The Sun. — London, England, 1862-02-07 00:00:00

national law which not unnaturally arose in the case of the Trent. But I have seen various speculations with regard to a congress of nations convened for the purpose of newly establishing the principles of inteinational law. I earnestly trust that the Government w ill Le extremel y cautious how they enter upon any such negotiation. (Hear, hear,) We have had upon the present occasion to sustain the rights of neutrals ; but we must not forget that we have a great and preponderating interest in maintaining the legitimate rights of belligerents, and that this country, while disclaiming for itself all undue exercise of those rights, cannot afford to sacrifice such legitimate exercise of belligerent power as is justified by the law of nations. (Hear, hear.) Now I con fess that I r egretted—and I expressed my regret at the time —the sacrifice which, as I thought, my noble friend (Lord Clarendon) made in 1856, when he consented, on the part of the Government of this country, to the principle that enemy's goods should be safe on board neutral vessels. I thought this a dangerous concession for a country situated as ours is, and I remonstated against it. Undoubtedly, it is true that that agreement has not up to the present mo ment the binding force of a treaty, nor has it been ratified by the Sovereign. It does not alter the real state of inter national law, but I hold that with regard to all the Powers whose representatives signed this paper, and have not since been disavowed by their Sovereigns, those Powers are morally bound by the liabilities and the obligations im posed upon them at the time. Now if we had gone to war with the Federal States, I will ask in passing, what would hare been the result of our adoption of the doctrines of the Congress ? We had an agreement—l won't call it a con vention— with France. We had no agreement with Ame rica. In the event of war with America, therefore, Ame rican merchandise on board a French vesselwould, by our obligations with France, be safe against our cruisers, and American commerce would enjoy impunity when carried on in French vessels, owing to an agreement in which America had no part. (Hear.) Thus the treaty would have a very one-sided operation, and one nation would secure all the benefits without being a party to it, while the other would sacrifice all its advantage because she was a party to it. That is a position in which England ought not to stand towards any country whatever. I recollect asking at the time whether this would not have been the consequences of the agreement, but I did not succeed in extracting any satisfactory explanation on the subject. Then, I see sug gestions made that it is contrary to the humane doctrines on which war is now carried on in modern times, to keep up any distinction as to contraband goods, and that all neu tral vessels, wherever they may be bound, should be left to pass at their free will and pleasure, without any right of search, and without any interference whatever. I can only say that I hope the noble earl the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs would never consent to abandon a right which he must feel is essential to the maintenance of our position among nations. The other topics of the Speech are not such as to call for lengthened observations. I sheuld hope the Government will be able to give the House before long explanations—which are certainly much required —not only of the convention itself, but also of the manner in which it is to be acted upon by the three Powers which are parties to an interference in the of of Mexico. I know well into what a state of anarchy and confusion for many years Mexico has fallen. I know well how many causes of complaint all neutral nations have to make against the successive Governments which have distracted rather than ruled in that country, and it has been my painful duty to advise the Crown to introduce into a speech from the Throne a paragraph re ferring to the subject—the enforcement of the just de mands of this country. I think that matters of this kind are best settled by the individual action of each separate State, but I do not complain that in this instance there should have been a convention between three great Powers, each of whom had similar wrongs to complain of, and each of whom had agreed to a similar course to obtain reparation. But if lam to believe the statements in the public prints I cannot help fearing and suspecting that one at least, if not two, of our allies are disposed to enter upon operations of a more extended character than are contem plated by the terms of the convention, and I shall be glad to hear from the noble earl the Foreign Secretary, or the President of the Council, that in all matters relating to Mexico there has been a thorough and entire agreement in the course of proceeding to be adopted by the three Powers. Again, we have not before us the convention that has been entered into with the Emperor of Morocco. It is one as far as I am aware of a very unusual character, but one that I frankly admit may be justified by the peculiar nature of the case out of which it has arisen. I apprehend the object of the convention is to secure to the Government of Morocco a sum of money upon the security of the customs' duties of the outports, and those duties are to be collected, as I un derstand, by British authorities, and the balance paid over to the Government of Morocco, after retaining sufficient to secure a sum to be advanced to liquidate the claims of Spain, and for which she still holds as guarantees Tetuan and other points on the coast of Morrocco. Tbis is a subject of great interest in this country, and the noble earl the Foreign Secretary will remember that Spain disclaimed any intention of permanent occupation of any part of the coast. It is im portant that no such occupation should be allowed, seeing how much our interests atGibraltar may be dependent upon the Power which holds the opposite coast. As to other mea sures, I rejoice to find, as far as we can judge from the an nouncement in the speech, that they aro likely to be confined to such measures as will probably not lead to any party con flicts—measures which we can discuss in a calm, impartial, and unprejudiced spirit. The particular measure of simpli fication of the transfer of land is one of great importance. The subject had attracted the notice of former Governments, and a Bill was introduced, which I hope will be closely followed in that which is to be submitted to us in a short time, when my hon. and learned friend Sir 11. Cairns filled the office of Solicitor-General. It is a subject requiring close attention, and I am sure your lordships will consider it calmly and having regard to the interests of all concerned. Before I sit down I may allude for one moment to one subject which is not referred to in the Queen's speech, and upon which, although it is not a subject generally discussed in this house, I think we ought to have some information as to the intentions of the Government. I refer to the recent Minutes of the Committee of Council on Education. The subject has attracted great and general attedtion. lam no way disposed to blame the originators of those minutes; but I find that some of the alterations will have effects Which could not have been contemplated ; some will involve breach of faith which the Government cannot intend ; others, I think, are ill adapted for the objects they are de signed to accomplish, and others will be found to be fraught with injustice and disadvanta ge . B u t the peculiarity of the question is this, that i n consequence of the manner in which the sanction of Parliament is obtained to the scheme, this house—although many of us are d eeply interested in the question—will have no legitimate mode of expressing an opinion upon the scheme. The plan is submitted to the consideration of the House of Commons, not to be embodied in a bill, but in the shape of a particular vote of money. I think it is important that we should have some opportunity of considering these important alterations, and I hope the noble earl the President of the Council will state, not that the Government intends to adhere to every clause and pro vision of those minutes—for if he does I shall be astonished and disappointed—but I hope he will state that in some way, and, if he can, in what manner, he will submit this ques tion to the consideration of this house, and enable your lordships to give an opinion upon the details, which no body of men are more capable of giving. I need not now further trouble your lordships with any observations upon the remaining topics in the Speech, and 1 am happy to think that at present there seems no likelihood of any interruption to the unanimity with which we shall agree to the Address; and I sincerely say it will give me the greatest pl easure t o find the proceedings of Parliament during the remainder of the session as cordial and unanimous as they have been upon this its first evening. (Hear, hear.) Earl GRANVILLE—I thank the noble earl for his candid and patriotic speech. No one could have expected ctherwise from the warm and firm loyalty of the noble earl, who expresses the real feeling of this country, that when ever the national honour or the national interests are con ?trued party spirit should be immediately discarded. (Hear, hear-) With respect to the Minutes of Council to which the noble ear l h as re f erre d, it i s , n o doubt, desirable that thee subj ect should be fully considered in Parliament, and ietarislth desire of the Government to give Parliament the of discussing it. I think it would be conven t ' propose in qi)e th rt a ti t i l it s Y hould state on Thursday next what we respect to those minutes, and what modifications we are prepared to make to meet some objections whichn pear to possess weight. I don't think I need go into the question of Mexi co at present, as it would be better to defer subject discussion upon that until your lordships have read the papers. With regard to the late event which had ex cited so much inter es t i n til public mind—the American question—l think the y. Taehoof this evening's debate has been highly Y • The lord who moved the be Address, in a speech which has been justly charact er i ze d as s i ngu l a rly eloquent, and which points him ou t as b e l ong i ng to a family distinguished in the ontiett of-this country, justified the conduct of the CT wer ata noble friend who spoke afterwards, in a tone of of did also my calm j u d o _ r a n . a i to talent, which gives pr omise that he will worthily an ornament orthil o y fellow i n the steps of his noble fathe r, who has been the British Parliament during a s pace of 50 year I think, afford singular gratification t o my noble friend rnust, the head of the Government and h's colleagues to find that they have conducted this affair so mu ch t o the satisfaction of Par:lament and the country. I am bound to say that the Government have had some advantages in dealing with this question with the United States. They never had the slightest doubt that if they cared for the honour and in terests of the country they would have the confidence and support of the country, and if they had that confidence and support they knew the strength, physical and moral, which it would give in urging ( - ;ur demands in a calm and moderate tone, such as has been admitted to have marked our proceed ings. In common with the majority of this country they were determined to take no step until they were fully satisfied as to the illegality of the measure of which they complained. hie!Majesty's G overnmen t re lied not only on the result of their but were researches into the legal bearings o f the q uestion, re _backed by the public opinion of Europ e. The y were not unconscious of the peculiar evils that must attend a war with the 'United States. Theyre gre tted that any cause of quarrel withthat eciun try should arise, particu larly at a moment whe n it was distracted by civil trouble ; but they felt that the injury done to England was one for , which it would have been most injudicious, impolitic, and, in fact, impossible, having regard even to our relations with the United States themselves, not to hava taken the promptest and firmest measures to obtain the I (dress that has happily been obtained. The noble lord opposite has given what appears to be a due 'need of pm': e to the con duct of the French Government in this mat er. My noble friend behind me has also pointed out the singularly straightforward and friendly course pursued by the Emperor of the French towards this country ; and I may add that it appears to me that that course was not only friendly to this country, but likewise friendly to the Government of the United States, giving them as it did a support under the difficulties with which we cannot conceal from ourselves they had to contend in dealing with a national question of this kind, one part of the Congress, the Representative Chamber, declaring the act done to have been a legal one, and some American authorities asserting that, according to their notions of international law, no wz ong whatever had been committed. That peace has been preserved is a source of unfeigned satisfaction to her Majesty's Government. We have endeavoured throughout to maintain the strictest neu trality ; and, although circumstances may arise which may call for a different course, yet as long as circumstances re main in their present position I believe the Government will be supported by the country and by Parliament in thinking that the only right, just, and prudent course to adopt is not to try to meddle with questions of infinite difficulty, complicated as they are with slavery and the constitu tional rights of the United States, but to hold a perfectly neutral attitude, leaving those States for themselves and by themselves to settle their differences, whether by war or by peaceful means, our only hope being that that end may come speedily and in a manner most favourable to the interests of the United States themselves and of the world at large. (Hear.) The loyal and admirable spirit shown by the people of Canada and of our other North American colonies does them great credit, and has been most satisfactory to her Majesty's Government to witness. The noble lord criticised not, indeed, the present Govern ment, but my noble friend below the gangway, upon the course he took with respect to neutral rights at the Confe rence of Paris in 1856. Now, lam bound to say that the Government of that day were in the fullest sense respon sible for the conduct cf my noble friend on that occasien, because not only did they approve it, but it was after con stant communication with him and the most careful consi deration at home that they resolved—taking all the ele ments of that most important question into account—that it was for the benefit of this country that the rules there agreed upon :should be adopted. In respect to the point mentioned as to a treaty, I quite concur with the noble earl that that makes no difference. It is very difficult to make international treaties bearing upon times of war, because by the operation of war all treaties cease of themselves. No doubt, however, that act of the Paris Conference binds as between themselves all the countries who agreed to it— but not those who did not join the Conference—to the ob servance of these rules during future wars. I think the noble earl was not quite'right in the illustration he gave of the effect of allowing neutral ships to carry the goods of belligerents. If, unfortunately, the calamity of a war with the United States befell us I have no doubt that our first operation would be to blockade, and that in a very effi cient manner, all the ports of that country, thereby putting a considerable and speedy check upon the American trade. And so far from its being a disadvantage that any com merce which she carried en should be carried on in neutral bottoms it would be quite the reverse. The Earl of DERBY rose to explain. He had supposed the case in which we should not enforce our rights, as against France, but in which America, having rights which she had not surrendered by treaty, w,uld be entitled to enforce them. Earl GRA.NVILLE—I can assure the noble lord that there is no intention on the part of her Majesty's Govern- ment to enter into any negotiation on the subject of inter national law as bearing upon belligerency. Ido not think it is desirable to do that, nor is this the fitting time for it. My lords, I have only a few words to add to what has been so well said as to the irreparable loss we have sustained in the death of the Princo Consort. The noble earl spoke with peculiar authority when he told us how much that illustrious Prince contributed to lighten the labours of the Sovereign and to assist her in the performance of her high functions as an eminently constitutional monarch. The noble earl also stated the advantage it was to succeeding Governments themselves that one who lived so near the Throne should have been so wise, so sagacious, and so pre eminently gifted, and I venture to say that just in propor tion to their opportunities of holding communication with the Prince will be the appreciation by those who have filled the position of Ministers of the heavy loss which the country has now sustained. Having myself, both officially and unofficially, had frequent intercourse with his Royal Highness during later years, I must say that I remember no one person in any class of life who possessed superier at tainments or a greater understanding; none from whom I personally derived so much instruction, or whose conversa tion led me to think with more benefit to myself on all edu cational and social subjects. It was a remarkable trait in the lamented Prince's character that not only were his in tellectual faculties of the very highest order, not only was his power of grasping general principles on any subject mar vellous, but there was that in him which is by no means always combined with those qualities—viz., an unwearied industry and attention in applying great principles to the minutest details. (Hear, hear.) I may also add, what I am sure the noble earl opposite will concur in—namely, that his Royal Highness, although a man of strong will and strong character, was never exceeded by any person in any position, not only in his willingness, but in his anxiety to hear every possible objection that could be raised to his own views, in order that he might arrive at a really sound con clusion on the matter in hand. (Hear, hear.) It has been well said that there is no sublimer sight than the spectacle of an honest man struggling with adversity. I conceive, my lords, that there could be no nobler, no more touching sight than our bereaved Sovereign with her heart almost filled with despair, at present believing that she can enjoy no future earthly happiness, but inspired by her own sense of what is right, inspirited by the counsels of him who is gone, turning with a fortitude and a courage almost be yond a woman's strength to the performance of her duty to her children and her country. (Hear, hear.) My lords, it is, I believe, with feelings excited by such a spectacle that we shall all unanimously vote this Address, and individually and collectively give, as far as we can in our different spheres, every assistance and support to our beloved Queen. (Cheers.) Lord LYTTELTON said it had been his wish to offer a I few remarks on the revised Educational Code ; but as he understood that that subject was to be discussed by their lordships on an early day he would reserve his observations upon it till that opportunity. Earl RUSSELL, who was indistinctly heard, was under stood to say,—My lords, the noble earl opposite has stated that every one who has held a high situation in her Majesty's Government must be aware that the judicious advice tendered to the Queen by the illustrious Prince whom we all so deeply deplore was of the greatest advantage to the Crown and the c oun t ry . N ow, I wish from my own per sonal observation and experience to confirm that opinion. I am bound to state that the opinions the Prince gave, the temper he displayed, and the impartiality with which he viewed subjects of State, were of great service to the Sove reign. I will say one thing more—and I think that those who have watched the position of the Sovereign during the last 20 years will agree with me—that there has been a great change in this respect, a most beneficial change from what prevailed in former reigns. It often happened, when the Sovereign proceeded in opposition to certain political prin ciples entertained by a portion of his subjects, that favour was given to one party, while another was decidedly pro scribed ; and the consequence of such distinctions, the effect of thst . t favour shown to one party—whether it were the Whig party at the beginning of the House of Hanover, or whether it was the opposite patty in other reigns—was to make one portion of the subjects of the Sovereign feel a de gree of bitterness and animosity which would not otherwise have existed. Now, I happen to know from the Prince himself the view he tcok of the duty of the Sovereign in such a case. He stated to me, not many months ago, that it was a common opinion that there was onl} one occasion on which a Sovereign of this country could exercise a de cided power, and that was in the choice of the First Minister of the Crown. The Prince went on to say that in his opinion that was not an occasion on which the Sovereign could exer cise a control or pronounce a decision ; that when a Minister had retired from being unable to carry on the Government there was at all times some other party prepared to assume the responsibilities of office, and most likely to obtain the con fidence of the country. But, he said, a transfer having been made, whether the Minister was of ono party or the other, he thought that the Sovereign ought to communicate with him in the most confidential and unreserved manner with re spect to the various measures to be brought forward, the for tunes of the country, and the events that might happen— that whether he belonged to one party or another the utmost confidence should prevail between the Sovereign and the Minister who came forward in Parliament as the ostensible possessor of power. I do, my lords, attribute in great mea sure to that opinion, which the Sovereign held in common with the Prince, the fact that there has been no feeling of bitterness among any party in this country arising from political exclusion, and that all pa; ties during these 20 years have united in rendering that homage to the Sove reign which the conduct of her Majesty has so well de served—(hear)—and the country still reaps the benefit of the good counsel which the Prince Consort gave to the Crown. (Hear, hear.) I will say but a few words with regard to some of the other questions touched by the noble zit On the su bj ect of the blockade of the S out h ern Arne an ports, I think it better to postpone discussion till your l or d s h ips have seen the further papers which will be produced. L et me, however, say that the declaration f C onvention of P a ' i national law, which at b alel times has said that a blockade, in o the rots was i n str i ct accordance w i t h nter order to be legal must made that declaration iat : a ffective. (Hear.) But having fwore.:::: say that, to be effective, it must be kept up by the ports blockaded. Generally bthleeerkeadeped s cient . to prevent access to ;rfbeueftot;ryeeit must be con teasalung, with the excep tion v prevent t t a h c e c e fi s r s a t o fe t w he w p e o e r k t e r; fessed, that although the force was blockade has not been regularly enforc e d, and auffitbeeire w sufficient, the instances of vessels going in and out. For my Own part, and on the part of the Government, it is our earnest wish to be enabled to preserve unimpaired that neutrality W hi c h wo have hitherto maintained. (Hear, hear.) I consider it of of the greatest importance to do so. I cannot but think that before many months are over it will be ascertained whether the Northern States are able to accomplish that task they have set themselves of reconstructing the Union with the Southern States of America. If they are not able to do so I am convinced it is far better that they themselves, their Government, their Congress and people should be persuaded of the inutility of their efforts, and be ready to form a treaty by which the independence of the Southern States should be acknowledged —it is far better that this conviction should come to them from the failure of their own efforts than from the intervention of any foreign l i Power. (Hear, hear.) If the fortune of war and the inutility of their efforts should induce them to acknowledge the Southern States as independent, I hope that not only the two might proceed in amity together, but we might ex pect that the United States would rest satisfied that the Powers of Europe had behaved fairly in this contest, that they had respected the mighty Union in which liberty had for 80 years been established, and that they had been con tent not to interfere pi ematurely with the conduct of that contest. But if they should be convinced that it was by foreign interference and force that the Southern states had established their independence, depend on it there would be a rankling feeling against that country that first interfered, an enmity and bitterness we might have to deplore for several generations. (Hear, hear.) With respect to Mexico the three Powers are bound by the convention ; and no in fluence will be used to prevent the Mexicans from deciding on their own form of Government. I am certainly not so sanguine as some others that the Mexicans are ready to . establish a constitutional Government, but whether they are ready immediately to do so or not, I think it absolutely incumbent on this country, to endeavour to obtain some re dress for the wrongs we have suffered. With regard, again, to the United States, the Government were proud to reflect that the nation had left entirely in their hands the treat ment of the difference which had arisen, and now it has been adjusted I must say I believe that although on other occasions, when questions of boundary had to be settled, the country was most willing to yield any reasonable ad vantage to the United States of America, yet when our honsur and reputation were concerned it was impossible that any compromise should be permitted, and it was in cumbent on us to seek reparation, and not be satisfied till that reparation was obtained. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of CARNAR VON said it would be recollected that Mr. Jefferson Davis in his Message to the Congress of the Confederate States stated that he had laid before the various Governments of Europe evidence to show that the blockade had been interrupted and broken on many occa sions. It was very desirable that those communications, if they had been made to her Majesty's Government, should be included in any papers which might be presented to their lordships. Earl RUSSELL was understool to state that the papers referred to by the noble lord would be laid on the table. Lord KINGSDO WN wished to direct the attention of their lordships for a single minute to the mode in which the dispute with America had been settled. He did not know whether the effect of agreeing to the Address would be to say that the dispute had been satisfactorily settled. To his mind it had been anything but satisfactorily settled. He gave full credit to the Government for the course they had pursued throughout the whole of the negotiations. All must approve their conduct in observing a strict neutrality in the war between the North and the South, and the temper with which they required satisfaction when a gross outrage had been committed on the national flag was de serving of every commendation. But he did not believe that the mode in which their demand had been complied with, as far as it had been complied with, was satisfactory to the honour of England. (Hear.) He did not hesitate to say that if the despatch of Mr. Seward, which accompanied the sur render of Messrs. Slidell and Mason, had been acquiesced in by our Government, England would have stood before Europe even in a worse position than she would have occu pied if the prisoners had not been given up at all. Not a single word of apology could be found in the despatch of Mr. Seward ; on the contrary, Mr. Seward distinctly de clared that the capture of Messrs. Slidell and Mason was thoroughly justified by law and practice, and he added that, whether justified or not, whether right or wrong, if it had been for the interest of the American Government to de • tain the prisoners they would have kept them in defiance of England. (Hear, hear.) It must be admitted that the position of our Government was a difficult one, but the surrender of Messrs. Slidell and Mason having been un attended by an apology for the outrage committed on our flag, or by the slightest compensation to the victims themselves, he was not prepared to say that the settle ment had been satisfactory. He gave his full adhesion to the principles laid down by the law officers of the Crown, and he congratulated the Government upon having as Soli citor- General a gentleman whose opinion was entitled to all the weight and authority which could belong to great abi lities, profound knowledge, and high personal character; but it was deeply to be regretted that those doctrines should have been scouted and repudiated by Mr. Seward on the part of the American Cabinet. (Hear.) The noble and learned lord concluded by stating that, having been for nearly 20 years closely associated with the late Prince Con sort in the management of important business, he could conscientiously declare that no man ever showed greater ' aptitude for dealing with affairs, or a more anxious desire to promote the interests entrusted to his charge. (Hear, hear.) The Address wasthen agreed to. Earl RUSSELL laid on the table the papers referred to in the Queen's Speech, and Their lordships adjourned at 10 minutes past 8 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—YESTERDAY. - The house resumed at a quarter to 4 o'clock. NEW MEMBERS. The following members took the oaths and their seats : —Mr. C. Turner, as third member for South Lancashire ; Mr. Laird for Birkenhead ; Mr. Cox, for Finsbury; Col. Fane, for Oxfordshire ; Mr Potter, for Carlisle; Mr Sealey, for Lincoln; Sir H. Bruce, for Coleraine; Mr. Morrison, for Plymouth ; Sir It. Clifton, for Nottingham ; Sir P. Burrell, for New Shoreham; and Mr. Vernon, for East Worcester. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 7, 1862 SESSIONAL ORDERS. .The SPEAKER submitted the usual Sessional Orders to the house, which were agreed to. NEW WRIT. On the motion of Mr. BRAND, The SPEAKER issued his warrant for the election of a member for the City of Lincoln, in the room of Mr. Heneage, who had accepted the stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds. LORD PALMERSTON. Lord Palmerston entered the house about 20 minutes past 4 o'clock, and was received with loud cheers from the Ministerial benches. THE TRENT AFFAIR AND MEXICO. The SPEAKER laid on the table the correspondence which had taken place In reference to these subjects. HIGHWAYS. Sir G. GREY gave notice that on an early day he would move for leave to bring in a bill for the amendment of the Highways. THE REVISED CODE. Mr. LOWE gave notice that he would move for tho production of the report of the Council of Education on the subject of the Revised Code. IRELAND. Sir It. PEEL gave notice that he would move for leave to bring in . different bins rolating to Ireland. PARQCHIAL ASSESSMENTS. Mr. CLIVE gave notice that he would move for leave to bring in a bill on this subject. THE POOR-LAW COMMITTEE. Mr. VILLIERS gave notice that he would move for leave to bring in a bill for the reappointment of this com mittee. MARRIAGE WITH A DECEASED WIFE'S SISTER Mr. M. MILNES gave notice of a motion for the intro duction of a bill to render legal marriages of affinity. THE QUEEN'S SFEECH. The SPEAKER read the Queen's Speech, and that por tion which related to a measure for facilitating the transfer of land was received with general applause. Mr. W. H. PO RTMAN, who was dressed in the uni form of an officer of Yeomanry, then rose to move that an address be presented to her Majesty, in reply to the Speech from the Throne. He alluded in very appropriate terms to the loss which her most gracious Majesty and the coun try had sustained in the deathof the Prince Consort. When that illustrious individual was first introduced to the people of this country, the most sanguine predictions were entertained as to the advantages that would result from his union with her Majesty, and these predictions had been fully verified. From his posi tion his Royal Highness was excluded from interference in politics but he directed the pavers of his etiitivated intel lect to all that could promote moral, social, a ad intellectual progress generally, and the physic al condition of the humbler classes. He next adverted to the dispute with. America, and atrocibuted the pacific solution of the differences between the two coun tries to the promptitude exhibited by the Government. He believed that to be the feeling of a large majority of the people of this country. That difference bard been attended with two important results in developing the loyalty of the people of Canada—(hear, hear)—to the con stitution nuclei which they lived, and: satisfied them that the Government of this country was. net indifferent to the defence of Canada, one of the most. important of the English colonies. He alluded also to the: friendly tone of the Emperor of the French, to which he consi dered this country was to some degree indebted for the solution of the difference with America. He congratulated the house oh the succetes of the scheme for the augmentation of our Na val Reserve, which placed at the disposal of the nation a reliable and efficient force to maintain her rights. He expressed a hope that an improve ment would take place in our future relations with China. The measure for facilitating the sale and transfer of land would be a great boon, not only to the possessors, but the cultivators of land. (Hear, hear.) Hai ing referred briefly to other points in the royal speech, he c. tned on the house to agree to a special paragraph in the r tc ldress expressing the deepest condolence on the loan she 2 ad recently sus tained. Her Majesty had so deeply ideal' tified herself with the domestic interests of the country tr oat the community s3mpathised with her, not merely :as a Queen, but as a mother and a widow, (Hear; . „hear.) In agree ing to that paragraph they would not be discharging merely a conventional duty, but giving expression to the general feeling which rested on the affections of an attached and loyal people. The hon. member concluded by reading the address, which was an embodiment of the sentiments he had expressed. Mr. WESTERN WOOD, in seconding the address, re echoed the observations of the preceding speaker rela tive to her Majesty's loss in very feeling and effective terms. He felt deeply indebted to the Government for the manner in which they had acted in reference to the dispute with America, which had such an important influence on the monetary interests of this country. He congratulated the house on the stability of the public funds,which he contrasted with the state of Government Securities in other countries. He again referred to the course pursued in regard to the United States, and repeated his praise for the promptitude, efficiency, and conciliatory spirit exhibited by Government. He next alluded to the Naval Reserve and the Volunteers, and argued that with such defences the country might rest satisfied ,of safety and security being assured. He went through some other points of the royal speech, and said that in regard to estimates a liberal provision fre quently proved in the end a wise economy. In speaking of the distress existing in the country, he reminded the house that it had not attained to the extent which it had done on previous occasions, and that up to the present time lucal assistance had been found sufficient to meet the emer gency which had arisen. He praised the working classes for the patience they had shown under their sufferings, which he ascribed to the more general diffusion of know ledge. He contended that the distress did not arise from a deficiency of supply of the raw material, but from over production, which had been the means of overstocking all the markets of the world. The hon. member concluded by repeating the paragraph in the Royal Address, which prayed for the wise guidance of the deliberations of Parlia ment. The SPEAKER then moved the Address. _ Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, the intimation conveyed in the Speech of the Lords Commissioners, both with respect to our foreign relations and our domestic condition, must, I feel, be satisfaotory to the house. Although no one can be blind to the fact that the general condition of affairs is one prep • nant with anxiety and apprehension, yet, under the favour of Divine Providence, and with the exercise of vigilance and moderation in our councils, let us trust that these perils may be averted'. Since the house was prorogued themarch of events in North America has been momentous. Nothing, however, has occurred so far which has for a moment shaken my conviction of the wisdom of the policywhich was adopted originally by her Majesty's Government—the policy of neutrality—(cheers)—and I feel bound to take this, the earliest opportunity of expressing my belief that that policy on the part of her Majesty's Government was sincerely adopted and has been sincerely practised. (Hear, hear.) Very recently, indeed, an event occurred which for a moment seemed to endanger the practice of that policy. The conduct of the Government with respect to the matter of the Trent was the conduct which I trust that any men responsible for the government of this country would have followed. (Cheers.) But that it was followed with firmness and moderation I freely and cheerfully admit. (Loud cheers.) On the other hand, I am bound to say that the reparation offered to us appears to me to have been influenced by sentimen's as worthy. I, sir, am not prepared to peer and pry into any possible motives unknown to us that may in fluence the conduct of public men. When I consider the great difficulties which the statesme n of North America have to encounter, when I consider what I ma y call the awful emergency they have beea sum moned s uddenly to meet, and which, without giving any opinion about th e cause of these public transactions, I would venture to say they have met manfully and courageously, then, sir, I think itbecomes England, in dealing with the Government of the United States, to extend to all which they say at least a generous interpretation, and to that which they do a liberal construction. (Hear, hear,) sir, I have fairly and frankly expressed my own feelings upon these points, but at the same time I think we have a right to expect from the Go vernment of the United States that they should take no per verse view of the conduct of the Government of this coun try. (Hear, hear.) In an affair of intestine dissension a neutral Power must contemplate a term to these disorders, but whether that conclusion should be accomplished by vin dicating the authority of the legitimate Government, or by recognising the in fluence and existence of the insurrectionary Power, is an event which time and circumstances alone can settle, but which is a result which never can be absent from the observation and consideration of responsible Ministers. (Hear, hear.) Sir, there is something in these matters stronger than the Law of Nations—the instinct of the human heart, which recoils from hopeless and unnecessary carnage. (Hear, hear.) And what the Government of the United States has a right to expect, and what I trust no Govern ment that may exist in this country would ever refuse them, is that no steps should be taken—if steps should bo neces sary—in a precipitate spirit. (Hear, hear.) A precipitate step may turn out to be a premature one; and we owe the ut most and the deepest deliberation on such matters not only to the interests, not only to the feelings of an ally—which ought to be considered—hut we owe it to the interests of this country itself. (Hear.) And when, Sir, I see in this paper before me the reference that is made to another coun try in North America, and when I find that an interference is about to take place in that country which, from certain authentic statements that are prevalent, may even aim at its political independence, I say, remembering that this country was the first that acknowledged the independence of that insurrectionary State, it becomes us well to consider what steps we should take in future in its respect. (Hear.) But, Sir, in saying so much, and without giving any opi nion upon the present condition of the Southern States, or upon the character of that blockade of their ports which so much occupies public attention at this moment—because I think to•night it would be most inappropriate and inconve nient to enter into any controversial discussion—(lond cries of " Hear") —I think that this country has a right to ex pect that the most ample and authentic information in the possession of the Government with respect to the blockade should be laid on the table of the house. (Hear.) I pre sume that from the coratpanders of our squadrons and other offilial sources on the spot the Government are in possession of very ample materials on which the ultimate judgment of this house and of the country may depend. That infor mation—without insinuating the slightest opinion upon the merits of the case on the present occasion—l think we have a right to expect to be given. (Hear.) Now, Sir, . . there is another matter connected with North America, to which T have for a moment alluded, which I confess is one that fills me with some apprehension. As I understand that papers are to be laid upon the table, it would be highly inconvenient and quite unnecessary to enter, now into any discussion as to the merits of the policy adopted by the Government with respect to Mexico; but I do not wish this opportunity to be lost—m y, I feel it my duty to take this occasion to impress upon the house and the country that this is a question which deserves our most anxious attention. And, Sir, I do this for two reasons. In the first place, I cannot forget that Eng. land was the first country that recognised the independence of Mexico—an event connected with a memorable policy and a memorable man. (Hear.) The occasion must be one of the most grave which could bring about the necessitythat her Majesty's advisers and that England should strike at that political independence which they themselves created. But there is a second reason which makes me view this an nouncement with some apprehension, and which makes me anxious that, even on this early occasion, the house should give its attention to this very important subject. (Hear.) So far as we can form an opinion from those statements which are held to be authentic, and which meet the public eye by the convenient communication of favoured journals, the very grounds upon which this interference in Mexico is taking place have changed in the course of a very brief time. First of all we heard that the object of the expedition was to obtain redress for British subjects who had been the vic • tims of extortion and confiscation; but now it is generally rumoured that the object is much higher—that not merely is it to obtain redress for injury to British subjects, but that the object and effect of this alliance may be to introduce into North America new principles of government, and abso lutely to establish even new dynasties. (Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, I have said that I will offer no opinion to-night on the conduct of the Government in these matters. It is impossi ble, until we are perfectly familiar with all that has taken place, that we can come to a satisfactory conclusion. But I think the state of affairs is such as to justify great anxiety on our part, and it may even lead to considerable embarrass ment. (Hear, hear.) But, Sir, there is another piece of in formation which follows the announcement of the conven tion of France and Spain in regard to Mexico, which is of so important a character that it ought not to pass without re mark, and that is the convention with the Sultan of Mo rocco. (Hear.) New, Sir, it is very difficult to collect from this announcement the exact nature of the convention, hut I presume I am not in error in the interpretation I place upon it when I say that it is not a formal guarantee to those who have lent money to the Emperor of Morocco, but that it is in fact a virtual guarantee. Now, sir, treaties of gua rantee to those who have lent money to foreign Powers should always be treated by this house with great indul gence. I do not mean to say that there may not be circum stances of so grave a character that the political considera tions may not absorb those principles of conduct which generally prevail in this house. Ido not mean to say that there are no circumstances in which such conventions have not been sanctioned ly the house, though even within a few years the house has sanctioned only by a very narrow majority the engagements of the Crown in those matters. Buo if there is to be a guarantee I should much prefer a formal to a mere virtual guarantee. (Hear; hear.) In the case of a formal guarantee this house necessarily exercises a control over the transaction. The matter must be Lrought before this house before such an engagement on the part of the Crown can be accomplished. But in the case of a virtual guarantee like the present where the Crown has not legally guaranteed the interest of the creditor, but has placed itself in a position which makes it the holder of the resources to which the creditor is entitled, in that case the House of Comtnons exorcises no control whatever. The obvious an , ewer to any objection is that there is no guarantee, and why then, should the house exercise a control ? But I put this case to the house—suppose the interest is not paid on the Morocco loan, do not you think the House of Commons will hear of it ? (Hear.) Do not you think the hon. member for the City (Mr. W. Wood), who has settled with so much unction the policy of her Majesty's Government with re gard to the loan—(a laugh)—woulcl, pm; Mae do vat tO tllO house and say, on the part of his constituents, that they would not have accepted the engagement if there had not been a moral guarantee on the part of the Government ? Then there would be societies organised to obtain justice. People in the country who lend their money on the faith of a convention now publicly referred to in the Speech of the Royal Commissioners will complain that they have been misled by the interference of the Crown. They will say that they have a moral claim on the liberality of the coun try ; and I put it to the house whether under these circum stances the Chancellor of the Exchequer may not consider himself fortunate if he can defeat such a movement. There fore, so far as the character of the transaction is concerned, if political circumstances had been of so grave a character that all financial considerations must yield to them, it would have been better to have had an absolute legal and formal guarantee than to have involved the Crown and the coun try in a transaction which, I cannot help thinking, if ad verse circumstances prevent dividends being forthcoming at the necessary time, will involve the Government of this country in considerable difficulty, accompanied, probably, by considerable loss. There are many other topics in the speech which are not undeserving of attention, but I confess that I am not myself pecularly inclined on this night to enter into any minute criticism or controversy on these matters. No person can be insensible to the fact that the house meets to-night under circumstances very much changed from those which have attended our meetings for many years. Of late years, indeed for more than 20 years past, whatever may have been our personal rivalries, and whatever our party strifes, there was at least one sentiment in which we all coincided, which we all shared, and that was the sentiment of admiring gratitude to that Throne whose wisdom and goodness had so often softened the acer bities of our free public life, and had at all times so majes tically represented the matured intelligence of an enlight ened people. (Hear.) All that is changed. He is gone who was the comfort and support of that Throne. It has been said that there is nothing which England so much appre ciates as the fulfilment of duty. The Prince whom we have lost not only was eminent for the fulfilment of duty, but it was the fulfilment of the highest duty under the most diffi cult circumstances. Prince Albert was the Consort of his Sovereign—he was the father of one who might be his Sovereign—he was the Prime Councillor of a realm the political constitution of which did not even recognize his political existence. Yet under these circumstances, so difficult and so delicate, he elevated even the Throne by the dignity and purity of his domestic life. (Hear, hear.) He framed and partially accomplished a scheme of education for the heir of England which proved how completely its august projector had contemplated the office of an English King. (Hear, hear.) In the affairs of State, while his serene spirit and his elevated position bore him above all the possible bias of our party life, he showed on every great occasion all the resources, all the prudence, and all the saga city of an experienced and responsible statesman. (Hear, hear.) I have presumed to touch upon three instances in which there was on the part of Prince Albert a fulfilment of duty—duty of the highest character under circumstances of the greatest difficulty. I will venture to touch upon another point in his character equally distinguished by ful filment of duty, but in which the duty was not only ful filled, but was created. Although when he was adopted by this country he was, after all, but a youth of tender years, such was the character of his mind—at once observ ing and contemplative—that in due season he discovered that notwithstanding all those great achievements which long centuries of internal concord and public liberty had permitted the energy and enterprise of Englishmen to achieve, there was still a great deficiency in our national character, which, if neglected, might lead to the impairing not only of our happiness, but even of the sources of our public wealth. That was a deficiency of culture. (Hear, hear.) But he was not satisfied with detecting a want ;he resolved to supply it. His plans were deeply laid ; they were maturely prepared, and, notwithstanding the obstacles which he inevitably encountered, I am prepared to say they were eminently successful. What might have been his lot had his term completed that which is ordained as the average life of man, it would be presumption to attempt to predict. Perhaps he would have impressed upon his age not only his character but his name. But this, at least, posterity must admit, that he heightened the intellectual and moral standard of this country ; that he ex tended and expanded the sympathies of classes ; and that he most beneficially and intimately adapted to the pro ductive powers of England the inexhaustible resources of science and art. (Cheers.) It is sometimes deplored by those who loved and admired him that he was thwarted oc casionally in his enterprises and that he was not duly appre ciatel. But these are not circumstances for regret, but for congratulation. They prove the leading and original mind which has so long and so advantageously laboured for this country. Had he not encountered these obstacles, had he not been subject to this occasional distrust and misrepre sentation, it would only have proved that he was a man of ordinary mould and temper. Those who move must change, those who change must necessarily disturb and alarm men's prejedices. What he had to encounter was only a proof that he was a man superior to his age, and, therefore, admi rably adapted for the work of progress. There is one point, and one point only, on which I will presume for a moment to dwell, and it is not for the sake of those who hear me, or of the generation to which we belong, but it is that those who come after us may not misunderstand the nature of this illustrious man. Prince Albert was not a patron ;he was not one of those who by their smiles reward excellence or stimulate exertion. His contributions to the cause of pro gress were far more powerful and far more precious. He gave to it his thought, his time, his toil ; he gave to it his life. (Cheers.) On both sides and in all parts of this house I see many gentlemen who occasionally have acted with the Prince at those Council Boards where they conferred and consulted upon the great undertakings with which he was connected. I ask them, without fear of a denial, whether he was not the leading spirit, whether his was not the mind which foresaw the difficulty, his not the resources that supplied the remedy; whether his was not the courage which sustained them under apparently overpowering difficulties; whether every one who worked with him did not feel that he was the real originator of those great plans of improvement which they assisted in carrying out. But what, sir, avail these words P This house to-night has been asked by the honourable gentleman to condole with the Crown upon this great calamity. That is not an easy office. (Hear, hear.) To condole, in general, is the office of those who, without the pale of sorrow, still feel for the sorrowing. But in this instance the country is as Leartstricken as its Queen. (Hear, hear.) Yet in the mutual sensibility of Sovereign and people there is something noble,—something which elevates the spirit beyond the ordinary calamity of earthly sorrow. (Hear.) The counties, the cities, and the corporations of the realm—those illustrious associations of learning and science and art and skill of which he was the bright ornament and inspiring spirit, have bowed before the Throne in this great calamity. (Hear, hear.) It does not become the Parliament of the country to be silent. The expression of our feelings may be late, but even in that lateness some propriety will be observed. 'We, to-night-- the two houses—sanction the expression of the public sor row, and ratify, as it were, the record of a nation's woe. It I is with these feelings, sir, that I shall support the:Address of the hon. member. (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON said,—l rejoice, and I think the country will rejoice, that the Address which has been so ably moved and seconded by my hon. friends behind me will this night be unanimously adopted by the house, with out any proposal which at all interferes with the general sense which the house entertains of the topics to which it relates. The right hon. gentleman, however, who has just sat down has made some observations, not to take notice of which would be ill-becoming the members of the Govern ment. The right hon. gentleman has expressed his approval of the course which we took in regard to the unfortunate difference between this Government and the Government of the United States upon the affair of the Trent. lam bound to say—and I think the country and this house will agree— that the communication which was made by my noble friend at the head of the Foreign-office was a combination of the utmost courtesy and consideration with firmness and deci sion (cheers), and that, with respect to those measures which we deemed necessary to provide for any turn which that affair might possibly take, my noble friend at the head of the Admiralty, my right hon. friend at the head of the War Department, and any noble friend at the head of the Colonial-office showed a promptitude, a vigour, and a judg ment to which, I think, we may in a great degree ascribe the fortunate termination of the difference. (Cheers.) We should not have been justified in anticipating, as a matter of course, a favourable termination to that question, because we knew that there had been passions let loose in America which might be too strong for the Government and might overbear them in the course which I am suro they must have been desirous of pursuing. Therefore, the measures which we took were those which prudence prescribed, and while, on the one hand, they were equal to the occasion, I think, on the other, they cannot be deemed greater than the occasion requited. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman ex pressed his approval of the course which the Government had taken from the commencement of those unhappy disputes in America, in preserving strict neutrality between the con tending parties. That position of strict neutrality we have, as he has very handsomely admitted, sincerely and rigidly observed, and from that position of strict neutrality it is not our intention to depart. (Cheers.) We regret, no doubt, the calamities which that war is bringing upon the kindred population of the United ttta' es ; we lament the pressure which incidentally that war has produced upon the corn mercial and manufacturing interests of this country ; but we do not think that that is a sufficient reason why we should depart from a course which a sense of prudence and a sense, I may say, of national honout have imposed on us, or why we should interfere in a quarrel with which origi nally we had nothing to do. (Cheers.) The right hon. gen tleman adverted in the next place to that part of the Speech which relates to the expedition to Mexico. The convention between England, France, and Spain has been laid upon the table. It will speak for itself, and it will show that we are not parties to any undertaking to interfere in the internal ar rangements of the Mexican Government, and that we confine our operations to obtaining redress for wrongs and injuries sustained. The convention stipulates that the operations of the allies for the purpose of obtaining redress are not to be perverted into any interference with the object of dictating to the people of Mexico any particular form of govern ment which they may not be willing to accept. Un doubtedly reports have been spread that there are persons MalCO who with to coveo the Republiu into a WV archy. lam unable to judge how far those reports are welt grounded, or how far there is any party in Mexico of suffi • dent strength and numbers to give effect to such wishes. But what her Majesty's Government wish is, that there shall be established some form of Government with which foreign nations may treat—some form of Government which will do justice to foreigners and enable commerce to be carried on with safety—some form of. Government with which relations of peace and amity may be maintained with some confidence in their continuance. (Hear, hear.) That is the utmost which the Government of Great Bri tain is desirous of obtaining, and that must be the wish of gentlemen on both sides of the house. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the convention concluded with the Sultan of Morocco the right hon. gentlemen says, I believe, that he would prefer a positive and direct guarantee, rendering this c mutry liable to pay interest if the Sultan should not himself discharge it, rather than the indirect security which the convention establishes. I wish the house to pause until they see the convention. They will find that the engagement established between the Sultan and the British Government is simply this—that the Sul tan agrees that certain persons shall be appointed to re ceive the customs revenues at certain ports of his terri tories for the pnrpose of discharging the interest and sinking fund of the loan; and I cannot think that there is any danger whatever that this country will be involved in any pecuniary responsibility arising out of that con vention. (Hear, hear.) Everybody who turns his atten tion to our relations with the Mediterranean must admit that it is a great object of British policy to maintain the in dependence of Morocco. (Hear.) There is a treaty between Spain and Morocco by which Morocco is bound to make cer payments within certain specified periods, upon condition of which the town of Tetuan is to be evacuated. It is quite clear that it is important to avoid the contingencies which may arise if Morocco should be unable to fulfil those en gagements. The consequence would be that Tetuan would not be evacuated, that Spain would have just cause of quar• ref with Morocco, that the war might be renewed, and that disasters might befall the State of Morocco. I trust and be lieve that when the treaties and the papers connected with them, which are now on the table, shall have been read the house will be disposed to think that the course pursued by hor Majesty's Government has been such as is best consis tent with the interests of the country. (Cheers.) The last topic to which the right hon. gentleman adverted is one, undoubtedly, upon which there cannot be a dissentient voice in this house. (Hear, hear.) I do not think the right hon. gentleman started the question—but I have heard the question started, whether it was right in her Majesty's Go vernment to follow, upon this occasion, the several prece dents in the later periods of the last century, or whether it was better to have a separate address as in the case of Prinec George of Denmark. But gentlemen who will look back to that precedent will see that there was no announcement by the Crown as to the death of Prince George of Denmark. It was impossible to follow that precedent on the present occasion. We therefore folio wed the precedents of the Princess Charlotte and Queen Caroline, where there was an announcement in the Speech from the Throne, and condo lence was embodied in the Address from the house. It is hardly possib e for anybody to exaggerate the loss which the Queen and country have sustained in the death of his late Royal Highness the Prince Consort. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman, with eloquence and feeling which I am sure must have excited the sympathy and admiration of those who heard him—(hear, hear)— dilated upon the emi nent qualities possessed by the late Prince Albert. (Hear.) It is no exaggeration to say, that as far as the word "per fect" can be applied to human imperfection, the character of the late Prince deserved the term, becaused he combined qualities of the most eminent and in some respects of the most different description in a degree which was hardly ever equalled by any one in any condition of life. (Hear.) The talents of the Prince have been expatiated upon by the right hon. gentleman opposite. Those who had the good fortune to hold intercourse with him, and to converse with him on any subject, however serious or however trifling, coul hardly fail to feel that they were in the presence of a mas ter mind. (Hear, hear.) No man ever came into such contact with his Royal Highness without carrying away some new idea, or some fresh view even of matters with which he thought himself already well acquainted. The position which the Prince occupied was one of considerable difficulty—one which required the greatest judgment and the most consummate tact to fill with the universal appro bation with which his course was attended. His aim was not to take too prominent a part in political affairs, but to contribute, as far as the resources of his mind and his com manding rank enabled him, to the improvement of the na tion in every branch of intellectual and industrial effort. How fully he accomplished that object everybody is well aware. His domestic life was also most exemplary, and I venture to say that the domestic life of the British Court has been of the greatest value to the interests of the country. In times of difficulty it has tended to strengthen that link which binds the people to the Throne, and has in many ways rendered the most important services to the nation. (Hear.) Such being the Prince whose loss we have to deplore, we can easily imagine what must be the grief and desolation of her from whose side he has been taken. It is becoming in the house to tender to her Majesty its sincere and cordial condolence upon the irreparable loss which has befallen her ; and when we reflect that there was hardly any hour of the day when those two minds did not consult and com municate with each other, we may conceive what must be the bereavement which our Sovereign has sustained by this la mentable event. The condition of the Sovereign is, in one respect, very different under such circumstances from that of any other member of the nation. In private life person are surrounded by relations and friends with whom they have formed habits of intimacy, and who, when a great misfortune arrives, tend to soothe and in some measure to alleviate their anguish. But the high and exalted position of the Sovereign debars her from that society in which she might find sup port and consolation at such a time, and now that she has been deprived of her beloved Consort by the stroke of Pro vidence, she is left in a 5 , litudo which could hardly befall any other person in the realm. (Hear, hear.) lam sure the house will feel that in agreeing to the Address, and especially to that portion of it which relates to the loss of the late Prince Consort, it is understating those feelings which every man must cherish in his breast, and will re gret that it is not possible, according to the forms of the house, to convey even a stronger expression of sympathy and sorrow. (Cheers.) Mr. HADFIELD (amidst cries of" Oh 1 oh I") expressed his admiration of the manner in which the noble lord the Foreign Secretary had dealt with the American difficulty. He denounced the discreditable efforts of certain newspapers on both sides of the Atlantic to create ill-feeling between the two countries, and avowed a desire to see those villainous prints burned by the common hangman (A laugh.) He trusted the Government would adhere to the strict neu trality which they had declared. Mr. MAGUIRE did not wish to disturb the unanimity which appeared to prevail, but felt bound, as the represen tative of an important constituency in the south of Ireland, to call attention to the state of that part of the kingdom, which was by no means, as stated in the Address, " sound and satisfactory." There was intense distress in Ireland at that moment, although the Irish Government would not admit its reality. The blessing of a bountiful harvest, which had been vouchsafed to England, had been denied to Ireland. The harvest of Ireland had been a lamentable failure, and in consequence trade was paralyzed, there was a lack of employment, and the most intense misery had fallen upon large masses of the people both in the towns and the rural districts. The oat crop had almost entirely failed, the wheat crop was also bad, and the potato crop had not been worse since the famine years. In the cities and towns there was an almost total want of employment. The policy of the banks was far from liberal and accommodating, and the result was that traders were greatly embarrassed in busi ness, mechanics were almost all out of employment, and the labouring population of the country wore dependent either upon the Poor Law, or upon the voluntary charity of the liberal and the benevolent. He believed that the right hon. Bart. the Chief Secretary was animated by the best and kindest motives, but he was liable to go wrong. Indeed, he had himself let the people of this country to believe that the condition of Ireland was not such as to require the interposition of Parliament ; and only two nights ago Lord Carlisle, also a most humane man, stated at a banquet given by the Lord Mayor of Dublin that there was nothing in the condition of Ireland which ought to excite alarm. Had the fight hon. bart. gone abroad and seen things for himself, instead of making that hurried tour of 300 miles in three days, taking with him the Irish Fouche to be both his spectacles and his counsellor, it would have been much better for the honour of this country and for the interests of Ireland. Only a week ago a deputation consisting of the leading inhabitants of the town of Kanturk, in the east riding of the county of Cork, waited upon the board of guardians, and stated that in that place, the population of which amounted to 2,200 and odd, there were 1,000 persons who were fit objects fdr relief, and that masses of labourers were trying to eke out a miserable existence on one meal a day, consisting of turnips and Indian meal. In Cork, in Kerry, and Waterford, many towns were in a condition similar to that of Kanturk, and the utmost alarm was felt as to what would be the condition of the people in the next few months. He did not ask for alms from the people or the Parliament of England, but he d d ask from the Go vernment some better measure than a Fairs and Markets Bill, or a Poor Law Amendnaenf,"Bill. He asked th em t o enunciate a policy such ai that; foy,!'eopmmending which the name of Lord G. Bentinckowas , coupled,with blessings and gratitude by the people or, i tigy6l:, ;116 asked them to were now at a bring in a bill to empower the mukin..— D -ei loans for carrying outthe standstill, r e w ct i s tho o u f t T e r m ei6 b ar (l ialit i " l6ll 6 the ratepayers of this country, t o provide the people of Ireland with the means il an va d y th p u ro s j , of employment, and of supporting themselves without the degradation and calamity of applying for Poor Law relief He might be told that the workhouses of Ireland were not f u ll, but this was no proof that great and general distress did not prevail, for there was so much pride, even in the humblest of the people of Ireland, that they would rather die by the wayside than accept the shame and degradation of Poor Law relief. The fact, however, was that in the workhouse in Cork there were now 1,000 more inmates than there were two years ago, and that the guarcliaus were at their wits' end to know how to meet the increasing demands upon them. Sir R. PEEL said he at once accepted the challenge of the hon. member. He accused him (Sir R. Peel) of having endeavoured to lead the people of this eettutry to believe that there was no suffering or want in Ireland. It might have been hoped that on this the first night of the session the hon. gentleman would confine his remarks to the con tents of her Majesty's Speech, and not wander ;into ex traneous topics. He believed, however, that the great majority of the people of Ireland, who well knew the real state of the case, would not be inclined to attach too much credit to the description of the hon. member as to the state of things in the South. He was amazed at the view which the hon. member had taken of the condition of the poor of Ireland. He believed the hon. member had spoken in all sincerity ; but he hoped the honourable member's mind was not closed against conviction. He (Sir IL Peel) did not, however, mean to deny that within the last few months there had been great distress in Ireland. It was truc the potato crop h ,c 1 failed, but there was a superabundance of breadstuff's, and there were funds sufficient for purchasing. No doubt that fuel was scarce ; but he could not avoid paying his best testi mony to the conduct of the landlords in the West of Ireland, who had acted in the true spirit of Christian charity. (Hear, hear.) In almost every case the Govern ment had received counter statements to the effect that the representations of anticipated famine were not well founded. • (Hear, hear.) He admitted that in the cities of Limerick and Cork the workhouses were full; but these were the only places in which such was the case. No doubt that state of things was truly lamentable, but while in England, at the end of December, there were so many as 899, 4 00 re ceiving out-door relief, in Ireland at that period there were only 59,000 receiving relief. Taking the amount of the population, one per cent. of the people were receiving relief in Ireland, while in England and Wales it amounted to 4i per cent. (Hear, hear.) He thought the hon. gentleman who had addressed them had overstated the case, and he was of opinion that those persons who had circulated ex treme opinions had signally failed in producing the effect they intended. He knew of his own knowledge that nothing was more distasteful to the people of Ireland than the erro neous statements of destitution which had been sent forth. The people of Ireland were not now what they formerly were. (Hear, hear.) The peasantry of Ireland were now as capable of social improvement as any peasantry in the world. (Hear, hear.) They were now beginning to place confidence in their landlords. The latter were doing every thing to merit that confidence, and Lord Downshire, Lord Fitzwilliam, Lord Palmerston, and others he could name, had done more for the regeneration of Ireland by the im provements upon their estates than had ever been effected before. (Hear, hear.) The relations between the landlord and tenant were never in a more satisfactory state than at present. In 1817 and other years were periods of great suf fering in Ireland, but that was not the case at present, al though it had been predicted that thousands would die of starvation in Ireland as had been the case in 1846, but there had been no such calamity to mourn over, notwithstanding these predictions. The people of Ireland had learned a les• son of self-reliance which they would not soon forget, and which would be of the greatest advantage to the people of Ireland hereafter. (Cheers.) Mr. V. SCULLY said if there had been over. statements on one side there had been wrong statements on the other. The last harvest had been as bad a harvest as he ever re collected in Ireland, and fuel had been a total failure, in consequence of the extremely wet season. The motion for an Address in reply to the Speech from the Throne was then agreed to, and a committee appointed to draw it up. The house then adjourned, at a quarter before eight o'clock. CO UN2 li 1 211111? X L 2 S. - MANCHESTER-FEB. O. At our market to-day there was a good attendance, but business in both wheat and flour was dull. The former was at a decline of is and the latter at 6d per sack and brl. American wheat in limited request at ld to 2d per 1001 b cheaper. Oats neglected, and oatmeal Gd per load below last week's prices. Beans and Indian corn a quiet sale. BIRMINGHAM-FEB. 6. At this day's market English wheat was in short supply, and prices were not quotably lower ; but foreign was is cheaper. Barley Gd to is cheaper. Oats only taken in re tail. Beans and peas as of late. COAL M . (Prices of Coal per Ton at :ARKET. t the clove of the market Walls End. s. d. Cowpen Hartley ..15 6 Bate's West Hartley.. 14 9 Burnhope Gas 12 0 Walker Primrose 12 6 Tan&ld Moor 12 9 I'anfield Moor Butes 12 9 North Pelton... 12 6 Wylam ..15 0 West Wylam l3 6 Bower's West Hartley 14 6 Buddle's West Hartley 15 6 Lambert's West Hart- m. d. South Kelloo. 16 3 Cassop l6 3 Hetton • • l7 0 Tunstall Whitworth l4 6 Hunwick l4 6 Heugh Hall 15 0 Kelloe G osforth 14 3 South Hetton ...17 0 Haswell l7 0 Trimdon Thornley 14 3 Keiper Grange.... l5 6 Eden 15 0 Acorn Close ..15 0 Wharnclifle ..14 3 Brsddyll's Hetton 15 9 Turswell 13 0 Sheriff Hill 13 6 Thorpe .. ..15 6 Harton l4 3 Hartlepool.. l6 6 182 ; sold, 105. ley 15 0 Davison's West Hart- ley 15 6 Howard's West Hart- ley ....15 6 Byass's Bebside West _ Hartley 15 3 Craighead Steam 14 0 Grey's West Hartley 14 9 - Nails End. - South Hart1ep001......15 6 Ships at market, DREADFUL SHIPWRECK.—On Friday morning last, the 2oth inst., during the terrific gale, a large brig was descried drifting fast on to the rocks in Freshwater West Bay, and about 9 o'clock, a.m., the ill-fated vessel struck on a reef of rocks 200 yards from the shore, and in less than three minutes she was in fragments, and the crow struggling in the foaming waves, without apparently the least chance of their being saved. At last poor fellow was seen in the surf with two large demijohns, or bottles, for a life buoy, drawing near the shore, when Mr. George Young, of Hub berton, who was on the spot, rushed down the steep preci pice alone, and plunged into the foaming waves, at the im minent peril of his life, and succeeded in saving the poor fellow more dead than alive, and much cut and bruised, placed him on a roek, and put his coat round his naked body until other aid came, when Mr. Mark Roch, of Pennyholt, took the poor fellow on his back, and with other assistance carried him up the cliff, whence he was taken to Gupton, where, it is needless to say, he was treated with great kind ness and sympathy. He proved to be the captain of the ship. When all the others were supposed to be lost, and at least half an hour had elapsed, Mr. R. Williams, of Gup ton, saw another poor fellow struggling on the rocks, and pointed him out to Mr. Mark Roch, who, with his usual daring, rushed to his rescue, and saved him from a watery grave, although sadly bruised and cut about the legs, arms, and bowels. He carried him with assistance up the cliffs, and took him also to Gupton, where he was also cared for, and is now quite recovered. One of the other bodies has since been found, washed on the shore. The vessel turned out to be the French brig La Force, from Swansea, with coal to Senegal, River Gambia, coast of Africa, with a crew of nine men, two only of whom live to relate the melancholy tale. We hope the conduct of Messrs. Young and Rock will meet the reward they so justly merit in saving the lives of their fellow creatures at the peril of their own, and we believe this is not the first time we have had to mention 11r. Young as being instrumental in saving lives from ship wreck.—.Pembrokeskire Herald. A POACHER DENIED THE PRIVILEGES OF TUE CHURCH.—Some few years ago, say the elyr Express, an individual in Galloway was apprehended and brought before the Justine Court at Stranraer, on a charge of killing game. He was sentenced to a period of imprisonment for the offence, an underwent the sentence. Since his release he applied to the minister of the parish in which he resides for baptism to his child. The rev, gentleman peremptorily re fused to administer the ordnance fo: the very strange rea son that the landed proprietors of Galloway had suffered great loss from time to time, through the applicant's destroying their game. [ArvrnTrsEmilsr.ll--Holloway's Ointment and Pills.-- Universal Patronage.—Let all suffererstewake a f k r e om of g th en o e u r s a a l nd o s r local disease take heart and follow in the who ascribe their restoration of health to the use of these noble remedies. Rheumatism in the muscles or joints, gouty pains, neuralgic tortures, cramps, and spasmodic , twitches depart under the appropriate employment of Holloway's Ointment and Pills. Bad legs, all kinds of ulcers, sores, burns, wounds, pimples, cutaneous inflam mations, and dropsical swellings are best met with and quickest conquered by this Ointment, which happily com bines harmlessness with efficiency. The reputation Hol loway's Ointment and Pills have acquired throughout the habitable globe should induce every aliiicted person to give them a trial before despairing of relief or abandoning hope. BIRTHS. Elmo Es.— On the 3d inst., at Parkanaur, Tyrone, the Hon. Mrs. Burgos, of a sin, DICEY.—On the Gth inst., at Waltham Abbey, the wife of Captain Dicey, of a son. FREMANTLE.—On the sth inst., at 22, Chesham• place? Lady Augusta Froemantle, of a son. LICIIPIELD.—On the 4th inst., at 35, Dover-street, the Countess of Lichfield, of a son. MARRIAGES. OIVEN—MERRY.—On the sth inst., at St. James's, Picca dilly, Mr. Edward Owen, of Leamington, to Sarah Eliza beth, eldest daughter of Mr. Samuel Merry, of the same place. PORTER—HALL —At St. George's, Hanover• square, Josh. Porter, jun., of Shenfield Hall and Abbey Lodge, Brent , ' wood, Essex, to Cecilia Elizabeth, only daughter of Col linson Hall, of Princes• gate, Navestock, Essex. DEATHS. BARNARD.—On the Ist inst., at Norwich, John Hilling Barnard, Esq., aged 65. BRYAN.—On the Ist inst., at Mile-end, Samuel Bryan? Esq., aged 33. BOTHEROYD.—On the sth inst., at Stanmoro, Middlesex , Mr. Richard Boftkereyd, aged 81. CHEADLE. - On the 2d inst., at Southport, Lancashire, the Rev. James Cheadle, M.A., aged 54. HARVEY.—On the 4th inst., Hannah, relict of Thome 4 Harvey, Esq., Deputy Assistant Commissary-General to the F, roes, aged 91, OASES.—On the 4th inst., at 10, Park-grove, Brixton, C . ()Apo, I 1 q. SHYNOUII.-Oh the 2d inst., Mr. T. H. Seymour, Tharee , Olt.'^:n, aged 76. LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG 61 No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TRE Sur/ Office, No. 112,Stran (1, in the Precinct of the Savoy in the County of ktiddlea elr ' Friday, February 7, 1862.