The Sun. — London, England, 1859-06-08 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(THIS EVENING). The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. There was a very full attendance of peers, and the galle ries were filled with ladies. VESTRY ACT BILL. This bill was read a first time. DEBTOR AND CREDITOR BILL. The LORD CHANCELLOR introduced a bill regu lating the law of debtor and creditor. CHURCH RATES. The Duke of MARLBOROUGH said on Thursday he should move for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the assessment of Church Rates. THE ADDRESS. The LORD CHANCELLOR then read her Majesty's most gracious Speech on opening the session of Parliament : MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, I avail myself with satisfaction, in the present anxious state of public affairs, of the advice of my X' ar li a ment, which I have summoned to meet with the least possible delay. I have directed that papers shall be laid before you, from which you will learn how earnest and unceasing have been my endeavours to preserve the peace of Europe. Those endeavours have unhappily failed ; and war has been declared between France and Sar dinia on one side, and Austria on the other. Re ceiving assurances of friendship from both the contending parties, I intend to maintain between them a strict and impartial neutrality ; and I hope, with God's assistance, to preserve to my people the blessing of continued peace. Considering, however, the present state of Europe, I have deemed it necessary to the security of my dominions and the honour of my Crown to increase my naval forces to an amount exceeding that which has been sanctioned by Parliament. I rely with confidence on your cordial concur rence in this precautionary measure of defensive policy. The King of the Two Sicilies having announced to me the death of the King, his father, and his own accession, I have thought fit, in concert with the Emperor of the French, to renew my diplomatic intercourse with the Court of Naples, which had been suspended during the late reign. All my other foreign relations continue on a perfectl satisfactory footing GENTLEMEN . OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, The Estimates for the year, for which provision has not been made by the late Parliament, will be immediately laid before you, together with such Supplementary Estimates as present circumstances render indispensably necessary for the public service. MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, I have directed a bill to be prepared for giving effect, so far as the aid of Parliament may be re quired, to certain suggestions of the Commissioners whom I had appointed to inquire into the best mode of efficiently manning the Royal Navy; and I recommend this important subject to your imme diate attention. Measures of legal and social improvement, the progress of which, in the late Parliament, was necessarily interrupted by the dissolution, will again be brought under your consideration. I should with pleasure give my sanction to any well-considered measure for the amendment of the laws which regulate the representation of my people in Parliament ; and should you be of opinion that the necessity of giving your immediate attention to measures of urgency relating ,to the defence and financial condition of the country will not leave you sufficient time for legislating, with due deliberation, during the pre sent Session, on a subject at once so difficult and so extensive, I trust that at the com mencement of the next Session, your earnest attention will be given to a question, of which an early and satisfactory settlement would be greatly to the public advantage. I feel assured that you will enter with zeal and diligence on the discharge of your parliamentary duties, and I pray that the result of your delibera tions may tend to secure the continuance of peace abroad, and progressive improvement at some. Earl POWIS, who wore a rich military uniform, rose for the purpose of moving an address to her Majesty in answer to her most gracious speech said, the short time that had elapsed since they last met would relieve him from alluding to many of the legal and social measures which had been referred to in a former speech, some of which had become the law of the land. On the present occasion it would be out of place if he were to dwell upon the dissolution and the effect it had had on the state of parties, especially as that had arisen in the other house, and it would be an infringement of the rights and privileges of that branch of the Legislature. (Hear, hear.) In her most gracious Speech her Majesty had referred to several financial measures, and to the question of Parlia mentary Reform, and also to the advisability of post poning all consideration of the Reform question until the commencement of the next session. He did not think it competent for Parliament to grapple with that question in the month of July, but that would be a quFstion. to be also pass over, because it was now progressing in the most satisfactory manner, and her Majesty had signified her approval of the efforts made to restore tran quillity by personally conferring an important mark of her favour upon Sir John awrence. (Hear, hear.) The aspect of continental affairs was such that he could not pass it over, especially as France, Sardinia, and Austria had entered on the horrors of war on the fertile plains of Lombardy. Her Majesty had informed them that papers would be laid before their lordships, which would prove how anxious she had been to preserve the blessing's of peace, and the expression of Royal regret that these efforts had entirely failed ; but it was consolatory to find that the position England would take in such an unfortunate • state of affairs would be one of strict and impartial neutrality. (Hear.) As England was free from the religious feelings of the Church of Rome, it was to be hoped that this country would be enabled to devote some portion of time to the advancement of measures of social progress. (Hear, hear.) It was gratifying to find that the aspect of commercial affairs was cheering, and it was most devoutly to be hoped that that state of things would be continued, for nothing was so fatal to all commercial prosperity as war. The accession of a new King to the Neapolitan Throne had induced her Majesty to resume diplomatic relations with that coun try; and although the matters relating to Central America had not been finally settled, he trusted that they would soon meet with a satisfactory solution. He now arrived at the subjeet of the national de fences, and the Government were much to be commended for the active steps they had taken to strengthen the fleet, for without such a wise and salutary step our neutrality in foreign affairs would be little respected, and this brought to his re collection a quotation from one of Sheridan N plays, in which he made one of his characters say " John we will agree in pla toons." Her Majesty's Government had promised to afford every possible assistance to volunteer corps, and to supply them with ammunition for practice. (Hear.) He could net conclude without expressing his satisfaction at the tem perate manner in which foreign affairs had been discussed last session, aud on resuming bis seat he begged to move that a durifekaddreso be presented to her Majesty. The Address was then read by clerk at the table, and was merely an echo of the Speech. Lord LIFFORD, in seconding the motion, said he was releaved from detaining their lordships at any length by the variety of topics alluded to by the noble earl who had just sat down. The state of Ireland was satisfactory, and but for the presence of his noble friend, who at present filled the office of Lord-Lieutenant (the Earl of Eglinton) he should have entered at some length into, the question, but he could not refrain from saying that the noble earl had • won the respect of all sects and classes by his fair and equal dealing. (Hear, hear.) In her Royal Speech, her Majesty said, " Considering the present state of Europe I have deemed it necessary to the security of my dominions, and the honour of my crown, to increase my naval forces to an amount exceeding that Which has been sanctioned by Farliament. He did not for an instant imagine that any difference of feeling existed with respect to keeping the navy in the most efficient, state. He regretted that it was thought desirable to postpone the question of amending the state of the re presentation of the people till next session of Parliament, as he believed that that question, above all others, required to be settled at th e ear li es t p oss ible moment. The measure introduced last session by her Majesty's Government he regretted had not received the approval of Parliament —(hear)--and this be much regretted, as he thought it contained many provision s w hi c h w ould have been found exceedingly beneficial and useful to the com munity at large. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord then proceeded to condemn the opinions of Mr. Bright on the question of Reform, and said he was greatly pleased to see that the noble earl near him had an absolute majority in their lordships' house, and a united band of followers in the other house, numbering more than 300. Earl GRANVILLE said the speech of her Majesty that day was the third which she had delivered in that house dur ing the present year, and he must say that of the three it was one which tended to produce the greatest amount of com plication. In the speech with which her Majesty dissolved the late Parliament there were some words of a very unusual character, the effect of introducing them being to put into her Majesty's mouth an invocation to Divine Providence to give a majority in the House of Commons to the existing Government. (Laughter.) Since that speech was delivered the Government had certainly not played the part of the waggoner in the fable ; they had not contented themselves with prayer, but had applied the governmental shoulder energetically to the work. (Hear, and laughter.) In the speech just delivered nothing was said as to whether, or not the majority which was prayed for had been obtained ; but the noble viscount who had just sat down had told them that the Government had 300 supporiers in the other house. He was afraid that the Government intended to attempt still to go on with a minority in the House of Commons ; and it was to their having done so hitherto that he attri buted what he thought their lordships must all deplore, the mismanagement - of a ff a i rs at home' and abroad. He thought that both in opposition a r ia in power the conservative party h a d committed an error in being so anxious to please every body. Though he was net himself a member of that party h e entertained great respect for it. H e ac k now l e d ge d had a great hold on the sympathies f a large portion of rthe population of this country ; as long as its principles *were well defined it was sure of extensive support, and he believed that the Gov ernm a e p n p t li w ed ou c l o d us l c l rv av a e tiv o e e p e r u i p n i c e i d ple a s strong er position if they had - with moderation and judgment, instead of going t o th e ight hand and the left, and trying to outbid others in po mlar measures. (H ea r, hear.) Let him refer to some e vents during the last year which justified this view of the a latter. With the exception of the legal measures of re • rim. the details of which were prepared by the previous ~n J ~`. Government, he could hardly remember a single attempt at legislation on their part in which signal failure was not the result. (Hear, hear.) Their India Bill was certainly one of the greatest failures he had ever witnessed, and it could not be doubted that the cause of failure in that else was the at- tempt to catch various classes and individuals by means of the popularity-seeking course which was pursued. (Hear, hear.) A similar failure attended their church rate scheme. The noble lord who spoke last appeared to consider it an in justice to say that the Conservative party were not fitted to deal with the question of reform. Well, all he could say was that the expetiment which they had made had met with such opposition, not only from those who were generally opposed to them, but from almost every one belonging to their own party who was not in office, that it might be said to have been almost universally condemned. (Hear, hear.) There was one reform measure supported by the Conservative party which was perfectly unobjectionable in itself, namely, the bill for the abolition of the property qualification ; and the only drawback was the sort of distrust which was created by observing the course which the Government pursued on the reform question immediately after their accession to power. As regarded the Jewish question, he must say that nothing could be more unsatisfactory than the final settle ment of it—(hear, hear)—the Government first objecting to the principle of the bill on the highest moral and religious grounds, and then, not coming forward with an honest mea sure settling the question, but pursuing a course which, though it led to the attainment of the object in view, left the stain of bigotry on the legislation of the country. (Hear.) Such a bungling piece of legislation was it that during the • present week there had been an unseemly conversation in the other house in reference to a question which was supposed to have been finally settled. The desire of the Government to meet the wishes of everybody was evinced in the concluding words of the Speech which had just been delivered from the throne. Notwithstanding the experience which they had de rived from the recent debates in the last House of Commons, and from the speeches recently delivered on the hustings, Government had again come forward, saying in effect, " We have no opinion en the question of reform. We shall be de lighted with one thing or the other. It is not for us to guide; it is for you to act as you please." (Hear, hear.) No doubt very able arguments might be used either infavour of settling the reform question at once, or in favour of putthig off the settlement for a short or for a long period ; but that was exactly the sort of question which the 'Government ought to decide for themselves, and they could have no ex cuse for not deciding, unless it were that they did not pos sess the confidence of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) Again, he was afraid they had pursued a course which was inju rious to the public service by the manner in which they had acted in a department which was under the special eon trol of the noble earl at the head of the Government ; he referred to the renewal of the contract for the transatlantic service. The noble earl might treat that as a good subject for a joke, but there were few things more important than the careful watching by the Executive Government of the votes of public money, and the administration of the public funds in the most economical manner. (Hear, hear.) What were the facts of the case with regard to the transatlantic packet service ? Mr. Cunard had several times applied to the late Government for an extension of his contract, but he was told that the Post-office commission had recom mended that all contracts should be given after tender, and none for a longer period than five years ; that he had still four years unexpired, and different circumstances might in that period arise, other ports were putting forward claims, and a thousand alterations might occur. The Canadian Government had voted a subvention of £50,000 to one com pany, and it was desirable in any renewal of his contract to make some arrangement with respect to Canada. About a month after the new Government came in Mr. Cunard's contract was renewed with a considerable extension, and no notice was taken of the Canadian subvention • after that Government granted £BO,OOO for the Irish transatlantic packet service—(hear, hear) —adding enormously to the charge on that head. The grant might be right or wrong, but it had a bad appearance coupled with a vacancy in the seat for the port at which the station was placed. Again, with regard to the African service, the station was removed. from Plymouth to Liverpool, against the desire of the Post master-General, and at a considerable increased charge. He would not detain their lordships by referring to the case of the telegraph companies ; there was too great faci• lity in granting accommodation to classes and individuals, as the Government was not a strong Government. The noble lord had complained that a religious party cry was being raised ; no one could be more anxious than he was to make every concession to the just claims of all reli gious denominations, whether to Roman Catholics, Protes tant, Dissenters, or their Jewish fellow-subjects, but he thought it much to be regretted that, when such profes sions of lib9rality were made, they should not be made at such a time as to be entirely free from the suspicion that .they were intended to have a political influence, and not have a party raising a cry on the hustings for increased pay to chaplains, who had compelled the late Government to re scind a small vote for the same purpose. He should wish the matter to be entirely free from the suspicion that it was not decided on its absolute-and abstract merits. With regard to a still more important question, he observed the same de sire to accommodate : he meant the question of finance. The budget presented was nothing but an attempt to post pone the evil hour ; and would leave the finances in an un satisfactory state. It was very well for a Chancellor of the Exchequer, addressing his constituents, to talk of the na tional debt as a fleabite, and almost to lament the country would not have an opportunity of paying twenty millions a year for War ; but before they arrived at such a deplorable state of things, they ought to look to what was the actual position of the finances. He believed that after allowing for the two millions of terminable annuities which fell in last year, there was something like seven millions to be made good. He next came to the consideration of foreign affairs. Ile zwousvd Malmesbury) he had not the slightest intention of making upon mm. tie was convinced no man was more anxious to maintain the interest and honour of the country—(hear, hear)—but still when the noble earl was likely to be so much attacked he thought it would not be just in him not to point out some matters on which cen sure could be thrown, and to give him an opportunity of making a statement in his defence. He was ready to admit that in forming any judgment on foreign affairs they were likely to get into error from imperfect information. They had no documentary evidence except some few despatches on the Cagliari and refugee questions, some papers with regard to the Charles et Georges, a short letter to the shipowners,and averylong and closelyargued letter extend ing over three pages of closely printed foolscap, pointing out the disadvantages of correct spelling and good handwriting. (Laughter.) With regard to the Cagliari he was ready to admit that the noble earl had shown considerable skill in bringing it to an issue, and in profiting by the inspiration of the late Government and the more cordial feeling felt towards a new Conservative Government. There was an other subject on which they had received some information from the United States—he meant the right of search. He must say that the noble earl had represented himself as making concessions of what were never contended for as principles by any Britislgstatesman, and a more extraordi nary production than the despatch to Mr. Dallas was never published. It appeared from the Royal Speech that with the exception of the belligerent powers all the other foreign relations of this country were in a satisfactory state. With regard to the former, however, he thought as soon as the war was ended there was no reason why the two countries should not be on the most friendly relations and good under standing, subject, of course, to that watchfulness which was the business of the Foreign-office. The present Govern ment had peculiar facilities for attaining such a result. They had - no concern with the war. He was not aware , however, that any progress had been made towards making use of the co-operation of Russia in the present disturbed state of Europe ; and, with regard to information as to her policy, he would be very much surprised to learn that the noble earl was in a position to state anything satisfactory. He next came to a point of still greater importance, that which occupied the mind of every man in that house:War was now raging in themost beautiful provinces of the most beautiful country in the world; hundreds of thousands of men were pitted against their fellow Christians to kill and be killed, spreading desolation amongst millions. He be lieved—and it was a sentiment in which most of their lord ships would concur—that this great and disastrous war was an unnecessary one—(hear, hear)—and it was impossible at present to foresee whether any good would result from it. This was a moment of excitement; France, satiated with military glory, was anxious to renew her victories ; Sardinia, always famous for military courage, now inspired by the freedom she had enjoyed, and supported by the sympathy and feelings of her fellow Italians, was full of excitement to be led to victory by her heroic king ' • as to Austria, she also was in a state of excitement ; she had full confidence in her magnificent army, she was forefied s by her confidence in hersel even when smarting under her mili tary losses ; since he came into the house he had been in formed she was now fortified by recent military success. This was hardly a time for calm reflection, but if either of the belligerent powers should ask themselves whether they have in any way contributed to bring about this state of who the shall j a u ll d firs ra t e things he hop e d thi s o th er re fl ec ti on wou ld also occur, that promotei o f E u a r n o Europe andu honourable, e,verdic tamoderate w , will stand infinitely best. them more closely was whethe r th e co n d uc t of England had in any way contributed 'to this Of if war . course,the question was whether the Government t had done everything that the best intentions and greatest zeal could suggest, no doubt the answer w ou ld b e in the affirmative ; but there was another question which could only be answered when the papers were produced, and that w was whether they had shown that skill, firmness, and ability in dealing with this important crisis which might have given evidence satisfactory result. In justice to the noble earl te of a he must admit he had bee n a lways most explicit inh Pl° is 'si ' declara tions, but the explanations of the Government were so con tradictory, that they were p uzzled to know whether the Government had taken any particular step or with what view. He had touched upon the various topics on which he considered the Government was open to blame. It might, therefore, be expected that he intended moving an amendment .to the address. He bad no such intention, and hid reason he would briefly state—lt had been usual on a diasolution of Parliament to dissolve on the question on which Government had been beaten. The Government however had not taken that course, but appealed to the country whether they possessed its confidence. The answer to that appeal had now been given, and he believed means would be taken in the other house to ascertain the verdict. The speech on the dissolution had censured the tone adopted by the late house, and he be lieved the Government had no right to make such a com plaint. He could not conceive a House of Commons acting more fairly to a government in a minority. A large portion of the Liberal party had supported them in the hope of getting democratic measures, and on the last vote several Liberals had gone with them. As to foreign affairs, it was creditable to the House of Commons that on three different occasions they left with the leaders the sole privilege of speaking. The prudence with which their leaders spoke was not only much to be admired, but it exercised the greatest effect on the minds, of Austria, Sardinia, and France. He did not deny the constitutional right of the Government to dissolve, but the inexpediency of depriving themselves of the supporti of parliament was shown by the fact that the last step which made war inevitable was taken only four days after the dissolution. The Government were justified in dissolvinc , 6 if they expected to get a majority, but if they did they must have been greatly deceived ; they would not be justified in doing so to strengthen their party for future opposition. The opinion of the country had been taken, and it would soon be decided by the vote of the other house. If the decision should be adverse to the Govern ment he trusted the result would not be unsatisfactory to the country, but if it should be in favour of the present advisers of her Majesty, he for himself and for those around him, begged to say that, whilst they would continue to watch closely the proceedings of the Government, they would give them support when support could consistently be given, and would abstain from anything like factious opposition. (Hear, hear.) For these reasons he did not THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 8, 1859 think the House of Lords ought to be called on at that moment to come to any vote which might place the two houses in opposition. The question of real importance, and that which the country desired , was to see both houses sup port some good Government in a course consistent with the honour:and interests of the country. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of MALMESBURY—AIthough my noble friend who has just spoken has made one of those speeches which we usually hear on such occasions as the present, and has carefully avoided discussing the subjects mentioned in her Majesty's speech, yet I cannot regret that he has ad dressed your lordships, inasmuch as the observations which have fallen from him are not altogether de- void of interest. I am personally much obliged to my noble friend for having given me fair notice of those Parliamentary attacks which I must expect, and which I shall be fully prepared to meet whenever the time for making them shall have arrived, but which I do not think it right or convenient to your lordships that I should further advert to this evening, inasmuch as you are not in a position to have obtained that information which it is de sirable you should possess before such discussions are en tered upon, and which I trust to be able, to lay upon the table of the house in the course of three or four days. It is my intention to place before you at full length all the cor respondence which has occurred between her Majesty's Ministers and foreign Governments in relation to the war which has unfortunately recently broken out on the Conti nent, and to acquaint you with the efforts which have been made by her Majesty's Government to prevent that event. The correspondence will embrace the communications of some five or six months, and although it is somewhat lengthy, yet I have thought it better to lay it before you entire and to run the risk of its appearing somewhat tedious rather than keep back any part of itfrom your inspection. I shall, under those circumstances, make no defence at the present moment against the charge which my noble friend has brought for ward, to the effect that her Majesty's Government are re sponsible, not indeed, he admits, through want of zeal or energy, but through want of skill and ability for not hav ing arrested the calamity of war in Europe. We have, at all events, my lords, so far succeeded as to have prevented this country from being involved in the contest ; nor do I think it is upon the theatre of the present war that noble lords opposite should seek their giound of battle with her Majesty's Government. Before the noble earl who has just spoken again reverts to this subject I hope he will pe ruse not only the despatches which I have written during the late negotiations, but that he will also direct his atten tion to those which were laid before Parliament in 1848, and in which a noble viscount in another place took sopro • minent a part. And while giving expression to this hope, I may be allowed to say that much of what has been left upon my hands is due to the policy which that noble vis count pursued in lB4B—(hear,hft f)—when he had a golden opportunity, such as has fallen to lot of no other states man, of emancipating a large portion of Italy, and rescuing it—if indeed rescue it can be called—from the oppres sien of which Austria is accused. My noble friend must not forget what were called the " Italian Papers," in 1848, when he makes an attack upon me. (Hear, hear.) They would serve to point out to him more clearly what has been effected in 1859, and I am not afraid of the comparison which may be instituted between the Government of that day and!lier Majesty's present Administration. (Hear.) Lord HOWDEN said their lordships would recollect that about a month ago, he believed on the 3d of May, a pro clamation was posted on the walls of Paris, and through the departments, which was at once an explanation of the past and a programme of the future, In that proclamation was this :phrase, which he would translate as well as he could—" The Austrians have brought things to such a pass that they must be either masters of Italy, or Italy must be free to the Italians." He did not understand that. That was of little consequence. But what was of great conse quence was that he ardently hoped it was understood by her Majesty's Government. He was not about to extenuate the transgressions of Austria, but they ought to think of what might arise if France was the power to administer the punishment of them. (Hear, hear.) The phrase to which he referred might mean a little or a great deal, according to the method.which was taken to work it out. But he was perfectly convinced that that meaning should be known to her Majesty's Government, and even that it should be made known to thepeople of this country through her Ma jesty's Government. Did this phrase mean that some Italian domination, existing in some Italian head, was to become master of Italy from the Mediterranean to the Adriatic ? He had no objection to that whatever. He wished it might be the case, with all his heart. But he was sure that it was a matter of somewhat difficult execution. (Hear, hear.) The Marquis of NORMANBY said he had no oppor tunity of faking part in any of the discussions of their lord ships' house since his diplomatic employment in Italy. His nage friend (Lord Granville) had stated the reason why he ad not moved an amendment to the address. But he thought that explanation was unnecessary, for on all the points which he so ably put, there was no ground of im putation on which it would be possible to move an amend ment. (" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial bench.) He believed that a dissolution had been forced on the Govern ment. (Ministerial cheers.) He did not blame his noble friend the member for the City of London for the course he had taken, but still he believed no ,other course was open to the Government than the one they had followed. In 1841 he alone opposed the dissolution proposed by Lord Melbourne's cabinet, and though Lord Melbourne shared his opinion to a great extent he was not able to re sist the majority of the Government. He should, there fore, be surprised if the amendment which was spoken of was founded on any constitutional objection. (Hear, hear.) He could not, therefore, participate in such an association as had been formed for that purpose. (Hear, hear, from the Ministerial bench.) He did not think it was sufficient to say to the Government, " You are in a minority in the house at this time," unless you could show that there was some other party ready to replace them, and to conduct the Go vernment without any compromise of principles. (Cheers.) With regard to the questions put by his noble friend who had just spoken, there was another which he should like to put—namely, whether the Government did or did not con sider they were deceived in the progress of the negotia • France wa.snot arming or preparing for war, that she was only supplying the ordinary deficiencies in her military esthblishments, they could not expect to find that African regiments would be at an hour',l3 notice within a very con venient distance of the Italian frontier. (Hear.) They always heard that the proposed congress was to be conducted on the views of the treaties of 1815. But he only spoke of what was within his personal knowledge when he stated that the next day after the landing of the French in Genoa a conspiracy which had been carried out under the diplo macy of the Sardinian Minister broke out in Tuscany, and the lawful prince was obliged to leave the country. (Hear, hear.) Attempts were next made to .revolutionise Modena and Parma. Next there arrived a Frendh prince at Leg horn, which threw a suspicion on the whole of these pro: ceedings. It had been stated that he had been only sent there for strategic purposes. But any cadet from one of their military colleges could have told this general that the only strategic operation which could be accomplished in that part of Italy was to keep as far as possible from the scene of action. (Hear, and laughter.) But if no strategic object, was there no other object in view ? It should be re collected that in the treaty of Tilsit there was a clause which affected British interests. It was not the object of that clause that the Mediterranean should become, as it was called, a French lake, but that it should become only open to the powers that bordered on that sea. That was to be ac companied by the expulsion of England from Malta and Gibraltar. Their lordships should bear in mind the history of the settlement of Russia at Villafranca. The port of Genoa was now not only in the hands of the French, bnt French officials had taken palaces there for three or four years. France was also in possession of Civita Vecchia, and of Leghorn. A great naval commander of Russia, the Grand Duke Constantine, happened to be in the kingdom of the Two Sicilies when there was some dispute between the members of the royal family as to the succession to the throne, and when asked which party he _would support, the Grand Duke was reported td. have said he would be for the legitimate successor. These were all steps towards that monopoly of the Mediterranean which the treaty of Tilsit referred to. But was that all ? What was happening at Venice ? It was blockaded by the'French fleet; and not only that, but Trieste had been and would be blockaded. In the face of all these circumstances England ought to be on tier guard. (Hear.) And they ought to be careful not to show any sympathy with the party who was chiefly engaged in these concerns. He saw that at the meeting held yesterday a noble friend of his, the member for Tiverton, took that opportunity of express ing his sympathy with the Italian cause. But, addressing the electors of Tiverton on another occasion, he went further, and expressed a hope " that before the end of the campaign Austria would be expelled from Italy." But let not the house be led away by this delusion of Italian freedom. In every one of the proclamations that had been lately issued the freedom of Italy had been omitted. The independence of Italy was retained, but that independence would be the re sult„of assistance given by a great power, which it was the intention of Europe to exclude from Italy, It was singular that this language about the treaties of 1815 came from a noble lord who, of all the living statesmen of England, was the only ono who acted a part in their formation ; whereas he recollected that he and his noble and learned friend be hind him (Lord Brougham) then members of the house, en deavoured to get some o the provisions of those treaties mo dified on the ground that they were too arbitrarily framed. He should always speak with gratitude of the manner in which he had been assisted by the present Emperor of the French in conducting the negotiations between the two countries during the time he was the constitutional chief of the State. He was aware at the time that he (Lord Normanby) took a different view of affairs from what he did himself, but he still admitted that the view he took was a natural one for an Englishman to take ; and ever since 'that time he never found tbejilightest difference in the conduct of that illustrious individual towards him. Though he had no particular reason to show any partiality to Lord Derby, still he sincerely believed that, as long as the. Go vernment was consistently carried on, as it had been by his noble friend, it was not for the advantage of the country at this crisis in foreign affairs, that the Government should be displaced, until there was more unity of purpose amongst those who were seeking to displace it—above all, so long as we were threatened with a statesman as Prime, Minister who had declared in the face of Europe that he hoped, be fore the end of the campaign, that Austria would be ex pelled from Italy. (Hear, hear.) He (the Marquis) did not approve of all the acts. of the 'Austrian Government. They had not the art of making the worse appear the better, but they had sometimes the misfortune of making the better appear the worse. (Hear, hear.) lie hoped that we should not place in power a Government which was pledged to go t o t s them ec abstain ntil against Austria. He feared that he had exhausted their lordships' patience, though he was not half exhausted him self. (A laugh.) He was glad that no amendment was pro om (Heare, Earl of CARLISLE hi s t friendsr doing c could l a d n yt agreehanything that amongst w ud themselves, weaken the Government. He had never voted more conscientiously in favour of an address than he should for the present one. qu which enty a and debate satisfactorily u p ut he addressoc cupied. The he alwaysg general said he did not rise with any Th intention of entering upon the wide field of general topics'' er ly al y qu Pe estio t n discussion. That extensive ground had alread a beeno open to from oemn of and importantt., po policy must be without of foreign affairs and of our foreign any that could doubt the most interesting e e y o rncurred in now stimulate public attention. the policy announced in the spee l the opinion which was generally, he might say unanimously,ron9, and in entertained by all the leading statesmen of Jis country,.n eluding Lord Palmerston, who he felt sure admitted as fully as any man, and would maintain, the policy and the duty of keeping this country aloof, under every possible circumstance which did not affect its honour, from what had been so well described as the wanton, wicked, and bloody war that was now desolating the fairest regions of Europe. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord who had just sat down was much mistaken in supposing that Lord Palmerston would not be actuated by impartiality in his feelings or conduct towards the belli gerent powers. There was a real and honest determination on the part of the leading men of all parties in this country to keep us to the strict letter of neutrality; and it would be wholly superfluous for him to add any words of his to that general declaration. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of EGLINTON said, he had no intention of taking part in the discussion of that evening until he had heard the observations wlich had fallen from the noble earl who had just spoken, andin reply to which he felt called on to address a few observatims to the house. He had, he was ready to admit, read 11 the public journrls, in common with all their lordships, he statement that some unholy compact existed between aimself, the members of the Exe cutive Government in Ireland, and Cardinal Wiseman and the Roman Catholic party generally. It afforded him great pleasure to hear that repeated in your lordships' house in a tangible form, inasmuchas he was thereby afforded an op portunity of giving it al once in the most emphatic terms in which he could expres himself, a distinct denial. (Hear, hear.) He had then no hesitation in asserting that there had not been on his ownpart, or on the part of any mem ber of the Executive Gcvernment in Ireland, the slightest compact,' arrangement, n• understanding expressed or im pliad, or of any sort or of any kind whatsoever. (Cheers.) Nay, more, hethad never had the slightest communication, either directly or indirectly, with any Roman Catholic either before, during, or after the general election, on the istu statedl ejecto a f t a h e p r n o o o b f 1 e that earls a r o e o m m a p r k a s e . t h a had Hde been n o h d t e e e r d e d h a r intod between himself and Cirdinal Wiseman, that he had at tended a Roman Catholc bazaar, and had spent a few pounds in aid of the funts of the harity which it had been set on foot to promote. Now, he would appeal to his noble friend thelate Foreign Secretary to the noble earl who had just spoken, and to anotaer noble lord whom he did not see in his place at that moment, to say whether, during the period of their stay it Ireland, they had not all at tended the bazaar to wlish he referred in aid of the funds of the Society of St. Vincent de Paul I When he had gone to Ireland in 1852 he had been informed that that so ciety was one of a dangerous and proselytising description. and had been pressed not to attend it. He had, however, investigated the matter, and had found that the society was not one which had been set on foot for proselytizing purposes but which was devoted to the indiscriminate relief of both Protestants and Romtn. Catholics—(hear) —and he had, 'therefore, attended the bazaar in 1852, in 1858, as well as in the course of the present year. If such attendance were proof of a compact between him and Cardinal Wiseman, that proof existed in 1E52 as well as in 1859. The subject, however, was one on vhich it would be ridiculous any longer to waste their lordships' time. He had gone to Ire land to govern not a party, but a country, and while he was determined to untold the Protestant religion in all its integrity, he should lot, at the same time, he deterred from the performance of acts of social courtesy or charity, either by the bigotry cf one religious sect or the taunts of another. (Cheers.) Lord BROUGHAM was of opinion that the Speech from the Throne must have been framed in strict accordance with the motto which said, " Look at everything and touch no thing." With regard to the object of the war, which was said to be the liberation of Italy and the establishment of Italian nationality, did anybody believe for one moment that it was really undertaken for the purpose of driving out Aus tria because Austria had maltreated her Italian subjects? For himself no man was more desirous of seeing Austria removed from Italy, and the Italian States working out their own. independence ; but he did not want to see them transferred from ono master to another. It was urged that by giving Lombardy and Venice to Piedmont you would be freeing a great portion of Italy. As well might it be said that if you gave certain of the small German Principalities to Prussia or Austria you would aid the cause of German freedom or nationality. In point of fact it would be pillage, it would be taking the property of one Power to give to another, and more hateful even than the act itself would be the false pretence that you were doing this in the name of Liberty. (Hear.) For ages past Lombardy had been in the possession of Austria, and since 1815 it had, together with Venice, been guaranteed to her by treaty. He had been reminded of the part which he had taken in this question in 1815. But in 1817, too, he had attacked Lord Castelreagh, and the front of his attack was that that Minister had abandoned the principle, the policy, and the pledges of the country by giving up the free Republic of Genoa to the Monarchy of Sardinia. Sardinia had now the same right to Genoa that Austria had to the Venetian part of her Italian possessions, and one dating from the same period. Had he ever dreamed of attacking that title at a later time ? Forty years had elapsed, and when there had been such long possession the soundest principle of foreign policy and of international law was not to scrutinize too nicely the question of title. He would take an instance. There was no, crime in the history of nations more outrageous than the partition of Poland, and yet nobody thought of interfering with that arrangement, although its prescription was only 20 years longer than that by which the Venetian territory was held by Austria and Genoa by Sardinia. Austria, he admitted, was greatly to blame in many respects, but prin cipally for the encroachments she had made since 1815. She had made treaties with small independent States, by which they allowed themselves to be absorbed in their more powerful neighbour, and the other Powers had a right to object to those treaties notwithstanding the assent by which the absorption took place. If there had been a Congress' -he believed that Austria might have been persuaded to abandon the undue influence which she had thus acquired since 1815, and he could not help hoping that in the course of the negotiations which might arise at any moment a re currence might be had to the proposition made by 'Prince Metternich many years ago, to give up Lombardy, not to Piedmont, but to an Austrian prince, converting it into a separate State. If that were done, a great good would be accomplished, and Austria would be relieved of a grievous burden. (Hear, hear.) There was one point which filled him with considerable alarm. A succession of brilliant vic tories might encourage the Fiench army—for he had much less apprehension of the Emperor than of his:soldiers—to undertake expeditions of a still more reprehensible character than the present. He did not counsel any distrust, for the Emperor had been throughout our faithful ally, and we had no reason to expect him to be otherwise now. Considering, however, his position, with a vast army eager to distinguish itself, and without the check of a free Parliament or a free press, while we ought not to be mistrustful or suspicious, we ought to be upon our guard. (Hear.) Nothing could be more clear than the absolute necessity of largely increasing our navy, and he earnestly j tru ,i s i t i e: u t i, ha u t e th u e uni m p e i a e s L u ei r y es s w u h cc ic e h ss h ful ad . been taken to increase the number of our seamen an' l rfe hoped also that facilities might be given —stimulus was not required—to the formation of volunteer corps, believing that great advantage would accrue. (Hear.) But there was another thing wanted. We wanted a strong Govern ment—a Government capable of inspiring awe and wielding the influence of England with vigour and effect. Any sup porter of the present Government who reckoned upon the esa nswds be havedta division of their adversaries might say as the Roman patriot did on the decline of the empire :—"Maneat qumso duret que gentibus, Si non amor nostri, et certe odium sui ; quando nubentibus tandem imperii fatis non nisi hostium discordia servabimur." But he wished Ministers to be strong from their own intrinsic support. If he turned to his noblefriends behind him exactly the same difficulty occurred. Suppose anything were to cause a change of Government, and they were in office, then the discord would be intramural—(a laugh)—at all events the Government would be feeble, how ever it might be formed, if composed of one party, or of a combination of small parties. Was it wholly impossible, in the greatest peril perhaps that England had ever en countered, and in the greatest opportunity that a strong and united Government could have for giving peace to the world, that there should be a general combination of the heads of all parties to form a stable and powerful Admini stration? He recollected the magnanimity which was shown by the statesmen of 1804. Fox, Pitt, Wyndb.am, of thov) solid, teffeteddt tra: hn a seteo n goi .cde d arhei sns s eie u psgo substantial friendstr greater, sm raenhttteiihrsa then Government.neaaonnsxsdep,o,ufhFtteohxasevn threateninghgravitya In Grenville, and Grey were all ready to sacrifice their per sonal, private, and party feelings, and to co-operate in 1792 Mr. Fox was most *anxious for a coalition with Mr. forming pitt on r. a a nd more anxious to make sacrifices. But in 1804 the clouds had thickened, the danger was ac a cou r n ea t l, ill mWhenpnearer,roerjoud expressionidt theehtse determined wro u ombef r j g eent e c her removed, objection o y nl to ofthe o li t k is e is a . n a v ng e el m .' i ' gh H t n e o h t a as d pirto the hopes of a coalition, and Mr. Pitt came into power, the Embassyt st times,a a foreign hu twe Court eoai d u natti least the look King's to magnanimouslyimitate t the effegreendi genius v s e o n f tt ohundertakeothose greatma e n uof p a the example they had set us of virtue--of that political self denial which the present conjuncture imperiously de mand.dhotine g d a a t r res The e n t ci t u h e e s r t e i on was w a h s a p a s p tiation ; and for this pu r p ose a Governmentitoyon e n question dsuuocthi. nags a he n f e ec hadog no described, combining frown bining idnowitns rarlleresstihsteangroeoa,tanestdsotaarrteysmwienthoift the e day w the support of all parties in both Houses of Parliament. (Cheers.) The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH so entirely agreed with what had fallen from his noble and learned friend (Lord Brougham) that he could not forbear expressing his entire concurrence in the, concluding period of the noble lord's address He had wished at an earlier portion of the present debate to have expressed the view which had now been pre sented to the house in so muchbetter a manner than he could have presented it. Ho held that an intervention in the pre sent state of affairs in Europe was utterly without hope un less we first made ourselves unattackable here at home, and unleks we could back an intervention with such a navaland military force as would enable us in ease of necessity to in terfere with effect. Such a fori3 could not be obtained otherwise than through the medium of a strong government. Now the result of the recent dissolution was this—it had to a great extent equalised the strength of parties, and'had in so far thrown back the hope of a strong government. Further, however, that motion which had been sketched out by the noble earl opposite, and which as he (Lord Ellenborough) had been informed, had been since made in the other house, was one of the measures most likely to throw back a strong government. In the position in which they were now placed, looking to whatever side they might, there appeared little hope of a strong government. The opposition were supported by men whose extreme opinions were as opposed to those of the leaders of opposition as these were to any of their lord ships. But he could tell the noble earl opposite that if the opposition should become the Ministry, it was not* always that there could be found a Sir R. Peel to throw a shield over theni for theirprotection against their own followers. It was too much to expect that Mr. Disraeli, with his 300 friends, should throw his eegis over the now opposition, should they become a government. He agreed entirely with what had been said in an early part of the debate as to the evil of attempting to govern with a minority. He knew the evil of such a practice, for he had had the misfortune to belong to such a Government—a Government formed by Sir R. Peel, and which met the House of Commons in a minority. If there was any man who could have governed the country under such a crisis it was Sir R. Peel. He recol lected that distinguished statesman telling his colleagues that from the first he had seen the impossibility of going on; that he felt the mischief of the continual rebuffs to which his administration was subject, which materially da maged the authority of Governments generally. He (Lord Ellenborough) would go further than some noble lords on the other side had gone, and would say that even if there was a majority, unless it- wasa considerable one the Govern ment carrying on affairs was doing a disservice to the Crown. People looked to a Ministry as men whose duty it was to place before Parliament measures of which they had approved. But a weak Government could not venture to be guided solely by what they believed to be just; they were obliged still more to consider what would be the view of the Opposition upon such measures as they ventured to bring in. These views were so much shared by the late Sir R. Peel, that although he had means for knowing that he should receive great support from the country, he at the period to which he had already alludedthouglet ithis duty- to endeavour to strengthen himself by obtaining the adhesion of men in whom large portions of the Legislature placed confidence. His noble friend at the head of the Government knew that Sir R. Peel was unsuccessful in his appeal, but the result undoubtedly was that he stood much better with the house and with the country than he did before the at tempt was made. He (Lord Ellenborough) wished that noble lords and hon. gentlemen in the other house would look back, as he had done ; to the debates in the House of Commons during the late war, and to the history of that period. They would see how a large body of most influen tial-members, numbering upwards of 70, met arid passed a resolution, urging the leaders of both parties to combine in order to the formation of a Whig Government. A resolution was also about that time passed, desiring Mr. Pitt to express to the King an earnest desire that the Duke of Portland, in whom the opposition had confidence, should have an interview with Mr. Fox, with a view of forming an administration on a wider and equal basis. On that word " equal" the whole negotiation went off, and the opportunity of arbitration was unfortunately lost. He re ferred to these facts to show that at no time did those two great men—Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox—think it inconsistent with their public duty or private honour to unite with the object of governing the country. (" Hear, hear," from Lord Derby.) He trusted that these facts would not pass from the recollection of the house or the country, and that in whatever danger they might be placed, public men would not permit private feeling to deter them from joining in taking part in the government of the country. (Hear.) •, The Duke of ARGYLL trusted that the great Conserva tive party would see the necessity of putting forth some definitive views on the subject of reform, as by so doing, if they did not save the Government they would promote the interests of their country. The Farl of DERBY said—l should have risen imme diately after the speech of my noble friend who followed the mover and seconder of the Address if a noble earl had not signified his intention to move an amendment, and I con sidered it more respectful to the 'noble earl and more suit able to the convenience of your lordships that I should post pone my observations until it became my duty, as it cer tainly would have been, to object to that amendment. Sub sequently the noble earl, I suppose, has seen some reason to think that it would not be expedient to press for a divi sion, or even to bring under consideration the amendment of which he gave me notice, and I believe has left the house (Cheers.) I confess, my lords, that it is with some satis faction I feel that I shall not be under the necessity of tres passing on your attention for any long time, for, although the debate has been very lengthened, very able, highly in teresting, and highly important, I must say it has been one of a singularly discursive character—(hear, hear) —and that (which is peculiar to these debates) —being a debate on the Speech and Address in answer to the Speech—l have now listened for a period of about five hours and I have not heard from any oue speaker a single reference to any one paragraph in the Speech. (Laughter.) I think I may make one exception in favour of the noble earl (Earl Gran ville). But, now I recollect, he referred to the Speech on the prorogation of Parliament, so that not one speaker has referred to the present Speech. (Laughter.) Earl GRANVELLE—The. noble earl is quite right ; I did make a reference to the Speech. The Earl of DERBY—Which Speech ? Earl GRANVLLLE—This Speech. The Earl of DERBY—I listened with very great atten tion, and did not notice it. It may have been a distant allusion—(laughter)—but there was a paragraph in the Speech on the prerogation to which the noble earl thought it necessary to call your lordships' attention. He appeared to consider it a emitter of impropriety, and almost profane ness, that the Minister, in the name of the Sovereign, should have addressed Parliament in such terms. The noble earl said that her, Majesty was made to express prayers that the result of the dissolution, might be to give the Ministry a majority, and that the Members of the Government did not rely on the efficacy of prayer, because, like the waggoner in the fable, they put their Governmental shoulder to the wheel most energetically. (Laughter.) There has been a great deal of nonsense talked about influencing the elections. My noble friend the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland has disposed of the compact sa id to exist with Cardinal Wiseman, and I can only say that I am as free with regard to the Govern ment on this side of the water as my noble friend is with regard to the Government on the other side of the water from any compact, agreement, or negotiation, either directly or indirectly, with Cardinal Wiseman. (Cheers.) This Ido know—that before the late dissolution I was told by Con servative Roman Catholics that they were glad to find that without violating their religious principles, and in accord ance with their political principles, they could give a sup. port to the present Government which they had never been able to give to former Conservative Governments. (Hear, hear.) But that was not based on any promise or compact entered into with Cardinal Wiseman. (Hear, hear.) That, which we have done we have done in the face of the public and on no political grounds, unless the obligation which we felt of doing that which we conscientiously believed to be right be called a political ground. We found, and it was subsequently published in a letter from Cardinal Wiseman to an Irish member, that Roman Catholics were disposed to give, and did give, their support to the Govern ment, because, without any professions er pledges, the Roman Catholics found they were treated with more 'courtesy, more fairness, and more straightforward dealing in matters affecting their religious 'feelings by the Govern ment than they had ever been by any former Government. (Cheers.) Ido not believe that the reason for the support which was given on the one side by the Roman Catholics and obtained by the Government on other was a reason of which either need be ashamed. (Cheers.) We have done for them - what they were fairly entitled to from ,us in the discharge of our public duty. We shall continue to pursue the same course. We shall give them whatever indulgence, and I would rather say, whatever fair dealing they are entitled to ; and we shall not give them one single thing which'would prejudice or im pair the interests of the church to which we belong, and whose interests we feel boundto eupport. (Hear.) But if Oa, n. om %n Catholics are satisfied with a Government which makes no fair promises,holds out no large expectations, but which they:find deals out real and substantial justice, I say again neither they nor we ought to be ashamed of the support which they give. (Cheers.) But, again, with re gard to the fact, and more especially with regard to Ireland, that support has been of a most divided character, and at some Irish elections the Roman Catholic priests have been more violent than on any former occasion against the Government candidates. (Hear, hear.) There has been a report of some fabulous sums, and the mention of fabulous sums naturally calls to my re membrance a right hon. baronet on a Northern hus tings. (Laughter,) That right hon. baronet has already been subjected to correspondence upon two points, with re gard to both of-which he wits unfortunatelyded into making erroneous statements, and statements entirely contrary to fact. (Hear, hear.) The one which was the most signal one was that the Government was about to bribe the Roman Catholics with 'X don't know what promises and magnificent expectations, and the other that the Government did a, very popular act on the eve of the elections in raising the billet money for the purpose of obtaining the support of all the licensed victuallers. It turned out very - unfortunately for the right hon. baronet that the recommendation to raise the billet money did not emanate from the Government. It may perhaps be considered one of those weak and cul pable yielding; to public opinion under the dictation of a committee of the Rollie of Commons which the noble earl has condemned, but it so happens that it was the recommendation of a committee which sat in the session of last year, that at the commencement of last session was announced by the Secretary of War as intended to be done, that it was introduced into the Mutiny Act, that it was discussed in Parliament on the Mutiny Act, wed that the Mutiny Act was passed before there was any thought of a general election. (Cheers.) So far as to the motive for increasing the billet money. (Cheers.) We have been told that fabulous sums of money were subscribed, as one hon. gentleman expressed it, " foully to pack the new Parliament," and the right hon. baronet to whom I have adverted—to borrow a phrase from his Scotch neighbours—" condescended to particulars." Not satisfied with the general rumour of the hundreds of thou sands of pounds which were to come from the Carlton Club, he specified the precise sum which I myself had given. (Laughter.) I am quite satisfied of one thing— that the right hon. baronet has not had access to my banker's cheque-book. (Laughter.) The right hon. ba ronet said I laud boasted of having subscribed £20,000 for the purposes of corruption. I conclude the right hon. baronet did not invent the statement, but he was the first to put :it in circulation, and I am indebted to him for having it repeated upon many hustings in the country. IWhat effect it produced there I don't know— no doubt, on some of them, an effect very different from that which the right hon. baronet expected. (Laughter.) But, at all events, with regard to this fact, as with regard to the ethers, the fact is that it is no fact at all. I not only did not subscriibe £20,000, nor £lO,OOO, nor £5,000 to the expenses of the general election, nor to any election at all in the country, although there was in my own county a contested election which was carried in a way most satisfac tory to the Government, and I believe with the smallest expenditure th, a was ever knownat such an election. (Hear hear.) I believe there is no general election occurs at which gentlemen of both parties do not subscribe certain sums of money for the _purpose of meeting the legitimate expenses of those gentle teen of their own party who are not able to defray them themselves. The noble earl (Earl Clarendon) opposite I see holds up his hands in astonishment, but my noble friend must either be a very good hand at dissimulation, or he is remarkably inno cent with regard to the proceedings which have taken place with both political parties, either in my memory or during the nobile earl's lifetime. But beyond the ordinary subscriptions which are entered into at every election I don't believe that in any quarter there has been any extra ordinary expel tditure. I did not think it necessary to trouble the rigl it hon. baronet with a third correspondence —(laughter)—'but the present occasion appeared to be d a very fair one for setting him right in the mistakes he ma e which had not been previously corrected. (Hear, hear) Tip paragraph in the prorogation Speech, which t . lPße s a,r, s . t° have given gre at offence to my noble friend o pposite l e t ,l r is o. , . " Her Majesty prays that, under the blessing of Pis , ' r vidence, the st( wp which she is about to take may haul the effect of facilitating the discharge of her high functions, and enable her to conduct the Government of the country the advice of Mi blisters possessing the confid n t o i c n en th m at a s b t e h t a e t rent." The glcoss which my noble friend her Majesty pra ors that the effect of the .dis Now, in yi 1857 give the prese n t Government a majority.Ps n o l t n es there was a son iewhat similar dissolution al a time of year of Go Government hav- nto rn guage then put i not very different, in consequence y o t h f in L g o rd which PalP al mtehre ing been put in to a minori t y . her Majesty's n south by the Governme nt sten I find m tech more pr ofane than noble lord has s peech for which we are re sponsible. It r u qu ns thus—" n oted from . the_ r Majesty commands us t o assure you that it is her fervent _prayer that the several constituencies c - rf the Untieg functions may be guided by an indom uon whom devolves the exercise of these hr all-wise Provid once to the selection of representatives whose wisdom and pa triotism may aid her Majesty in her con stant endeavou r to maintain the honour of the country." (Laughter.) Lc tus contrast the two speeches and see to which of them the ch,: irge of profaneness applies. Lord Palmer ston makes her Majestypray that the people may be guided to the selection of representatives who will aid her in up holding the hoe :our and dignity of the country. (Oppositi on c heers.) But i recollect the appeal to the country was base o n the ground t that Parliament h a d no t ass i sted her M ajesty in her endeavor as to maintain the dignity of the country. But in the pre rogation speech t o w hi c h my noble friend has alluded, IN hat her Majesty prays is that the step which she is ab DIA to take may " enable her to conduct the government of the country under the advice of Ministersi possessed of the confidence of Parliament." (Cheers.) I say it was the main object of the dissolution to obtain, if. pos sible, that whit h all your lordships have declared to be the great want of the country at this moment—a Government strong enough t o carry on the businTs of the country without embarrassment sea Government which may be able to facilie tate the discharge of the high functions of her Majesty, and in the discharge of which she is exposed to the greatest em barrassment from the frequent changes of Government. _I say sincerely-1 said it when announcing the dissolution and I repeat it now—that it was my anxious wish that there might be Bch a clear and explicit declaration of the opinions and feelings of the people that the Government, whether our selves or any other which might succeed us—for I spoke with out keference to any party considerations or any wish of my own—might possess the confidence of the great majority of the people, and that the serious detriment to the public inte rest which has been caused by the absence of such a state of things might be put an end to. For that detriment lam not responsible. I feel the inconvenience of being the head of a Government which does not command an absolute majority in the House of Commons, and if I could see my way to a Government bound together by common ties, capable of acting together harmoniously, and possessing the confidence of a majority of the country, however much their opinions on certain subjects might differ from mine, I would cheer fully, willingly—nay, more, gladly surrender the responsible post which I occupy for the purpose of facilitating the' for mation of such a Government. But it is because I see no possibility of such a union among those boasting to be the Liberal majority, that under all the difficulties of this position at home—and I do not disguise that they are great—and under all the difficulties which surround our foreign policy abroad, I hold it to be my duty to my Sovereign—and it is a duty which I shall perform to the utmost of my ability—not to abandon the post confided to me, not to give up the trust placed in my hands so long as I see that there is any possibility of discharging that duty with honour, and so long especially as there appears to be no means by which the present Government can be effec tually replaced. (Loud cheers.) Those who condemn the dissolution of Parliament must do it on the ground that no dissolution is legitimate which does not promise to secure an absolute majority to the Government of the day. When._ I accepted office it was because there was no possibility of formingany other Government at the time—a fact which was recognized by Parliament. Notwithstanding all the disad vantage of the position I felt bound to assume the difficult task of forming a Government ; but I should. have been a madman if I had assumed that charge with a majority of 120 or 130 members against me, bound to quit office upon the first occasion on which that adverse majority might think fit to display its strength against me. The very fact of my accepting office under such circumstances was a certain proof that in the event of defeat it would be my duty, my. imperative duty, to appeal to the country. (Cheers.) The noble marquis near me (Normanby)—whom we all rejoice to see among us again—has compared the cir • cumstances of this dissolution to that pf 1841, to which he says he objected at the time. But let me compare the circumstances of the two dissolutions. The Government at that time had been in a permanent minority for two years in a house of their own choosing. In 1839 the Go vernment tendered their resignations, and the substitution of a Conservative Government was only prevented in con sequence of some trifling misunderstanding with regard to the Royal household. They were exposed to constant defeats from a party—the union in whose ranks was more complete and more sound than the union in any party which I can recollect. At the close of the session of 1841 a vote of want of confidence was passed against the Go vernment, by the majority, however, of one only. Then they had to consider what would be the effect of a dissolution. On the one hand there was a compact united partyready to take its place and succeed to the administration of the affairs of the country. That being so, the Cabinet, had upon the other hand, to consider whether there was any chance of so far recruiting the number of its supporters by a dissolu tion as to enable it to weaken the resources of its opponents. Now I do not think that any member of Lord Melbourne's Government believed for a single moment that it could obtain a working majority, or anticipated that by a disso lution it should, even in the slightest degree, improve its position. But what was the 'result ? Why, that on the first day of the meeting of Parliament after the new elections a vote of want of confidence, which had previously been car ried by one vote, wah then carried by no less a majority than 91. Compare the dissolution of 1841 with that of 1859. We succeeded to office, as I before stated, in a minority. That was well known. It was equally well known that at the period of the dissolution there was no party in the House of Com mons sufficiently united to take our places if we had resigned. Under these circumstances, we deemed it to be our duty to dissolve, and the consequence has been that although the Government have not succeeded in obtaining an absolutemajority, yet that we, having been defeated: by a majority of 39 on the second reading of the Reform Bill, have secured, according to the nearest calculation which I can make, an addition of 30 members to the number of our supporters, thus making on a division a difference of 60 votes. Now while I admit that we are not in an absolute majority in the House of Commons, I contend that there is no party, nor even any two parties combined, which of themselves possess sufficient strength to form a Govern ment as numerically powerful and as compact as that'which now holds the reins of office. (Hear, hear.) We have been told by my noble friend below me (the Earl of Ellenborough), who spoke this evening e with that sTeat ability which he always displays, that it is the duty of public men at such a crisis as the present to combine together for the public good and to endeavour to form a strong Govern ment. My noble and learned friend opposite (Lord Brougham) also, I think, referred to the subject in alluding to the memorable attempt to effect a combination between Pitt and Fox. I was, I must say, somewhat struck by the singular coincidence suggested by the remarks of ray noble and learned friend , which tend to prove that the sacrifices which were made by the statesmen of former times are not without parallel at the present day. In 1804, Pitt said Fox behaved like an angel. Now, what was the angelic virtue which called forth this ex p ression of approba tion ? It was the acceptance on the part of Fox of a mission to Vienna. (A laugh.) These great men were two rival statesmen. They could not both have held the foremost part in the Government. It was therefore agreed that one should accept the inferior post of Minister at Vienna, and the acceptance of that post was held to be the act of an angel. (Laughter.) If I remember rightly, the noble lord the member for London is equally entitled with Fox to the praise of having done an angelic act ; but I never heard that the noble lord the member for Tiverton had the generosity to say that in his opinion his noble colleague had behaved like an angel. (Renewed laugh ter.) Indeed, I believe the noble viscount seriously and sincerely rejoiced at the self-sacrifice of his noble friend; nor can I help thinking that he rejoiced quite as sin cerely when he found that the result of his negotiations in Vienna did not' tend very materially to increase his noble friend's political reputation. (Great laughter.) But I understand that a meeting of reconciliation has taken place, at which those two noble lords were present, and per haps my noble and learned friend would still further assist the work of peace by suggesting which of them should upon a second occasion undertake an angelic mission. (Laughter.) For my own part, I do not think any public advantage can be secured by men who, for the purpose of merely forming an Administration, sacrifice their own p olitical views ; while I cannot undoubtedly charge myself with having neglected to obtain, so far as was in my power, extraneous aid from quarters immediately unconnected with the Government, I have unfortunately not been successful in my effo"rts in that direction, but I cannot accuse myself of having omitted any opportunity to strengthen by fair and honour able combination —not involving any sacrifice of prin ciple—the Government which has been entrusted to me 'by my Sovereign. (Hear, hear.) I' am not now going to follow my noble friend opposite (Earl Granville) into a discussion of the various shortcomings of which he seems to think her Majesty's Ministers were guilty in the course of last year. There were some charges which he has made against us, which I little' anticipated would be pressed on the notice of the house on an important occasion like the present., The old question of the Conspiracy'Bill has been , again raked up, and it certainly is very satisfac tory to Ale to find that my noble friend is so badly off for a subject of attack—it is of course the duty of his position to find fault—(a laugh) —that he finds it necessary to revert to the proceedings of a year and a half ago. (Hear, hear.) liaving disposed of the Conspiracy Bill and the India Bill, the noble earl dwelt upon the subject of foreign affairs,with respect to which he accuses us of gross neglect. He says we have acted most improperly in not laying the papers with this important subject upon the table of the connected house. I s 'iould,. however, like to learn from my noble friend what pursers of any kind or description which we could produce, and which your lordships have ex pressed the slightest desire to see, have been presented to Pargarcent ? what papers have been withheld or in the'sliglitCst degree garbled. In the case of the Cagliari and the Chaaies et Georges the fullest details were laid before the house, and the result was that the course pursued by the Government in reference to the former met ith general approval, while in the case of the latter, which, was said, was to affect the very ex:stance of the Government, not only did the production of the papers establish a tri m-1101=f, defence for her Majesty's Ministers, but no atterarillld raise a discussion as to the virsdom o the Roouicsa; which they adopted was raised in this or in 'the oth of Parliament. (An intimatieti of dissent frcan was made ville.) I beg the noble earl's pardon. A motionthat motion in your lordships house with respect to it, but ar and a was very wisely and discreetly withdrawn. t o (H earp in dis- Earl Gran laugh.) Now, my lords, I do not with which the efforts of the Governmen arty more ipara,geraent of the general tone of fairnwiessshanotd -thaaovdeerahteioenn met by noble lords opposite and their andp difficult especially, dealing with. the delicate negotiations which have takenwe placer reference negotiations to foreign affairs. I do, he much to say that, from the period g i o n o v d ari hu ab m ly o ur m e o t n w the of the fo t r h m iinin a k tion of the nGeotvheirnngmheunttauinpgtuio atrhfeorphreeasreanut,eoitanhdas Rion of office ? If lam not very to interfere with our possessi part of the House of Commons. Has no attempt been made much motion d u w ee a d s , es h simultaneously ortl ae i r n t v e ' e h s o u t c h - - houses,ceededm to Vstha assum ednw ear the" form of an absolute vote of cen sure, and which was heralded by strong declarations of what must be the effect of the culpability of her Majesty's Mi n i s ters. The debate on that motion lasted the other house for a considerable number of days, and the result was to prove that, even in that house, if the Government did not possess an absolute majority, it had a sufficient number of supporters to enable it, with the assistance of fair deal kng on the part of the house at larcse, to resist any factious attempt to overthrow it. In the ?ace of the defeat which the party to which the noble earl opposite belongs, ex perienced upon that occasion, no serious attack was subse quently made upon the Government during the progress of the session. But I cannot help thinking that this circum stance is due as much to their discretion as to their forbear ance. (Hear, hear.) But to show how hard pressed my noble friend must have been for a subject on which to found an attack upon the Government, he actually, when the question of peace or war, so f ar as thi s coun t r y i s supposed by some —although I hope without sufficient reason—to be tremb ling in the balance, and, on the very first night of the session, deems it his duty to find fault with us for having expended a certain sum of money, or in renewing the contract with the Cunard Steampacket Company, which had been carried out for some years with great success. It so happens, however, that the step which we took in reference to that subject was one in adopting which we were merely carrying out the strongest recommendations of the Board of Admiralty which prece ded us in office—(hear, hear)—and which recommendations had not previously been carried into effect by the Treasury, simply beg into they thought it expedient to postpone entering e a e na fr p e l s e h t on.ln contract theun until however,otahnetimexei,stin held the contract came to the Government, s adc nate he wished to extend its terms and to re existing s 3 ne be necessary to theax a s p e n r e s a; r w i i h t o o s remuneration. Ile stated that it would aying that hich the contract had that two years and a half , the periodfowr their construction. build for the purpose a con siderable number of vessels,,and to run, would bare l y suffice Under these c i r cumst a • d of five yea d rs, f and th these facts of the contract f or a permnces he askeor e renewal (Hear, hear.) I solemn charge against the Government. the the noble earl has thought proper to make the ground of a fell from the noble duke who has just spoken. shall now pass from the observations of noble earl to those which He has thrown quite a new light upon the reasons fel . the dissolution of Parliament. He said we had recourse to a dissolutio, not for the purpose of cfscertaining whether the Government or the party to which he himself belonged en joyed the confidence of the country. That he conceives to have been a mere blind, the real question in his opinion being w h e ther or not the country. approved the Reform Bill. Now, I take the liberty of saying that the question wasinot whether the country approved our Reform Bill, but whether it approved the course which the Opposition took for the purpose of preventing discussion upon the Reform Bill. (Hear, hear.) The noble duke says it is the misfortune of unsuccessful Reform Bills that not only are their bad pro visions condemned, but their good provisions are disparaged and prejudiced. If that be so, the measures of 1852 and 1854 must have seriously damaged the cause of Parliamen tary Reform throughout the country. (A laugh.) The noble duke adds that if the bill of last session had gone on, the majority against it would have been quite as great as that which passed the resolution. Now, I believe nothing of the kind, for I am perfectly satisfied that if the Opposi tion, who were wise in their generation, had been of opinion that 'by opposing the second reading they should have had a much larger majority than that actually obtained , they wculd have adopted the more ordinary and usual course of opposing the second reading, and therefore of getting the opinion of the house on the merits of the measure as a whole. (Hear.) My firm belief is that they were perfectly aware that the second reading would be carried, in which case, instead of vague generalities, they would have been Called upon to deal with the pro visions of the bill one by one, not only condemning them, but stating what provisions they would propose instead. From that attempt they shrunk, knowing probably that it would, if made; have exposed the wide differences of opinion existing among those who please to call themselves the united Liberal party. I say, therefore, it is not the question of reform which went to the country, and it is extraordinary on how small a number of hustings reform was made a prominent subject of discussion. The ques tion put to the country was, " Are you prepared in the present state of parties to give such a support to the pre sent Ministry as will enable them to carry on satisfac torily the government of the country ; or will y ou extend that support to any other Government." The result is before you. Undoubtedly, it is not entirely sa tisfactory, and still leave% the Ministry in a position of weak ness which is not desirable, but with regard to foreign poli tics my experience in the past, my confidence in the charac ter of muountrymen, leaves me no reason to doubt that in the course we have announced and are determined to pursue we shall have a general support quite sufficient to show to all the nations of the Continent that upon that subject, at all events, there is no difference of opinion which could giVe,,, t° the enemies of this country the slightest chance of sue 6o6 ,from our dissensions. (Hear.) Undoubtedlythere have been expressions of individual opinion—expressions which indi vidual members may be perfectly justified in making use of in their private capacity, and indicative of sympathy for one or the other of the contending parties in thepresent strife. But with political sympathies a. Government has nothing whatever to do, and upon this question I am sure you will ex: pect and will require me to speak with the utmost reserve. have never, however, concealed my opinions on th e subject. I have always stated that if this were a question of a Italian or any other nation seeking to emancipate i tse lf by its own efforts from the control of a foreign Power, whic h had been the object of its aversion, and seeking to establish instead of arbitrary government a system more approaching those liberal institutions with which we are blessed in this country, the private sympathy of every Englishman would be for the success of such an attempt. But is that that the sense the case in the present struggle in Italy? Is that he struggle of a nation seeking to emancipate itself by its own efforts from foreign control, and to substitute for arbitrary government liberal and free institutions. Even if it were so, whatever might be our sympathits, we are boun d by trel ties and international obligations which would not enable us to give an active effort to those sympathies. But I must say, with almost all who have spoken on this su b j ect, that, while we cannot view with approval the course of conduct which has been pursued by Austria—while I have no sym pathy with Austrian rule or with the. Austrian false of government this is a war undertaken under false pretences ; it is a war, not for the freedom and liberatio n of Italy ; it is one in which unfortunately Sardinia has taken the lead in forcing upon Italy, thereby, as I have stated ontit a former occasion, seriously damaging that cause of constitutional goveltiment which we the friends of Sar dinia earnestly desire to sea tried and prosper there, an d showing that a Government with free institutions may 11 T' be less aggressive, not less ambitious of aggrandiseniellii not less prone to disturb the peace and tranquillity of neighbours than the most arbitrary despotism. (Hear.) do not say that the blame rests on one side or the other in this unhappy contest ; but neither, on the one side or the other was there any sufficient ground for incurring all the horrors of war, and had both been so disposed there existed nb practical difficulties which might not have been solved by friendly negotiation. (Hear.) . Independently, there fore, of any cause which may be involved in the struggle, this country cannot feel sympathy with either party it cannot be anxious for the success or the defeat of one side or the other, except as that success or defeat may le ad to future complications or to consequences which it is hard to foresee. As we are at present advised, and in the present state of the contest, I hold it to be the imperative aiity of this country to maintain that which from the first I have announced to be the policy of the Government —namely, a strict and impartial neutrality between the two contending parties. (Cheers.) But unhappily a position of neutrality is exposed to so much suspicion, it involves, a country which fairly and impartially carries it out in so many pos sibilities of giving offence to one of the contending parties, the obligations arising from such a struggle as is now g... 07 ing on are so impossible to be foreseen , and ma y perhaps.e,e so extensive, that the statesman would be mad who vntu this war raging around him, determined as he might be to maintain a strict neutrality, did not feel it his bou nden duty . by fitting preparations to place this country in a position 01 security. (Hear.) I believe that as Parliament and the country will be unanimous in the opinion that neutrality is the only policy for the Government to pursue, they will be equally of opinion that the only species of neutrality which can hope to be respected and to give influence to our future cou sels must be an armed neutrality—armed, not for pa' - poses of aggressionbut of protection to our shores an d the via:_. dication of o ur national honour. (Hear, hear.) Do you ao uie if I have any proximate fear of invasion ? I say none,, whatever. Ido not think there was ever a time when ti t country was more free from the alarm of inv asion; but when I see the armaments and fleets which other co W ould are collecting and remember the power wh ich they viol have in their hands in case of an unexp ec ted quarrel, I a? say it is the bounden duty of Pary liament—a duty which '- believe will be cheerfully performed—to p l ac e this count r i t and more especially its naval forces, upon a footing 1 11 ,°!, com mensurate with the great interests involved than been the case for some years past. (Cheers.) With u: making any charge upon those who preceded us, I ra say that when we succeeded to office w e found the navy i e u a state of weakness, decrepitude , a nd absolute impotenvea; which was by no means creditable to this country, gesture of the noble earl opposite (Earl,Granville) in r not even safe for its interests and independence. Fr I m t d thee that he believes me on a former occasion to have expressed a-different opinion. ('" Hear," from Earl Gran ville.) Ile is quite mistaken. Upon that occasion I did not say a word as to the state of the navy; but, referring to the condition of men less. Abca said t the army in 1852 and 1858, I said that the efforts which had been made reflected great c redit on that dep art about it the better ; but if noble lords would only take the the navy I uttered not a wo rd, thinking that the trouble to look into a paper which has been published in the course of the present year, and which emanated from a secret committee appointed by me at the commencement of this year to inquire into the comparative state of the British` and French navy, I think they will see in the course of that inquiry, which went into the most minute details, for very serious consideration, and such as will show them that our efforts can hardly be too great to place the nevi on a better footing. (Hear. hear.) I will not go into detail, but any of your lordships who will take the trouble to exa mine the report of this committee will find in it matter not, perhaps, for alarm, but for the most milieus consideration: I do not doubt that in the present state of affairs any demand which the Government may make upon the House of . Com mons will be met without a dissentient voice, and I replt with the same confidence that her Majesty has expressed upon the cordial concurrence of Parliament in those mew: m atter sures which we have already taken upon ourselves to adopt for the increase of the naval forces of this country beyond the means sanctioned by Parliament, as well as in the . oth t e o credit for which it will be our duty at no distant period h of the Royal Speech, objection taken to one para or g - rap.. having so ong detained your ought perhaps to apologise f call. (Hear.) As no amendment h a been moved and no session of Parliament. Ifni the course of the present week it should berproved, proved, not only that we do not possess the lordships. We are now n_g possibly u_pon an importan_t but that there is another peel re than I took it up the heavy resP °l s efficientll can only say that I shall lay down y trY to ' discharge the duties of legislation ma c w o nio n tdrh fi eo d ff eeannthemore e e o df executive,tphl e ea c s country, prinelK , sibility which presses upon me, and, SO far as my and sense of duty will enable me, shall give my cordial and earnest support to any Administration by which th c f present Government may be replaced. On the other hen s 9 O s hould, as I confidently anticipate, the vote of them at a,O of Commons be to show that the present Governe2" $ co mpared with any other that could be formed, posses c r p a rley the confidence and is entitl e d t o the support of remit, I must hail with satisfaction the assurance we vi-ulas have received from the noble earl opposit, ---tin e alr surance which is in accordance with his general frank and honourable conduct—that there would be Il e us tempt made by those who are politically onlle se " . to offer us any factious opposition, or to cause lie , axe unnecessary embarrassment. Above all, my lord 11 be re . sure, from one side of the house to the other wil e at echoed the sentiment that when the public interests ar _ ~f stake, and when a formidable danger threatens, all s u p port s f " re o, party will be lost in the determination effectively to s t the Government of the day in maintaining the ill e nor e. securing, it may be, the peace, but if not, then in s limed. ing by arms the nfluence and the power of Eno (Loud cheers.) , lord The Address was then agreed to , an d their lo ships ad journed at 20 minutes past 11 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS— (YESTERDS The house resumed at a quarter to four o'clock. - -- __ SeVeral members were sworn in. SIR J. LAWRENE. A letter was read from Sir J. Lawre,Cnce, in acknowl„ ea l ment of the vote of thanks ag,reed to by the h ouse in re . '"' . nition of his services. DIVORCE AND MATRIMONIAL COUR' to f Mr. E. JAMES gave notice of motion on the subjec,,, the Metrimonial and Divorce Court, with a view to ren t ' its operations more efficient. THE BOARD OF ADMIRALTY. Sir C. NAPIER gave notice of motion for the consid erg c tion of the propriety of reconstructing this board. (ifer'i OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS. Mr. HORSMAN gave notice t hat he would 'move f°l: the production of an y communications between the Govern meat of this country and the Governments of France, Russia, and SardinCHUßCHia In referenßATES.ce to the present hostilitiie" Sir J. TRE LAWNY gave notice of a motion for the n troduction of a bill to abolish church rates. THE QUXEN'S SPEECH. The Royal Speech having been read, Mr. A. EGERTON rose to move that a humble addreo be presented to her Majesty in reply to the Royal Speech. He strongly approved of the sentiments in the address to her Majesty, particularly in reference to the war, and i n. trusted that the feeling in favour of neutrality on pa;-- of this country in respect to the pending hostilities would continue continue to influence the public mind. He believed the, such a course would prove the most beneficial that could be adopted under existing circumstances. (Hear, hear.) trusted that Russia would adhere to neutrality alsocians , and that the f ear s entertained by certain pol would prove unfounded. (Hear, hear.) He felt bound _to express his approval of the conduct of Government in. till present critical position in which they were plaeen. by the events that had taken place on:the Continer:it (Hear, hear.) With regard to domestic of /:1! considered that the Government acted wisely as postponing the question of Reform for the presenti an g the session would not, from its probable duration, rn opportunity of passin g a satisfactory measure on 'lat.matter of such importance. 'lle hoped that, ultimately, the jest would be satisfactorily arranged, and that in any leWs _ Wiwi for a further extension of the franchise, the work!!!g_ classes would -form an element. (Hear, hear.) Iv:. was firmly convinced that the present Governor would carry out the affairs of the country with advanta.4 i