The Sun. — London, England, 1859-08-08 00:00:00

THE INDIAN FINANCIAL STATEMENT. (From the Derbyshii e Courier.) Let no man in Egland think that he is not in terested largely and directly in the state of India. Our Indian Empire is fast becoming " Too great to keep, or to resign." It will require all the efforts of sound statesman ship to carry us safely- through our Indian difficul ties. Our financial difficulties are great and urgent. They embrace and involve all other difficulties. We will at present offer a few remarks on them. The statement made in the house, on Monday last, by . Sir Charles Wood, the Secretary for India, was briefly this : The mutiny broke out in May, 1858. In the last complete year of peace, ending April 30, 1857, the debt of India was £59,462,000, the annual interest £2,525,000, the military expendi ture was £12,561,000. In 1857-58, the total ex penditure was £40,226,000, and the revenue £31,706,000, leaving a deficit of £8,520,000. In 1858-9 the expenditure amounted to £48,500,000, and the revenue to £33,800,000, being a deficit of £14,700,000. The deficit, therefore, for these two years—from May, 1857, to May, 1859—was £22,220,000. This deficit was provided for by bor rowing in India,during these two years, £10,556,000, and in England,Lll,s62,ooo,altogethe, £22,118,000. The debt in India, on 30th April last, amounted to £81,580,000 ; the increase in two years being, as stated above, £22,118,000. Sir Charles Wood estimates the expenditure for 1859-60 at £46,130,500, and the revenue at £35,850,000, leaving a deficit of £10,280,000. " I nm afraid," adds Sir Charles, " that beyond that there may be a further sum." Altogether, with £2,000,000 additional for railways, there will be at least a total deficit of £12,500,000 for .the year 1859-60. To meet this, there remains to be received on account of a former loan in India £,2,000,000, and £4,800,000 was borrowed in England by Lord Stanley ; the remainder, £5,700,000, Sir C. Wood hopes to raise by a new loan, taking power to raise £7,000,000 to allow of a margin. The issue of this borrowing will be that at the end of the year the Indian debt will amount to £95,836,600, the interest of which will be the sum of £3,900,000. _ The debt which was £59,462,000 in 1857, will be £95,836,000, in 1860. " I should deceive the house," says Sir C. Wood, " if I were to hold out to them that any great re ductions can be made in the civil service. To stop public works would be a suicidal policy. It is in the military expenditure alone that any great sav ing can be made. The military expenditure of India before the mutiny was £12,000,000 annually, and it is now £21,000,000, being an increase of £9,000,000." Almost while the Indian Secretary was speaking, intelligence arrived of renewed disturbances in India, not now among the native troops, but among the English regiments. This mutiny, for it is nothing less, has arisen from the parsimonious at tempt at saving on the transference of the services of our European troops from the East Indian Com pany to the Imperial Government. We shall have to do with a bad grace what we might have done with a good one in the way of recognising the ser vices of our brave troops in India. All idea of sav ing in the reduction of the military expenditure of India must be considered, for the present, hopeless. We must then, says Sir C. Wood, " if we do not mean to lose our Indian Empire, be prepared to as sist the finances of that country." Mr. Crawford, the member for the City of London, tells the Go vernment that there are " seven millions of Indian Bonds out payable at one year's notice, and not less than 15 millions of debentures payable in 1863 and 1864," and that " debentures are overdone—the last debentures not having been taken up by the great companies, and other ordinary purchasers of such stock, but by the Stock Exchange," and that the speculators having been " bitten" are not likely to come forward again. Lord Stanley evidently thinks that an imperial guarantee of future loans will be necessary. It comes to this, therefore, that if we determine to retain India we must make ourselves responsi ble for the money necessary to meet the increased and increasing expenditure of that country. Mr. Bright, as usual, does the finding fault. He is against an imperial guarantee, he nibbles at a re duction in the civil service, he is opposed to the necessary military expenditure. There is not one statesmanlike or practical suggestion of any value in the vague, inconsequential declamation which he inflicted on the house. Mr. Bright has already told his distressed constituents that they had better emigrate to America, and he is now prepared to tell the British Government in India that they had better emigrate to England. Let every Englishman reflect that under the present financial system 'you must ultimately tax England to save India. If you borrow without a guarantee you borrow at a ruinous rate of interest, and you must pay that interest ultimately by in creased taxation. British India cannot pay it ; she must, therefore, repudiate her obligations, or we must pay it for her. If you determine to borrow with 4 guarantee, be assured the sum guaranteed will lie required from us. With a debt of £800,000,000 at home, and a d3bt of £100,000,000 in India, with a general convic- , tion that our national defences require great and l increased expenditure, with France menacing us at our doors, and the United States jealous of our maritime superiority and ready to take advantage of England's difficulties, who can look at our finan cial future without serious apprehension ? What Sir C. Wood said on Monday is not the less true for being trite. "It is not necessary to remind the - Committee of what vital importance to all countries is the state of their finance. If the financial state be good, there are no dangers that the country may not confidently face ; if the financial state be bad, there are few dangers she can hope effectually to overcome." As to Indian finance, both Mr. Crawford and Mr. D. Seymour referred to the banking system. Mr. Crawford thought that " the time had ar rived when some improvement in the banking affairs of India might be introduced." Mr. D. Seymour pertinently , observed that it was " inex cusable in a commercial people to employ the time of our soldiers in conveying silver from Gne end of the country to the other. Banking was greatly on the increase in India, and if Russia could find the means of sending her paper into every corner of the country, surely it was possible for us to do so." Now observe, as under the present system, bank ing expands, so is the danger of a monetary crisis. The more you increase banking, the greater expan sion you give to credit, and the more you develope the commercirl energies of India, the more dreadful and ruinous will be the financial collapse at the next monetary crisis in England. We have it in our power to establish a sound and beneficial mone tary system in India. In addition to the inconve nient and barbarous money, the silver rupee, or two shilling piece, now exclusively in use, we might establish gold sovereigns and half sovereigns, repre senting ten rupees and five rupees each. In order to make this circulation really useful, the gold money should pass for a. trifle more than its intrin sic value. By this means it would be preserved, as other silver money in England is preserved, from exportation, hoarding, or melting. It would be retained in the discharge of its proper office as money, that is, in the distribution of commodities from one hand to another, and in the liquidation of debts. Our silver coins are neither melted nor ex ported, because an ounc e o f s il ver wor th ss. 2d. is coined into money representing ss. 6d. ; this frac tional difference preserves our silver money from being demonetised or withdrawn from circulation. The same cause preserves our copper coins. But our gold coins being intrinsic value to a fraction, being tied down to the inevitable £3 17s. 100. an ounce, *re subject to be melted by the goldsmith and ex ported by the foreigner. And when our gold coins are Nvithdrawn, we all know that o ur pap er money is violently contracted, the whole sy s t em of cheques and bills of exchange collapses, ruin paralyses corn memo, and destitution and famine seize upon the poor. John Bull likes to have itso, because y Q ues ti on. " he " can not understand th e Currenc uestiono.ut how e as y it have again, and again , pointed it would be to introduce a b etter state of thinc,sin7 India. The financial state of I n di a is so bad tha to it can scarcely be worse. Let the experiment be tried there. It was tried and succeeded in this .country from 1797 to 1815. Improve upon this system, if you can, in India. If you d e t erm i ne to have an expensive, extravagant, monet ary system, adopt gold coinage in addition to silver, with this essential improvement on our own sovereign, that you coin the Indian soverei g n of fractionally less weight than ours, and thereby secure it from melt ing and exportation. If you determine to reject the antiquated and barbarous system of metallic money, which P eel ignorantly palmed qn his ignora nt and prejudiced countrymen, adopt a paper curre nc y , the money of commerce and civilisation. Let this paper money be receivable for the local and imperial taxes. It will, of course, buy an elephant, the honour of _a_ nabob, the oath o f a Hindoo, and an ounce of go ld —at the market price. But if you stumble at the Pons Asinorum of the currency question, and protest against inconverti bility, let the Indian Government engage, which they may safely do, to exchange the notes which they issue into gold or silver at the market price. These notes will then be truly convertible; and not the vile impostors which our Bank of England notes prove to be at every time of panic. Guy Fawkes would not have projected the blow ing up of the Parliament had he taken his seat for Birmingham, and Nana Sahib would never have headed the Indian mutiny with his pockets_full of national paper money. THE MOCK PEACE. (From the Times.) A cold thrill of disappointment ran through the Italian Peninsula when the outlines of the conver sation which passed between the two Emperors at Villafranca became known. The same southern exaggeration of mind and feeling_ which had led the Italians to see in the French Emperor a species of military Messiah, who was at length, and after so many years of weary suffering, to free them from their worse than Egyptian bondage, threw them, when he proved untrue to their expectation, into premature despair. The open looks of love and veneration which had greeted his onward pro gress were converted into glances of hatred and execration on his homeward path. Once they came out to bless him, now they cursed him as he passed by. But a few weeks back no name had been pronounced, from Mont Cenis to the Straits of Messina, with such passionate fervour of devotion as that of the Emperor Napoleon ; now the name of " traitor" was coupled with that of Louis Napo leon from the Po to the Neapolitan frontier. It must be confessed even by that ingenious gentle man who writes from the Tuileries, and has ever at hand an epigram to excuse a wrong, that the expectations of the Italians had been raised to a point of madness by the Emperor Napoleon before he began his campaign. The " Anguish of Italy" was the motto on his banner, and the pretext of the war. He would have found Europe in arms against him had he simply professed that he was going to Italy for selfish, or even for French pur poses. The cruelties exercised by a combination of the Austrian and Papal systems throughout the Italian Peninsula had been so extreme, and of such long continuance, that a man could not look his fellow-man in the face and profess to stand forth as their defender. We might judge the attempt to redress this miserable state of things useless or impossible, but we could not do battle against any man who fought in such a cause. The French Emperor was well aware of this. Let us, however, presume that he really was in earnest when he took the cause of Italy in hand, —let us suppose, further, that ultimately at Villa franca he made the best terms he supposed to be possible for the Italians—he can scarcely be sur prised if he has disappointed the expectations which he himself had raised. He could not hope that the wild Italian blood would not be raised to fury when the terms upon which he had treated were knows. It was not probable that 26,000,000 people, who had been taught by his own lips to look to him for a perfect deliverance from spiritual a.:d political slavery, should quietly acquiesce in a result which meant, at the best, that they must work out their own independence for themselves, and, at the worst, that they were to be handed back to their former task-masters in more pitiable plight than before. We desire to put the best, and not the worst, construction upon the conduct of the, French Emperor. If this be done, the Italians will in the end be brought to see that if Louis Napoleon is not a being of supernatural power and benefi cence' at least he has shown himself substantially their benefactor and friend. All, however, depends upon the course which the negotiations affecting Central Italy may ultimately take. We cannot bring ourselves to think that the Emperor of the French will prove himself so un true to his plighted faith as to throw the three Duchies and the Legations down at the feet of their former masters, to undergo what extremities of suffering and cruelty triumphant vindictive ness may dictate. The Emperors of France and Austria could not come to any settlement upon the affairs of these provinces, for they were not the seat of war ; nor, save so far as the action of the contingents from the Duchies were concerned, were they even mixed up with the war. Tuscany by herself has as good a right to change her form of government as France. What is the value of the Emperor Napoleon's own title to the throne of France, if the Tuscan people are not free to choose their own rulers ? What is true of France or Tuscany is true in principle of Parma and Modena, the only dif ference in the cases being that the military power of the last named States is comparatively in significant. The Papal States were specifically acknowledged to be neutral ;—France and Austria have no more right to dictate to the inhabitants who shall rule over them than they have to parcel out the British Islands or the United States of North America, and to appoint their own Viceroys over the Heptarchies of their own creation. Leav ing right out of the question, and considering only what France will do, it is incredible that the French Emperor should first lead the inhabitants of Central Italy to destruction, and then turn his back upon them. If Tuscany, Parma, Modena, and the Legations rose in arms, it was because he en tered Italy at the head of a French army, protest ing that his purpose was to purge the Peninsula of the Austrians from the Alps to Reggio. It is al ready no slight thing to draw back so far as to de clare that, at all events, Venetia and the district of the four famous fortresses are to be resigned to the old intruder ; but this may be inevitable—it may be one of the hard necessities of war. This cannot, however, apply to the provinces of Central Italy ; and we are bound to admit that if the independence of these is secured, and Lombardy and Piedmont are consolidated into a compact and solid kingdom, the Emperor Napoleon will have been no mean be nefactor of the Italians. Allow ten years to pass over such an arrangement without any fresh visi tation from the French or Austrian armies, and Italy is as much answerable for her own fortunes as England or France. (From the Horning Post.) " By the margin of Zurich's fair waters," as the song says, the Conference in re Italy is to assemble this day to give effect, if that be possible, to the bases of peace agreed upon at Villafranca. We are riot very sanguine as to the results. The parties to those bases assumed rather hastily the consent of Italy to their adoption, whereas neither the peace nor the conditions of it have given satisfaction to the Italian people. The belief that the hour of Italy's emancipation had come prevailed through out the peninsula. It raised the hopes of _ the captive in the dungeon, it lighted with promise the cottage of the poor, it brightened the prospects of the merchant and trader, it shook the nerves of the tyrant of Naples, sealed the abdi cation of the Austrian Dukes, and carried an uneasy misgiving into the innermost sanctuary of the Vatican. As the French army swept all before it, and by a succession of brilliant victories gave free dom to Lombardy and strung Venetia to the tightest tension of Yearning suspense, there was not an Italian who - did not believe that heaven had at last avenged his country's wrongs, and that by the rising star of Napoleon he and his fellow-patriots would be led forward to a pitch of social and poli cal renovation which should compensate them for years of endurance, and gift them with liberty and independence for all time to come. Like sudden death on the eve of a bridal, or shipwreck in sight of the desired haven, was the news of a hasty peace to the expectant people of Venetia and the hopeful subjects of Central Italy. Probably the dis appointment would have been less had not their previous expectations towered so high. But they counted, in their enthusiasm, upon receiving their liberty at the hands of France, and suddenly they find that Austria is to be a party to their future, not as a defeated foe, but on equal terms with their deliverer. Knowing as they did the heartless enmity of that Power, it is not surprising that hope died and sullen discontent took the place of buoy ant expectation. We speak of Italy as a whole. Lombardy, indeed, has cause enough to rejoice over what the fortune of war has given her. But her exultation is painfully balanced by the gloom that has settled like a cloud of hopeless impenetrability over the sister province of Venetia. If the one has gained freedom, the other is but more helplessly confirmed in slavery. These two equate each other, and the rest of Italy is where it was. And it is about the rest of Italy that the diffi culties of the settlement will arise. We do not wish to throw cold water on the Conference. We shall be glad if it can adjust matters out of hand to the satisfaction of all parties. But we cannot help seeing probabilities, and it is a part of our vocation to examine them. When the Treaty of Villafranea was given to the world, we pronounced that, with out great modification, it would not work. We are still of that opinion, and we fully expect that the deliberations at Zurich this week will confirm us in those convictions. We will assume that there will be no difficulty about the annexation of Lom bardy to Sardinia. But upon other points there will be, there can be, nothing but difficulty. Take the qu es ti on of thereturnof the Dukes of uscany and Modena and the Duchess of Parma. One or them has formally abdicated in favour of his son, the oth ers have simply fled. It remains for the people themselves to restore or abolish these dynas ties. There is no doubt in which direction the Popular feeling at the pre n t moment runs ; and, although the fugitive princes e are straining every nerve to rule once m ore over the people that detest them, the chances are altogether against their suc cess. What becomes, then, of that part of the treaty that proposes their restoration reinstateiou?Franctehean.de A u stria are alike pledged not t royal personag es vs et armis. T he people of those s three Duchies are now voting on the question ; a n d it is more than probable that an immense prepon derance will be found in favour of union with Piedmont. There are edui n cogent opot is prepared political reasons why tte. this should be ; and if Piedmont THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, AITGI7STI 18, 185 g. cept this responsibility, it would be hard to find reasoins why such union should not take effect. Supposing this to happen, or the three Duchies to be farmed into one new constitutional kingdom, there would next arise the still harder question of the Italian Confederation. To this proposal the consent of the existing Powers of Italy will be neces sary ; but it is hardly likely to be given. Sardinia is not likely to consent to a confederacy of which Austria is a member ; while the Pope and the King of Napless will scarcely consent to one in which she is left out.. To withdraw foreign troops and elimi• nate in perpetuity the influence of Austria would be to hand Itaiy over to the gradual influence of reviving liberty, and pave the way to her ultimate elevation to the standard of the other free nations of Europe, which is the last thing that Francis 11. and Pio Nono desire to see. Austria is now the only obstacle to Italian reforms. Make Italy self-supporting, self ; contained, and self-governing, and nothing will stand against her advance. The legitimate influence of the people will in time prevail, and the day of ab solute Sovereigns will have for ever passed away. But as long as Popes and tyrannical Kings take refuge from their subjects in the protection of foreign troops, popular freedom will have no chance. Here, then, a serious obstacle will arise. The Con ference cannot force a Confederation on Italy ; and if it be positively refused, a very large part of the Italian question will be precisely where it was last January. It will be next to impossible to admit Austria into an Italian Confederation, and quite as impossible to cut off Venetia from the rest of Italy. What, then, is to be done ? The Plenipotentiaries at Zurich must answer that question. Then comes the crowning difficulty of the posi tion and prerogatives of the Pope. It might be easy for two Emperors to agree between themselves that the Pope should be the honorary president of the Confederation, but it is quite another thing to effect that design. The success of that part of the pro gramme involves conditions most unlikely to be consented to, and which it will be quite impossible to enforce. First and chiefly, it involves a reform of the Government of the Papal States, and this in its ultimate stage involves the abandonment by the Pope of his temporal sovereignty. This is a very improbable concession, not only because the Pope is sworn to Oefend the temporalities of the See, but still more because those temporalities give him a place among Sovereigns that he would not other wise possess, entitle him to send legates to foreign courts, and furnish tile supplies of the system which enables him to exercise so powerful an interest in all parts of the world. If the Pope refuses to seculariso his Government, the Conference will again be non plussed. It is hardly likely' that the Roman Catholic Powers of Europe will cG.T.npel his submis sion. Indeed, it is more probable that by the greater number the proposal will be looked on with great disfavour, and we may expect to see the rank and file of the priesthood busy everywhere in mov ing public opinion against . it. If then, there be no voluntary concession and no external c• ercion, there will be no Roman reform, no honorary Presi dent, and no Italian Confederation, and so another article of the treaty must fail. We need not pursue the difficulties further, for the more we follow them the greater is their entan glement. We only notioe some of the most obvious of them by way of cautioning our readers not to expect too much of the Conference. Most heartily do we wish the plenipotentiaries well through their work ; most happy shall we be to chronicle their success, and to be able 'to tell the world that the Italian question is solved—'- that the parties who made war have 'been able to makc a satisfactory peace, and that there will be no need for any action on the part of the neutral powers. (From the Morning Advertiser.) The idea of an Italian Confederation, as fore shadowed by the programme of Villafranca, meets with the most energetic resistance from the real Liberals of Piedmont. The mere fact that the Pope is to be " Honorary President" of this precious league suffices to condemn it in the eyes of all free thinking men. A Diet of Italian envoys, assembled at Rome, with a cardinal as chairmtn, and with the Pontiff as supreme authority, to what result could it possibly lead but to an extension of the political power of the Roman Church over the only State in Italy that has emancipated itself from the priestly yoke. The glory of the Constitutionalists of Pied mont has been, since 1848, their struggles to pre serve the basis of representative government, and their combats against clerical encroachments. Un happily, their efforts, we are sorry to say, have to:a great extent been weakened by the self-delusion .vith which, under the leadership of Count Cavour, they entered into an alliance offensive and defensive with the worst enemy of European freedom. But if they were now to consent to the formation of the Italian league under Napoleonic and Papist aus pices, they would effectually destroy whatever might still remain of Piedmontese liberty. Sar dinia, in consenting to despatch an Envoy to the Diet at Rome, would be offering her own hands to be fettered. She would encounter at that Diet the reactionary influence of Austria and Naples, the theoretic designs of hierarchy, and, last but not least, the despotic influence.of France. whose ruler would be virtually Protector of the Confederacy so long as the " Honorary President" is kept in his chair in the Eternal City by force of French bayonets. THE SERPENTINE. The decision at which the House of Commtms, under the auspices of Mr. Fitzroy, has arrived with regard to the purification of the Serpentine is most unsatisfactory. On the whole, it may well be doubted if it would not have been better to leave things as they were, for so in time the very mag nitude of the evil would have worked its own cure. The result of the present scheme, even if the most sanguine anticipations of its promoters are rea lized, can he but a half cure, and in certain re spects must necessarily be wholly abortive. There are two great evils resulting from the actual condition of the Serpentine which we desired to abate. First, there is the stench which issues un der the influence of the hot summer sun from this reservoir of liquid filth. Secondly, the water is of very unequal depth, in some parts being very shal low, in others very deep. Fatal and frequent acci dents to bathers and skaters are the natural conse quence, and the suggestion was that the bottom should be levelled, leaving an even depth of water of about five feet, more or less, throughout. Mr. Fitzroy's scheme . does not even profess to touch this second evil, and yet it is a very serious one. Money is freely spent upon baths and washhouses, and rightly . so ; but here is the great natural bath of London in so dangerous a condition that it can not be used without imminent risk to the thousands of young and inexpert bathers who seek refresh ment there in the evenings of the summer days. The ground now covered by the filthy Serpentine was, we believe, in former days a series of gravel pits, and at present it presents to the drowning boy nothing but a system of deep holes and mud traps. When once his incautious foot passes from the higher level, and he sinks down into one of these pitfalls, with the first mouthful of the poisoned fluid he swallows there is an end of him. Even expert swimmers caught with the cramp perish in the same way, for few can resist a good dose of Serpen tine water exhibited in August. Study it was a point of the utmost importance to the health and comfort of the town to obviate this evil ? The thing, too, has been so well done in the Ornamental Water of St. James's-park, although there the lives of skaters only were considered,—and how many days are there in the year in which skating, is a possible amusement ? So far we have only spoken of the secondary point, but undoubtedly the greater evil is the poisonous effluvium. The Serpentine will surely contribute its quota to the victims whenever we may suffer again under the visitation of an epidemic disease. Of course, this little lake cannot attempt to compete with the polluted Thames in the grandeur of its results, but it can do a good deal. It was notorious among medical men acquainted with the neighbourhood that even the hole at the top of the Green Park — now happily filled up and turfed over—was a fruitful cause of ill ness and disease. The Serpentine is far worse. Not only does it lie in the centre of a rich and populous neighbourhood, but fashion and custom have decreed that its banks shall be throughout the season the daily resort of the Upper Ten Thousand as well as of the hard-worked professional men who seek a gulp of fresh air after the toils of the counting house and the law courts. Could the lake have been thoroughly purified, it would have been one of the greatest improvements—as far as the upper classes are concerned—ot which the metropolis is susceptible. Why should we not, for once in a way, be permitted to say a word for them ? There is no lack of sensibility or sympathy for the sufferings of the poor. If a man is rich he need not be poisoned ; and, besides, the bulk of those who frequent the banks of the Serpentine are emphatically working men—men who work with their brains - and their nerves, and with an expenditure of vital energy which would shrewdly astonish most of our build ing friends now out upon the " strike " if they en deavoured to make corresponding exertions. As far as Mr. Fitzroy's plan is concerned, it is nothing but a palliative, which can never reach the real difficulties of the case. The water of the Serpentine is to be pumped up by means of steam-engines from one end to the other, and then passed through filtering beds—this process to be in continuous ope ration. Thus by degrees, although very slowly, all the water in the Serpentine, as it is hoped, will be gradually purified. Mr. Fitzroy, however, seems to have lost sight of the fact that the filthy basin into which he is about to pour his purified water will soil it much faster than he - can cleanse it. We are not speaking of results which may be attained in a thousand, or even in a hundred years —for they are points of small concern to any man now living, to his children, or his children's chil dren—but of those which will be appreciable in our own time. We will not attempt to deter mine how often the Serpentine must be filled and re-filled, filtered and re-filtered, before it is pure. Taking the idea even at the value of its pro moters, it only represents an infinitely slow and infinitely costly method of doing that which could be done in a far speedier, far cheaper, and far more effectual manner upon the simpler plan. Why deal with the effect instead of the cause ? Why filter the water a thousand times over, returning it to the filthy basin at the end of each process, to be again polluted, when the basin might be rinsed out once for all ? Mr. Fitzroy has recourse to the filter ing-bed rather than to the atmosphere and to the hand of man. Ile is in love with the fable of the Danaides, for there is a certain similarity between the process of emptying a lake by the help of sieves, and that of cleansing the water of a lake by throw ing it back time after time upon the muck and filth from which it had been originally drawn. Mr. Fitzroy speaks of his own scheme as certain in its effect, while the other—the usual one—is uncer tain. The balance of probability is entirely the other way. In point of fact, the usual process is certain in its results, though a greater original out ' lay is incurred. We are very sure, however, that the inhabitants of London, and more particularly the inhabitants of the districts adjacent to the Ser pentine, would not refuse to bear a share in the expenditure necessary to make what workmen call a "good job" of the purificatien of the Serpentine in place of this half and half scheme.—Times. TILE TREATY BETTVEENBUSSIA AND CHINA. The following is the full text of the recent treaty, concluded on June 1, 1858, at Tian-Tsin, between Russia and China : " Art. 1. By the present treaty are confirmed the peace and friendship always existing between his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias and his Majesty the Bogdykhan of Daissin and their re spective subjects. " Art. 2. The anterior right of Russia to send Ambassadors to Pekin whenever the Russian Go vernment may deem it necessary is confirmed anew. The relations between the chief of the Russian em pire and that of the Chinese empire shall be con ducted, not by means of the Senate on one part, and on the other of the Li•san-iouan, as was done previously, but by that of the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs and of the head of the Supreme Council of the empire, or of the Prime Minister, on the footing of perfect equality. Ordinary correspondence be tween the abovementioned personages shall be con ducted through the funtionaries of the frontiers. When the necessity occurs of sending a despatch on an affair of importance, a special functionary shall be nominated to carry it into the epital, or to enter into explanations on the subject of the des patch with the members of the Council of State or the Prime Minister ; immediately on his arrival this functionary shall present the despatch through the intervention of the President of the Chamber of the Ceremonies (Li-bou.) A perfect equality shall be equally observed in the correspondence and interviews of the Russian Envoys or Ministers Plenipotentiary with the members of the Council of State, with the Minister of the Court of Pekin, and with the Governor-General of the frontier or littoral provinces, and other functionaries of the respective boundaries of the two empires. If the Russian Government find it necessary to nominate a Minister Plenipotentiary to re side in one of the open ports, that - Minister must be regulated in his relations. verbal or epistolary, with the local authorities and the Minis ters of the Court of Pekin by the general rules actually established for all foreign nations. The Russian envoys in repairing to Pekin may follow the route of Itiakhta by the Ourga, or that of Daga at the mouth of the river Pei-ho, or another road from other Chinese towns ur ports open to foreigners. Upon being previously advised, the Chinese Govern ment engages immediately to take measures to pro vide both for the rapidity and convenience of the journey of the envoy and his suite, and for the honourable reception to which he has a right in the towns, as well as for all that concerns their lodging and necessary materials of all kinds. The expenses incurred by these various objects are charged to the Russian and not to the Chinese Goverment. " Art. 3. The commerce of Russia with China may 1 eneaforth be carried on, not only by land on the frontier localities previously specified, but also by sea. Russian merchant ships may to this effect enter the following ports—Shanghai, Ningpo, Foo- Chow-Foo, Amop, Canton, Taiwan-Foo in the island of Formosa, Kian-Chow in the island of Khainan, and in the other localities open to foreign commerce. " Art. 4. On commerce by land there will exist henceforth no restriction relative to the number of persons who engage in it, or as to the quantity of merchandise introduced, or to the capital employed. In commerce by sea, and all details of its operation, such as the presentation of the manifest, the pay ment of anchorage dues, and the established Cus toms' dues, &c., the Russian merchant ships must conform to the general regulations in force with regard to foreign commerce in China. In case of contraband the Russians are liable to the-confisca tion of the goods landed. "Art. 5. In each of the before-mentioned ports the Russian Gove:nment has the right of nominat ing Consuls according to its desire. To maintain order among the Russian subjects residing in the open ports of China, as well as the authority of the consuls, she can send to those ports ships of war. The arranging of relations between consuls and the local authorities, the granting of land for the construction of churches, houses, and stores, the purchase of land by Russians from Chinese by common agreement, and of other analogous objects concerning the competence of consuls, will be regu lated by general rules in force in the Chinese em pire with regard to foreigners. "Art. 6. In the case of a ship of war or merchant vessel being wrecked on the coasts of China, the local authorities are bound to act immediately for the safety of those ship IN reeked, the materials, cargo, and the ship itself. They must also take every measure to forward those shipwrecked, with their property and the cargo, to the nearost port open to commerce, or where there is a Russian Consul, or agent of any nation friendly to Russia, or even to the frontier, if that can be done conveniently. All expenses thus incurred will be repaid according to the measures employed, by the Russian Govern ment. In case of Russian ships of war or merchant vessels being forced in course of navigation on the Chinese coast for repairs, water, or fresh provisions, they can for such objects enter into Chinese ports, not open to commerce, but buy all they require at from the local authorities. prices voluntarily stipulated without hindrance " Art. 7. The examination of matters in litiga tion between Russian and Chinese subjects in places open to commerce can only be entered into by a Chinese official after communication with the Rus sian Consul or with the representative of the Rus sian Government at the place. In the case of a Russian being accused of any delinquency or crime he shall be tried by the Russian laws; in the same way a Chinese accused of delinquency, or attempt on the life or property of Russians, shall be tried by the laws of his own country. Russian subjects who have penetrated into the interior of China, and who have committed crimes or delinquencies, must be conducted, to be tried and punished according to Russian laws, to the frontier, or to the open ports where a Russian Consul resides. " Art. 8. The Chinese Government, acknowedg ing that Christian teaching aids the establishment of peace and concord among men, engages not only not to persecute its subjects for the exercise of the duties of the Christian faith, but also to protect them from those who profess other tolerated creeds in the Celestial Empire. Acknowledging Christian missionaries as good people, who seek not their own interest, the Chinese Government permits them to spread the Christian faith among its subjects, and will not oppose their penetrating into the interior of the empire in all open places. For this purpose a certain number of missionaries will be provided with certificates delivered by the Russian Consuls, or the authorities of the frontier provinces. "Art. t. The undefined part of the frontiers be tween China and Russia will, without delay, be surveyed by Felegates of the two empires, and the arrangement concluded between them relative to the frontier line will form an additional article to the present treaty. After the boundaries are de finedanne annexed exact o f tc descriptionfrontier future serve for both Governments as indisputa ble evidence in all that concerns the frontier. will localities, be m ing to an ancient custom, during a period,defini.te. a N d v e h , ic a h nd wi m li ap i s; can, according member of the Russian religious mission t io: Art. 10. In place of residing at Pekin, accord according to the convenience of the supreme au t l wr rity, return to Russia by Kiakhta or any 1 leaving others can be appointed by the miss . ion . route at any time, and in the place of the members f Pekin. All expenses for the keeping of this mis sion will henceforward be paid by the Russian Go vernment. and the Chinese Government is com pletely relieved from the expenses incurred hit her t o in this r,spc et. Expenses incurred on the j ourne y by members of the mi s sion, by couriers, and other persons sent by th e Russian Government from li!aklita, or from open ports of China to Pekin, and vice versa, will be paid by Russia. • The Chinese local authorities are bound on their side to assist by all and every means in the rapid and convenient transport of the above-mentioned persons to their destination. " Art. 11. For the regularity of relations between the Russian and Chinese Governments, as well as for the service of the religious mission at Pekin, a rapid monthly postal communication is established be tween Kiakhta and Pekin. The Chinese courier will leave Pekin and Kiakhta every month at a fixed day, and ought in 15 days deliver his letters and despatches. Besides, every three months there will be a carriage post from Kiakhta and Pekin, and vice versa, carrying passengers and goods,which should accomplish the journey in one month. All expenses for the quick post and the carriage post will be divided equally between the Chinese and Russian Governments. " Art. 12. All rights and privileges, political, com mercial, and others, which may hereafter be con ceded by the Chinese Government to the most fa voured nations, will be equally acquired by Russia without the necessity- on the part of the latter to enter into treaty for that purpose. The remainder of this, the last article, refers only to the exchange of copies and time of ratification. " Count EUTHME POUTIATINE. " GYI-LIANE KHOUACHENE." ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. HOME CIRCUIT.-CROYDON, AUGUST 5. (Before Mr. Justice Crowder and a Common Jury.) FRAY V. FOSTER. This was an action to recover damages from the defendant, who is an attorney, for having negli gently conducted certain legal proceedings for the plaintiff. Mr. Robinson was counsel for the plaintiff; Ser geant Parry and Mr. Joyce were for the defendant. This case arose out of some proceedings that have been frequently before the public. The plaintiff, Miss Rosanna Dupin Fray, is a very respectable young woman, and she was formerly in the service of Lord and Lady Zetland, as lady's maid ; but, in the year 1854, in consequence of some disagreement in the establishment, she was suddenly dismissed. The plaintiff then brought an action against Mrs. Potter, the housekeeper of Lord Zetland, for slander, and a second action against Lord Zetland, and both these actions stood for trial. The first only was tried, and it resulted in the jury giving the plain tiff a verdict, with £lOO damages. The action against Lord Zetland was postponed, and in the meantime a rule was granted for a new trial in the action against Mrs. Potter, and both these actions again stood for trial. The solicitor for the plaintiff in these proceedings was a gentleman named Voules, and it appeared that he made a compromise, accord ing to the case for the plaintiff, entirely without her consent, under which he received a sum of £3OO to settle both actions. The plaintiff,it appeared, only received £5O of this money, and she was required to sign a paper which she thought was only a receipt, but which turned out to be a promissory note, and she was afterwards sued upon this note by Mr. Voules, but he failed in his action, and the note was ordered to be impounded by Mr. Justice Erle. The plaintiff then, it appeared, brought an action against Mr. Voules for negligence, the present defendant, Mr. Foster, acting as her attorney, and, according to her testimony, he buoyed her up fcr a long time with the idea that she was sure to succeed, and that she would recover £5OO damages at least. As the ti ial approached, however, she represented that he changed his tone, and advised her to compro mise ; but she refused, and at length the case went for trial, and the result was that she only obtained a verdict upon one count in the declaration, and became liable for all the costs, and the present action was brought against Mr. Foster for alleged negligence in the manner in which he had con ducted the action against Mr. Voules. The plaintiff having deposed to many of the above facts, she was cross-examined at very con siderable length, and from her answers it was evi dent that she was under the impression that every body connected with the case had conspired to prevent her from getting justice. She complained very much of Mr. Hawkins, who was her counsel in the action against Mr. Voules, and said that he had dared her to mention the names of Lord and Lady Zetland, and said that he would ruin her case if she did. She also said that after he had opened the case he immediately left the court, and the trial, which she expected would have lasted. two days, was over in an hour. She likewise de clared that Mr. Hawkins advised her to compro mise, and told her that none of the judges would go against a nobleman, and that Lord Campbell, who tried the case, in particular, would not do so. (Loud laughter, in which the learned judge joined.) The plaintiff admitted that Sergeant Wilkins, her former counsel, strongly advised her to compromise the original action, awl that another attorney whom she had consulted in the matter refused to take up the case. It, also appeared that, in the action against Mr. Voules, Lord Campbell said he appeared to have acted honourably and properly, and that an offer was made to pay her £5O and all her costs, and that she was strongly urged to accept the offer, and in the result the defendant obtained a verdict upon the counts for negligence, and the five guineas damages were upon a count in trover to recover some medical prescriptions, and Mr. Voales consented to a verdict for that amount ; but she was liable for the whole of the costs. The plaintiff, likewise, stated that she had not paid Mr. Foster a single farthing for costs during the time lie had been acting for her, and although he had obtained a judgment against her, he had not taken any steps to enforce it. The plaintiff, in the course of her examination, said that her obje c t throughout these proceedings was to vindicate h er character, and that it was impossible for her to do so unless she went into the whole of the particulars connected :With the conduct of Lord and L a d y Zet land, .and .the manner in which silo had been treated by them ; but she had never been allowed to do so. Mr. Robinson called for the production of the re cords in the different actions, and also the briefs that had been delivered to the coun4,el who had been retained. Sergeant Parry said that Mr. Foster had only been subpoenaed to appear and give evidence, and he was in attendance for that purpose. He was quite willing, however, that all the papers and everything connected with the case should be be fore the Court, and he had despatched a clerk for the papers, and he would no doubt very speedily return with them. The plaintiff said it would be impossible for the jury to understand her case unless all the papers were before them. Mr. Justice Crowder said that under these cir cumstances he thought it would be better to post pone the trial until the papers were produced. At a late hour of the day the case was again called on, when all the papers were put in, but none of the matters contained in them appeared tc have any material bearing on the inquiry. At the close of the case for the plaintiff, Sergeant Parry submitted that the evidence failed to make out the averments in the declaration, and after a long technical argument, His Lordship decided in favour of the objection► and directed a nonsuit. Sergeant Parry said he thought it was only due to his learned friend, Mr. Hawkins, to state that ne was in attendance, and would have been exa mined as a witness if his evidence had been re quired, and he would have positively contradicted the plaintiffin many of the statements she had made. The plaintiff was then nonsuited. AUGUST 6. (Before Mr. VINCENT AND OTHERS. Justice Crowder, and a Common Jury.) HUGESSE.N V.. the defendants were Ad- The plaintiff !ti this action was Mr. Hugessen, M.P. for Sandwich, several other electors of the Ad miral Vincent and action a was brought to recover da magesborough, The that bad been published by the a libel for imputed to the plaintiff that defendants, and . whichof. bribery and intimidation at he had been , ;.uilt3. , borongh in April last. The election for the notguilty, and t The defendants pleaded justification. Mr. Edwin James, Q.C., and M r . P rent i ce were furplaintiff. the plaintiff. Mr. Bovill, Q.C ., and Mr. W. G. Harrison appeared for the defendants. Mr. James said that the plaintiff in this action, Mr. Edward Hugessen Kn a t c hb u ll Hugessen, was the son of Sir Edward Knatchbull, who had for a ;;rent many years repr esen t e d the county of Kent i ii Parliament, but who had taken the name of Hugessen, and the defendants were Admiral Vin cent, a retired admiral, and several other respect, able gentlemen, electors of the borough of Sand wich. The action was brought to recover damages for a libel that had been published and signed by them, and he would very shortly state the circum stances under which the proceeding arose. At the general election in April last, Lord Clarence Paget and Mr. Hugessen were candidates for the borough of Sandwich. They were opposed by Sir James Ferguson and another gentleman, but in the result the plaintiff and Lord Clarence Paget were elected. A petition was presented to the House of Commons against that return, on the ground that there had been bribery, intimidation, treating, and undue influence on the part of the successful candidates. This petition, however, did not come to anything, for before any proceedings could be taken in relation to it the change of Government took place., and Lord Clarence Paget was appointed Sc , cretary to the Admiralty, and Mr. Hugessen was created a Junior Lord of the Trea&ncy. The first of these appoiNtments not beirig one in the gift of the Crown ) it was not necessary that Lord Clarence Paget should vacate his seat, but Mr. Hugessen, upon accepting the post of Junior Lord of the Trea sury, was compelled to give up his seat and to go down to Sandwich to be re-elected. At this time the petition charging Mr. Hugessen with bribery and corruption at the former election remained be fore the House of Commons, but nothing had been done in it, and the jury were probably aware that in a case of this kind, where a member had been petitioned against on the ground of bribery, if the charge had been substantiated, he would have been ineligible as a candidate at a future election, and any votes that were given for him would be thrown away and void, and it had been customary to give a notice to such effect to the electors. The defend ants, however, had gone much further than this, for on the 25th of June a placard, printed in the Conservative colours, was published, and which concluded with the following statement : " Notice is hereby given, that by reason of the bribery, treating, corruption, intimidation, and un due influence practised by the said Edward Huges sen Knatchbull Hugessen, his friends, agents, and partisans, and other persons in his behalf, at his said former election in April last, as set forth in the allegations of the said petition, signed by the said John Ralph and Henry Langley, he, the said Ed ward Hugessen Knatchbull Hugessen, is disquali fied, ineligible, and incapable of being elected and returned for the borough of Sandwich during the duration of this present Parliament." Mr. James proceeded—This placard was signed by Admiral Vincent and several other elec tors, some of whom he believed were pilots, and it was the libel complained of. He had before said that in a case where bribery had been proved against a candidate, it was legal to give a notice to that effect to the electors ; but in this case there had been no evidence to support the petition, and the law would not permit the circula tion of a libel of this kind under the pretence of giving such a notice to the electors. It was a most serious imputation upon the character of Mr. Hu gessen, and the proceeding on the part of the de fendants was quite unjustifiable. The defendants had pleaded originally that the statement con tained in the placard was true, and that Mr. Hugessen had been guilty of bribery and corrupt practices, but that plea had since been withdrawn, upon a learned judge making an order that the de fendants should state the particulars of the acts of bribery that were to be relied upon, and the time when they occurred. His learned friend Mr. Bovill would now, he believed, state that the defendants were not justified in the course they had taken and he would consent that the plea of justification should be withdrawn. The question was one of very great importance to Mr. Hugessen, because it had been stated in the Times and other journals that the petition had been compromised, and was withdrawn under some arrangement, but there really was no foundation for this suggestion. A good deal of lati tude might be allowed during the excitement of an election, but when such serious charges as these were made against a gentleman in the position of Mr. Hugessen, he had no alternative but to come before a jury and give them an opportunity of de ciding whether there was any evidence to support them. Mr. Bovill said that the first election for Sand wich was no doubt hotly contested, and party spirit ran very high. The party who expected to succeed did not happen to be successful, and as the defeated party very often did, under such circumstances, they fancied that certain things had taken place, and that the result of the election was owing to proceedings of which they thought they had a right to complain. A petition was in consequence pre sented against the return of the successful candi dates, but before the merits of that petition could be tried or the matter could be at all entered into a new election h a pp ene d. Th e o ld petition. still remained pending, and if the allega tions contained in that petition had been substan tiated, Mr. Hugessen could not have been re elected, and his election would have beeu void. It was a very usual c ourse un d er suc h c i rcums t ances to give a notice to that effect to the electors, and the placards in question were merely printed with that object. His learned friend had stated that some of the defendants were pilots belonging to the town, but the fact was that Admiral Vincent was the chairman of the Conservative candidates' com mittee, and he and all the other gentlemen took a leading part in the election ; but all they did they did bona fide, and believed they were justified in doing. They thought they had a right to publish this placard ; and if the statements contained in the original petition he been true there was no doubt that Mr. Hugessen would have been dis qualified. The defendants were now, ihowever, aware that they had done rather more than the law allowed, and they would, therefore, consent to a verdict for five guineas, which would entail other consequences upon them, and this result would no doubt be perfectly satisfactory to the plaintiff. Mr. Justice Crowder—The plea of justification, I understand, is withdrawn ? Mr. Bovill—Oh, certainly, my lord. Mr. Justice Crowder then addressed the jury, and said he was of opinion that the case had been treated very properly. What had been done by the defendants was very probably intended to be done according to law, but they had overstepped the law. By the plea of justification they had alleged that the plaintiff had in point of fact been guilty of bribery at the election in question, and while that plea remained there was no doubt that it cast a very serious imputation upon Mr. Huges sen. That plea had now, however, been withdrawn, and he thought a very satisfactory conclusion had been arrived at, and all they were called upon to do was to return a verdict for the plaintiff for the sum that had been mentioned. The jiirTacCO;lingly;;;;ned a verdict for the plaintiff. Damages, five guineas. CROWN COURT. (Before Mr. Justice Blackburn.) Elizabeth King, 29, was charged with the wilful murder of her male child. Sergeant Ballantine and Mr. Hurrell conducted the prosecution for tile Treasury, and the prisoner was defended by Mr. Sharpe. The prisoner it appeared was a married woman, and the child in question was born during the ab sence of her husband, who is a seaman, upon a long voyage. It was found dead shortly after its birth, and apparently had been suffocated ; but there was no distinct evidence that the child was born alive. The charge of murder was eventually abandoned, and Mr. Sharpe consented to a verdict of conceal ing the birth, and the in isoner was sentenced to six. months' hard labour. Richard Cole, the soldier who was convicted on Friday of robbing a clergyman of his watch, at Guildford, was brought up for judgment, and as it appeared he had previously borne a good character, the learned Judge only sentenced him to eight months' hard labour. The whole of the special jury cases will be tried by Mr. Justice Crowder, except under particular circumstances; and the common jury cases will go before Mr. Justice Blackburn. The criminal busi ness is not yet concluded, so that this learned judge will not take civil business before the middle of the day on Monday. WESTERN CIRCUIT:—BoDmiN, Aug. 6. The commission wss opened on Thursday after noon by Mr. Justice Crompton, later in the day Mr. Baron Bramwell arrived, and in the evening attended divine service. Stephen B. L. Bell, 53, surgeon, was indicted for the wilful murder of James Caddy, ,at Falmouth on the 23d Ju ne . Mr. Cole and Mr. Cox prosecuted, and Mr. Cole ridge defended the prisoner. The facts lie in a very short compass. It ap peared that the prisoner had been practising at Weston-super-Mare, and was in difficulttes in a pecuniary point of view. He had received assist ance from his mother, a very aged lady, residing hear the Middle -terrace, Falmouth, but it appears that his applications for further aid had been de nied. On the evening in question he unexpectedly presented himself at his mother's house, and de manded money, which was refused. He became very violent, and his sisters, alarmed at his threats, sent across the road to Harriet-place, to request their friend Capt. Caddy to come and protect them. Capt. Caddy immediately came over and expostu lated in vain with the prisoner, and threatened to fetch a policeman. The prisoner now became 801 violent that one of his sisters escaped through the window, and on Capt. Caddy attempting to leave the house for the police, the prisoner seized an In dian spear which hung as an ornament in the pas sage, a most formidable weapon, and struck him in the upper part of the thigh, completely severing the femoral artery. The unfortunate gentleman staggered to the porch where he supported himself for a moment and fell dead. The witnesses examined were the prisoner's two sisters. The poor ladies were deeply affected, and from this circumstance, and a natural unwillingness on their part to inculpate their brother. there was considerable difficulty in obtaining evidence on some of the main facts of the case. They and their brother were the only persons who witnessed the cause of the deceased's death. Their mother, a very infirm old lady, was, at the time of the m e l anc h o l y occurrence, up lairs in bed, and wholly unconse:- Ous of the proceedings below, whilst the servant, a female, was at the time absent from the house. The evidence of Charlotte and Mary Ann Bell (pri soner's sister) having been taken t o th e above effect, Mr. Coleridge made an admirable address for the defence. He argued that the charge of murder was Caddy received Was the result of an far from being made out, and th e wound the unfc r tunate accident. It s Lordship having summed up, tha jury, after half an hour's deliberation, returned a verdict of Mall slaughter. The prisoner, on being asked whether lie had any thing to say why sentence should not be passed, ad dressed the Court in a lengthy oration, in which he attacked almost every one who had given evidence against him, and repeatedly called upon 4 , the Al , - , mlghty and Hi s dear Son to witness his innocence." His lordship, in passing sentence, remarked that it was a fortunate thing for the prisoner that the jury did not hear his remarks before the delivered their vercret, for if they had the probability was that the black malignity he had exhibited towards the witnesses would have induced them to have found him guilty of the more serious crime of mur der. His offence was as close to murder as it could be, and his punishment must be next to death. His lordship then sentenced the prisoner to penal ser vitude for life. This case concluded the business of the assize. The business on the civil side was of trifling im portance. OXFORD CIRCUIT. —MONMOUTH, AuG 6. CROWN COURT. (Before Mr. Justice Willes) TIIE WIFE MURDER AT NEWPORT. Matthew Francis, a tailor and haullier, aged 26, was indicted foa feloniously killing and murdering his wife, Sarah Francis, by cutting her throat with a razor, at Newport, on the 12th of March last: Prisoner, who was below the middle stature, and lame, looked very pale, and appeared to be suffer ing from mental depression. He was arraigned and pleaded not guilty at the March assizes, but hhi trial was postponed until the present occasion, when, the spacious and we ll- appo i n t e d court was crowded to excess to hear the trial. Mr. M'Mahon and Mr. Matthews prosecuted; and the prisoner was defended by Mr. Kettle and Mr. Sawyer. Mr. M‘Mahon, in opening the case, said the pri soner, who resided at Newport, had been married to the unfortunate woman for two years. On Monday , the 21st of February last, they appeared to have, quarrelled, accordi ng t o th e pr i soner ' s statement before the magistrates, about breakfast. Words rose high, and they tame to blows, and the deceased ultimately left her husband and went to the house of Thos. Hawkins, a plasterer, in Temple-street , Newport. Prisoner saw her there several times and endeavoured to persuade her to return and live with him, butshe constantly refused, and even went s° far as to take a summons out against him for the assault of the 21st February, but which was not pressed. This and her invariable refusal to be re conciled, seemed to have exasperated him greatly , and on several occasions he threatened to take her life. On the day preceding the murder he again came to Hawkins' house, when his conduct to his wife was so violent that a policeman had to be fetched to make him leave. What occurred the next dal will bo best described in the words of the prisoner 9 own statement before the magistrates, as follows " I went there next morning and stood in the room where she was. She told me to go out again; she did not want to sec! me. She began to curse me. I told her not to p u t h erse lf i n a b ad way, an d sat down alongside of h er . I aga i n asked her to come home. She refused me again. There was knife on the table, and I said to Mrs. Jones, Len" me that knife, and I will kill h er w ith i t. ' I ru bbed it along on the edge of the pan on the table, and then touched my wif e on th e b ac k . She sa id, Don't put your hand on me,' and then she called me many disgraceful things. I went out of the house to the water-closet, and sat down and began to cry. Then I thought to myself about the razor I had in my pocket. I was not thinking about it before. I brought it out that morning with thy intention of having it ground. Then I took the razor out of my pocket and tied a piece of thread I had in my pocket around it. Then I went into the house again, and again begged her to come home and not to make a fool of herself and me too. Then she still refused, so I rose up 'and told her I woe fully determined to kill her before I left the house if she would not come home with me. She began to sing a song. I told her not to sing songs—sh e had better sing hymns ! She laughed aloud when I said that. Then I caught her by the forehead ; and said, ' Now, Sarah, w ill you come home or no t ? She said she would not. I said, What, never core home ?' She said, 'No never,' and then I drew the razor across her throat. She caught th e razor in the palm of her hand. She let it go' again, and caught my wrist, and drew down InY hand across her neck. She heaved her arms up' and caught me round the neck, and pulled my fac e down to her, and kissed me. I told her I had mur dered her, and was willing to die for it. Th e last words she spoke were, " Oh, no ; you shan't din. I suppose she did not think it was done to the purpose. That is all. Evidence confirmatory of the above facts having been given, Mr. Kettle, for the defence, contended that th e prisoner had received strong provocation, and that the offence only amounted to manslaughter. Tile Judge having summed up, The Jury retired, and after a quarter of an hour absence, returned into court with a verdict of guilty'. The Judge put on the black cap, and passed sen tence of death in the usual form. The prisoner, as he was led down from the dock,' wiped the perspi ra ti on f rom hi s pa llid b row, a n exclaimed, "Itis a just sentence. I deserve it. am willing to die." COUNTRY MARKBTS. CHELMSFORD—AL G. 5. A small attendance to-day at the corw•exchangc, and very limited business t ransacte d . The few sales pas' were at late rates. Wheat, white 43s to 52s Peas, Partridge ..43s to 45 ! red 41 s t o 49s White 42s to 440 Barley 32s to 40s Boiling 43s to 4 01 Chevalier .... 34s t o 41s un Grinding 26 s to 34s Beans, Tick ....403 to 442 r: Mal t 63s to 68a Harrow Ticks 41s to T, Chevalier 63s to 69a Mazagan 40s to 4'so Oats ............ 25s to 34s I 1 DERBY—Auo. 6. There w as a mo d erate show of wheat, which met all lo ' active demand, a t a b ou t l a t e rates. White wheat,. 485 o _,..g 53s ; r e d, 44 a to 48s per 36 stone. Spring corn m sw,; supply. O a t s were f rom 28 s to 32s per 24 stone. B e' " firm, at 48s to 52s per 38 stone. OXFORD---AUG. 6. There was a very small supply of wheat at our mark et to-day, and but few sales took pl ace, at about late We, Several samples samples of new wheat offering at 40s to 48s per, c l e d Old wheat 42s to 50s. N ew b ar l ey 355. New oats reabs ~ from 27s to 31s. N ew w i nter b eans 40s, and peas 395 " zl2s. Flour 32s to 33s per sack. STAMFORD—AuG. 6. There was a fair su ppl y ' o f w h eat yesterday, vi--hleU sold slowly, at no advance on late rates. Little or no pc ley on off er . Th e t ra d e i n oats was slow, at about bar°,4 recent currencies. Be ans i n meagre su p p l y, and t h e fully as high, and firm. The best samples of new bat offered to-day realised 42s per qr. LEICESTER—AuG. 6. There was a fair supply of wheat to-day, with a 121° 620 rate show of other grain. Pric es —Whi te wheat, 46s to . per 36 stone ; red, 42s to 48 s; new red realised 48s pier barley, 33s to 38s per 30 s t one ; the oat trade was T; at quotations ranging f rom 28 s to 34s per quarter. J3co were active, at 48s to 54s per 38 stone. DUBLIN—Auo. 5. ad Our market was ex t remely dull, and we note wheat . 9 0 , oats 6d per qr lower on the week. Barley, though set'y barely supported its price. There was one sample of O w wheat in to-d a y w hi c h was so ld a t 25 5. Several lots of here, oats, and rapeseed. The condition o f a ll new' C O good. Nothing doing in Indian corn. s. d. s. d. Wheat, white.. 26 0 to 27 0 Do., red 24 0 to 25 6 Do., new 23 0 to 26 0 Barley Oats Do., black l4 0 to 15 0 Do., new ..... 12 6 tx) 1341 ; s• d• o' 6 Bore Rapeseed Oatmeal l4 6 to ‘ l ,`,' 0 Bakers' fl our Indian corn BIRTHS. la BoNn.—On the 30th ult., at P ar i s, the wife of F. 1, v. • Bond, Esq., M.P., of a daughter. CuHITT.—On the sth inst., at Denbies, Dorking, the 4' of George Cubitt, Esq., of a son. FIELD —On the 4th inst., at Limerick, the wife of l'Oi c't Field, R.A., of a daughter. PowEa.—On the sth inst., at the Parsonag e , Worth; l3s ' a the wife of the Rev. P. B . Power, M.A., of daughter. MARRIAGES. FOSTER—DOLBY. —On the 4th inst., at St. George's, 'r over-square, John Foster, Esq., Gentleman of her met jesty's Chapel R oya l , to Sarah Amy, youngest datlifr of the late Nlr. Samuel Dolby. TOWNSEND—CADOGAN.—On the 4th inst a t Thern-.d r the Rev. S. T. Townsend, of Harley-place, Cavenul, la square, to Eli za F. Cadogan, eldest dau g ht er o f the Henry Cadogan, Esq. DEATIIS. e ARNISTRONG.—At Lewisham of diphth er i a , Cagie r - gi, Annie, aged 9 y ears, and Alfred Richard, aged six:ye-- a i children of Richard Armstrong. Ist 13. ASHBY. —On th e sth inst., at Kilmarnock, Ay rs hire, , Sarah Eli za b e th , infant daughter of G. C. Ashby, " Ps ' .l of Isleworth, Middlesex. I 3 Annymorty..—On th e 4th i nst., at Amesbury, „"'the A. Barrymore, Esq., of St. Alban's Hall, Master of Grammar School at Amesbury, aged 42. GontNo.—On th e 4th inst., at Leami ng t on , th e Rev- Cl3 O Gcring, eld es t surviving son of the late Sir Chas. Co ) "" Bart., of Highden, Sussex. I'ANsoN.—On the 2d inst., at Hildersheitu, lla.nooy o ver; Lucie, the thi r d daughter of Mr. I'Anson, of Bushey' Herts, aged 17. SALMON —On the sth inst., at Stoke Ferry, N0rf01ic9 57 1%11.. John Dr ew Salmon, F.L.S., of 164 a, St ra nd, aged LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO I (Ci ld. l 2, of No. 112, St ran d, P r i n t er , a t The dug, Office, N ; '• fof Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, i tt the coV u ti Middlesex, Monday, August 8, 1859. r 1