The Sun. — London, England, 1862-06-30 00:00:00

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA. (From the Times Correspondent.) NEW YORK, JUNE 17. Though little is publicly said upon the subject — the fear of Mr. Stanton andthe military censorship b e i n g great among the journals of all s hades of politics—considerable anxiety is expressed wherever men congregate as the position of the army before Richmond. Gen. M'Clellan is not at the head of a force sufficient to risk an attack upon the Confede rate capital, and a constant de mand for reinforce ments reaches Washington from his camp—a de mand with which the Government finds much dif ficulty in complying, though perfectly aware of the urgency of the case. Gen. Beauregard is still in the field in force sufficient to checkmate the large army of Gen. Halle ck ; and Generall "Stonewall" Jackson, by his brillianttaid into the Valley of the Shenandoah, has found such ample occupation for the four armies of Generals Fremont, Shields, Banks, an d M'Dowell, as to prevent-any reinforce ments for M'Clellan being abstracted from their commands. While such is the position of the Fe deral army, and while the Government is not with. Out anxiety for the safety of Washington, exposed even now to any daring movement that Jackson or any other Confederate general might attempt, the defenders of Riehmonl appear to be receiving large reinforcements every day, and to be growing in audacity as they grow in numbers. A small force of about 2,000 men has been bold enough to make a sortie from Richmond in the rear of M'Clellan's army, between him and his supplies, and to " play the very mischief" with his Commissariat, them selves escaping without danger. At Charleston, too, it appears as if the South had determined to make a stand as obstinate as that which it certainly intends to make before Richmond, with the view, in both places, and especially in Virginia, of avoiding a decisive battle until the harvest is ready for the sickle. The beautiful and fertile Valley of the Shenandoah, which grows grain enough to feed the whole of the Confederate armies, and which has the additional advantages of commanding the ap proaches to Washington, and of being entirely Southern in its opinions and sympathies, may yet be the scene of a new struggle that may weaken M'Clellan at the hour of his need and keep the whole North in alarm and perturbation of spirit. The very elements seem to conspire to procrastinate the final onslaught. The banks of the Chickahominy are still flooded, and M'Clellan's inaction is dictated by a double necessity—the want of men and the abundance of water. • The Yankees, though they have contributed several able generals and other officers to the war, have not contributed very largely to the rank and le of the Federal army Had it not been for the aid afforded by the Irish and the Germans, who form at least two-fifths of the whole number of fighting men now, or hereafter to be, at the disposal of the Federal power, the war against the South could not have been carried on, except at odds which would before this have assured victory to the Con federates. This is a grievance to the South of which the Southern leaders make the most, and which they take card shall rankle in the minds of the people. It embittered the hearts of the Americans in the war of independence to know that Germans and "Hessians" were employed by the British Government to keep them in subjection, and the South has raised the same cry of " Hessians," and declared that but for the' hireling foreigner" the detested Yankees could not even have attempted the hopeless task of subduing a free people. It is one characteristic both of the war and of the Germans that, while immigration into the United States has greatly diminished from all other countries, Ireland included, since the Battle of Bull Run, the immigration of Germans has in- creased. The Germans trained to war by the mili tary system of their own little kingdoms and duchies, seem to snuff the carnage from afar. They come over here, ready material for the rough work of war, in which they receive more than double the pay of soldiers of Europe, and in which they are cheered on by the hope of advancement, and, ,it is to be feared, of plunder also, if half the accounts are true that are published of their doings in the Northern as well as the Southern newspapers. They know little or nothing of the merits of the cause for which they are so ready to fight, and there are whole regiments of them in which scarcely a man can speak a word of English. They pillage where ever they go, and are as instrumental in exaspe rating the already excited passions of the South as General Butler himself. Were the Federal Govern. went to notify to General Blenker or General Sige' —the two most noted German officers in command —the propriety of shooting or hanging a fevr of these offenders, a great scandal might be removed from the Northern army. The South at the same time might be deprived of a grievance that adds no little bitterness to the strife, if it does not tend to prolong it. At last the commercial world of New York and the press, which has so long ignored the question, are beginning to perceive that there may, after all, be too much inconvertible paper money. Mr. Chase's last proposal to add 150,000,000 " green backs" to the already over-inflated currency has alarmed the bankers and the great traders, and bids fair to create a panic if it be not withdrawn. A year ago gold was at par. Under the operation of Mr. Chase's " green-backs" it has risen to 7 per cent. premium, 2 per cent. of which has been the direct and almost immediate consequence of his proposal of last week to double the existing amount of these legal tender notes, based solely upon the credit of the Government and its power to collect a large revenue by means of a Tax Bill and a Tariff which have not yet become Jaw. The probability is that the rate will increase still further, and that before a month has passed g sld may be at a premium of 10 per cent. This may be an excellent state of affairs for speculators on the Stock Exchange, and for a certain class of bankers and merchants, but it threatens to bring about a financial collapse, that will cost the country as much as the war, and much more quickly. The warnings of the English press w'lich have hitherto been unheeded, or ascribed to jealousy of " our great country" are now considered with a little more respect ; and the science of poli tical economy —even though founded upon what fast Americans consider thelitaited experience of the slow and effete old world, and especially of slow and de caying old England —s, found to be of universal applicution, and not to be set at defiance with im by so fast and exceptional a country pu n ity, even as the United States. With the trade of the nation reduced from an annual aggregate of 5,000 millions of dollars to 2,500, or, at most, 3,000 millions ; wit's few legitimate opportunities for the investment of capital, and with 300 millions of floating and incon vertible paper issued by the Government, inst ea d of about 100, millions of convertible paper, which was the average issue of the banks prior to the war, does Mr. Chase imagine that he is building up any thing but a house of cards by his financial legerde main, cards which the first breath of distrust, or the first great military reverse to the arms of the Re public, will not utterly overthrow ? If he do, America may teach the nations how to live and how to fight, but it certainly, under his financial regime, will not teach them how to calculate. While the war thus languishes, and while com merce scarcely knows what to think or where to turn, it may not he out of place to bestow a little attention upon the general condition of the public sentiment and the new distribution of parties which the war has created. The political parties that divide or distract the country are still called the Democratic and the Republican ; but this classi fication is no longer correct. Both have been so violently shaken by the war that, while they have been sundered in one sense, they have been amalgamated in another and have utterly lost their a nc i ent . ' individuality. Neither of them has " a platform" on which it can stand to enunciate its principles, or a banner which it can unfurl to summon its supporters to their Former alle giance. Into wh at new or s ran they will ultimately c rystallise under the h o t b last and gle e mical dis integration of civil war it is impossible to fore see ; but it may help tho European student of American history to a better co mprehension of the mighty contest that convulses this continent if an impartial observer attempt to describe the actual division of parties with reference to the war,' and the question of negro slavery, which provoked and embitters it. Perhaps the nomenclature adopted may not be scientific; but if tLe whole public opinion of North and South be clarified into the party of " Disunion," the party of " the Union as it was," and the party of " The Union as it ought - - to be," the lines of demarcation thou .h broad will be found to be accurate, and to include every shade and shade and variety of political feeling in the country. The party of Disunion has its stronghold in the Confederacy, but, even at this late period of the strife, is not wholly confined to the South. Before the attack on Fort Sumtner had aroused the pride and passion of th© North to an extent that is scarcely appreciated in Europe, there were large classes of people who had taught and preached dis- union for years, who proclaimed the flag of the re public to be a " fliunting lie," who were weary and sick of the sin and disgrace of negro slavery, and of enforced copartnership with the political system that was founded upon it, and who rejoiced that the South by its secession had relieved them of a shame as well as a difficulty. They were willing if not anxious that the Confederacy should be allowed to establish its independence and to go in peace. They believed that the South was not worth fighting for, that the North would be better, happier, and more prosperous without it; and that the world was wide enough for both of them to work out in peace if not in amity their separate destinies. The precipitate action of South Carolina, and the attack on the flag —no longer a "flaunting lie," but a sacred emblem —swept this party almost entirely away; and the ultra-Abolitionists, who first raised the cry of sepa ration, and proclaimed the Union to be " a league with death and a covenant with hell," veered round in the tempest of indignation which the bombard ment of Fort Sumter excited, and became Unionists for the first time in their history. Some of them, with the zeal of new converts, became fanatics in the cause, and pronounced to be angelic that faith in the Union which they once declared to be diabolical. A few, but very few, of this original party of Dis union still remain in the North, who even now would rejoice if the South and its " peculiar institution" could be allowed to drift away into independence or destruction, as time and chance might determine, but they do not dare to express their sentiments openly for fear of the accusation of treason and dis loyalty that would be hurled against them by the Northern press. There is still another class of Dis unionists in the Nortb, who hold that, secession is a legal and constitutional act ; that " State Rights," as interpreted by the States themselves, are of greater pre-eminence and authority than any laws that may spring from the federative principle ; that the first allegiance of a citizen is due to his State Government; that if his local patriotism conflict with any supposed allegiance to the Central Power, the Central Power must be compelled to forego its claim by force of arms, if nesessary ; that the Con federate States are the sole judges of their own wishes ; that a truly free government can only exist by the consent of the governed; and that, having thought fit to declare their independence, they are as entirely in the right in so doing as Washington and his compeers were in declaring their indepen dence of Great Britain. Northern gentlemen who have travelled or resided in the South, and many Northern merchants of the highest standing, who have bad commercial relations with the cotton, rice, and sugar regions, hold these opinions, utterly irre spective of the question of slavery, but, like the ultra-Abolitionists, who remain firm' to their ori ginal faith, they do not dare to avow their senti ments publicly, lest the terrorism of the press and the pulpit should injure their character or their business by publicly denouncing them as traitors. Consequently they hold their peace and wait for better times, content to be prudent without aspir ing to be patriotic. The party of " The Union as it was" is the largest and most influential of all, and comprises members of both of the great parties into which the country was divided before the war. It numbers in its ranks the great mass of the people, who care nothing for slavery in the South, who are quite satisfied with its abolition in the Nortb, who have little or no sympathy with negroes or their wrongs, and who do not consider va.etz man ontitlod to tho etsms social or even political privileges as white. At the head of this party stand Mr. Lincoln, the President, and Mr. Seward, his Secretary of State, who, with out sharing the ethnological or social opinions of the great bulk of their followers (for they are cor dial enemies of slavery), recognise the right gua ranteed by the Constitution, and admit that slavery or its abolition is a question for the South and its State Legislatures only, and not for the North to decide. They, therefore, desire to avoid the irritat ing topic as much as possible, and to devote their whole energies of body and mind and the whole force of the Federal Government to the restoration, pare and simple, of the old Union. In the conduct of the war they are solicitous not to outrage the feeling, or even the prejudice, of the Southern people. They look to victory by land and sea, but not for the sake of victory or for the humiliation of men whom they still regard as fellow-citizens, though misguided and rebellious, but for the sake of the speedier re-establishment of the Union, which they deem to be essential to the maintenance and permanence of Republicanism on this continent, and to the elevation of the American people to 1 the real status of a nation, second to no other in the world. The weakness of this great section, and at present most powerful of all the parties of America, is that with the restoration of "the Union as it was," supposing this to be possible, they would infallibly reproduce and reinstate the cause of the late disruption, and of all the dissensions and animosities of the Republic. To restore the seceded States with their "peculiar institution" intact would be to reintroduce into the system the virus that produced the fever, and to sow the seeds of a new, bitter, and endless conflict for power and supre macy. If in this contest the South did not carry its point, nominate the Presidents, appoint the judges of the Supreme Court, shape the foreign as well as the domestic policy of the Union, and carve new States out of Mexico to counterbalance the un. controllable expaneien of the free North in the wil d.ernesses of the West, a second disruption and se cession would be inevitable in less than ten years. All the work of the last and the present year would have to be done over again by the North, if it still desired to retain its unwilling and revolted partner, with the signal disadvantage of no longer starting unweighted in the conflict. The North in this case would have to bear, not only the incubus of the huge national - debt already incurred, and the cer tainty of another as monstrous to be superadded to it, but the positive enmity of Europe—the great nations of which would not and could not be ex pected to remain neutral a second time, and allow their material interests to suffer as severely as be fore from the renewal of a struggle, of which every day's continuance would be alike a nuisance, a mis ery, rrh end a danger to them and to their people. These considerations, obvious as they are, do not 7, l g, ll ,with the members of this party. They re puelatentheeirint.terfer.en.ce of Europe now and here tun ities. Their cry ls . in the present and its oppor tunities. rY is "sufficient for the day is the can;Theyto a la re st d a e s te lo r n m g in a e s d it t m o a r y es , t l o e r a e vi t n h g e to another o thereof." eirfetohf ineration the task of defending it, if it be attacked from within. In — addition to this, many of them though, perhaps, neitherhope M th r a . t L n in ew eo\n im no es r. Mr. Seward — ent ertain the and that a gr e at ed by both sections of th e R epublic, may produce n ew circumstances ; foreign war wag giving them victory and fame in common, might weld together the broken and imperfectly mended halves of the Republic, and make them one and in. dissoluble for ever. The third party—that of "the Union as it ought to be"—is strongest in New England, in the churches of New York and the west, and among the philoso phical Republicans generally, who entertain the same ideas upon the subject of negro slavery as the people of England a n d o th er European countries. They allege with pitiless logic that negro slavery has been the cause of the disruption and of the war, and that a reconstruction of " the Union as it was" is not desirable, and would be of no value or permanency. The seceded States, according to their doctrine, have forfeited all rights to the protection of the constitution by the mere fact of their seces- THE SUN LONDON, MOND A Y EVENING JUNE 30, 1862. (unless I receive orders to the contrary) in 4 batte ries of Austrian rifled field artillery; 32 guns suit able for gun cotton, as well as powder—which guns I have already secured—and 20,000 rifles now in the Vienna Arsenal. Unless I should be able to purchase a large number, like 10,000 to 20,000, I should not, without special orders, depart from the Enfield bore—not that the Austrian bore is too small, but because of the great importance of uni formity of bore. It has given me great concern that I have not been able to make better arrange ments for running in the several cargoes that have been forwarded. " It is impossible, as I have stated in my previous letter, to obtain vessels with capacity for cargo and coal for so long a voyage, and have at the same time the requisite speed for attempting the blockade. I have endeavoured to purchase a very fast steamer to run from Nassau to the coast, but I have no money now for any purpose. I should not hesitate to appropriate money to this object, even without orders, seeing how long the Gladiator was detained at Nassau, and considering the great importance of these goods being safely landed. " The Economist, Lieut. Fauntleroy, was at Ber muda on the 6th March, expecting to sail next morning. As we have dates from New York to the 20th of March, with no account of the Econo mist, I have strong hopes that she has arrived at a Confederate port. The steamer Minna sailed while I was in Hamburg. It was intended that she should take 500 barrels of gunpowder. I found on my return to London, however, that the powder had all been shut out, on account of the vessel being full.. Had I been in London I should have sent powder in preference to anything else. 6 6 On board the Minna, consigned to I. Adderley and Co., are the following articles for the Confede rate Government : 5,900 knapsacks and boards, &c., 5,690 sets of accoutrements, 1,840 gun slings, 992 sabre belts, 4,500 gas cloth (light blue), 1,850 sabres, 5,700 rifles, 300 pairs shoes, and 16 sets saddlery. " Correct invoices have been sent by the Minna to Nassau. " The Melita will sail from London with a very valuable cargo in about 15 days. I have requested Lieut. North of the Navy to take charge of her, but have not yet received his reply. Should it be in the 'negative, I shall endeavour to obtain an officer from the Sumter, still lying at Gibraltar. " The Melita is, for a screw steamer, quite fast, and with an enterprising commander on board, could, lam confident, be run in. There will be several field-howitzers so placed that, without dis turbing the general cargo, they can be taken to the deck and then mounted, and with these quite a goad defence could be made against wooden gun. boats.—l have the honour to be your obedient ser. vant, " CALEB HUSE, Captain of Artillery." THE EMILY ST. PIERRE. OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE. The papers respecting the above vessel were pub • lished on Saturday morning. On the 24th of April Mr. Adams wrote to Earl Russell upon the sub ject, and transmitted certain depositions relating to the seizure of the vessel. Mr. Adams contended that the act committed by Capt. Wilson, the master of the neutral vessel, entailed her confiscation and that of the cargo, and asked that directions might be given for their restoration. On the 7th of May Earl Russell replied that having taken the opinion of the law officers, the Government were unable to comply, inasmuch as acts of forcible resistance to the rights of belligerents on the high seas were not cognisable by the municipal law of England, how ever punishable as offences against international law in the prize courts of the captor administer ing such law. Mr. Adams replied by quoting the language of Lord Stowell, by which he con sidered the restoration of the vessel is called for; and by _pointing to the language of her Majesty's proclamation, which, he thinks, was in tended to apply to precisely such cases as this. The Foreign Minister rejoined that Lord Stowell's lan guage was limited to the action of a prize court of the captor, and does not extend to the municipal law of a neutral country. Chancellor Kent is quoted at some length by the noble lord, who con cludes by saying that the meaning of the proclama tion was that any breach of the statute would be punished under the statute by the same national authority by which the statute was enacted. In a despatch which occupies three pages and a half of the printed return, Mr. Adams reviews the argu ments of the noble lord, and what he considers the recognised doctrines of international law, coming to the conclusion that the claim for the restoration of the ship rests on the soundest principles of equity and law. The restitution, he says, of Messrs. Mason and Slidell was not required by any portion of the municipal law of the United States, and the United States Government restored them simply because the seizure seemed to have been wrongful, as con strued by the law of nations. If the Royal Ao clamation is to be made so null and void foreign nations must, he says, adopt more stringent mea sures of repression "in order to bring down with real effeet upon her subjects their just consequences of her Majesty's displeasure for the violation of her will." The Government and people of the United States had expected some mark of indignation on the part of her Majesty's Government. " The deci sion has been otherwise. Made wiser by the result, they will take the necessary precautions in like cases that may happen hereafter to protect them selves." Writing on the 12th inst., the Foreign Minister endeavours to convince Mr. Adams that it is a gene ral principle that each nation deals only with offences committed against it own laws, and is not called upon to carry into effect, or to aid in carry ing into effect, the laws of foreign nations against persons who may have violated them, and who may be found within its territory. "Not only in the case of neutrals in war, but in all cases falling within the same general principle, the nation to whom the parties complained of belong leaves to other nations who may suffer by the acts of such parties the penalty. It may happen that the nation re ceiving the injury may have an opportunity of re senting it should it perchance catch the offenders within its jurisdiction. Had the Emily St. Pierre fallen a second time into the hands of a United States cruiser a prize court of the United States would in all probability have condemned the ship and cargo. Nor would her Majesty's Government have complained of a condemnation judicially pro nounced in accordance with the law of-nations. Her Majesty's Government, adhering to this line of con duct, are therefore acting in accordance with reason, policy, and the common and universal usage of na tions in like cases. You speak of the rescue of the Emily St. Pierre as being a fraud by the law of na tions. But whether the act of rescue be viewed as one of fraud or of force, or as partaking of both characters, the act was done only against the rights accruing to a belligerent under the laW of nations relating to war, and in violation of the law of war, which, whilst it permits the belligerent to exercise and enforce such rights against neutrals by the pe culiar and exceptional right of capture, at the sable time leaves to the belligerent alone the duty, and confers upon him the power, of vindicating such right and of enforcing such law. The same law not only does not require, but does not even permit, neutral nations to carry out belligerent rights. You allude to the conduct of the United States Govern ment in the case of the Trent; but the flagrant wrong done in that case was done by a naval officer in the service of the United States ; the prisoners, whose release was demanded, were in the direct custody and keeping of the Executive Government; and the Government of the United States had actu ally the power to deliver them up, and did deliver them up to the British Government. But the Emily St. Pierre is not in the power of the Executive Go vernment of this country, and the laws of England, as well as the law of nations, forbid the Executive Government from taking away that ship from its legal owners." Mr. Adams's reply on the following day is a simple acknowledgement of the above note, with the re mark— "As I do sot perceive that its co nten t s ma terially change th e na t u re of the issue that had beep, alreaciy made up, I shall content myself with the transmission of a copy, to complete the eorres pondence on the subject, to the Government of the United States." sion and rebellion. They insist that the true policy is to conquer and to subdue them, and to abolish, with or without compensation, but with compensa tion if it would make the matter less difficult, the hateful system which has produced all the mischief. They urge the vigorous prosecution of the war, the confiscation of the property of .all rebels, great or small, and death to the civil and military leaders of the Confederacy; They also deny the right of any of the rebellious States to be considered as States one moment after they have been conquered, and would degrade them into the rankof territories, like the new States that are growing in the wilderness, having no rights whatsoever, but such as they would derive from the paramount authority and grace of the Federal Government, Vaich alone would appoint their officers until such time as the Southern people had re-acquired the right of self-government under the constitution by a long course of probationary discipline, during the continuance of which slavery should have utterly disappeared irom among them. This party is not numerous, but it is eloquent, un tiring, zealous, and fanatical. Its great defect is that it takes no cognizance of the immense difficulty of the work it would undertake ; that it despises or ignores facts and worships theories; that it would emancipate the negro, and then leave him to die ; that, like all doctrinaires, it makes no account of human passions, weaknesses, and errors; that it would govern the world on the principle of pure reason, though a thousand blood revolutions might be the consequence ; and that in one word it is impracticable. But it is, nevertheless, a great power in American affairs, is represented by at least two members of the Cabinet, and becomes more formidable to contend against the longer the war continues. It would be treason for an American, but will not be so in an Englishman, to say, after a careful and friendly consideration of all the difficulties of the case, that the first of these three parties is the only one whose principles are calculated to give peace to this Continent. The second, if immedi ately succssful, would reproduce the war at no re mote period ; while, if the objects of the third were avowed and adopted by the Federal Government, the threat of Mr. Jefferson Davis that the South would carry on the war for 20 years after the loss of Richmond, and of every city and port of the Atlantic seaboard and the Gulf Mexico, would cer tainly be realised. In that case Europe would de cide whether it were or were not for its interest to throw its weight into the scale to expedite a settle ment in favour of the Confederacy. Thus, as " the Unionists " allege, the " Seces sions " and the " Abolitionists " travel to the same terminus, though by different routes. And thus, also, the " Unionists " themselves only postpone for a time a result that is ultimately inevitable. Such, dispassionately stated, is the real difficulty of the American civil war as it presents itself to the mind of an impartial spectator. INTERESTING CONFEDERATE DOCUMENT. The following letter from a Confederate agent in this country has fallen into the hands of the United States Government : " Liverpool, Ist April, 1862. "To Major I. Gorgas, C. S. Artillery, War Department. " I have had great difficulties to contend with in shipping the field artillery which, as I have previ ously informed you, I should soon send from Ham burg. " Messrs. Frazer, Trenholm, and Co., of this city, placed at my disposal a fine ship, the Bahama, which I supposed would take all the batteries. It is found, however, that the cargo is so difficult to stow that but six or seven batteries can be taken on board the Bahama. " I went to Hamburg to superintend in person the shipment; but finding soon after my arrival that every step I took was watched by spies sent from London by the United States Minister, as well as by the United States Consul in Hamburg, and learning that this consul had declared publicly that the ship being known to have Confederate Govern ment stores on board, would be captured ; after tak ing legal advice and carefully considering the matter, I determined to leave Hamburg and endea vourl to dispose of the batteries to some purchasers 1 of such merchandise in England. " I accordingly came to this country, and sold the whole ten batteries to Capt. Blakely, late of the Royal Artillery, who is now engaged in the manu facture of artillery. He is now in Hamburg attend ing to the shipping of the batteries. " Just after my arrival in England I received a telegram from Hamburg, informing me that one of the lighters from which the Bahama was receiving her cargo had been run into by a British steamer under charge of a Hamburg pilot, and sunk, with eight pieces and carriages, &c., on board. There are reasons for thinking the pilot was bribed to commit the act, and the inhabitants being unani mously *posed to the Confederacy, it is probable that it will be impossible for me to recover any damages. I have had the satisfaction, how ever, this morning of receiving a telegram from Captain Blakely, informing me that the lighter had been raised, and the water being fresh, the carriages pre not materially injured. " Immediately on my arrival in England, I set about obtainihg a ship to take the remainder of the batteries left by the Bahama and such other articles as might be ready. " I have the satisfaction of being able to inform you that I have succeeded in engaging the steam ship Melita for this work, and that she leaves Liverpool tc-day for Hamburg. From Hamburg she will proceed to London, and there take on board the following articles :-10,000 rifles (about), 2,000 barrels powder, 5,000 sets accoutrements, 5,000 knapsacks, 300 cavalry swords, 10,000 yards light blue cloth, 3,000 pairs shoes, 6,000 bayonet scab , bards, 1,000 cavalry belts, 250 saddles, &c., complete. " In addition to the above, I have had offered to me about 50,000 pairs of French shoes and 25,000 shirts, cotton. If the holder of these shoes and shirts will take my order on the Confederate trea sury, payable in the Confederacy, in payment for them, I shall purchase them. The shoes are of the French army pattern, and although not by any means equal to shoes that I have purchased in Eng land, still I have thought that they would be ser viceable, and that possibly they might be much needed by the army. " I have previously informed you that I have had reason to be entirely satisfied with the London Armstrong Company in all transactions that I have had with them. The rifles manufactured by this company are far superior to those obtained from almost every other source, and possessing, more over, the advantage of being interchargeable. I have requested the chairman to hand me a tender for supplying 40,000 rifles from their manufactory. Inclosed I have the honour to submit a copy of their proposition. In case the department should de sire me to make this contract, I beg to be in formed at the earliest moment, as otherwise I may find it impossible to arrange the matter. Thinking it possible that the department might de sire a smaller bore, I made inquiries on this point, and found that they could make a smaller bore, but not without altering several of the machines. The exterior of the rifle would have to be left the same as at present. It is the opinion of some British officers that the barrel of the Enfield rifle is too light. Making the bore smaller, therefore, would rather be an improvement, in giving greater strength to the rifle. " The Austrian bore is slightly smaller than the English, but almost every other European Govern ment rifle is of a larger bore. The Austrian rifle is a very serviceable weapon, though to one accus tomed to Enfield and Springfield arms, they have a very rough appearance. _ _ _ "I am in a position to purchase 20,000 or 30,000 Austrian rifles, at about 40s. each, say about 10 dole. At present I am not in a position, as regards funde, t o make the purchase, inasmuch as I owe at least 400,000 d o l e. than I have the means of pay i ng. " I have th ought it necessary, of my duty, t o p ress the credit of the Confederacy as far as possibl e in the discharge ~ 'without endangering its good na me ; but I must now limit myself to the con tracts already made ; I must pay my debts before doing any more. As soon, however, as money suffi cient for the purpose is received, I shall invest it 111: COCHIIV'S VISIT TO 12031 E. In the number of the Correspondant, which has just appeared, is an article by M. Augustin Cochin, headed " Rome, the Martyrs of Japan, and the Bishops of the 19th Century." M. Cochin has just returned from Rome, where he witnessed the cere mony of the canonisation ; and it is not surprising that he has been more impressed with it than those who do not profess the same doctrines as himself. But, whatever be his political or religious belief, M. Cochin possesses mach ability as a writer, in the estimation even of those who hold doctrines of a far different kind. To many it will appear para doxical to be told that Pope Pius IX. is " more tranquil and more confident of ultimate success" than King Victor Emmanuel, aggrandized as he is by nearly all Italy. " I was an eye-witness," he says,— " On the day when the contrast between the suc cess of Piedmont and the trials of the Pope reached, so to say, its culminating point. In a little port of the Mediterranean—Porto d'Anzio—l saw the Holy Father, tranquil and smiling, walking on the shore, in the midst of children and boatmen, There, on the ruins of Nero's palace—the Nero who would be reigning this moment at Rome through his succes sors were it not for the successors of St. Peter—not far from the spot where the Pope disinterred the " Apollo" from the ruins heaped up by the barba rians, was Pius IX., only accompanied by a few prelates, whose fidelity increases with his misfor tunes, guarded by 500 Das of France, the sea spread out before him, more calm than the land, after haying-in vain called Europe to his aid; and his eyes were fixed on the tiny craft whose deck may, from one moment to another, be the only domain he can call his own. A few days afterwards I saw the King of Italy, under the glorious sky of Naples, land before the eyes of a million of men, received by the ambassadors of Europe, and fol lowed by the Bretagne and the St. Louis, that were at Gaeta, and by six other French ships of war, with their Admirals and 8,000 men, and welcomed with the roar of their artillery, which mingled with the salutes of two English men of war. If France desired the unity of Italy what could she do more ? I have seen these things ; I have seen these men. I have seen Pius IX. neglected, and Victor Emmanuel received with acclamations; and, asking myself what indeed are the faults of the victim, and where are the merits of the triumpher, I understood better the mystery of events, the ingratitude of men, the play of force, and all the majesty of sorrow. True, in two short weeks all was changed. Victor Emmanuel returned to Turin in all haste; the muskets of the revolution went off too soon at Brescia ; Garibaldi fell into disgrace, and Mazzini appeared on the stage. There was agitation at Turin ; General Goyon and a divi sion were recalled ;at Rome all was calm. I then better understood the secret power of moral force, and I saw why the conqueror was so agitated and the conquered so calm." M. Cochin quotes this passage from the Bishop of Orleans' sermon at Rome : " I ask even of those who do not share our faith and our hopes, is there on this earth a city, a people, a Sovereign Power who at a simple wish of the heart, expressed in the most cautious, the most reserved, and the most delicate terms, has seen at once the whole world moved, and, from the extremities of their empire, the representatives of every nation come to lay their devotedness and their love at its feet ? No ; and I do no injustice to any of the Powers when I say that there is not one among them which could thus stir the whole earth. I re peat it, there is in it a striking proof of the pre sence of God in his Church." On the selection of the subjects for canonisation M. Cochin observes : " The Japanese slaves, a few obscure Christians who died for the triumph of the faith and liberty of conscience—who then thinks of such persons ? If the Church acted from policy she would have selected for canonisation the mother of an Emperor, the daughter of a King, a Minister, an orator, a writer, or a famous general. These would be pro tectors of great example and of great credit. No, amid the trials of her earthly career she continues her spiritual life, and she adds to the calendar names whose renown is only echoedin Heaven." - A part of M. Cochin's article seems intended as an answer to the Revue des Deux Mondes, from which I have already given some extracts. The Revue des Deux Mondes, he says,— " Reproaches the bishops with sacrificing the Catholics to this sovereignty, for Italian unity is only an object, a theory, whereas the temporal power is a fact. I agree with it very sincerely, just as the gardener who waters his salads in the gar dens which occupy a part of the Roman territory, does not feel himself happier because he draws the water in the country of the Caesars, and not far from the tribune where Cicero spoke ; just as the citizen of Frosinone or Viterbo, if he be vexed, or judged unjustly, does not feel consoled by the re flection that he is one of the pieces of the temporal buckler of the Catholic Church, and that he suffers in order that your conscience, or mine, may be at rest. It is important, then, that the Pope's sub jects should be well governed. But what are the conditions of this good government ? The bishops took care not to speak of it—not to say a word of the form, not a word of the extent of the temporal domain : because it was no business of theirs, any more than it is of the Piedmontese. What has just occurred at Rome must render the faithful much attached to the principle of the temporal power, but very indifferent to the form. It is a local affair, a dialogue to be established in regular form be tween the governors and the governed. But do people really believe that the Pontifical repine is tyrannical ? Do they believe the Piedmontese regime dcliciou's? Is it, indeed, so seducing to lose a sovereign like Pius IX. in order to obtain one like Victor Emmanuel ? It is alleged that the situation of the Pope comes from his refusal ; on the con trary, his refusal comes from his situation. Constrained, he can cede nothing. Free, he would always be what he was in 1847. It was said that he represented the ideas of the age. This compliment is now reserved for Victor Emmanuel. If there be one which can pro perly be called an idea of the age, as being the re sult of the experience of the world, it is this—that progress is not obtained by invasions and revolu tions. To say that Piedmont, because it has an nexed three-fourths of Italy, has a right to the other fourth, is to make of usurpation an argument in favour of usurpation. Guarantee the Pope against the invasion of Piedmont, and he will easily come to an understanding with his subjects. Do not gua rantee him, and, were his Government perfect, he would be overthrown as being the weakest. It was said that the Catholics—the clergy and the bishops —were gradually becoming converts to the belief in the fall of the temporal power, to which the Pope and the cardinals only held firm. It was said that the Sacred College was divided in opinion; yet 300 bishops have affixed their seals to the declarations of the Pontiff. The non possum becomes non pos sumus. It was said that religion would gain by the fall of this worn out power ; the masters of re ligion are of a different opinion. We must incline ourselves, and admit that they know what they speak about. It was said that this question was a question of party, agitated by some fanatics in France. It is a reclamation from the episcopacy of the whole world. Whether it be agreeable or no, these are important facts; Another fact rejoices Christian hearts and surpasses in importance these that precede it. The Church has just given the greatest proof of youth, union, and vitality, that has appeared for two centuries. Where is there in the world a spiritual society with such extent, durabi lity, unity, and ascendancy. What are the schools of philosophy in comparison ? What are the aca demies ?" M. Cochin concludes : "The Bishops have come, thanks to the wonders of industry, and machinery has served the Church as printing served the gospel, without intending it, because God has wished it. They ha ve met toge ther in the name of the right of association ; they have addressed themselves to the opinion of men by means of publicity. The liberty of worship is inscribed in the l aws aga i nst t hem and it is the liberty of worship which has de terred the Sovereigns f rom k ee ping them back. Would Louis XIV. or Philip IL have (' which proved very interesting on account of the allowed them to depart ? They have shown by a v ariety of wr ;apons used) commenced about 12,30 remarkable example how people win their libei'ties I 1.m., the distances being 800, 900, and 1,000 by persevering f ir mly and pacifically, in spite of yards, an, 0 • any position • allowed. The contest prohibitions and menaces, :in pursuing their object - I . LerMinatec 1 shortly after 4 o'clock p.m. The f°l - fulfilling their duty. They have shown to the i laving ar e the results of the firing with the d world the magnificent and rar e spectacle of fidelity weapons us ed : in misfortune, and of invi ncible attachment in the midst of trials. They have placed on the altar mis sionaries of the Gospel to Japan, and •a brother of the Order of the Redemption, at the very moment when the West enters into relations with Japan, and when the New World is agitated for the ran som of slaves. They have g iven to all Catheliusa programme of the liberty necessary to the Churca, leaving to each the care of serving her as best he car, while conforming to t he laws of his country. They have shown the Ch urch livino and united, and in face of the division s which distract the minds of men." points Sergeant Ox Queett's (Westminster), Henry rifle 15 (the winirai ....... Ensign Ear'Les 38t/a, Middlesex (Artists), Henry rifle 15 Private Ste wocrt, inns of Court, Henry ...... 'l4 f.ieut. the 'ffotz• G. Pepys, Inns of Court, Henry rifle 13 C orporal 7 L'ite,hford, 38th Mid dlesex (Artists)Turne r 12 rifle . • . •••• p rl vate Stedman, Victoria It ides, Turner rifle .• • • 12 6 erg eant Oxley having. made the greatest num bs of hi is he thus beQame the winner of the al?! 'job- h e will hold for months. The weather was ' Ye) 7 unfavourable, a strong wind blowing fron th e river ;it was also rather foggy, render.l:le the ee-feet centres of 'the targets almost invi sl at tb I ong distances, THE VOLUNTEERS. - T , 3.,n VOLUNTEER FIELD DAY AT Ersog.--.-The vol'antee. field day, which was to have taken Place, on, Saturc l ay, at - Epsom, in the presence of Colone l INUMurdo, did not come off, in consequence of the naral having been otherwise en inspector ge. g aged. LONDON A R TILLERY BRIGADE.—It is not sur prising that .nt‘s:mbers are joining this and °th er metropolitan ur tillery volunteer corps, whe n it " considered th at the exercise with this important arm of warfai !e i 9 so interesting, and so well cal° . lated for the , lisl play of mental and physical PnWer and energy. Fr obably, ho wever , the most miter: tant ingredier I in the favou r now s hown to Ar lery corps is t' ie fact of the great and vital necessity -which exists t bat these corps should at all times be strong and ef6 .cient. The enrolment of the London Artillery Brig ade completes the volunteer organiefl: tio, l in the Ci ty of London, which will 'have unduf its , orders five independent corps of rifles , one ° Engineers, any I one of Artillery. The primary elc,o" of joinitte this corps, inclusive Of muske t ' ! penve 1 only .13 16s. 6d.. , for which a complete service lin , form is' provided ; the parade dress and great coat being a. :terSvard'i , furnished at a cost of £3 4e. 6d. I•••• ----- EST- INSPECTION OF THE QUEEN'S (W MINSTER) VOLUNTEER CADETS- On Saturday afternoon the Queen's (Westminsl .er) Volunteer Rifle Cadet Corps was 111,5pected in W est minster-hall by Earl Grosvenor, lieuten(knt co: lone l of the let battalion of that regiment. The 'corps assembled at 4 o'clock, under command Of Cal )tain Cross, Lieut. Bennett, Ensign Hawkins, and Ser jeant Avern, and went through the battalion dril. 1 in a very creditable manner, Capt. Cross commandii ig with great efficiency. At the close of the operationt. ' Earl Grosvenor said he had had very great plea sure in witnessing the performances the corps had just gone through. They were well commanded by" Capt. Cross and Capt. Shaw, and the other officers knew very well what they were about. The noble earl then gave them instructions as to the use of their arms, and urged them to obtain more recruits. He was glad to hear that there had been a good muster at the Crystal Palace on the occasion when Lord Elcho inspected them. The ground was kept by a strong detachment of the cadet corps of the London Rifle Brigade, who were accompanied by their excellent drum and fife band. They were under the command of Ser jeants Braidwood, Stone, and Albert, who were accompanied by Instruction-Serjeants Ladd and Jewesbury. The Queen's Rifle Corps afterwards assembled in the halt and marched to Regent's Park. The cadet corps followed, headed by their noble honorary member, Bruce (a magnificent Newfoundland dog), and their band, the rear being brought up by the cadets of the London Brigade. INSPECTION OF THE 26Ts AND 42D MIDDLESEX. On Saturday evening the members of the 26th Middlesex (her Majesty's Customs) and the 42d Middlesex (sth Administrative Battalion), were inspected in the Tower moat by Colonel Morris, C.B. The volunteers assembled on the Custom house Quay, and, headed by the brass and drum and fife bands, under Bandmaster Shapcott, marched to the moat. The officers were as follows :—Lieut.- Colonel Grey, Captains Hamel, Wybrow, Bernard, Pickford, Cobham, Hollett ; Lients. Lilley, Jones, Hamel ; Ensigns Cope, Hunt, Bentley, Marshall, Irish, Flindt ; and Captain and Adjutant Elliott. Four companies were present, numbering between 200 and 300. On arriving at the ground the troops were put through the platoon and manual exer cises, which they performed in a manner highly creditable both to their adjutant and to themselves ; their wheeling into line being especially well done. They then marched past in close and open column in quick time, which was also well done, " the dressing up" in each company being very good. Having formed into square, Col. Morris addressed them, and said he had attended there by order of the War-office to see if the War-office rules and re gulations had been carried out, and from his cursory inspection he was glad to say that he was highly pleased with the efficiency they had displayed, and particularly with the state of their arms, and would impress upon them the necessity of keeping the rifles clean. He concluded by adding that he was enabled to state that his report to the War-office would be most satisfactory. The volunteers then re-forined company, and marched to headquarters,where they were dismissed. INSPECTION OF THE QUEEN'S (WEST- MINSTER). On Saturday evening the Queen's (Westminster) Rifle Volunteers mustered in Westminster-hall, and marched, to the number of 1,000 men, of all ranks, headed by their bands, to the Regent's-park, for inspection by Coi. Erskine. The two battalions composing the regiment were respectively under the command of Earl Grosvenor and Lord Gerald Fitzgerald, assisted by Major Locke. On arriving in the Regent's-park there were present at the saluting flag the Lady Con stance Grosvenor, Lord and Lady Kildare, Lord Elpho, Lord Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel Wright, of the Nottingham (Robin Hood) Rifles, and a number of other officers. There was a very large number of persons present, and the ground was admirably kept by four companies of the West Middlesex, under the command of Lord Radstock. The Queen's were divided into 14 companies of 28 file, Earl Grosvenor having command of the right, and Lord Gerald Fitzgerald of the left wing. Having opened column right in front and deployed into line, on the inspecting officer reaching the ground the salute was given, and the ranks were opened, and Col. Arskine passed through the lines and inspected the arms. The men then re-formed column, and the marching past took place at wheel ing distance, and was executed very steadily. The regiment was then put though various brigade movements, throwing out skirmishers, file firing from right and left of faces, by section companies, and wings deploying on left flank company, form ing company squares to receive cavalry, &e. The line then advanced to review order, in very fine style, thus bringing the proceedings to a close. The regiment having been formed in close column, Col. Erskine addressed them. He observedjhat although he had not the honour of inspecting the Queen's last year, yet he had the pleasure of being present on that occasion, and he had no hesitatinn in saying that he congratulated them on the progress they had made since that time. He had particularly remarked their steadiness in their ranks--a matter which was all-important to secure efficiency. They had gone through the whole of the battalion movements in a very credit able manner, and as to that grand advance in line, which he had just now witnessed, he could assure them that it was effected in a manner which made such an impression upon him that he should long remember it. Before he dismissed them, he wished just to give them one word of advice, and that was when in the field let every man always take plenty of standing room in the ranks. It was true that every man should slightly touch on the directing flank, but there should be no pressure. If that took place it acted to the disadvantage of the soldier, because he would not have room for the necessary movements. Turning to Lord Grosvenor, the inspecting officer said :—My Lord Grosvenor, I shall have the greatest pleasure in reporting most favourably to the Secretary for War as to the efficiency of your regiment. Lord Grosven or , i n response , ca regiment to give three cheers for thel peh t he ns pecting Three officer, which were g i ven mo st cheerfu ll y : ledi n cheers were also g i ve n for Lord liadst ri o d ek grOU . The re- Wept Middl esex f or k e eping the and the giment then marched off. THE FITZWILLIA.NI CHALLENGE CUP. The contest for the possession of this valuable rize, a silver cup of the va lue ,of 100 guineas, the p ift of Mr. E. F. Fitz w illiam, an ho norar y member g of the West Middlesex Rifles, came off on Friday under the supervision of Lord Radstock and Adju tant Pennymore, of the above corps, at the Plum stead range. The competitors consisted of five selected shots from the following metropolitan vo lunteer regim ents, viz. : Queen's (Westminster), West Middlesex, Inns of Court, Victoria, 38th Mid dl ese x (Artists), and the 40th Middlesex, and the contest was also open to the representatives of r. Ilirlaeles,ehtohootuingah a n n o y ne vo a l p u p n e t a ee r r ea rifl fr e from the in South the latte THE' LUL'GATE-11ILL TRAGEDY'• 4. Mrs. Vyse, , whk 1 has in some measure r ecovered from the inju ry sh, a inflicted upon herself after the murder of her t wo infant children, on Ludgate-hill, was placed at the bat,', at the Guildhall Pol ice -courts on Saturday. • Mr. l'earson, who app for the pro secutio a : stated that the pr isoner was charged with the scl__ l ful murder of her two children by poison, but fro m the information ,he had recei ved from the medics gentleman who ha d attended the prisoner, be be' so much from loss of lieved that she wax suffering at the present monie.n: which she had inflicts i o juri . ! blood, consequent upon be unwise to prolong the inquiry; he should ther 8 , d upon herself, that it wa l e ! fore merely confine , hi m , self to calling the w who would narrate the fa ctn.itnesse IV tions, which might turn out to be ture, that the p u. _ soner was labouring under insanity at the time, b! where. He would at that would be a question to be There were sugges: inquired into else _ n a,* for a remand, so as loot to protract I , l l e incl ui eon, than possible. once call t at St. Bartholo • Mt . . Savory, Surgeon Assistan he made a post mortent mew's Hospital, deposed that tite witnesses, ard:. The contents of the examination of the bodies. he sea led up in j a rs, and stomachs of the childr en of St. Bartholomew's delivered - them to Mr. At fleld, a lysed parts of the con - Hospital. He had him self an tents of the s tomachs. Ile tried them on a cat ; she co nvulsed, but did no t die. was sensibly affected and Mr. Atfleld. wa s then examined, and detailed the result of the analysis of the stomachs of both chil dren, and foul id strychnine in each. John L. Taylor, assistant to Mr. Keating, St. Paul's-churchyard, deposed to the fact of the pri soner, on the 22d of May, coming to the shop and purc h as ing the Battle's powder. Sh e complained that they were very much infested with rats and , mice, and that t hey had made holes in the premise, and caused so nit tch m ischief that it had cost them i 5 to repair the place. Whe n he sold the powders he cautioned the pr isoner as to their poisonous nature' The prisoner, .who was supported by two fema le warders, was thvo ughout the medical evi • dence an d that of the, last witless most painfully affected. The evidence of Mr. Marsha l l, of the assistant , Mr. Keating, and t iiso that of the servant maid.° Mrs. Vyse, as given at the inquest, was repeated. Miss Saunders, the sister of the unfortunate pre soner, who was deeply affected, added to her f ormer h been evidence that a letter " had given to her by h er sister, which she could -not then produce, as e lle had destroyed it. She the identified pieces of pape r which he took from her sin ter' s pocket, which was also proved to be Battle's powders, purchased at Mr. Keating's. Mr. C. Pearson said he was informed by the e Me dical gentlemen that the unfortunate lady e t til bar was in too low a condition to e ndure a prol onga i : tion of the inquiry; he would therefor e ask for ~,- remand for another day. He bad no d e sire o' overload the case, but public justice compelled }llm to complete it. The inquiry was then adjourned to Tues da y „ a Mrs. Vyse was then conveyed to NeWg ote cab. COUNIRy MARK L . 2S. NORW3CII up—SATUBDA.Y. a lon a There was an increased sply of wheat. A fair e little and last week's prices wen's a b ou t maintained. Very i doing in all other descriptions of grain. New w - to t 6 ,5 0 4 s White wheat. 59s to 62, ). Red wheat ........ DO d 0...... ....—sio —s I Malting barley....4os to 41s I Chevalier barley. • .37e t 0,,, Flour, 30s Od to'39s 6d per sack from the ............ 'iv' NOTTINGHAM—SATURDA Y. W es At our market this morning the show of wheat ate; rather short, with an inactive business, at the extreme of last week. A small supply of barley, at former Pr i ro o . —White wheat to-day, from 58s to 635 ; red, 64s to Barley—malting, 30a to 35 s ; ,grinding , 29s to 325. uold, slow, at 30s to 35 5, old ; 24 s to 27 s new. Beans Were at 46s to 608 per qr. Flour, 38s to 48s. NORTHAMPTON—SATURD AY . ITS. There was a slow trade in wheat to-day, at late ra;„ Best wheat, 54s to 6ls; seconds, 52s to 595„ No raalt c ,'". barley; grinding sorts scarca—malting sorts, 38s to 371', grinding 30s to 35s per qr. Oats quoted at 23s t° • per 24 stone. Beans, old, 40 s to 45 5; peas , 37s to 40s LEICE Ihe supply of wheat to-day at market STER—SATURDAY .was small, and farmers obtained no more than the prices of la st wee t c : ' as follows :—White, 58s to 65s ; red, 56s to 60s per 36,s cie *.; old red, —s to —s per 36 stone. Barley was in liraite" mand—grinding, 30s to 32s ; maltimg, 36s to 40s per !'. oats, 26s to ;;Os per 24 stone. Beaus were a quiet W L . new, 408 to 43s •, old, 38s to 42s per 38 stone. rine flour, 41s Seconds, 398 Thirds , 37 s P er sack. and there The show f wheat to-----day was rath YORK.—SATTYBDAY. was less animation in the trade, at an a dvance of is on last er scarce, week's prices. Barley a short supply, and farmers obtained full prices. Oats a 6110 trade. Wheat, red . 57s to 60s Oats.... ....... 2 ' ...... 669 Beans Whited° ......... .620 to . 2s to 26S Barley .......... .32s to, .3 •..32s 3 s Peas .. 405 to 44s ' rye, 34s per -- s to --S Malt, 64s to .66s per gr.., qr.; e to 43s per sack. flour, 403 ---• ------..."..." BIRTHS. aith, York the wife of o s f t sae: 1, a . Lap „„„ won— wife o th n e 26th a2pB i n t t. h s E t. i an , d a s ot t a o ot w f i sa e y k dd , ao n un h e g a h r a u S e r u , ; r i r l ig th on e , 2 E 7t s h q. n worth Rectory. th e w ife of the Rev. Arundell St, Joh n Mildmay,of a ;on. MARRIAGES. Ew/NGDOUGLAS.—On the 26th inst., at Hanbury, t h° 11 Right Rev. Alexander Ewing, D.C.L., Bishop of ArgY and the Isles, to Lady Alice Douglas, third daughter of the late George Shplto, Earl of Morton. SMITH.—SIIIPP.—On the 26th inst., at the parish churcbi Blandford, Harold, th e second son of Colonel ° Plympton, Devon, to Amelia, the eldest daughter of 241 ' . Shipp, Blandford. DEATHS. BEAN.--On the 27th inst at Croyd on , M ar y, w idow of the late Mr. Pete r B ean, of East Grinstead, Sussex, age d 77. FITZHERI3ERT.—On the 25th inst , at Tissington gall, Derbyshire, M rs . F rances Fitz Herbert, of 112, Mount street, London, aged bO. GIIRLEY.—On the 25th inst. Elizabeth Elizabeth, relict of the 1 11 Wm. Gurl e y, Esq., of Peters Hope, Island of Sain t Vincent. MILLER.--011 the 26th inst., Mr. Thomas Miller, of Pr o f : pect Cottage, St o k e Newington, formerly of the land-road, aged 80. WILKiNs.—On the 20th inst., at his residence, Pima, De ar Dresden, Saxony, J o h n Wilki ns , E eq ., age d 66. - LorroN: Printed and Published by JOHN CHAPLIN? of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at 'THE Sux Office No. 1 32 ' s Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County (31 Dliddlesex.—Mouday, June 30, 1862. . • ! , k 1 ;; _~ t' .i~ !. .` '•"`~,.;