The Sun. — London, England, 1859-10-31 00:00:00

GREAT CONSERVATIVE DEMONSTRA TION AT LIVERPOOL On Saturday evening the Conservatives of Liverpool en tertained the Earl of Derby and his colleagues in the late Ministry at a dinner in the Philharmonic-hall. Covers Were laid for about 600 persons, and every seat was occu pied. The boxes and the orchestra were filled with ladies, While the upper galleries were crowded to excess by those Who had been unable to obtain seats at the dinner tables. The hall was brilliantly illuminated, and when thronged With the company presented an extremely gay and ani mated spectacle. Mr. Francis Shand, president of the Liverpool Constitutional Association, occupied the chair, and was supported right and left by nearly all the members of the Derby Administration. In the body of the hall we Observed several' Conservative members of the House of Commons, but the great majority of the company, of course, consisted of the most influential adherents of the same political party residing in Liverpool and its neighbourhood. Previous to the commencement of the dinner the follow ing address from the Conservatives of Liverpool was pre sented to Lord Derby, enclosed in an elegant casket of silver, Ornamented with gold moulding : "We, the undersigned inhabitants of the borough of Liverpool, desire to approach your lordship with profound sentiments of respect and gratitude for the services you have so loyally rendered to the Crown and country during a period of unexampled difficulty, and to congratulate your lordship on the distinguished honour with which her Ma jesty, by investing you with the Ord e r of the Garter, has this day graced your retirement from office. The crisis at which your lordship was called upon to assume the duties of the Premiership was one of deep anxiety. There was then, both in France and England, a feeling of irritated na tionality, which threatened to sever the friendship so ne cessary to their mutual prosperity. The slightest error in diplomacy might have kindled among noble and gene rous allies the feuds and enmities of ancient days. Your firmness and prudence were found equal to the occa sion. By your wise councils the jealous susceptibilities of both countries were honourably satisfied. The despatches on foreign affairs, recently published, prove the earnest and wise endeavours of your Government to maintain the peace of the world, while they show how sincere were your efforts to promote real freedom in Italy. We recognise in these despatches not only the greatest talent, but a firm and dig nified spirit, and a sound English feeling. Your country gratefully acknowledges that at this trying period, when great nations have been stirred by passions which threaten the peace of the whole world, your Government has avoided all entangling alliances, has maintained the strictest neu trality, and has placed the defences of England on the basis of powerful security. History will regard your Adminis tration as a bright page in our country's annals ; for therein is written India pacified,' Our army victorious,' Our _navy unprecedentedly powerful ' The difficulties of your position were increased by the necessity of acting with an. adverse House of Commons, and thus many of your legisla tive measures, though based on justice and calculatd to meet the wants of the country, were met by opposing majo rities. It is painful to reflect that party spirit overrules every motive of action among unpatriotic legislators, and that from the subdivisions of political parties the Queen's Government is dependent for the success of measures on the caprices of small, intriguing, and restless sections—them selves irresponsible, and, therefore, indifferent to conse quences. By a combination of these sections the country has been deprived of your lordship's services, but happily not before your measures had proved the policy of your Government to have been based on constitutional progress And the advancement of material prosperity. We are, Bcc., " (Signed by 7,090 Conservatives of Liverpool.) " June 28, 1859." The Earl of DERBY replied to the address in the follow ing terms :—Gentlemen, I need hardly say that I receive with the liveliest sentiments of gratitude the high compli ment which you have been, pleased to pay me in person on the part of so large and so respectable a portion of the in habitants of this great commercial town, by an address so kind and flattering in its terms as that which has just been made. I thank you most gratefully for your approval of the policy which, in concert with my colleagues, we felt it our duty to pursue when in the Ministry. , I thank you for your congratulations upon the mark of distinction with which it pleased my gracious mistress and Sovereign to attest her gracious approval and acceptance of the imper fect services which I was able to render to the country. Gentlemen, you have not, in your address, overrated the difficulties and the anxieties of the period at which we accepted ciao. But you have greatly overrated the personal credit and the personal merit which was indi vidual to myself in grappling with those circumstances. If our army during that period met withunparalleled success it is to the unparalleled exertions and valour of the troops, and to the ability of the commanders, and not to the Go vernment at home, that the series of unheard-of victories was due. And we, again, claim no further credit for our selves than thot of having exerted ourselves to the best of our ability to reinforce and support those gallant men in the arduous struggle in which they were engaged. If, again, you consider that these documents which have been lately published evince an animus and intention of the foreign policy of the country such as to merit the approval be stowed upon them, the principal merit is not due to me, but is due to my noble friend standing near me, who filled the office of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs ; to his prudence, his calmness, his untiring industry, his patient attention to business, joined with an earnest determination to pursue the right course, and steadfastly to follow it out through all difficulties—to him, and not to me, is due the chief merit of the foreign policy of the country. Again, if our naval recourses have been meetly extended during the period at which I was at the head of the Administration, so, again, I can only claim the merit of having concurred with and supported the generous exertions of my right honourable friend who filled the office of First Lord of the Admiralty, by whose efforts I am happy to say the navy was placed upon a footing very far superior to that whichit was in when we entered office. (Hear. hear.) Gentlemen, with regard to the pacification of India, that pacification was due, in the first instance, as I have said before to the va lour and heroism of our-troops, and the only merit I can c l a i m , with the concurrence of the then Secretary of State for India, is having united in recommending to the Cabinet, by whom it was at once unanimously adopted, the generous and humane system which, as the closing scene, crowned by a general and almost universal amnesty the successes which had been gained by, our victorious armies. Gentlemen, if in elividually I can claim anything, it is only for having been dble to select and bring around me colleagues by whose assist ance my labours were lightened, and who in their several de partmente proved themselves not unworthy of the confidence which individually I reposed in there. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I concur entirely in the view you take of the unfortunate state of parties in the house of Commons at the present moment, and of the mischief which must arise to the country if no one party has such a preponderating majority as to carry on uninterruptedly the business of the country. (Hear, hear.) It is a serious injury to the public interests—a serious injury to the interests of the Crown, if every party should be so weak as to be liable at any time to be overthrown by the combina tion of other and inferior sections. Itis to the Conser vatives of England that we must look to remedy this state of affairs. (Cheers.) It is to their continued exertions, by rousing themselves from the apathy in which they have been too long sunk, and continuing the success which they have to some extent obtained, that we are to look for the permanent maintenance of the Conservative principles which I believe to be essential to the best interests of this country. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I shall have, in the course of the evening, through your kindness, another Opportunity of addressing you more at large upon public affairs. I trust, therefore, you will excuse me if I now limit Myself to expressing my grateful sense of the kindness with which you have received me, and of the splendid present with which you have aucompanied that address—a present which, valuable as it is as a work of art, is still more valu able from the circumstances which attend its presentation. It will be considered by me as one of the most treasured and valued memorials of my house, and I trust many genera tions may look with satisfaction and with honest pride upon the mark of honour which one of their predecessors has re ceived from the great and important community of Liver pool. (Loud applause.) Shortly after 6 o'clock-the dinner, which consisted for the most pdrt of cold viands, took place ; and after the custo mary loyal toasts, The CHAIRMAN rose, and proposed "The Army and Navy," which toast was enthusiastically received by the company. The Earl of HARDWICKE, in the absence of General Peel, replied on behalf of both services. He said—Not many years ago the toast of the army and navy was gene rally considered a merely formal one, and it may undoubt edly be regarded as a misfortune that, in consequence of the warlike spirit which pervades Europe, military affairs oc cupy the minds of men in the present day to a much greater extent than they did in the happy period which elapsed between the battle of Waterloo and the outbreak of the late war with Russia. That was a period of peace, when the angel of peace spread her wings over Europe, and when the toast of the army and navy was received as a matter of mere formality. A great change has since occurred, and the tendency to armaments of a warlike character has led the people of this country to consider the toast of a less formal character than -before. With respect to the army, I ani sure the military officers I see near me will permit me to make use of the same language that is always used in reference to their profession—namely, that whenever it is called upon to perform any public duty, it does what it is told to do ; and, when it is ordered on the • fiald of battle to stand in one place, it never goes away. (Cheers.) It is a remarkable feature in the British soldier that retreat is the last thing which ever enters his head. (Cheers.) In turning to my own profession, you will per mit me to say that I do not forget that I address gentlemen of that great emporium of trade, the town of Liverpool, connected so nearly and deeply with the maritime interests of this country that I can appeal to them with confidence for the assistance which they are always swilling to give towards the support of the dearest and most important branch of the public service. (Hear, hear.) I know, in a dd ress ing myself to the men of Liverpool, and on receiv ing from them an expression of goodwill towards the pro , fession that I have the honour to represent, that an earnest desire exists that they may be enabled to give every sup pert in their power to the arms of the country whenever the necessity for it may arise. Ilear, hear.) Gentlemen, I feel sure that upon this occasion you will be de s i rous t h at I should cur t a il anything I have to• say upon this interesting subject. But at the same time you will forgive me it I, as a seaman, say I am confident that at all times the naval pro fession will render those services to the country which it has ever shown the power and ability to do. 'We have recently, I regret to say, had to lament that which is very seldom known or very seldom heard of—a defeat. But that defeat by no means need detract in any way from the character of the service, for in that action there was the greatest display - of courage and the most devoted chivalry. I know of no other case where the commander-in chief of an e x p e diti on against an e nemy suffered no less than th ree vessels to be sunk under his feet, until wounded he retired, una bl e any longer to perform the active duties of his positio n . (Ch eers ) Th e re was an exhibition of glorious chivalry, of high honourable bearing, of daring and resistless courage, which was only imitated by the officers andmen,wahtott,taptinth, buteir d evo ti o n, sacrificed their l ives in a worthless While we rejoi t a force which was not . to . be put down by the e c e on a - t te ag ni al p n t s ible means brought against it. the magnificent display of that useless courage we at o the "sane time ought, as a public duty, to speak of and mildly t represent the cause of that failurel be s e n vi d de t n h t e t e o x e t v en ery t of manthe. loss. The cause of the failure We have been so accustomed to consider greatest ease, se th a at s . enemies that were to be beaten with the _ although the enemy a defeat was never dreamt of ; and, that he was strongly posted, it VMS Witaraily CO=ol could be defeated. I am not =fend at it, and I can hardly blame it, because our successes had been so easy on all former occasions that we were led 'to believe that victory was inevitable ; but a defeat caused by a want of respect for your enemies is not likely to happen again. The loss was occasioned, in my opinion, by another mistake, and by one which the public can mildly correct, by noticing it in meetings of this kind and by pressing it upon the Govern ment. It has been the practice in the naval profession—a practice full of use—that on no occasion of flotilla and boat service should the commander-in-chief or the admiral him self take the lead, and expose himself in an action of that description. It is manifest that the moment an individual who commands a detachment of that sort involves himself in it his personal honour becomes immediately concerned. Captain Tatnall, the chivalrous American captain who wit nessed the whole of those operations, said, in the letter to his Government, "In fifteen minutes I saw they were beaten and there was not the slightest shadow or chance of success." If our gallant and chivalrous admiral had consented to continue his flag flying on board the Miranda, and had seat his se cond in command to take charge of the flotilla that was sent against the batteries—if he had brought his eye close enough to observe the engagement, he would have recalled his flo tilla at the time Capt. Tatnall saw it was useless to fight any longer,—all the loss would have been saved to the Bri tish people, and so many hearts would not have had to grieve over the deaths caused by continuing too long an action which was utterly lost at the beginning. I say, then, the old practice of our profession ought to be followed, and the commander-in-chief has no right to enter into actions of that sort, but should be prepared to direct them and not risk his personal honour, which compels him to fight out an engagement to the last. I shall make no other remark on the engagement on the Peiho because I am quite igno rant of the ground, and am not acquainted with the nature of the defences against which the flotilla was engaged, nor shall I venture to enter on the question of policy ; all I shall say on that part of the subject is that I dislike the policy which has brought us into constant war with the Chinese from the date of the giving up the charter of the East India Company down to the present time. (Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN next proposed ' the health of the High Sheriff fez: the county," which was received with great ap plause, and the toast was acknowledged in appropriate terms by Sir Robert Gerard. - The CHAIRMAN then rose to propose the toast of the evening. He said,—My Lords and Gentlemen,—When I look around this magnificent assembly and consider the cause of its meeting I find that words are quite inadequate to introduce to you the toast which it is my highest honour and my best privilege to have at the present moment to pro pose—namely, " the health of the Right Hon. the Earl of Derby"—(great cheering)—our great Conservative leader. (Great cheering.) lam sure there is not one here who for gets the period of difficulty and anxiety at which the noble earl was called upon by his Queen and country to take charge of the destinies of England—(cheers)—or who does not feel the greatest amount of respect and gratitude for the skill and prudence with which he conducted public affairs. (Cheers.) But I regret that party spirit so over rules every impulse of generous sentiment that the success which ought to have won for his lordship a triumph has only been the cause, as in the case of Aristides for his jus tice, of his being deprived of power. (Cheers.) I know not whether I ought to express a desire for his restoration to office, because we have never seen him appealed to but in cases of great difficulty, and then he has been treated with gross ingratitude. lam confident, however, that he will fill the highest post in this country when its safety requires him to do so, and content myself withthe assurance that in a period of anxiety we may again have the service of a Derby Administration. (Loud cheers.) The Earl of DERBY, on rising to acknowledge the toast, was received with enthusiasm and prolonged cheering. He said—Words would wholly fail me were I to attempt the hopeless task of expressing in adequate terms the sentiments of deep gratification, I think I may venture to say of justi fiable pride, with which I rise to acknowledge the splendid compliment which you have paid to me and to my late col leagues in office by your attendance this day, and by the overwhelming reception which you have given to the toast proposed by your worthy chairman. Next to the conscious ness in a man's own breast of having endeavoured faithfully to discharge those duties and those obligations which his station in life imposes upon him, the highest reward to which a public man can look is the expression of the feelings of bodies of his fellow countrymen such as that which I have now the honour of addressing, proving to him 'that his efforts have not been wholly thrown away, and that he has acquired some claim and some title to their past approval and to their future confidence. (Cheers ) If any circumstance could heighten the value of such a compliment as that which you have been pleased to pay to me this day, it would be that I receive this honour in the centre of the great commercial metropolis of the country, and in my own native county, where not only my public but my private life from my earliest boyhood is open to the criticism of all whom I see before me. (Cheers.) One other gratifying circumstance I must mention—viz., that in inviting me to this magnificent banquet you have asso ciated me with the great body of those colleagues in the late Government by whose invaluable assistance and by whose . cordial co-operation a load of responsibility was lightened to me which no single human being could have borne, with whom I may say I never had a subject of difference or of controversy (cheers), and who carried on with me the diffi cult and, sometimes, the anxious affairs of this great coun try with that spirit of union which is the best security for the harmonious working of an Administration. (Continued cheering.) But, gentlemen, deep as are my feelings of personal gratification at this mark of your esteem and con fidence, they sink into nothing as compared with the poli tical importance which upon public grounds I attach to this splendid assembly. lam willing to believe that all whom I have now the honour of addressing are actuated by kindly personal feelings towards myself, but it is not as an indivi vidual that you have received me, or asindividuals that you have received my late colleagues. You have received us as a bodily impersonation of those Conservative principles which you all cherish in your hearts. (Cheers.) It is true, gentlemen, we do not meet upon the present occasion for the purpose of celebrating the full and entire triumph of those principles. They have been overborne by the decision of the present, Parliament, but we do meet here—and this I take to be the real meaning of your invitation to me— to testify and declare our adherence to the, principles and doctrines of true Conservatism. (Cheers.) Ido not mean of Conservatism falsely so-called, which would ob struct all useful changes, but I speak of that Conservatism which is not obstructive, but which is the best promoter of safe and gradual social improvements—of that Conserva tism which : strenuously adhering to the old machinery of the constitution, adaptsfrom time to time the various parts of its mechanism to the real acquirements and capacities of the age in which we live—of that Conservatism which would give to all orders and degrees of men within these realms their due weight, authority, and preponderance—of that Conservatism which loves the interests of the people at large, but will not be led away by the noisy denuncia tionseof violent and blustering demagogues either to shrink at the voice of menace or timidly to concede rights and privileges to large bodies of men for the purpose of obtain ing some amount of temporary popularity, when in our hearts we believe that the concession of those very coveted boons would be injurious rather than beneficial to the classes whom it is sought to benefit. (Cheers.) Such, gen tlemen, is the Conservatism to which you pledge yourselves by your attendance this day. Such is the principle which I have ever advocated, upon which I havd ever endeavoured to act, and you are here this day not only to testify your adoption of it, but to declare that you will shake off for the future that apathy which has too long characterised your proceedings—that not by mere acclamations or by enthu siasm, however great, but by sober, steady, and united action, you will evoke t 1 spirit of Conservatism which has hitherto been allowed to lie latent in the country. (Cheers.) Already, in spite of great discouragement and great difficul ties, you have achieved a gratifying victory in this coun ty, but I hold the striking merit of that victory to have been, not the accession to the House of Commons of my two hon. friends whom you have succeeded in returning, but the proof which it afforded to you and to the coun try that you do not suspect your own inherent strength or the root which your principles have in the hearts of the constituencies at large. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) lam told that even at the lest-election, when we won the battle, not only had the registrations been so neg lected that several gentlemen who might have very properly been asked to propose and second the Conservative candi dates were found not to have their names upon the regis ter, but some of the most devoted friends of the Conserva tive cause were in the same strange position. If I might whisper a secret in the ear of so large ainassombly I might tell you that previous to the last registration the name of my respected friend, the chairman of this meeting, }his not upon the county register. (A laugh.) At length; gentle men, you have put you shoulder to the wheel, but your work is not half done. You have succeeded, it is true, in returning two members for the southern: division of the county, and, if I run rightly informed, you have made upon the present register an advance which renders future suc cess a matter of no doubt. (Cheers.) But something yet remains to be accomplished. I wish to speak with all re spect of one of the late members for the county, whose wise and judicious liberality has endeared him personally to all the residents of this town, and I desire to speak with no disrespect of one of the present members for the berong,h of Liverpool. I know his high character, his business-like habits, and the esteem in which he is held by those who are his personal friends, but I say boldly that the political opinions of Mr. Brown and Mr. Ewart are not those of the constituencies of South Lancashire and Liverpool—(cheers) —and that, as South Lancashire will not hereafter be satis fied without retaining its two Conservative members, so Liverpool ought not to be satisfied without obtaining two. (Great cheering.) Gentlemen, I have watched with the deepest anxiety and I have seen with the highest grati fication the progressive improvement in strength, in utility, in everything which marks political power, of the Conservative party during the last fourteen years. I wish to speak in this assembly, as I have spoken upon all occasions, in terms of the highest respect for the dis tinguished genius and the personal character of that great statesman whom England has recently had to lament—the fate Sir Robert Peel. Indeed, if upon any occasion I could have al a m w a e y l a s n c u s h o e l d y , d i o t in c e er st fa ic inl l t d y n h o a s t b arm re t v a e n m t o e d t e h n e t speak of that great m an i n t erms ot h er than those which I p c y a l w a u i attendance of his nearest relation—one of my most valued calleag-ues in the late Government, who gave me most able and admirable assistance in the management of v. difficult department—namely, the civil administration of military affairs. But, gentlemen, lam not saying anything dis respectful to the memo r y of a statesm an w ith whom I had tha honour of many years of personal friendship ' and I believe of reciprocal esteem, whe n I s t a t e th at the course which at the dose of 1845 was taken by the late Sir Robert Peel completely and entirely for the moment shattered the Conservative party in this country. (Hear, hear.) lam now - nbont to state a fact which I believe is not known to half-a-dozen indkviduals. Upon the failure of Lord John Russell's endeavour to form a Government, I wrote con- AclpAtialy to the moot omigtegt marl the countri l the _ . - ;••;.t."4: oortz t of fo S ro ir oa ß o o s b t er m t P on ee in l,a n w o w rl h d o u s t t o h o e d y fo e r s m o f a h n i y s late Duke of Wellin g t on , a warm and ` cordial ' admirer and i e a th in e suet I wrote to consult him as to the position of cyears en. le_ 'arty, and the b es t means o f restoring ount rym . the Conservative p sen so lamentably destroyed i I re that unity which had Ix. Duke of Wellington, which I ceived a long letter from the . deeply value, in which he need hardly say I have kept ana under the aboitive explained to me that, having accepteu - Government the attempt of Lord John Russell to form a ea -Chief, he duties of the neutral position of Commander-- ;; 4 ,eal con considered he had for ever broken off 'his p o i . ee „ nection with any party. He intimated, howev e e.,7 concurrence in the opinion which I had vn t tn ' e" . to express that the alienation of th e Conservative party from Sir Robert Peel was not a mere tempo rary_d ever feeling, but that it was impossible he should . o again place himself at their head with any prose ect 4 of sue- cess, and the Duke of Wellington, I will not say en. rested, but exhorted me, as a matter of duty to my Sovereign e. a to my country, to throw aside all doubts and all hesitations, and to assume et once the leadership of that great Conser vative party whose existence and whose power he deemed to be essential to the well-being of the country in all its in stitutions, and he advised me if her Majesty should at any time lay her commands upon me to attempt to form an ad ministration not to be discouraged by any difficulty, except such as 'might be absolutely insuperable, but to sacrifice every other feeling to a desire of serving my Sovereign and my country. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, for 14 years I have en deavoured to act inthe spirit of that wise and patriotic ad - vice, coming from so eminent a man, and I have been re warded by seeing the (Conservative party fixing their roots in the feeelings and hearts of the country, and,. as our op ponents are compelled to acknowledge, though in doing so their fears rather magnify our strength, forming at the present moment an absolute majority in Parliament. (Cheers.) It is also L admitted, with a melancholy sense of the painful contrast between the two sides, that the advan tage thus obtained is doubled by the fact hat our majority is that of a united party. (Cheers and laughter.) Gentle men, you may perhaps ask me—and it is a fair question en the part of those before whom I appear, to justify the course which I have pursued, and to whom I am prepared to speak with entire and absolute frankness—what is the use which I desire to make of that greatly increased Parliamentary strength, or, as our opponents say, of that majority in the House of Commons ? Perhaps I shall disappoint the ex pectations and wishes of some of the more enthusiastic, and probably of most of the 'younger members of this as sembly, when I say that I have no desire for the imme diate overthrow of the present Administration. I should hold the same language which I now do even if a mo mentary advantage might be so gained, but there are considerations higher than those of party, which have still greater weight with me—considerations of what is for the benefit of my Sovereign, for the reputation of the country in the eyes of foreign nations, and for the respect due to Parliament itself. All those considerations militate against a succession of ephemeral Governments, acquiring office by a bare majority, liable at any moment to be displaced by the caprice of some half-dozen votes in the House of Commons, and exposing the crown and the coun try to a perpetual change of persons and of principles, which renders all steady legislation impossible, and which, weakening their internal strength and their external power, paralyses the hands of those to whom the duties of adminis tration may for the moment be entrusted. (Hear.) More over, gentlemen, it appears to me that the policy which is dictated by a due consideration of the interests of the coun try at large is also recommended by the interests, well considered, of the party to which I have the honour to be long. It cannot be for the advantage of that party that for the third time it should be prematurely called upon to form a Government without sufficient strength to maintain itself against all attacks and against all combinations. (Hear.) 'What is required is the determination of the country itself, or, at all events, of the conservative strength of the coun try, to prepare for future events. Let every man consider that he has a duty to perform and a cause to sustain. Re member that by the combination of small efforts great re sults are produced, and do not compel me or any one who may represent the conservative party to accept office when I can not be confident of holding it, at least so long as I honestly endeavour to discharge the duty which I owe to my Sovereign and my country. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, your worthy chairman has spoken of the period of difficulty and of anxiety at which we acceded to office. I believe that In some respects the difficulties and anxieties of the present Government are fully as great as those to which we were exposed. I know nothing beyond what I learn from the public organs of intelligence; but I am much mistaken if our foreign relations at the present moment are upon as satisfactory a footing, or are as generally amicable. as they were a few months ago. The pre sent Government have difficulties to contend with in what is cemmonly called the Italian question, with respect to which I hope and trust they will be steady in their purpose not to entangle themselves in the negotiations of any con gress that may be proposed. (Cheers.) They have difficul ties in China. They have difficulties upon the Coast of Africa—difficulties which may seriously threaten us unless a decided tone be taken, and unless this country is disposed to maintain rights which are absolutely essential to its wel fare. They have difficulties in the Nerth Pacific, where our Transatlantic brethren appear, if I may use a familiar ex pression, to be " trying it on." (A laugh.) They are con tending with difficulties in various quarters, but they are net difficulties which may not be surmounted by a mixture of firmness and good temper, and at the same time by a de termination to maintain the rights and the honour of Eng land. (Cheers.) Ministers have, on the other hand, great advantages in their favour. They preside over the destinies of a nation which never at any time was so abounding in material resources, in wealth and in prosperity, as it is at the present moment. They preside over a nation in which commerce is flourishing and active almost beyond precedent, and at the same time, as I believe, free from all undue spe culation. They preside over a country in which labour is abundantly employed, and the population is generally con tented. They have the consciousness that within a certain number of months—l shall not say how many—the military and naval resources of the country have been greatly im proiel, ani that,:if our national defences are not altogether what we would desire them to be, our great fortifications of Gibraltar and Malta have received from the labours of the late Government an amount of-reinforcements which has placed thorn in a far better position of defence than they have enjoyed for the last 20 years. Moreover, they know they preside over a country the population of which are again alive to the necessity of maintaining adequate defen sive armaments, in which our military ardour has been again awakened, and in which private and personal efforts will not be spared for the vindication of the national honour. Of one thing, at least, they may feel assured, that while the country and while Parliament will not readily forgive a Ministry which hastily embroils us in an unne cessary war, they will, without regard to party or any othar -consideration, bring forward the whole weight of public opinion in support of any Minister:who shall steadily resist, from whatever quarter it may proceed, any attack upon the independence, the honour, or the interests of the country. (Cheers.) Above all, gentlemen, the present Government had this great advantage over their predecessors, that they will not have to contend with an Opposition which will de scend to any factious combination, nor need they fear that we shall seek to eject them from ce without regard to the interests of the country or to the probability of being able to succeed them. (Cheers.) It may be that the present Go vernment may fall by their own internal dissensions. In deed, looking to the composition of that Government, I can feel no great confidence that such may not unhappily be the case (a laugh) ; but honestly and sincerely I say that I de sire that their differences may be made up. (Hear, hear.) Among the members of the Government, and . still more among those who support them, there are men who in their hearts are as sincerely Conservative as any of those whom I now have the honour of addressing ; there are others who most unwillingly submit to a power which they feel to be too strong for them; while a third section, though the loudest in clamouring for certain measures, and ready to place themselves at the head of a movement which they feel unable to resist, would, I believe, deplore and deprecate the success of their own schemes. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, the present is not a fitting opportunity for entering upon the consideration of individual questions; but I can say in all sincerity of heart that' I earnestly desire that the present Government may be enabled to bring forward such a measure of Parliamentary reform as may be honestly supported by the great body of Conservatives. I think it is of the highest importance that this question should be finally and speedily settled ; and if the Government of which I was a member undertook to attempt a settlement of it, we did so not because we admitted a bill was called for by imperative ne cessity, but because it had been repeat e dly p rom i se d i n speeches from the Throne and in declarations of Ministers, and because we felt it was of the most vital consequence that a question of so much importance should not be left in suspense. We therefore honestly and fairly introduced a measure which we thought might conciliate the support of all moderate men. You all know how it was dealt with: I do not intend to enter now into a defence of that measure. We certainly considered that an extension of the franchise founded upon the principle of uniformity between counties and boroughs was likely, as it largely increased the consti tuencies, to satisfy the claims of justice, and at the same time hold out the best hope, I will not say of a final, but, at least of a durable settlement of the question ; but the House of Commons repudiated that principle,_ and I presume th a t whatever measure may be introduced by the present Go vernment will contaiu some exiension of the b oroug h fran chise. I inn not prepared to saelhat no such reduction may be attempted without danger, but I de say that it is neces sary, before adopting such a measure, to exercise the greatest caution, and to enter into the most minute calculations as to the practical effects of whatever extension of the franchise may be so proposed. , Lara not jealous—the Conservative party are not jealous—of the working classes. I desire to see their interests fully and fairly represented, but I confess that, looking to the revelations at Gloucester, Wakefield, and other places I doubt whether any Brest reduction o f the franchise would not tend largely to extend that corrup tion which is the bane of our electoral system, whil e , if I look to the manner in which even the most intelligent work men have been misled by false and delusive advisers, I think it is at least a stibject for serious consideration how far, in the interests of the lower classes themselves, it would be de sirable to give a preponderating power to men who, if legis lation were thrown into their hands, would probably intro duce and pass measures which would be absolutely fatal to themselves. (Cheers.) I say, therefore, that while the Reform Bill introduced by the present Government shall meet with no factious opposition from the Conservative party, I hold it to be the duty of any Ministry who are responsible to their sovereign and their country not to be led away by mere popular clamour upon a subject which may be of such vital importance, but seriously to consider the effect of their proposed legislation on ; and God grant that the present Go vernment may have wisdom and prudence enough to intro. duce such a measure as may pass with the approbation of a united Parliament. (Cheers.) Before I sit down I desire to say, a few words upon a subject of some delicacy, because the greatest possible misrepresentations have been made with respect to it. Among other inventions which were cir culated to calumniate the policy`of the late Government and to produce prejudice against us was one that we had entered into a corrupt alliance with the Roman Catholic body of this country for the purpose of obtaining their support by concessions dangerous to Protestant Interests. I need not say, gentlemen, that that imputation was as baseless as ono to which I have seen great currency given, viz., that I had countersigned a paper containing stipulations with regard to a reform bill, upon the faith of which I was to obtain the support bf.certain Liberal members. All I can say is, that, until I said that matter dealt with a few days ago in the newspaper,' not only I had never countersi g ned but I had neither seen nor heard of such a document-(cheers) ; and upon writing to the gentleman whose reported speech had given rise to this imputation, he most candidly and hon ourably assured me that his language had been wholly misrepresented', adding that such a document indeed had been signed by himself and others, and had been intended' to be presented to, and by them expected to be signed b Lord Derby. (Cheers and laughter.) To revert to topic to which I wished to call your attention, I am happy to say that with regar d t o th e groat body of the intelligent Roman Catholics *1 this country I have for some time past observed a g.rowing tendency to alienate themselves from the so-called Liberal party, and to unite themselves with those who are their natural allies, the Conservatives. I have many pereoeal f r ie n d s Among the Roman Catholics; among others I may mention my hon. friend the high sheriff of this county, than whom no stancher Conservative sits at this table and whose reception to-night satisfied me THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 31, 1859, that you concurred with me in thinking that no difference in religious belief ought to prejudice political connexion, far less to interfere with the obligations of private friendship. (Cheers.) I have Roman Catholic tenants, I have Roman Catholic labourers in my employment, and I should be ashamed •of myself if there could be detected the slightest difference between my treatment of them and that of those of my own persuasion. Igo further—l say that I cordially and earnestly - sympathised and concurred with the endea vours which were made, so much to his own credit, by my gallant friend General Peel to afford to our Roman Catholic soldiers greater opportunities than they had previously en joyed for exercising the rites of their religion. But, gentle men, I think I may appeal to the whole course of a somewhat long political life, whether, though always ready to maintain the principles of entire toleration and religious liberty, I am a man who would ever voluntarily yield to any of the en croachments of the Roman Catholic Church as a political body, whether I would sacrifice one jot or iota of tho rights and privileges of that church to which I myself belong, whether I would diminish its means of public usefulness, or whether I would depreciate it as a great portion of our po litical Institutions by lowering its position or lessening its influence in the country. (Cheers.) To that church I have always been sincerely attached ; for that church I have made many sacrifices ; for that church, even against the opinion of fts members, I have introduced measures the value of which has been subsequently acknowledged ; and you may depend upon it that there are few things dearer to my heart—few principles which I am more determined to uphold than the maintenance of the dignity, the rights, and the privileges of the Estab lished Church of these realms. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I know I have detained you longer than would have been consistent with my duty upon an ordinary occasion ; but this, while a most gratifying, is a most extraordinary occasion. lam called here to receive your approval of ray past conduct; and you are entitled to know what are the principles upon which I have acted, and what is the course which, if your confidence be continued to me, it Le my in tention, with God'sblessing, to pursue. I speak to you in entire openness, and I say that the fate of that great party which now honours me with its confidence—l may say, in deed, the fate of this country, because I consider the fate of the country to be involved in the power and prosperity of the Conservative party—is in your hands, depends upon your energies, upon your confidence in your leaders, upon your united action, upon your shaking off that apathy which has hitherto paralysed your exertions. What you have to do is to determine that there shall be a Conservative Go vernment in this country, and to act upon that resolution in such a manner as by your own efforts to render that pos sible which, without those endeavours, will be wholly hope less—namely, the permanence of Conservative principles in the administration of public affairs. (Great and pro tracted cheering.) The CHAIRMAN then proposed " The Health of the Earl of Mahnesbury," bearing his testimony to the able manner in which that noble lord had conducted the foreign affairs of the country. The toast having been duly honoured, The Earl of MALMESBURT, on rising to respond, was loudly cheered. He said—l feel it a very great difficulty and a very hard task to express to you my gratitude and all the feelings which move me at this moment in consequence of the compliment you have just paid me. I have not the advantage, like my noble' friend, of having through a long life served my country with distinction, or of being, like him, personally known to many of you here. I have come from the farthest part of the king dom to attend the present peat Conservative meeting. (Cheers.) It is with no object of self-laudation that I admit the truth stated several times this evening, that when her Majesty called my noble friend to office I found the foreign affairs of this country in the most alarming and anxious state. (Hear. I found the country to whose cordial alli ance we principally look as being of the utmost importance to this empire in a stato of feeling towards us most dan gerous, which caused the greatest anxiety in the minds both of the statesmen and the people of this country. Thank God, those days have passed away, and I hope we shall never again be so near a rupture -with our near neighbours. (Hear.) It is inipossible for any one living in this great emporium of trade and commerce, and acquainted with the transactions of business, not to understand the unspeakable value of a cordial alliance with France. (Applause.) On the first occasion when my noble friend was called upon to be Prime Minister of this country, we found France at that time likewise in a very anxious position. She had deter mined to alter the form of her Government, and even to change the dynasty of her Sovereign. My noble friend and I, acting under him, saw at once the only course to pursue consistent with the feelings both of the English and French people. We at once, and without hesitation, recog nised that Prince whom France had chosen to rule over her, and though other countries did not follow our steps and hesitated to take the same course, we nevertheless cordially acknowledged Louis Napoleon as the Emperor of the French. (Hear, hear.) It so happened that it was my fortune in early life to be intimately acquainted with that Prince even before he was an exile in this country, and I assure you that I deeply and completely appreciated, from the moment I first knew him, his great qualities and abilities, and there are many now who can bear witness of my having constantly and publicly stated what I thought of those abilitie and qualities, when very few Englishmen had the same opportunity of forming a judgment on the sub ject like myself. It will bo satisfactory to you, and right for the sake bf truth, that, speaking on this occasion of that Prince, I should say that whenever I had conver sations with him on political matters long ago, and since, and even to the last time that I had the honour of any conversation with his Majesty, he has always held the same language, expressing his belief not only that it was th e best policy fen France itself, but that his earnest personal wish was to maintain a cordial alliance with this country. (Cheers.) That is a fact which ought to be known and pon dered on by statesmen in this country; but, notwithstand ing the feelings of the Emperor of the French, wo have again, since the occasion I just now referred to, been under considerable apprehension as to the sentiments of the French naticfn and Government towards us—(hear, hear)—and if I may be permitted from my experience of foreign affairs in reference to the feelings and policy of the French Govern ment, I would say that, however earnest the French Mini sters might be to maintain a friendly alliance with us, I do not think they could understand the policy and nature of this country. It appears to me that we could with perfect ease maintain a courteous friendship and complete alliance with France, and she-with E ng l an d , without being obliged to go hand in hand, foot by foot, and step by step, in a policy ehe probably may feel consistent with her political interests ; and it is unreasonable because there may be cer tain principles we cannot agree with her in policy, and which we cannot in prudenc e f o ll ow , b ecause the policies of two countries are different, to turn round, s the French press has often done, and say that we are no longer a faith ful and cordial ally. I go further, and say that it is not to the interest ox our alliance with France that wo should go hand in hand, arm in arm, foot by foot with her, because if by any chance it should not be seen by the world at any time that we were joining France in that intimate manner, the suspicion is immediately raised that our cordial alliance has ceased. (Hear, hear.) I maintain that the policy of England is entirely different on many points from that of France. The writers in the French press taunt us now with having lost our former power, with being isolated from the other nations of Europe, and taking up the position of a second-rate Power, because we do not interfere with the affairs of Italy. I accept that word isolation in its origi nal sense, from its Latin derivation, and I say that on our geographical isolation frequently depend our isolation from foreign politics and our safety also. We may be a warlike, but may not be a military nation. We may be an industrious and' commercial people, but that does not pre vent us from defending our own rights and country, but it es sentially prevents, or ought to present us, from meddling in the internal affairs of other States. (Hear, hear.) I regret that at this moment the horizon of foreign politics should be so cloudy, but will say nothing on the subject touched on to - night—that of China—because I am very incompletely in formed respecting it. The instructions sent by the late Go vernment, and written by me, were not, I may say for the sake of truth, written in any hostility to China, and never contemplated the events which have taken place. But it is fair.to Mr. Bruce to say that in sending a public servant to that great distance, where he could not at once appeal to the Government at home on a sadden emergency, I left a wide discretion to his judgment, in which I had great con fidence. Until we know more of his reasons for acting as ho did, I think it would be unfair to form any opinion, or, at all events, to express any own public occasion in refer ence to that matter. (Hear, hear.) Having filled a depart ment peculiarly interesting to a great commercial town like this, influencing, as it must, its interests, according to the manner in which it may be conducted, it would not have been respectful for me to have. remained altogether silent oh the subject of foreign affairs. I can now only allude in a few words to what has been said by my noble friend with respect to myself and the rest of my late colleagues. He has been kind enough to say that we were of material as sistance to him in conducting the affairs of the country. I can only say, ou my own part, that if the Conservative Go vernment had anything to boast of more than another it was that which must add materially to the strength of any Government, the entire cordiality and unanimity which existed anfang its members. (Cheers.) That cordiality and unanimity were created by the private character and straightforwardness of the noble earl at the head of it, and by his demeanour to all his colleagues. In all his views and instructions we each and all of us had complete confi dence, and we felt the conviction that under any circum stances of difficulty, if we inadvertently made a mistake, he would stand by us. His generosity of temper endeared all to him, and never was there a Minister that men could with more pleasure and pride support, follow, and serve. (Loud cheers.) Tho CHAIRMAN next proposed " The Health of Lord Chelmsford." Lord CHELMSFORD rose amid loud creering, and said— My Lord, • " As in a theatre, the eyes of men, - After a well-graced actor leaves the stage, Are idly bent on him who follows next, Thinking his prattle to be tedious," so I feel, after the powerful and eloquent speech of my noble friend Lord Derby, that all who succeed him must be listened to with impatience, yet in such an as sembly as this, and among so many eminent men, he must be cold and insensible indeed who does not deeply feel the honour of being selected as an object of ap. proval. lam aware I am not shinink here by any ligh of my own. The lustre which I may have upon this occa• sion in your eyes is reflected from my noble friend, and t may add, from those distinguished colleagues with whom it was my pleasure and my honour to be associated in the late Government, The high office which I had the honour to fill did not appear to have that immediate and direct in fluence upon the public interests which belonged to other departments, which were presided over by my colleagues. I may allude, for example, to the affairs of the army and navy,n. friend v Sir m Peel, whoseright hen. t wgjohnso paakdminiragtbolny and d ral by y h absence wo all so much regret upon the p resen t occas i on. But, although conversant with individual subj ec t s and llhichwere in dividual rights and interests, yet the operation of the office which I had the honour to occupy was as important in a public sense as that of those groat bulwarks• of our national security, and a perverse administration of justice on the part of the Lord Chancellor would have been as prejudicial as the neglect of our natal and military armaments, as an om wtoplap.ohestie(fraget:::' internal cancer is more fatal to the constitution than' the loss of a limb. When lundertook the responsibility of the Chancellorship I might well have shrunk from the duties which I had to p6rform when I looked back upon the illus triousa ntapivntteiooatnhto,hicoolpattioiomwewiearertsbt lino of predecessors who had filled the chair in which h ji g t .o : o iooof f fif i t tneil every : at ym e e c oef t 41, ja , ecu f ti r ,tl. I was called upon to sit ; but I felt thatthere was sompthing r an I the sacrifice of every hour to the performance of the, duties which I was asked to discharge. I think I'ma,y, with far to liavo'attorichid' to 'duties of my elks', (C t.-•" The public are always generous towards " • --`3is.) ..iaso who ar i—lefemttehn7tt:44: devotion11111(1 and as it has been ordained by Providence that the esteem of our fellow-men should accompany our good actions, so where that esteem is not the end and the object of those actions, but where it follows upon them, it is undoubtedly the highest reward for public services. That reward my noble friend has obtained, as witness this great assembly; but there is to me something peculiarly striking in the pre sent demonstration. It is said that a great man appears less the nearer you approach him • but, as my noble f r i en d h as remarked, you a re his neighbours, you are in immediate contact with him, and yet you have formed the same esti mation of his public character, and, as my noble friend has touchingly obse rve d, o f what' may be called his local and domestic character, as has been formed by those, who ad mire him at a distance. (Cheers.) I cannot but feel deeply grateful that you should for a moment have turned aside from the great object of this meeting to bestow your kind ness upon me. I know when the heart is full it is vain to labour for expression, and, in return for all y our ki n d ness, all I can say is, I thank you. (Cheers.) Tho CHAIRMAN next proposed " The health of Mr. Dis raeli," characterizing him as the great and eloquent leader of the House of Commons under the Government of Lord Derby, and justifying the financial measures he had proposed. (The toast was drunk with loud and repeated cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI, in returning thanks, said,—Your illus trious guest to-day, and others of my colleagues who have preceded me, have touched on the conduct of their offices, and in doing so, I am sure, have not only excited great in terest in your minds, but also great sympathy on your pare ; but I may be allowed to remind you that it was my privilege to fill an office of which the possessor on all public occasions has been allowed to be silent except upon one memorable day in the year, and therefore lam sure you will excuse me either from vindicating the course I thought it my duty to recommend Parliament to pursue, or from attempting to foresee the course which will be adopted by my eminent successor. (Laughter.) I can only say in reference to the remarks of your chairman, that in recommending that re duction of taxation which was adopted and sanctioned by Parliament I recommended a course which, had it not become an imperative duty to make a consider able increase in the armaments of this country, would still, notwithstanding that reduction, have left a large surplus in the exchequer. (Cheers.) As through your chairman, and the generous manner in which you have been pleased to receive the proposition of my health, you have been pleased to refer to my conduct in the House of Com mons, and to my attempts to conduct the affairs of that as sembly, perhaps you will permit 'me to remind you that it fell to my lot—that which, I believe, has fallen to the lot of no other man—to be suddenly and unexpectedly called on to attempt the conduct of the affairs of that great assembly. I can assure you that no individual in this room could have been more sensible than myself of my inefficiency for the discharge of such a duty, but I think that there are emer gencies when it is the duty of every public man not to shrink from exertion and responsibility—(cheers) —and I undertook that office because I felt that 'I should have the ' advantage of the constant counsel and admirable advice of your principal guest this day, who in the same Hoetse of Parliament had for a long period of years obtained a great, a various, and a distinguished experience. (Applause.) It was under these circumstances, and with these advantages, that I undertook to conduct the affairs of the Conservative party in the House of Commons now 10 years ago. They have been 10 years of great diffi cu lty, and permit me to add of great exertion ,• but, gentlemen, though I know that, as far as I myself individually am concerned, such may have been done which ought not to have been done, and much may have been omitted which ought to have been accom plished, I think I may be allowed, when I consider what was the position of the Conservative party, as far as tho House of CoMmons is concerned, 10 years ago, to say, whe ther I look at its numbers, its intelligence, its influence in the country, or its pow er i n d e b ate, its position at this moe meat need not shrink from any comparison with what it was at that previous period. (Hear.) Therefore I trust that even under my humble guidance it has not suffered in pub lic estimation or lost in public position. (Cheers.) I ven ture to say that those have been 10 years of great difficulty and great exertion; but I may be allowed to add, that dur ing that period, however various may have for the moment appeared the vicissitudes, and however capricious the changes, we ourselves have always had a main object in the course which we have pursued, and in the purpose which we at length have achieved. It has been our wish to put an end to that which I may describe as " the monopoly of Liberalism" (loud cheere), which in our opinion has exer cised a very pernicious influence on the course of public proceedings and on the character of public men. (Applause.) Now, formore than a quarter of a century, by this theory of a monopoly of Liberalism, half the public men in England have been held up as individuals incapable and unqualified to attempt any measures which might improve the institu tions or administration of the country; while on the other hand, the other half ware, in order to sustain this monopoly, perpetually pledging themselves to changes and alterations injudicious in almost every case, and in many utterly im practicable, and when they were in power they expended all their resources in inventing evasions by which they might extricate themselves from the fulfilment of their previous promises. (Loud cheers and laughter.) Now, I believe, and all my colleagues believe, that that state of affairs was ,i principal cause of that insincerity in public life which of !ate years has so frequently been attributed to the conduct, of public men; but I believe that that is now coretl.tetely terminated. (Hear.) I believe we hart, broure j et about a healthy state of political parties. Men will now be judged of by the policy which they recommend, and the measures they tiring forward, not by traditions, which are generally false— uot by promises, Which are seldom' fulfilled. (Great cheer ing.) I laiow we ara now told that this "monopoly of Libe ralism" is extirpated—that it is at length shown that no sin gle party is to have a peculiar privilege of governing by right the country. Now, we are told, gentlemen, that party has no importance whatever, because there are no longer any public questions to settle. He would, in my opinion, be an arrogant and not a very far-scising statesman who, in dealing with the affairs of a mighty empire, would presume to say that great questions would not often occur; but let that pass. I main tun that it is an error, a pernicious error, to associate the existence in England of great Parliamenta parties solely, with the existence of great political ry questions. Great political questions sliould be rare, and will be rare; in communities which enjoy so salutary a poll. tical state as, on the whole, England has longenjoyed. The duties of Opposition are not to be confined merely to emer gencies; they are duties which perpetually exist and ought to be constantly fulfilled. They are duties of vigilance and criti cism,. and it is only on great emergencies that the Opposi tion is called on to propose and to initiate. I therefore hold that our duties as a great Conservative party, though there may not at this moment be questions which concern the existence of the principal institutions of the State, are still duties which are urgent, which cannot be neglected, and which must be fulfilled ; and it is a doctrine which I trust will never be popular in this country, that political party is a constitutional arrangement which ought to be obsolete. If Parliamentary government be, as I believe it is, and as 1 cannot doubt you and the great majority of Englishmen must believe it is, the best guarantee for public liberty— (applause)—then rely on it, political party must be acknow ledged as a salutary influence in the State, because Parlia mentary government is impossible except on the condition that there should be political parties. What is the House of Commons ? What is the House of Lords ? What is the proudest Parliament in the world, though it may be com posed in the one house of men like your noble guest, and in the other of the most distinguished commoners that ever existed—what are they all but two crowds of individuals, if there is no sympathy of principle, no similarity of senti ment, and ne combination of action to guide them? (Cheers.) Such a senate, whatever its elements, must be the slave of the Minister, and would deserve to be so ; and if that were the condition of the representative body in Parliament generally, what must be the condition of the nation of which it should be the' type and guardian ? (Hear hear.) I sae this in vindication of the character of our Parliamentary govern ment, and in proof of the necessity of political parties, not in the view of differing from the tone adopted and the coun sel offered to you to-day by your distinguished guest, the chief of the Conservative party, under whom I have laboured in terms of confidence and trust which probably were never exceeded before between two public men. (Applause.) I say this not to contravene, but to substantiate the advice he has given you, because there are duties of great political parties other than those of vigilance and criticism, other even than those of advancing at emergencies to propose a policy or initiate a measure. ' There are duties mere im portant and, I would say, more solemn. :There aro moments when a party like the great Conservative party of a power.: ful and ancient nation like England have not to oppose the Government, but, if necessary, have even fp support it; and, if they deem the requirements of the moment demand such a course, to give strength to their rivals, and even to support those whose success in their political course might, under ordinary circumstances, be to them a source of dis appointment and mortification. lam not one of those who scatter ambiguous voices in the ntarket-place. That has never been my custom. I have ever been the supporter of a peaceful policy. I have over believed that peace might be maintained with a good understanding with our allies, and that we should look on their conduct not in a suspi cious or litigious spirit, but should always give to their conduct and to their proceedings a fair, and even a gene rous interpretation. (Hear, hear.) But I should, indeed, be blind to the signs of the times—l should, indeed, be insensible to the feelings that are now universally ex pressed—l should be treating them with a haughty negli gence if I did not recognise what is the anxiety of a groat people. I know not whether it be true or not that designs upon the independence of our empire are cherished by any Governments or potentates in other countries. I presume not to read State secrets, nor is it for me in tho irrespon sible position in which I and my colleagues have been placed—it is not for us, I say, to presume to pretend that we can communicate to you any intelligence of which you are not already masters • but this I will say with respect to the form of our Constitution, and especiallx with respect to the House in which I have the honour to sit, that if there be any foreign Governinent or foreign potentate who, in the suppoeed distractions and political dissensions of our form of government, believes that ho has found elements on which he may calculate for pursuing with suc cess any scheme of aggressive or of violent ambition, then I can assure that Government and that ruler that they mis take the character and the genius of the English people and the English constitution. (Prolonged cheering.) And if they count on our dissensions, and on the noble rivalries of our public life as the means for the successful prosecution of those designs, they will count on them to then' confusion. (Cheers.) They will find, if over the time should come when the independence of this country or the empire of our Sovereign should indeed be menaced, that the Sovereign of these realms rules over a devoted people and a united Par liament. (Loud and continued cheering, in the midst o f which the right h on . gent l eman sat down.) The CHAIRMAN next proposed " the health of Lord Eg linton," who, he said, had conducted the affairs of Ireland in a highly successful manner. The Earl of EGLINTON.—I,need hardly tell you that the honour you have just paid me is robs' gratifying to my feel ings, but I assure you it is doubly pleasing to me because I owe it to my connection with the neighbouring kingdom of Ireland. I should, indeed, be wanting in every good feeling if I did net take the deepest interest in the couno'y which has been upon two occasions committed to my charge. I should be guilty of the basest ingratitude , if I did not feel the warmest affection fora people who on both those occa sions treated me with a kindness and a confidence which have been rarely accorded to a public man. (Cheers.) Your chaienean has told you that Ireland is progressing and is keeping at least an equal pace with the rest of the united kingdom. I assure you, tliat the most gratif7 , 3 e gg thing whiell evg aiseeeneel to me in my to 1 :0 was to find the improvement that had take*. ..-4. place and that was going on in Ireland eeten 1 returned to it upon the last occasion. (Cheers.) That improvement was beyond my hopes— infinitely beyond my expectations. I found agriculture of every sort advancing; I towed rents paid, I found general crime diminished, I found the poorhouses nearly empty. There was, and there is, but one plague-spot left —that horrid secret combination of blood which retards the progress of Ireland, occasionally pollutes the country by the murder of innocent and worthy individuals, and would bo a disgrace to any civilised people. (Cheers.) That, gentlemen, is the only plague -spot remaining in Ire land, and I believe it would soon b e put an end to if every Christian, whether layman or churchman, were to put his shoulder to the wheel, and like my noble friend, the guest of this evening, were not only to do his utmost to convict -and punish the assassin, but to refuse to have any commu nion with those who are abettors and eiders of assassina tion. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, leaving that painful topic, I may mention ene fact which I am sure you will be delighted to hear, namely, that in the division upon which the fate of the late Government depended Ireland sent 68 out of her IQS members to the support of my noble friend and his colleagues. (Cheers.) I wish I could say the same of the country to which I as an individual belong, but I have hopes of that country yet, because I come here with the news of the triumph of a Conservative candidate in my native ;county of Ayr. (Cheers.) I am glad to be able to communicate to you such gratifying intelligence, and I trust that what has just taken place in Ayrshire may be regarded as a happy omen for future elections in Scot land. (Cheers.) I cannot sit down without expressing the extreme pleasure I feel in being present at this magni ficent demonstration. I rejoice that I have been allowed to join in this tribute of respect to one whom I regard as my most valued friend, my greatest benefactor, and my political chief. (Cheers.) I have never, like many gentlemen present, been a home Minister under my noble friend, but I can bear my testimony to the character which he bears among those who have been placed under his command, and to the great kindness and confidence with which he treated those who, though young in office, were anxious to perform to the best of their ability the duties which he imposed upon thein. (Cheers.) My noble friend is not more distinguished by that eloquence which is unsurpassed, by those talents which are universally acknowledged, than by the up rightness of his character and the integrity of his political views. With such a leader, and with such a phalanx as I see before me, I feel assured that the Conser vative cause will triumph, and that the present magnificent demonstration is but the prelude to greater energy on the part not only of those whom I am now addressing, but of the multitudes of whom they are merely the representatives. (Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN then proposed "The Health of Sir J. Pakington," who, he said, had proved himself a practical reformer in bringing up the navy from a low condition to a state of efficiency. (Cheers.) Sir J. PAKINGTON rose to return thanks, and was received with great cheer*, He said—l really know not in what terms to express the gratitude I feel for tho kindness with which you have received my name. This is not the first occasion on which I have been received with hospitality and kindness by the gentlemen of Liverpool, but never have I been received by you on any occasion so deeply gratifying to my own feelings as now, when we are assembled mainly to pay this noble tribute to the public merits of Loi d Derby. (Cheers.) Throughout my public life I have invariably looked with confidence and respect to my noble friend Lord Derby for guidance and advice. For many years of my public life I have been closely and intimately connected with my noble friend, and nothing could occur in relation to public affairs of a party nature more delightful to me than to be allowed to participate in this noble tribute to the merits of that distinguished man. (Cheers.) But, gen tlemen, you will allow me to say, as I had the honour dur ing the last Administration of my noble friend of holding the office of First Lord of the Admiralty, that I did derive the greatest gratification from hearing the terms in which the improvement of our national defences and of our naval strength was referred to in the address which was presented to my noble friend this morning. (Loud applause.) But let me take this occasion to say, ems phatically and distinctly, that I assume no exclusive merit to myself for that improvement of our national defences. Whatever exertions I made it was as the organ of the united Administration that I made them, and on no point was that Administration more unanimous (and no member of the Administration was stronger and more de cided in his opinion than Lord Derby) than on the absolute necessity of improving our national defences, and above all of giving increased anal proper strength to our naval force. (Cheers.) Let me acknowledge at the same time that cur political opponents have, I must say, generously' and fairly recognised that the late Administration did exert them selves to improve the defences of the country, but I think you will feel with me that in proportion to the generosity with which they made this acknowledgment was the : a _ consistency of passing a v o t e o f wan t o f con fid ence p- '`i the the late Administr a ti on . (H ear. ) L et me remin" that in the last sessio n we p ropose d est i mates of '-„ you extent for the inc rease o f our naval strer unprecedented submitted in the usual manner to PP- li-nth. They were emet and Prlia ment sanctioned and adopted ther,, anda I believe, app rove d w h a t wo a th e n country a too, ta. But that was not all. During the period of the re was sitting, where there election, when no Parlia menttuere was no House 01 Commons to appeal to, the war and the late broke out between France and Austria, ° Trernraent felt that the honour, the power, cl :"y say, the safety of England required that no times'''ould be lost in increasing our armaments. That was the decision of an individual Minister • it was the deci sion of the unanimous Government. (Cheers.) We ad vised the Queen to add 10,000 men to our navy and ma rines. (Applause.) We advised the offer of a bounty for sailors of unprecedented amount, and we strengthened the workmen in oar dock yards. We advised the commissioning, without loss of time, of those ships which now constitute our Channel and Mediterranean fleets. (Cheers.) I have before taken occa sion in the House of Commons to touch on this subject, but I trust you will allow me to allude to it again. If Parliament and the country had disapproved what we did, this would have been fair ground for attack and fair ground for a vote of censure. We had taken a most unusual course. We had taken a course that neither the House of Commons nor the country could regard with indifference. On the one hand we were open to the severest reprehension for acting with disregard to constitutional propriety, or, on the other, we were entitled to public gratitude for having adopted a wise, - vigorous, and timely policy. With strange inconsis tency, the House of Commons, I was going to say, adopted neither of these views ; but I believe I ought to say it adopted both. It decl are d th a t it approved our p o li cy, and, in the same breath, also declared that it had no confidence in the men who devised that policy. (Hear, and a laugh.) I hope my hon. friend at the other aid of the table (Mr. S. Fitz might almost have decisioneifly w oftanlerish H ouse o f Com ge thoughtr a Fitz gerald) willthis wasforgive the m Com mons, sitting in Dublin, rather than an English Muse of Commons, sitting in London. (Laughter.) I have always felt—and the splendid scene I now see around me confirms me in the conviction—that that 'vote of want of confidence was not sanctioned by the enlightened opinion of th e p eop l e of this country. (Loud cheers.) I believe that the g e n era l voice of the enlightened classes o f th is country was op posed to that decision as being a factious and unfair one. (Renewed cheers.) I believe the country does appreciate as much as over—l believe I may say more than ever— the pure and patriotic public character of Lord Derby —(great applause)---and that Lord Derby stands now as h (C ig h h ee o r r s. e ) ven l c h a n i g n h o e t r sit h d a o n w e n v e w r it i h n ou th t o wlpre b s l s i i c n g e s m t i m y a e put. n i t o i n r e approbation of the liberal and patri made otic efforts now b e i ng theeoininintheirseigraleinatacnintye ()of; Lthiivserpeoounol f tr o y r . the l im be p li r e o v v e em tb e a n t t t o o f andbje c i t t is of beganfirst-rat g de e a wth importanc e inLiverpoolf o r our at nationalthe present inte - be au rests, moment in the most wise and liberal spirit. I trust that the example now set by Liverpool will spread, and that the efforts new being made here will be adopted in other ports. I am deeply . convinced that wh a t ever t en d s to elevate our commercial marine, and to draw closer the connection be tween our merchant service and the Royal navy, will greatly conduce to strengthen our national defences and promote our commercial prosperity. .(Cheers.) The right hon. baronet concluded by expressing a hope that the t~~prity of Liv er p oo l might be great, growing, and con- The CHAIRMAN in proposing "The Health of L or d Stanley," all u d e d in terms of praise to the admirable ability and industry displayed by that noble lord in the ad ministra tion of Indian af4s at a time of unexampled difficulty. The toast was received with great applause. Lord STANLEY, who was received with prolonged cheer ing, said—Our remaining time is, unfortunately, limited, and, however tempted to do otherwise, I think I shall best consult both your wishes and your convenience if I content myself with expressing, in a few plain words, the gratitude which I cannot but feel for a reception so singularly cordial as that which you have given me to-night. In any place and upon any occasion such a reception would have been to me deeply gratifying, but it is doubly so —I am compelled to repeat my father's words, because I share my father's feelings —when offered in a county and in a town with which those who have borne my name leave for some centuries past been connected. (Cheers.) It is likewise doubly gratifying when offered in the presence of that band of colleagues and friends who with me have shared the uncertain fortunes of Parlia mentary war. It is above all gratifying when foremost among those colleagues, and foremost among thoseto whom you are met to do honour to-night, I see ene to whom I am personally bound by ties earlier and closer than even those ties of political sympathy and connection upon which Mr. Disraeli has so eloquently enlarged. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, the state of public affairs has been so often mentioned to night that I shall not trespass further upon that ground. This, however, I will say, that I think it is impossible for any one who has watched the public events of the last 15 or 20 years not to see that a great change has come over the feelings and ideas of this country. There never was a time when extreme opinions both in Parliament and out of it were more thoroughly discountenanced than they are at the present moment. There never was a time when all Parliamentary parties were more thoroughly united in de siring to carry, or, what is sometimes harder to do, in de siring to see carried by others, measures of practical and useful reform.- The grievances, real or supposed, which formed the battle-cries of the last generation have for tho mos* part died away, and I do not see' that a new crop has risen up to take their place. The old breach between. the landed and the mercantile and manufacturing interests has been effectually and finally closed, and I believe that those two great interests are more thoroughly identified in sym pathy and feeling- than at any previous period of our his. tory. (Cheers.) The masses are Conservative, because they are contented, and they will remain Conservative, for without them political agitation is only a symptom and an effect of social uneasiness ; they will remain Ifienservative so long as the governing classes shall be ar i n min d , as I be lieve they will, th a t th e true Conservative policy consists, not merely in checking agitation when it has arisen, but in anticipating agitatien by removing its causes. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, your chairmam has made some reference to the circumstances under which I became connected with. the home administration of Indian affairs. When I te;Sk that office in the May of last year it was an office bt con siderable labour and of very great responsibility. I may frankly say now that when I accepted it I di s so with no sanguine feeling, so far as my personal interests were con. corned, but I accepted the office without hesitation or doubt, because it seemed to me that circumstanced as the Govern ment and the country were at that time I had not in honour the option or the right to refuse. (Cheers.) After twelve menths of intimate connexion with Indian affairs I venture to say, although it is not now the fashion to bo ranguine upon the subject, that I am sanguine as to the future pros pects of British ID' a. (Cheers.) Asiatic aro not so un like Europe-Lis as some people are apt to suppose. Treat thora justly and you will govern them easily. If wo do that, which I fear we have not done at all former periods of our history, if wo treat native Princes and independent States with strict justice, and if we abstain from rash and foolish intermeddling with native customs and ideas, if we offer to native industry and talent opportunities for a higher career than they have hitherto enjoyed in the ser vice of the British Government. and if we carry out that policy which has been initiated of late years—tile policy of opening opening and ca/lital up the country to Briti s h enterprise and capitS i d am confident that in a very fe w y ears we shall see the r. of those financial difficulties which at present prove so r o ° so midable in India. (Chee rs .) R eco ll ec t th a t the one ca li . which deranges the finance s o f I n di a i s th e en ormous a' l jo tary expenditure, and the' amount' of that expendituren future years, so far as the internal defence and protecti:,,e4); the country is concerned, will mainly depend upon you determine to carry out a policy of coercion and l io h Pardon me, gentlemen, f or t ouc hi ng upon a subject . 0► is a little out of the track of o ur or di nar y d o mestic atra l ' but it is a subject whi c h I canno t h e l p f ee li ng deePIY,A,9IIO it is one which in its ulti ma t e resu lt s i nvo l ves little less the prosperity or the misfortune of the entire British pire. (Cheers.) The Earl of DERBY next rose and said,—l claim sion to propose to you the only toast which can be "' appropriately proposed by me than by the chairman/ when I name it I feel satisfied that it will be received t universal approbati on . B u t b e f ore I propose the toast alloyme to advert to a s u bj ec t a ll u d e d to b y the l a t e Lord-Lie iv tenant of Ireland. l am no t f on d o f i ntro d uc i ng into pub lic controversy anything relatihg to the private menge‘ts ment of my prope r ty or my d ea li ngs w i t h ray te nal o l l whether in England or I re l an d. I b e li eve I ma y trust to eing general character both here and the re —( c heers) --ef b to r known'for not a harsh landlord, and not vindictive or in all forgiving. (Cheers.) I b e li eve th a t b oth i n E ng land an w u ho Ireland it is universally acknowledged, at least by i n . know anything of the circumstances, that I have ne ver in. terfered with the exerci se o f th e po li t i aal f ranc hise of 3 s to gle tenant of mine, though I make my opinions kil °l4l „ no pt them. In proof of thi s I may ment i on one case . A g. of mine in Ireland f or th e l ast 3G years, who has bee n c° f nisant of all my principl es , who has received manYi n '' „its favour from me, and who—to use his own ext o r essla o ted would walk through fire and wa t er t o serve me, veer against my opinions on every e l ect i on, an d ye t we l au j, disagreed. (Hear, h ear .) Thi s tenant-farmer in Ir e t o named Michael Ryan, most nobly and honourably called forward to bear testimony to these facts in a letter publish in the newspapers. But I have seen charges magi a g a - o pte me as a general exterminator and oppressor of We E.,", and a tyrant landlord, because I have used every In ° 7 l " r der. my power co bring to justice the authors of a vile ra es (Cheers.) Permit me to say on this subject that the mimeb . passed on me*on the one side and the calumnies with on the otherl have been assailed are equally void of r o. '' dation, because they rest on an entire misapprehensincon the facts: I have never thought it worthmy tradict them, but, adverted to as they havebeen on a Pn occasion like the present, I must state the simple, ca ni n e' stances of the case. In a small outlying property I n ts, rick, worth £7OO a-year, I have about 11 or 12 win o , three of whom hold by lease, the remainder as tenants f ey year to year. The man who was murdered on that proP e an a was a Roman Catholic, theson of avery old tenant, wi nato whose ramily occupied the property long before I c' ara ,hen t possession of it. He was the first man I ever met l j ec - visited that property. He was in connection with a nr - o f a of very disorderly persona—he was, in fact, the leader club. Gradually I reclaim& that man, and refer-10443 to into a respectable and useful tenant. His son sitcom' Ile him, and hecame the tenant of another small farm. ong was from earliest life an industrious, active, stea'aY r e ty while to 00 man. He managed to a great extent his father's props 00 and also managed with geeat industry the small farm which I placed him, when, on account of his father', s n r riage, there was a separation in the family. T h t, - ,,Le' from no fault of his own, but in consequence of his la by the order of my agent ejected a sub-tenant unde r , 0 1 d whom I had no means of ejectinc , without his consen t ' who had rather deteriorated thelittle property than -,, co, wise, was brutally murdered in noon-day in the pies lot as I know, of a number of the population. He wa y led shot through the hea r t, hi s b o d y was then brutally _.,,„ and his head was knocked in with stones. (Cries of S' - i nf l e I have never been able to obtain the legal evidence of a witnesses of this brutal murder, but I had and have ' . ' -9 r o cl o to believe that more than one of the small numbs t, 8- I• eight or nina persons, who held under me as tena nts -1' here" will were parties to the conspiracy. I gap!, n otice,t, iio se fore at Michaelmas—the latest time I co•ald—to persons who held on that tenure,in lt be enabled, if I should obtain . • satisfactory evideecof if not sufficient to satisfy a jur y, 'at least to s atisfy nl e ' re r the moral guilt of any persmi concealing the IV I V I 'old not have been able to ref to eject snch person on Lar,P;rder that havethe f e following been he to n on g n vaLr eightd _aovey-hdi a m y, , f for o m o t t h h e e r wi r sOl, s e rved rlt noticea e . t The whole of the 0. all Oa t lle of ve er ten persons, etn. inte ,tion. serving the ' I.e have me !' and the f ca rol; notices was to give 'me the power ,„ w ho into exe , - - ,ution the removal of persons with respeet i _w n s tep. I ,P l :ght find moral evidence justifying me in sil e.o co it a t ( ‘Lioar, hear.) But it by no means follows, n er ff - c rilei . any time my intention to be the wholesale and ino' s d yet nating exterminator of those eight or ten tenants, In a too this declaration and service of notice on eig, ll ft , beea tenants holding some eight or ten acres each, iinins represented in the public papers as a wholesale tion, "the doom of Doom," and the turnin c :?b t oial the wide world hundreds of families, the Cal,' /1 ,9' that there is not one of these families unoel ay , or tice that has not received at my hands, and in en°, o f the another, more than the full valu e o f th e fee-simply be. land they hold. (Cheers.) I h ave never c ondeseen on m e, fore to reply to any of the ano nymous a tt ac ks made h e ar.) and I shall never condescend to do so again. (He ar d t ect 4 I have stated the plain facts and I say that in my.in 8 „ at it is the duty of a landlord, if he has reason to belie / 1 00 of persons on his property are conniving at the suppree s bra tal b evidence utto s o ft l y - th to e c t o h n o c s e e al p ir e i r e s n o t n s o: t o s u wi a t n h d respect to a o ilti murder—not, indeed, to punish the innocent for the g* iu g under this grave suspicion, and I being res l p — on y s o i u ble s Tr u si t l, ll a il interests and Happiness of this district—you and not hereafter stand in the relation of landlord and ten s T:a never r (Cheers.) I beardon for obtruding this subject onyura. notice, which I thought would be brought . f or and I will now proceed to a more grateful task. Tlie,Ti o ir earl then concluded by proposing "The Health of the man," observing that he was u o t n a e ll of ti t m he es ol a d n es d t, an ni d e s s r t?: c j e r. tent, and faithful supporters, cumstances;of the Conservative interests, and b man universally respected. The CHAIRMAN briefly returned thanks, a nd the col:V ali' 1 broke up near midnight. ills trg' Tho entertainment was e n li vene d b voca l an o re mental music, and Mr. H ar k er , o f London, ofticiaw - - toastmaster with his accustomed ability. FOREIGN MAIL PACKET LIST. n the following t a bl e E signifies that letters are deSPa tchea by evening mails from London, and M by morning mails. - r - ----, ......,,, J 1 uzla .J.JvititUll, 21,11 U 21 uy Jra.,..----- , et ` m a il DESTINATIONS. Despatch Port of due. of Mails. Despatch. Australia and Mauritius, vi a Nov; So uthampton Nov. 12, M Southalnl i • Nov. 4 Ditto, via Marseill e s Bahamas and Havana via New ~ .. Nov 24 York . Oct. —, E Liverpoc" NoY. I Canada, &c. (by Canad n . p c kt . ) N ov. 1, E Liverpool. • Cape of Good Hope, Ascen- rt pea 2 sion, and St. Hel ena N ov 5, E D evo npo China, Penang, and Sing;a- Nov, ~1 , 2 pore, via Southampton N ov. 4, M Southarol ) . . ovoyerdu Ditto, via Marseilles .......... er da , Gibraltar, via Southampto n N ov. 4, M SouthalnP• N o y. 0 Honduras and Blewfields India (Calcutta) and Ceylon, NO. 2 0 via Southampton Nov. 4, 31 SoutharoP. . ove rdo Ditto, via Marseilles ,410° India (Bombay), via South- Nov a4 O ampton N0v.12, M Southar o P• • Ditto, via Marseilles Lisbon, Brazils,Buenos Ayres, • 15 and P. Islands Lisbon, Vigo, and Oporto Nov. 7, M SoutharnP• Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via endue Southampton ............. Nov 4, 31 uthamlN °,OOlll - ..... . Nov . Ditto. via Marseilles United Mexico Ditto S ( a b t n y a d t u e n s . a a s v n . a d na liriti s h N Nov: NO' 2 America (by British packet) Oct. —, E Liverpool.. ~.... West. Coast of Africa, Ma- Nov 9 dcira, and Teneriffe packet) Nov. 23 E Liyerpool. • West India, California, Vene- , zuela, Chili, Peru, Grey- 4,2 3EI GarrSou t 1 i it a y m . p : , ...... Nog. _..... 1 town, New Granada, &a. Nov. 2, 31 SoutharnP.,---__ [ADyEAVISEMENT].—The possibility of a bandorLin i .„g. dicine altogether is shown by the nume rous e xtraorra, cures without medicine of indigestion (dy speps i a ), flat% u.: 1 ; 0 , constipation, nervous. bilious, and li ver comp l a ints, 94 1 ' 1 410 asthma, consumption, and debility, e ff ec t e d by TO delicious Health-restoring Revalenta Arabica Food . , 2 70. following are not the least' remarkable :—Cure l' 0 . av o i 30 Mr. James Roberts, timber merchant, of FriraleY , years diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derang erl 101 partial deafness.—C ure No. 58,816. Mrs. Hobe, aged 0,4 years, of dyspepsia (indigestion), debility, irritabil it ibire nervousness which had tormented her for 70 years."" ~ year? No. 46,814. Mr. S amue l L axton, Leicester, o f s e` ' diarrhoea.—Curs No. 52,612. Th e D o wager Counte°ol Castle Stuart of many years' nervous initability, indigestion.—Cure No. 51,812. Miss Virginia ii, 1 3 ,0" cured of consumption, after her medical adviser lia" a ire doned all hopes of recovery. —Cure No. 180. " debility' ure , years' nervousness, constipation, indigestion, and sac' from which I have suffered great Iniee'.." have which no medicine could relieve, „ if remove or ve.t.T been effectually cured by Du Barry's food in a d n . O short time.—W. B. R eeves ,. 18 1, Fleet - s t ree t, 1 01 1 ;0 4 In tinS, at ls. 6d. ; 11b., 3s. ; 21b., ss. 9d. ; 51b., 1284,,,, 5 t e 265. The 101 b. and 121 b. tins carriage free, on reoeiPt ®,poste office order. Du Barry and 7, Regent-street, Le — 60, Fortnum, Mason, and Co., C0.,i .82, Piccadilly; A bbi ;kord'' Gracechureh-street ; 4, Cheapside ; p-stir street; 330 and 451, Strand • 49 and 60, Biell o s alint street ; 85, Tottenham-court-road. Also at A Co •i Bewley and Draper ; at Edinburgh, Raimes and and at Liverpool, Nixon and Thew; at Manchester, harPutb.. Scott; at York, Raimes, Blanchard, and Co.; at S° • ampton, Randall and Son. 63, and 150, 0 BIRTHS. if lip GORDON.—On the 25th i ns t., a t B em b r id ge , Mrs. G° l-° • of a daughter. •of of HALE.—On the 26th inst., at Bridlington-quay', the Iv Bernard Hal e , Esq., ofboncaster, of a son. I .o' o HOWARTH.--On the 27th at the Rectory, St. Ge°.-- f Hanover-square, the wif e o f th e R ev. H. Ilowarthp ° daughter. PARKER.—On i ns t ., the 25th at Blacklands, Ca vondi f sii i: Suffolk, the wif e of Sir William Parker, Bar t. ' ° daughter. MARRIAGES. -n- 0 .0111 GAISPORD—ST. LAWRENC E .—O n th e 26th inst., at L.- L ady . Thos. Gaisford, Esq., of Oflington, Sussex, Emily St. Lawrence. o'sh lIALDIDAY—LUDLOW.—O n the 29th insi , at St. GoOrgirk.. Hanover-square, John Halliday, Esq., Of Maac k, 'o cudbrightshire, N.B. to Marian, widow of the kite gall W. A. Ludlow, of the' Bengal Army. D E A T H S. ett BALFOUR.—On the 28th inst., at 12, Maitland - si re Edinburgh, James Balfour, Esq. es C. CRARB.—On the 25th inst., H t Jain at Bushey, or s, Crabb, aged 43. . or to the second son of the late Rob t. Currey, CultnEy.—On the 13th ult., drowned, in fording. the a/ii - , • Knysna, Cape of Good Hope Charlps Currey', Berne-hell,Escl''t' FoDsTitvic—hbangetldm32Gith inst , at Seaforth, near l ' iverP°°ll Francis Foster, Esq., aged 70. jr. KEITH. —On the 27th inst., at Haverstock-hill, Thos. Esq., of Keith, Esq., aged 56. KENT. —On the 25th inst., at Blackheath, suddenly, 1 " Benjamin Kent, formerly of Hadley Hall, aged 76. J. REECE.—On. the 25th inst., at O a k M oun t , Edgbaston, . 1 Reece, Esq., age d 87. LONDON : Printed and P u bli s h e d b y MURDO YOU N G' i of No. 112, Strand, P r i n t er , at The Sun Office, No. . 1 `,4 Strand, in the Precinct o f th e Savoy, ill the coill4 Middlesex ' Monday, October 31,1869. i