not only should this grant be con tinued, but that it should be increased and placed perma nently on the consolidated fund, thereby relieving it from these periodical attacks. Mr. CARDWELL said that, as the whole questio n would be before the house next year, he would not enter into the discussion at present. Mr. SPOONER had no objection to the present grant, which stood on different grounds te that of Maynooth, to which he should always be opposed. The hon. member availed himself of the opportunity tourge some of his usual objections against the latter grant. Mr. BLACK considered that the basis of this question should be widened, and a motion introduced for the pur pose of abolishing gradually all these grants. Lord NAAS concurred with the last speaker. After some discussion the house divided, and the numbers were—. _ _ _ For the vote 126 Against Majority B6 The vote was then agreed to. On the vote of £5,965 for salaries of officers of the Board of Health under the Local Government Act, Mr. WILLIAMS denounced the class of votes to which this item belonged, as being most reckless and extrava gant. _ _ _ _ Some discussion ensued, and it was ultimately arranged that the vote sh ou ld be postponed until the evening sitting. On the vote of £3,588 for defraying the salaries ofa number of the officers of the ecclesiastical commisson of England and Wales, Mr. WILLIAMS contended that this vote was most un just towards Roman Catholics and Dissenters, who Were called on to pay for services which were of value only to the Church of England. Mr. D. SEYMOUR said that, as a Protestant, he was opposed to this vote. After some remarks by Mr. Walpole, Mr. A. Smith, Mr. Deedes, and Sir J. Shelley, Mr. E. JAMES said it appeared that the cola- z:milsioners had a surplus of £57,000 in hand, and :ended that it was most unfair to call on Dissenters to . pay . salaries to clerks and others for administering the affairs of the Church. After a few words from Mr. WILLIAMS the house divi ded, and the numbers were— For the vote Against Majority The vote was accordingly agreed to. A vote of £16,695 for the Charity Commission was agreed to. ... 82 ... 72 ... -10 - On the vote ofr£26 278 for sundry temporary commis. sions, some discussion ensued. Mi. LATNG said with regard to the Decimal Coinage Committee it was about to terminate. It being ten minutes to four o'clock, the house resumed. ASHBURTON. The chairman of the committee nominated to try the petition against the return of Mr. J. H. Aston, announced that they had come to the conclusion that he was duly elected. , FROME ELECTION. It was announced that the petition in the case of the FrOme election was withdrawn, and the order of the day for its, being tried was discharged. The house adjourned at four o'clock. The house resumed at six o'clock. GLOUCSTER ELECTION PETITION. Mr. HARDY brought up the report of the Gloucester Election Coramittee, which stated that W. P. Price and C. J. Monk had not been duly elected ; that the last election was a void election ; that Mr. Price and Mr. Monk had, by their agents, been guilty of bribery (several instances of which were stated), but it did not appear that such bribery was committed with the knowledge of Mr. Price and Mr. Monk ; that corrupt practices extensively prevailed at the last election for the city of Gloucester. IRISHMEN AND IRISH OFFICERS. Mr. SCULLY said that he would next session move a resolution expressing the opinion of the house that it was not politic or just to exclude native born Irishmen from the position of Cabinet Ministers, and from the offices of lord lieutenant of Ireland, chief secretary of Ireland, under secre tary of Ireland, commander of the forces in Ireland, inspec tor-general of Irish constabulary, and chief commissioner for the administration of poor laws in Ireland. (Laughter.) And he should also move as a separate, distinct, and inde pendent motion—(laughter) The SPEAKER—The hon. member can only give no tice of one motion. ELECTION PETITIONS. Mr. JAMES gave notice that he should next session move for leave to introduce a bill giving power to committees to give costs against unsuccessful parties, and also against persons who presented petitions against members of the house and afterwards withdrew them. (Hear, hear.) THE EMANCIPATION ACT. Mr. SCULLY gave notice that he should also move next session that it was not consistent with the true spirit of the Roman Catholic Relief Act of 1829 that Roman Catholics should remain from that time to the present altogether ex cluded from the Imperial councils and from the local go vernment of Ireland. THE WAKEFIELD ELECTION PETITION. In reply to Col. SMYTH, Mr. MONSELL said he had moved that the report of the proceedings be laid on the table of the house, but he thought it would be premature on his part, till the house had an opportunity of considering the evidence, to express an opinion as to the adoption of ulterior measures with re gard to the Wakefield petition. (Hear.) THE BARRACKS AT ALDERSHOTT. _ _ _ _ In reply to Mr. BRADY, Mr. S. HERBERT stated that it was the intention to light the the barracks with gas, but not the camp, and for that purpose works would be erected. PLURALITY OF OFFICES. In reply to Mr. BRADY, Mr. FORTESCUE said it was quite true that Captain Bennett, the emigration agent in Glasgow, had been for some time at Aldershott, but not for 12 months. There was an efficient substitute at Glasgow, and the public had not suffered. However, there was some irregularity in the mat • ter, and it had been intimated to C a pt a i n B enne tt th a t if h o did not attend•to his emigration duties, he would be called on to choose between the two offices. METAL CASING OF SHIPS. Sir J. PAKINGTON wished to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty what progress had been made with the experi ments of the effects of artillery on metal casin6 of ships, which were directed by the late Baard of Admiralty, and what steps it was intended to take for the fulfilment of the intentions of the late board to order the construction of a second man of war covered with iron? Lord C. PAGET said he was sorry to say that some delay had occurred in carrying out the experiments. The firm that were to send in plates of various sorts had only just sent them in, and consequently the experiments had been Much delayed. They would now, however, be proceeded with im mediately, but they could not order a second iron ship till they knew the result of the first experiments. DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH ROME. On the motion for the adjournment of the house, Mr. SCULLY wished to ask the First Lord of the Trea sury whether the sovereign of the Roman States had finally accepted,or declined the position of president over the con federated states of Italy ; and whether, in the event of the sovereign pontiff accepting that office, it was intended on the part of her Majesty's Government to adopt effectual steps for establishing direct diplomatic relations with the court of Rome. Lord PALMERSTON said that if he were to answer the question then, he could not speak again on the present motion. HYDE-PARK. In reply to Mr. W. EWART, Mr. FITZROY said that two years ago complaint4were made against allowing cows to roam unrestrictedlyover the park, and it was for the convenience of the public that rails had been erected, which confined the cows within narrower limits. If the public wished that they should be allowed to roam at large he would make arrangements to meet the public convenience. LANDED ESTATES COURTS. Mr. GRIFFITH Wished to ask the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether a memorial had been received from Mr. Wrenfordsley, solicitor of Dublin, applying for compensa tion, on the plea of having suggested that the handed Estates Courts in Ireland should be made self-supporting ; and whether it was the intention of the Irish Government to recommend such claim to the Treasury for considera tion ? ' . VANCE considered the gentleman was entitled to some compensation for the pains he had taken in bringing forward his plan. He disapproved of the system of the rates of poundage ; the effect of which was to keep large ()States out of the court, and ho hoped a change would be made. Mr. CARD WE LL said the court had been in existence too short a time to admit of any return of the poundage. The gentleman referred to had not made any application to him. CHURCH' RATES ABOLITION BILL. Mr. CROSS wished to know what were the intentions of the Government with regard to the Church-rates Bill,which stood amongst the orders for that evening. He trusted it would not be brought on at two o'clock in the morning. , He had given notice of certain amendments similar to those approved of by the Government in 1856, and on which the house had never pronounced an opinion. Unless when the bill came on the Government were prepared to state their THE DEFENCES OF THE views with regard to th em, h e wou ld o ppose the furthe r progress of the bill that even i ng. COUNTRY. Mr. BENTINCK said th e question o f w hi c h he had given notice involved conside ra ti ons of suc h i m p or tance that he should ask the indulge nce o f t h e house f or a f e w moment s i n prefacing it with some observations. He admitted it rested solely on the ground of rumour. The noble lord might refuse to answer a question founded on rumour, but the matter in volved so much, not merely the honour and dignity bbt the very existence of this country, that he feltjustified in bringing it forward, and pressing the Government for a clear and con clusive answer. He was sure hon. members would acquit Min of any party motive, but he could not ignore the history of the past. At the commencement of the Crimean war they had a coalition Government, including the two noble lords opposite and the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, and characterised by the same composite character as the present. That Government attempted to carry on the war with a peace establishment. The result was the loss of a large number of valuable lives, and a subsequent wasteful expenditure of public money. Looking to the composition of the present Government, it became the imperative duty of the house to ascertain what cortduct they intended to pursue with regard to the armaments, more especially the naval armaments, of the country. Since he had given his notice an announcement had been made which rendered it still more important to have a clear and distinct answer. It was announced that the Emperor of the French intended to commence a system of disarmament, and the consequence was at once a series of articles congratulating this country on being able to cease its exer tions. The fact that the French Government was about to reduce its armaments was no reason for any reduction in the armaments of this country. (Hear, hear.) Whatever might be the reduction of the Frenbh army, it was the duty of the Government to 'continue their exertions until the defences of the country, both naval and military, were placed in a more efficient state than they had • yet attained. (Hear, hear.) Suppose the Emperor of the French should say to the Government " I am about to reduce my army." (He would put a case to show there was no parity between the armaments of the two countries.) " I intend to reduce my forces ; I intend to reduce my army by 100,000 men, and I call on you in fairness to do the same." What would be the result ? The Emperor would be left with 500,000 men, but this country would be left with nothing. (Hear, hear.) So far for the military force. The disparity in the positions of the two countries with reference to their naval forces was still stronger. There was no parity between the two countries as to the amount of naval forces they required for their de fence. France had no demands on her for the defence of distant and extensive colonies, any naval force she kept up must be solely for the purpose of home defence, or in war of foreign aggression. The position of this country obliged her to furnish a large force for the colonies before she could spare a ship for home defence. Again,• suppose a proposi tion was made for a naval disarmament and acceded to, and each country paid o ff 20 line-of-battle ship s what would be the result ? F rance cou ld recru it thesemen again in 48 hours. (Hear.) It was merely placing more ships in ordinary and landing the seamen until a telegraphic message called them together again , but in this country, if a ship was paid off, re-assembling the men was a question of months, and almost of years. He trusted that nb proposition for a dis armament would be accepted, and that no reduction would be made in the navy merely because of proposals to dis arm. There was no parity in the positions of the two coun tries ; in France, after paying off, the men were as available as ever, but here it was otherwise, and if such a proposal were accepted it would place this country at the mercy of France or any other aggressor for many years to come. He should like to know from the hon. member for Birmingham what would become of the commerce of the country if she once lost the supremacy of the seas? He would be glad to know how our commerce was to be supported without a navy. It had latelybeen suggested that Government should propose to the Emperor of France to make a mutual disarmament; he was informed the suggestion had already been acted on. He believed his information was correct, but he left it to the house to judge of the story. At the time of the fetes of Cherbourg a very distinguished person, fully qualified to do so, made a suggestion to the Emperor like that now recommended to the Government. ' The answer of the Em peror was, that he considered he was the best judge of whatu as required for the well-bein„,... and welfare of France ; that, in his opini on, h er welfare:thquircd that she should have 50 of the best screw line-ofdiattle ships that could be built. He referred to some ships then in the French ports, and said that was Apt what he meant, but 50 of the most modern and best constrpction. -Ire added that, if he might offer a suggestio n to tngland, he Nonldi af,i,y she onght to h av e 100 line - of-battle ships of the best oeifpruction ; he believed that would be the best chance of Maintaining a long. and lasting peace between the two countriis. He (Mr. Bentinck) gaw3 the statement as he heard it; he be lieved it to be true. He believed nothing Would be more fatal to the interests of the country than to reduce the naval defences. (Hear.) He had put his notice on the paper in the hope that other hon. members would give their views, and that they might have some clear and dis tinct assurance that there was no intention to reduce the naval armaments. He begged to ask the First Lord the Treasury whether there was any intention on the part of her Majesty's Governnient to redudo the naval arma ment of the country ? • Mr. CONINGIIAM said' that one of the most effectual modes of providing for the defence of the country wouldbe to establish liberal constitutions in the 'northern states of Italy. (A laugh.) . • Mr. LINDSAY' would wish to put the question to the noble lord in a different shape, ae he supposedlhis conaiet would be guided by, what were the real intentions of France. He considered there was a great deal of false •econonly in allowing the defences of the country to fall al low as. they had been. (Hear, hear.) The mere rumour of an invasion produced such a difference in the iitchanges that the loss to the country was far more t han was required to keep the navy in an efficient state. (Hear, hear.) It was reported that France intended to reduce her naval armaments. As to her army it was different ; she might say the arm") , was not to meet England, but Austria, Prussia, and Russia • but as to the navy, that was to meet England and if the Emperor was prepared to reduce his navy he trusted the noble'lord would consider whether the present expenditure could not be checked.. A bill introduced that morning by the Secretary of the Admiralty would involve an additional £600,000. If France made the first move he trusted the noble lord would meet the proposal in the same spirit in which it was made. Lord LOVAINE reminded the' house that when ships were paid off in this country the men were all dismissed, there was no reserve of seamen; but in France the men were merely IDlaced in barracks, and, if required, the ships could be fitted out.and the men placed on board almost before the troops which were to embark in them could be got together. He trusted there would be no - reduetionin the naval force until they had an absolute pledge from France, not only that she would pay off her ships, • but also that she would not build any more. That would be the only way to get security against unpleasant results. (Hear, hear.) Lord ASHLEY expi eased his cordial sympathy in the views of the.hon. member for West, Norfolk. Unless the navy was maintained in an efficient state, the country never would be safe.. It was very well for the Emperor to talk of reducing ; it meant nothing but putting a few ships in ordi nary, and placing their crews at the naval depots, where they were available at a moment's notice. He had had tie honour of serving in the Black Sea fleet; no vessels were ever better manned ; but whore were the men now ? Some had entered the American service, some were in Australift, others in whalers. In consequence of the reduction at the end of the war they were obliged to seek employment where they could, and if: hey were now wanted to man the fleet, they could not be got. It took a long time to make a sailor; mere pluck and willingness were not enough. (Hear.) The navy ought to be maintained at a sufficient force without regard to that of any other State, and he trusted they would re ceive some satisfactory assurance from the Government on the subject. Mr. S. BOOTH considered that such discussions did not at all tend to the credit of the house, or become the dignity of the country. (Hear.) If the Government was fit to conduct the business of the, country under present circum stances, this question of her defences ought to be left in their hands. The constant repetition of these alarms in the house only increased the agitation in the tountry. Mr. HUTT wished to know whether the report of the Commission on Dockyard Expenditure, appointed by the late First Lord of the Admiralty, would be laid on the table before the close of the session. He understood it had been in the hands of the Admiralty for some time. Lord PALMERSTON—Sir, my hon. and learned friend the member for Cork will understand why I did not answer his question at the moment. I saw there was another ques tion on the paper to be put to me, and I thought it better to wait as I could only speak once. My hon. and learned friend asked me whetherthe Sovereign of the Roman States has finally accepted or declined the position of President over the Confederated States of Italy; and whether, in the event of the Sovereign Pontiff accepting that office, it was intended on the part of her Majesty's Government to adopt effectual steps for establishing direct diplomatic relations with the Court of Rome. As to the first question, I really am not competent to give an answer, because as yet no confedera tion has been formed, and we are not in such a positionwith the Pope as would induce him to give us an intimation as to what his intentions may be. I would refer ntY hon. and learned friend to the hon. and learned member for Dundalk, who is much more likely to be in the confidence of his Holi ness. As to the second question, whether in the event of the confederation we intended to establish diplomatic rela tions with the POpe as the head of it ; if sucn a confedera tion was established we would, no doubt, have diplomatic relations with the diet which would represent it, as we have diplomatic relations with the German Confederation. Our representative is accredited to the diet quite independent of any diplomatic relations we may have with the sovereigns who constitute the confederation. It may be as well, per haps, that I should state what is the law with regard to diplomatic relations with the Pope. It will be in the re collection of the house that some years ago an act was passed enabling her Majesty to enter into diplomatic rela tions with the Pope. In the upper house a clause was in serted, preventing her Majesty_from receiving an eccle siastic as his representative; the Court of Rome chose to consider this as a bar to the establishment of diplomatic relations with the Court of Great Britain. The Govern ment of Prussia, which is a Protestant country ; and of Russia, which is non-Catholic, decline to receive at their courts any ecclesiastic as representative of the Pope. I do not know the reason, whether it is the law or otherwise, but still such is the practice on their part, and I confess I do not understand why the Pope should make a distinction between England on one hand, and Russia and Prussia on the other, and should require us to repeal a law before he would do for us what he does for them. It is true he does not send representatives to Berlin or St. Petersburg ; yet he receives their representatives at Rome. With regard to the question of the hon member for West Norfolk, I might`simply content myself with saying at once that the answer to his question must depend on a, great variety of circumstances, which in due time, and at the proper mo ment, it will be the duty of the overnment to take, into deliberate consideration. (Hear.) The hon, gentleman asked the First Lord of the Treasury whether there is any intention on the part of her Majesty's Government to re duce the naval armament of the country. If I were to say that we have no intention to depart from the estimates pre pared by our predecessors, and which we have adopted, that would be a sufficient answer. As to one ground on which the hon. gentleman has put his question—viz., in consequence of information having been received that the Emperor of the French intends to make a reduction in his naval and military establishments, and his assump tion that this information may be met by a corresponding change on our part, I might put it to the honourable gentleman that although such information may afford him and other honourable members a firm ground for putting forward their opinion, it would be somewhat prema • ture to expect the Government—(hear, hear)—to give any information as to what course they may think it their, duty to adopt in consequence of an event which has not yet hap pened, and of which information has only been received that it is intended to take place. I have no hesitation in concurring in the principle which I understand has; been laid down, that it would be impossible for the Government of this country to enter into any treaty with another coun try for the reduction of our naval and military establish ments in order to put our establishments upon a footing to be determined by the arrangements which another country might think fit to make. (Hear, hear.) If there were but two powers in the world—if you had but England and France—l should say that even then it would be an ar rangement we could not enter into, because the interests of England and France, the position which they have to main tain, are so entirely different, that no arithmetical arrange ment could be entered into that one country should make a reduction simply because the other did so. But the house will remember that there are other parties to be considered besides England and France. There are powers with whom we have, and I hope shall continue to have, friendly rela tions, but with whom 'those relations might alter. Hence our naval and military armaments must depend .not upon any foreign power, but upon that which the responsible Government of the day may from time to time consider to be necessary for the safety of the country. Sir, I can say no more than that. Of course, the duty of the overnment is, while on the one hand it proposes to Parliament the es tablishments which it conscientiously believes to be neces sary for the public safety, on the other hand not to raise false alarms or to burden the country to a greater extent than necessary. With regard to the , question put by the hon. gentleman, I am informed that the report to which he alludes will be placed before Parliament in a few days. CHURCH RATES. Lord J. MANNERS said it was desirable to know what was proposed. to be done by the Government on the subject of church rates. Sir C. LEWIS said that all which the Government could do was to give precedence, so far as possible, to all mattters which must be disposed ofhefore the end of the session. At a later period, Mr. BOL DERO asked whether, if the Church Rate Bill were brought on at a late hour, the Home Secretary would move the amendment which stood en the paper in his name. The hon. member was proceeding to discuss that amend. ment when he was called to order by the SPE4KER. Mr. M. GIBSON said that he believed his right hon. friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department would move his amendment if an opportunity offered. He concurred with the hon. gentleman in the inexpediency, as a general rule, of bringing on important questions late at night. (Hear.) THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS. Mr. CAIRD asked the Under -Secretary of State for the Colonies whether any new instructions were sent to Captain Palliser on receipt of his report of October 7, 1858, inregard to his further explorations along the American boundary line and in the Rocky Alountains ; and whether Captain Palli ser's journal had been received and would be printed. He said that Captain Palliser had discovered a countrytowards the range of those mountains which was most fertile, and which promised to open up a most fertile track of land for the purposes of this country. These explorations had not been carried so far as they would have been, on account of the want of funds. Now he trusted that no feelings of petty economy would be allowed to stand in the way of further explorations. Mr. ELLICE said that no new discoveries had been made by Captain Palliser, and:he hoped that no more money would be wasted on this subject. Mr. D. SEYMOUR quite differed from the right hon. gentleman. He believed that Captain Palliser's discoveries were fraught with interest of great value to the public. If no new discovery had been made, certainly Captain. Palli ser had for the first time made that public which was before generally unknown.. Within the last year Captain Palliser had discovered four passes through the Rocky Mountains. He hoped that the Government would turn their attention to this subject. Mr. BLACKBURN protested against the money of this country being expended upon this subject. Mr. C. FORTESC UE would not enter into all the points which this question might give rise to. He,would assure the house that the Government would not expend the money of this country on places which were destitue of colonists. (Hear.) The report to which the hon. gentle man referred was received in January last, and at that time a small sum only was asked by Captain Palliser, and that amount had been sent to him. In answer to the question of the hon. member he could only state that everything re ceived from Captain Palliser had been published. RIFLED GUNS' Mr. MONSELL called the attention of the house to the fact that a valuable invention in rifled guns had been made by Mr. B. Briden, and that repeated trials of guns rifled upon that plan had been made at Salisbury and els4where. The groat advantage of the plan consisted in its making a bore of only 1-16th of an inch 14 the interior of the gun, whereby no injury was done to its strength. Ife wished to know whether in the rifle guns which were being made Mr. Briden's invention had been used. Mr ? S. ITERVERT said that many ingenious plans 'had been submitted to the Government for rifling gum ; and amongst them was .that of Mr. Tiriden, Thisa plans were now the subject of experiment and inquiry, and until these experiments were concluded, there could of necessity be no answer to his right hon. friend's question. Mr. MILNES asked a question on the subject of judicial ::~; Lit:) statistics; but the `Home Secretary having already spoken en this ,motion, no answer could be given., • The motion that the house at its rising adjourn to Mon. - day was then (lowed to. THE NATIONAL DEFEN CES. • On the motion fo going into Committee of Supply, • Mr. HORSIVIANT pursuant to notice, rose to propose' a Motion as to the mode of providing for the expense of Com 'pleting the cessaay works of finational defence, pi - ejected pr already in progress. If any apology were required for the 'otion he was about to submit, it would be found in the preliminary diicussion which had already taken place in the h4(Se that evening. The question of the national defenees had only to be mentioned in that house to excite a feeling of general interest, and he belieVed the feeling of that house on the subject was a very inadequate representation of that Which prevailed throughout the country. (Hear.) They had just been called on by. Government to make a large in crease in the taxes of the Year, and that was grounded on. the necessity of adding to our national defences., This year our armaments would cost us £26,000,000, and in order to meet that enormous outlay, we should have to submit to an augmentation of the most odious, and exceptional of all our ' imposts. In a time of profound peace we were about to dOuble the income tax nearly, and there was a general dis position to inquire whence the great exigency arose. It was ' obvious that those great estimates were the result of some great necessity, and were the evidence either of some iina glued or some conceal e d danger , How lon g , h e as k e d, was 'l that state of things to continue, and what was the proba bility of these . estimates either being diminished or continu ing. permanent in their present enormous size ? There was a point at which inquiry, on this subject became the duty of Parliament, and when anything like reserve or concealment on the part of the Government was fraughtwith danger and involved a positive betrayal of the interests of thecoun try. (Hear, hear.) There was always a dispositidn on the part of the House of Commons to act with fOrbearance in reference to' 'all questions affecting international rela tions ; but there were occasions—and he believed this was one—when it, behoved the house to , press the Government of the day to speak out in plain and unmistakeable lan guage. All those armaments and 'that taxation originated in one cause, namely, in an apprehension of some war or some attack being directed against the country by France. He need. have no hesitation. in saying it, for all Europe knew and said it. It was an indisputable fact that our Minister at War was adding greatly to our defences, and that our Minister of Finance was doubling our income-tax, and all from an uneasiness caused by the circumstance that the armaments of our nearest and dearest, our much lauded and much trusted ally, had increased and were increasing, and, notwithstanding the intimation in the Jlioniteur of yesterday, with no immediate prospect of diminution. Ought we hot, he asked; to look our position boldly and sensibly in' the face, and really ascertain either the necessity or the folly of the alarm ? If that uneasiness, which was costing us so much, was unfounded, we ought to be instantlyrelieved from sacrifices we w ere nowcalled upon to make ; but if there was anything like real danger in our position not an hour should be lost in placing our security beyond the possibility of question. It only remained for the Government, like men, like Englishmen, like states men, to tell us so. Let them but say the word, that this was an occasion for England to put forth some portion of her latent strength, in order to overtake a march stolen Upon her, and the spirit of the nation, which would be in stantly aroused, would do all the rest. (Hear, hear.) At such a time the real indiscretion, folly, reproach, and guilt Would be on the head of the Minister who, having bound less resources at his command, hesitated to employ them, dissembling the danger until it was too late to avert it. A rebuke had lately been administered from the Ministe rial'side of the house to the press of this country, because, in expressing 'a feeling of misgiving occasioned by 'the aspect of public affairs, it had used lan g uage alleged to be offensive to our neighbours across the Channel. He was one of those who, in common, he believed, with the great majority of that house, had shared largely in the appre hensions which the public had lately expressed ; and he felt I gratitude to the press for the warnings it had sent forth. (Hear, hear.) It was his good fortune recently to listen to the speech of a venerable peer whose courageous exposition , of the national defences had created so much sensation, and even with the fear of incurring rebuke, he could not refrain from ta.king the most public opportunity of tendering- his thanks. (Cries of " Order, order," interrupted the sen tence before its conclusion.) He had made no allusion to the place where that speech was. delivered. He had only referred to it as the Speech of a peer: He there fore submitted that he was in order, and he would take leave to express his' admiration of the wisdom and patriotism by which that address was characterised—(hear)—speak ing home, as it did, in much needful warning to the 'hearts, sympathies, and convictions of, he believed, the great majority of his Countrymen from one end of the kingdom to the other. (Cheers.) But what did those arti cles in the English press and speeches such as that really imply ? Not fear of any enemy abroad but of our own in capacity at _ home. (Hear.) It was not fear of France, but, _ _ correctly translate d;want of confidence in our own de . part meats in England. It was not that we dreaded plans of attack from abroad, but that we had an uneasy feeling as to the want of plans at home. (Hear.) The recollections of the Crimea had sunk deeply into the national mind. They had never been obliterated, and knowing how powerful and invincible we were as a nation we were struck with terror, not of those by whom we might be invaded, but of those to whom our defences might be committed. Again, if the lan guage of apparent hostility to France had caused so much uneasiness, what was to be said of that language of compli ment and adulation of which this country had become some what ashamed ? There was no doubt the demeanour of some of our public men towards the Emperor of the French had lowered us abroad and sickened us at home, while it had provoked many of those counter demonstrations of opinion which would Mt have been so frequent or so marked had the public not felt that the honour and character of the nation had been complimented away. (Hear.) The Em peror of the French had been our friend and ally. He was a man of sense, and a man of business ; and our Ministers ought to have said to him, "We cannot, without explana tion, allow you under cover of the English alliance to make such an'enormous increase of your armaments—it is under the cover of our alliance that this increase has taken place ; you have never ceased to make professions of peace and friendship towards this country; but, for some time past, We have found it difficult to reconcile those professions with the enormous preparations you have'been making for war; increased armaments ought to be resorted to only time of danger ; the attitude you will shortly assume will be one of menace, and in that case it is evident we shall soon cease to be allies ; either you must give us the assurance that you will desist from these menacing preparations or we shall be under the alternative of girding up our loins and making preparations for whatever may occur." (Hear, hear.) This language would have been better and more appropriate than the perpetual use of diplomatic compliments, which had not raised us in the estimation of foreign countries, and which was distasteful to our own people. (Hear.) The probability was that two or three years ago the enormous preparations which gave us now so much uneasiness—which financially at least was so heavily felt—would have been departed from, or at least we should have known what other alternative we had to contemplate. (Hear, hear.) Our Ministers would only have had to take the alternative that lay before us, and the country would at once have been stimulated into activity and liberality ; if it was felt that danger was reallyimminent we should in a very short time have been placed in such a state of security ac to render us impervious to fear, and to cause the idea of invasion to be received only with a Smile. (Hear.) Al; the eleventh hour, however, the necessity fpr in creasing our defence§ was proclaimed by the increased esti mates which the houSe had this year been askeil to vote. But it was to be deplored that they were meeting that nece4- sity with half measures, and he felt bound to say that, for purposes of national defence, half measures 'were no imea sures at all—to be serviceable they must be cor4lete. (Hear.) They were engaged on permanent works of na tional defence. These were vety costly, but the result was veryunsatisfactory. Our arsenals were entirely undefended; our shipping, in case of war, had no shelter for their pfotec tion or repair. The necessary works were planned, but the money to complete them was got in driblets. It was distri- buted over so rnany works, and spent through such a 'series of years that in the meantime we were utterly defeneeless. (Hear.) He had in his hand a few items taken from the estimates for the year for these public works. The first work he found was that of Devonport. The cost of these for tifications was estimated at £457,500; and the sum voted this year waslB6,ooo. This was one of the most necessary and urgent works that had been undertaken, but according to the present rate of payment 'it would take four , years to complete it. That was on the supposition thitt the estimate was correct, for, as the house know, it frequently happened that the expenditure was rather in excess of the estimate. (Hear.) The next place was Dover. The esti mated cost of the fortifications hero waB£3ll,ooo. There had been already voted £133,000, and • the vote this year was £26,000. To complete these fortifications would take a period of seven years. Alderney was next on the list. The estimated cost was £200,000 ; last year £15,000 was voted, leaving £185,000 still to be granted. To complete these works would take no less than 12 years. (Hear.) Then there was Pembroke, with the sea defences of Milford Haven. The estimated sum for the works was £190,000. There had been voted £25,000 this year ; £165,000 still re mained to be voted, and it would take six or seven years to complete the works. Portsmouth works were estimated at £300,000 ; this year £65,00) was voted, and it would take 31 years to finish the undertaking. The Hilsea Lines were estimated at £135,000. A sum of £65,000 had been voted this year, and 31 years would be required to complete the works. The Southsea line was put down at £30,000 in a supplementary estimate; £3,000 had been voted, and it would take nine years to complete the works. The Stokes Bay line was estimated in a supplementary estimate at £20,000. They had voted £7,000, and it would take six years more to finish the undertaking. But the most extra ordinary case was that of Portland. They all remembered if an enemy were to take possession of the of wagth th importance at w a of f o P n o e r o t how land .t hHis Secretarystatement for it g the finest harbours in th e world, but that it was utterly de fenceless ; thatregarding d spokei git island we should have great difficulty in dislodging him-- that the works required could be executed very eoonom i.. tally, but that when completed the defences would he so strong as to make it impossible that Portland should ever fall into the hands of an enemy. Now, everybody knew that that was a very . fair statement, but what must be the feel ing of the Minister who made that statement when he re flected that, according to the rate of the vote taken this year 21 years would be required to complete the works at Portland ? (Hear, hear.) He might rest his case on that instance alone, for it was impossible that any Minister who had made the house conscious of the importance of such a work could contemplate with anything like equanimity the idea that 21 years would be required to complete them— (heaa)—but there were other cases—such as the defences of commercial harbours—to which he would rejer the house. Even with regard to Gibraltar and Malta a strong case could be made out, for it wou ld take four years to bring the defences of the latter place to an end. (Hear.) There were other works not in the estimates which the Govern ment must feel to be imperatively called for. He would take the case of Woolwich as an example. The amount of property in our arsenals there could not be less than £10,000,000 to £15,000,000 ; and it was perfectly defence less, not a single shilling of public money ever having been voted for fortifications at Woolwich. (Hear, hear,) He assumed that th e wor k s to which he had referred were all necessary, because, with the exception of Woolwich, they had all been approved by Parliament, and money had been voted towards them.. Ile was far from saying necessary that these works should be completed according to the plans a n d estinta that it was tt).S. liefbre the house. That was a quesyll 4tat" Wonld come under the consideratin bf Roya Oornmission to be nominated at the instance of his hon. and gallant friend (Sir De L, Evans). In fact, the appointment of that commission was necessary to carry out the object of his own motion if the house should agree to it. If that oommittLe were well selected, its report would be most valuable, and ty money to carry out its recoin cL , mendations would no doubt be most ungrudg,zu ,gly and un hesitatingly; provided: It would - riot do : for Governinent in such a case to :ell the house that England .could nut 'afford to spend whateve r sum that • commission might think ne-. ce'tsaryfor thenational defences. The safety of England was too PretiOne not to be insurt•cl. tit any price • • and the 'only - question was •h ow the money was to loe got,:. There was no member of-that ho use who Would : - not scout the - idea of 'conSeriting to loan ler the 'purpose Of * the ordi nary expenditOre of`the country . but the question was Whether this wa s ' p ar t o f the- ordinary expenditure of the Country. • :(Hear, 'near.) ' It' was expenditure which Was taking place in anticipation of a possible war. It ass not occasioned by a belief that any foreign Power at present en tertained or, he honed, would for a long time entertain, any idea of invading England; but we' knew not h.oW suddenly such - a war might arise, and if it brOke out and found us unprepared and defenceless we should net be - sat& for a single day. Hitherto the plan had been to spread this e'xpen diture over a series of years, but the general opinion :of the house, and he believed also that rat' the Gevernment, now was that it ought to be compressed,within a limited period. If these works were to bo of eny use they ought to be com pleted at, once ; and if the expenditure intended to be that of a series,ef yeers was compressed into two dr three, it be came an extraordinary expenditure, and muStbe-rnet by extraordinary means. (Hear, hear.) You could not meet it out 'of the ordinary income of the country. *(Hear, hear.) You must therefore either complete these works by - means of a loan or leave thenkunfinished. That was an alternative which the house could not avoid. (Hear, hear ; ) Some gen tlemen thotight that his object in bringinglerward this mo tion was to obtain the establishment of a line 'of-forts along the whole of our coasts, so as to prevent the pOssibility,of landing being effected by an ihvadieg. army; Instead of this hp went rather into the opposite extreme, and thought that such an expenditure would-be perfebtly absurd, and indeed a complete waste of money.. (Hear, hear.)' Our expenditure Might to be limited to two objects We ought to provide defences for our shipping and our arsenals Hii object was merely that, as certain plans had been approVed by Govern ment, sanctioned by Parliament, and the Works already commenced, we should obtain the motley required, and com plete at once operations which we - Lila otherwise .be spread over a number of years. (Hear, hear.) It had also been supposed that he wished to- borrow money to pay some part of the eipense of -mir-Militark •and naval establishments. Nothing could be more absurd.-- Theonly objection which he had heard to the raising of this large sum of money, in order that these works Might be completed within a oertain time, was that if so great an-amount wai at once.placed at the disposal of the Government there woulddie an enormous quantity of jobbery and waete. His own :opinion was that this was a very absurd Objection, and he - wastsure that he might safely leave: it to be detilt With by his., right hon. 'friend the Secretary of State tbr War, whot;Wonld hardly admit that, although his department could. control the ex penditure 'of £2,000,000 per- annum, it emild exercise no efficient superintendence over that of £6,0015,000. It was the more necessary that the -Money required fOr this expen diture should be raised as he proposed,- because for some time, ,'at last,- the ordinary military and naval expenditure of the country would absorb all that portion of the income which could possibly be devotecito it; He was notable to comprehend the logic of the statement made by the Chan cellor of the 'Exchequer the other. might, that it matters did not get worse in the course of next year, they would pro bably get better. His belief was thatess.far as a diminu tion of expenditure went, they could not get better,, as long as we acknowledged our obligation .to: keep . the navy of England up to an • adequate strength- The superiority of our fleet—he would not say ourstipremacy s at sea, as that might be objected to. as implying rather .a bellicose spirit —was as essential to our commerce as were the ships which carried it. ( tlear, . hear.) He agreed with what was said by an hon..member early thatervening, that the Superiority of our navy was rendered, absolutely neces sary by the superiority of our colonial and commercial interests. (Hear, hear_) , The superiority of our fleet at sea had hitherto been the first necessity of. our empire.. It had been considered the first law of our existence-as a. great Eu ropean Power. Other Towers had great military establish- - meats. • The Channel was Our: natural dbfen.ce and if we lost that, we should at onc e lose ourpositionin..iurope as a first-rate Power. (Hear, hear.) From the time that Eng land first became . a great maritime Powee,,lier superiority at sea was never lest until the close of theCeiznean. war. That it should then have been lost was a great misfortune and a great Mistake. - (Hear.) It was much to the honour of gen tlemen opposite that theyendeavoured-earid successfully en deavoured—to re-establish the navy of England in the posi tioniwhich it ought toihold ; and no: Government: 'would deserve a moment's forbearance which did not . strain every nerve to make it the most powerful navy in the world. (Hear, hear.) During the discusSion upon the navy esti mates last year, he expressed an ppinion in which he was fol lowed by the gallant admiral the member for Southwark that the navy of England ought tobe equal to thenavies of France and Russia united. (Hear, hear:) To his great satis faction the noble lard at the head of the Governnient had the other night endorsed that sentiment. It was an opinion which was becoming very general in. that house; but, unfortunately, the equality which. he desired was not very easily, obtained. Russia had lately been building in the. United States large ships of war, some of which were already completed. France had got a-head of us, and was making every effortto preserve -that start. While -we were only experimenting she had already got iron-cased vessels, armed with rifled artillery— (" Hear, hear," from Sir C. Napier)—and could at short notice bring into the Channel a fleet more powerful than ours, and could man it more easily with practised seamen. It was admitted that if unfortunately a naval engagement between the fleets of the two Powers should take place its re sult might be doubtful. If its results were in favourof France, if she could blockade or destroy the remainder of the fleet,and our defences Were incomplete, England would become part of the main land' of the Continent, and France with the command of the communications could transport a fleet across the Channel as easily as she could send-it across the line. Suppose such a thing occurred—and he was speaking of what might happen-10- or 20 years hence, a short period in the lives of such nations as England and France—we should have to depend upon our land force: What was that ? Here, again, everybody felt that we were the victims of half measures. Every one knew that if in any future war that might occur a French general were to land in England, he would bring with him every soldier for whom transport could be found. It would be for invaders and invaded a life and death struggle. That army would leave its own ports an exultant and, by anticipation, a victorious army.. From the moment it landed in England it would have to fight its way with the desperation of a forlorn hope, and within two * or three weeks of the landing of the first zouave either it would be completely annihilated or London would be taken. It would be less a war than a surprise, and its suddenness would be one element in ,the. calculation of its success. What force had we, what preparations had we to meet such a danger as this ? We all knew that it was very inadequate. We ought to have one of two.forces, either a standing army equal to any which could be hroeght to invade us, or a large auxiliary force of militia and volunteers. But could anybody say that we had either, or. mere likely to have either ? Lately.we had .had a movement - for. the. establishment of rifle corps. They were set on foot by the late Government, and finding them very popular the present Government was obliged to take - theni up, but - still had extended to them but a very chill support. (Hear.) So great ; in fact, were the dif ficulties thrown in the way by routine and red-tape 'that it seemed as though the Horse Guards and the War-offiCe would preferto see the country conquered by the old methods rather than saved by any perilous modern innovations. (Hear.) In 1803 we had 400,000 volunteers and militia under arms, and even then we thanited our stars for- the Channel, which was our best defence. (Hear, hear.) Napoleon, it was well known, regretted to his .dying day that he had -not at tempted to invade England; for he. made but light of the forces he would have to meet had, he once landed. In our days we had no such volunteer force. . We might have rifle corps, but it did-not appear as- though we had rifles to arm them, for, he had heard lately that-a large contract entered into with a Belgian house for rifles had been annulled on aocOuneof someslight extra.•iron demanded by the contrac torS, so that we werealtogether left without the 'arms for which a short-time ago there was:thought to be anrurgent necessity. He hoped, however, to hear this report contra dieted, by the Secretary for War. But when, we saw how inadequate were Our defences—whether (naval; -military, or irregular —we could no longer wonder attitto dis quietude whioh had sprung -up, 'net so much-from fear of d danger from abroad as from the state Of unreadiness an non-preparation in-which we were at home. (Hear, hear i 2 feelingeof .We ought not to lose one moment in putting England anysUcha hostilestate a t u tt i - s. (Hear.) would iea ro b l e v entirely t rel y everybodyou t o the ope n reachwastfhca e f r distant ; but we ought to employ the interval m. o co u un gh t t ry al i Ni o a t y o s , t h o at be p o e uin r o. f h e t c ti t mt , e s o ta ob t f e e r o pe f auc - t d e e .i f n e t n Eo c v e aecr i ty n iv ;w ty u u h b i ;l c ic h e g va s en h ryd e every private yard „ -workman and artificer ought to• be set to work, and at .. ~..... insecurity we ought to act as though the crisis were upon extra hours. As long as We were' in our present state of us. The volunteer corps ought to be encouraged, and if we could not make rifles fast enough at home we ought to renew our contracts with foreign houses, without troublng ourselves whether they might demand 6d. extra per rifle. The work of manufacturing, constructing, `recruit ing, and drilling, ought to be pushed on until Eng land was placed • in that state of security as never again to be liable to one of those" humiliating, de grading, nay, even dangerous panics of invasion. Many persons might think that all this was foolishness—(" hear, hear, from Mr. Cobden)--but ridicule would not deter him from expressing his opinion on this subject. It was very much to be regretted that on a matter of such deep interest, where the feelings and judgment of all men ought to be considered, our highest military authorities, our most experienced diplomatist s , and our most venerable and wisest statesmen could not use that liberty of speech which was the birthright of us all, without being exposed to an amount of ridicule and derision which was wholly unde served. (Hear, hear.) He had no fault to find with any private rneinly:r responsible for his own opinions only ;, taking this view of the question, the hon. member for Bir mingham, for instance, had a perfect right to express his belief that there was no Zouave in the French army who would not prefer a remission of the wine duties to the sack of London ; but it was a very different thing when a Mi nister of the Crown rising after him expressed such a con currence in his views as to lead the hon:member tocongra tulate his friends on gaining over so distinguished a convert to their views. The count r y, h owever, was not cons erted to those views, and it would watch with great alarm the con version of the Government to them. (Hear, hear.) He and others who thought with him had boen content to refrain from any public statement of the reasons for their disquie tude—but when they were told on the highest ex thority that the Ministers of the Crown were become members of the Peace Society they felt bound to protest against the progress of those viewsto state the reasons for their appre hensions, and to justify those reasons. He had never.uttered h for a word in disparagement of the Emperor of th h e i F s 'Emperor from that usually formed' in this country. and he re-ez 3tablished he had always formed a different estimate, of his ra le aaraeter found France in a state of anarchy, and he re- ix tablished order. Before he appeared on the stige everybo _. that France must go through a fierce yy convul sion,belieTed order. Before he appeared on h th t e h s e tag eri e ssiasnagtijainsar d r but he carried her through and grateful France re. than anybody believed possible, nailer cost She believed Id ra her bene warded him with the throne. prosperity at homy t old military thoughentire .l.vi; : ii tt given her peace a frontiers. Between hi:.n. , and his people factor, she chose him ad for her sovereign, a, id he had glory beyond her crit ( I v tirely shut out from foreign ,t sm, ti ns at leas if not en accord, which remove(' affairs of France we must have no con' :ern , it w: is our duty there w to watch her foreign policy, an d , if asYced why, viith his es timation of the character of the EmLieror, ILe he'd eyed in the possibility of an invasion, .... lri e was driven to a ssign as s reason a fact which was notorionv to everybod'r. here and in France. He believed in the possibility of a war w ith France at some future time because he ~ saw that the }lna peror him self believed in that possibility iirortithe preperE.ti ' L ins he had made s ; He believed-that if a war broke out an L attempted -invasion of Faiglandwould be , one of the firm sty, is in that war. As flick siw unmistakeable prOofs of pr mi n tion for war, -tVery niitri who was - not,`wilfully`Vand inns see that there were unmistakeable preparations for mal ch 3 g that war, if it took place, more formidable by invasion. l{ 3 knew it might be said that it was an insult to the Emi ? eri ar to was: pect such an intention, but he could only say ti 3 at 1 to did n insult any man by believing that possible -, s i l id h he had himself openly, publicly, and ostentatiously tad, them he 'I"