The Sun. — London, England, 1862-03-19 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS-YESTERDAY. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. TIIE REVISED CODE. Lord GAGE presented several petitions against the Revised Code. Lord CIIELMSFORD presented petitions from Essex and other places against the Revised Codo. The Bishop of ROCHESTER presented petitions from places in his diocese to the same effect. Lord REDESDALE presented several petitions from Wiltshire and Gloucestershire. The Bishop of CHICHESTER presented petitions against the revised code, The Marquis of BATH also presented similar petitions. Petitions against the revised code were also presented by Lord Cranworth, Lord Wynford, the Marquis of Nor manby, and several other peers. Lord ST. LEONARDS gave notice that on a future day he should call the attention of their lordships to the system of examination proposed under the Revised Code. Lord OVERSTONE, after presenting petitions, said ho hoped their lordships would continuo to discuss the provi sions of the revised code for the purpose of improving it, and so arrive at a result which would give general satis • faction WRITS OF HABEAS CORPUS IN HER MA JESTY'S POSSESSIONS ABROAD. Tho Duke of NEWCASTLE moved the second reading of this bill which was the remedy for certain inconvenien ces that arose during the proceedings that took place in connection with the case of the fugitive slave Anderson. The bill proposed that in any of her Majesty's possessions where there was a court similar to that of the Court of Queen's Bench in England, writs of habeas corpus should not be issued in this country. After a few words from Lord CHELMSFORD and the LORD CHANCELLOR, the bill was read a second time. OFFICERS' COMMISSIONS BILL. Earl DE GREY and RIPON moved the second reading of this bill, which was to relieve her Majesty of a great deal of labour. The measure proposed to relieve her Majesty from the trouble of affixing the royal Fly manual to all commissions of offloorp of the army, militia, and the volunteer force. The labour of sign ing these commissions had greatly increased of late ; and in order to relieve the Crown from the purely formal pro ceeding, it proposed that, under certain regulations, all commissions in future should be signed by the Commander in-Chief and the Secretary of State for War. The Earl of DERBY thought the bill was one that should be looked at carefully before it passed the house. He was aware of the unnecessary labour which was now thrown on the Crown, and therefore he did not offer the slightest objection to the bill; but he would suggest to the noble earl that when the Secretary of State for War signed the commissions, he should state that he did so in pur suance of her Majesty's sign manual. Earl DE GREY said the suggestion of the noble earl should be attended to. The bill was then read a second time. CONSOLIDATED FUND (£18,000,000) BILL. This bill was read a second time. THE INSOLVENT COURT. Lord-CHELMSFORD rose to call the attention of the house to the case of the clerks and officers of the late Insolvent Court who had been transferred to the Court of Bankruptcy under the Act passed in the last session of Par liament for amending the law relating to Bankruptcy and Insolvency in England. He went into, at full length, the negotiations which had passed between those clerks and Mr. Roche on the part of the present Lord Chancellor with respect to their claims for salaries, as also to the steps taken by Mr. Commissioner Law to vindicate their :sup posed rights; he produced a copy of the Bankruptcy Bill in its original shape, which had been in Mr. Rolt's hands when the bill was before the House of Commons, and on which that gentleman had written a note of the reply, which the present Lord Chanceller, then in the House of Com mons, had given to a question of fact by Mr. Malin's, that the claims of these officials would be attended to. In consequence of that answer Mr. Malins had been led to abandon bringing forward the claims further; but yet the law officer who then promised that their claims would be guarded now abandoned them to their fate. The noble lord had secured the opinion of the law officers in his favour; he had thrown aside altogether the intention of giving them their full salaries ; he had tried; to make them receive half their fees ; he had told them that the House of Commons would refuse them compensa tion if they attempted by petition to obtain it ; and then he invited them afterwards to go by petition to the House of Commons, and told them that the Government would have a select committee appointed to inquire whether further provision should be made. (Hear, hear.) Remember this, that the Government was to select that committee. Con sequently, the Government would have a majority; and, of course, with the best intentions, the members would feel that they were bound by the decision of the law officers, and the consequence would be a report of the committee against the officers. There was one little incident which formed the only bright spot in the whole affair, for when the officers were apprehensive that if they received their salaries they might prejudice their claim to further emolu ments, the noble and learned lord on the woolsack said the fact of their receiving their salaries would not pre judice them. He asked whether it was not evident to every honest and impartial mind that the officers had originally an assurance that they should be secured in the full payment of their salaries and compensations ; whether the clauses were not framed with the view of giving them that benefit, and whether they were not assured over and over again that the clauses were amply sufficient for the purpose ? Then, he asked, what was the conclusion from the whole ? Who had committed this error ? Whose fault was it that the intentions had not been carried out ? Was it not the fault of the Government, and were they not bound without delay to introduce a de claratory Act to give these officers their rights, which had been so long withheld from them, and to which they were justly entitled ? (Hear.) The LORD CHANCELLOR said that, having regard to his own position, he did not desire that the noble and learned lord should have used any different tone or exhi bited any different manner from that in which he had con ducted this attack. It must be evident to all their lordships that, if he pitied the clerks much, he hated the Lord Chan cellor more. (A laugh.) He brought forward his attack, not shrinking from charging the Lord Chancellor even with falsehood—and this is the man with whom he had been for the last several weeks in daily and confidential intercourse ; and yet he had not in reference to this malignant assault, communicated even to the extent which would enable himl (the Lord Chancellor) to ascertain the facts, and to come' prepared with the correspondence in reference to this mat ter. Such was the nature of the attack which they had heard, and their lordships could well recollect from wheel had passed in that house on former occasions what was the feeling that had been rankling and had given rise to this assault. He would ask what motive ho could have for op pressing, or being an obstacle to these poor men being re munerated. All that ho could possibly do for them it would have been a pleasure and a satisfaction to him to do; and whatever the noble and learned lord might think, it would have given him satisfaction to have indulged their utmost expectations. (Hear, hoar.) He spoke with sincerity and truth—and he cared not whether the noble and learned gave him credit for it or not— when he said that when he discovered the real circum stances it was a matter to him of most sincere and deep regret. The noble and learned lord had intimated that he (the Lerd Chancellor) had sent assurances to the clerks that their salaries would be fully paid. He did nothing of the kind. Personal communication he had with none, save with one gentleman who came to him on the part of the provisional assignee, who was desirous that his salary should be increased to the amount of his existing emolu ments. He, of course, felt a difficulty in acceding to that, ~ea tn. wetter was brought before the House of Commons. But it now appeared that, although it was true the clerks wore paid by salaries, yet they were in the habit of receiv ing fees, which were carried to a fund and afterwards divided among them. He desired to know, if that fact was known to the noble and learned lords who acted en the Committee, why they did not correct the expression in the bill ? They were assured by the then Lord Chancellor that the words were sufficient. lie had been desirous of e securing to these offic ers a p r i o rity of claim upon um e voted by P ar li amen t, amount i ng to G,OOO and odd phoitsti ' 1 it must have been palpable, however, to every person of ordinary understanding, and whose mind was in a state to be fre e cious feeling, that f t rom anger and the inflammation of mali never be satieek e e out sum of 19,000 and odd pounds, could earn ut e of the moneys voted by Parliament. The noble and that those lord had so represented the matter to the house hadeehowho listened to him must have thought the return ) been moved for for the purpose of his (the Lord Chancellor's and laid on the table of parliament the bill had been pre paredttxParliament before the return was made. (Hear.) The itP:drversion of the facts of the case—(" Order")_th© newt Perversion of the facts of representing ce ohich this noble lord tb b : i en guilty was in mis e what took place in (Cries of " Order.") He actually eepr "e of Commons. frame their lore ships that he had undertaken to alt er the of the bill upon the report-- Lord CHELMSFO Id)—I beg pardon. I n ever ia The LORD CHANCELLOR said ho fo rtunat s el a y — s ed o. sent to him the notes of :what took place as recorded i n " Hansard," and with reference to the 36th clause, w h ich related to the salaries of officers of the Insolvent D e b tors , Court, he was simply reported to have expressed a hope that the committee would allow the clause to pass in its pre sent shape, on the understanding that it should be open to alteration on the bringing up of the report. That the noble lord had represented as an engagement on the part of the Attorney-General to consider the matter, and to bring it before the house again on the report. (Hear.) In the belief that the fund available would be sufficient for all purposes, and being desirous to secure a priority of claim on that fund to those officers, the words were originally inserted and retained by him. The next insinuation that as made was, that the Lord Chancellor, in directing the case to be laid before the law officers, had actually t a k en bein pains to p reven t th o c l ause i n the act g accurately stated. Did the noble lord not know TEM SUN', LONDON', WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARO}t 19, 1.862. take place, the noble lord ought to rest satisfied with having called attention to the question, and not press the motion to a division, The more the evidence es to the South Ken sington Museum was considered, the more would the public agree with the committee, that it had done, was doing, and would do a great deal towards accomplishing the object for which it had been established. (Hear, hear.) Mr. DISRAELI agreed with the hon. baronet that his noble friend would do wisely not to press his resolution to a division. The circumstances under which the house was asked to agree to a resolution should always be considered. At that particular hour the house might arrive at results that would lead to an impression that they d:d not sympa thise with the general views expressed by the noble lord. His noble friend had brought the subject forward in a speech of great ability, and had really grappled with all the points of his case. He had no fault to find with the resolution of his noble friend, because, though it affirmed a general prin ciple which the house might ultimately adopt, it pledged the Government in no way to its details. After the speech and amendment of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, his noble friend would act imprulently if he risked a division. An independent member ought to feel satisfied when a Minister moves the previous question as an amendment to his motion, for the previous question was in reality an admission of the general justice of his case. (Hear, , hear.) Ho might state that in his own opinion the general management of our institutions was not satisfactory, though ho could not agree in the reasons offered by his noble friend for coming to that conclusion. His noble friend had said with respect to the National Portrait Gallery that it was with difficulty he made his entrance ; that he found a number of pictures hung in an obscure and dingy apart ment; and that he discovered that the public had only been admitted within the last y ear to inspect them. These were all circumstances incident to a young institution. The apartment was a temporary one, and had not been selected by the trustees, of whom he was one. The trustees would have been perfectly ready to have placed their pictures in a magnificent gallery if the public had furnished them with one. His opinion of the value of the gallery differed from that of his noble friend, His noble friend had formed a false estimate of its value, and had expected to be received in a magnificent saloon, instead of in a dingy apartment, and as it was not in a dingy apartment that a refined dilettante, like his noble friend, could form an accurate estimate of pic tures. The institution in question was a wise and proper one, and had been established in consequence of an address to the Crown by both Houses of Parliament. The portraits were in his opinion a most valuable and interesting collet • tion. With respect to the National Gallery, he should say nothing about the building. In his opinion it would bo advisable to devote the whole of the building to the Na tion Gallery. (Hear, hear.) He differed from the member for Brighton with respect to the management of that gal lery. He recognised the right of the hon. member to speak on the subject of art, and he could have wished that the hon. member had confined his remarks to that subject. (Hear, hear.) It was impossible for any man to occupy the position of Sir C. Eastlake without being exposed to a great deal of envious criticism. Ho looked upon Sir C. Eastlake as a man of most accomplished mind, and fully qualified in every way for the position which he held. It was not Sir C. Eastlake who was deficient in the knowledge of art, but it was the people of this country. It was in vain to conceal from ourselves that art had never flourished, had never been appreciated except in small communities. In this country the people were much too busy—much too occupied with great affairs of the world to pay much attention to art. Wo lived in a country whose great men were engineers, and that was the reason why we could not concentrate our thoughts and feelings on those beautiful productions which had rendered Athens and Flo rence immortal. (Hear, hear.) lie did not think, there • fore, that any change in the administration of our galleries would lead to results more satisfactory than those which had been accomplished. He admitted, nevertheless, that whatever expenditure was necessary ought to be placed under a responsible Minister of the Crown. Ho came to the more important part of the subject—the management of the British Museum—and on that point his views were not in accordance with those of his noble friend. Anomaly in governing bodies was not the exception in England, but rather the rule. Accident had produced the original con stitution under which the British Museum existed. That constitution had become modified and respected. He could not trace to the anomalous character of that constitution and management the highly unsatisfactory state of the Bri tish Museum. It was to be accounted for by the origin of that great collection. It was the collection of a virtuoso, and as time had advanced circumstances had proved that a collection founded on that general character must be imper fect and unsatisfactory. Art, science, literature, nature, were jealous mistresses that refused to live under the same roof, and when we presented their various achievementsunder one roof we were attempting to accomplish that which, whilst it was desirable, was necessarily imperfect. Her Ma jesty's Government had adopted as their principle of action that which he had always contended for—the division of these great departments. The very moment we divided the collections of art and learning, which now met under the same roof, we should do justice to the increasing and irre sistible demands of natural science, and enrich those collec tions of art and those great libraries which we were now almost prevented from enriching. It was in the management of the collection, and not in the alteration of the governing body, that we should find those improvements which the country demanded. But if we adopted that course of divi sion there was no reason why we should not also adopt the principle laid down in the resolution of his noble friend. There was no reason why the whole matter should not be placed under the direction of a responsible minister of the Crown. The Chancellor of the Exchequer having recog nised so amply the justness of the principle contained in the resolution, and having announced that in any future ar rangements the Government were ;prepared to adopt the only principle that would lead to a satisfactory solution of the difficulties that existed, he thought it would be unwise for his noble friend to ask tho house to come to any absolute decision upon the resolution. (Cheers.) Lord H. LENNOX then withdrew his resolution. BRITISH MERCHANTS IN CHINA. Mr. GRE GS ON called attention to the position of British merchants in China, and moved a resolution, that due protec tion be afforded to them and their property in the treaty ports of that empire. He read statements made by persons upon whom he could, he said, depend of the character of the Taepings, who, so far from being a na tional party, were represented to be a set of robbers and mur derers, land pirates, and marauders. All he asked was pro tection of the lives and property of our countrymen resident in the cities named in treaty against the lawless violence of these men. Mr. J. TURNER, in seconding the motion, dwelt upon the great value of the trade of Shanghai to Manchester. Colonel SYKES concurred in the motion, denying, how ever, that a single proof had been furnished of a British subject having been killed, or of British property having been put in jeopardy, by the Taepings, to justify the panic at Shanghai. He drew a favourable picture of the Tae pings, and protested against our interference. Mr. LAYARD said the Government had endeavoured to pursue a policy of strict forbearance and non-intervention in China ; but in the present condition of the country this policy was difficult. All the information the Government had received tended to but one result,—that the party called Taepings had no policy, and were totally unable to establish a Government ; that they were a rabble rout of marauders and plunderers. There had been a notion that they wore about to introduce the Christian religion, and that the object of the movement was to restore the Chinese dynasty; but this illusion had disappeared from all except Colonel Sykes, and the devastation created by these bands nasal the descriptions given by writers of the horrors perpetrated by the wild hordes that invaded Europe in the early ages. Cultivation disappeared, cities, were deserted, populations fearfully reduced, and in some places entirely exterminated. Meanwhile a new Ministry had been or ganized at Pekin, and our Minister wrote that a great change had taken place in the policy of the Imperial Court. A great emporium of British trade was now threatened ; were we to stand by and see it destroyed P It was not a question of neutrality, but of humanity. The ITaepings . were deter mined to ruin Shanghai, and it would be criminal on our part to allow it. Instructions had therefore been given for its defence, and the Government had determined to protect the other treaty porta. Mr. J. WHITE approved the determination of the Go vernment, though their past policy did not meet his appro 'bation. Ho thought that hereafter we might come to some arrangement with the Taepings. Mr. BUCHANAN said very serious apprehensions were entertained in China from the progress of the Taepings, and the determination of the Government would be highly . satis factory. Mr. MARSH gave particulars of the ill-treatment of the Chinese in Australia. Mr. GREGSON withdrew his resolution. EMBANKMENT OF THE THAMES. Mr. COWP.ER rose to move for leave to bring in a bill to provide for the embankment of the Thames. this was, he said, ono of the most urgent wants of the metropolis. Great inconvenience was caused by the want of a free pas. sage along the great thoroughfare which united the east and west of London. Along that important line of communica tion there was such a constant flux and reflux of traffic be tween the city and west-end that at certain hours it was almost impassable. Ludgate.hill, Fleet••street, and the Strand did not serve the purpose for which they were in tended. The great value of the property in those streets ren dered it impracticable to widen them. With the construc tion of another thoroughfare from east to west it was pro posed to combine the laying down of the low-level sewer, so as to obviate the necessity of raising the pavement of Fleet street and the Strand and endangering the houses by loosen jog their foundations, the improvement of the navigation the embellishment of its shores and the formation Thames,o of a handsome and healthful promenade for the c itizens. One might have expected that London would have taken a pride in the river which formed one of its noblest features, and to which it owed in a great measure its contrary, it had been neglected and abused. Paris ma de supremacy over other cities. But, on the t P h r e os m pe e r s i t ty of an t d he Seine, St. Petersburg, did not neglect the Neva; Stockholm, Florence, and other foreign cities had grea tly improved th e i r r i vers . E ven th e Liff e y, which Was not to be compared fo - F a moment with the Thame s, had adorned with a beautiful line of quays. But the people of pontloa geed their river to a mum sower for their drains? and were content only to talk about doing something to im prove it. The discussion about the matter has lasted now for about 230 s ears. (A laugh, and Hear, hear.) The first step towards embanking the Thames was taken by one of his most illustrious predecessors. After the Great Fire, Sir C. Wren, in drawing up those plans for the rebuilding of London which would have rendered it a really handsome and symmetrical city, proposed a quay from London-bridge to the Temple. An act was passed sanctioning the work, but only a portion of it was completed. In 1767 the corpora tion of London obtained powers to make an embankment, about half a mile of which was constructed, and it was then stopped. There had been partial embankments, such as that at the Adolph' ; but those had only aggravated the ir regularities of the river. What was wanted was a uniform system. In 1824 Sir F. Trench agitated the question. He assembled a number of the most eminent authorities in art and science on a barge moored off Scotland-yard, with the Duke of York in the chair, who adopted a scheme for an em bankment between London and Westminster bridges. In 1825 Sir F. Trench brought a bill for that purpose into Par liament. That bill was opposed by those who, taking a short sighted view of t heir own interests, believed they would be injured by it. Sir F. Trench injudiciously thought it would be well to attempt to conciliate the opposition of the occu pants and owners of property on the banks of the river, and for that purpose he consented to curtail his plan. At first, instead of carrying it to Westminster-bridge, he made it stop short at Whitehall-stairs. Being then met by new ob jections, he agreed to stop short at Scotland -yard. This had the effect of calling forth fresh objections, in deference to which he consented to stop at Craven-street. These con cessions only induced the inhabitants along the whole length of the rest of the line to combine their resistance, and they said, " If this work is not to be carried out in front of the property of persons of great wealth and station, why should it be carried out in front of ours p" and in conse quence of these and other reasons Sir F. Trench had to abandon his bill. Nothing more was done till the year 1844, when a Royal Commissic: - .. took up the subject. That com mission was presided over by the Duke of Newcastle, and after hearing a great deal of valuable engineering evidence they reported that it was desirable the river should be em banked between London-bridge and Vauxhall-bridge, and recommended, as the most pressing part of the work, that the section between Blackfriars and Westminster should be first proceeded with, and a bill was introduced in 1845, but did not become law. In 1860 the subject was again renewed in that house, and a committee appointed to inquire into it. They recommended, as the previous commission had done, the embankment of the river letween Blackfriars-bridge and Westminster- bridge, and suggested that the coal duties would form the proper source from which to defray the ex pense. That committee, however, did not adopt any parti cular plan. Last year a Royal Commission again sat on the subject, and went very fully into a large number of plans submitted to them by the most eminent engineers. They recommended not only an embankment generally, but the specific plan to which the bill now about to be introduced was intended to give effect. That plan, he thought, there could be no doubt, was the best yet devised. This subject had been so thoroughly investigated that almost every engineer of distinction had had an opportunity of giving his opinion and making suggestions upon it, and the plan now proposed had the sanction of a com mission comprising not only very able scientific men and eminent engineers, but also thorough men of business. Its main advantage over most of those pre viously suggested was that it did not attempt to maintain the wharfs. Almost all the former plans were only ingeni ous modes of combining access to a wharf with a roadway —a difficulty which no engineering skill could entirely over come. The last commission, therefore, thought it better to buy up the what fs and abolish them altogether, and then _ . make a solid embankment with an ordinary roadway, No public inconvenience would arise from that arrangement, because the former necessity for those wharfs in the neigh- bourhood of Scotland-yard, which were principally coal wharfs, had been superseded by the facilities that now ex isted, for at once transferring the cargoes from the colliers into railway trucks and conveying them whither they were wanted. In fact, any establishment of wharfs in the imme diate vicinity of Charing-cross, the Strand, and Whitehall, was obviously a great inconvenience; and the general utility of those thoroughfares would be increased by their removal. In point of economy, too, it would be far better to give the owners of the wharves the whole value of their property at once, rather than compensate them first for the injury done them during the progress of the works, and then leave them the reversionary interest on their wharves after the works were completed. Another feature of this plan was the formation of a thoroughfare from Blackfriars hridge to the Mansion-house, because a mere roadway along an em bankment would not supply that great desideratum, a com plete thoroughfare from the West-end, say Charing-cross, to the Mansion-house, the traffic between which points now re quired to be relieved. It was originally proposed that the em bankment should proceed further east thanßlackfriars-bridge; but the river was very narrow between London-bridge and Southwark, and it was not desirable for its navigation that any encroachment should be made upon it in that part, And as to the space between Southwark-bridge and Black friars-bridge, the narrowness of the river and the great value of the wharf property would render the advantages of embankment quite incommensurate with the expense. Therefore this plan consisted of a roadway, commencing from Westminster-bridge, passing along the banks of the river until it reached Blackfriars-bridge, then proceeding with a street of great breadth across Thames-street and Cannon-street, and at length reaching that great centre surrounded on different sides by the Mansion-house, the Bank, and the Royal Exchange. The funds from which the work was to be executed were those which were appropriated to this special purpose by an Act of last Session. The London Coal and Wine Duties Continuance Act provided that the coal duties should be applied in the first place to the Thames embankment, and afterwards to any other public improvements that might appear desirable. He believed that the whole of the coal duties during the period for which they were continued by the Act of last year—viz., ten years, would be required for this object. It was the opinion of the house last year that these duties could hardly be better employed than in pro viding for this great thoroughfare and the embankment of the Thames ; and, among the many great metropolitan im provements effected by means of the coal duties, none, he thought, would be more appreciated than this. He pro posed that the execution of the Act should be confided to the Metropolitan Board of Works—a body created by the Legislature for the discharge of duties very much of that nature. The main drainage of the metropolis was very analogous to the formation of the proposed embankment and the opening of the proposed street. It was said the Metropolitan Board of Works was too much occupied by the business it already had to do, and that it we's too large a body to perform executive work of this importance. But, to guard against that objection, the bill would provide that the executive works thrown upon them by the measure should not be carried out by the whole Board, consisting of 40 members, but by a committee to be elected by the Board itself for this special purpose. (Hear, hear.) The committee would be composed of nine members, two of whom would be selected from the gentlemen who represented the city of London in the Board ; be cause, as a large portion of the work would pass through the City, it would be only right that the interests of the City should be represented in the committee, as they now were in the Board itself. It had always been thought desirable that the embankment should extend, not merely between Blackfriars-bridge and Westminster-bridge, as proposed by the present bill, but should extend as far as Vauxhall-bridge or even Battersea-bridge. Now if this bill were carried out there would remain unembanked only that small space between Westminster-bridge and the end of Millbank-street, near the Penitentiary. We might, therefore, hope a few years hence to see that part of the work also completed, in which case there would be seen running from Blackfriars-bridge to Chelsea—a distance of about four miles—as splendid a quay as could be found in any city in the world. Hon, members might pioture the effect which would be produced in the course of a walk along the embankment by the splendid buildings within sight—the Houses of Parliament, Somerset-house, and the fine churches and steeples of Sir Christopher Wren. This five miles' promenade and drive would, indeed, be a great source of recreation and admiration. At present it was not proposed to embank the southern side of the river. A com mittee was new sitting which had heard a great deal of evidence, and until it had reported it would' be premature to form any opinion on this subject. Among the advan tages which would be derived from the embankment now proposed, some considerable spaces of grass and trees would be thrown open by tho side of the river to the dense popu lation north of the Strand, and here they might breathe fresh air—(a laugh)—for he hoped that the river would then be freo from sewage, and that the people would obtain enjoyment and healthy recreation from disporting them selves on the bank of a clear river. (Hear, hear.) At some points it was intended to build, the land being let on building leases, and he hoped that here some fine terraces and streets would arise which would be an orna ment to the banks of the river. The powers contem• plated by the bill would bo committed to the Metropolitan Board, without any control or interference, except that the coal dues were at present in the hands of the Trea sury. The bill would empower the Treasury to pay the money to the Board, who, however, would be left free and unfettered in executing the purposes of the Act. The right hon. gentleman concluded by moving for leave to bring in a bill for embanki ng t h e north side of the river Thames from Westminster-bridge, and for making new streets in and near thereto, and from Blackfriars-bridge to the Man sion-house. Mr. AYRTON rose on a point of order. The bill which it was now proposed to introduce was for the regulation or appropriation of a public tax, and it was unusual to intro duce such a bill except in a committee of the whole house. The right hon. gentleman seemed to have forgotten the pre cedent to which ho lately submitted when he proposed to appropriate a tax for the purpose of making a road in Ken sington Gardens. He then made the usual motion that the house should resolve itself into a committee for the purpose of considering the Act, and it would be a dangerous prece dent if this course were departed from in the present in stance. The coal-tax was in point of fact a public tax, and ought not to bo treated in a local bill. Again, it was extra ordinary that the right hon. gentleman should have given no estimate, and not said a word about 'he sum he wanted to complete the works. (Hear, hear.) ; Mr. C02W1 3 44 8 44 that vioy tbo bill imposed uo charge upon the public. No doubt it appropriated rates and duties already granted, but he never understood that it was necessary to brine:in such a bill in a committee of the whole house. A: to the Road Bill referred to, it; would eato im posed indirectly a charge upAt the public, but ho was wo, awaro that the present bill would iropose any, for if it dia, not pass the public would pay the sane as before. Sir J. SHELLEY expressed an opinion that the usage of Parliament required that the bill should be introduced in committee. Lord J. MANNERS said it was impossible to estimate the effect of words which were introduced for the first time into the motion as it was put into the Speaker's hands. As ho caught them, they referred to the appropriation of public money, and it might be that the hon. and learned member fur the Tower Hamlets was right. He should have the greatest possible pleasure in supporting the bill, because, as he understood, the creation and management of this great metropolitan improvement were handed over to the Metro politan Board of Works. At present he reserved his opinion (4n the details; but, as ha had caught an allusion to some suitable public buildings which were to recreato the eyes of the Londoners, he might express a hope that neither the noble lord nor the right hon. gentleman would have any thing to do with them. (Laughter.) Tho SPEAKER decided that, as no new burden was proposed to be laid on the public, and the amendment of the London Coal and Wino Duties Act only referred to the plan of keeping the accounts, there was nothing informal in the mode in which the bill was introduced. Hr. WILLIAMS thought that the embankment of the south side was most important for the comfort of the in habitants in that district, as they were now constantly inundated, and would suffer greater inconvenience if the north side only was embanked. Mr, LOCKE also hoped that the effect of the north em bankment upon the south side would be considered. As to the embankment from Millbank-street to Westminster bridge, he wished to know whether it would be in frcnt of the Houses of Parliament, and how access was proposed, seeing that there was no space for a street between the end of the clock-tower and the bridge. He approved a solid embankment, because the openings for barges would lead to a great accumulation of filth and mud, and he therefore condemned the proposal to have openings in that part east of the Temple-gardens, merely for the convenience of the City Gas Company. Those works might have been re moved but for an act which passed two years ago, and even now it would be worth considering whether some of the money from the coal duties should not be applied to get rid of them. He hoped that plans of the works would be ex hibited for the inspection of hon. members. Dr. BRADY expressed his surprise at the tone in which the metropolitan members had treated the question, for without a grand opening of the sort along the river side London never would be what it ought to be. The saving which would be made by the improvement would soon pay for the expense of it, and the commercial community ought to be the chief supporters of it. (Hear.) Mr. COX agreed that it would be desirable that the house should have the plans of the embankment before it previous to the second reading. He should like to have some further explanation of the use of the new road from the embankment by Earl. street to the Mansion-house. He was of opinion that it would be utterly useless in removing the real press of traffic. If the improvement were carried out as proposed, it would be necessary to renew the coal tax for another 10 years beyond those proposed by the bill, and, as regarded the southern side, he was afraid that it would be little better than a nuisance —(no, no)—and would produce a constant overflow on that side of the water. He should be glad to hear from the right hon. gentleman what effect it was ex pected the embankment would have on the foundations of London-bridge. Mr, CONINGHAM thought this one of the most im portant metropolitan improvements which had ever been proposed, and was surprised that the hon. member for the Tower Hamlets should persevere in making war on all the schemes suggested for the improvement of London. The matter was one which regarded the whole country, in a certain sense, for it was not only the inhabitants of London who paid the coal tax, but everybody who came into London and helped to burn coals there had a share in it. (Hear.) As the representative of London-super-Mare—(a laugh)— he should give his best assistance to pass the bill. Mr. KINNAIRD thanked the President of the Board of Works for the very excellent metropolitan improvement which he had proposed. Leave was then given to bring in the bill. that the Solicitors to the Treasury prepared the case? (Hear, hear.) Did he believe for a moment that any man who was not in his own mind conscious of the possi bility of its being done would entertain the conception that any man could bo so baso as to mangle and garble an Act of Parliament to securea result in which he h zel no interest ? His contempt for the insinuation was su .11 that it was scarcely possible to find words to express it. What was the Lord Chancellor to do but what ho had done? Ho was called upon provide 19,000 and odd pounds instead of having to provide, as ho imagined, between £6,000 and £7,000. What could be done under the circumstances except to have the case submitted to the law advisers of the Crown? (Hear, hear.) With a sincere desire to do everything in his power, he found himself in a situation of very great embarrassment• All he could do was to frame the clause in a very courteous, and, at the same time, specific manner. If for these clerks was claimtd the payment of these salaries as a matter of right, then the Government being advised it was not a matter of right, all he could do was to expedite in the quick est manner a mode of trying the question. In the 22d sec tion ho stated that these officers had a strong moral claim to favourable consideration, and he asked their lordships, could he have gone further ? (Hear, hear.) He had ven tured to suggest that the entire claims of these men would be respected if they went before a select committee ; and ho asked any noble lord present what fairer course could ho have adopted to put their claims beyond doubt? But the only return he received for this, so far as his assailants' conduct was concerned, was to hold him up to ridicule, to treat him with insinuations, and, notwithstanding all the irritation which the debate was likely to encourage, he begged to say that he would feel obliged to learn, and would gladly adopt any course which might seem wiser or better than the one ho had recommended. He had spared no effort to secure these men. And, notwithstanding the step taken by the advisers of these men, and the conduct of Mr. Commissioner Law, who was unworthy that he should atop to comment upon, he (the Lard Chancellor) had taken the step to apply to the Treasury for cheques to pay these men their salaries, and though the cheques were signed not one of the officials thought it worth his while to take this money. He had thereopon written to Mr. Law that if the men took the sums allotted them it would not prejudice their other claims, and yet this very act of his had received a wrong construction. He admitted that, in one respect, he had not done all ho should have done. It was his duty as Attorney-General to inquire into the real posi tion of these gentlemen. He did not know until the matter was brought before him this year what was that position. It was said he ought to have had a perfect knowledge of all who would have claims under his bill. Surely these gentlemen, when they remained passive as the bill went through Parliament, were the best guardians of their own interests, and it was natural, if they expressed no ground of complaint, that he could not be aware they would suffer any grievance. He did not wish to prejudice their rights; but it was not likely the House of Commons would have given them full salaries as compensation, irrespective of their re spective lengths of service or age. Besides, many of them held their situations during pleasure, and under the act these persons would obtain a freehold. Surely a freehold at a less salary was better than a situation during pleasure at a higher. All these things were to be considered, and ho thought their case would be best considered in a select com mittee. It was a subject of regret to him that this scene should have occurred to-night. But notwithstanding it he was still willing to do what he could. He did not mean that he would do what he was compelled to do ; but he asked— what more could he do than he had proposed to do ? If any one could suggest what could be done with propriety he would forget all the irritation which these events were likely to produce, and try to do all in his power. The Earl of DERBY said the language which had fallen from the noble and learned lord on the woolsack was such as their lordships had not been accustomed to hear, and if the noble lord persisted in it, he should not be surprised if it produced a feeling of irritation. He said he treated such a gentleman as Mr. Commissioner Law with contempt. The LORD CHANCELLOR —No I The manner in which the correspondence had been dealt with. The Earl of DERBY saw no privacy in any such corres pondence. He would, however, leave such painful matter, and call their lordships' attention to the circumstances of the case before them, and which were admitted on all sides. By the Bankruptcy Act of last session, for which the Go• vernment justly claimed a great deal of credit, the clerks in the Insolvents' Court were transferred to the Court of Bankruptcy, and it was the intention of Government that they should not suffer by the transfer. With respect to the discrepancies in the two returns upon which the noble and learned lord,who was himself rather free in making charges, insinuated that these gentlemen had, to increase their com pensation, misrepresented their income, they were easily accounted for—the first being the return of the average of seven years, and the other that of the amount last year re ceived. As regards the clause which was intended to secure to them the full amount of their fees and emoluments, it appeared to him and men of legal minds, and he was assured so by the late Lord Chancellor that it was suffi cient for its object. However, as the error had arisen through the ignorance of the noble and learned lord, he ought to have advised the Government to introduce a de claratory bill, and he was convinced the House of Com mons would make no objection to passing it. Earl GRANVILLE thought the lecture administered to the noble lord on the woolsack quite undeserved, especially as the noble and learned lord who had brought fore ard the subject, had throughout his speech indulged in sneer and badinage. It was impossible for Government to acknowledge as legal rights what the law officers told them did not exist, but if the gentlemen aggrieved wished to try that right, the remedy was in their own hands. If, however, they re ferred their claims to a select committee, her Majesty's Government would enforce them on moral and equitable grounds. He hoped the result of this discussion would en courage them to take that cpurse. Lord CRAN WORTH regretted the feeling of acrimony which had been displayed, and confirmed the Earl Derby in respect to the assurance given to the select committee by the Lord Chancellor. He suggested that instead of asking the clerks to become petitioners, and so abandon their claims on the ground of their legality, Government should submit the matter to a select committee. Earl RUSSELL thought it better in all legal reforms to at once compensate the officers whose duties were interfered with, and pointed out the difficulty in asking the Treasury to pay the amount of these fees, when the law officers of the Crown stated that they had no legal existence. Lord KINGSD OWN likewise expressed his regret at the feeling of irritation which had found vent, and seconded the suggestion that the evil complained of should be remedied by a declaratory Act. Lord REDESDALE thought the discussion which had taken place equivalent to the fullest inquiry by a select committee, and that immediate Parliamentary action might be taken in the House of Commons. The Duke of SOMERSET accused Lord Chelmsford of unfairness to the Lord Chancellor in the manner in which h Td e ihs h ce r a lle d po i a n uns t e r ei o eo d s f u i c nc e ot d t oh t e h m e roe q n st u u e n aw s t os i o ut idrteloa:tdhys sure rreato ferr attention of the house. ta ed ke to al a ar n m d w at ou th ld e not proceed to l eg i s l a t e without the fullest inquiry. After some explanatory observations from the LORD CHANCELLOR and the Earl DERBY, the subject dropped, and their lordships adjourned at five minutes to nine o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—YESTERDAY. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Deeside Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. The following bills were considered and ordered for third reading :—Bradford Corporation 'Water; Man chester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Additional Powers) ; and Weston super Mare Pier. PETITIONS. Several petitions were presented againsf the Revised Code; for a Reduction of the Duty on Fire Insurance ; for the Adoption of the System of Election of Members of the Metropolitan Board of Works by Ratepayers generally, in favour of Parochial Assessment, &c., ORDNANCE SURVEY. On the motion of Mr. ELLICE returns in connection with the subject of the Ordnance Surveys in England, Scotland, and Ireland, were ordered. HARTLEPOOL RAILWAYS AND HARBOUR COMPANY. Mr. ROEBUCK, in presenting a petition from a share holder in the above company, stated that the company was established in 1853, and was authorised by Act of Parlia ment to raise 600,000. According to the statement made by the petitioner they had raised money to the extent of £2,000,000, and they were now bankrupt. Other breaches of faith were alleged, and the petition prayed that the directors of the company should be prosecuted. Mr. M. GIBSON explained that the Board of Trade sent instructions to public companies to supply them with financial returns ; when these were received they were tabulated and laid before the house. If there was any criminality or fraud in these returns, the part ies who made them, and not the Board of Trade, were liable. Mr. ROEBUCK hoped that the petition might be sent round with the votes of the house as a preliminary to a mo ctou "Lird , he intended to make on the subject. THE SLAVE TRADE PAPERS. In reply to Mr. W. FORSTER, Mr. LAYAILD said that the slave trade papers were in the hands of the printer, and he hoped to be able to lay them on the table at the end of next week. TLIE SIKKIM EXPEDITION. Capt. STACPOOLE asked the Secretary of State for India Whether the despatches relative to the Sikkim expe dition in India in February, 1861, had been received by her to their Majeatv a G inovernment and, if so, was there any objection Sirbeg laid upon the table of the house d u e C e . "" D s aid that h e wou l d h ave no o bj ec ti on t o pthe documents in question, but he had not received them. Mr. CONINGLIAMON ADMISSI T O SANDIIIIRST. asked the Secretary of State for War why admissions to Sandhurst 'were not placed on the same nation footing as those to Woolvrich, naniely,competitive exa m? Sir G. LEWIS said that it was necessary tin t t there shou ld b e a higher scientific training for the artillery than for regiments of the line, which was the cause of the diffe rence alluded to by the hon. member. EXPORTATION OF ENGLISH SALT TO THE CONTINENT. Mr. J. TOLLEMACHE asked the President of the Board of Trade what steps had been taken by the Govern ment to put an end to the virtual prohibition against the exportation of English salt into Franco ; and whether there was a prospect of the trade in that article being placed, at an early period, on a more favourable footing,in conformity with the spirit of the French treaty; whether instructions had been given to] her Majesty's Minister at Brussels to exercise duo vigilance in obtaining from the Belgian Go vernment the measure of justice of admitting British trade to a full participation in any advantages granted to the trade of any other country ; whether it is not the fact that English vessels are still excluded from the conveyance of salt to Belgian Ports, whilst France has acquired, under her late treaty with Belgium, the right to carry salt to Belgian Ports, in French vessels, and that:they alsoenjoy a discount of seven per cent. on the duty of 275 francs per ton, levied on French Marine Salt so imported into Belgium : and, whether the Government had instructed Mr. Mallet, of the Board of Trade, who is now at Berlin, to obtain per mission for the transit of salt through the territory of the Zollverein, with bonding facilities in the Zollverein Ports for salt, so as to enable this country to send that article up the large rivers into Poland and Russia, which countries are new, to a great extent, supplied with Austrian salt. Mr. M. GIBSON said that already there had been a hope on the part of Government that the duty on Eng lish salt introduced into France would be reduced, and he believed that the delay which had taken place arose from it being considered necessary by the French Government to make an inquiry into the duty on salt in France as a preliminary. With regard to Belgium, the Government of that State had not treated England in the same way that she had done other countries in reference to this article of import; but from remonstrances made by the Government of this country, it was expected that the favoured nation clause would be extended to England. No instructions had been given to Mr. Mallet on the subject. INSPECTORS OF SCHOOLS. Mr. STANHOPE asked the Vice-President of the Com mitteee of Council of Education, if he had endeavoured to ascertain from those inspectors of schools who reported of the schools inspected in 1860 that the follow ing subjects were taught excellently, well, or fairly, —reading in 89 per cent., writing in 90 per cant., arithmetic in 83 per cent.; whether they applied that test to the merits of the teachers or of the scholars; and whether if they applied it to the Scholars, they applied it to the whole of the school or only to the upper classes. Mr. LDWE said that the number of inspectors who re ported to the Privy Council was about 35, and it was not expected from them that they should extend examination to the length which was mentioned by the hon. member. GRAND JURY LAWS (IRELAND). Mr. BLAKE asked the Chief Secretary of Ireland whether it was his intention to introduce a bill during the present session for the reform of the grand jury laws in Ireland ? Sir R. PEEL said it was intended to introduce such bill, but not until after Easter. EDUCATION, SCIENCE, AND ART. Lord HENRY LENNOX moved—" That this house was of opinion that, for the preparation of any estimates, and for the expenditure of any monies voted in aid of the British Museum, the National Gallery, and all other institu tions having for their object the promotion of ed ucation, science and art, one Minister of the Crown should be responsible to this house." He contended that this subject was one that should receive the careful consideration of the house, who were the keepers of the public purse. There had been a great increase in the amount of money voted for the ob. jects to which his motion referred during the last few years, _ . _ and in 1861-62 it was no less than £221,855. For the last 14 years the whole amount voted was X 2,266,700, and a considerable portion of this amount wa s applied to purposes over which the house could exercise no control. He contended that it was essential to the p u bli o interest that such control should be vested in a body r&• sponsible to that house. He alluded to the British Muse um which he described as being in a crumbling co n di t i on, the National Gallery, and oth e r institutions, which displayed a most unsatisfactory state of things, and showed the necessity for their supervision by a body who would be responsible for their acts. He went in detail through the different commissions that had reported on this subject, to show particularly that a reform in regard to the British Museum was necessary. He contended also that the British Museum was not conducted in conformity with the expressed wishes of the house on pre vious occasions. In support of this statement, he adverted to different debates which had taken place when the esti mates were under discussion. It had been said that they ought not to interfere with the trustees of the institution, but it was the first time that Parliament had been squeamish about vested rights when public interest was concerned. He analysed the constitution of the board of trustees, ex officio . . and otherwise, to show that an alteration of a very sweep ing character should be introduced in order to render this board efficient. With respect to the family trustees, he said they were a must mysterious and anomalous body, for they were appointed custodians of the property which the ancestsrs or relatives had sold to the country. (Laughter.) The remedy he proposed for the defects of system, misma nagement, and waste of public money in the administration of these votes, was personal and individual responsibility. Mr. GREGORY, in seconding the motion, observed that there never was a time more apposite for considering this subject. He maintained, adducing evidence in support of the objection, that the whole system of trustee management of the British Museum was faulty and inefficient, He sug gested a scheme for improving the organisation of the board The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that his noble friend who made this motion bad addressed the house with great ability, and in a manner showing that he had applied his mind thoroughly to the subject. There was much of matter in his speech in which the Government were disposed to concur, as tending in the right direction towards unity and efficiency in the national departments. He would not ask the house to negative the motion, but he would content himself with moving the'previous question. There had been a discrepancy between the mover and seconder. ilis noble friend, for instance, had assailed the constitution 1 of the National Gallery, while that institution was defended by the hon. member for Galway. In 1859 the Government said that new arrangements were about to be made in the National Gallery, and in 1860 those new arrangements were carried out. The discussion had turned greatly upon the case of the British Museum, the observations made with respect to which were fundamentally unjust. The charge made of general mismanagement regarding the Museum had not been proved. The fact that a commission had sat upon it was no proof of mismanagement, but simply showed that improvement was sought after. It was utterly impos sible for any man who united common sense with common justice, to compare the state of the British Museum, as it was at present, with what it had been thirty years ago, and consider its expansion in the interim, and then say, as had been said by his noble friend, that its mode of management was a complete barrier to any improvement. The reading-room of the Museum, erected 'within the last six or seven years, reflected the highest credit upon the trustees. It was a mistake to suppose that no one was re sponsible for the estimates of that and other national insti tutions ; because, although these estimates were submitted by the right hen. gentleman the member for Cambridge— the only case in which estimates were moved by an inde- pendent member—yet the Government were as much re f sp onsible for them as they were for those of any of the pub lic departments, and the house had never shown any dis position to reduce the estimates for the national buildings, but on the contrary, had repeatedly endeavoured to increase them by raising salaries. Three parts out of four of the motion had already beenrealised, because education, science, and a- t were already under a responsible minister. Moro remained to be done, but it would not be expedient to achieve that end by a single stride, more especially as that single stride might cause inconvenience and tend to fetter the judgment of the house in the course of its future pro ceedings. A plan had been initiated by the executive of the British Museum, which involved the transfer of one of the three great departments to the other side of the building, and this plan would shortly be submitted to the house for its consideration and adoption. On these grounds he hoped the noble lord would not press his motion to a division. If he should do so, it would be his (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer's) duty to meet it at once by moving the previous question. The question having been put, Mr. CONINGIIAM agreed with the noble lord that there ought to be a Minister of the Crown responsible for the a dministration of the grants to science and art, but ho could tot admit the many fallacies which the noble lord had uttered in the speech which he had just delivered to the house. Instead of no control, he thought that house had always had A complete control over the funds granted to those institution s. He could not agree with the noble lord that the inefficiency in the administration of these institu tions was to be attributed to the existence of boards of trustees. With respect to the management of the National Gallery, he believed that the new system was just the old one under another name. Ministers were merely ex officio trustees of the British Museum, and as such had only an individual responsibility of which nothing was known. When the hon. member referred to the South Kensington ..aius.um. he would remind him that the plan for the Exhi bition building had been the result of the Art School at Kensington. Ho could not concur on the eulogy passed on the National Gallery, and could not think that the late pur chases of pictures for the gallery were all satisfactory. It was only by bringing public opinion to bear continually on the subject that any real improvement could be hoped for. Mr. BLAKE did not think it fair that a grant given for the general purposes of art education should be expended chiefly in the metropolis. In Ireland a school which he had assisted in establishing went on well so long as it got the Government grant, but it had been obliged to raise its fees, so that instead of being an art school for mechanics it had become one for the better classes. It was a complete mis take to make such schools self-supporting. He hoped the motion of the noble lord would have the effect of drawing ' attention to the matter. Sir J. SHELLEY thanked the noble lord for bringing the question forward. After the declaration of the Chan- • calor of the Exchequer that 0010 alteration would QM , INNS OF COURT. Sir G. BOWYER moved for leave to bring in a bill for the better government of the Inns of Court, making a general statement of the evils he assumed to exist in the 83 s tern of government of the Inns of Court, and of the remedies he proposed. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL did not object to the introductinn of the bill, not, however, admitting the exist. ence of any evils in the constitution of the government of the Inns of Court. Leave was given to introduce the bill, after some remarks from Mr. BovILL. Sir R. PEEL obtained leave to bring in a bill to define the powers of the President and Fellows of the King and Queen's College of Physicians in Ireland with respect to the election of its Fellows : and a bill to render putative fathers of bastard children in Ireland liable for their main tenance. The LORD-ADVOCATE, in moving for leave to intro duce a bill to make further provision for the education of the people in Scotland, explained the object and general effect of the measure, and gave an outline of its provisions. Further explanations were sought and given, and leave was obtained to bring in the bill. Mr. AYRTON obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the acts for abolishing the nuisance arising from the smoke of furnaces in the metropolis ; and Mr. WMAHON a bill to assimilate the law of Ireland as to seacoast and inland fisheries to that of England. The orders having been disposed of, the house adjourned at one o'clock. ROYAL NATIONAL LIFEBOAT INSTI TUTION. The annual general meeting of the friends and supporters of this institution was held yesterday at the London Tavern ; the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor in the chair. The meeting was influentially and most numerously attended ; amongst those pre sent we observed—the Earl of Hard wicke, Sir E. Perrott, Bart., Admirals Cator and Bullock, Mon tague Gore, Esq., W. Tite, Esq., M.P., Captain Washington, RN., Colonel Palmer, E. Grimwade, Esq., Mayor of Ipswich, Sir J. Johnstone, M,P. for Scarborough, Sheriff Cotterell, Admiral Bowles, &c. The LORD MAYOR, said they had met to promote an object truly patriotic and philanthropic, to assist those brave men who risked their lives in the most perilous times to save their fellow creatures from destruction. He was quite certain that every one among them would do his utmost to assist a society so truly useful, and as other gentlemen would ad dress them who had for many years taken an inte rest in its welfare, he thought it would be better for him to say as little as possible. The patrons, vice-presidents, and other officers, having been elected, the Secretary read the report, from which we give some extracts. The report commenced by congratulating the sup porters of the institution on its continued prosperity, and its still further advancement in public favour. The committee alluded in feeling terms to the loss which, in common with the whole nation, the insti tution had sustained by the lamented death of its illustrious Vice-Patrol, the late Prince Consort. During the past twelve months three more of the old local lifeboat establishments have been transferred to this society, namely, those at Dundee, Scarborough, and Dublin Bay. In the same period the institution had placed, or was about to place, twelve new lifeboats on the coast, viz., at Whitby, Selsey, St. Ives, Llanddwyn, Southport, Irvine, Campbeltown, Winterton, Great Yarmouth, Dungene4, Scarborough, Aberystwyth, Plymouth, Kingsgate, Blackeney, and Kirkcud bright. Others are in course of construction for Kingstown, Poolbeg, Mowth, and Dundee. New carriages and boat houses bad been or were being built for all these boats. The institution now pos sessed Kingdom, and one in the island of Guernsey. These 120 lifeboats on the coasts of the United boats had during the year 1861 saved 289 persons from different wrecks, nearly the whole under cir cumstances of peril which could not have been en countered by any ordinary boats. On 79 other occasions they bad gone off to the aid of vessels in apparent danger or in reply to signals of distress, but when their services had not eventually been required. For these several lifeboat services up wards of £l,OOO were granted. The institution had placed 45 barometers at the different lifeboat sta tions of the institution. Attached to each barome ter is a chart, on which the daily indications of the instruments are registered. Although the commit tee deeply regretted to rep or t that 884 lives had perished last year from shipwrecks on our coasts, yet every friend of humanity must rejoice with them in the gratifying fact that 4,624 lives were rescued during the same period from these disasters. Of these 743 owe their lives immediately to the ser vices of lifeboats. The total number of persons saved from shipwreck from the establishment of the institution in 1824 to the end of the year 1861, either by its lifeboats, or for which it has granted rewards, was 12,272. During the past year the institution has granted 39 silver medals, 17 votes Of thank inscribed on vellum, and the sum of £1,287 14s. 2d. in pecuniary rewards for rescuing 416 poor creatures from shipwreck on our coasts. The operations of the institution may be thus 'briefly stated :----Since its formation it has expended ea lifeboat establishments X 57,000, and bad voted b 2 gold and 705 silver medals for distinguished services in saving life, besides pecuniary rewards, amount ing altogether to £15,383. The total receipts of the institution during the year 1861 had been £15,09 2 10s, 10d.• Of this sum no less than £1,509 19s. 611. was given by benevolent persons to defray the cost of lifeboats. The operations of the institution now extended all over the British isles. To maintain and perpetuate these operations was a matter of earnest and constant solicitude to the committee. They had incurred a grave responsibility ; but they did not shrink from it, and were determined with the continued blessing of the Almighty and the sympathy and liberality of the British public, to leave no effort untried that could in any way tend to lessen the annual lose of life from shipwrecks on our shores. The Earl of HARDWICKE moved the adoption of the report, and in doing so pronounced the institu tion the most really valuable one in the country. No less thah 12,000 lives had been saved by its life-boats and other means since 1824 ; and it was a singular fact that in many cases the lifeboats were worked most efficiently by landsmen trained to the use of oars. It was also very gratifying that some ladies were exercising their great influence on behalf of the Lifeboat Society. Most of the special gifts of lifeboats had emanated from them. (Cheers.) Mr. TITE, N.1.P., seconded the motion, and being spoken to by Sir John Johnstone, the member for Scarborough, and another gentleman, who handed in a donatioa of £lOO from a lady of his acquaint ance, was unanimously passed. Mr. MONTAGITE GORE moved—" That this meet ing, having heard the very satisfactory report just read of the continued success attending the pro ceedings of the National Lifeboat Institution, pledges itself to use every effort to maintain and extend the truly philanthropic and national opera tions of an institution which has rendered such services to the cause of humanity, by means of its large fleet of lifeboats and otherwise, and which is year by year taking such deep root in the sympa thies of the British nation." So important a con sideration as the saving of human life required the assistance of organised societies around the coast► and the construction of the best boats, which would live in any sea. He was glad to see the meeting held in the great city of London, and presided over by its distinguished Lord Mayor. Mr. GRTMWADE (mayor of Ipswich) seconded the motion, and announced the determination o f the people of his town to promote an institution s 0 truly valuable and useful in saving human life. They had collected £5OO, which would be quite sufficient to establish a lifeboat on the coast of their own county. He stated that he had examined that morning the accounts of the institution, and be found that its working expenses only amounted to 71 per cent. The resolution was then passed. Sir E. PERROTT moved the next resolution, which was to the effect that the thanks of the meeting be tendered to the Lords of the Committee of PANT Council for Trade, and to the Marino Department of the Board of Trade, for the important and cordial aid afforded by them to the National Lifeboat In' stitution. Also to the Commodore Controller-Gene ral, the Deputy Controller-General, and the officers and men of her Majesty's Coastguard service, for their continued valuable assistance to the society. Admiral CATOR seconded the motion, and it WAS unanimously adopted. Mr. Sheriff COTTERELL moved the next resolu tion, which was—" That this meeting tenders itO cordial thanks to Thos. Baring, Esq., M.P., F.Bs" V.P. (the chairman), to Thomas Chapman, Esti" F.R.S., V.P. (the deputy-chairman), and to the other members of the Committee of Management' for the care and attention with which they continue to administer to the important affairs of the institution. Also to the honorary local com mittees of the several branches of the institution for their zealous co-operation with the central commit tee in promoting the efficiency of the lifeboat estab' lishments intrusted to their superintendence and management." Hon. Captain MAUDE seconded the motion, and it was also agreed to. Mr. CHAPMAN returned thanks, and eSp ressed his deep regret at the sad loss sustained by th em in the death of Lord C. Beauclerk and his gallant com panions, who lost their lives in an endeavour to preserve those of others. He alined to the absence of the Duke of Northumberland in feeling terms and said that the interest of his grace in the insti tution continued unabated. The committee:felt deep acknowledgment to the officers of the institution• In conclusion, he proposed a vote of thanks to the Lord Mayor. It was seconded by Admiral BOWLES, and hil l lordship having returned thanks, The proceedings terminated. COUN7BI MA RKE2S. V- BRISTOL—MIncu Is. At our market to-day there was a moderate attenpne. e t with very little doing, but a general impression prevails 111 the trade that we have touched the lowest point. SHEFFIELD—MARCH 18. At our market this morning there was an average 011 ° ° of wheat, with a good attendance. Trade was remarkably dull, at about the rates of last week. Malting barley NO S scarce, but quotations were maintained. Beans genera); out of condition, with less firmness in price. Oats an flour quite as dear. Red wheat, per lead of 3 i m p er i a l b us h e l s...2os Od to 22s ncl -„ A White 7) / ...228 Od to 23s yr New red 9 f ...21s Od to 2' New white „ ...24, ;30 .6A G Pl3"lBean rinh s in Pe g r bgarrley ) , , per qr ...24s Od to 2s 6U' ~ ...18s Od 190 0 ° 0d5 3 4 2 : 0 d t t o o 555 36 g Malting ditto ) $) Millers' prices f" flour-2s ld, 2s 3d, 36s Od to 39s us Oats. Or 141 b. 02.313sd0d2sto53d6srof MELTON MOWBRAY—MARCH 18. .0 3 There was a short supply of wheat to-day, and, sc l in a quiet trade, prices receded is per qr. Barley was o moderate request, at is over la s t wee k. Whit e wheat, `" Od to 66s Od ; red, :57s Od to 62s per 36 stone; be 7. slow, at 42s to 47s f or o ld ; new sorts, — s per 38 8 4 . 1 '; barley, 35s to 37s f or ma lti ng , an d 30 s to 32 s per qr. '- grinding ; oats, 23s t0 . ,288 Od per 24 atone. NEWCASTLE-UNDER LYME—MARCH 17. At this market to-day there was only a'moderate show 0 wheat, generally in poor condition, and the demand slow• White wheat, 62s to 69s ; red, 67s to 64s per 36 stone* Barley firm, at the rates of the week previous, malting selling at 36s to 39s per qr., grinding 30s to 33s per 30 st. Oats, 24s to 30s per 24 at. ; beans, 40s to 465; new, 38s to 468 per qr. BENSON'S WATCHES AND CLOCKS.--" Perfection Of mechanism."—Morning Post. Gold watches, sto ICOgutness; silver watches, 2 to 50 guineas. Benson's new Illustrate d Pamphlet, free for two stamps, descriptive of every construe' Lion of watch, enables persons in any part of the world tO select with the greatest certainty the watch best adapted to their use. Watches sent free and safe by post on receipt O f a remittance.—J. W. Benson, 33 and 34, Ludgate-hill, 46 and 47. Cornhill, London, E. C. — Established 1749. • BIRTHS. - --- 110 BEAUMONT.—On th e 17 th inst., at 11, Walton-place, ti, wife of Joseph Beaumont, Esq., of Lincoln's-inn, 0 ' daughter. BARNARD.—On the 18th inst., at 69, Portland-place, th e wife of Herbert Barnard, Esq., of a daughter. LAMBERT.—On the 18th inst., at Croydon, the wife 0f F' Lambert, Esq., of a daughter. MARRIAGES. BENTINCK—HINToN.—On the 26th ult., at Madeira, N V : Bentinck, Esq., late 15th Hussars, to Henrietta Jil" eldest daughter of William Hinton, Esq. KELLY—BROWNE.—On the 15th inst., at Trinity Chul a Paddington, Johu Birch Kelly, E sq ., e ld es t so n of '' f ' Birch Kelly, Esq., of Somer's-pl ace , Hyde-park, to Emma, youngest daughter of the late James Brown Esq., of Dover. . DEATHS. BOWDEN.—On the 7th inst., at 3, Lansdown-place, Brun s ' , wick-square, Captain R. B. Bowden, R.N., aged 8 / 1 A COOTE.—On the 16th inst., at Queen's-gardens, park, Richard Holmes Coote. Esq., of Lincoln'e"'" — aged 78. DILLoN.—On the 18th inst., at the Hotel Wiudsor t. ri' rig ' suddenly, the Dowager Viscountess Dillon, aged 7 3 * HARRIS.—On the 9th inst., at Nice, Captain Clan R. F. Harris, Madras Cavalry, aged 37. RONEY.—On the 22d ult., at George-town, Demerara' James Edward Roney, Esq., barrister-at -law, second so of the late Cusack Roney, Esq., of Dublin. WILLIAMs.—On the 14th inst., at Henllan -place, Denb i g h ' Richard Lloyd Williams, M.D., aged 70. _ - - LONDON : Printed and Published by JOHN CITAIth of No. 112 , Strand , Printer, at T HE S VN Office, No. 12, Strand, in. the Precinct of the Savoy, in the ConutY of Middlesex,—WedWaday, Much 19, 1,862.