The Sun. — London, England, 1862-10-29 00:00:00

HIE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA. (From the Times' Correspondent.) " The ride of the three thousand' bids fair to be sung by the future Homer of the war as the most brilliant of its episodes. Anything more daring, more gallant, and more successful than the foray of Gen. Stuart—a Highlander by extraction —over the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, has never been recorded. At the head of 3,000 horsemen, by every one of whom he is as personally beloved as a chieftain of old by the members of his clan, he crossed the Potomac to Mercersburg and Chambers burg, to the rear of M'Clellan's army, and thence rode back again by another road and a long detour over the Potomac—a distance of nearly 100 miles, —gathering horses, provisions, shoes, wearing ap parel, medicines, and everything else he wanted, and defying not only capture, but pursuit. If he startled the public by his audacity, he extorted their admiration by the bravery and success, and forced even the bitterest enemies of the Confederate °Ruse to wish that fate had granted such a cavalier to the Northern army. Gen. M'Clellan, forgetting his usual caution, when he first heard of the inva . sion, telegraphed to Washington that not a man of Stuart's cavalry should escape; but, unluckily for his credit, only one of them was captured, and he not by the Federal army. Now that the brilliant affair is ended, people aro puzzled to know what it meant. Was it a mere foray in search of horses and stores ? Was Gen. Stuart in this instance, as at Cattlett's Station, the jackal in advance of the lion, and was " Stonewall" Jackson coming after him for a new invasion of the Border States ? The question is still undecided ; and the perplexity which it causes is not confined to the councils of General M'Clellan and the Pt esident, but hag taken possession of Wall-street, and sent up gold to the highest rate it has yet attained-33 per cent. pre mium. It is reported that the army of M'Clellan is again to make a movement in advance; but whe ther in consequence of General Stuart's raid, or of information not accessible to the public, is not stated. The " situation" all over the country is grave in the extreme, and though the journals are filled with sensation headings of great and glorious vic tories in Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, people are much slower to believe in such victories than they used to be, and are fast awakening to the con viction that the North has no generals fit for the herculean task of winning victories that decide anything but the bravery of the troops who fight in them. New York is fairly aroused by the war news to take unprecedented interest in its own local selec tions for governors and other State officers on the 4th of November next. Doubts begin to be felt for the success of the Democratic " ticket" on that oc casion. New York city has hitherto supported by a large majority of votes the Democratic and pre slavery party ; but New York State has always yielded a powerful majority to the Republican side. Could the question of peace or war—Conservatism or Abolitionism—be settled by the votes of the city alone, it is highly,probable that the terms of a com promise with the South would be speedily agreed upon and carried into effect; but the rural districts are as keen against the South, and as strongly in favour of abolition and a war of extermination, as the New England States. It is feared by some of his own party that if Governor Seymour goes to the poll he will be defeated by a large majority of the State. Such a defeat would adminster so mighty a dose of encouragement to the " Jacobins," not only in New York, but throughout the North and West, and impel the President so powerfully to the Abolitionist side, that timid members of the party—who do not, however, appear to be the most numerous—urge that it would be better for Mr. Seymour to withdraw his pretensions before the day of polling, and leave his opponents to walk over the course. If this policy were adopted, the doom of the Democratic party would be sealed. It would commit political suicide, and its leaders would find themselves ere many weeks in Fort La fayette, and perhaps ere many months at the footof the gallows or the guillotine. The cry of blood has been raised. They will not escape their doom by cowardly surrender. Their only course is to comport themselves like courageous and conscientious citi zens at the polls, as General M'Clellan, who belongs to their party, incidentally recommends in his order of the day to his army. If they fell there they will at least fall with dignity—which cannot be said of them if they withdraw without a struggle, and leave the Revolutionists undisputed masters of the position. It is held out as a bait to Mr. Seymour, if he will withdraw, that he will be placed in nomi nation for the Presidency as successor to Mr. Lin coln, and receive the undivided support of his party. But, in times of civil commotion, two years are a long period to look forward to; and Mr. Seymour may share the fate of Denton, and Mr. Wendell Phillips that of Robespierre, before a reaction comes when a Bonaparte shall be possible to establish a despotism on the ruins of the Republic. Judging from the tone and temper of the speakers, and the vociferous enthusiasm of the great meeting of the party which was held last night at the Cooper Institute, it would appear as if the discouragement in the party were confined to a few members, who have money and fear to lose it; and as if the bulk of the Democrats were determined to bate no jot of heart or hope in the attempt to clog the chariot wheels of revolution, and dismount the drivers. Mr. Seymour spoke well and earnestly, and Mr. John Van Buren, son of the late ex-President Martin Van Buren, seemed to carry the hearts of the crowded assemblage along with him, as he proposed a truce and a general convention of all the States of the Union—South as well as North, to debate the points at issue, and the terms of a reunion. "I will not believe," said the speaker, "that the South have utterly forgotten the glorious and precious history of our past career. I will not believe that they are willing to relinquish their share in our common heritage of fame. I will not believe that they will consent to see this great model Republic, starting in its career and challenging the admiration of the world, strangled in its infancy. I believe the South would come into a convention, that we might agree to live under the Constitution as it is. If they would not consent, then I know that I am in favour of so amending the Constitution as to let them go; saying to them, in the language of the gallant General Scott, Wayward sisters, go in peace !'" This was bold speaking for New York, and a bid for gratuitous lodgings in Fort Lafayette. It re mains to be seen whether the government will con sider the language to be treasonable, or will dare to interfere with Mr. Van Buren or any of the other speakers, laying itself thereby under the grievous imputation of attempting to interfere with the free dom of election—a freedom to which the Northern Americans still cling with the ancient pertinacity, as the last and mcst precious part of their inherit ance. It is most probable that Mr. Van Buren's name will be marked with a black cross in the books of the Provost-Marshal, in case he should be caught tripping hereafter, and that until after the election. But whatever the Government may do, or the Northern people may think, all who are not Ameri catni, and who look upon the question without pas- Sion. or Prejudice, will confess that Mr. Van Buren's proposal offers a solution of the difficulty, which the nation wo u l d be wise to accept. But there is no hope of e. such a result, unless f rom th e ac ti on o f T he p Euro the A. ir b t o h litionists are so relentless for the triumph of to na eory, and the N - irth Americans more desirous of being the c in iti g z e e n n e s r o a lf : r n e i etunoti i ' e eh smaller and Republic without liberty than of v ii : t n e d divided Republic with liberty, that they will not be dictated by sup er i on n t :: no terms that shall But the most important b f feature t r ' r e of this important meeting was the reading Buren of a letter from General Scott, addressed an t o Mr. Seward n ot on the 3d of March, 186 1. Mr. V an B uren did state by what means the letter came into his p os sion, and admitted that he had no authority fro m G en eral Scott for making it public. General Scott a t cou rse of that time thought the President's action was limited to one of four courses of p ro . cedure—first, a compromise under the terms of the Crittenden Resolution; second, a collection of cus. s outside th pors of toms duties on foreign goodt the comm e an d, f or a which the Government had los blockade of such ports; third, a conquest of the South by invading armies; fourth, consent to peace- . • able separation. It is evident that at that time, whatever may be his opinions now, th general hoped more from the first course of procedure than from any other; and that if the first wer ineffectual he preferred the last to the second or the third. The second could have done little mi c hief beyond exciting rancour, and would infallibly have led to the third. And as regards the third, he was of opi nion that a young and able general, with an army of 300,000 disciplined men, might conquer the South in two or three years, though at a cost far disproportionate to the gain, leaving as the result of the war, besides a debt of 250,000,000 dole and the misery, " 15 devastated provinces, not to be brought into harmony with their conquerors, but to be held for generations by heavy garrisons, at an expense quadruple the net duties or taxes which it would be possible to extort from them—followed by a Protector or an Emperor." General Scott erred somewhat in his calculation of the means. The young and able general has not appeared. Three hundred thousand men have perished or been dis abled in 20 months. A million of men are required to supply their places and carry on their work, and the debt has long ago overtopped the modest esti mate of 250,000,000 dols. But the conquest of the ' South, if ultimately it were to be effected in three years, or in 20, would be accompanied with every other result of which the general, with the mystical lore of the sunset of his life, foresaw the shadows at that early period of the contest. A forcible Union is absurd and impracticable. " Extermination," or the holding of the South as a dependency, as France holds Algiers, or Austria Venetia, are the only possible results. The Northern Jacobins, however, do not see it. They cry " Union or Extermination," as the French cried " Fraternity or Death," with out pausing to reflect that if the war lasts much longer and the passions become much more excited, the least pleasant horn of the dilemma may be re served for themselves. The Abolitionists and ultra-Republicans are be ginning to express their dissatisfaction with the President's proclamation for confiscating the slaves of " rebels." They refuse to look upon it as a decree of emancipation. They accepted it as a step in the right direction, and no more; and urge that the time has already come to take a second and more effectual step, to the end which they have all along proposed to themselves—emancipation, complete, unconditional—and without compensation. Mr. Lloyd Garrison has already denounced it as a half measure, settling nothing and satisfying nobody. Mr. Ward Beecher has fulminated his disapproval. Mr. Wendell Phillips has not said a word publicly, but is asserted to be preparing such an onslaught as people expect from a man so mercilessly logical, so severely consistent, and so unpractically philoso phical. The Rev. Dr. Cheever, who ranks as high as these gentlemen among the apostles of Aboli tionism, has commenced the pulpit crusade. On Sunday evening he sounded a war-note of defiance from the Church of the Puritans, to gather together the more timid politicians who are content to follow the slow and cautious movements of the President, and to embattle them in a solid phalanx to oppose any further trifling with the subject. The church was so crowded that there was scarcely standing room in the aisles and galleries. Taking for his text the disobedience of Saul in refusing to slay the Amalekites until they were utterly consumed, the reverend politician drew a picture of the parallel disobedience of Mr. Lincoln in refusing to free the slaves, irrespective of the loyalty or the treason of their owners, and denounced to him the same punishment which had been meted out to Saul— "that he should be rejected of the Lord from being King in Israel." The " slaves," he said, "who were the parties principally interested, were not all consulted in the matter, but were kicked about like a foot ball to serve the purposes of the Government. A declaration of immediate emancipation would have torn the conclave vault of Heaven, so grand would have been the shouts of the people. It was the conduct of the nation towards the enslaved, and not towards the rebels, that would decide this contest on the part of the God of Justice. He prophesied that if the Cotton States continued in rebellion the Border States would be placed between two fires, and that Congress would be compelled to abolish the Fugitive Slave Law and make the proclamation universal. He was opposed to the proclamation, because it de , ?rived .he loyal Slave States of the blessings of emancipation. It was, in this respect, like admit ting the Rebel States to the joys of Heaven, and keeping the Border States in the fires of Hell. The President had no right to set at nought the com mand of God by recognizing slavery in the loyal States. God had not allowed the nation to hold slavery as its reserved capital, by the use of which it hoped to conquer in this war. We must have justice rather than the Union, supposing the Union to be founded on injustice. If the rebels returned to their allegiance before the let of January the continuance of slavery would be our act, and all the waters of the ocean would not wash out the stain." It is not the fashion in the Church of the Puritans, as it is in that of the Rev. Henry Watd Beecher, for the audience to cheer or to laugh, or to exhibit any signs of approval or disapproval, but several times during the sermon the sensation produced by the rev, gentleman's denunciations was as palpable as if Allied been expressed in the more vulgar manner of the theatre. The Abolitionists are determined that the President shall not be allowed to stand upon his proclamation if any efforts of theirs can move him to go further. They have succeeded in coercing him already, and will coerce him again. In his inaugural address he said, "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institu r Lion of slavery in the States where it exists. I be lieve I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." The war and the passions of the people have moved since that time, and the President has moved along with them. He is on what the French call a pente, and can scarcely stay himself if he would, even if the Abolitionists should restrain from pushing him into the abyss. Nor has he been more fortunate with the scheme of expatriation of the negroes, which he was in duced to encourage, against his better judgment, in order to conciliate the negro haters in Illinois, who will not allow a black man to settle in their State, and the Irish in all parts of the Union, who detest these poor people, not a l one f or the colour of the i r skins, but for their competition in the labour market. The negroes have, with few exceptions, declined to entertain the point, and Senator Pome roy, of Kansas, who was to have been the white Moses of the black race, and to have led them to a Central American Canaan, called Chiriqui, has finally abandoned the project, as far as that place is concerned—the Government of New Grenada,to which it belongs, having peremptorily refused its permission. Whether he will proceed to Liberia with the first 500, who were to have been ready to start for Chiriqui by the 20th of this month, is not yet known ; but, whether he do so or not, it is clear that the expatriation of negroes on a large scale will is very unlikely th a t M r. never take place, and it Lincoln will ever again recommend it. . The Federal newspapers indulge at times in a good deal of merriment at the expense of the shoe less and ragged regiments of " Stonewall" Jackson and other Confederate generals. But none of them attempt to raise a laugh at the expense of their own regiments, who suffer more from the effects of too much shoe than the" rebels" do from the effects of too little. The shoes of the Federal army, supplied on contract by rich shoe manufacturers in New England —none of whom very ardently desire the speedy conclusion of the war—are not better fitting than the shoes of soldiers are generally found to be in all parts of the world ; and they produce in a few days callosities on toe and heel that impede the advance and aggravate the retreat, and sometimes render an army with shoes no match for an army without them. But the Federal Government, with plenty of paper dollars to buy shoes, has a watchful eye over its soldiers. It is not so cruel as to depriN e them of shoes altogether ; it will not interfere with the contract articles duly provided at a high but ac antelr_egard, t o ac cepted p r i ce ; and i t cannot force shoemakers to con struct sho es upon the principles of common s ense it a" qualified c orpsof the d e li ca t e ana t omy o f the foot; but provide the army with an au th or i ze d an d has latel b d ` o Tlicures" and chiropodists. This President. T o each - 133 : y e en express command of the tuvuli°ll of the army is to be attached a corn doctor and assistants, who will:do their part to keep the feet of the men in order, either to overrun the South or run away from it, as strategy may compel. But perhaps if the Federal army were treated to a little wholesome neglect in this matter, and forced to fight shoeless on half rations, like " Stonewall" Jackson's men, it might convert some of its drawn battles into decided victories. Who knows ? Ragged men, with a patriotic pur pose, are not to be judged by their clothes, but by their deeds ; and in this respect " Stonewall" Jack son and Gen. Lee—who want no corn doctors for their troops—might set the Federal Government an example in economy as well as in dash, and prove that a pampered army is not necessarily the most efficient. Some of the Pennsylvanian Quakers and New York Shakers have pleaded exemption from the draught in both States on the ground of their reli gious scruples against war. The plea has been al lowed in both instances. Emboldened by their suc cess, a few Jews of New York city have petitioned either for exemption or for a change in the diet of the army. Pork and beans being the staple dish— four times a week in some divisions, and seven times a week in others, they claim that compulsory ser vice with such food is a violation of their religious liberty, and that their objection is as valid as that of the Quakers. Possibly, if the Hebrews ware poor enough to be unable to find substitutes glad to feed upon pork and beans, or numerous enough to form a separate corps, the Government, so careful of the soldiers' feet, would take the point into its careful consideration with a view to a remedy. But as it is the plea will stand as a joke, and the Hebrews will find substitutes should they be draughted into the doubly unpalatable service of the Government. Much dissatisfaction that does not find its way into print, for fear of the penalties of that elastic offence, " the discouragement of recruiting," exists throughout the army. Not only has the bountymoney due by the Government not been paid in thousands, or it may be tens of thousands of cases, but the pay of more than one-half of the army is in arrear. It is the rule of the service, and the expectation of the soldiers, that payment should not be delayed beyond two months, but there are many regiments in the field which have not received a cent. of pay for eight months. The soldiers during all that time have been running up bills, at enormous rates of over charge, with the camp sutlers and other leeches, whe suck them to repletion. Mr. Chase, it appears, cannot get notes or bills printed fast enough to meet his liabilities; and it is of no use to print those for the larger amounts of twenty, fifty, and a hundred dollars, unless there be a sufficient sup ply of small change to meet the small but multitu dinous and, in the aggregate, large demands of retail trade, in military as well as civil life. The sight of a soldier begging in the streets, though not frequent, is not altogether unknown in this city ; and the charge against some of the officers of new brigades in process of formation of having re ceived the funds to pay their men their bounties and having neglected to do so, in order to have the use of the money in the meantime, or to advance it to clamorous applicants at a heavy discount, is so frequently made as to justify the belief that there must be fire somewhere to account for so much smoke. A Washington paper states that there are requisitions for 45,000,000 doll. (nine millions sterling) lying unhonoured at this moment in the Treasury Department, for want of funds to meet them ; and that this large amount is not only due to contractors for supplies, but to soldiers for pay. When soldiers fight out of hatred, vengeance, or patriotism, as in the South, the pay is a small matter; but when Irishmen and Germans engage to fight for money, as in the North, the pay is a matter which the Government is most unwise to neglect, and which may cause mischief at a critical period. 211 E NAVY. Her Majesty's paddle yacht Victoria and Albert, Capt. G. H. Seymour, C. 8., arrived at Portsmouth on Monday evening from Antwerp and Sheerness. She left the Mouse Light the same morning, and steamed down Channel against a strong gale, meet ing a large number of vessels putting back owing to the violence of the weather, and among them a four-masted screw steamer, with machinery appa rently damaged. Notwithstanding this unfavour able condition of the weather, the yacht averaged 13 knots' speed during the passage from the Mouse to Spithead. The Trafalgar, 86, Capt. the Hon. T. Baillie, sailed from St. Helen's Roads, off Falmouth, at noon yesterday, under canvass for the westward, calling in at Plymouth Sound for final orders. The Megmra screw troopship, Commander Hen derson, arrived at Portsmouth yesterday, and will be docked to make good existing defects and prepare for further troop service. The Resistance, 16, screw iron ram, Capt. Cham berlain, will go into Portsmouth harbour this morning from Spithead, in order to have certain re pairs carried out to her iron capstan, caused in weighing her second anchor recently at Spithead. The Defence, 16, iron ram, Capt. A. Phillimore, is expected to sail from Spithead for Lisbon early this morning. The Revenge, screw line-of-battle ship, Captain Fellowes, flagship of Rear-Admiral Smart, K.H., is expected to sail from Spithead on Saturday, for Lisbon and Gibraltar, in company of the Resistance, if the repairs to the latter's capstan are completed. A court-martial is ordered for to-morrow on a marine belonging to the Revenge, to be held on board the Victory, Port Admiral's flagship. The Eclipse, 4, screw gunboat, Commander Mayne, at Portsmouth, on her way from the Nore for China, is detained to carry out slight repairs to portions of her machinery. The Elk, 12, attached to the sailing reserve at Chatham, has been run into by the brig Britannia, T. Smith, master, while the latter was beating up the harbour. The Elk had a portion of her figure head carried away, and received other damage. The screw steamer Vigilant, 4, 200 horse power, Commander the Right Hon. Lord W. B. Elphin stone, which arrived at the Note a few days since from the east coast of Scotland, has been taken into dock for the purpose of making good the injuries she sustained from having been driven on shore on the Gunfleet Sands during the recent gale. Since she has been in dock she has been carefully sur veyed by the officials; the result has been to dis cover that she has seriously injured her stern-post, and strained her keel and most of her timbers, loosening her bolts, and causing her to leak very much. During the time the Vigilant is under repair at the dockyard the officers and crew will occupy the naval barracks. The Vigilant was intended to be despatched to the West Indies, but, in consequence of her injuries, it will be at least two months before she can be ready to proceed to sea. In consequence of this, it is probable that the officers and crew will be turned over to the Lily, 4,200 horse power, attached to the Ist division of the Chatham steam reserve, which can be made ready for sea in a very few days. Her Majesty's iron troop ship Adventure, Com mander Lethbridge, having been thoroughly re paired in dock at Woolwich, was yesterday swung at Greenhithe, for the deviation of her compasses, a w i th wi l l srl embark th e A r till er y troops o n F r id ay , Ell and a portionceme n t. , of fine e for Port Royal, Jamaic s a tr . ak T es he of fore her i part ron pa :t ee 3 Day'ss t to b marinee renewed o t hdTthhee huge interior log r eoef i ron a r t o e n d carried away from he r k ee l , and the several plates destroyed by the collisio n h ave b een replaced with out leaving a trace of the da mage. The rivet heads are all counter-sunk, and what is termed " flush," so that the outside colouring with which s h e h as been coated has removed every appearance o f th e injury, and the vessel is again as sea worthy as wh en first built, and in every way in the mos t p er f ect trim. and The paddlewheel steamsloop Prometheus, re cently on service on the West Coast of Africa, was yesterday removed from basin at Woolwich, and will be sent to Chatham for repairs. The iron paddlewheel vessel Oberon, Lieut. and Commander G. Morice, from the South-East Coast of America, has been stripped in basin at Woolwich, and will be paid off on Saturday nest. The Admiralty yacht Black Eagle, which arrived at Woolwich on Sunday with his Royal Highnelia ~~ .~.:.~'11,~ Prince Arthur from Ostend, was yesterday docked at Woolwich, to be overhauled and make good the damages sustained during the voyage. On leaving the harbour of Ostend she struck on the bar, and otherwise suffered from the violence of the gale, shipping a good deal of Water in her hold, and damaging her bulwarks, &c. The despatch vessel Psyche was yesterday un docked at Woolwich, and is under orders to pro ceed to the Mediterranean to replace the Caradoc, now undergoing repairs at Woolwich. The whole of the men employed in armour plat ing the Caledonia, launched on Friday at Wool wich, were yesterday ordered to work overtime un til 9 o'clock at night, in order to hasten the vessel towards completion. Orders were yesterday issued at the Royal gun factories, Woolwich, to reduce the staff of the establishment by notifying to 30 of the temporary clerks, termed writers, that their services would not be required after the end of the month. 500 of the artisans and labourers have also received notice of dismissal, thus reducing the department from 2,900 (which was the total number employed at the time of the American commotion) to about 1,500. The other departments will be reduced in a similar ratio. An increase is expected to be made shortly in the force stationed at the camp at Colchester, and pre parations are being made for, their reception. The route marching of the troops during the winter month will commence next week. The following appointments were made yesterday at the Admiralty :—Lieut. Thomas F. Studdert, to the Hawke ; Lieut. Robert F. Scott, to the Russell; Henry S. Hutchings, midshipman, to the Trafal gar; James A. Allan, assist.-surg., confirmed in the .Emerald ; Silas Waymcuth, assist.-paymaster in the Royal Adelaide, to be secretary's clerk; and Geo. S. Cornish, acting second-class assist. engineer to the Indus, for the Thais. LORD PALMERSTON ON COMMERCIAL RELATIONS OF SINLAND AA]) AUSTRIA. We yesterday give a brief account by elects is telegraph of the visit of Baron Thierry, the Aus trian statesman, to Southampton, and the proceed ings connected therewith, Lord Palmerston being present. We now give at length the noble lord's speech on the occasion of J. R. Stebbing, Esq., the President of the Chamber of Commerce, proposing his health. Lord PALMERSTON, on rising to respond, was re ceived with renewed plaudits. He said—Gentle men, I am so accustomed to the kindness of my neighbours at Southampton that though I may be gratified, I cannot say that I am surprised at their taking this opportunity of evincing their goodwill and kindness towards me. It is quite true, as your President has stated, that not only I, bat all my colleagues—and I may say every enlightened man who now has anything to do with the Government of this country—must feel it to be their duty to re lieve commerce from those shackles which the igno rance or the prejudices of former times imposed upon it—(hear)—to give free scope to industry by allowing and encouraging the most ample exchange of the produce of industry and of nature between this country and all the other countries of the world—to increase our own prosperity, and by so doing to increase the prosperity of every nation we trade with. (Cheers.) It was an old prejudice, and I am afraid a still ptevailing one among many per sons on the continent of Europe, that commerce is a one-sided operation ; that in proportion as one country gains, the other country with which that commerce takes place must lose. I speak it in the presence of a very distinguished Austrian statesman, and he will forgive me for stating that which he well knows to be true, that in Germany there was great alarm among the manufacturing - interests lest the opening of trade with England should ruin the country with whom he had commercial transactions. They said we were to deluge them with our commodities—as if we were t o present them with those commodities—na if we were to give them to others without re ceiving value in exchange, and as if the value which we were to take in exchange could, upon a large scale, be anything in the world except the pro ductions of the industry of the country to which we send our commodities. Those feelings, however, have altered. (Hear.) We have conquered those feelings in our treaty with France. (Hear, hear.) Even that was a triumph over prejudice, which was accomplished only by the strong arm of What I may call, for that purpose, despotic power. If the Em peror had submitted that treaty of commerce to his Chamber it would have been rejected by the force of opinion clinging to the doctrine of protection. (Hear.) Weil, by the constitution of France he was enabled to sanction that treaty by his own supreme act, and now I believe the French nation find they derive as much advantage from it as we d o —(h ear, hear)—it mnge in fact, as c l ear as t h e sun at noon day commerce must be e qua lly a d vantageous to that u b um ei both parties, or it would cease to be carried on. (Cheers.) Well, in Germany there is still a great reluctance to see the benefits which free trade affords to both sides when it is established. I believe—in deed I know—that Count Rechberg is a very en lightened statesman—that he is fully alive to the advantages of the most perfect freedom of commerce; but he is no Emperor of the French, pos sessed of supremethk like he authority to overrule and override t all parties ; and therefore, if we do not get at once, especially with Austria, those commercial advan tages which would be so much for the benefit of Austria and of England, we must ascribe it, not to any slowness on the part of the Austrian Govern ment, but to the nature of things—to the fact that whereas here in England, enlightened as we are, it was a long time before we were able to carry those doctrines into practice, so also with Austria—we must bide our time, and wait till the Austrian Government is able —and I trust it soon will be able—to extend and liberalise its commercial inter course with other countries, and to take a wide step towards rendering perfectly free the com merce between the two countries. (Cheers.) I much agree with what has been said—for I be lieve there is no country in Europe with which England could have a commerce so extensive and advantageous to both sides. (Loud cheers.) Aus tria abounds with things which would fetch high value here. The natural resources of Austria—the productions of all kinds, either from its surface or from its mines —are really something wonderful— not known enough in England, but well known to those who have studied the statistical resources— the treasures above ground and below ground of Austria. (Cheers.) Well, then, Austria has not made the same progress which we have in manu factures. We mike a great number of things which would be highly useful to the people of Aus tria ; they would gain cheaper things ; they would gain better things, which they cannot at present make. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, an extensive com merce between the two nations would clearly be more advantageous both to England and to Austria than an extended commerce between England and any other country in Europe. (Cheers_) That is a doctrine which we have long held, and I believe the enlightened statesmen of Austria are quite alive to its truth. Well, I hope that the visit of your distinguished guest will tend very much to strengthen Count Rechberg and his colleagues in the enlightened views they entertain. (Hear, hear.) He will be able to tell them in Austria what won derful progress this country has made within the last few years by reason of the freedom which has been given, and the development which has been given to commerce, to industry, and to manufac tures ; and he will point out that Austria would derive equal benefit by following the same course. (Cheers.) When, some years ago, it was said that the restrictions upon the importation of corn ought to be removed, all the agricultural interest imagined that they would be ruined. (Hear.) It was feared that America, and Poland, and Hungary, and all other places would deluge us—for that was the fa vourite expression —(laughter)—would deluge us with corn, and that the land would go out of culti vation. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Well, the very reverse of that happened. (Hear.) Our agricul turists were stimulated to exertion by having their monopoly taken away—the land is better cultivated than it ever was before—every year additional tracts of land are brought into cultivation instead of being thrown out of cultivation—and the agricultural in- terests have found that they are far better off than they were when that protection was taken from them. (Cheers.) So it has been with all our manufactures. We were formerly very bad hands in making silk. There was then a very high protective duty on French silks, and when there was a question of tak ing it off, or bringing it down to a reasonable amount, people said they must take off their looms; but instead of that, very soon after the monopoly of our silk manufactures was taken away —whereas before our silks had been rejected in every foreign market as being inferior in quality and higher in price—very soon after that monopoly was taken away we beat the French in their own markets. (Cheers.) Our silks were bought in third markets in preference to the silks of France because they were better and they were cheaper. (Loud cheers.) So it will be with Austria. (Hear.) At one time in Portugal there was a prohibition against importing foreign hats—(laughter)—there was a hat interest, and the manufacturers of hats in Portugal said they could not live if foreign hats were imported. Well, the consequence was that the Portuguese wore very bad hats—(a laugh)-.-and as it is an emblem of rank and pedigree in Portugal very often for a man to be entitled to wear three hats, you may conceive how much the Portuguese, and especially the nobility, value an accumulation of hats—(renewed laughter) —and of course suffered from that restriction. (More laughter.) Well, that restriction, I believe, has been taken away, and anybody who walks thestreets of Lisbon may see gentlemen wearing very smart looking and very good -looking hats. (Laaghter.) However, that is only one instance. I am quite sure it is greatly to the interest of Austria to en courage the utmost possible freedom of interchange and exchange with England ; and it is unnecessary to say it will be greatly to the interest of Eng land that that system should be established, as I trust it will be. (Hear, hear.) Home politics and trade are different things. And it is non sense to say, as some people do, that if you only establish free trade and extensive commercial inter course between two countries peace will be everlast ing, and that there will be no more war. That I know is the doctrine of some very respectable gen tlemen amongst us ; but it is a mistake. Interest is a strong motive, but passion a much stronger, as we have seen lately with the Northern States of America. It was said that it was impossible for England and America to quarrel, because there was so great a commercial intercourse between the two. Well, but the moment the passions of the Ameri cans were excited—first by the civil war, and then by that unfortunate escapade of Captain Wilkes— (cheers)—at the moment that happened, away went all thoughts of commerce and commercial relations, and the people, as you know, were all throwing their heads up and saying "Let us have war with England," on a matter in which they were entirely wrong. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Therefore, Ido not say that greater commercial intercourse with, Austria would make secure our political relations, but it would improve them—(hear, hear)—and I do not foresee any subject of pre.,upposed difference between the two. (Hear, hear.) Therefore I take the liberty of impressing upon our distinguished guest that by increasing the commercial intercourse between the two countries we are not only adding to the wealth and happiness, and prosperity of both, but that we are to a very great degree cement ing the political ties by which the two countries are bound together. (Loud and continued ap plause. I only hope that Baron Thierry will give me an opportunity at Broadlands of more distinctly enlarging upon that theme; and as I left a note at Radley's Hotel just now, inviting him to dine with me this afternoon, I hope you will let him go for that purpose. (Enthusiastic and sustained cheering.) ST. THOMAS'S HOSPITAL. It will hardly be believed that the exploded scheme' for removing St. Thomas's Hospital into the country has been revived. A Court of Governors has been convoked by special summons to decide upon the site, and there is too much reason to fear that counsels most adverse to the interests of the charity may be allowed to prevail. Nothing short of a vigorous protest on the part of the public will save this noble institution from being lost to the metropolis and transferred to Wandsworth. The objections to such a proceeding are so patent that we are almost ashamed to repeat them. It would take from the poor of Southwark and Lambeth a house of refuge at their very doors, ever open to them in time of sickness or in case of accident, and would substitute for it a country hospital at a dis tance of five or six miles. It would effectually deprive the institution of the services of the eminent physicians and surgeons who have hitherto attended its wards gratuito — usly, but who could not spare time from their private practice for a daily journey to the Surrey Hills. It would for ever break up the great medical school which was the pride of old St. Thomas's, and which could not possibly follow it to a suburban site. All this mischief would be done for the sake of what ? We are really at a loss for an appropriate word, for we are unable to attri bute so much influence to a mere crotchet, and un willing to introduce so gross an idea as that of a job. All that we can say is that the only gainers by the arrangement now contemplated will be the owners of land at Wandsworth. Whether this fact has any connexion with the project remains to be explained, but how the project will - be made to suc ceed, unless stoutly resisted, we now propose to show. There is a prevalent impression that there cannot be much amiss in the management of most great concerns, especially those which are of a charitable nature. Every now and then the collapse of some highly respectable company, or the disclosures eli ' cited by some royal or parliamentary commission, shake this comfortable belief, but it seldom fails to regain its credit after a very short time. When we read of a court of governors meeting regularly and approving the minutes of committees and sub committees, we recognise the machinery of popular administration, and have no reason to doubt that it works well. We sa3 to ourselves that there must surely be some active and bustling members on these councils who devote themselves to asking pertinent questions and checking complicated accounts, and who would never let an important resolution be hurried through without due debate. It is perhaps as well that this amiable confidence should prevail so generally, for without it business would be a much less easy-going affair than it is, but the initiated few know that it rests on a vulgar error. The more complicated a system of manage ment, the less knowledge, and therefore the less power of control, is possessed by the nominal managers, and the more absolute is the influence of any officer who has the key to all its mysteries. Instead of a number of independent judgments having been exercised, and as many independent wills having concurred in the decisions of such bodies, it will generally be found that the strings have been pulled by one or two individuals. Now, this is exactly the state of things at St. Thomas's Hospital. There is a Court of Governors, indeed, partly composed of Aldermen and Common Council men, partly of members qualified by subscriptions of £5O and upwards, but these so-called " Governors" govern but in name. They have reports read to them by another less august but still exalted coun cil, called the " Grand Committee," and of course they " approve" them, for the form of signifying disapproval, if there be one, would probably be too undignified to be thought of for a moment. The " Grand Committee," in its turn, rarely acts, but to " approve" the proceedings of its "sub-com mittee," and thus this imposing hierarchy of func tionaries shrinks into a very snug little coterie. We read in history of certain ambassadors, charged with a mission to a great barbarian chief, who were made to pass through successive tents, each more gorgeous than the last, till they were ushered into the presence of the mighty potentate himself, en circled by his guards and surrounded by all the pomp of nomad magnificence. A different reception, we suspect, would await any one who should desire an interview with the ruling powers of St. Thomas's Hospital. He would be relegated from the Council Chamber of the Aldermen and their brother Governers to that of the " Grand Committee," and from this to the private room of the sub - committee, where he would, probably, find a party of two or three gentlemen, with a very off hand way of settling hospital affairs and a very good understanding with each other. We need not carry our analysis further. The most simple-minded of our readers will readily conceive the facility with which any plan might obtain the " approval" of a treasurer and two colleagues; after which the rati fication by the higher authorities would be little more than a formality. We are thus enabled to understand, and to make allowances for, the strange want of economy which has been shown, in more than one instance, by the nominal Governors of the Hospital. Its income has increased from £12,000 to £35,000 since the beginnin g o f thi s century , yet th e amou nt of relief actually given, at the time of the late remova ls was little more than it had been before the fun d s were at removal tripled. The circumstances attending th ---•- are too well known. The Governors claimed as compensation the exorbitant sum of £750,000. The Charing-cross Railway Company offered them terms equivalent to £400,000; and, after a litigation which absorbed little less than £25,000, £296,000 - , rded by the arbitrator. Having insisted were aNN— `heir premises being taken, instead upon the whele:oi - all that the Company of the corner, which wab '' , to such a position wanted, they thrust themselves almost be that the building had to be evaeuateu -ared fore temporary accommodation could be pro.. elsewhere. But for the loud expression of public indignation it is probable that the charity would have been in abeyance for some years. However, a makeshift hospital was fitted up in the hall for merly tenanted by Mr. Spurgeon, and, though 500 beds have been reduced to 200, and complaints have arisen about the restriction of the relief to out patients, the poor inhabiting the districts south of the Thames still had access to it. Of this benefit it is now proposed to rob them—that is, if the Go vernors can be induced to be parties to such a pro ceeding. Of course, if it seems good to the respon sible trustees of this great institution so to act, no power but that of an application to the Court of Chancery can restrain them. What we can do, and have not shrunk from doing, is to take care that such things are not transacted in a corner. We warn those who will meet to-day to deliberate on the fate of the Hospital that they are about to deal with public interests under the eye of the public. Times. THE BANS PAPER ROBBERY. Two men, who gave their names as Geo. Buncher and Robert Cummings, the former describing him self as a butcher, residing at No. 28, Strutton ground, Westminster, and the latter calling himself an electroplater, having no home, were placed at the bar of the Mansion house yesterday, in the cus tody of detective officers Spittal and Moss, before the Lord Mayor, charged with being concerned with others in stealing, in August last, from the mills of Messrs. Portal and Co., of Laverstock, Hampshire, a quantity of Bank note paper; and they were also charged with being concerned with others in forg ing and uttering Bank of England notes, with in tent to defraud the Governors and Company of the Bank of England. Mr. Freshfield, the solicitor to the Bank of Eng land, attended to conduct the prosecution. Neither of the prisoners had a solicitor. Mr. Freshfield said that his lordship was aware that for the last few months a system of forging bank notes on the Bank of England had been car ried on to some extent, the circumstances respecting which had of late been much before the public. The notes were printed on paper which had been stolen from the manufactory of the contractors, who manufactured the paper for the Bank of England on which the bank notes are printed. The appear ance of forged Bank of England notes on genuine Bank paper gave a very serious aspect to the mat ter, and the Bank authorities felt it their duty to make every inquiry and have the matter thoroughly investigated. These inquiries had been made under the direction of Capt. Hodgson, of the City Police, and were of the most effective character. He would not go into the details of those inquiries; but the result was the apprehension of a man at Birming ham on the previous day, who was caught in the act of printing Bank of England notes from forged plates, which were found in his possession. Thus the principal in this great affair had been appre hended, and on the previous night the two prisoners before his lordship were apprehended. Since the court had been sitting he had received a telegram from Birmingham informing him that there was another man apprehended upon the same charge. There were other individuals who were likewise implicated in the matter. He had had no time to get the case against the prisoners completed, and as the case was one of many parts it was necessary that it should be centralised, and he proposed to call a witness from the Bank to prove that there had been an utterance of forged notes, and the officer Moss, who assisted in apprehending the pri soners, when he should ask for' a remand for a week, in order that the men in custody in Bir mingham might be brought to London, and so have the case perfect. He had no doubt, from informa tion he was already in possession of, that he should be able to show satisfactorily that the prisoners at the bar were implicated to a great extent in the manufacture of the forged notes. He did not, how ever, think it would be judicious to bring forward the evidence with which he was at present pre pared, as by doing so the ends of justice would in all probability be frustrated if it were made public. The following evidence was then adduced : Mr. Frederick Murfill, inspector of Bank of Eng land notes, Bank of England—lt is my duty to in spect notes supposed to be forged, which are brought to the Bank. Within the last few months forged notes, principally .£5, have been brought to the Bank, The note produced, No. 9,786, is a forged bank- note, and was brought in in the month of July last in the present year. Some of the notes which have recently been brought into the Bank appear to have been impressed upon the paper ma nufactured by Messrs. Portal and Co., of Laver stock, the paper manufacturers for the Bank of England. When asked if they wished to put any questions, Buncher said he could not, as he knew nothing about it, and Cummings said, "Not then, but at a future time he might perhaps." John Moss, detective officer, City of London police—l am aware that inquiries have been made for some little time past under Captain Hodgson respecting some forged notes on the Bank of Eng land. I am one of the officers engaged. I am aware that some of the City officers have gone to Birmingham. I have received information that certain persons are now in custody in Birmingham for printing notes from forged plates. In conse quence of information which I had received I ap prehended the two prisoners last night. .1 appre hended Buncher at his residence, at 28, Strutton-ground, Westminster. The prisoner Cummings I apprehended at the corner of Essex street, in the Strand. I believe he has no fixed re sidence, but has been lodging in a common lodg ing-house in a bye street in Westminster. I believe from information I have received that the prisoners have been implicated in the manufacture of these notes, and I am of opinion that if the case is gone fully into to-day, and the evidence of which I am in possession is given at present, the ends of justice will be frustrated, but if a remand is granted there will be evidence to prove that the prisoners are im plicated in the matter. Upon that evidence the prisoners were remanded for a week. It appears that for some months past Inspector Hamilton and Mr. Webb, of the London City de tectives, have been engaged in endeavouring to trace the perpetrators of the robbery at the Laver stock Mills, and during the past few weeks their inquiries have been confined to Birmingham, and owing to the ingenuityand tact displayed, and the assistance of Mr. Manton, of the Birmingham de tectives, they succeeded in apprehending one of the parties, of the name of James Griffiths, residing at Brown's-buildings, Winson-street, Audley-road, near Birmingham. At half-past three on Monday afternoon Messrs. Webb and Manton, accompanied by Tandy, of the Birmingham detective force, forced an entrance into the house of Griffiths, whom they discovered upstairs in the front room in his shirt sleeves, at work at a copper-plate printing press. On a stone in the room was a £lO money plate, and a £5 note plate was on the table of the press. There was also two water-mark plates on the press. There were also 20 completed £lO notes on the press, and the same number of notes of the same value were found wrapped in oilskin on the bed. Manton, on searching the room, found other number and name plates used in forging bank notes. The same officer accompanied the prisoner to a field some distance from the house, and under a hedge a number of plates used for the same purpose were found, and at another spot, about a mile further, an additional number of plates were discovered. Among the paper was found some of the rupee paper which had been stolen from Laverstock Mill some months ago. The printing press and materials were taken possession of by Mr. Tandy, and the pri soner was taken to the Birmingham lock-up. Yesterday (Tuesday) morning the prisoner, James Griffiths, who is about 40 years of age, was brought before Mr. Kynnersley, the stipendiary magistrate at Birmingham, charged with forgery, and on the application of Mr. Webb was remanded till next Tuesday. On the same day Inspector Hamilton succeeded in capturing the principal concerned in the l ate from robbery of Bank of England note paper anpre wh? was ..m Laverstock Mills. The prisoner,was hended in the neighbourhood of Birming ha m, taken to London for examination. ------ --- REMOVAL OF WILLIAM received by the Governor of GATE.—An order has been f ROTJPELL FROM NEW- State for the Home Newgate from the Secretary 0 d from the above prison to Millbank cordingly been remove . De partment for the removal of this criminal , . and he has ac -1 Holloway's Pills The Great RTISEMENT.i . and its • preparatory to his undergoing the term of his sentence. NP:cinvrhe blood is the life, on its purity depends our -excited action, healthily powerand if not our existence. These Pills thoroughly cleanse t r a e m ri peasn a t over -excited o v n e s r , and by that t o h tr i e e n v; then and invigorate the whole system, health,stimulate . a establish order of circulation and secretion throughout fi sl u i i :g l gi fr :;:e r a g ll an co s n , rt of the body. Te balsam natof every commends the to the em favour of debilitated turn Holloway's Pills c onstitutions, which they soon resuscitate. and nervous Th e y all obstructions both in the bowel dislodge on that account so much sought s and elsewhere, and are larity of action in young after for pr omo ti ng regu axe Diaturitaz wog Qz. females and deli ca t e persons who UM/ 691 / 3 ° Magi have begun ac. BISHOP COLENSO'S NEW WORK ON f ILE PENTATEUCH. --4.-- On Monday morning the much-talked-of work d the Bishop of Natal, entitled " The Pentateuch and Bar of Joshua Critically Examined Part I." was issued fron the publishing house of Messrs. Longman. In a preface qf 36 pages, dated London, October 4, the bishop sets forththe s o i s f n ka t a sTeE i n eoh c fweeitti lhr generalnanaq G enesisesu I r weas w tatai yio h non i dn e t hs h e t he re s b u o l o t k has s at which been w he i e t t ehna,s ar rived.dsctiarcteum Exodusiwnht( which h the Zuluchaebursoeud h-htm h language sioraehuen se sass, of f t a h ce e bo o he mentions, c hi e fl y G erman , ca l cu lated to in ibi : - . uer days. He then p rocure d f rom E ng l an d vari ous as w si o s r t k h s i w ni h i i n a: l exam:sning rent belief in the historical credibility of the Mosaic story- The result in the bishop's mind has become already known. " If my conclusions," he says, "were only speculations, if' they were only matters of higher or lower probability, I feel that I should have no right to express them at all in this way, and thus, it may be, disturb painfully the faith of many. But the main result of my examination of the Pen tateuch, namely, that the narrative, whatever may be its value and meaning, cannot be regarded as historically true; is not, unless I greatly deceive myself, a doubtful matter of speculation at all ; it is a simple question of facts." The bishop thinks that a very widespread mistrust exists amongst the intelligent laity of England as to the soundness of the ordinary view of scripture inspiration, and he instances' as an illustration the want of intelligent students from the universities for tho service of the church. " How can it," he says, "be otherwise, when in an age like the present which has been well described as one remarkable for fear lessness, and, it may be hoped, for sincerity, in the pursuit of truth (Rev. Preb. Cook, Aids to Faith,' p. 133) —the very condition of a young man's entering the ministry o f the Church of England is, that he surrender henceforth all freedom of thought, or, at least, of utterance, upon the' great questions which the age is rife in, and solemnly bind himself for Lib to believe unfeignedly in all the canonical Scriptures ; ' while he probably knows enough already of geology, at all events, if not of the results of critical in quiry, to feel that he cannot honestly profess to believe in them implicitly.—[This vassage I have written, notwith standing the relief given to the consciences of many of tha clergy by Dr. Lushington's recent judgment. because, if mistake not, the answer in the ordivation service is not the only part of our formularies, that will be generally under stood, until explained by judicial authority, to involve int plicit belief in the historical truth of the facts recorded in the Pentateuch.]—The Church of England must fall to the ground by its own internal weakness—by losing its hold upon the growing intelligence of all classes—unless some remedy be very soon applied to this state of things. It is a • miserable policy, which now prevails, unworthy of the truth itself, and one which cannot long be maintained, to keep things quiet.' " At the 29th page the bishop states that if he feels called to the work he shall not shrink from the duty of examining . in what way the interpretation of the New Testament DI affected by the unhistorical character of the Pentateuch. I t t the concluding paragraphs of the preface the bishop stateS that he is not aware of any breach of the law of the Church of England, as declared by the recent judgment in the Court of Arches, which is involved in this publication. Should it be otherwise, he says, "I must, of course, bear the consequences of my act." He holds that the founds' tions of the national Church are laid " upon the truth itself and not upon mere human prescriptions." More than all others, he believes a bishop is bound, if his consience pals him to it, " to do his part to secure for the Bible itg due honour and authority, and save its devout readers from ascribing to its attributes of perfection and infallibility whiel l belong to God only, and of which the Bible never claims for itself." The bishop expresses a trust that the system of the Church will be reformed, and her boundaries enlarged' He continues, and concludes the preface as follows" " Should the reception of this book, by the more thoughtfu l portion of the community, indicate that such a reform le possible and probable, and will be but a question of time, 0 that, being able meanwhile to speak out plainly the truths we shall have only to bear with the inconveniences and hi: consistencies which must attend a state of transition, 4 would not be necessary for me, or for those who think with me, to leave the Church of England voluntarily, and abiar don the work to which we have devoted ourselves for life' In conclusion, 1 commend this subject more especially to th e attention of the laity. They are happy enough to be able to lay aside such questions as these, if they will, while stil l continuing members of the national church. I implore the° to consider the position in which the clergy will be placed , if the facts brought forward in this book are found to be substantially true. Let them examine their own hearts e e ' lemnly, in the sight of God, on these points. Would they have the clergy bound, under pains and penalties, to pr o ' fess belief in that which they do not themselves believe 1 13 1 to which they would not on any account commit them' i selves ? Are they willing that their owns ns, who may fe e ' the divine call to devote themselves to the ministry of Soule should be entangled in these trammels, so galling to th e conscience, so injurious to their sense of truth and honest!, so impeding to the freedom and heartiness of their minis' trations ? We, indeed, who are already under the yoke, gel have for a time to bear it, however painful it may be, wh ile we struggle and hope on for deliverance. But what youth of noble mind, with a deep yearning for truth, and an ardent desire to tell out the love of God to man, will consent to put himself voluntarily into such fetters ? It may be por sible to represent some of the arguments in this book as in' valid, others as unimportant. But, if the main result of it be true, as I believe it will be found to be, it seems to me ire' possible that, five years hence, unless liberty of speech 1)8 granted on these matters, any of the more hopeful and 1W telligent of our young men will be able, with clear con' sciences, to enter the ministry of the Church of England*, I now commit this first part of my work into the hands Almighty God, beseeching Him mercifully to accept 0 11 . 4 bless it, as a feeble effort to advance the knowledge of 0 1° truth in the world." COUNTRY MARKLiS. ...... LEEDS—TUESDAY. To-day at our market factors ask is to 2s per qr advance upon wheat, which millers resist; the few bales made at Friday's extreme rates. The better sorts of barley in request, and makes is per qr more money. Oats, bean' and other articles are unchanged. LYNN—TU ESDAY. f eel o An average supply of wheat, and for the best dry Pa„_• oo a the demand was steady at i s per qr more money. u barley in demand at full rates. 399 White ..50s to 53s I 8ar1ey...... . 36s too New 49s to 52s I G rinding ...... ..31s to 2 60 Excl.. Beans .4os to 44s 1 New 22s to MARKET HARBOROUGH—TUESDAY. Wheat came freely to hand to-day. Barley trade fi l r, e , —White wheat, 50s to 555; red, 46s to 628 per 36 130 % Barley at 36s to 40s per qr., grinding 30s to 34s per 0 80 6 0 Oats, 29s to 28s; new, 24s to 26s per 24 st. ; beans, 38 42s per qr. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. and At our market to-day th ere was a l arge a tt en dancno, iO 4 an extensive business d one i n a ll art i c l es. Wh ea t re, 3d to 4d percental advance on the week. Flour is pe;,, be r rel dearer than thi s d ay wee k. I n di an corn firm. ' articles unaltered. SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. 10 1 ' A fair quantity of wheat exhibited to .day, and an t proved tone prevailed in the trade at an a dvance a a 1 16 load. 228 6cl Red wheat, per load of 3 imperial bushels...22s Od to - od White .. 23s Od to 25e , s , , , New red , , New white ), )7 Beans )1 ~ Peas, per qr MaltingGrindu di b u a o r , ley, pe ,, r qr .. .. . .. . 5 1 21 6 6 71 B s : 0 6 g d d dd 1 1' (0° : 6 ?u,21 Od 24s Od to 3 00 ',-,1 31s Od to 36 8 v,`; 248 Od to 3s Od Oats I, Flour, is 10d to 2s 2d per stone. MELTON MOWBRAY—TUESDAY. The following were the currencies :—Old white wheat,. 48s Od to 56s Od; old red, 46s Od to 53per 36 sthne beans, 44s to 458 for ol; Ilew sorts, 42s per 38 st. barley, 37s to 40s for malting, and 298 to 328 per qr. for grinding; oats, 22s to 34s Od p er 24 stone. MEXlionouGH. T , T o f a da ll ug d h e t —On the 25th inst., the Cou:te ag s:o o f t, 3 3 ::: BIRTHS• borough, of a daughte!. MILTON. —On Milton,th eof27attb,.‘2inn.st., at Duke's-hill, Ro d L en L s o , .—On Upper Kilburn, tp er. - WAKE. —On the 27th just., at Blea — kl wife of Captain T. D. Wake, of a daughter.' MARRIAGES. oixAcßE s—B E cc s L se E x s , .— Ja o m n es t , h f e ou 2 r s t t h h a W er e e s s t , l o l f a C n esters Over, near to Ann, r aut '. son of M at z.. A ja n in s e, A i g .. s s i daughter of the late Mr. George E c c les, 101 Fellell ur '' street. ebt SEED—GADD.— ,I “i r On the 28th i nst., at St. Wilfred's t- -- to EEsliciza,boeithcoAlrnibcreo, oekldeevstal.dka:igmhatnerchoefsttehre. Hulme, William S ee d , Esq , of Barnsbury, LonuMado l a te Thos. -- BATTY. -011 the 27th DEATHS.., at Sydne y- THS. s t ree Eugene Chamb ers B atty, Esq., R.N., aged 32 t, . Chel: 1 8 : Co.i..INSoN.—On the 26th inst., at Brighton, Joseph 5'9. linson, Esq., of Walbrook-buildings, London, aged ter, ELLIS.—On th e 26 th i nst., at B e l gra ve, near Le iees John Ellis, Esq., aged 73. ENOCII.—On the 27th inst., George Enoch, of 13, Token house-yard. HALL. —On the 25th inst ,at 43, Myddelton-square) John Hall, aged 71 o n , M a o: e x cl .- 67 0 . n the 25th inst., at Midhur st, Mr. James Afonk, REDMAN.—On the 27th inst., at Springfield, near ford, Stephen Ho ß llo e w dm a r,. Esq., aged 85 , la te of Carlto hill LO ND ON: Printed and Published by JOHN CHA.PLIN, of N 0.112, Stran d, Printer, at THE SUN Office, No. 11 2 i Strand, in :the P recinct of the Savoy, in the County iliddleges.—Wedueoday, October ZB, 1861 - I