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WWI proved that a resoonable protecting duty could not have the edict of raising( the price of breed. Did the Noble Lord mean to say that the price of labour had any coonealon with the price of grain P Some thought the price of labour depended upon the price of grain, others that it was regulated by the currency. In his I,Lord Lauderdale's) opinion it depended entirety upon the promo. lion of the supply to the demand. It was found too that in a cheap year labour rose, and in a dear year labour fell. The Noble bold could neither have attended to facts not rumba, or else he could never come forward in the manner he did, *he after night, as. peeing a body of men remarkable for their 'generosity. The landed interest or England waa real/triable, above that of any other country, for its regard for the poor. and lie believed there was no other man could be found to stign:atisc it but the Noble Lord. Lord KING said the Noble Earl charged him with tiring no ether weapons but squibs; he could retort and say the Noble Lord's weapon were paradoxes and crotchets. The Nobis Lord sent back to the reign of Charles I 1., but did he not reflect how different the state of the country was then and at present ? Then much good lad was uncultivated, now :ouch inferior land was forced into cut. tit 'lion by the Cora Laws. As to the priced labour, that he coo. tealed must depend on the price of cora thr a aeries of years. The Earl of HALTI ESHERY congratulated the Ilwue upon Paring ascertained the Noble Lord (King's) sentiments. lie now understood that dto Noble Lord did not advocate a free trade in corn, but protecting dodos. Ile had really thought hitherto, that the Noble hoed was the champion of a tree trade in car., whether it came trim ()dem, Dantric, or any other part oldie world. The Noble Lord's attacks upon the landed inteneat were spoken widi sich a good-humoured face, that he (Lord lilahneshury) could i.e angry with him. SCOTCH BANKING SYSTEM. The Earl of LAUDERDALE prmented petition. fmm arrival wishes in the county of Forfar vane' soy alteration in the Scotett /Jerking Sietem.—Lahl on the table. Lord OW YDit'R Kremer, similar petitions from wren] pa. ) - %hes of Perthshire. whifht were tlitneert of in the same manner. EIROMISSORV r NOTES. The Marquis of LANSDOWN said he ruse to move the am Land reading of a Bill which he had introduced to the House on a t. , rener occasion, for making promissory notes payable where they I et • e issued. It was not necessary to detain their bnedehips wids 1-neelvened recommendations, nor to enter much in detail on what ' ciey were etready rally informed of. Bente entering Oil any thinmetith re•peet to the merits of the Bill, he wished to cotrect tan un 'minded • isaerehension which he understood had gone abroad. It had gone ;Joh that it was intended to ererent notes from being mode pay a.9:e in any place but where they were issued. He had no such purpose, new did the Bill interfere with bankers in misting their cotes payable at any number of places. It only provided that at whatever number of places notes were payable, the place where Vrey were Issued must be one. This prof:mitten might be considered a' two distinct views—first, as it affected an excessive issue, it was »ell known how greatly the amount of paper currency had swelled ef late years; and, secondly, it migth he moldered as it should ar ten ennmetition, for it was desirable that all banking establishments sei ild be on a fair and equitable footing as respected each other. Al to the first point-1f it was admitted that a power of demanding Ad for paper was the best check against an excessive issue ; it eat be desirable that that check should operate readily and u ef. ',tidy as possible. There was no better means of pmdecing this Ole& than giving a facility to the inhabitants of that part of the couhrry where a bank was placed. It would be particularly useful to :he pourer classes, who, upon the first alarm. would have an op. Fortuity of bringing their notes, whether of 11. or any other dents. venation, for immediate payment. This the public had ft right to demand from banking establishments, which carried on a trade so advantageous to themselves and important to the public. It would have been must desirable if the facility now proposed had been at. 1 furled in every irotence during the last year. Had such an emu. went been in existence, it would probably have deterred mane from enteting upon the banking business with an insulliciel capital. At the first run they would have been compelled to narrow their tsavesln proportion to their capital, and the consemiences might have prevented much that occurred. At nil events it was must ma. terial that there should be a regular, gradual, check mann over issue', and this was best found in the place where issues were trade. There the check would most effectually operate. As a proof of the importance of this measure, in the opinion of persons carrying on the banking bueireoLhe did not mean those highly respectable banking establishments for which this coantry was so remarkable, but he alluded to those person, who, allured by the hope of profit, had made irruptions., to it were, upon the trade. without suffieient capital—in proof of the import. once of the proposed measure, he might observe, without mention. frig names, that some of those persona were in the habit of allow. irg paymasters of regiments a per emu, foe circulating their rues in distant districts, and this percentage was in proportion to tax distance where the notes were put in circulation. This shoired the value that description of bankers put upon an artificial decals. Lion, forced at a distance from the place where the notes were pity. stele, or, In other words, convertible into gold. Now as to the twond point, it wan most desirable that banking establishmehts ehould be open to free competition. Bank. not liable to pay their noire where they issued them, would be placed on most unfair terms with regard to banks the issues of which were payable on de. mind where homed. When no cenfintion existed all would ga well and no inconvenience be felt, but when an alarm prevailed ar.d with it the (emend for gold, the bank that was not obliged to pay where its fourswere made, would-be enabled to pump out the gold from the soner bank, arid, instead of keeping a reservoir for its eon warts, would be enabled to drain the reservoir of its neighbour. Another good effect that would arise from the proposed enactment was, that the banker obliged to pay his notes where, issued. would gradually alter the circulation, and keep it within limits which would prevent nicotivertience. In the other state of things, when notes were pay. reile at other places and not where issued, they were not so easily con. avertible into a metallic currency, which their Lordships agreed was the only real security. lit Ireland there wax proof of this working of the system. In one place the notes of one bank were at discount, whilst that of another was at par. He did not know whether there would be any objection to the specific pro. eosaions of the Bill ; but he thought the House was bound to Bass a Bill of sirrilu principles. He understood that some thought that peculiar establishments should be exempted from the operation of the Bill. Ile believed some of hie Noble Friends thought the banking establishments in Scotland ought to be ex empted. flaring observed the skill and perseverance with which every object was pursued in that country, he should certsinly hesitate before he said that the mode of banking prevailing in Scotland wax tot such as entitled the Scotch lienks to exemption. This how 'ever could not affect the general principle, anal he was sure that WINSI the question was discussed as to the application of the Bill to Ecotland, the interests of that cour.try would be sueported with a teal. perseverance, and unanimity which were not always to be limed on any subject in the south. He (lend Lenolowto had too witch sincere respect for Scotland to wish to destroy any navawege it possessed by its present system of banking; but he should certninly expect to have the expediency of an exemption fully proved, before consented to except Scotland from the operation tat the Dill. The Noble Marquis theta stated that he could assert, on the audio. rev of several highly honourable country bankers, that in their ,pinion, the measure would be gladly acquiesced In by all the re spectable part of the profession to which they belonged ; anti he Was certain that if he wits to mention their names, their opiiiiinis told carry great weight with the House. Those gentlemen further said that no respectable bank would wish to issue outer not made payable where they were baited. It anti desirable that the Act etioulti be as prefect es possible ; and it wax of course the ditty of their Lordships not to pm* it catmint tendering it is. ; and liar that L ordship.. po. e he should be most happy to receive the assistance of their Lord F.k RNIIA 31 said that at firs: he had felt prepared to support the measure of the Noble 31arquis ; but on re flection, he felt some doubts on the subject. The doubt lie felt arose from not being aware whether the nit:we're win iteended to apply to notes already in circulation, tar in these hereafter to be tomed. hit was to act prospectively to to notes brother to be issued, he would give it his most decided support. There were eat objections to the measure if it applied to notes now in circu. neat ; because' hey must all be ceded in at a very considerable expense to the parties, and it would be an extremely hardease upon the bankers. The terms also of the Bilf,ets to where lessetl, it was very difficult to define; but it was very necessary that it skaold be alone. The circulatiou of notes in the mouth of Ireland, principally coweisted of notes payable in Dublin, but it would he a great hard. ship iftheamnotes wad not be issued at Cork nr Belfast, because they were only payable In T)ubfin. The-Object of threnesiweimme the Noble Marquis t Lansdnen) was one that all Noble hula musiki wish to see accomplished, and when it came into the Committee, they would be able to devise means for remedying those defects it at prevent pomeased. With respect to the iastances cf forced circa. khan, mentioned by the Noble iilarquie, by the commission al. lowed to paymasters of regiments for tine eirmlation of country 'seekers' notes, lie believed they were by ho means recent cases, but had occurred thurteen or fifteen years ago, and he was satisfied that no such practice had of late existed. The Earl of ItiOSSLYN said, that with respect as the measure as i t rega rded b'cotland,he did hope it would undergo ifolloonsideratioo to the Committee. With respect to Ireland. hmeonaideted that the measure would do away the credit of the bank notes of Dublin. Every Irish note most be recalled, in order to be dated at the piece from whence it was issued, which would be attended with the greatest possible inconvenience. Ile felt that It ittruld he very difficult to make the Bill before their Lordships applicable, from tee very serious inconvaiiences :hat would arise. He did not think the word " Issue," as it stool in the Bill. would teach the agen t in Scotland. Ile was not sure that it would de Roby the decision of Court of Law. If, therefore, the Noble Marquis's view of the question was just, then it must put an end to agency in Seirleed eltogether. it'hether it might • bare a similar effect in Dublin he weld nut say. The Noble el srquis had teemed into the ,et vice . the late failures, grievances, and distresses which had orcorred. No one :Resented these circumstances more than he (Lord liosslyn) GO, said that they were aggravated by the badly established banks he admitted; but they did not ions any ground on which the Nehle Marquis might rest his Bill, for in the case of those banks zee cotes were all payable at the places where they were issued. The Evil before their Lordships would not have reached that evil, for it a , alit rot have made them solvent ; and the argument, therefore, that au raised upon the late unfortunate distressem did not bear tip in trio question. He should be ready, when the Bill arrived in the Committee, to lend his assistance. Viscount MELVILLE TORO to give his intention of what he should do in the Committee. The first subject be should notice was ens to what effect the Bill would have in Scotland. and the questiori was, whether it was ameasure that was fit or not tit to be done it All regarded Scotland, he considered it es one of flagrant injustice. lie would ask what was her present situation, and if it would he proper to alter the banking system thereby doing that which would in effect compel payn e it in gold under rd. ? The Committee that had b:en typeunted to cucitiJer the question of Currency in Scotland and Ire. lend. had not yet made their reportotor would they for torte time to come; but he was anxious that they should &so. before the measure under their Lordships' consideration changed the law in Scotland. The Scotch banks viewed the measure with the greatest alarm. and he eleimed far them an exemption from the operation of the Bill, their case being entirely different from those of England ot Ireland. I.e England an al•eraeion might be nicesaary--as to (relied he did not uritervand the question ; but In Seo.lwal if the ayeteniof branch hanks was change:l,i he beaks would he compelled to withdraw them. Whetl•er such would he proved before the Contmiteee he could not say ; but such was his idea. Ile beeped. therefore, that tie Noble Marquis would consent to defer the measure as to Scotland until the fullest information was laid before their bordshipa on the subject. 'I he Earl of LAUDERDALE said, that after what had fallen from the Noble Lords, he must sae he felt great doubts apott the megenre. By referring to the printed copy of the Dill le Amid that it was entitled, a Bill for makirg notes " payatle where they werepayable." (A laugh.) Ills (Lord Lauderdale's) .difli culty about the Bill was, whether in that stage of it ithad any roaming at all, or some meaning. His opinion was, that en a Court of Law the Bid would enact nothing at all. The object of the Bill ha would take to be. to make bank notespayatie where teased. The Bank of Ireland always issued in Dublin ; their notes therefore would he only payable in Dublin, and her that only the Act provided. Ile wished to know if, in remoing me evil, their Lordship% were not called upon to create greater ? Two years go Parliament gave to Ireland Cle Scmch system of ea. king, which established agents in different situations. The q oeston was, whether the hone of notes by the agent was to be discharge' at that place alone. Ile would suppose there were branch bunks it:Behest anti Sligo, and a customer took notes at Belfast and raid them in at Sligo, was the agent there to take them out and Litman with them ? No ; the Bill would not enable him so to do, he weld be obliged to return the notes to Delluet. They had within a few days been let into the secret ea to how things were conducted in .reland. It was dear that if the Bill was entorced, the notes must he paid at the place where issuedoind there was great difficulty in detrmining what that term meant. By the limner Bill for Ireland they did not chrome to give provincial banks the power of banking in Dublin, nor within fifty miles of it. If the Bank of Dublin were not ta make their notes payable at their respective bran**, it gold have the Idea of throwing the providing of the circulation uedeilive pounds upon the provincial banks. if-the measure was such as to put the branch banks in hostility. It would have the effect of doing more evil than the benefits which it proposed to extend. With regard to Scotland. their banks carried their accommodation to the remotest distance in that country; and if the measure wan to act hostilely, it would totally destroy the system in that country. There would not be a brunch bank in Scotland except in Glasgow. or one or twa.of the most populous places. lie (Lord Lauderdale) lead tried the question over and over again in his beach fifty timer, but he dreaded the application of the rule. The Noble Lord said that if the Act passed, men of integrity would rimer issue notes payable anywhere except where booed ; but the law ought to provide for the case; of persona who were sot of the nature described by the Noble Lard. Upon the whole. he was of opinion that the baud proposed to be derived from the o • of the Bill would be counteracted by the evil it would ocean on. • The Earl of LIMERICK said that at the first blush he was prepared to vote for the Bill % but upon consideration, and after whet had fallen from the Noble Lord (Melville), in wishing. to de fer the subject as regarded Scotland until the C o mmittee had made their Report, and as he had formed a cordny sae/Mira for that por tion of the empire, he bagged to take advantage of it for Ireland, and therefore to wished for delay until the Committee had made their Report. Lord K ING did not see any Rood cause assigned why the Bill should be delayed until the Committee tnsde their Report, because some old Scotch system was raised up against it. He reeallected that 31r. Burke complained of the manner in which some of his plans for reform were defeated ; particqlarly in the case of the Royal Household, where the King's scullion was a Member of Parliament. (A laugh.) lie supposed, from the outcry that was raised as to the sweeping away of wine of those banks, that sonic of the Scotch hankers were Members of Parliament. The Earl of CA ',EDON supported the measure, and hoped the Noble Marquis would go on with the Bill. He saw no reason for waiting for the Report of the Committee. Lnrd CLI FU E 1 considered that the small notes in Ireland should be paid at any one branch. If the Bank of Ireland issued rotes at Dublin,. they ought to be made payable wherever the bank had a branch establishment. His Lordship said, that when a failure took place, the loss did not fall upon gentlemen of fortune—for their agents had good noses, and scented out what was about to happen —but upon the lower classes of the people. The Earl of LIVERPOOL said, that he thought the Bill of the Noble Marquis most desirable; but it require,' a great tie it of con sideration before its principle could be applied. It was very ne cessary to take care, that in removing one evil another was tint created : but he was quite ready to vote for its second reading, and submitted to the Noble Marquis the propriety of tal(iug a longer space of time before going into the Committee upon the Bill. The Committee of laquity into the banking system of Scotland and Ire land had 'nada considerable progress • and he expected that in a few days some most important evidence would be given he therefore would suggest to the Noble Marquis, to fix the Corn. mistook', Tuesday sencight. There was another reason why he would _MA for that delay ; the Bill that was in progress in th e other friiase or Parliament, which had been passed by their Lord. ships, was likely to undergo considerable alterations ; it would, therefore, be desirable to see what they were. Ile would recom mend the second reading ou the present occasion, in order to affirm the principle of the measure. The Marquis of LA NSDOWN rose to offer a few words by way of explanation. He considered it necessary to state, that the error which had been commented on by his Noble Friend, was merely a clerical one , the word " payable" having been panted instead of " issued." He was glad, however, that the mistake had cc. tweed, because it had given the Noble Lord an opportunity of ex ercising his jocularity. In respect to the observation of another Noble Lord (Farnham) as to time, the word " future" in the Bill, showed that its operations were to be prospective. As to the terms " issuer` and " branches," no doubt great difficulty ex isted as to their precise definition. He however bad taken the best way of obtaining information, by consulting the first lawyers on the subject. Ile had not the least hesitation to fix the Committee for Tuesday xe'nnight. The Noble Marquis, in conclusion, said. that he wished it to be particularly understood, that when lie took the matter under his consideration at the commencement of the session, there were between sixty and seventy banks who issued their notes not payable where issued, and that was the grievance he wished to remedy. The Bill was then read a second time, and committed for Tues. day, the -2.4 th. CATHOLIC PETITION. The Marquis of LA NSDOWN gave notice that on Monday next he should have to present a petition from the Homan Catholics of Ireland. Earl BATHURST was understood to say that Itlonday would be a ctry inconvenient day for that purpose. 'Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, FRIDAY, Aran. 14. The SPEAKER took the Chair at four o'clock. Mr. LITTLETON presented a petition from the manufac turers and workmen at the Staffordshire potteries, and aim) one from the manufacturers of earthenware on the river Ware, in flvotir of the Staffordshire Potteries Bill, which, after some oh. 'creations from Mr. Calcraft and Alderman Thompson, and Mr. Littleton in reply, were ordered to be laid on the tible. Sir JOHN I% ROTTESLEY presented a petition from some place In Stiffonishire. Lord .CLIVE moved that the Liverpool and Birmingham Canal Bill be re-committed; which, after some discussion, in the course of which Mr. Calcratt, Mr. Littleton, Mr. S. Rim, Mr. W. Peel, 31r.:Sturgeslionme, and Mr. Lawley took part, ustS agreed to, and ordered to be re-committed on Tuesday next. SCOTCiI CURRENCY. • General DUNLOP presented a petition from Kirkmallory, in Kirkcudbright, against any alteration in the currency of Scotland. Similar petitions were presented by Captain GORDON, front Kincardine, in Aberdeenshire. and from ten perishes in the sanie county. Lord L XBRIDGE presented a petition from the land proprie. tors and farmers of Anglesea, praying for the abrogation or the isressepLairs. Sir E. KNIATCriBef.I. pmented a petttinn from the Corowert of Kent, praying for an increase of their allowance. 31 AUT DUTY. Mr. PELHAM presented a petition from the 'manners of Southampton, praying fur • reduction of the Malt Duty on the stock in !laud. Alt. OREN FF.lrli presented the petition of an indirillual named Edward Chance, who believed that he could make auch improve. merits in the workmanship of bank notes as would render them very difficult to be imitated. The petitioner had met with no en couragement in his application* to the Bank, and he now wished M lay his project before the novae, in the hope that it might be re. (erred to a Committee. He (Mr. Grenfell) thought the matter highly deserving of attention. The Bank of England was in duty bound to tike'every_possible pains to prevent forgery and to make their notes secure. They ought to hold out every inducement in order to excite the attention of the ingenious to that object. He would take that opportunity of adverting in what had been formerly said by an Hon.. Member with respect to the c.induct of the Bank. It had been stated that the Bank had expended lio,oooi. in various attempts tit improve their notes, but that statement proved to Le in. correct ; for at a meeting of Bank Proprietors, et which he was pre sent, it had heart positively (tastied by the tichremors. Mr. PEARCE said he oho:rid be sorry if any petty inaccuracy in statements made in that House should lead to the Inference that the Bank hail tint taken every possible pains to increase the slit& why of forging• their notes ; the Wink gave every encouragement tn ingenious men, and the House might recollect that the proofs of that Menges* detailed in a report wljeli had been laid on the table. ' He should be tad to bring measures to a better state, but he did not think that the present liens or workmanship of the Bank of England note admitted of much improvement i as a proof of the skill alai experience employed by the Bank, he would only men tion, that a projector, who fancie ' that he had made tin inimitable note, afterwards mistook his own note for the imitation which wan made by the Bank artist. The petition was ovderol to lie on the table and be printed. ABOLITION OF NEGRO SLAVERY. 31r. EVANS presented petitions from Ashboutne in Derby, and East Retford. Nottingham, against negro slavery. Mr. EVANS moved for returns of the slave population In the Isles of France and of Bourbon, with the regulations under which they were managed also returns of the number of slaves, with the MUM of the proprietors, and stating the ages sod sexes of the THE BRJTISH PRESS. slaves Mao for a copy of the Orders in Connell which had been sent to ihoseColootee.—Ordered. . Mr. EVANS moved aloe for returns of the regiments which have been stationed in the sstue Islands since the ene.e of their capture; %milg the time of their remaining there, and the names and resi dences of the officers. —Ordered. 3lr. BARING presented a memorial from the Council of Ae. eembly of Amigos reap cling the state of the slave population in ,the ei eat Indies. Although quite unconnected with that Island, he thought the memorial deservetl the greatest attention; it was most respectfully worded, as far as r e gar d e d th a t Hoene, ut he • would acknowledge that it contained strong expressions against some per sons. Nor was that wonderful: the colonises thought themselves injered in reputation and end.tnjeretl In property. If any Gentle men thought that some expressions of the memorial were tan streeng, he hoped that they would, nevertheless, listen to it with indul gence, and consider that the persons who used that language bail been bald up to pubic odium, anti menaced with an invasion of their Preetserte. He believed it was known that, since he had sat in that House l he had uniformly been a zealous Ideal to the abo. Beton of the slave trade, and also to the amelioration of slavery in our colonies; but, although he was not willing to go the same length in the alteration of the slave system which some persons ad vised. yet it was hardly necessary the him to say that he had no share in the harsh expressions contained in that memorial; he be lieved that the persons who urged an immediate and entire eman cipation of the stare population, were actuated by the purest and most conscientious motive*, although they pushed their principles to an extent which would be practically prejudicial. When the petitioners sate that the moral condition of their negro population was much better than in any other West India colony, they could not-but be sensible that that amelioration had, in a rent measure, arisen fromolie attention which had hem paid to the subject by this country. There was one point particularly insetted on by the peti tionere. which was so true, and at the some time so little attended to, that lie would state it more fully to the Howie. They stated that the slave trade bad not been originally promoted for the sake of the colonies, but became it was thought to be advantageous in itself. They pointed out what was well known, At the As. Akron Treaty, in 1713, it wets thought a great object to this country to carry on the slave trade—not ten the benefit of the colonies, but as a carrying trade for the benefit of the ninther.country, to supply 'either nations. The petitionmothereforo wished to impress it on the (louse that the erils of negro slavery did hot originate with the colo nists but with this court! y, which formerly defended thesystem in the face of all Europe, although the colonists now were charged as the only sinners. The petitioners also wished to bring it to the recollec tion of the House, that not wily the slave trade had its origin anti encouragement in the mother country, but that opposition had been made to it, and attempts made to put It down on the part of the colonial legislatures. After the treaty of 1713, which gave rise to carrying trade in which upwards of 140,000 slaves were annually im. I ported into South America. several Acts were passed for the purpose of encouraging the trade, but the colonies at the same time marked the trade with their disapprobation. The legislature of Carolina first passed an Act against it, which was rejected by Great Britain, and the Governor of that colony was reprimanded. In 1765 the colonies repeated the offence ' and Fretted an Act to prevent the fur. titer importation of sieves; but the Governor sent to the Assetn bites to inform then' that, conformably to his instructions, he could not give his assent to that measure. In 1774 the colonies made another attempt at resistance. In that year the Assembly of Ja main passed an Act against the slave trade, but the measure was met by peti•ions from Liverpool and Bristol, and consequently de feated. The answer of Great Britain to the colonies, given by the ' mouth of Lord Dartmouth, was, " that we could not allow the colonies to check or interfere in any degree with a traffic so bene ficial to the nation." If there was any thing inhuman, therefore, the blame was with Great Britain, and not with the colonies. Theo was a point very little considered, and he boned it would meet with attention when the memorial was printed. The colonists came for. ward with what he considered a very reasonable proposition. They protested against the assertion that the colonies could not be culti. vated by free labour, and they were the best judges; but they said, that if the experiment was to be matte, they would willingly give up their property for a reasonable eompensation. That colony was peculiarly adapted to the cultivation of sugar by free labour, and, from the moral condition of the slave population, he believed the experiment could not be made under more auspi cious circumstances. The plan proposed by the colonists appeared to him most reasonable ; it was the safest way to make the experi ment at first on a small scale, instead of trying it on all. It could also be made more expeditiously. He believed that the moral con. dition of the slaves in that colony was superior to that of any other European colony in the West Indies, or even superior to what was to be found in any state of free blacks. He did not mean to assert that such an exeeriment was advisable; but if the state of the public mind required such experiment, be thought it could not be made under more favourable circumstances. 31r. MA NM:ell acid, he believed the amelioration of the black lc pulation could not advance more rapidly in a free state than it did in Antigun. The slaves of that island were superior in happi. ness and moral iniprovement to thoete of any other Veat Indian colony. The memorial wan ordered to be printed. 3lr. HUME presented a petition from a parish in Aberdeen, for the abolition of negro slavery. CORN LAWS. Colonel DAVIES presented u petition from the inhabitants of Worcester, Way log for an ameoriment of the Corn Laws. • Mr. Hl2lllll presented 'asininer retitioo futile the borough of Preston and its vicinity. le was signed, lie said, by nine or ten thousand persons, Kilo complained of being in a state approaching to starvation. Ile had inqaired Into the accuracy of their state ments, and found diem to be quite correct. The average rate of wages, they complaincJ, Vita only es. per week, which, at the price of bread kept up by the earn laws, would hardly procure them subsistence. As the question would be shortly brought under the consideration of the House bt the lion. elernber for Bridgeborth (3lr. Whitmore), he should Retain from saying more upon that occasion than that his Majesty's Ministers would forfeit the pledge which they had so solemnly given during the last S e s s i o n o f P ar _ liament, that in the course of this Session those laws should un dergo a revision. Mr. JESTER expressed a hope that the distressed condition of the manufacturing interests would induce Ministers to take the subject into their early consideration. The petition was then ordered :o be laid on the table. Mr. WHITMORE noetponed his motion regarding the Corn Laws, from Tuesday, the 13d., wee (we believe) the 231 of April. CATHOLIC PETITION. Mr. J. SMITH, in rising to presznt a petition to the House from the Catholics of Ireland. relative to the education of the children of the poorer classes in that country, was anxious to say a few words upon the prayer of that petition. It was a ' , object than which none called so urgently for their immediate auentton. He believed the petition contained tho sentiments of the entire body of the Catholics of Irelaral, and it was signed by 'leveret thousand names. Under these circumstances, he hoped that the House would excuse him if he entered atomewhat into detail. The ye titiohers complained that the education of their poor was not at tended to ; that prior to the Reformation the lands of the clergy were in port devoted to that purpose; but that since then some were educated by the contributions of the Catholics, and by far the greater portion were not educated at all. Il e could not agree with the pedtionerr in the expression of their dissatisfaction at the pro ceedings of the Commissioners for Educating the Poor in Ireland; because he thought it premature as yet to form any opinion at all of the labours of that body. The petitioners hail consulted the authorities or their Church as to the propriety of educating Catholic and Protestant children together; to which It appeared there was no objection, provided that a Catholic master wan ern plotted when the majority of the children were Catholics, and that a Protestant master was engaged where the Protestant children were more numerous. They however objected to having any books forced upon the children—they ohjected to having any books placed in the hands of Catholic children but such as were approved of by the Catholic Bishops. Further, they complained that the House of Commons had granted some of money to certain Societies whose object was not to educate, but to make proselytes. of the Irish people. Amongst the other obligations which that House was tinder to the Commission which he had already alluded to, he thought it owed to them at lean a full inquiry into that fact. For his own part, he had no hesitation in stating hie belief that there were bodies in existence, whose principal object was that stated by the petitioners. (Hear, hear.) . Ile would also say, on the behalf of the petitioners. that nothing could be ' , noire Mame , * nothing tube more unjust or cruel, than la oblige. those children to read books which were directly opposed to the tenets of their religion. It might be a matter to be deplored that prejudices should be so strongly rooted, but he was prepared to contend, that their being so unfortunate as to labour under such prejudices, was no reason why Government should refuse to assist in educating their children according to their wishes. (Hear.) In other countries a more liberal system cans adopted. He had himself an opportunity of knowing what had taken place in France, where the Protestants had been heretofore discouraged in all manner of ways—where the syatem of intolerance had gone to such a length that the Protestant children hod been even turned out of their schools. Yet nit long ago Louis XVIII. had actually directed that Jewish children should not be compelled to receive any books but such as had been approved by the Consistory and by the Rabhis. (Hear, hear.). According to every principle of common sense and • modera ion, it appeared to him that the Catholics should not he compelled to rend the acripture, if they did not like. It was well known to every Member of that House that there were societies in existence which had undertaken to convert the inhabitants of the east and of the west, and, in fact; of all parts °Hie world. Now it was well worth the attention of the House to consider the manner in which these 111insionary Societies proceeded in their elforu to attain the objects for which they had combined their exertion.. They began by introducing amongst the ignorant the arts of civi liratuon ; they taught them to raise corn, anti to eomerticate animals, and thus having gained their contidence„ they laid the foundation upon which to raise the temple of religion. (Hear, heat.) In Ireland the mode of proceeding was altogether different, and it was unforttinate for the Protestant interest that all causes conspired to injure it in the estimation of the Catholics. The Honourable Member next adverted to the examination of Captain Gordon before the Committee of Education, who was asked it' the object of the society of which he was a member, was not to proselytize the Catholics of Ireland ? Ile answered in the negative. Their object was only to teach them veritable Christianity. When asked if he thought Catholicism • veritable Christianity ?' he replied that he did not, on the contrary he thought that nothing could be further from it. The fact was, that he agreed with the petitioners, that the House ought not to grant a single shilling of the public money to any of these Societies, unless, indeed, it had really in view the intention of proselytizing the people of Ireland. (Hear, hear.) With respect to mixing the children of Protestams and Catholics, the petitioners objt.cted to it, unless on their own specified terms. They torus Plained of the conduct of some Societies, without naming them which he rather regretted, as it deprived him of the opportunity of wore closely allnding to them. The petitioners prayed fin. a sup ply from that House, for the purpose of educating the children of Leland on the principle laid down by the Catholic Bishops ; or otherwise, that a supply be granted for the purposes of education, and apportioned in such share to the differem rtligious persuasions, as to their Honourable House might seem proper. He wished to call the attention of the House to the fact, that all those persons who were natives of the sister kingdom, mid who had died for their crimes in this country by the hands of the common executioner, were persona wholly without education, and wrapped In the most deplorable state of ignorance. The greatest protection against crime was a knowledge of a future state, and this, at all events, they were bound to extend to the peasantry of Ireland. At an early period of the history of this country the introduction of' edu cation was owing to Irish interference. The first light of the Gospel which broke upon the ignorance of our ancestors shed its influence from Inland (hear, hear); end in common gratitude they were hound to confer a, similar obligation. He wished most earnestly to recommend the petition to the consideration of the House. and most particularly to the attention of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Gotilbum). The petition was then brought up. Upon the motion that it be printed, Mr. BUTTERWORTH rose and said, that the same principle which would justify the House in conceding the prayer of the pelf lion, would apply with equal force if the petition had emanated from the disciples of" Thomas Paine. The !louse of Commons was not authorised to grant sums of money for the purpose of educating the inhabitan • of Ireland in doctrines opposed to those of the Holy Scriptures. If it hail not been fur the priests, the education of the people of that country would have been then rapidly proceeding in knowledge. The petitioners talked of being compelled to read the Scriptures, but there was no compulsion in the case—they were merely told that, if their children went to the school, they must submit to read the Scriptures. lie was not then to be told that the Catholics of Ireland were in want of money fur the purposes of education, ter it was notorious that they had Leen able to raise no less than 1,0001. pee week for seditious purposes, by mean, of the Catholic Association. Surely, then, they could easily raise a suf ficient sum for the purposes of charity. if the Hotise dre* a com parison between the state of morals in Ireland and in Scotland, they would find that in the latter they were infinitely purer, because the Scriptures were made the basis of education, and by them only could good order be maintained. The petitioners hail no tight to complain, nor had they any right to receive money from the State for the purpose of educating their children in principles directly opposed to those established by the State itself. He, for sane, wished that those Societies which had been alluded to would avow their wish to make proselytes : for his own part, he would not deny tilta such was his wish. (Hear, hear.) lie wished to reclaim the people of Ireland from a state of immorality, and to make Bible Chnstians of them. Mr. W. SMITH said he believed that no person hi that House, or even in the country, was further removed from tht principles of Catholicism than he was himself—he scarcely agreed with them in any one solitary point; but he thought it better for the state rot to outstrip its own province, but to leave persons to theirown reli. gious opinions, and interfere only with their actions. He did rot think the murals of the inhabitants of this country were so touch superior to those of the inhabitants Of Catholic states. as perilous in that House were apt to suppose. At all events he would say, let sonic sort of education prevail; and he would much rather have them educated in the Catholic religion than that they should cur. tinue in a state of ignorance. It was a horrible disgrace to the people of England that Ireland should be in such a lamentable state of ignorance, after having been no less than six centuries under her control and management, Mr. C. WILSON said that it was the duty of that House to do all that it could towards promoting the education of the people ut Ireland, and if it was in their power to give no other education than a Catholic one, he would at once say, that it was better to give them that than leave them in a stale of ignorance. He was glad the lion. Member had admitted that he had no re pugnance to mixed schools. The priests were opposed to the intro duction orate scriptures into those schools,which he considered most objectionable. The main point for consideration was, whether the scriptures should be allowed in tie schools or not. Ile thought they were a necessary adjunct of education, and he would give his decided opposition to any plan of education which excluded the holy scriptures. He could not conceive any rational objection to such en arrangement. The children might read the scriptures in the schools, and might afterwanls receive the particular interpretation of them from their parents, or from the priest. He would not detain the House with any further observations than to express his oppo sition against the measure propmed. Mr. G. BANKES said he wished to afford means to the Roman Catholics to judge for themsels ea, and for that reason he was anxi ous to introduce the scriptures into those schools. He understood the Hon. Member for Dover (Mr. Butterworth) to have said that the ruin of France was to be attributed to the superstition of her in. habitant% which he also thought injurious to that country. The unfortunate state of Ireland was entirely owing to the conduct of the priests; the shameful ignorance of the people was a disgrace to ' them. It was objected to the schools of this country that they d:d not pay sufficient attention to the religious instruction of the pupils, He did not think the charge well founded. He could bcar testimuny to the strict attention which was paid to the eel gious and moral iqtruction of those educated. In his opinion all edu cation might to be bailt on the basis of the Bible, and therefore he could nut concur In any measure which would exclude it. Colonel TRENCH said no man was more anxious thin he was to promote diffusion of education. From his connexion With Ire land he knew there was a strong disposition in the Irish to obtain education ;- there was a strong appetite for instruction, and if they did not give wholesome and salutary food, it was to be feared they would seek that which wan pernicious. The great impediment in Ireland to the education of the population proceeded from the priests and enthusiasts. The opposition of the priests to the diffu sion of the holy scriptures would be fruitless. There - was now too strong a desire among the Irish to become acquainted with the scriptures, , for any opposition to have the least effect. He had seen a school, consisting of two hundred Roman Catholics, which was conducted by a Roman Catholiclady, in which the scriptures were rend. The objectionable parts were marked,and inconsequence no objection was made to the use of them in that school. But for the inthsminatmy pro:eedings of that society which has been agi tating the people of Ireland, Protestants and Catholics would have tnet on neutral ground, and come to an amicable arrangement on this point; he confessed the subject was one whit which he was not very conversant, and was therefore reluctant to disco's; the question when he was actuated by great zeal and little information. Mr. MAURICE FITZGERALD said he was surprised the Ron. Member fur Dover should have taken occasion of the pre sentation of that petition to pour out his rancour against the Ito. man Catholic population of Ireland. There was nothing in the petition to warrant such an attack. The priests were not the ob jectionable persons. The evils complained of were to be attributed to a meddling set of sectarians, who in the name of Protestants have spread themselves over the wintry, and excited ran corous feelings. The Roman Catholics complain that there are persons who make the introduction of the scriptures a means to subvert the ancient faith. The Catholics do not oppose the reading of the Scriptures ; their opposition is only applied to the diffusion of them without note or comment. in that they were not singular. The same principle was adopted by many dignita ries of the Protestant Church, who were averse to the distribution of the Scriptures without the Church Catechism. The parallel drawn between the Catholic Clergy and the National Clergy of Scotland did not hold good. In Scotland the National Clergy were endowed; it became the established church, and possessed means to assist in the education of the people. The property of the Ca tholic Clergy of Ireland had been repeatedly forfeited, and they were consequently destitute of the means of affording education to their flocks. It was not fair, under such circumstances, to look to tnen to afford education to the people of Ireland, who did not possess the means, and who, until within a short period, were themselves excluded by law from attaining it. Fhey had no reve nues, but out of their scanty means they had done more towards the education the people of Ireland than had been effected from the funds afforded for that purpose by the exuberant liberality of this country. He could assure the House, that it' the Roman Catholics were to be converted, it was not by those angry zealots who were equally disposed to destroy Popery and overtutn the Protestant Episcopal Church. Ile did not know but their hatred to Popery arose from their regard for Epiacopacy, as their regard f or t he Church proceeded from their hatred to Popery. 1U;. WILLIAM SMITH said that the petition only asked what every nian was entitlettno—a right to place whstever4ooks of instruction he thought lit in the hands of children who looked up to him for instruction. Mr. BUTTERWORTH disclaimed the assertion d? those per sons being sectarians who were alluded to ; they were members of the Church of England. Those personal allusions were what ha expected. The priests of Ireland were quiet while the Protestant Clergy of Ireland were supine, and suffered the people to remain in ignorance ; ignorance was quite congenial to their ideas ; but when the l'rotestant Clergy were roused from their lethargy and sought to enlighten the people,then the Priests took the alarm, and threw every op i msition in their way. If the Hibernian School So. c'ety was that which was alluded to, there were 2Jembers in the House who should come forward to speak in explanation. As they did not, Ile would, and would infothi the House that the members of that Society were of the Church of England. In one of the discussions which had taken place in Ireland, the people were trained by the Priests; they were organised to give opposition. The Priests had a signal, which was understood by the people, who, on that signal being given by the Priests, rushed to the plat. farm and interrupted the proceedings. (Cries of " No, no.") He complained of the acrimonious terms in which he had been replied to. Walt regard to what the Honourable Member (Mr. J. Smith) had said relative to episcopacy, lie should call on the Honourable Member for Norwich to answer that. Sir JOHN NEWPORT said the case alluded to by the Hon. Member, relative to the organized opposition of the CathoM had been contradicted by Colonel Rodifort (who presided at the meeting alluded to), in his evidence before the Committee of Edu cation of that House. The Catholic Clergy refuse to put the Bible into the hands of children without a commentary. Seven thousand children were educated by the unaided efforts of the Cwholic Clergy. On the motion that the petition be printed, Mr. J. SMITH said he had a question to ask an Hon. Member opposite (Mr. W. Horton), but before he put the question he would call his attention to a statement which appeared in the Siducy Cu zettr, being an assertion that the Grand Jury had round that torture had been inflicted to extort information from a person accused of some crime. He was to receive twenty-five lashes every morning until he should afford the Information sought Mr. It ap. peered that the punishment had been inflicted five days sneers.. iiv:ly ; ou the sixth day the punishment was kflictsd, and he was then banished. He wished to know if the Magistrate who sig ce d the order held any o ffi c i a l s i tuat i on i n the Colon the amount o f hi s sa l ary . y , and sh at was Mr. W. HORTON said that the punishment had been irffieted according to the custom of the Colony. He did not mean to jo it i t , such cotaluct, hut he would m ere ly s l ate that the individ ua l question hail ordered the punishment in c.smpliance with the in v . nee of the place. He held the situation of Clerk of the Council. Mr. BRIGHT wished to know if the Act which authorized such proceedings could be produced. soon M r. as it W. MORTO N said that the A c t s h ou ld b e produced y wareceied. Mr..l. SMITH said he also understood that an Act of indent, nit had been passed. H e w i s h e d to k now i f such was the fact. Jr. W. HORTON said, such was the fret. Mr. BRIGHT repeated his former question, to which befoMr. W. HORTON gave the same an swer as he had sires re. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER gave notice of a motion for Monday nest, relative (as we understood) to the purish_ went of certain offenders. ter TAh me r a l A m N o rIK Bill, CHANCELLO R iII,AO then o E r R im ot wet h eA EXCHEQUERtmi tthtiNpi, erhaven!dleave that the House resolve itself into a Committee on the Dank o • Chair, 31r. H. GURNEY said that he understood that there was a p miss that the Bill before the House w ou ld h are put the hat lit re : system of the country on a firm foundation. The Hooout Member then proceeded to describe the ridiculous nat ure some of the joint-stock companies which had been fornieda leferred to one, the solicitors of which resided in Fore.etreet, e had forwarded circulars to the Members of Parliament and his % it jesty's Ministers, reqiiesting them to Lemma nominal Direct • e i their Bank. and each share was to amount. to only 21. Some rel - Members of the House, he believed, had allowed Hewestherncitattes taken in by the advertisement which had appeared. el, • joint-stock company being formed three or four year s ago t r object of which was the prosecution of apple-women. The Di rectors were to consist of Ministers, half Dissenters and half of tb Established Church, and the women were to be fined and d etc property confiscated. The Hem. ligmber proce e d e d essay, if ;he small notes were to be made payable in London, the cocntry would be itwodared with a sort of paper which, above all other.. was a nuisance. If notes were not made payable at the Banks from• which they were issued, great difficulty would be experienced i d getting them paid. The Bank of England mood firmly, he knew, on the words of their charter ; but. he thought heir jealousy was groundless and silly in the extreme. He was of opinion that if the House approved (tithe clauses of this fill, its prin ci pl e ought to be carried fur her; and if they sere not prepared to do ad. they had better forsake it in two. The House then resolved itself into a Committee, and the first clause of the Act having been read. making it lawful for more than six individuals to form banking companies at a distance of Wallies from Lrodon., Mr. PEARSE ma', but the low tone of voice in which the lion. Gentleman spoke, prevented us from hearing non. The Chairman (Mr. BROGDEN) begged .0 rendn I the li use that in any observations 31embers might make, they should contiae theinselvee to the particular clause before them. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, the a hoie gist of the Hon. the Bank Director's observations who had just .. ,, oken, was the impolicy of allowing of any batiks but the Bank f England. He said that private Banks were so improvident, that n thing hut evil could result from allowing the expiration, or err) modification, of thejliank Charter. He could moo entertain that view of the subject. With every disposition to entertain tle sag. gestions of that body, he could not think this country likely to be placed in jeopardy because the House modified the existittg charter, and placed the system of banking on a more extended scale than the law et present permuted. He did not feel himself called upon to argue the principles of the Bill now, the discussions which had • taken place in its former stages having decidedly expressed the opinion of the House. The Honourable Gentleman art mitteil that the grounds on which Government had argued were such as had induced the Bank to waive part of their rights, and it looked like a contradiction, therefore, when he new contended that the only gond system was that at this moment prevailing. lie had before said he would not go into any long argument ; but he would observe, the extent of the business, and the total inapplica bility of the Bank to carry on all the concerns of the country, were sufficient reasons for the present measure. Admitting that the Bank was unequal to these necessities, the question thee was she ther or not it was desirable, h 1 an infraction of the Bank Chaster, to allow of the establishing of banks with more than six partner.. What magic there could be in this number, and why it should be objected to, he could not imagine. An Honourable Getitleman (Mr. H. Gurney) had said one of the object,ona was the nature of the joint-stock companies which would he formed ; and he instanced one as a specimen, proposing a million of capital to be raised on 24. a share. He had received one of those circular letters referred to, which very politely invited him to become a director, though hem to be a sort of uominal director, with no duties to perform ; and in that respect, perhaps, if in no other, it would suit him. (Laughter.) This might be an absurd scheme, and would not, he dared say, be carried into effect; but the endeavours to establish these sort of Companies were no reasons why they should not give facilities to others. In reference to the limitations proposed, be would observe, if the Bank had given up some greater privileges, Government might have dealt with the matter differently. lie would confess he should have been glad if the Bank bad made more extensive eon cessions, that he might have bceu enabled to have rendered the Bill before the House more perfect, and have placed the system gene rally on a basis of greater security. Mr. LESTER made a few observations that were inaudib:e. Mr. MONCK thought a system subject to the restrictions pro. potted, instead of conferring any benefit, would be found an incon venience, amounting to a nuisance. A paper currency should represent a metallic currency. Its great utility was derived from its universality, but notes under this system smithd he absaltudy local. If the notes got out of the juristlic inn of th • B irk the prior would be subject to great inconvenience. He believed they mere fre quently put to the expense of paying a carrier two shillings or half-a-crown, to get their notes paid. It was on this principle that the local tokens were, and very properly, withdrawn front ctr ulation. Under these citeumstanees he thought it bettor ern pato pone the Bill altogether until the expiration of the Bank Chaney, which would &Nal them the opportunity of introducing a system without the liathations which e cumbered this. Mr. S. RICE made a tew observations, as we understood, in opposition to the Bill ; after which 31r. PEARCE explained. 3lr. J. P. GRANT said the Bank had to make the beat bargain it could. The Hon. Gentleman proceeded in so low a tone of voice, that we were unable to catch his observations. There was a clause in the proposed Bill, which lie did not perfectly un derstand. If its purport was that there should not be a corres pondent or agent its London, who might tranaact the town bu.iness of his partners in the country, the clause would be then intelli gible, however unsatisfactory. If that was not the meaning, he did not know what other to affix to it. Ile did not, however, agree in the propriety of adopting that clause with the construction which be had assigned, as he conceived it to be pregnant with great incoive. nience. It was a clause for preventing country bankers front Lem ing any hills for a less sum than BIL, payable in London. He thought the object of that datum was to prohibit the circulation of country paper in the Metropolis, but the attainment of that end would be fraught with real inconvenience to many parties. For in stance, the country banker, in his private capacity, Mght bare occasion to draw on London for a sum plea. or 481.. and the opts ration of the clause would necessarily debar him. There was an other clause which allowed the branch banks of the Bark of Eng. land to sue and be sued by their manager. Now that exception made them differ from all other partnerships, which could not by law sue and be ailed in a similar way. If the principle, howciev, was deemed good in its operation in all other kinds of patine:ship, it seemed anomalous not to extend its application to the present instance ; for banking paunert-ition were deemed ro be those of the greatest importance to the public. The discrepancy seemed very ambiguous. lie thought that the abolition of the exclusive mono. poly attaching to the Bank of England would not cause any detri ment to that establishment, anti would be attended with great bents fit to the country. • Mr. T. ‘VILSON did not think that the clauses intendtd to be annexed to the Bill for the purpose of protecting the Bank of Eng land, were of the objectionable nature alleged. The necessity and utility of that establishment tette lately rendered obvious during the failures of the country banks, when it afforded that relief which' proved of essential servirs• an this gammons/atty. and tended to mum that degree of confidence which was so desirable, and had come! quently returned. By the system connected with the Bank of England, gold was kept in the country to counterbalance the river-issues of a paper currency, a n d to remedy the evils whi ch thence resul,ed. Several clauses were then put, and after some colloquial observe. thous. in which Mr. B r i g ht, t h e Attorney-General . Mr. flume, Hudson (limey, Mr. Pearce , Sir Henry Anne!, and air J. Wmttesley joined, were agreed to. A clause, of which we could not bear the exact purport, was thin proposed, when— 31r. H. GURNEY, as we understood, asked whether it was In • tended that country bankers should be allowed, or not, to have a correspondent in London for the marposeof discounting' jaw T t h h e ey A ee 'l e " t l' a t an ) them, to have an agent in London toe the purpose of discou , ing). Is For instance, if there was a banking establishment canslsling o ° ' . certainly were N en E ti l Ld t n g o ai r d wa t s hat it Bnm:et:rid:nit permit to th l e r more than six partners at Norwich, they could not act in the n_ie et net to which the question of the Hon. Member applied. T matter, however, had been already disposed of by a prece ding clause which hal hero agreed to. illr. zil HUDSON though t eollttniltluNittiee:Vwuum not )ibfespurcoldt u were and would, in fact, only t en d to c i rcu l a te the monopoly more es tensively throughout th e countr y. Mr. DEN MAN PA W th a t the answer given by the Bon . and Learned Gent, was correct, the Bill would be p er f ec tly nugatory. It would be better that the Bill should be altogether thrown t o t. . and he hoped the r esu l t would move such to be the sentim ent the House. ctive thecae, env the I , gad. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the question had been al rea d y di spose d of, and was totally irrelevan t to the consideration of t h e c l ause un d er discussion. Mr. P. RENFELL thought that the present Rill wou ld not answer the intended object, and that it would be better to g et rid o f it altogether. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL. said that, under the niann. g . laws, the London age nts o f j o i nt - stoc k b an king companies cou ld not discount bills. . -- ----- -•••-• Mr. H. DRUMMOND said that at present the agents of loiat'