The Sun. — London, England, 1862-03-05 00:00:00

THE ITALIAN QUESTION. M. Billault spoke as follows in the French Senate yesterday :—The Government can very well under stand that a question, intimately connected with religion and politics, should greatly occupy the public mind, but it can hardly conceive that reflect ing statesmen, in judging the present and anticipat ing what is to come, should not feel that the past engages the present and foreshadows the future. (Movement.) I will abstain from superfluous de tails, but will state what the Government thinks possible under present circumstances, and first, I will remark that the great Powers in the beginning of last year recognised that, while opinions were so ' divided, and the public mind under such opposite 1 influences, negotiations would be useless; they also ' agreed that the employment of force was impossible. ' Now, a few words as to what has since occurred. I often see the intention of the Government calnm- ' niated by attributing to it designs it never enter tained : not to change its principles or aims for ex ternal clamour is the characteristic of a strong Government. It advances or halts as eventualities may require. I only ask that the policy of the Go vernment Illhy bejudged by facts. It had resolved to wait, while things remained unchanged, that is the independence of Italy on the one hand, and the independence and dignity of the Holy See on the other. What had it done in these three great cir cumstances ? The first must be viewed in connection with our engagements to the Holy Father. The Emperor had said that the Pope might safely await, at Rome, the issue of the crisis, and that France would protect him there. The Emperor's intentions are still the same. He has entered into no engage ments with any one, and the Pope is still defended by the French flag. I now come to the first fact con nected with this subject; two Catholic Powers sug gested to the French Government the possibility of an understanding and of common action to solve the question. The Government took the proposition into consideration, and did not, like an honourable senator who alluded to the subject, see anything in this simultaneous and identical communication at all offensive to its dignity. I must add that, in all her relations with us, Austria has acted in the most straightforward manner, and that the offensive lan guage of a foreign journalist which had been quoted cannot be imputed to the Austrian Government. It is not the first time that the Emperor has been fiercely attacked by Austrian journals, but the Aus trian Government and the Emperor himself have always spontaneously offered reparation for such insults. The proposition made by the two Govern ments was seriously considered, and our reply was that we could not possibly take any part in the creation of a sort of Catholic international law, that in treaties the temporal power only eould be mentioned, and that, if a Congress should meet to examine the question, all the Powers, even those not Catholic, would have a right to be present. We then appealed to the principle of non-intervention, which, applied to Italy, is the guarantee of the peace of Europe; and lastly, we requested the two Powers to consider whether their traditions and their relationship to the exiled Italian sovereigns were not hurrying them on, in spite of themselves, towards ideas which might be antagonistic to our principles. But, with these reservations, we agreed with the two Powers on one point, that the senti ment of the Emperor's Government was the main tenance of the actual situation of the Papacy, and that it could not adhere to any combination which should not guarantee the independence of the Holy See. (Hear.) The Powers admitted the force of our arguments, and the Cabinet of Vienna declared that it left the matter, with all confidence, in the hands of France, and was ready to take part with her in maintaining principles which were the safe guard of all civilisation. As to the recognition of the Kingdom of Italy, it was brought about by necessities of the highest order. We had blamed several acts of the Piedmontese Government ; but important interests induced us to take a resolution. 1 do not mean material interests, such as treaties of commerce or navigation. I allude to the situation of Italy, then exposed to all the efforts of demagogy, which monarchical Governments find so difficult to restrain; I speak of the immense void left by that great, resolute, and able minister who had presided at the birth of Italian liberty; I speak of the em barrassments to which the death of Count Cavonr left royalty exposed; in fine, I speak of great poli tical and social interests. Italy was recognised, but the French Government explained itself frankly. It did not approve of what bad taken place, and gave no encouragement to any undertaking contrary to European rights. In the event of aggression on the part of Italy, the Government promised neither support nor co-operation. I will add that the ques tion of Rome was reserved. Italy herself under stood that state of things, and accepted it with gratitude. Here is a third circumstance :—The Italian Government sought for a combination to escape from its embarrassments ; it desired that Rome should become the capital of Italy in order to disengage the word of the King and the votes of the assemblies. I shall not revert to that proposition, the terms of which are known to you; I shall merely observe that the French Government had no direct knowledge of it. It was afterwards communicated to ns non-officially, and the French Government I refused to make itself the intermediary of a pro position which it regarded as neither opportune nor acceptable. (Hear, hear.) The Emperor has not abandoned any of the principles which he ha s hitherto defended ; h e st i ll wishes for the indepen dence of Italy, and for that of the Holy See. (Ap probation.) I am well aware that the solution of the problem is difficult, and at the present time almost impossible. It cannot be concealed that the situation is full of peril. At Rome two days ago there was in presence of French soldiers a silent but important manifestation. I need not point out to the Senate that a crisis exists there from which the most regrettable and most formidable eventualities may result. In Italy there is a subterranean and subver sive agitation which may one day break out in to a ter rible commotion. The mad hopes of the senseless men who, but for the Emperor's assistance, would have been annihilated by the Austrian armies, are connected with the famous principle of " Italy doing all by her herself: , They forget that they could have done nothing except under the forward move ment of the French eagles. The Piedmontese are doubtless brave, for they have proved themselves so, but how could that army, even united to the crowds, without organisation, whom many now wish to bring on the field of battle, resist the regu lar taetics of a great army ? We are well aware of the dangers which threaten Italy; we know that a senseless man may embark in an expedition still more senseless, and cause a conflagration which will s Pvead over Europe. We also know that in France the Public mind is excited, and that agitations of this ki nd aa impr are particularly d angerous i n a coun t r y how vv : s _icnable as o urs . Th e quest i on i s to k now wish in may ward off so ma n y p er il s . W e did no t Court of T i d el icate urin negoti a ti on t o b eg i n w i t h t h e and def eree : ° were anxious to use considera tiontowards the Holy Father. We have not, therefore " regards Lome, drawn up a system, but have things cannot rec.:mit:lEl4u:: ourselves to saying The greatest dangers threaten state they now are. vern men t ; we are free from any the Pontifical Ga do you wish us to do." Zen . gagement ; what We arc, therefore, in rme , ve n d au absolute refusal. of the Pontifical Government absoill tei ee_ 7 refusing, on one side Ministers,by and b y and on the other of a power Which the w ord o f t its King, by the promise of its the vote of its assemblies, has pledged it self give Rome to Italy as her capital. Thi s s i tuation ° p l aces u s between the most extreme resolutions. What is to be done ? There are three plans : Violent reaction for the restitution to the Holy See of all the territory of which it has been dis- possessed ; evacuation of Rome, leaving the Papacy to all the eventualities which might result from it ; an attitude consisting o f neither being alarmed at blind resistance nor i mmoderate pretensions, and of waiting from public reason, from time, and from Providence, who watches over human affairs, for a solution which, be assured, will one day come. (Marks of assent.) As to reaction, which would consist in violently restoring to the Holy See the territory of which it has been deprived, it needs no discussion. After the Address of last year, and the sanction given to the principle of non-interven tion, I think it would be a useless task. While studying the past of the Roman question the other day, I found that the doctrine of intervention was proclaimed by Austria in a celebrated Congress, in 1821, and formally condemned and rejected by France, by a minister of the elder branch, M. Pas quier, who characterised it as " not the childhood, but the dotage of statesmanship." I will not insist on this point, but if the solution which should con sist in forcibly restoring to the Holy Fathez the whole of his territories is not practicable, do you think that the other, which consists in the evacua tion of Rome, would be easier ? To evacuate Rome would be abandoning our principles, and would lead to events which might draw Europe to a forced in tervention in Italy. (Movement.) I listened most attentively to the powerful arguments of the illus trious speaker who, on Saturday, advocated the evacuation of Rome. The Prince said that the Government of the Emperor would soon rally to that idea. In spite of the contradiction of the ministers without portfolio, he had a presentiment that such was the Emperor's thought. But it is we who express the Emperor's thought, and defend it within these walls. (Movement.) I have this day received a special commission so to do. (Hear, hear.) It is needless for me to remind you of all the antecedents which prove that the two lines of policy bear no resemblance. (Loud ap probation.) The illustrious senator said that the unity of Italy had always been the Empe ror's thought. Certainly, the Emperor is now opposed to any reversal of what has been done in Italy in the sense of unity—for the question has become quite different; but it cannot be truly asserted that at first he wished for Italian unity as now understood by some persons. The Emperor wished to see Italy free; he desired an Italian Confederation under the presidentship of the Holy Father. He wanted to see a great nation, formed under the aegis of national indepen dence. In a proclamation, dated from Valeggio, he said to his soldiers :—" A Confederation will join in one common bond all the children of the same family." That is the Emperor's real thought ! When the Emperor carried his standards into Italy, it was not to raise the difficult problem of Italian unity, but to deliver Italy from the Austrian yoke. (Hear, hear.) The Emperor did not fully attain his object, but, on his return from his victories, I heard him say, in melancholy accents :—" Do you think that I feel no regret at having stopped at the Mincio ?" There was no question at that time of Southern Italy : deliverance from Austrian domi nation, and federation of the Sovereigns in accord with the with of the populations, was then the whole Imperial thought. (Hear, hear.) If the Em peror did not succeed, it was because neither the people nor the Sovereigns understood him. The war in Italy must not be regarded as an enterprise of which all the consequences had not been calcu lated. History will proclaim the civilising thought which inspired it, which was, to join the Italian peninsula in a unity of liberty far easier to realise than the unity now desired. (Prolonged approba tion.) But, to return to the speech of the illustri ous senator whom we heard in our last sitting. He said :—" What ought my Government to do ?" A voice—" My Government 1" M. Billault—Yes ; I remember the Prince said:— "What ought my Government (or else, the Govern ment of my country) to do ?" Numerous voices—That was it. Prince Napoleon—You will note the interruption- M. Billault, resuming his quotation :—" What ought my Government to do ? To stipulate, in the first place, so as to place it beyond debate, everything necessary for the spiritual indepen dence of the Holy Father, for his honour, for his financial and general independence. This done, and these bases, I will not indicate here, but leave them for statesmen to devise." I say, for my part, that knowing the basis is not indif ferent, but the most essential point of the debate, for the independence of the Holy Father is what most occupies men's minds, this was not a case to stop at generalities. The bases must be stated, and I can affirm that they will not be those of M. Ricasoli. I need not explain myself farther on that point. (Hear, hear.) Let us now see - what was said by the Prince :—" The Pope will then find himself before his people ; we shall evacuate Rome, and if, which God forbid, anarchical paSsions should break out in the Eternal City—if any danger should result to the person of the Pope, he will have the assurance that Italian soldiers would know how to afford him assistance when he asks for it." What does that mean ? Are they Italian soldiers who will defend the Pope and his situation, or will those soldiers represent the Government of Victor Em manuel ? It is necessary to know that. If the Pope is placed in the face of his people, insurrection is certain in the state of agitation which now pre vails in Italy and at Rome. Some persons may deny that, but there are facts which a fallen Govern ment cannot see. For a Government which knows how to foresee the future, the tiara is only protected at Rome by the flag of France; if Rome were eva cuated the temporal Government would fall, and the spiritual would follow at the same time. The Pope will then quit Rome. It is true that the Prince adds, " if he quits Rome, it will be, I admit, a cause of great trouble for certain Catholic minds. It will be a great misfortune, but the unity of Italy will come out of it triumphant." For my part I doubt it. (You are right ! Hear, hear.) Suppose that we quit Rome in a few days, or in a month, without adopting propar precautions ; the revolution will break out with its courages, but with its viole nces , an d perhaps with its virtues, but also with its crimes. I suppose, as the beau ideal of that revolution, that the Holy Father and his suite will escape without receivlng any in jury; but if those criminals who take part in all popular movements were to strike the prelates of the Roman Court, and if their hands were not to stop before his Holiness himself, do you think France and the Emperor would not incur the re sponsibility ? (Hear, hear, and loud applause.) Can we, therefore, forget that we have replaced the Pope on his throne; that for the last 10 years-10 years of ingratitude, it is true, on the part of the . Roman Court, but 10 years of grandeur for the Sovereign of France—the Pope has been protected only by our flag ? Suppose, moreover, that the Papacy were in exile, do you think that it will re main inactive ? that it will not excite disturbances in Europe, of which other people will endeavour to take advantage of ? You will have thrown down the brand of discord for perhaps a century. You who think to have peace, you deceive yourselves, for there are forces which you do not take into ac count. (Hear, hear.) I nevertheless, admit that the Pope in exile would be powerless, be insensi ble to his own sufferings, and have no temptation to disturb the peace of Europe. Will the Catholic Powers, who have proposed to us to protect the Pope, have abjured their convictions ? By what right, after all, are we at Rome ? We are there in violation of the principle of non-intervention. With what grace could we therefore say to the other Powers, " I no longer protect the Papacy, but I for bid you to do it." (Hear, hear.) The Emperor's Government does not therefore think it so easy to adopt a solution. It is liberal, but it to prudent ; it wishes for modifications, but It cannot precipitate parties, and says to them, "A compromise must be come to even if it be necessary to wait for it." Is a compromise impossible ? As to Piedmont she de clares formally that she will do nothing except in accord with France, and she accepts all the nego tiations which shall be carried on under our influ ence. The obstacles which stand in the way of a solution are certainly great; but nevertheless, if statesmen should find a reasonabl e com bi na ti on , I do not hesitate to think that the Italian Govern. ment would accept it from the Emperor. The people, in fact, are not ungrateful to those to whom they owe th eir liberty. I think, therefore, that, All on e : "sentteedillietasnlelof:at, an . acceptable combination pre but it must not t the b l e difficulty would be soon solved, is at Rome. letters that the great obstacle tenacity of that Gloveetters temporal point out the invincible Holy Father, and of Gove rnment. ent. I do not speak of the forte n m dogma, but of the i nfallibility in matters of of ighrvernment and its allibility for what fallibilty. This mixture is spiritual and fallibility gives to the a rigidity statesmen of the Roman GoverPuniraeln't which it is difficult to bend; but for that, will they always be, more than the statesmen of other coun tries, deaf to the lessons of experience when we say to them, see what your obstinacy has done for you! The day after Solferino, a project of federation was put forward, with the Pope for honorary President. The offer was made to his Holiness with one single condition, that of giving a lay administration to the Legations wearied by fifty years of foreign occu pation, and wherein Count Rossi said that the Pon tifical sceptre should not be masked by Austrian bayonets from the liberal populations. Is there not reason to ask, why have you refused ? Events marched on, and a second offer was made. If, said we, you will abandon that portion of your States which has thrown off your rule, the rest shall be secured to you, Another refusal. Then came a third proposition—that of the Vicariate, which is not without analogy with the past. Still a refusal. At last it was said—You cannot subdue the popu lations yourselves ; accept this arrangement, Aus tria and France will retire; the other Powers will guarantee the independence of the Holy See; a civil list, furnished by Catholic Powers, will secure to the Father of the faithful a situation conforma ble to his dignity and mission. Accept this com bination. No, was again the reply. Is not this a resistance obstinate, blind (if I may be allowed the word) to generous, loyal, disinterested, and prac tical offers made by the French Government, and made to statesmen whom it would be wrong to re gard as of only moderate ability ? But a retro speet on the relations of the Court of Rome with France should inspire them with serious reflec tions, for since 1830 no Ministers of France at Rome have differed in their appreciations of the Roman Government. All have signalised, in the Papal Government, the absolute immobility which is very suitable to religious, but much less so to worldly affairs; for the latter are by no means immoveable. On July 28, 1847, Count Rossi wrote to M. Guizot a despatch, in which he sketched the leading features of the situation of the Roman States. "Before 10, or perhaps 20 years," said he, "there will not be a man, not a priest, not a woman that is not animated with the national sentiment, and he concluded by insisting on the necessity, for the Holy See, of giving satisfaction for this sentiment. The Minister said that he could cite 20 passages of the correspondence of M. de Rayneval, wherein that diplomatist made melancholy prophecies. In one notable despatch, that of May, 14, 1856, he con cluded by saying that a catastrophe was inevitable, that the temporal power was con lemned— Prince NAPOLEON—Very good. M. BILLAULT (continuing the phrase)—And that the peril might be postponed, but not avoided. Well then, continued the Minister, when we shall say to these statesmen, " Look at the consequences of this obstinacy, of this refusal, of this closing the eyes to what is traced out for them by Providence, do you think that our counsels will always be mis construed and rejected ?" I should understand this resistance were it sought to impose conditions on the spiritual Power, but such is not the case. The oath of enthronisation has been cited as justifying the refusals of the Holy Father. People forget under what circumstances the oath was first re quired. It was not fear of war; the evil for which a remedy was sought was altogether different. The patrimony had no need of being guaranteed against the eventualities of war, bat against the allure ments of nepotism. (Sensation.) The Holy Father can have no serious doubt as to the real meaning of his oath of investiture. The Venerable Pius VI, and Pius 'VII after him have ceded to poli. tical necessities portions of their terrritory without any revolt of conscience against this pretended viola tion of an oath. If this oath indeed had the effect of putting a weapon of any sort in the hand of the Holy Father, one might perhaps understand the stress laid on this argument by the Roman Govern ment. But it is far otherwise, What has happened since the beginning of the movement ? At first complete inertia prevailed at Rome; then a certain alarm was instilled into consciences; then the Holy Father asked to be allowed to maintain himself by means of his own troops combined with those of Naples—with that army that so basely turned its back on the troops of the Revolution some little time after. Lastly, the Holy Father wished to protect himself with his own army ; how he suc ceeded, and how the predictions of M. de Rayneval were realised, is well known. In September, 1860, the Father launched an encyclic to claim armed assistance from the Catholic world, but no succour was forthcoming. Since that time he is resigned, and waits for events. It is very well to wait when spiritual matters are in suspense; they can afford to wait, as religion is eternal. Patiens quia totems's! But it is bad to wait in temporal affairs ; it is a great imprudence, because there is nothing immutable in them ; temporal interests must be defended by worldly means. (Applause.) I affirm, then, that we cannot renounce the hope of seeing the Pontifical Government yield to circumstances. On this day the Senate is invited to make its senti ments known ; but it is necessary that these senti ments should tend to level, not to augment, the difficulties of negotiation. Below the elevated region where the Holy Father is placed, there is the region of temporal Government, and it must be confessed that in this region there is no sympathy for France. Our influence has need of being forti fied and sustained. The reports of all our am• bassadors have made us acquainted with the secret winding passages of this subterraneous Rome, and with the difficulties we should find therein. (Here the Minister cited a despatch from the French Ambassador at Rome relative to the effect pro duced in that city by the announcement of an approaching French intervention in 1849. The intelligence had, not caused much pleasure; there was submission to an unsolicited co-operation, but the succour of Naples and Austria would have Ibeen preferred.) It is certain, added the honour able speaker, that the Camarilla, as it is called, was not then well disposed towards France; a second despatch, in 1851, showed the clerical party and the Ultras counting in their number the majority of cardinals and prelates. Certainly the Holy Father is exalted above these regions, but he is nevertheless subject to the influence of his entourage, and of the Minister whose ill-will has been through out conspicuous. Well, then, in presence of these sentiments, is not your duty traced out P It must not be said at Rome that the great bodies of the State in France are divided. It would be dange rous, and the result would be the maintenance of the statu quo. It is the statu quo that is so easy and so convenient ; it is so pleasant to repose even in the midst of danger when there is some one watching over you. Before the union of the great bodies in France, it will be doubtless thought that it is well to:yield to counsels which are given, not only to protect the great Catholic interests, but to maintain the Government of the Holy See. France will perhaps again meet with ingratitude as the reward of her devotedness. Did not Count de Ray neval write in 1849, "We shed our blood, and we shall have no thanks for it ?" That must not dis courage us. We also know that we have many ob stacles to overcome. The Prince said the other day that nothing could be obtained from the Court of Rome unless their determination was shown. I will not go so far as that ; but I will say that in the diplomatic correspondence, I have found a proof of the necessity of being rather sharp in order to obtain anything. I have found more particularly in the words of a Roman Cardinal—a good judge of the policy of his Government—a passage which is worthy of our attention. It is given in a despatch of the Marquis de Sainte Aulaire of the 20th Decem ber, 1832, and makes known the opinion of Cardinal Bernetti, then directing Minister at Rome. It says :—" Secularisation is inevitable ; it will come sooner or later, but the Pope will never with a good will decree a measure which will be ruin and humiliation for the Cardinals. Rather than give such a proof of weakness he will prefer to re sist." In other words, the policy of Cardinal Bernetti, in speaking of inevitable necessities, was not to offer but to submit. The assent of a great body like the Senate, whose sentiments are known, will be a considerable fact. When it shall be understood that the Senate, like the Emperor, sees things more clearly than the temporal power at Rome, and begs the Holy Father to compromise, it will be of immense importance. The question, it ' has been said, must be settled, but the Emperor iTHE [SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY 'EVENING, MARCH 5, 1862. knows what be wishes. He will not have the Pon tifical provinces overrun by reaction ; neither will he allow the avacuation of Rome to deliver up the Pope to Revolution. (Approbation.) He wishes to compromise between two principles ; that Italy, which owes him all, that the Pope, who owes him much; and that the Catholic Church shall under stand this state of things. He desires that facts shall act on the reason of all, so as to lead Italy, France, and Europe to comprehend all the necessi ties. Reason must make its way. (Hear, hear.) Be convinced that the calmness and sagacity of the Emperor will carry the day. Do not hesitate to say what you think, and do not consider a frank ex pression of your sentiments as an indication of want of respect. The Minister reminded the house that it would not be for the first time that a great coun try held plain language to the Holy Father, without any dereliction of respect. Had not Louis XIV. spoken with firmness, and before him had not St. Louis, with his profound piety, caused him to lend an ear to the voice of reason ? Do not confound, liberty with respect; do not flatter princes, who ever they may be, if you wish to support them, and render them a service. (Applause.) The Emperor holds with firmness the standard of conciliation, and more firmness is required for a long state of expectancy than fur hasty solutions. (Renewed applause.) Let there be no division among you, there is nothing disrespectful in the lan guage which you hold—language which is of such importance to the peace of the world. Let there be no division or separation ; vote for the paragraph in its entirety—vote it unani mously, and believe that this vote will have an effi cacious action on temporal difficulties. (Loud ap plause.) Voices from all parts—The vote ! The vote ! The speaker was, in concluding, much congratu lated. The paragraph was then agreed to. Par. 11 and last is thus worded : " Sire,—Your Majesty, who fills so nobly abroad the part of a mediatior, is entitled to invoke at home the conciliation of men's minds. Let the clamours of parties, therefore, hold their peace before the confidence of the nation; let the policy of legitimate interests remain victorious over what still remains the policy of passions. The first, which is yours, causes the country to advance from progress to pro gress; whilst the second, vihich has prevailed only too much in the past, could but weaken and retard us. It is not that which the Senate will take for guide, and we shall not forget that, if liberty is serious only by independence, it is durable only by moderation." Agreed to without observation. A division was then proceeded to on the ensemble of the Address, when the numbers were found to be-- For • . .• • • • . .• 123 Against .. • • •• _•. 6 In consequence, the Address was declared to be adopted. The announcement of the numbers was hailed with loud cries of Vive l'Empereur ! The deputation to present the document to the Emperor was then drawn by lot, and the proceed ings terminated. LAW INTELLIGENCE ,-- March 4. COURT OF PROBATE AND DIVORCE. (Before Sir C. Cresswell.) THE QUEEN'S PROCTOR V. WALLIS. In this case a will of the late Sophia Bellis, or Capel, had been propounded by Dr. Griffith Jones. Probate was opposed by the Queen's Proctor, and after a trial in this court the will was pronounced against as a forgery. The Queen's Pro c t or t h en , and the applied for administration to the estate a n d e ff ects presentof t he deceased e s c u e i a t s wased as i instituted ti bastard tu te d b and theintestate defendant, who claimed to be the cousin-german of the deceased, to try the right of the Queen's Proctor to the grant.- A fortnight ago a motion was made by Dr. Spinks on behalf of the Queen's Proctor that the defendant might be ordered to amend the plea by setting out the pedigree of the deceased. The motion was op posed by Dr. Swabey for the defendant, and judg ment was deferred. His Lordship now said that the Queen's Proctor had found a precedent exactly in point, and, in ac cordance with that prececent, he should order the plea to be amended by setting out the pedigree. THWAITES V. THWAITES-JUDGMENT. His Lordship said he would state the result of his examination of the evidence in this case. The petition was by a wife for ajudicial separation on the ground of cruelty. The parties were married in 1849, and the petition, which was filed in Dec., 1860, contained allegations of a series of acts of cruelty extending over a period of about 9 years. It was manifest that in a case of this description there must always be a great deal of difficulty in ascertaining where the exact truth lay. Where there had been incessant quarrels between husband and wife, and they had led each other an unhappy life for a number of years, there were generally faults on both sides ; but when they came to give evidence in this court, and looked back upon a long series of transactions, each of which had increased the intensity of their dislike to each other, they regarded those transactions through a medium which distorted every object and disturbed the vision and perverted the judgment. If, there fore, the Court did not place implicit confidence in such evidence, it was not because it imputed wilful misrepresentation to the persons who gave it, but because they had, from a misconception of the truth, formed an exaggerated idea of the trans actions of which they spoke. In addition to the dif ficulty of dealing with the statements of the parties themselves, there was also a great difficulty in test ing the evidence given by others. Friends and ser vants were notoriously favourable to those who called them, and were in truth, as Lord Stowell ob served many years ago, partisans in almost every ease. Such being the nature of the case he had examined the evidence more than once with the view of putting a just value upon the facts con tained in it, and he proceeded to deal with it, bear ing in mind always the principles applicable to these cases as they had been admirably laid down by Lord Stowell in " Evans v. Evans," and " War ing v. Waring." His lordship then went through the evidence on both sides in detail. With respect to many of the acts charged he came to the conclu sion, without imputing wilful falsehood to the wife, that the husband's account explaining some of them and denying others was more consistent with pro. bability than hers, and he said that it was for the party complaining to establish the wrong of which she complained to the satisfac tion of the Court. He read a very affectionate ' letter written by Mrs. Thwaites to her husband - when she was on a visit to London in 1 December, 1856, and said that although he con curred in the argument of Dr. Twiss that afiec ' tionate letters by the wife were not absolutely inconsistent with cruelty by the husband, yet the effect to be given to them must depend very much upon the circumstances under which they were written. He could well understand that when a husband had behaved ill, and an unhappy estrange ment had taken place, and the husband was about to enter upon a career which would involve him in dangers and difficulties, the wife's affection might return, and she might discard her injuries from her recollection, and write her husband an affec tionate letter. But what was there in this case to call for a great demonstration of affection if in truth the husband was the cruel man that she had de scribed him ? It appeared that at one period Mrs. Thwaites refused to hold any communication with her husband for at least nine months. She kept in her own room with two of her children, and without any occasion or necessity whatever used that room for all purposes. Yet this was the woman who complained that her husband had taken from her the management of her house and had given it to the servants. She would not speak to her husband during the whole time, and there was nothing to account for the abominable manner in which she chose to live. He could hardly fancy that she was perfectly sane. His lord ship referred to several of the quarrels of which evi dence had been given, and said that with regard to some of them, for instance, the one which arose from helping on e o f t h e children to apple sauce, it was difficult to maintain perfect gravity in dealing with them. He then passed to the charge of cruelty in itself, but the cruelty was said to con sist in Mr. Thw. aites's neglect to provide his wife with proper food when her gums were tender, and his refusal to allow her artifi cial teeth. The teeth were extracted with the sanction of a surgeon in 1857, and she continued to dine with him until 1858. He could not therefore have sent her hard pieces of meat from his table immediately after the teeth were taken out. He had refused to have a new set made for some time because her gums were too tender to bear the pressure. When they were made he paid for them, but they soon had to be taken out for the reason he had given. With regard to the purchase by her of a diamond ring for £l3 out of the legacy of £2O or £3O left her by her father, he observed that no doubt Dr. Twiss was quite right in saying that a diamond ring bought for that price would not be a very magnificent o ne; b ut h ere was a strugg ling professional man with several children, wishing to save money for his children's education, who found that out of the small sum intended to buy g mourning for her and the children his wife had spent £l3 upon an ornament for her self. He could easily imagine that Mr. Thwaites felt rather angry and disappointed with the purchase. As to the charge founded upon his bringing the eminent physician, Dr. Davies, to examine the state of her mind, he could find nothing is Mr, Thwaites's conduct to indicate a desire to shut his wife up in a lunatic asylum. That these parties by mutual want of conciliation had made each other extremely miser able might be granted, but that was not the ques tion he had to decide. That the wife had on some occasions sustained some slight bodily injury might also be granted, but he had to say whether the con duct of the husband had manifested that degree of scevitia which rendered cohabitation unsafe. The forgetfulness of the wife of certain circumstances— for instance, the letters she had written to her hus band, her total omission to mention her having withdrawn from cohabitation for several months, her denial of having used abusive language to her servants when there could be no doubt that she had used it—showed that she had allowed her mind to be so obscured by prejudice that he could not rely upon her statements. He was not, therefore, satisfied that she had established her case, and he should dismiss the petition. Dr. Twiss, Q.C., and Dr. Wambey were counsel for the petitioner; Mr. Karslake, Q.C., and Dr. Spinks for the respondent. ASSIZE IN TEL LIGEN CE. OXFORD CIRCUIT.—OXFORD, March 4. CROWN COURT. (Before Mr. Justice Crompton.) MURDER OF A GAMEKEEPER. John Hall, labourer, aged 33, was charged with the wilful murder of Stephen Moulder, gamekeeper to Lord Dillon, on the 20th December last. The case commenced at 9 o'clock in the morning, and occupied the whole of the day, and was not brought to a termination befoto 7 o'clock in the evening. A great number of witnesses were exa mined, and several of them were subjected to a long cross-examination, but the facts themselves lay in a very small compass. Sergeant Pigott and Mr. Sawyer conducted the case for the crown, and Mr. Staveley Hill and Mr. Harrington for the prisoner. On the night of the 19th of December last, two gamekeepers of Lord Dillon's, named Stephen Moul der and Thomas Curds, were watching a coppice known as Shears-coppice, part of Lord Dillon's estate at Ditchley. They commenced between 10 and 11, and remained there till between 12 and 1, when they heard some one in the coppice. They proceeded there, and saw two men coming across the ride. They followed them along the ride, and when within ten or twelve yards of them one of the men turned round and deliberately fired at the keepers, the result of which was that Moulder re ceived almost the entire contents, and fell to the ground, dying instantly. Some of the shots also struck the other keeper, Curtis, but did not injure him. The man who fired the gun ran off imme diately he had done so, and Curtis, believing it to be Hall, called out, " Jack, Jack, I know thee." The man swung himself over a gate and got away. The other man who was in company with him was a labourer named John Tuckey, who was captured by Curtis, after a scuffle, Tuckey calling out to his mate to come to his assistance. Tuckey was taken into custody, when he gave up a ramrod which Hall had dropped and he picked up. It was proved in evidence Hall and Tuckey had been together on the 19th of December drinking at various public-houses, and about 11 o'clock at night went to the house of John Maycock, brother-in-law to Hall, where the latter asked Maycock for his short gun which he had to repair. The gun was fetched, and loaded, and Hall and Tuckey went away in the direction of Shearscopse, where the unfortunate occurrence took place. At a public house where Hall, Tuckey and others had been drinking on the night of the murder, Hall used some angry language towards the keepers, and said he should not mind shooting a man. Certain footmarks were traced from the gate, where the man who fired the gun had made his escape, to the turnpike road, and these being compared with the boots taken off Hall's feet, corresponded most minutely. The jury returned a verdict of wilful murder, but recommended the prisoner to mercy on the ground that they believed his firing the gun was a momen tary act, and that he only meant to disable the keeper, but not to kill him. The Judge said he quite concurred in the ver dict, and could not see how the jury could safely have come to any other conclusion. His lordship then passed sentence of death in the usual form, and said that the recommendation of the jury should be forwarded to the proper channel. MIDLAND CIRCUIT.—NORTIZAMPTON,;March 4. (Before Lord Chief Justice Cockburn.) ATTEMPTED MURDER OF A GAMEKEEPER. William Patrick, 24, labourer, Arthur Artheston, 48, weaver, and Henry Clarke, 35, weaver, were indicted for the attempted murder of William Issitt, a gamekeeper, in the employ of Viscountess Hood, at Barton Seagrave, on the 30th of January last. All the prisoners pleaded not guilty. The jury convicted all the prisoners, and they were each sentenced to ten years' penal servitude. POLICE INTELLIGENCE.—March 4. MANSION-HOUSE.—John Grady was broughl before the Lord Mayor, charged with being con cerned with another man (not in custody) in steal ing a watch, value £l4, from the person of Mr, Thos. Buddin, licensed victualler, Commercial-road, Mr. Lewis attended for the prisoner. It appeared that at about half-past Bon the pre vious evening a young man, named Thomas Stanis las, saw the prosecutor standing on the steps by the Blackwall Railway, and saw a man go up to him and take his watch out of his pocket, which he immediately handed to the prisoner, and they both walked away. The prosecutor mis3ed his watch and raised an alarm, and the witness pointed out the prisoner as the man who had it. He immediately laid hold of him, and the man who took the watch and another man who was with him ran away. The prisoner was taken into custody, but the watch was not found. On being cross-examined by Mr. Lewis, the wit ness said he was quite sure the prisoner was the man to whom the watch was given. Hancock, a detective, said he knew the prisoner, and had seen him in custody on several occasions. He was a trainer of thieves, and seldom took any actual part in robberies, but merely received the property. Mr. Lewis said his client was quite willing that his lordship should adjudicate in the case, but The Lord Mayor said he could not do so. The prisoner must go before a jury. The prisoner was then committed for trial. BOW-STREET.—ALLEGED FRAUD AT A THEA TRICAL TICKET-OFFICE.—James Westfield, assist ant at a theatrical ticket•office, in Brydges-street, Drury-lane, was charged with obtaining money by false pretences from Sir Edmund Lechmere. Mr. H. Brandon, of Essex-street, attended to watch the case for Mr. E. T. Smith, lessee of Drury lane Theatre; and Mr. Pater, barrister, instructed by Messrs. Weekes, appeared for defendant. Sir E. Lechmere—l reside at Ridcourt, Worces tershire. On the 26th ult. I took a cab at the West end of London, and told him to drive to the box office of Drury-lane Theatre. He drove me to Brydges•street, Covent-garden, and stopped at an office opposite the theatre. It was fitted up, not like a shop, but like an office—fitted with red baize, and surmounted by the Royal arms. There was a board up marked "Drury-lane Ticket-office." There was a model of the theatre in the office. Mr. Pater—Why do not you come to what oc curred ? Never mind describing the place, Sir Edmund Lechmere—l think the descrip tion is very material, The prisoner was attend. ing in the office. I asked for a ticket for the pit stalls, and the prisoner said they were all sold. I then asked him if he thought that a ticket for the pit stalls could be obtained at any of the West-end houses where tickets were sold. He said it was impossible ; that all the tickets were sold there, and at the West-end houses they were not likely to be had. I asked him whether any and what other places were to be had. He said that, if I liked, I could have a seat in a private box, but I must pay 14s for it. I asked him what the price of the pit stalls was, and he told me Bs. I thought it was very likely I should not be in town again for some time, and might not have an opportunity of seeing Mr. Kean again, and so, though I thought 14s. a very extravagant price, I agreed to take it. I asked him where the box was situated, and he said it was in the front row, near the Queen's box. He gave me the ticket, of which the counterpart is now produced, and he said there were three front places, and I might take which I pleased. I paid him 14s. Had I not believed that the place was in a private box I should certainly not have taken it, The word " dress circle" was not mentioned throughout the interview, and I should not have taken the ticket if I had known it to be for the dress circle. The words " Box 20" appear on the ticket. I went to the theatre and found that there was no private box 20. I was not admitted to any seat by virtue of that tic ket. Mr. Smith provided me with a seat under the circumstances, but not by virtue of that ticket. I noticed that the ticket was for two, and I told him I did not want two places, but only one. He made some entry in a book, and said it was all right, he had made an erasure and the ticket would admit to one place. Cross-examined by Mr. Pater—l will swear he said it was a seat in a private box. I did not see the plan produced, or any plan whatever. Ido not I know whether the ticket would have admitted me to any part of the h mse. I found it was not for a seat in a private box, and so I went away. I gave the defendant into custody that night, but the in spector at the station-house refused to take the charge. Mr. Pater—Why did you allow so long a delay before taking out the summons P Sir Edmund Lechmere—Delay. I took out the summons the next morning. I was quite sober. I must appeal to the magistrate whether such a ques tion ought to be put to me. Mr. Uorrie—l think you may as well answer the question even if you think it improper. I do not say that it is. Mr. Pater—You can't say so, sir. Sir Edmund Lechmere—l could bring witnesses to character, if need be. Mr. Pater--My client is not a baronet, but he is a respectable man. in further cross-examination, Sir E. Lechmere said that he had not had any conversation on the subject with Mr. Smith. The only person with whom he bad talked it over was another gentleman who had been in the same plight as himself. Mr. Edward Tyrrell Smith, lessee of the Theatre Royal, Drury-lane—There is no such private box as No. 20. The ticket produced is not for a seat in a private box, but for two seats in bax No. 20, first circle. It is not the dress circle, but a tier above the dress circle. That is a a public box. It is an inferior part of the house to the dress circle. The admission to the first circle is 3s. The plan now produced (on the part of de fendant) does not represent the theatre as at pre sent managed. It is a very old plan. Sir E. Lech mere might have gone into the first circle if he pleased, with that ticket. Tickets might have been obtained at the house on that evening. There was plenty of room that night. Persons might have gained admission to the first circle by paying at the door. Mr. Pater—ls it a common thing for tickets to be bought and resold in this manner? Mr. Smith—Yes, in the ordinary way; but not by fraud. Mr. Pater—Don't say fraud. Mr. Smith—l do say fraud. They write up " Drury-lane Ticket Office," and commit a gross robbery on the public. Mr. Pater—And upon you, I suppose. Mr. Smith—Not at all. It makes no difference me, once the tickets have been sold. I take the matter up for the sake of the public, that they may be protected from imposition. These tickets are sold at the box-office for 3s. each. Mr. Pater—And ls. for booking ? Mr. Smith—One shilling for booking, sir. Mr. Mitchell, Mr. Sams, and other West-end book sellers do not buy tickets in this manner. They subscribe for the season in the regular and legiti mate manner. They sell these admissions, but not in the way it has been done in this case. Mr. Pater—Answer my question. Mr. Smith—l have answered you. Mr. Pater—You are answering me in a shuffling manner. Mr. Corrie—That is not a proper observation. There is nothing shuffling in Mr. Smith's manner. Cross-examination continued—The private boxes vary from £1 ls. to la lls. 6d. There are four seats in the guinea boxes. From ss. to 6s. is what a seat in a private box is worth. Mr. Pater thought this would become a question of weight of testimony. There was a person pre sent at the interview when the ticket was pur chased, who would swear that nothing was said about a private box. That person was not in so high a position as the complainant. We do not often find a baronet— Mr. Corrie—And if it was a question of conflict ing testimony he could not decide it, but would leave it to a jury to decide which they believed. Mr. Pater then contended at some length that there was no case on the evidence for the prosecu tion, but Mr. Corrie held that there was, and committed the defendant for trial, admitting him to bail in two sureties of £2O each. FROM THE GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT. FOREIGN-OFFICE, JAN. 22. Addresses and resolutions of condolence, on the occasion of the death of his Royal Highness the Prince Consort, have been transmitted to Earl Russell, her Majesty's Prin cipal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to be laid before the Queen. . _ From the British subjects residing at Havre, Amsterdam, Lisbon, Beyrout, Odessa, and New Orleans, and from the British subjects belonging to the Free Church Pres bytery of the North of Italy. FOREIGN-OFFICE, MARCH 3. The Queen has been pleased to approve of Mr. A. Hoary as Consul• General at Cape of Good Hope for his Majesty the King of the Belgians. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, MARCH 3. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Miss Harriet Lepel Phipps to be one of the Maids of Honour in Ordinary to her Majesty, in the room of the Hon, Eleanor Stanley, resigned. MASTER OF THE HORSE'S OFFICE, ROYAL MEWS, PIMLICO, MARCH 3. The Queen has been pleased to retain the services of the following Equerries to the prince Consort : Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. Dudley Charles Fitz Ge rald de Ros, Ist Life Guards. Major Charles Taylor Du Plat, Royal Artillery. Colonel Henry Frederick Ponsonby, Grenadier Guards. Colonel the Hon. Arthur Edward Hardinge, C. 8., Cold stream Guards. These officers will perform the duties of Extra Equerries to Her Majesty, CROWN OFFICE, MARCH 1. MEMBER RETURNED TO SERVE IN THE PRESENT PARLIAMENT. Borough of Wakefield—Sir John Charles Dalrymple Hay, Bart., of Park-place, in the county of Wigtown, Cap tain, R.N., in the room of William Henry Leatham, Esq., hose election has been declared void. WAR-OFFICE, PALL MALL, MARCH 4. Ist Regiment of Life Guards—Windham 'Thomas, Viscount Adare, to be Coronet and Sub-Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Langham, promoted. 6th Dragoon Guards—Groome 011iver, Gent., to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Fryer, promoted. 4th Hussars—William Manse] Dylwyn Llewelyn, Gent., to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Nassau Clark, appointed Cornet and Sub .Lieutenant 2d Life Guards. 6th Dragoons—Captain Lawrence St. Patrick Gowan, from the 14th Hussars, to be Captain, vice John Basker ville, who exchanges. Bth Hussa s—Daniel Joseph Keane, Gent., to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Jamieson, promoted. 14th Hussars—Captain John Baskerville, from 6th Dra goons, to be Captain, vice Lawrence St. Patrick Gowan, who exchanges; James Colquhoun Revel Reade, Gent., to be Cornet, by purchase, vice John Alexander Donnelly, who retires. - - Royal Engineers—Supernumerary Lieutenant-Colonel Philip John Bainbrigge to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Brevet-Colonel Thomas Rawlings Mould, promoted. Military Train—Lieutenant Emanuel Benjamin Bass, to be Captain, by purchase, vice Charles B. Wynne, who retires. 4th Regiment of Foot—Charles William Eggington, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Edward Wayland Saw yer, who retires. 11th Foot—Major Ellis James Charter, from a Depot Bat talion, to be Major, vice Robert Neville, who exchanges. 33d Foot—Lieutenant John Douglas Johnstone to be Cap tain, without purchase, vice Edward Barker Prescott, deceased,; Ensign Edwin Jervis to be Lieutenant, with out purchase, vice Johnstone. 50th Foot—Lieutenant Thomas Denote Lee to be Captain, without purchase, vice William Hardinge, deceased. 54th Foot—Ensign Robert Magill to be Lieutenant, with out purchase, vice George Cronyn, deceased. 57th Foot— Staff-Surgeon William Alexander Mackinnon to be Surgeon, vice Surgeon-Major James Carroll Dempster M.D., who exchanges. 60th Foot—Charles Horatio Gardiner Powys-Keek, Gen tleman, to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Henry M. Pryor, who retires. 75th Foot—Gentleman Cadet Henry Teevan, from the Royal Military College, to be Ensign, without purchase, vice Rowband, promoted. 77th Foot—Gentleman Cadet Howe James Knox, from the Royal Military College, to be Ensign, without purchase, vice Stone, promoted. ' 80th Foot—Captain Alfred' Davis, from half-pay Unat tached, to be Captain (repaying the difference), vice Brevet-Major George Samuel Young, promoted without I purchase, to an Unattached Majority ; Lieutenant Hugh Broke B, Leveson Gower to be Captain, by purchase, vice Davis, who retires ; Ensign Patrick Joseph Cowan to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Gower ; James Mc Millan, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Cowan. 90nt hoyßoyal MilitaryFoot—GentlemanCollege, Cadet t b E e d Ewn i s a ign T , h w ac i k th w o e u l t l, p f ur ro c m ha t s h e e in succession to Lieutenant B arwell, p romote d . e E nj n a s in lg in n, m A i r t c h h o7t , Henry Y to be E 92d fro F m o t e h t— e RGoeynatllemmainl4.yCadet College,Hen purchase, 100th vice Frederickproni promoted. Benwell to Se Adjutant, vice Lieutenant Frederick Morris, who resigns Foot—Lieutenant that appointment. Ist West India Regiment—Lieutenant-Colonel and Brevet- Colonel Bowland Moffat, from half-pay unattached, to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Brevet-Colonel Luke Stryth O'Connor, C. 8., who retires upon half-pay. DEPOT BATTALIONS.—Major Robert Neville, from 11th Foot, to be Major, vice Ellis James Charter, wh.) ex changes. The appointment of Captain George Joy, 59th not, to be Instructor of Musketry to bear date 31st Januar - , 1862, instead of the 18th February, 1862. STAFF.—Lieutenant-Colonel Augustus William Murray, C,8., from the Ist West India Regiment, to be Deputy Adjutant• General, Windward and Leeward Islands, vice Lieutenant-Colonel and Brevet-Colonel Edward Rowley Hill, half-pay 63d Foot, promoted Major-General, MEDICAL DEPARTMENT.—Surgeon-Major James Carroll Dempster, M.D., from 57th Foot, to be Staff Surgeon- Major, vice Surgeon Mackinnon, who exchanges; As sistant-Surgeon James George Stewart Mathison, from the 67th Foot, to be Staff Assistant-Surgeon, vice St. John Stanley placed upon half-pay. ROYAL MILITARY ACADEMY (WOOLWICH). TO BE LIEUTENANTS OF COMPANIES OF GENTLEMEN CADETS. Lieutenant Osborne H. Goodenough, Royal Artillery. Lieutenant Henry C. Farrell, Royal Az tillery. Lieutenant Henry Colebrooke Lewes, Royal Artillery. Lieutenant Edwin William Sandys, Royal Artillery. Lieutenant H. Munro, Bengal Artillery. Lieutenant T. P. Berthon , Bombay Artillery. BREVET. .4ioutenant-Colonol Williar44 Adam Orr, C,8., of her Majesty's Indian Military Forces, to be P kide-de- Camp to her Majesty, with the rank of Colonel in th , Army. Captain Allied Davis 80th Foot, to be M ajor Captain and Brevet-Major Alfred exi s, 80th Foot : to be Lieutenant-Colonel, The under-mentioned promotions to take place, conse quent on the death of Lieutenant-General Sit Henry Somer. set, K.C.8., Colonel of the 25th Foot, on sth February, 1862 : Major- General Thomas Marten, Colonel of 6. th Dragoons, to be Lieutenant-General. Brevet-Colonel Edward Pole, from Lieutena,nt-Colonel half-pay, late 12th Lancers, to be Major-General. Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Addison, C. 8., 2d Foot, to be Colonel. Major Archibald H. P. Stuart-Wortley, half-pay Vnat tached, to be Lieutenant-Colonel. Captain Robert M'Nair, half-pay Unattached, Staff Officer of Pensioners, to be Major. The under-mentioned officers of the Roya 1 Marines, who have completed five ye ars' service a 9 Lieutenant-Colonel, to have the rank of Colonel, under the Bth Clause of the Royal Warrant of 14th October, 1858 : Lieutenant-Colonel Robe..-t John M'Killop. Lieutenant-Colonel and Acting Second Commandant Henry Carr Tate. The undermentioned Paymasters to have the honorary rank of Captain, under the Royal Warrant of 27th January, 1860 : Lieutenant Thomas Newton Young, 23d Foot. Paymaster Samuel Daniel, Depot Battalion. ADMIRALTY, MARCH 1. Corps of Royal Marines—Colonel Second Commandant John Mitchell to be Colonel-Commandant, vice Campbell, to half-pay. Lieutenant-Colonel and Brevet-Colonel John George Augustus Ayles to be Colcnel Second Commandant, vice Mitchell, promoted. Captain and Brevet-Major William Stratton Aslett to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Ayles, promoted, First Lieutenant ant: Quartermaster James Stirling Mould to be Captain, vice Aslett, promoted. Second Lieutenant Henry Seton Bourchier to be First Lieutenant, vice Mould, promoted. First Lieutenant Charles James Dundas Napier to be Quartermaster, vice Mould, promoted. BANKRUPT'S. Wm. Blake, grocer, Cardiff Thomas Jenkins, attorney's clerk, Cardiff Henry Storr, clerk, Sheffield Robert Hudson, broker, Sheffield John G. Moore, tobacconist, Birmingham Elizabeth Summers, draper, Long Eaton Joshua Watkins, publican, Cardiff Chas. Tucker and Edward Tucker, jun., solicitors, Bath Charles Murless, milliner, Liverpoo. l Walter Phillips Gunnyon, outfitter, A TAverpool James Bell and Joel Bell, silk manufaCturers,Manchester Thomas White Morris, clerk, Manchester Samuel Gudger, tailor, Linthwaite, York' Mary Ann Pollard, lodging-house keeper, Gloucester Robert Templeman, grocer, Gloucester Thomas Jackson, corn miller, Rotherham George Laughton, builder, Sheffield John Jones, builder, Liverpool Thomas Southern, Liverpool Richard Sly, journeyman harness maker, Birmingham James Randall, fisherman, Emsworth, Southampton Thomas Ripley, fisherman, Enisworth, Southampton George Beesley, baker, Camden. town Austin Cooper Shaw, veterinary surgeon, Strand Edwin Nathan Bird Kimberley and Riehtud Gold, hinge makers, Birmingham Elizabeth Steele, upholsterer, Newcastle-m.'der - Lyme William Dray, ironmonger, Cannon-street, City J. M. Harrison, Park-place, Loughborough-r d., Brixton James Wyatt, Copthall-buildings, City I. D. Norrie, Florence •road, Kennington 13corge K. Randelsome, salesman, Reedham, Norfolk Joseph Bowler, builder, High Wycombe Isaac S. Meachen, clicker, Halesworth, Suffolk Edward Miles, wheelwright, Huntingfield, Suffolk John Cox, wine retailer, Great Prescott-street, White chapel Harriet Rootsey, lodginghouse-keeper, Westbourne grove, Bayswater Elizabeth Flack, seed grower, Sible Hedingham, Essex Edward Davies, butcher, Aldershot James Wm. Hunt, hatter, Caledonian Road, Islington Thomas Welsh Gowar, law stationer, Cursitor .street, Middlesex. Edward Berry, wholesale milliner, De Beauvoir-road, South Kingsland, Middlesex. Charles Hickman Maddock, painter, 68, Devonshire road, Holloway George Sprange, commercial clerk, 5, Lonsdale-square, Islington Charles Williams, leather factor, New Weston-street, Bermondsey Thomas Davies, innkeeper, Denbighshire James Morris, superintendent in her Majesty,s Dock yard, Pembroke James Davis, public-house keeper, Peterborough John Stone, shoemaker, bidmouth, Devonshire Charles Cousins, greengrocer, Croydon William Hopperton, assistant to a dealer in lace, H an way-street, Oxford-street George Darcy, Canteen Public-house, Landguard Fort, Felixstowe James Wood, carman, Mile-end John William Blair, baker, Gloucester-street, Theobald's Road Josiah Miller, baker, Garden row, London-road Robert Blake Bowman, watch jeweller, Spencer-street, Clerkenwell James Dixon, mill owner, Queen's-road, Bermondsey Joseph Short, plumber, Poole Wm. A. Bell, corn merchant, Falmouth Richard Bean, leading man of ropemakers, Devonport dockyard George J. Calvert and Co., ironfounders, York Alfred Wilson, publican, Leeds Robert Leathers, grocer, Chapel-street,[Somers- town Richard Crick, shipowner, Albion-street, Rotherhithe William Jordan, baker, Greenwich Arthur James inclair, sacking factor, Upper Thames street William Smith, licensed victualler, Felton- street, Hoxton. John Tapp Holmes, milliner, Forest-street, North-road William Parsons Fennessy clerk, Montpelier-street, Bromptbn Henry Bear, grocer, Nayland, Suffolk COUN7BY MA R.K1,16. , 1.. LEEDS—M Ancii 4. We have more firmness in the wheat trade to-day, and a fair consumptive business, at fully last 'Tuesday's rates. Fine barley meets with more attention, and prices quite as high as last week. Beans and oats sold steadily, MELTON MOWBRAY-MARCH 4. There was a small supply of wheat to-day, and, with a quiet trade, prices were rather higher. Barley was in improved request, at previous prices. White wheal, 62s Od to 65s Od; red, 56s Od to 60s per 36 stone; beans slow, at 31s to 48s for old; new sorts, —s per 38 st. - ; barley, 35s to 39s for malting, and 31s to 33s per qr, for grinding; oats, 27s to 33s Od per ,24 stone. SHEFFIELD—MARCH 4. At our market this morning there was more disposition to transact business, prices being at an advance of Gd per load for good samples cf wheat, but inferior descriptions were at the rates of last week. Oats in fair demand, and seed qualities brisk. Beans and barley at late rates. Red wheat, per lead of 3 imperial bushels...2os Od to 22s Od ) White J) ...22s Od to 23s Od New red , ...21s Od to 23s 6d New white ~ If ...24s Od to 2s 60d Beans ff If ... 18s Od to 19s Od Peas, per qr Grinding barley, per qr , 32s Od to 36s Od Malting ditto, ~ 36s Od to 39s 04 Oats , 1 23s Od to 36s Od Millers' prices for flour-2c ld, 2s 3d, and 2s 5d per 141 b. NEWCASTLE-UNDEL LYME—MA=I 3. At this market to-day there was a fair show of wheat, in better condition, and the detntnd was steady. Prices White wheat, 6251t0 67s ; red, 55s to 63s per 36 stotie. Barley firm, at the rates of th, week previous, malting selling at 3.5 s to 39s per qr., grinling 30s to 32s per 30 st. Oats, 24s to 29s:per 24 st. ; bean; 40s to 48s; naw, 38s is 46s per qr. SNOW STORM, SHIELDS, Monday.—A somewhat severe snow storm came on yestercay, about nightfall, and to-day the entire counties of I ortlumberland and Durham are covered with a snowy mantle an inch or two thick- The distant Cheviot hills ars also lraped in white to their base. It is probable that more snob may fall upon our coast before night, for there is what sailors call a dirty sky in the north •east, [ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment and*Pills. --- Rheumatism and Pains in the Limbs.—Muscular pains are sometimes insufferably distressing. Though they may net impair the general health at first, ultimately such must be their effect if permitted to continue unrelieved. It should be generally known that after fomentation with warm salt and water, Holloway's Ointment well rubbed upon the affected part twice a day gives infinite ease and secures ultimate recovery. Holloway's Pills should also be taken to assist in the cure ; they prevent all weak and numb feelings so apt to prevail after neuralgia and rheu matic attacks. A lady writes, " After suffering a martyr dom from a severe attack of rheumatism and obtaining no relief from the faculty, I tried your Ointm en t an d P i ll s , and rejoice to say they quickly cured me," BIRTHS. ATKINSON.—On the 3d inst., at the Rectory, Fakenharn, Norfolk, the wife of the Rev. M, A. Atkinson, of a daughter. ERSKINE.—On the 3d inst., at Cambo House, Lady Erskine, of a daughter. HETHERINGTON.— On the 2d inst., at Hillingdon, Mrs. G. Hetherington, of a son, WEBB.---On the 3d inst., at Stoke Newington, the wife of George Webb, E sq. , of a daughter. MARRIAGES. HARRIS —BLAKE —9n the 27th ult.. at St. Andrew's, Plymouth, John Crichton, son of Colonel H. B. Harris/ of Radford, to Emily Frederica, daughter of G H. Blake, Esq. of Mutley, Plymouth. YORKE—DOUGLAS.—On the 4th inst., at Saint Paul's, Knightsbridge, Reginald Yorke, Esq., only son of Josh. Yorke, Esq., of Forthampton Court, Gl ouces t ers hi re , to Augusta E. M. Douglas, daughter of Li eu t.. G enera l M. Douglas, C. 8., of Douglas Support, and Stonebyres, Lanarkshire, N.B. DEATHS. BAIRD.—On the 2d inst., at London, Alexander Baird, Esq., of Ury, Kincardineshire, N.B. BALFOUR —On the Ist inst., at Itostrevor, Lady Florence Balfour, aged b 4. COOPER.—On the 2d inst., suddenly, James Cooper, Esq., C.E., of The Grove, Kentish-town, pnd 23, Great George street, Westminster. HOARE.—On the 3d inst., at Brighton, Matthew Edward Hoare, Esq., aged 43. MARTIN.—On the 3d inst , at Camden, Chislehurs t, Frances, widow of the late John Martin, Esq., M.P. fo r Tewkesbury, aged 92. VERNON.—At 7, Upper Belgrave-street, Walter, youngest son of the Hon. Augustus and Lady Harriet Vernon. VIVIAN.—On the 27th ult., at Newbridge, county Kildar Charles Vivian, Esq. LONDON - : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG , of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Office, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the CouitY of AliddleNZl—WetMday, March 6,1862, E'4~. ,