The Sun. — London, England, 1862-12-17 00:00:00

THE PRESIDEN7'S MESSAGE. I ' ET 'L°W -CITIZENS or Tun SENATE AND SOIIBB OF REPRESENTATIVES. Feinc e your last annual assemblage, another year of health and bountiful harvests has passed ; and while it has not pleased the Almighty to bless us with a return of peace, we can but press on, guided by the best light He gives us, trust ing that in His own good time and wise way all will be well. The corres-eondence touching foreign affairs which has taken place() during the last year is herewith submitted, in virtual compliance with a request to that effect, made by the Howse of Representatives, near the ellasee of the last session of congress. If the conditions of our relations with other nations is less gratifying than it 'usually has been at former periods, it is cert a i n l y more Satisfactory thane nation so un happily distressed as ve - A are might reasenatly have appre hended. In the month of June last there were some grounds toof expect that maritime pow ers , w hi c h , a t t h e b eginning d(mie°!..:te difficulties so unanimously and unneces sarily, w e . tnink, recognised the insurgents as belligerent, wo , u ld won recede from that position, which has proved only • . , ess injurioue to themselves than to our own country ; un: the temporary reverses which afterwards befell the na tcional arms, and which were exaggerated by our own dis loyal children abroad, have hitherto delayed that act of simple justice. bee civil war, which has so radically changed for the n'wenent the occupation and habits of the American people, Yeas necessarily disturbed the social conditions, and affected 'very deeply the prosperity of the nations with which We have carried on a eionemerce that has been steadily increasing throughout re period of half a century. It has at the same time excited political ambitions and apprehensions, `which have prodeiced a profound agitation throughout the civilised world. In this unusual agitation we have forborne from taking 'Any part in any controversy between foreign States and, between parties or factions in such States. We haver attempted no propagandism and acknowledged no r evelretion. But we have left to every nation the exclusive Cont and management of its own affairs. Our struggle h'es been, of course, contemplated by foreign nations with reference less to its own merits than to its supposed and often exaggereeted effects, and the consequences resulting to those natio ns themselves. Nevertheless, complaint on the 'int of r:ois Government, even if it were just, would car tainli; be unwise. :.'he treaty with Great Britain for the suppression of the te.frican slave bade has been put into operation with a good prospect of complete success. It is an occasion of special pleasure to acknowledge that the execution of it, on the part of her Majesty's Government, has been marked with a jealous respect for the authority of the United. States and the rights of their moral and loyal citizens. The convention with Hanover for the abolition of the State dues has been carried into full effect under the act of Congress for that purpose. A blockade of 3,000 miles, of sea coast could not be esta blished and vigorously 'enforced in a season of great com mercial activity like 'the present, without committing occa sional m i stakes .1a inflicting unintentional injuries upon foreign nations , and their subjects. A civil w, ex occurring in a country where foreigners reside are, carry on trade, under treaty stipulations, is necesseeelly fruitful of complaints of the violation of neu tral rights. All such collisions tend to excite misappre hcensions, and, possibly, to produce mutual reclamation between nations which have a common interest in pre serving peace and friendship. In clear cases of these kinds, I have, as far as possible, heard and redressed complaints which have been presented by friendly Powers. There is, however, a large and augmenting number of doubtful cases, upon which the Government is unable to agree with the Governments whose protection is demanded by the claim ants. There are, moreover, many cases in which the United fitates or their citizens suffer wrongs from the naval or mili tary author ties of foreign nations, which the Governments of these S'cates are not at once prepared to redress. I have proposeel to some of the foreign States thus interested mutual cenwaitionc to examine and adjust such complaints. This proposition has been made especially to Great Britain, to F (niece, to Spain, and to Prussia. In each case it has been kindly received, but has not yet been formally adopted. I deem it my duty to recommend an appropriation in behalf of the owners of the Norwegian bark Admiral F. Fordeha Riola, Welch vessel was in May, 1861, prevented by the commander of the blockading force off Charleston from leavireg that port with cargo, notwithstanding a similar privilege had shortly before been granted to an English vessel. I have directed the Secretary of State to cause the papers in the ease to be communicated to the proper Com mittees. Applications have been made to me by many free American s of African descent, to favour their emigration, with a view to such colonisation as was contemplated in re cent acts of Congress ; other parties at home and abroad, some from interested motives, others upon patriotic consi derations, and still others influenced by philanthropic sen timents, have suggested similar measures, while on the other hand several of the Spanish American Republics have pro tested against tb:e sending of such colonies to their respective territories. 'Jnder these circumstances I have declined to move any such colony to any State without obtaining the con sent of 'she Government, without an agreement on its part to receive and protect such emigrants in all their rights of free- , rr-ten ; and Ihave at the same time offered to the several States situated in the tropics, or having colonies there, to nego tiate with them, subject to tlio advice and consent of the Senate, to favour the voluntary emigration of persons of that class to their respective territories upon conditions which shall be equal, just, and humane. Liberia and Hayti are as yet the only countries to which colonists of African descent from here could go with certainty of being received and adopted as citizens, and I regret to say that such persons contemplating colonisation do not seem so evillines to emigrate to these countries as to some others, nor as 'Ailing, I think, as their interests demand. I believe, teowever, the opinion among them in this respect is im proving, and that ere long there will be an augmented and considerable emigration to both these countries foom the United States. The new commercial treaty between the United States and the Sultan of Turkey has been carried into execution, A commercial and consular treaty has been negotiated, subject to tae Senate's consent, with Liberia, and a similar negotiation is now pending with the Republic of Hayti. A considerable improvement of the national commerce is Wpected to result from these measures. Our relations with Great Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, Russia, Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, and Austria, the Netherlands, Italy, Rome, and the other European States, remain undisturbed. Very favourable relations also continue to be maintained with Turkey, Morocco, China, and Japan. During the last year there has not only been no change of our pre vious relations with the independent States of our own continent, but more friendly sentiments than have heretofore existed, are believed to be entertained by these neighbours, whose safety and progress are so intimately connected with our own. This statement spe cially applies to Mexico, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, Peru, and Chili. The Commission under the Convention with the Republic of New Grenada closed its session with out having audited and passed upon all the claims which were suomitted to it. A proposition is pending to revive the Convention, that it may be able to do more complete justice. The commission between the United States and the Repub lic of Costa Rica has completed its labours, and submitted its report. I have favoured the project for connecting the United States with Europe, by an Atlantic telegraph, and a similar project to extend the telegraph from San Francisco, to connect by % Pacific telegraph with the wire which is being extended across the Rueeian Empire. The territories of the United States, with unimportant exceptions, have remained undisturbed by the civil war, and they are exhibiting such evidence of prosperity as justifies an expectation that some of them will soon be in a condition te be organized as States, and be constitutionally admitted into the Union. The immense mineral resources of some of those territories ought to be developed as rapidly as possible. Every step in that direction would have a tendency to im prove the revenues of the Government and diminish the burdens of the people. It is worthy of your serious consi deration whether some extraordinary measures to promote that end cannot be adopted. The means which suggest them selves as most likely to be effective, are a scientificexplora tion of the mineral regions in these territories with a view to the publication of its results at home and in foreign countries results which cannot fail to be auspicious. The condition of the finances will claim your most diligent consideration. The vast expenditure incident to the mlitary and naval Irt in, n el lati ' required for the suppression of the rebellion have "te bee n met with a promptitude and certainty unusual l-niter c ircumstances, and the public credit has been fully the wa r , however, and the main‘liled • The continua ' nce of increased forces now • i b nec ements made necessary by the augmented best mode f the field, de man d your b est re fl ect i on! as to the pra,9141. jury to business the necessary revenues without in , andpesiwith the least possible burdens upon labour. The sus soon aft 31* the comma:: specie payments by the banks, large issues of United Statr e em of your last session, made way could the payment of ecothue:tot:s unavoidable. In no other :Plan d the satisfaction of other just demands, be so so well provided for. The judicious legislation ft ! ey s securing the receivability of these notes for loans"ltmaree! for O ntrn d a e l b d t duties, and making them a " legal tender" Made them universal currency, and has sat t i ll ed, has at least, and for the time, the lung-felt want of a un if onn y circulating medium, saving thereby t o th e people immense sums i n discounts an d exchanges. e pecie payments A return to however, at the earliest period compatible with die regard to all interested, sh ou l d. ever he kep t in view. Fluctuations the value of currency are always in jeriour, and to re d u ce these fluctuations to the low es t pos sible point will always be a leading purpose in wise legisla- tion. C on vertibiliry, prompt and certain convertibility into coin, is generally acknowledged to be the best and surest against them, and it is extremely doubtful whother a circulation of United States notes, payable in coin, and su ffi c i en tly large for the wants of the people, can be permanently, usefully, and safely maintained. Is there, then , any other mode in which the necessary provision for the public wants can be made, and the great advantages of a safe and uniform cur rency secured? I kivw of none which promises so certain results and at the same time so unobjectionable, as the organisation of bankin g associations under a general act of Congress well THE SUN, LONDON, VirtDNES OAY EVENING DECEMBER 17, 1862. Ktiarded in its provisions. To such associations the Govern ment might furnish circulating notes on the security of the United States bonds deposited in the Treasury. Tim se notes prepared under the supervision of proper officers, being uni form in oppearance and security, and convertible always into coin, would at once protect labour against the evils of a vicious currency, and facilitate commerce by cheap and safe exchanges. A moderate reservation from the interest on the bonds would compensate the United States for the prepara tion and distribution of the notes and a general supervision of the system, and would lighten the burden of that part of the public debt employed as securities. The public credit, moreover, would be greatly improved, and the negotiations of new leans greatly facilitated by the steady market de mand for Government bonds which the adoption of the pro posed system would effect. It is an additional recommendation of the measure, of considerable weight in my j u d gme nt, that it would reconcile as far as possibl e a ll ex i s ti ng i n t eres t s by the opportunity offered to existing institutions to reorganise under the act, substituting only the secured uniform national circulation for the local and various circulations, secured and unsecured, now issued by them. The receipts into the Treasury from all sources, including loans and balance from the preceding year, for the fiscal year ending on the 30th June, 1862, were 683,885,247 dols. 66e, of which sum 49,056,397 dols. 62c. were derived from customs; 1,795,231 dols. 73c. from the direct tax; from public lands, 162,203 dols. 77c.; from miscella neous sources, 931,787 dols. 64c. ; from loans in all forms, 529,692,460 dole. 50c. The remainder 2,2,57,065 dole. 80c. was the balance from last year. The disbursements during the same period were :—For Congressional, Executive, and Judicial purposes, 6,989,009 dols. 29c. ; for foreign inter course, 1,339,716 dols. 37c4; for miscellaneous expenses, including the Mints, loans, Post Office deficiencies, collec tion of revenue and other like charges, 14,129,771 dols. 50c. ; for expenses under the Interior Department, 3,102,985 dols. 62c. ; under the War Department, 39 4,368,407 dols. 36 ; and the Navy Department, 42,674,569 d ols. 69c. ; for interest on the public debt, 13,190,324 dols 45 ; and for the payment of the public debt, including reim bursements of temporary loans and redemptions, 96,096,922 dols. 09c.: making an aggregate of 570,841,700 dole. 25c., and leaving a balance in the Treasury on the Ist day of July, 1862, of 13,043,646 dols. 81. It should he observed that the sum of 96,096,922 dols. 09, expended for reimbursements and redemption of the public debt, being included also in the loans made, may be properly deducted both from the receipts and expenditure, leaving the actual receipts for the year, 487,788,324 dols. 97, and the expenditure 474,744,788 dole. 16. Other information on the subject of the finances will bo found in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to whose statements and views I invite your most candid and considerate attention. The reports of the Secretaries of the Navy and War are herewith transmitted. These reports, though lengthy, are scarcely more than brief abstracts of the very numerous and extensive transactions and operations conducted through these departments, nor could I give a summary of them here upon any principle which would ad mit of its being much shorter than the reports themselves. I therefore content myself with laying the reports before you and asking your attention to them. It gives me pleasure to report a decided improvement in the financial condition of the Post Office Department as compared with several years. The receipts for the fiscal year 1861 amounted to 8,349,296 dole. 40, which embraced the revenue from all the States in the Union for three quarters of that year. Notwithstanding the cessation of revenue from the so-called Seceded States during the last fiscal year, the increase of the correspondence of the loyal States has been sufficient to produce a revenue during the same year of 8,299,820 dole. 90, being only 50,000 dole. less than was derived from all the States of the Union during the previous year. The expenditure show a still more favourable result. The amount expended in 1861 was 13,606,759 dole. 11. For the last year the amount has been reduced to 11,125,364 dole. 13, showing a decrease of about 2,481,000 dole, in the expenditure as compared with the preceding year; about 3,750,000 dollars, as compared with the fiscal year 1860. The deficiency in the department for the previous year was 4,551,966 dole. 98c. For the last fiscal year it was reduced to 2,112,814 dole 57c. These favourable results are in part owing to the cessation of mail service in the insurrectionary States, and in part to a casual review of all expenditures in that department in the interest of economy. The efficiency of the postal service, it is believed, has also been much improved. The Post master-General also opened a correspondence through the Department of State with foreign Governments, proposing a convention of postal representatives, for the purpose of simplifying the rates of foreign postage and to expedite the foreign mails. This proposition, equally important to our adopted citizens and to the commercial interests of this country, has been favourably entertained and argued by all the Governments from whom replies have been received. I ask the attention of Congress to the suggestions of the Postmaster-General in his report respecting the further legislation required, in his opinion, for the benefit of the postal service. The Secre tary of the Interior reports as follows in regard to public lands : " The public lands have ceased to be a source of revenue. From the Ist July, 1861, to the 30th September, 1862, the entire cash receipts from the sale's,' lands were 137,476 dole 26e., a sum mach less than the expense of our land system during the same period. The Homestead Law, which will take effect on lot January next, offers such inducements to settlers that sales for cash cannot be expected to an extent sufficient to meet the expenses of the general land office, and the cost of surveying and bringing the land into mar ket. The discrepancy between the sum here stated as aris ing from the sales of the public lands and the sum derived from the same source as reported from the Treasury De partment, arises as I understand, from the fact that the periods of time, though apparently, were not really coin cident at the beginning point. The Treasury report includes a considerable sum now,which had previously been reported from the interior, sufficiently large to greatly overreach the sum derived from the three months now reported upon by the Interior, and not by the Treasury." The Indian tribes upon our frontiers have,during the past year, manifested a spirit of insubordination,: and at several points have engaged in open hostilities against the white setlements in their vicinity. The tribes occupying the Indian country south of Kansas renounced their allegiance to the United States and entered into treaties with the in- surgents. Those who remained loyal to the United States were driven from the country. The chief of the Cherokees has visited this city, for the purpose of restoring the former relations of the tribe with the United States. He alleges that they were constrained by superior force to enter into treaties with the insurgents, and that the United States neglected to furnish the protection which their treaty stipu lations required. F In the month of August last the Sioux Indians in Minnesota attacked the settlements in their vicinity with extreme ferocity,killing indiscriminately men, women, and children. This attack was whclly unexpected, and therefore no means of defence had been provided. It is estimated that not less than 800 persons were killed by the Indians,and a large amount of property was destroyed. How this outbreak was induced is not definitely known,and suspicions, which may be unjust, need not be stated. In formation was received by the Indian Bureau,from different sources, about the time hostilities were commenced, that a simultaneous attack was to be made upon the v hits settle ments between the Mississippi River and the Rocky Mou ntains. The State of Minnesota has suffered great injury from this Indian war. A large portion of her territoryhas been depopulated, and a severe loss has been sustained by the destruction of property. The people of that State ex- press much anxiety for the removal of the tribes beyond the limits of the State as a guarantee against future hostilities. The Commissioner of Indian affairs will furnish full de tails. I submit for your especial consideration whether our Indian system shall not be remodelled. Many wise and good men have been impressed with the belief that this can be profitably done. I submit a statement of the proceedings of the Commissioners, which shows the progress that has been made in the enterprise of constructing the Pacific Railroad, and this suggests the earliest completion of the read, and also the favourable action of Congress upon the projects now pending before them for enlarging the great canals in New York and Illinois, as being of vital and ra pidly-increasing importance to the whole nation, and espe cially to the vast interior region hereafter to be noticed at some greater length. I purpose having prepared and laid before you at an early day some interesting and valuable sta tistical information upon this subject. The military and commercial importance of enlarging the Illinois and Michi gan Canal, and improving the Illinois River, is presented in the report of Col. Webster to the Secretary of War, and now transmitted to Congress. I respectfully ask attention to it. To carry out the provisions of the act of Congress of the 15th of May last, I have caused the Department of Agricul ture to be organised. The Commissioner informs us that, within the period of a few months, this department has es tablished an extensive system of correspondence and ex changes, both at home and abroad, which promises to effect highly beneficial results in the development of a correct knowledge of recent improvements in agriculture, in the in troduction of now products and in the collection of the agri cultural statistics of the different States ; "also that it will soon be prepared to distribute largely seeds, cereals, plants, and cuttings, and it has already published and largely dis tributed much valuable information in anticipation of a more elaborate report, which will in due time b.) furnished, em bracing some valuable facts in chemical science now in pro gress in the laboratory. The creation of this department Was for the more immediate benefit of a large class of our most valuable citizens, and I trust that the liberal basis upon which it has been organised will not only meet your approbation, but that it will realise at no distant day all 22d day the fondest anticipations of its most sanguine friends, and me the fruitful source of advantage to all our people. In accordance with copy On the of September last a proclamation was issued paragraph of that by the Executive,of which is herewith submitted. tention to what maPa the purpose expressed in the second per, I now respectfully recal your at people, and its laws!' Tehseaid to consist of its territory, its tion.e A nation Th y a b e b ealled " Compensated Emancipa tion:' is the only part which c is om, o , f ecit ee hn r ,e t b a gu i e n tn d ethr ur aet a i b eo ilit y. la'rtPhasasheitdliteet:"vi for ever." and another generation ias rate this never-ending importance to duly consider and e ejer." It is of the first part. That portion of the earth , and it is not urfaee which is owned and inhabited by the people of the • utted States is well adapted for the home of one national family; i t adapted for two or more. Its vast extent and its variety of climate and productions are of advantage in this age for one people, whatever they might have been in former ages. Steam and telegraphs, and intelligence, have brought these to be an advantageous combination for ono united people. In the Inaugural Address I briefly pointed out the total inadequacy of disunion as a iemedy for the differences be tween the people of the two sections. I did so in language which I cannot improve, and which, therefore, I beg to re peat. " One section of our country believes that slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes that it is wrong, and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the African slave trade, are each as well enforced perhaps as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This I think cannot be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separa tion of the sections than before. 'The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the others. Physically speaking, we cannot sepa rate ; we cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A hus band and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face ; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse mere advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliensthan laws can among friends ? Sup pose you go to war, you cannot fight always ; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of in tercourse are again upon you." _ _ There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a national boundary upon which to divide, Trace through from East to West upon the line between the free and slave country, and we shall find a little more than one-third of its length are rivers easy to be crossed and populated, or soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides, while neatly all its re maining length are merely survevn-'' lines, over which people may walk back mut torth without any consciousness of their presence. No part of this line can be made any more difficult to pass by writing it down on paper or parchment as a national boundary. The fact of separation, if it comes, gives up on the part of the sectional obligations upon the seceding section the fugitive slave clause, along with all other constitutional obligations upon the section seceded from, while I should expect no treaty stipulation would ever be made to take its place But there is another difficulty. The great interior region— bounded east by the Alleghanies, north by the British domi nions, west by the Rocky Mountains, and south by the line along which the culture of corn and cotton meets, and which includes part of Virginia, part of Tennessee, allof Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, lowa, Minnesota and the territories of Dakotah, Nebraska, and parts of Colorado—has above three millions of people, and will have 50 millions within 50 years, if not pre vented by any political folly or mistake. It contains more than one-third of the country owned by the United States— certainly more than one million of square miles—one half as populous as Massachusetts already is, it would have more than seventy-five millions of people. A glance at the map shows that, territorially speaking, it is the great body of the Republic, The other parts are but marginal borders to it, the magnificent region sloping west from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, being the deepest attd also the richest in undeveloped resources. In the production of pro visions, grains, grasses, and all which proceed from them, this great interior region is naturally one of the most im portant in the world. Ascertain from the statistics the small proportion of the region which has not yet been brought into caltivation, and also the large and rapidly-in creasing amounts of its products, and we shall be over whelmed with its magnitude of the prospect presented ; and yet this region has no sea coast, touches no ocean any where, As part of one nation, its people now find, and may for ever find, their way to Europe by New York, to South Francisco. But separate our common country into two nations, as designed by the preset rebellion, and every man of this great interior region is thereby cut off from one or more of those outlets, not, perhaps, by a physical barrier, but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations. And this is true wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed. Place it between the non-free and slave country, or place it south of Kentucky, or north of Ohio, and still the truth remains that none south of it can trade to any port or place north of it, and none north of it can trade to any port or place south of it, except upon terms dictated by a Govern ment foreign to them, These outlets, east, west, and south, are indispensible to the wellbeing of the people inhabiting and to inhabit this vast interior region, Which of the three ways be the best is no proper question. All are better than either, and all of right belong to that people and their suc cessors for ever. True to themselves, they will not ask where a line of separation shall be, but will vow rather that there shall be no such line. Nor are the marginal regions less interested in these communications to and through them to the great outside world. They, too, and each of them, must have access to this Egypt of the West, without paying toll at the crossing of any national boundary. Our national strife sprung not from our permanent past, not from the land we inhabit, not from our national homestead There is no possible severing of this but would multiply and not mitigate evils among us. In all its adaptations and aptitudes it demands union and abhors separation. In fact, it would ere long force re -union, however much of blood and treasure the separation might have cost. Our strife pertains to ourselves, to the passing generations of men, and it can not, without convulsion, be hushad for ever with the passing of one generation, In this view I recommend the adoption of the following resolution and articles, amendatory to the Constitution of the United Slates : Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America. in Congress assembled, two thirds of both houses concurring, that the following articles be proposed to the Legislatures and Conventions of the several States, as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which articles, when ratified by three-fourths of the said Legislatures or Conventions, to be valid as part or parts of the said Constitution. Article —.---Ev ery State wherein slavery now exists,which shall abolish the same therein at any time or times before the let day of January, in the year of our Lord one thou sand nine hundred, shall receive compensation from the United States as follows, to wit : The President of the United States shall deliver to every such State bonds of the United States, bearing interest at the rate of —, for each slave shown to have been therein by the eighth census of the United States, said bonds to be delivered to such State by instalments, or, in one parcel at the completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same shall have been gradual or at one time within such States ; and interest shall begin to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of delivery as aforesaid and afterwards. Any State having received bonds as aforesaid, and after wards introducing or tolerating slavery therein, shall refund to the United States the bonds so received, or the value theraof, and all interest paid thereon. Article slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the chances of the war at any time, before the end of the rebellion, shall be for ever free, but all owners of such who shall not have beeiadisloyal, shall be compen sated for them at the same rate as is provided for States adopting abolishment of slavery—but in such a way that no slave shall be twice accounted for. Article —.—Congress may appropriate money and other wise provide for colonising free coloured persons with their own consent, at any place or places without the United States. I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed articles at some length. Without slavery the rebellion could never have existed ; without slavery it could not continue. Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of sentiment and of policy in regard to slavery and the Afri can race amongst us. Some would abolish it suddenly, and without compensation, some would abolish it gradually, and with compensation, some would remove the freed people from us, and some would retain them with us, and there are yet other minor diversities. Because of these diversi • ties we waste much strength in struggles among ourselves ; by mutual concessions we should harmonise and act toge ther. This would be a compromise among the friends, and not with the enemies of the Union. These articles are in tended to embody a plan of such mutual concessions. If the plan shall be adopted, it is assumed that emancipation will follow, at least in several of the States. As to the first article, the main points are : First, the emancipation ; secondly, the iength of time for consummating (37 years) ; and thirdly, the compensation. The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual slavery, but the length of time should greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction. The time spares both races from the evils of sudden de rangement, in fact from the necessity of any derangement, while most of those whose habitual course of thought will be disturbed by the measure will have passed away before its consummation. They will never see it. Another class will hail the prospect of emancipation, but will deprecate the length of time. They will feel that it gives too little to the now living slaves. But it really gives them much, It saves them from the vagrant destitution which must largely attend immediate emancipation in localities where their numbers are very great, and it gives the inspiriting assur ance that their posterity will be free for ever. The plan leaves to each State choosing to act under it power to abo lish slavery, now, or at the end of the century, or at any intermediate time, or by degrees extending over the whole or any part of the period, and it obliges no two States to proceed alike. It also provides for compensation, and gene rally the mode of making it. This it would seem would further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favour p!r petual slavery, and especially of those ;who are to receive compensation. Doubtless some of those who are to pay, and not to receive, wilt object, yet that the measure is both just and economical is certain. The liberation of the slaves is the destruction of property —property acquired, by descent or by purchase, the same as any other property. It is rio less true, for having been often said, that the people of the South are no more responsible for the original introduction of the property than are the people of the North, and when it is remembered how unhesitatingly we use—all of us use—cotton and sugar, and share the profits of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say that the South has been more responsible than the North for its continuance. If then for a common object this property is to be sacrificed, is it not just that it be done at a common charge ? And if Nith less money, or money more easily paid, we can preserve the benefits of the Union by this means than we can by the war alone, is it not also economical to do it ? Let us consider it then. Let us ascertain the sum we have expended in the war since compensated emancipa tion was proposed last March, and consider whether if the measure bad been promptly accepted by even some of the slave States, the same sum would not have done more to close the war than has been otherwise done. If so, the measure would save money, and in that view would be pru dent and economical. Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as to pay nothing. But it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one, and it is easier to pay any sum when we are able, than it is to pay it before we are able. The war requires money at once—the aggregate sum necessary for compensating emancipation of course would be large, but it would require no ready cash, no bondsmen, any faster than the emancipation progresses. This might not and probably would not close before the end of the 37 years. At that time we shall probably have 100,000,000 people to share the burden, instead of 31,000,000 as now, and not only so, but the increase of our population may be expected to continuefor a long time after the period as rapidly as before, because our territories will not have became full. Ido not state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of increase which we have maintained on an average from our first National Census in 1790 until that of 1860, we should in 1900 have a population of 103,208,415; and why may we net continue that ratio far beyond that period ? Our abundant room, our broad national homestead, is an ample resource. Were our territory as limited as are the British Isles, very certainly our population could not °apart& as stated, and instead of receiving the foreign born as now, we should be compelled to send part of the native born away; but such is not our condition. We have 2,963,000 square miles. Europe has 3,800,000, with a population averaging 73 1-3 persons to the square mile. Why may not our country at some future time average as many ? Is it less fertile? Has it more waste surface by mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes ? Is it inferior to Europe in any natural advantage? If, then, we are at some times to be as populous as Europe, how bOOll ? As to when this may be, we can judge by the past and the present—as to when it will, if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the Union. Several of our States are above the average European population of 73 1-3 to the square mile. Massachusetts has 157, Rhode Island 133, New York and New Jersey each 80, and two other great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far below, the former having 62 and the latter 59. The States already above the European average, except New York, have increased in as rapid ratio since passing that point as ever before, while no one of them is equal to some other parts of our country in natural capacity for sustaining a dense population. Taking the nation in the aggregate, and we find its popu lation and ratio of increase for the several decennial periods to be as follows :- 1790 3,920,827. 1800— 5,305,937. 35.02 per cent. ratio of increase. 1810— 7,239,8]4. 36.45 per cent. ratio of increase. 1820— 9,638,131. 33.13 per cent. ratio of increase. 1830-12,866,020. 33.40 per cent. ratio of increase. 1840-17,069,453. 32.67 per cent. ratio of increase. 1850-23,191,876. 33.87 per cent. ratio of increase. 1860-31,443,790. 35.58 per cent. ratio of increase. This shows an average decennial increase of 31.60 per cent. in population through the 70 years from our first to our last census taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase at no one of these seven periods is either two per cent. below or two per cent. above the average,thus showing how inflexible and consequently how reliable the law of increase in our case is, Assuming that it will continue, it gives the fol lowing results :-1870, 42,323,372; 1880, 56,966,216; 1890, 76,677,872 ; 1900, 103,208,415 ; 1910, 138,918,526 ; 1920, 186,984,335 ; 1930, 251,680,914. These figures show that our country may be as populous as Europe now is at some point between 1920 and 1930, say about 1925, our territory at 73 1-3 persons to the square mile being of the capacity to contain 217,186,000 ; and we will reach this too if we do not ourselves relinquish the chances by the folly and evils of disunion, or by long and exhausting war springing from the only great element of national discord among us. While it cannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of secession breeding lesser ones indefinitely would retard the population, civilisation, and prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of it would be very great and injurious. The proposed emancipation would shorten this war, perpetuate peace, ensure this increase of population, and proportionately the wealth of the country. With this we should pay all that emancipation would cost, together with our other debts, easier than we should pay our other debts without it. If we had allowed our old national debt to run at 6 per cent. per annum simple interest from the end of our revolutionary struggle till to-day, without paying anything on either principal or interest, each man of us would owe less upon that debt now than each man owed upon it then, and this because our increase of men through the whole period has been greater than six per cent., and has run faster than th. i'..4......* upon the ddbt. Thu. *lain alone relieves a debtor nation so long as its population in- 1 creases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its debt. This fact would be no excuse for delaying tho payment of what is justly due, but it shows the great importance of time in this connection, and the great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we number 100 millions, what, by a different policy, we would have to pay now, when the number is but 31 millions. In a word, it shows that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war, than will a dollar for emancipation on the proposed plan. And then the latter will cost no blood, no precious life. It will be a saving of both. As to the second article, I think it would be impracticable to return to bondage the class of persons therein contemplated. Some of them, doubtless, in the property sense, belong to loyal owners, and hence provi sionnothingandunlessCongress. is made in this article for compensating such. The third article relates to the future of the freed people. It does hot oblige but merely authorises Congress to aid in co lonising such as may consent. This ought no t to b e re garded as objectionable on the one hand or on the other, mutual consent the by American voters, I cannot make it known better than it already is, that I strongly favour co l on i sa tion; and yet I wish to say there is no objection insomuchthroughof the their peopleas it representatives t ocomes be dto deported urged against the coloured persons remaining in the coun try which is not largely imaginary, if not sometimes mali cious. It is insisted that deportation would probably en hance the wages of white labour, and very surely would not reduce them. Thus the customary amount of labour would still have to be performed. The freed people would surely not do more than their old proportion of it, and very probably for a time would do less, leaving an increased part to white labourers, bringing their labour into greater demand, and consequently enhancing the wages of it. With deportation even to a limited extent, enhancing wages of white labour is mathematically certain. Labour is like any other commo dity in the market ; increase the demand for it, and you in crease the price of it. Reduce the supply of black labour by colonising the black labourers out of the country, and by pre cisely so much you increase the demand for, and wages of what) labour. But it is decided that the freed people will swarm forth and cover the whole land. Are they not already in the land ? Will liberation make them any more nume rous ? Equally distributed among the whites of the whole country, and there would be but one coloured to seven whites. Could the one in any way greatly disturb the seven ? Is it true, then, that coloured people can displace any more white labour by being free than remaining slaves ? If they stay in their old places they jostle no white labourers. If they leave their old places they leave them open to white labourers. Logically there is neither more nor less of it. Emancipation even without their presence would injure and displace white labour and white labourers. If there ever could be a proper time for mere arguments, that time surely is not now. In times like the present men should utter n3thing for which they would not willingly be responsible through time and eternity. There are many communities now having more than one free coloured person to seven whites, and this without any apparent consciousness of evil from it. The district of Co lumbia and the States of Maryland and Delaware are all in this condition. The district has more than one free coloured to six whites, yet in its frequent petitions to Congress I be lieve it has never presented the presence of free coloured persons as one of its grievances. But why should emancipa tion South send free coloured people North? People of any colour seldom run, unless there he something to run from. Heretofore coloured people to some extent have fled North from bondage, and now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitution ; but if gradual emancipation and deportation be adopted they will have neither to flee from. The old masters will give them wages, at least until new labourers can be procured, and the freed men in turn will gladly give their labour for the wages till new homes can be found for them in congenial din es and with people of their own blood and race. This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved, and in any event cannot the North decide for it self whether to receive them ? Again, as practice proves more than theory in any case, has there been any irruption of coloured people Northward because of the abolishment of slavery in this district last spring? What I have said of the proportion of free -coloured persons to the whites in the district is from the census of 1850, having no reference to persons called contrabands, nor to those made free by the act of Congress abolishing slavery here. The plan consist ing of these articles is recommended, not but that a resto ration of the national authority would be accepted without its adoption, nor will the war, nor proceedings under the proclamation of September 22, 1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan. Its timely adoption I doubt not would bring restoration, and thereby stay both. And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congress provide by law for compensating any State which may adopt emancipation before this plan shall have been acted upon is hereby earnestly renewed. Such would only be an advance part of the plan, and the same arguments apply to both. This plan is recommended as a means not in exclusion of, but additional to all others, for restoring and preserving the national authority throughout the IJnion. The subject is presented exc l u sively in its commercial as spect. The plan would, 1 am confident, secure peace more speedily than it can be d one by force alone, while it would cost less, considering amounts and manner of payment and times of payment, and the amounts will be easier paid than will the additional cost of the war if we rely solely upon force. It is most likely—very likely—that it would cost no blood at all. The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. It cannot become such without the concurrence of—first, two thirds of Congress, and afterwards three-fourths of the States. The requisite three-fourths of the States will neces sarily include seven of the slave States. Their concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of their severally adopting emancipation at no distant day upon the now constitutional terms. This assurance would end the struggle now, and save the Union for ever. I do not forget the gravity which should characterise a paper addressed to the Congress of the nation by the chief magistrate of the nation. Nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors ; nor that many of you have more experience than I in the conduct of public affairs ; yet I trust that, in view of the great respon sibility resting upon me, you will not perceive a want of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may seem to display. Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten the war, and thus lessen its expen diture of money and blood ? It is doubted that it would re store the national authority and national prosperity, and perpetuate both indefinitely ? It is doubted that we here, Congress and Executive, can secure its adoption ? Will not the good people respond to united and earnest appeal from us ? Can we, can they, by any other means, so certainly or so speedily assure these vital objects ? We can succeed only by concert. It is not " Can any of us imagine better ?" but " Can we do all better?" Object whatsoever is possible, still the question recurs, " Can we do better ?" The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. As our case is new, se we think anew, and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our country. Fellow-citizens--We cannot escape history. We, of this Congress, will be remembered in spite of our selves. --- • --- No personal significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down in honour or dishonour to the latest generation. We say that wo are for the Union. The world will not forget that while wo say this we do know how to save the tinion. The world knows we do know how to save it We, even we here, hold the power, and bear the responsi• bility, _ _ . In giving freedom to the slave, wo assure freedom to the free, honourable alike in what we give and what we pre serve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope o the earth. Other means may succeed. This could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just—a way which, if followed, the world will for ever applaud, and God must for ever bless. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Washington, Dec. 1, 18G2. ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. NORTHERN CIRCUIT—LIVERPOOL, Dec. 16. MURDER FROM JEALOUSY. At the Liverpool Assizes to-day Thomas Ed wards, a butcher, was indicted for the murder of Isabella Tongue, a woman with whom he had been cohabiting for upwards of 11 years. The woman was a prostitute, and lived in a court off Norman-street, Liverpool. Before she became acquainted with Edwards, the deceased had, it ap peared, au intimacy with a man named Sullivan. Sullivan, however, had been compelled to leave the city, and only returned in November last. Then the connexion between him and Tongue was re newed, and in consequence, Edwards became dreadfully excited and jealous. On the 27th of November Edwards came home in the evening, and on finding that Tongue had been out with Sullivan all day, he became very angry, and began to drink ale and rum. During the evening he went out and got more drink, and finally lay down on the sofa. Early in the morning Sullivan and deceased returned to the house, and Edwards angrily asked where Tongue had been all day. The deceased made no re ply, but Sullivan said to prisoner, " What is that to you ? She has been out with me." At this time Ed wards did not say auy more, but sat near the fire with Sullivan, deceased, and other women. The deceased notic,d that Edwards had a knife with him, and she, therefore, feeling alarmed for her life, suggested that Sullivan and Edwards should go up stairs to bed together, and that she and another female inmate of the house, namei. Wilson, should sleep together below. Sullivan and Edwards did go up stairs, but the prisoner almost immediately re turned below, and (according to the depositions of deceased) demanded money from her, which she re fused, declared that she would not prostitute herself for him any longer. The prisoner then stabbed 'longue furioubly iu the ueuk mod other parts of the body, and she died very soon afterwards. When stabbing her, he exclaimed," I will be hung for you." The evidence adduced supported the charge. Mr. Pope, for the defence, elicited that the pri soner was drunk, and that deceased had had an ill will to the prisoner. Upon these points he com mented strongly in his defence. The jury returned a verdict of guilty, with a re commendation to mercy. The prisoner was sentenced to death. CHESTER CIRCUIT.—CHESTER, Dec. 16. (Before Mr. Baron Bramwell.) TRIAL OF THE BIRKENHEAD RIOTERS. This morning the several prisoners, 18 in num ber, were placed in the dock, charged with the riot and assaulting the police at Birkenhead, on the evening of Oct. 15th. The names of the prisoners are respectively, Patrick Fahey, Patrick Fahey, jun., Thos. Buckley, Michael Fahey, John Gorman, Hogan, Hoare, Fynan, Lennon, Thos. Larkin, Catherine Larkin, Martin, John Tracey, Thos. Shoolin, Elizabeth Curtis, Bridget Burnes, and Margaret Maggin. Thelprisont rs were all defended by counsel. Mr. Groves, Q.C., for the prosecution, having opened the case, and stated the circumstances, which will be fresh in the public mind, James Birne, examined by Mr, Brandt, also for the prosecution—l am superintendent of police at Birkenhead. I remember, on the Bth of October, a placard was posted announcing a meeting at the Debating Institute, near Trinity Church. There was a disturbance, the church windows and the windows of the institute were broken, and it was agreed to adjourn the meeting to the 15th. In the meantime we had made preparations to defend the ne4;hbourhood on the adjourned meeting on the 15th. I❑ continuation the witness deposed to the disturbance which took place near the institute by the mob, and to the manner in which the different members of the police force were injured, and seve ral shops and other property destroyed. This was all after the meeting in the institute had been broken up. In cross-examination by Mr. Weisby, who was for the defence, the witness said that the magistrates did all they could to dissuade the promoters of the discussion at the institute from holding it on the 15'h of October, the night of the riot. Inspector Burgess deposed to being present amongst the mob on the night of 15th October, near the institute. A man, who he had since found out was a priest, was leading them on, and witness heard him say, "We want peace, and we'll have peace; but no Garibaldian meetings here." There was then a shout of " Hurra," and three cheers for the Pope, which the priest called for. Witness was afterwards attacked and knocked down insensible. In answer to his lordship, the witness said that the priest, after the riot, came to his (witness's) house, and told him that he was a priest, and had saved his life. Witness could now go to Birken head and point him out. He knew he was a priest. Several police office► s were next examined, and the case was proceeding when our parcel left. OXFORD CIRCUIT.—GLOUCESTER, Dec. 16. (Before Mr. Justice Mellor.) The business of the Gloucester Assizes com menced to-day at 10 o'clock. Altogether there were about 50 prisoners for trial, including three murder cases, but a great many pleaded guilty in the course of the day. THE TICKET-OF-LEAVE SYSTEM. Mr. Justice Mellor, in the course of his charge to the grand jury, said he thought the system of tickets-of-leave had been subjected to undeserved censure, and that the practice of granting such in dulgences gave prisoners an opportunity of reform ing their habits. He expressed his opinion as in his charge to the Worceste:shire Grand Jury last week, that the reformation of convicts after they had attained a certain age was hopeless. The ticket of-leave system was based upun the idea that if a man was sent to penal servitude he might by habits of self-restraint, by good conduct, and by conform ing with the prison rules, get a remission of part of his sentence, and the expectation was that the pri soners might carry the habits of discipline and self control to which they had been used away with thlrn. Supposing that no hope of remission was p;aced before their criminals, they would probably be indifferent how they behaved, unless compelled by other consequences to conduct themselves pro perly. Although the hope of a ticket-of-leave ope rated upon the mind of the criminal, and induced him during the time he was in prison to cultivate habits of self-restraint and self-control, yet he was far from saying that it was a successful ex periment. His own experience went to show that after a certain age reformation became hopeless, and it was those criminals who, if sent abroad, might, under new scenes find some in ducement to change their mode of life. He added that the ticket-of-leave system was a great problem that the attempts that had been made to solve it had not been successful, It was the experience of most persons that a sentence of 16 or 18 months' imprisonment was often more severely felt than three or four years of penal servitude. THE CIRENCESTER MURDER.—The Grand Jury in the course of the day returned a true bill against Wm. Mealing, charged with the murder of Sarah Moss, of Rendcombe, near Cirencester. The trial was fixed for to-morrow morning. MIDDLESEX SESSIONS, Dec. 16. (Before the Assistant-Judge.) Thomas M'Cairns, 19, servant, William Wallis, 18, waiter, and George Butt, 18, waiter, were in dicted for stealing in the dwelling house of Alder man William F. Aden, a silver teapot and other articles of silver plate, value .£250, his property, the said Thos. M'Cairs being the servant of Alder man W. F. Allen, Mr. Cooper prosecuted ; Mr. Warton appeared for M'Cairns, the other prisoners were undefended. Geo. Seymour, police-constable 311 S, stated that on the night of Nov. 20, about a quarter before 12 o'clock, he found open the area door leading to the kitchen of Mr. Alderman Allen's house, 6, ld see it as he Peters ham-terrace, Kensington. He c6:2 walked along the pavement, and he got assistance and entered the house. In the butler's pantry he found the plate chest and cupboard open and the plate strewed about. He proceeded to make a search of the house, and on going to the back bed room he found M'Cairns with his hands and feet tied toge ther lying on his left side on the floor, and a large white cloth tied tightly round his head. Having removed the cloth he found the handkerchief pro duced pushed into his mouth. On asking him how he came in that condition, he said he was waiting for the butler, who was out; and hearing a noise as of men breaking into the house, he armed himself with a sword stick to meet them. Shortly after wards he met two men, and having accosted them one of them struck him a violent blow on the chest, and the two together succeeded in gagging him and tying him as he was found. He pointed to a fan light over a side door leading to the back area, and he said they had made their entrance that way. He said he had locked the front door, but that they had got in after 11 o'clock. When the butler came home Mr. Allen was called. When witness passed the house at 20 minutes past 11 o'clock the area door was shut, and there was a light in the front kitchen. When he returned at a quarter before 12 o'clock the light was gone, and the area door open. There were no marks of violence on the area door, and it must have been opened in the usual way. Inspector Cross, T division, said he examined Alderman Allen's premises at a quarter-past 12 at night, in consequence of his attention having been drawn to them. He found the fanlight over the side door in the back area was open, and the cord was broken. There was a gimlet in the fan light outside, but no violence whatever had tiPen used, and it was then quite evident that the cord of the fanlight had been broken by some one inside. There was no trace of any one having got over the wall. The back area door was locked. He was satisfied that no person had got in at the fanlight, from dust that was still remaining, and the general appearance of it. He found that a cupboard had been broken open which had contained glass, and a portion of the broken lock was on the table. The day after, the prisoner (M'Cairns) said he found the file now produced in the cupboard. Wm. New said he was butler at Mr. Alderman Allen's, of No. 6, Petersham-terrace, Kensington, where the prisoner M'Cairns was footman. He (M'Cairns) had been there about six months. On Thursday, Nov. 20, he went to the theatre, and left M'Cairns in charge of the house during his absence. The plate closet was also left in his care, he having received the keys of it before the dinner was served. On his return from the theatre he found that all the silver plate, except three articles, was gone. The teapot, sugar tongs, and other articles produced, be longed to his master, and he valued the plate taken at £250. The house ought to have been shut up before 11 o'clock. He told M•Cairns on the Tuesday that he was going to the theatre on the Wednesday, but as M'Cairns said he wanted to go out on Wed nesday, to oblige him he put it off until Thursday. He had frequently seen the other prisoners at his master's house. He found the key in the plate chest, but it ought to have been in the pate closet. Elizabeth Love stated that she was cook in Mr. Alderman Allen's house, and on the 20th of Novem ber the prisoner Butt came to the house and had supper there. He left about 10 o'clock; but during the time he was in the house he was with M'Cairns in the pantry. Samuel Jacobs said he lived at No. 5, Park-side, Knightsbridge, and is a jeweller. On Wednesday night, November 19, Butt came into his shop and asked him to buy a ring, which he tried, and fonna it was only brass. He then asked if he would buy some silver, and he told him that he would. He inquired the price that he would give, and he told him he would give ss. 6d. per ounce for it. He then asked him if he would buy £2OO worth, and, on being told that he would, Butt said that if he bought it he must not put it into his window for show, but must melt it down. He made an appoint ment to come with it on the Thursday night, but he did not come. On the Friday he was absent from home, but from what his wife told him he went to the station-house and returned with a policeman. The policeman waited outside, and he found Wallis and Butts near his shop. That was about 2 o'clock in the day. The prisoner Butt entered the shop, and taking the silver teapot produced from his pocket, asked witness to weigh it. He did so, and then Butt left the shop, returning almost immediately with a sackful of silver plate. He weighed it, and it was upwards of 400 ounces He then called in the police-officer, and both prisoners were taken into custody. Alexander Williamson, police-constable 133 B, said from information he received he watched Mr. Jacob's hcuse on the 21st Nov., and he saw Butt go into the shop and offer a silver teapot for sale, and he was afterwards followed by Wallis, who had a sack of plate. He saw them go into a back parlour, and he followed them in. He said that he was a police-officer, and that he should take them into custody. On searching the prisoners at the station house he found on the person of Butt a piece of a file (produced), and on comparing it with the piece found by Inspector Cross in the plate cupboard, it exactly corresponded with it. Fredk. Williamson, Inspector of Detective Police, said he went to Mr. Alderman Alien's house and saw Mr. Cairns, who repeated the statement he had made to the witness Seymour. He asked him when he went out last, and he said on Wednesday night, and that he went to see a friend named Thurbrun. After the other two prisoners had been given into custody he went again to Petersham-terrace and told M'Cairns that they had got the thieves and all the property, and he said that he was very glad of it. He then told him that he should take him into custody, and charge him with being concerned in the robbery, to which he made no reply. Jas. Freeman said he kept the Ship publichouse in Carnaby-street, Regent-street, and knew the pri, soners Wallis and Butt, who were brothers, their real name being Thurbrun. M'Cairns was with them at his house on Wednesday night, and they had something to drink together. Mr. Warton then addressed the jury for the pri soner M'Cairns, and said that he was a young man of unblemished character, and he believed that there was no part of the statement that he made to In spector Cross but what was strictly true, and if things were to go on in this way it would be no en couragement to servants to protect their masters' property, supposing that in doing so they might be bound and gagged while resisting a plunderer. It would be a poor return for their fidelity if they were afterwards to be charged with felony for having re sisted a robbery. He should call some witnesses who had known him from childhood, who would give him the highest character for honesty and in tegrity, and having done so, he hoped it would have a proper effect on the jury, and that they would return a verdict of not guilty. Several witnesses were called, who gave him an excellent character for honesty, extending over a long period. Wallis said ho was at Mr. Freeman's, and was not out on the night of the robbery. Butt, in his defence, said he met a man in the street, who asked him to sell some plate for him, and that he would give him £lO for doing so. He assigned as his reason for not selling the plate him self that ho had a former transaction with Mr. Jacobs, when he sold plate for £25, and he could only get £2O from him. He also said that the re mark about melting the silver came from Jacobs, and not from him. The Assistant-Judge summed up the evidence, and The jury found all the prisoners guilty, recom mending them to mercy on account of their previous good characters. The Assistant-Judge sentenced Wallis and Butt to be imprisoned for two years, and M'Cairns to he kept, in penal servitude for four years. [ADVERTISEItENTI—HoIIoway's Pills.—Early Means. —No part of the human machines requires more watching than the nervous system. Upon it han gs h ea l t h an d li fe itself. These Fil ls are the best regulators and strength eners of the nerves, and the safest general purifiers. Nausea, headache, giddiness, numbness, and mental apathy yield to them. They despatch in a summary manner those distressing dyspeptic symptoms, stomachic pains, fulness at the pit of the stomach, abdominal distensions, and over come both capricious appetite and confined bowels—the commonly accompanying :signs of defective or deranged nervous power. Holloway's Pills are particularly recom mended to persons of studious and sedentary habits, who gradually sink into a nervous and debilitated state unless some restorative such as his Pills be occasionally applied. CHARGE OF FRAUD AOAINST A SHIPOWNER. Yesterday a respectably-dressed mar, nallv• 4 George Ruston, described as a shiposs 'no-, residing' at 37, Spellon-lane, Liverpool, was placed at the bar of the justice-room, Mansion House, bef , ar e the o ther Lard Mayor, charged with conspir in g with persons to obtain by fraudulent representat. ions £7OO from the Universal Marine Insurance Co.m pany, in Cornhill, with intent to defraud them. The prisoner had been arrested on a warrant,, emanating from this court, on Saturday evening, immediately after his acquittal on a similar charge after trial at the Liverpool assizes before Mr. Com missioner Gurney and a jury. Mr. M'Culloch was counsel for the prosecution , and Mr. Sleigh for the prisoner. Mr. M'Culloch said the prisoner was a s hipowner and baker at Liverpool, and in 1860-61 vas the owner of the ship Joseph Banks. In Deceynber, 1860, the vessel was chartered to take a cargo of coals from Cardiff to a place called St. Patti .de Loando, on the coast of Africa, where the charterer resided. In addition to the cargo, which belonged wholly to the charterer, the prisoner put on board some stores on his own account, as it was admitted he was at liberty to do, worth about £3OO, and upon N Oich he effected an assurance with the Universal MariOe Assurance Company to the amount of .£lO OO . The ship was lost on the voyage, and the prisoner afterwards p:odoced bills of lading for the goods he had put on board, signed by Captain Bertie, the master of the ship, and endorsed by himself, for £lOOO, which sum he obtained from the companY. Capt. Bertie had recently beet; arrested at Falmouth , on his return from a voyage, 10 ;1 would in due time be brought before the Court. Mr, M'Culloch added that the charge on which the prieonsez Ruston had been apprehended had nothing whatevb.r to do with that on which he had recently been tried and acquitted at Liverpool. Some evidence, as a matter of form, was given on which to found an application to have the pri.so,:ler remanded until Capt. Bertie could be brought fi-ona Falmouth, when the whole case will be disclosed. Mr. Sleigh, at its conclusion, said the defendant had just passed through the ordeal of a trial at Liverpool and been honourably acquitted. fie feared no inquiry in this mater. On the contrary, he courted the fullest investigation, and joined lo the application to be remanded. The examination was then by mutaal consent adjourned to Saturday, and in the meansme the Lord Mayor admitted the prisoner to bail—himself in £5OO, and two sureties in £250 each. CIIU.RCH RATE CASE. At the Wandsworth Police-court yesterday , I I case of some importance came before Mr. Ingha tll7 the sitting magistrate, involving the right of dis trict parishes constituted under the act of 1856. From the statement of Mr. Valiance, of the firm of Valiance and Valiance, who had been retained bl the churchwardens of the district parish of St. Mal' Balham, to prosecute the claim, it appeared that St; Mary's was separated from the parent parish ° I , Streatham in 1855, under an order in Co uncil dated 13th August in that year. On the 26th June in 0 : present year a rate was made by the vestry', o ffte d notice from the churchwardens , of 4 d. in the p eeLl V for the repair and support of the district c hute"' Mr. T.O. Hutton, a gentleman r esidin g at Tooting' and some others refused to pay on the grou nd that the district parish had no power to levy a ch urch rate, that right remaining with the mother P aris h; to any church rate made by the vestry of which district or separated parishes were still lla Thereupon summonses were taken out against t defaulters, and yesterday was the day of hearingieq) Mr. Valiance observed that he had suggesto the other side that an arrangement should be to, either to lay the case before his worship a _ abide by his decision, to agree to a case f or refereno, to the Court of Quarter Session , the Court of Queen's Bench, or, if preferred by the defendolts! it might be sent up at once to the Ecclesiastical Court for its decision. The ri g ht of the church wardens to make the rate being disputed, and the quebtiou of the legality' of the rate made being raised, he believed, unless the defendants agreed t° the suggestion that the case should be heard on it° merits and decided by the magistrate, worst i P could not give judgment, but must leave the church' wardens to proceed to enforce the rate. of Mr. Wright, who appeared for himself a s one the parties summoned, Mr. Hutton and several °; the other defendants, stated that his obj ection WA against the validity of the rate. The Magistrate then referred to the a ct 64 Gt. 111., which provides that if the validity of the la': is disputed, the justice is to forbear giving P ag g , ment, but leave the parties to proceed in the suf-a nor courts; and having read the clause and reee'ce from the defendants a formal declaration that theic did so dispute the legality of the rate and refu. s d to pay it on that amongst other grounds, b e decilne o f to make any order. In the case of two or three the the persons summoned who did not a ttendl al , le magistrate issued warrants with the und ersta ; that they were not to be acted upon if the P4r,tiot, attended on Wednesday, the 24th, and o b j ected the same grounds. COUNTRY •••,- - LEEDS—TUESDAY. Or e The sales of wheat still proceed slowly, rather better. but priceS LIVERP L —TuEsnA.Y. At our market to-day there was a thin attendance/000 a fair business doing. Wheat and flour brought di t . 0 , je , prices as last Friday. Oats and oatmeal we re dour, of Indian corn changed hands at Friday's decline. .ri' beans dull. MARKET HARBOROUGII—TUE SDAY ' „ 3u White wheat, 52s to 55s ; red, • 46 s to 50s per 30 to Barley at 36s to 40s per qr., grinding 28 s to 32s per 61 , Oats, 26s to 30s; new, 20s to 24 s per 24 s t. ; beano, 44s per qr. SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. 21s 6° Red wheat, per load of 3 imperial bushels...2ls Od 00460- 00 , White 77 7 ...22s Od t ° is o New red 1 , New white /, /7 Beans ~ ~ Peas, per qr Grinding barley, per qr Malting ditto, 77 Oats 77 F 1 o u r , is Od to 2s id per . s : t . 0 .: n :5 : 12331 . 6(6:505:: g°°°°° Iddac ic I tttttt °t °:111611 :4°'l°6° tiC 1 MELTON MOWBRAY—TuE sPAY. L ,. The following were the currencies :—New sto l3° , 54s Od to 58s Od ; new red, 45s Od to 50 8 , r r. ne r 38 13 ,'„' beans, —s for old ; new sorts, 38s to per qr. '" barley, 36s to 40s for malting, and 29s to u" grinding; oats, 22s to 26s Od per 24 atone• LYNN—ThEsDAY. . 356 to 3 1 0 White Rod.. . 300 too '"' ‘,60 44s to 46s Grinding ...... • . . 2 4s to 0 0 Beans .40s to 44s `Oats.. ......... ......„ t o New —s to —s 1 New....... NEWCASTLE-UNDER -LYNE—MONP'; soer. To-day at our market there was a less show o' d will': than last week. The demand proved inactive, all 13eal i l, fine sorts mace late rates, inferior receded is per q i r y bar" slow, and is lower. Oats at recent prices. Bar'e' maintained late rates. —_— BIRTHS. na _stre et ' HANKEY.—On the 15th inst., at 52, Curaher.l ai , oort', o Hyde-park, the wife of F. A. Hankey , Esq't °-,. aces t'" HAYTEn.—On the 15th inst., at 11, Inverness-ter' th e wife of Henry G. Hayter, Esq., of a son. es' STANLEY. —On the 14th inst , at Hendon, Dliddlus wife of Rear-Admiral Stanley, of a son. f j c s Ot SKELTON.—On the 15th inst , at Woodford Mrs. B. Skelton, of a daughter. CHBISTOPIIERS— HI A G JA HT R o R N I ._ AG on ES J. t A l i Saints' Church, St. John's wood, John Cr0wc,... 11 , A Si' tophere, F.R.C.S. to Harriet , daughter of the '''''' Highton, Esq ., eL • CRO the 13th ins., at SS—BLYTHMAN.—On the 13th bast , at St• Idarghpriaeig Swinton, James Cross, Esq , of Hodeack, tan,t';4., 0 second daughter of Robert . Otter Blythin ' Swinton. DEATHS. thud; DODSON.—On the 11th inst., at his residence, r_re B- ,geo park, Gloucestershire, Charles Potter Dodson, VA' , - MEEK.—On the 13th inst., James • Meek, Esq., of Nodal' thorpe Lodge, near York, aged 73. NoAxEs.—On the 15th inst., Mr. Wm. Noakes. of Tl' e C o l one ls, Ticehurst, aged 80 . PRYOL at —On the 14th inst., 47, St. James's-sqllare. Notting hill , Captain Henry Pryce, RN., age d 77. y LONDON: Printed and P ublished by JOHN CHAP,-''ii of No. 112, Strand , Printer, at TILE SUN Office, ICI"' l' „; Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Count 9 Middlesex.--Wednesday,December 17, 1862. i ; q.; I 1c A ( 1, the bat , let) +ie r , 11 ti 11 - (if! \ L, Al unit tl oy PA:\ A a in, ......____ TT Tr) tate C I D T 1 Pri „ rd Thi M 0 ,114 Q 12•11. strun lqus 18, Per 14 .ui oN c. ei o ,„ 01111 , A fgl n Ae rn -__-__ TT] Atp ss atcl ~' Parr Alt (An t Fc ance), To 'PT A ON aone: ~ Aft erii, To Miss it I i TT; r Itol,i T( Gq PA AR cost