The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1819-06-29 00:00:00

' ti•re the Catholics of England or of Ireland to pre pare expeditions in favour of Philip of Spain, or of any other Catholic Prinre ? Whatever volun teering then was permitted was in direct confor mity with the principle►, policy, and wishes of the Queen. Look also to the reigns of James and of Charles. The system of volunteering in time of peace was then permitted; but it was on row side only, and in accordance with what was supposed to be the policy of the state, lie, however, would not sav how far that policy was well or ill manifest ed. With respect to James, it was known that Philip of Spain had assembled an army of upwards of 30,000 men in Brussels. fur the purpose of driving the Elector of the Palatinate, who had married James's daughter, from his states. James sent emissaries to Brns•rls, to ascertain the objects e.f those military preparations, and to apprise Philip that if they were intended to be employed - against his son-in-law, he could not remain so in shtferent spectator of the contest. On that occa sion, a British regiment, consisting of 2,400 then, • ♦olunteered to go to the defence of the Palatinate. Weer was not Oleo absolutely declared by Philip, sod it should be considered that before this re4iiiirtit bad volunteered for foreign service, hates had ex iereased his feelings in fay..ur of the cause the volun teers had esp:oeseel, and this force, although eio.an- ttalty'composed or volunteers, were yet in n great dr grre supported at the public expense. A Parliament we, stem after called, which assigned funds for their maintenance, and gave permission t o raise mo r e troops for the promotion of this war. Hut would tiny one pretend that this was the best mode of pro 'seeding, or that became u British Monarch ? This was the first public event in which James was en gaged, and it became him to act with energy and firmness. The eyes of all Europe were fixed upon and being the first Sovereign who had united England, Irelinol, and Scotland, much wag expect . d 1 . .0in the union of their connhined strength, and it was necessary for him to make a demonstration or his power ; but a hat slid he do ? Ile merely perntltted 2,400 men to volunteer for the defence of Ins son-in-law, against en army of 31,000 men, send by this act he disgrared 6iutarlf in the eyes of .En rope, and skewed Philip plainly with what hu mility he would hear to he insulted. James skewed shat lie Intel neither the policy of a statesman, the tactics of a soldier, the ferlinus of a parent, nor the honour of a gentleman; yet it was by reference to his conduct that the principle of volunteering e•os sought to be defended.—(l/car, hear,hear.)— III; Ullllllll son, Charles, had permitted 6,000 Bei rli troops to enter the service of Gustavus Adol phus, when that warrior entered Germany, and for this permission it was secretly rtipeila•ed by Charles . . . that (;motiivus should restore his brother-hi-law, the Elector, to the Palatinate. This engagement was kept secret for fear of offeloiling the Emperor. The latter, however, did not resent the conduct of -Charles in perniittiiog 6,000 British subjects 10 rriirr the service of the Swedish Monarch, fur fear of bringing down on him the whole force of the British empire. Gustavus, however, forgot to fulfil his engagement, and Charles re:•alled his sub jects; but as he was unwilling to have the stipuL. lion with Gustavus made public, he did not re monstrate against the non-fulfilment of the Treaty. It ass impossible to speak with h a rsh ne ss o f th e .ertors of that unfortunate Prince. Whatever they sear have beet', lie atoned for tie it► by his melan choly Cote, hut it might be permitted him to say that the unfoitutoute Charles was seer ton ready to be direrted from the direct course of action at the first glimpse of difficulties. I/Acuities too lie had to coo. minter, for lie was elogaored in the only conflict v hick a Boiiish Moearcl7 nerd entertain fear, atant.ly, a war against the liberties of his subjects. Ho might Eave rsi.teil with confidence in any fu. toga our, if lie combd have been induced to throw himself upon the affections of his subjects. The Nolite Earl then commented at some length upon the impolory of such a mode of expressing the 1161161)1es of the Goveiiiineot, mod alluded to c ise which occurred in the reign of Jimire, whim prit ate voolunieering was permitted, even ca n trary ih e lost iuterrst. of the coomitry. At the time %%Iwo ilie truce load expired bet wetli Spain and the (Tinted Provinces, James ass endeavourilig to Irving to a conclusion his treaty of mar liege between the I &stoma and Plitoce Charles, and to gratify the Court of Spain he gate permission to vaise 4,000 men w his dominion- for the Sp wish service, to be employed against the Dutch. Thus was Great Britain aiding the country it was most leer iiocrem to oppose, owl depressing that which it was most her noterist to assist. When thus this system was seen employed sgaitiet the best interests of the country, ought it to he left to 1w exercised the discretion of indisiduals, and not he placed in the power of the Crown, to he exercised by the advice of its responsible 'Moister. ? Ile oh eerved, that every government was respcnisible to other shafts fur the non of its subjects, and when treaties are concluded between states, the blame ought not he thrown on the municipal laws a a country, if those treaties cannot he maintain ed, and if the municipal lass were not sufficiently strengthened to enable the Government to uphold its foreign relations, the Ministers of the Crown ought toot to be held responsible for the result. This country• had always been justly jealous of the ex istence of a standing army. It would never permit a foreign (AM to hold a high command in this country in time of peace, without the authority of Parliament; and would it endure that a foreign Prince or adventurer should enlist and maintain a force within it, without having at least previously received the license of the Crown, or having the advisers of the Crown responsible for their employ suent ?—/Hear, hear./—Whet must toot be the difficulties sod the danger► of such a state of the law ? To obviate such as inconsistency was the object of the present measure, and so deeply was it founded in justice, and strengthened by expediency, that he concluded with a perfect confidence in the oisiloin of the Iluuie, by moving that the Bill be committed. Lord Ilot.csND—.lll all proceedings between man and mini, when tidos of the parties assumed to art upon a higher principle of justice than usually marked his conduct, Inn actions became naturally an object of stilecion. If any such person asserted that his conduct was influenced by certain high flown notions of natural equity, and at the same time appeared to disregard bus natural interests, his motives must, if avowed, be odious, if not criminal. Aiuch, he feared, would be found to be the case with respect to the promoters rt this Bill. they affirm• ed that their Pole object was to correct au anomaly in the law, that disgusted with its severity, ■nd shocked by its incongruity; they were suddenly struck with a desire to remove the inconsistencies of at leapt one part of our criminal rode of laws, mid were impressed with such a wonderful passion for symmetry. that they came down to Parliament to have the laws reduced to a state of regularity and order. It was, however, asserted, that this measure was supported by a Treaty made with Spain, but this Treaty most prudently was not read, for if it were, it would be found that we were not in a state of neutrality, and that the sole object of this Bill was to give to one of the present belligerent parties aim undue advantage. It was UISO carefully kept out of tile view of the (louse by the Noble Lord, that this measure was OPPONC(I to the beat interests of this catiotry. With regard, however, to one of the clauses to the Bill, namely, that which went to repeal the :lets of Gen. 11., to that lie most iinplicitly seceded. But those Acts did not, in his mind, affurd any pretence fur the enactment of the present measure, for those statutes were adopted without any reference to the principle stated by the Noble Lord—that of maintainiug the neutrality of this country ; bat in fact they were framed solely with regard to our 41 ttttt estic economy. Oise of these t l /1114 adopted undoubtedly with a re ference to the Pretender, but both were framed 41 Pines when war was on the point of breaking out, and o hen it was apprehended that British subjects, for whose services their own country might have occasion, would, previous to the ronsmrnc-tiseut of hostilities, enter note the service of foreign lowest tries. There was one point of the Noble Lord's speech, ohich, considering the source whenor it came, lie bad heard with great surprise : lie found that the miuthorit• to winch this country was to , look for the law or nations, was the Congress of the United States of America. IVe were to look to those petitions oho, it bad often been asserted, knew riothitoe about the principles of internatimial I4W, for the rule and practice that ought to regulate the conduct of this country !—(Hear, hear, mud some toughter, from the !Apposition Bearhes.)— The Noble 1,1011 11411 spoken with great harshness of dames 1., but the utmost that could be made of the charge was, that James was more suing; to preserve to Isis subjects the blessings of peace, thau to plunge them into the dangers and calamities of war. Ent rye') this harshness of the N able Lord to•sards James, seemed preferable to the candour With which the Noble Lord assailed the character of his son, the unfortunate Clisrles, among whose errors it had been imputed, tltot he had born oil •in ;ly engssged in a war against the liberties of his sub jects. Throughout the speed of the Noble Lot there p►evailed one great fallacy. He asnitucil it, that, if this Bill were thrown out, and the Acts in George 11. repealed, no law would then exist in this country to prevent British subjects from en listing in foreign servit•r. This was ad error ; there would still terrain law a surcient to enable the Go vernment to 11111intuin a strict nentualtty. " This," said the Noble Lord, " I shall maintain, without fear of contradiction, notwithstanding the novelty of the situation in which I am placed ; for here :nu I standing up fur the preirigative of the Crown, in opposition to those whose duty it is to uphold and preserve i►."—(/ - tear, hear, hear, from the Opposition peaches.)—This, too, he should maintain without referring to German Ju►irts, with whom the Noble Earl seemed so unwilling to hold coofertiice, and its saying so lie meant not to imply the slightest dowespect to those great autholitirs, but lie should maintain hie poei tsuu on the stronger ground of the expelierice of seeetal centuries. Another fallacy which ran th ttttt gli the speech of the Noble Earl was, that the Government of a (votary was responsible for the acts of all its subjects. This was l ost the case. All subjects of Great Illitain, when they entered into the service of other p o wers, were entitled only to the belligerent rights of those with %%hum th-y might have enrolled themselves Pi touts.— Tilos doctrine indeed the Noble Lords opposite had themselves maintained on a recent occasitto, he there fore should 110 longer detain the House with the consideration of it. The Noble Lord had himself Paid down that impartiality between two belligelent powers was what constituted neutrality. This had beets manifested by the Elitist' Covet iiment in the present instance us far as could be required. A proclamation had been issued by the Government proltibitiog British subjects from embracing the quatre I of either party, and no mote that; this was necessary. He spoke within the hearing of the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsuca, who might con tradict him aim spoke incorrect ; but this he would affirm, that if, after the issuing of that proclamation, any suliject of the Crown were to neglect its provi sions, he would be guilty of a misdemeanor, mid be punishable by foie and imprisonment. It lad berg observed, that the Congress of the IThited States of America had passed similar measures, and these were 'Petitioned as an inducement to the British Parliament to adopt the present Bill. Ent there was a vast difference between the United States of America and great Britain ; the President of the United States did not possess a similar power as was ertjoyed by the lung of Great Britain.— (//ear.)—The Noble Earl had said, that if this law were rejected, and the present statutes repent ed, there would be tin imputability no the pout of the Govel ttttt ent between the controdieg partied, be cause while musty thousands mould join the Patriot standard, not Duo would be found willing to range hintsclf on the side of his Catholic llajest•. A pretty confession was this in favour of our ally ; bait surely in t01(111 s case the laws of the country were in no respect to blame, this circumstance a rose from the feelings of the people, whirl' were warmly ex cited in sympathy for the puflioings and the ex ertions of the people of South America. He pro leased himself unable to perceive the force of the argument founded by the Noble Earl on the' dif ferences between the Protest:tots and Roman Catho lics, nor did lie see how the print iple of permitting enlistment* in the service of both the coutendiug pal ties was affected by it. On this !mint tie need not refer to German Jurists, although on these lie might remark, that although some of them might seem so go too far, yet they uniformly expressed them selves in favour of that system which the Noble Earl seemed to think new its Illisortswry, nod which hurl been uoiforielly !Hustled by mill the i‘logintelis of this country to the year 1736. Such was the principle pursued in 1604, when complsiuts heiti rudde by the Dutch that British subjects sieve enlisted in die service of Spuin, the King replied, that he forbade I not his subjects to enlist to the• service of either r p e ,i , : t t l y. a — s t io / te /ea fr r o , m he i a , of State at that time to the I)tateli ing that the King gave equal permis s i on t o b o th stat le j t o . r ) d —The Lord then I n y Indies to recruit within his dominions. When a l similar the Spanish Government of the Netherla n ds, be. objection was made by the Dutc h to rause its subjects Munster against the Dutch, tale (tavernment had artisted the b i s ho p of 1, the Netherlands replied, that the same facilities of raisimig troops, &e. should be extended to both I lies. Perhaps, however, the Noble Lords typo iite might say, that these were old times, when the ; system was balanced between Protestants and Ca thiuhro, and mint worthy of attention; but lie would ref, r them to more modern times, mid to Mr. Pitt's administration, which would of course merit their higher esteem. In the year 1791, dill not English subjects proceed its consideralde 'soothers to support the people of the N vibes lands against the Emperor Leopold ? The re cord, of those times were not sit venerable as those to whiclt 11:11 already alluded, and he was aware that the book lie was about to quote was • 1111011 moos, but notevidistambitg this, it was ever I considered us high •ittlitority in soulless of tact. Ile alluded to the Annan' llegister, mid it was noto rions floodlit Register of 1791 was written by a particular frivol, and under the imenedoste inspec tion of Mr. Burke, and that the individual who wiote it, the late Dr. Lawrence, was us capable as CV,..11 Mr. • Hooke liantelf, to radially the smut of the eyelets then Fussing, mod to convey a correct impression of the feelings and rintiples by which they weir go. vented. Oil the subject of the voleinteering which took place in Englaiitl, on that occasion, iii favour of the people iir the Netherlands, 1/oictor .rfrilre 111114 xprv-scs liiinsell:—" The spirit of enter prise and *partial ardour which have at all times strongly marked the character of the English, in duced many officers to pass over to the Low C - tries. To suppoit the cause of their old friends and near neighbours was highly congenial to their r ee li ng . ; mid as the Court of England ut that time was known to hold feelings not very dis similar, no opposition vas made to their wishes. In the Netherlands they were ret rived with open arms, and were, for the oncost port, quickly appointed to comonailds, awl as molly tot ilism were possessed of considerable influence in their respective enuoties, they were righted to raise a body of m,:l under the title of the Ilstirsh 1 egian, which was altogether composed of Eo•glish and Irish." As lie spoke solely Ca. the cause of truth, he did not mean to urge any thioog heyouol its just value ; lie did nut nit to say that this was a great diction upon the law of nations, but it sheaved the geueral feelings of the people of this country on all interesting (occasion. But liiiw would the present inessure affect the Crown of Spain ? It was notorious that there were in the service of Spain whole legions c posed of British subjects, and although it was always, lie believed, the policy of this country to refuse license to such persons, ytt such legions were always maintained. The Noble Lords suppos ed that if the common low were not sufficient to give efficacy to Treaties concluded between Girt Britain and other comitries, it Was necessary to alter the municipal laws of this ellUotry to fulfil this object. If this principle sere once *Omitted, to what an extent might it not be carried ? The municipal bows of this county would thereby be placed at the discretion of ;lily foreign power with which we might chance to form it Treaty. It might lie fount, necessary, in poirsteitice of this principle, to interdict certain brunches of our commerce, to prevent the emigration of our starving peopleond to reduce the country to such N state as load 61'141 extoresseel loy one of thos.t G etman J or i.t s , obi eiviiods est eastellum. 'flip should change the Ilaw of the !Hood as it may sent the pleasure of his Most Catholic Nlajests, tor the. Amphictremic Council of the United States of America. Fur ther measures might still be thought necessary. The Ktug of Spain, or any oilier Monarch, might say to us, t' Your laws ore weak and ineffec tual ; you still have a free press, which is emotionally t mini% enemies against my power and dignity. While this cmotioues, your laws ore useless, yon must place re-gismo Over your press, you must alter the whole frame and coiostit idiots of your country, if you sincerely desire to maintain your relations with my kingdom." This, it w as true, might sound so extravagantly, that 110 Minis ter in this country would listeio to it, but when they had lesuctiosied a prim:tole against themselves, be what argument could they refuse this further coo resSl4lll ? Referriog to the ternis of the Treaty with Spent', he asked by what ingenuity men could he argued to teurlike stores, mud expressed ti wish that what had been said upon this potion at the last Congress might be emote peddle. lie controlled, that the present measure could toot be considered to arise from a deity of neutrali ty ; but Parliamesit, of course, was competeut to miss the Bill, owl alter the laws all It Might think !Proper for regulatiog the Internal economy of the kilogiloin, or for aoloptiog soy general system with regard to foreigit powers. Bost all he bad been emleavonring to impress mil the Douse was, that the present Wits is cx prdlrncy, which the Dome might adopt in reject. As a question of expediency, they, however, were also bound to consider the motives of adopting such a measure, which, even by the confession of those Who support it„ was it' sumo degree a sacrifice of the Poen:slot of doe country. If it were then a I sacrifice, they were bound to in q uire bow far they were called upon to woke it, by any conduct in favour I,l* this country on the port of the indivi dual bur whose utlvontage die measure was proposed. lie was extieniely unwilling to express his feelnigs wills 'rood to the King of Spun' individually— great, and manifold , and oirocious as his 'lnterim duct had been, lit folioed.' still consider Ilion a s the representative of a great a n d gallant nation-- lie sl Id consider hums milt. Fritlinand VII. For the people of Sp a i n he e ntertained the highest respect ; minty persons of that country were dear to his heart, and of these, mill, with very kw exceptiona, were tolling within dungeons, although they had all disting`tiished themstlves in their endeavours to re• store that Monarch to his throne. The Noble Lord them ex enured the conduct pursued by the 11ing .of Spum . towards this country, which, lie contended, uniformly evinced an unfriendly dis position towards the interests of Great Britain.— lie saw nothing in the proceedings of the King of Spain that entitled him to »or sacrifice on the part of this comitry, and • Sacrifice, ton, which not only involved the best interests, but still worse, w e re opposed to the feelings of the people. With respect to the conduct of the lislf-pay officers of this country, as alluded to by the Noble Lord, he should not speak lightly, particsilmly when he must he aware that the feelings of ambition which now Ird them to seek danger in a foreign country, had been incited and fostered by the. Government of their own. Ile then alluded to the distressed stair of the manufacturing interests of t hi. coun try, and lamented that a tnisiinderstanding on the ',art of the Noble Lords opposite, as to what constituted the duty of neutrality, 511011111 hi dove them to apply to Parliament to sanction • measure which tended to deprive the country, in its utmost distress, of a rich and increasing market, to whO 1; ii email have looked with confidence. The Earl of WEsTuotit.shu said that in dis cus•ing this question, Government had nothing to do with him conduct of the {inn( of Spain. If that Nlmeirch hod injored this. country, the litter had a remedy, sod would always, he trusted, he able and ;silting to assiat its own but he could never think that a breach of neutrality was the proper wait• of tiv►ogin l ; an injury, if aura had been conimitted—(llenr)—tieither could lie think thit this Bill was so likely to prevent 111111 l ercial enterprise as had heel, insinuated, when its only object was to keep peace with a neighbour, aod inevent this country from being embroiled lii the quarrel which existed betwieit Spain and Situ Ili America. So fir from neutrality being likely to he best upheld hy the conduct re commended by the Noble Lord, he had reason to know that iii many of the islands alluded to a sorting feeling presailed, that if the Government did not interfere, in the roomier in which he trusted it would interfere, commerce would be greatly re sttieltd. A 4 to the emigration which this clourrel occasioned, he was clearly of opinion, that as the strength of ti country consisted in its population, the Government ought to be empowered to prevent the departure of those persons who ought to be peculiarly entitled to the protection of their own Sovereign—he meant the valiant men who had sliewit so much fir►nness and conduct in the field. There were iwo systems of neutrality—one of which might he called (miens simpliriter, and the other (micros eortfederrarts. Spain stood to Eng -141111 in the latter capacity, and England was bound to fulfil her part of the condition. As well ►night she say that her laws would tint allow her to inter fere, as that the Executive Goverionent of Spain might hereafter say she could nut compel her lit 111.• je.Cl4 to accede to the abotition of the slave trade, notwitb•tandutg her stipulation on that subject.— It might lw asked. why this inteiference was toot made sooner ? Jis answer was, because it was IR.rd, ill the first place, that mediation would have had effect ; and in the next, that the notice of last year would have prevented such ca operation 114 not/ prev.ailed, and which ►endered it necessary to adopt the present measure—a measure which he earnestly hoped the !loose would adopt. As suoti as the Noble Earl sat down a converse lino arose respecting the limper period for morn/ iiistructions to the Committee. Earls Sprxern mid GREY were of opinion that it was comporist fur any Noble Lurd now to inure iu sti 'curios to the C *ttee. The Lout) CIIANCEI.I.Oa and the Eirl of Livr.a. Poor. were of ()pillion, that as the immediate motion before their Lordships war, that the House should resolve itself into a Committee on the Foreign En. listment Bill, the next question would be, that the House do now resolve itself into the said Com mittee, then would lie the period for moving instructions when the Acts of the gth and '29th of George IL were ordered to he referred to the Committee. The Marquis of LAvnowl, at considerable length, opposed the motion. Ile stated, that in consitlt•ring this Bill in sits object and its its details, lie could not refrain from proomincing it to be a measure not warranted by either the policy or the expediency of this country, but, sits the eontrary, its lie thought, introduced sit the inuoigatitsii mid by the desire of a foreign !power. Tile nt•t'a+ton of this Hill had, he had no doubt, striern from the applicatiou or the Court of Spain ; it auto, therefore, on the right of ILO power to make such a demand that be would first coil the •NtrW u ut of ilieir Lordships, and sub-roptesitly on the exile ilieuey oust propriety of nureoloo 4 to st;ch a rrifte.i too. If their Lortkhipp were of sipmion as to the first point, that neither the law or nations o u r the supulat• of the Tsraty between Spain and Eng land justified the I'o►tner in making the oripiisitiosi, than it would he time to consider the other propmia bon. The Noble Earl (Itorrowb%) had set out with protesting against the opinion of the writers of the law of nations. whom Ise called Getman Juitsts,and his argument wesit also tsgaiii4 the po'itty invariahly pursued by the Sovereigns at• tlii. country ; so that lie book care to put mit of the question, in his view of it, not only the opinion.. of the niost competent judge., but the fact of the invariable policy that had characterised this country, lie then quoted the opinion of Al.lriesis, whose wok was a compen dium of till sillier writers on the iIrIIICIpICS4 of Nell., trislity. That writer had laid down that every Si. verrigii had a right 111 11111 r of peace (or ev e il of war with thi r d p a rti c .) to refuse military aid on any rr quisition to be used against Si power with winch lie was in amity. lie bail a right to refuse warlike ex sir to tolerate their fortonlion under his eye, but that author never went the Irt•gth of saying, that private individuals may not embark, if they please, in the cause of any other country not at war wills their own, and at the per,' of their own responsibility. He thought it quite clear, that no writer sin civil law had ever goose that length. He then deisied that the policy of Queen Elizabeth had been as the Noble Eirl haul stated it—one which merely permitted her subjects to give what evil. hid they pleased to Protestant states ; but sle. Med it to Catholics. Neither could he agree with him in thinking, that it N:l4 us feeling of cowardice that induced James 1, to give aid to his son against Philip Il I, when lie raised asi army of '2,800 snen, to serve as volunteers abroad. That piqued himself on being Is jurist; it wits the fasl ii ut his age, arid if the law of nations then interdicted Isis subjects from taking part in the wars of other Ile ftr . 14 1,•i„. inclined to think .Is.rie. would never Irive throe volunteer■ to have embarked Int the Cittit Hiinnry would lwar bun out in us.eri tint?. the first period when an attempt was made to esta blish the principle that the ',objects of one foals could not privately and individually assist those of mother where their respective potentates were lint at war. Hi - would venture to state, Wet for the last four centuries, and down to 1792, when U., Netherlands resisted Jn:eph 11., there newer was period in which British subjects were not r t e . ; i,..1 in giving this succour, as individuals, to oth er states ; and he defied airy mall to strew ham in what instistice any government had interfered to prevent them in the 171'4111/er now proposed.—(Hear,hear.)— With reference to the Treaty of 1814, Eigla;ol was asserted to be interdicted from giving to the Spanish Insitrgants " arms or munition of war." This was the first time he had heard that men were to In. considered as munition of war.—(lle.l7. I But even iii that Treaty not a lino was given th at it was necessary to alter British law to give e iy. er to its provisions, nor was this discovery made until four years after the Treaty had loom laid before Parliament. The plain inference then was, that , neither Spain nor Ministers had at the time :soy idea of asking or conceding this alteration in the existing laws of the land ;he was therefore of - 111011 the stipulation fur this alteration must hate been made or understood at a subsequent per;oit, and not steered upon in the sense in which it wan %lOW contended for at the time by the colitract. ing parties. This wag the only way lie could ' account for their silence upon it for hair years. lo a treaty of commerce it generally happened that subjects of the contracting parties were interdicted from issuing letters of marque, hut here there isas no treaty of commerce, and yet the same result Was called for by one of the parties as if such a treaty were in force—that is, this country st i es to a. reject all private aid, on the pert of individus, to South America, while yet Spain was to receive arms and ammunition from England, to any ex tent she required, and her expedition was ear :I , llllllly motilg for these supplies :at Cadiz.- (" lVo," from Earl Bathurst.)—lle was glad to hear that the Oldie expedition was not waiting for military supplies from this country ; lie legoil they had not received say, or were likely to rears: such. Let them get supplies if they could from in dividuals without the saliction of Goveritineut, let thrin just hove the mine means of gaining assistance as the South Americans. There would he the plan of neirtraltry which this country ought to adopt, and not one which, by throwing the whole scale of Government into the one side, till utterly dettoom ing every aid to the other, ciesse ' what Jfinisti rs conceived to be neutraldy, tint hr Would call a canting, hypocritical, anti sliufil neutrality, that would justly britig down on pa s country hatred and contempt.-4 lear)—... thought the old Government of Spain hail ra right, either by law or by Treaty, to claim lean England the departure from the micient course of British law, which was now pressed for adootine. flow far then it became expedient to interfere on the ground of policy or equity, remained to be considered. He fully admitted, that the sacred law of justice should be observed towards ; the contending parties, and that no commercial principles should be suffered to induce u departure ; from those paramount views ; he also agreed that ; 110 sense of consideration towards a number of Bo ; list) subjects engaged in this warfare should operate ; its this case, though in justice the country shaurd not unnecessarily check the spirit of those men, or debar them from any ulterior views which the (sir (constancy, of the world may lay open to them. ' But though lie was ready to admit that neither the policy which commerce may call for. or the inter-sts of NOV particular class of individuals, cieated a sufE : cieitt reason to induce the country to depart from her uticient maxims of policy, yet he thought flint verument, in the present lariguishing state of coin. erce, hot, upon light grounds, or through i external influence, call upon Pailiament to (quiet a measure which would have the effect of blocking life from nriiiol industry and enterprise a C . awarl of trade in the pre-rut and prospective state of the country, I of such ON/intent value to its best interests. Tio Noble iMarquis made au eloquent and impassioned spinal to the [louse, to consider what would b e tii • effect in the page of history upon the character of Fmglatid, if than measure were possed into a L i e.. Was there a man in the empire who kid at • the existing state of Spain and her Smith Acre neon Colonies, who believed that the latter could ever he again compelled to live under the yoke of the mother country ?—(Hear, licar.)-11'44 it likely that the South American., now that they asserted their rights—now that sonic of them I loot tasted the fruits of liberty, would ever agar , ' ; sufFer themselves to be snail- the victims of the kggratolisentent of Straits ? No in nil coma i,he was CuU viaced, ever again anticipate from the in which the conteeding parties were non pi a Cert. that the Colonies could be compelled to sick ; hack into their former state of political de -1 prudence. From the nature of such 11 'lrti4g le some time may elapse before the Smith Artier. cans became competent to maintain their in ; dependence, but sooner or later that day or 'lnd ,Penitence must arrive—(Hear, hear.)—What thee would not be the humiliation of Flighted, to ; find that her great name, so famed for asserting her non liberty and the liberty of others, wan alai, among the great nations of Europe, iilentilie/1 with the attempt to subjugate men who weir, determitied to br free—that iu that odious title:mit she had not alone confined liereelf to aid ; to his views, hut had also conseuted, at his rcipi.•i. ! time to alter the ancient laws of her own state, for the purpose of making them hear with greater bore I against the interests of her own people ? humiliating it would be to find that the only iileo ! tity which England had with the noble struggle of the South Americans, was one linked to at he I3lfl of pains and penalties—a Bill, too, whiell placed British subjects not under the thaposel of tie prerogative of the Crown, hut at the mercy oh c , "- • formers ? Every mart - who had a kart lo reel fur the etrugglas of a brave people. enat"""'" mg to shake off the yoke that bowed them to the j result, would complain of this conduct on the put of England towards an interesting people.—(Hear.)— ' The Noble Marquis concluded an eloquent speeeo Iby stating, that if the parts of the proposed Bi!I were separated. some of them should have his 1 - TIP ~~: I ..