The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1819-05-04 00:00:00

• it with what was called the Vlio. When en Wo wss • the question to he settled ? Did Nitta- t h i , ni loom to wart until both these parties ogreeil -„„til it could satisfy both. wait it to retrain from dog p r oice to either 2---(Hear.)—Tiw COMlnnes to of the land went cats a principle of equal jets- tin the litiolitime parties; why not adopt the s ae prineiple its a cue like this, which iiivolved the son s of religion?—why riot deal with it with en even o e—why punish as well IMI Male and condemn conecoostious feelings of those who differ froin opoll 10011119 of faith ?—.why not try to view nor ttitil obligations in the effect of brotherhood ? __ a ny try the wisdom of God by the presump tion of mad This was not a question of empire, but of , ot i ct .—it was oue where the otrougeo o h uf ma human *e re at issue. and the greatest of n in frebottr ter's at stake. It ought to approach men's moots in the true spirit of charity, liberality, and jos.. ti e,. May its advance be streugthened, for whatever is religiously good must be politically side The Woe*" NS well as the inconsistenry of your present stem has long been exposed —it is bad in glaringly inconoistent iii practice. You in. principle , eo ufe•r part of a right, where, if the parties are sub .l.o to the immoral influence you ascribe to limn, timi right must be fatally exerci agsinst you. y o r confer the right spun a class w se h d o may, in sonic &vet, he said to omit both bread and liberty. and run withhold it from the superior order of that i chef, whose choiseter Moods justly high in the re.—(Hear.) —An arg ument used against the Coholic Claims. and a curious one it is, is, that thew as a body do not want liberty—that the Peti tioners are led on by a few who care not fur their interests. This is As ludicrous as it was false. One of t he petitions presented to this blouse contained the signatures of two English families who were lineally descended from those who had signed Magna Charts. They are Roman Catholics, their Petition is on your table, and what is its prayer ? It is that they may have the privilege of sharing that liberty which their ancestors, at the wrote of their blood, pro- cored for their cOuntsl.—( Hear, hear. )—Cal, such a system be good which excludes the descendants of such men—descendants, too, who are auk's peached sod unimpeachable in their career in Gtr ? This system of . eaclusion was palpably bed, its t tooling operation is to alienate those whom it is our dozy to cuociliate—a law proscribing the Irish, the Scotch, or the English, would be asausfestly airiest, but not more so them this law, which made partial selections from the subjects of each, for the par• pose of deuyitig them their political rights. The question of eiclusiou in this empire is we of pros portion—that is, as to the 'towhee you tube to exclude, compared with the populatioa of the em pire. The Catholics of Great Britain form, at least, 1-sth of the whole population of this em pire—they have thew's the most perfect devotion to the civil obligations they have contracted among us—they have given the moat unequivocal proofs of their steadfast loyalty. Good policy would dictate, that such a class should be embodied with the State, not separated and excluded from it.— ( Hear.)—lu vain is it, that you proclaim their ad mission to the Coustitution nitrate—in t rain i s 0 ,0 1 , 1 t your owu train of reasoning drives you to the couelti lon, tour the Catholic does not believe in your God; or :are for your God. I soy if the steadfastness of your religion have weight with you by granting throe claims you strengthen your church, you support, you concentrate the church of Ireland. Will you then say that the security of the church of lid old is incompatible with the privileges of the people— if you do, you say that the church end the Gospel differ—so that you place the Gospel on one side, and contrast it on the other with the interests of the peo ple. The church is not placed on so flimsy a fouls datimp--if it was, it could not, it ought not to star d. The church is in no such danger—it is supported as it ought by the unity of the people—on that unity it must depend for its support, for its proper influ ence, upon the community. The words of the canonical oath have been often quoted, and where they have been said to recommend persecution, while, in fact, they merely recommend fair argu ment. The Roman Catholics had ceased to exercise the persecuting spirit moods:A to them, and the Protestants had, singular to toy, taken it up, or else why perpetuate laws of this kind ? Forty yews have now elapsed since this question was first agi tated in Parliament. In succession many parts of the Penal Code, which cruelly oppressed the Roman Catholics, were removed. They were felt to be wrong—they were felt to be absurd and cruel. The whole question is now reduced to the naked principle of the right of the State to com pel a man to abjure his religion.—( Hear, hear.) — Wlll any man say that this principle ought now to be tolerated? if on man, as I think, can minions' it, why is this system to be any longer endured ? I Hear, hear.) —Another argument against the Catholics is, that if you confer privileges you give power—so you do. Why oot give power to that large class of your fellow-subjects, who have shared your dangers, and participated in your burdens ? But do you confer a power which gives this class of your f e llow-subjects any unequal influence ? Those who assert it does, must go the length of sav ing that the proportion of Protestants, that is nearly live-sixths of the population. are feeble and • ;itle quote to the maintenance of their own wino, • t o the preservation of their own rights. Is that possible ? —who has the hardihood to assert it ? 'fbe Crown of this realm is Protestant—the chief officers of the State, its whole patronage, are Protestant. Of the re preseidati vett of the people, 500 and upwards must be selected from yourselves ; they must be elected by Protestants or your own country ; they must imbibe the feelings of their constituespi; they must feel that community of interest whictiSannot be alisken by speculative threats, or by the possible opposition of any weight which it would be in the power if even in the will of Catholics to bring against than. How can a Catholic ascendancy supersede a Pro testant ascendancy its this country ? Such a change has indeed been °minister', but who has ever at tempted to prove it ?--( Ilear.)—lf Catholic pros peaty has unproved iti Ireland, and aided the con• tribatione of the prop!o to the State, it is because you r free trade, your galling commercial restric tions were obliged to give way to the spirit of the times—the Catholic, therefore , improved, but yet his disqualification was continued. An attempt was made to repeal a part of this illiberal ordeal, by an Administration of which a Noble Earl (Earl Grey) funned a distinguished part—for this attempt that Administration, its 11397, were obliged to reins quieli dire. The cry or the church is in deiraer oppose the motion, and withhold liisassent form the lido inquiry on lire was suc c essfully sounded; hut, orange to sae, the propnation. at 'least fur giiiiiic very s a me Hal Was brought tie two tears ago by a I stale ref the remil Laws. It Isairl been truly stated by Noble Lord (Lord Melville) a Member ref the pre. i the Right Hon. Gentleman opeostie (Mr. Grattaii), seed Admiiiisirinem. It was carried through the . mod by • late Right lion. Doctor (we sateseree Dr. House without a comment—it was rea d a fire• and a j Duigeneir), who used to lead the debate satinet the mecum' tune—it was committed, reported,aail read • Catholics, that " the Legi-lature slid not exclude third time mid paned. without a single diseetitient. Catholics, thee excluded themselves by refoong to It was carried to the House of Lords. N I cry of takeabe uuths." He should now apply himself to church in danger then—the Mitres nodded D e e na. examine the law at resent in force on the subject, moos approbetimi—(Hear)--the Royal Assent was and lie assured the House that in are derma he given, mud the Bull was declared a law. The should waste as little of their time us ;towable. — spires of the towers of your Universities. the spires i (Heir, hear.)—.But when it was cosisidered that of your Hennes. reverberated nu mournful peel on a there were about ISO Acts, some of them repealed the oacesion. The Clergy end the State met the in the whole, some in part, some otrangely inwli. measure with quiescent approlnition, and to far fled and altered. 'some inconsistent with one ate. justice was at length done to the naval and military other ; one requinng an oath of supremacy, one officers who el le d their blood in the service of the other of allegiance ; one Nit oath of abjuration, and country. So then those great bodies (the envy uml another or tninsnbabantiation (he should correct tinny) are thrown open to Catholics, in them they himself, and tray when there were two Acts Lying have effective power. Where then are you to drawl down the oath of t r ansubstaidietion in two wave, the line of demarcation ?—/Hear, hear, hear.)-- whale it was matter of doubt iii many cases which Are you to give to the forces by sea mill land what l of them was to be taken); when, he repeated it. the you dell to civil life. and do you call this constitu. laws themselves were involved iii so much. confusion Bone! ?—(heir.)--1 have heard some of the Peti• end perplexity, he hoped the Ilieuee would pardon none read which oppose the Chant% 4 the Catholics. him if he were not so clear as lie should wish. - I never heard the diecuesions to which some of them ( Hear )—lii proceeding to describe what the Pre gave rise, mud to which I never contributed without sent state ref the law was, he should discard all pain. I dislike the disposition to tell the Catlin. the trash of legislation, us it might hr called, which lie, vii muse remain for ever separated front the had I :l...crated the accession of the House of Ila- Stare; your with; are qualified, your allegiance is linter, brealler at that era it might be teed we inseenre. The exptession of this opinion was gene• had taken a new lease of the Conatitutien. The rally accompanied by an apparent air of great dew). Act I Gyn. I. enacted that all pereosis who tiii. titre, a Clinstten-like forbearance. I dislike this 4 dettook any suffice civil or military, [should take iiii species of c an dour ; it always strikes me as a sort of 1 oath of ellegiance to his Nlajesty—elejurstion of contumelious humility that *corns the providerice i the Pretraider—the King's mu t ereinacy—and sub they pretend to solicit.—Meoe.)-15 England to I scribe a declandion alpinist traneubetatetiation ; end continue this disqualification of one-fifth of her it dealt in this way with such persons, it said that people. to give the rem tinder the monopoly of their all who served the Crown in any public capacity, God ? The people of the Continent, in their ate. should take the oaths and ek e the declaratioir iii strata &mai ..... chew snore liberality. A common ally of the King's Courts at 11'estmitister, or at the sense of danger led to a reciprocal feeling of librra. Quarter Seesions, *dim. three montlie; an u d not lily among the Powers who were in danger. France before entering on office, or without those quail contributed her share, Austria and Prussia did ficatione Iwing tootle a condition precedent, which the coot.. The iron authority of Russia was putter ed to decline. We all remember what. these na. laws advanced assn hisownity aid liberality. 'Die bons were the acenes of bloodshed and slaughter— time was. by tibeequent Act, eittentled to six we al! nine ttt i t ter when France carried her sway to months, and no injury to Pronatatits or the Beta the waters edge of the Baltic—we all remember, blielied Church had ever been found to accrue front that when bran behind the Week and portentous the stew indulgence—nisei at length the 611, Geo. I. cloud which then overshadowed Europe, the spirit the first of these Acts, called the "Indetanita Acts," of liberty rose and interposed its spell to the power was pasterd ; which, reciting all the Acts relating tu of Fiance. that spirit which England hid nurtured, Prowmatit laissenteni. end all those enacted or had swept away what it opposed by sea and hind. the Roman Catholics, indemnified all person% hold- Your courage, your vigour, your humanity, fostered lug (Acre, who had not complied with the requisi it, and the cloud which overhung Europe burst firm* before described, provided they (peddled under its action. Suppose after this great consum. themselves before the eatli of aleitar next eneniug; motion of your efforts, after this divine interposi- and forme this Act had petaled, do rung a period of lion iu your cause, some spirit should arise and near 100 years, an minuet Act of Indemnity has wedeln' to you, that the Allies of heaven were a been passing its Parliament without opposition, pack of idolater*, what would you say to the inspire discussion, or observation, which virtually, sou retiou of the message and the justice of the dead(- ally, and effectually, repealed all the pains and nation ?—(fleur.)—lt was the principle of tolera. penalties before provided apnoea persone of the lion and universal freedom' that was inscribed upon Roman Cstholic persurtsion Sure li.—tlieeue, ar, fr o m your thinners, which crowned them with success; the Ministerial Beaches.)— M urat as what it was that principle which nerved your arm, and lie laid mum appear novel to a great number of cemented your alliance. Where then is the result Members, but he believed it did not to many of your triumph to i.e found, if not in the others; he recollected Living represented this view exercise of the genemerty and justice of your of the subject before to various Gentlemen who principle*? When your predecessors, the Plait- heard nun. To confirm hie opinion on the sub tageoets, conquered. they confirmed the li- jrct, he should state that Mr. Fox, in the find beetle% of the t ermite river whom they ob. speech lie made on the question in Podia tamed rule ; when their successor% the Tudors, sent, had, with the luminous brevity, and (elect conquered, they gate equal laws and equal liberties touts abundance which characterised his speak to their people. You have now compiered, and lug, said that the points of difference between Pro. will you be less just or less getierour to yourselves legends and Catholics recognised by law were, first, that, your ancesture were to their enenitee ? A flew as to civil and military Acme—and secondly, as to glory remained to be al -d over the House of !him- the enjoyment of seats in Parliament. He said ter—the glory of emancipeting your fellow-sub- that all offices io the army end navy were open to jeets.—(llear, Geer.) —'Then you eats look in the Boman Catholics except those of Admiral and tact the Meioses i ets and the "Tudors—thee you General ; and he hail with great pleasantry imagined can look in the face the best and proudest of your two Conitniesioners of the Navy sitting together at encestors."—(lleur, hear, hear.) —The Right Huts. I the Board. and diecuesiiig not t o fhe portress , ropriety of points seed- G. ntleman concluded by movn ig— ing out a fleet or blockeitlitig but That this House do resolve itself auto a Committee of the oil divinity.—/ A laugh.)—But would it be he. whole House, to consider the state of the laws artortling tweed that these Wight officers bad not for the space his Majessy's Subjects professing the Roman " I s" . R. 1 1" of a hundred years taken the qualification oaths ; gum, so far as the same require quatificat ttttt s for the enjoy. and that diet efore sourer Catholics were not by meat of civil offices, and slue exercise of civil (onetime, wish a view to determine *lather, Bud how far the mine the Henna administratiou of the laws excluded from may he repeated, such offices. lie trusted that when a eau nf, he might After au iiiterval of a few minutes— say, the miraculous rovers of Mr. Fox's mind had Mr. Cgoitee rose to accord the motion. Ile been, ache had already *aid, mistaken respecting the said he certainly owed seine apology to the (louse s t a te of the Venal Law, the 110.35 e would hear with for offering himself so very early to their attention him in endeavouring to represent how the law really on so very important a queetime He trusted, .tooa wi practice.—(Hear.)—But it m ight h e ed i t !, however, that some degree of excuse would he that the law of indemnity was only occasional found in the matter he had to eribmit. It and temporary—of co permanent force. and liable had fallen to his lot, Hamm:, the other duties his to be suspeoded at the will of the Legislature. situation imposed, to examine closely some oh' those In anseer, he could chew it to have been turned on harsh and impolitic enactments ilireeteil against a uninterroptedly for eighty-five years, end hoe much large class of the community, and in tracing them longer he did not know. The oath of supremacy front their rugged sources, he hail been struck with was first established by Ileirry VIII. that bene °berrying how, whet was originally ii furious tore I hermit mointrehl. not for any purpisae to which it stow rent, had gradually mild imperceptibly melted into 1 served—( lieur a—but merely to support a dogma a mild, beneficent stream.— e Hear. a—The Right l o f hi s own , I t was mater i a l to k ee p t hi s t o mind, Hon. Gentleman who preceded him had stated. in because the occasions of enacting these laws ought leis own impressive mi r,, the strong setwatiou not to be forgotten in considering the fitness or iiii. created in the House and the country by the Bill Mimes of cold:gluing them.—(Hear.) —Every burly of 1817, for throwing; open the I ttttt ours and emu- b e lieved at the present day that the King was the laments of the army end navy to the Rumen Ca- I head of tht church ; and in Ida opinion, the oath of tholies; he 1 1 4.1 truly slated that that Bill 11'en supremacy would have long ago game into oblivion, lied passed the I iouse withrint a single diswentieet were it not for our own religions divieions, and, he voice or observation, and yet but a few years be- feared, our jealousy against fellow-subjeftercts. hearse lore had lighted up a flame , and produced u ge- Act rendering it necessary, was, a octal outcry through the countre. He was the repealed in the time of Mary. revived in t mi t he of person who had iniroiliaced 5t5...11 Stud not indeed Elizabeth, for which, perhaps, some excuse ght pose in etwolute silence, because tee had felt it his he found in the circumstances of the country. In duty to explaiis hie views un ii, and he at the sticcerdiug reigns, end the heretic tilers which that time said he had brought it in, rather to followed them, it was obeyer thought of excluding satay doubts and difficulties felt by others, than Catholics from want.Pealiamen But at t d he period W. rif from any perceived neceserty op eratin g on his O owe t the Popish Plot, whi e ttttt ninate by Sir mind. He thought, t h ee what was enacted by that Blackstone, a time of national nttiness, the Act of Bull, with rerepect to officers in the army and 'easy. the 451 h Cluirles li. directingsed with that the decimationinten eig t, atu by st was virtually, and for all practical purposes , the transubatoottation, was pas law of the laud before ; and he said time, that such obligieg the pereon making it to profess that he slid was the law of the heel with respect to civil offices. believe there was not any real sacrifice of the body Ile said, that, by the preseut law of the laud, a and blood of Christ in the Secrament of the Roman Cothraic might he Lord Chatecellor of I Euchariet. That dui tint satisfy the zealous minds England.—(A langh.)--fie owned, that what he o f the ( l ay , f or the 30 0, ch a d r , 11. was „ m i ta ' . the declared prolothly appeared novel , marl likely to Act under which th e y met in the House, prem.:robing excite the surprise of the House —but should not a n ew declaration against inowubstaistiatiosi, much have ventured to make it, was there out the Act be- e m erg es thee the former—end in succeeding nines fore referred to on the table ter support hie desertion. r ewires were obliged to make either of these de. That Act, it was true, recited only offices in the elaratione, acranding its the whim of the Le. army and navy ; but he had already meted, that it i e ielinure. On the acceesinit of woh:lio told Alary, only declared respectiog them, what was the real these Acts wrre annulled, but shortly after state of the Isw in regard not only to Hose, lost %e ntre re-enectea for all persons holding civil all other offices; and later relidlllg Out Act, he offices. It might he said it ear. not surprising thought it unpossible soy 11. m. Friend of his could that, when a Ptetender to the throne was pursuing Isis aims, not in France, bat on the alone* .r the kingdom, the Legislattire should direct an oath In be taken previous in the assumption of office. His only an swer was, that the Acta of William and Mary were both re-enacted in Ist (:surge 1., that they were made conciiirent, and on all occasions directed to he taken together, who li was a pr, sty strong proof of the 111).nrility of the hew Act. The oath of ollegiancr C ulilaiied in the Act of Ist 'William :nag Mary, ran i. these words- 4, I will be Enthral sand bear true allegance to their Majesties King William and Qiierit Mary," without leav ing a blank fur the latter words to he filled up as circumstances might require, and hr fan cied that the bare stating of it was sufficient to ehrw it WWI 110 t now so force. The practice of England fur the last hundred years could not have fteest absurd and illegal. 11 the old quali fying Acts were still of hooding force, he (Mr. Croke') was himself liable to all the pains and penalties provided by them, fur lie had nut takeo any oath to qualify himself for the office he filled. If he was not liable, then hr should say that the Act of George I. gave a new lease of the Constitution, and th Attie perennial Indemnity Act (he might call it perennial, for it flowered every year) put every one holding office in this situation—that it allowed them six months for consideration before taking the oath ; and afterwards, in case of further non-com pliance, afforded them an exemption from all the penalties. The laws he bad hitherto observed upon were common to England and Ireland—he should now consider those which related to the latter country) only. The Act 33il of the King empow ered Romeo Catholics in that country to hold all offices under the Crown, on taking a new oath of supremacy, merely expressing a renunciation of the authority oft he Pope in all civil and temporal affairs. It excepted a dozen or two of office's, such as the Lord Lientenaid, the Chief Secretary, the Com mander-in-Chief, and some others. It declared that mew of the person* discharging these offices should be Roman Catholics; and yet they all might be so, for not one of these officers has taken the oaths on going into his office. The present Chief Secretary, his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Grant) had not, mid indeed could not do so, for there was tio specific oath applicable to the Chief Secretary ship in existence. The law devised a chemical test for trying a mans faith. A Prom was first to be caught—(A laugh)—end then the oath was to be applied to him. The law said, that a Papist could not hold such and such offices, and that every person who neglected taking certain oaths was a Papist. To this, however, it might he re plied, " Yes, but one Act gives the Papist three months time for consideration ; another six months, amid the Indemnity Act on the table till March, 18-20." It might be objected that the Chief Secretary took the Privy Counsel lor'r oath, which came to the same thing—Meer, hear, from Mr. Peel. / —lt was a long tune, how ever, before his Right Hon. Friend, the late Chief Secretary (Ilr. Peel), lied become one of the Privy Council. There was no necessary connexion be. tween the two situations; and at least there was no necessity for the Commander to be a Privy Coun sellor and to take the Privy Counsellor's oath. He inferred then that by according to the due operation of law, both the places lie had mentioned might be filled by Roman Catholics. He should go a step fur therand say,there was nothing to prevent the Chan cellor of Ireland being a Popish Chancellor, because there was nothing in the Acts applying to his office specifically ; certainly he was usually a Privy Counsellor, hut lie was not aware that that office was a place of trust, though lie was willing to allow it was—for he was not row fighting the battle on legal oiceties--his object in speaking so early was, that his arguments might be fully dis cussed and canvassed.—(/leas, hear.)--tie might be mistaken in the opinions lie advanced, but at least he was honest, and did out meau to deceive others. But there was no mention made of is Privy Coun sellor in any of the Acis, and when they had ape cially described the form of the oath to be taken by officers in the army and navy, and the !Umbels of that House, as well as the mode of making the same, their silence with respect to a Member of the Privy Council was an argument that it was not meant that office should be the subject of an oath. The Hots. Gentleman the,. proceeded to argue, that a Roman Catholic barrister might accept the office of a Judge in Ireland, as he might decline, after taking the oath of office, subscribing the declara tion against transubstantiation, since by an old Act he was allowed six months for so doing, and Use annual Indemnity Act gave loin an indefinite pe riod. Mr. Croker then read the Oath of Supremacy, lit William and Mary, chapter 1, section 7, and observed, that it was very well at a time when Popery, and every one professing the Popish religion, was banished by law out of England.— ln John Mitford's Act, and in an Act also passed iu Ireland about the same period, a new oath was prepared for the Papists, similar, in some respects, to the former, hit differing also from it in a material point. This new stilt declared, " That io foreign Prince, Potentate, or Prelate, path or ought to have any power, &c. in political or tempo ral matters." By this means, the Papists escaped the trap, and the Protestants were caught; for the moment that the Protestants admitted the existence of Catholic priests within the realm, a Catholic College, and took the oath that the Pope had no power over ecclesiastical or spiritual mat ters, they laid a trap fur their own consciences. His Hon. Friend, however, would now repeal that oath ; be could uot admit • grant to the College of Mayitooth while that oath pressed upon hi s con science, while he must be uware that ell the pro lessors within that College derived their ordi nation from the Pope. Rut of what avail was the spiritual power of the Pope, so long as he was posvessied of no temporal authority ? Hie Hon. Friend had in a previous question brought in • Bill winch contained a distinct recognition of the spiritual authority of the Court of Rome. That Bill did not become an Act; he, therefore, could only speak from memory.--but lie believed that it went to regulate the power of the Pope in all matters of ordination, and that even letters were to be received front Rome in some particular mari ner. But such a procerdiug was worse than layisig is trap for the comicience. Having spoken of the oath, lie should now make seine few observations on the declaration; and on this point he would ask, why a declaration which satialied the scrupulous con sciences of their ancestors would not be satisfactory n ow, ana why a declarationoshich was convitlered Pura ficient with regard to Counsellors mid perrons hold• ing official situations, would not be deemed euffictent sit points of minor interest ? If there were any nice elates of persons against whom it might lee soppily. d the law would guard with peculiar anxiety, lest they might cherish Popery, that class compii,erf the sworn *events of the King, the High Chemhet lain, and such other officers as were snore imme diately about tier Royal Person, mid aright be set: - posed to exercise the highest influence on his Heed, And to say the truth, Willits point the law was pee sty carnal ; a declai anon therefore was required ien.ll them ; but the poor sea officer, who lead in no teat' the power of endangering the liberty or constitution of his country, was compelled to take a volutisiiirms declaration spinet transubstantiation, elide !brae snore responsible personages bad only to sign the de claration in the 25th of Charles 11., which differed from the other, not indeed so much as leght from darkness, but fully as much as a light dry Creme a dark day. —(Heer , bear.)—For the severity of these Acts, and the jealousy with which they were en forced, he thought he could Per some reason. Every one could see grounds for the te.etles of re premacy, in the jealousy which mime ten the French marriage contracted by Charles I. Every our tic uainted with the history of that pee mil, retold see cause fur the 25th of Charles 11. in the !'. , putt plot, which " liatangted fools, and pusiled all the wise,* and which created so great a panic. Hr was not surprised that this panic should be increased, when the whole country saw the King going in state to mass, and going there nut so much with a religious feeling, as from a firm determination to undermines the liberties of his people. It was not surprising that in this panic the law should be clwingril, and that oaths and declarations originally intended for reflecting ar.d legislative missile, and winch re quired the exercise of great knowledge Ned costar, try to understand. should he forced upon all classes of the people. When Kiug %Valiant and Queen Mary came in and assumed the gtorercineset, as lee thought himself justified in say_ i tig, irec.lease it was contrary to the estieblislied rules o succession cf this kingdom, was it torprishig that they should strive to strengthen their young and struggling power, and take away the indolgeuce form. ily en joyed, that they would not allow p e r,,oils r e go to the Quarter Sessions before Tory Gosidleintei to argue on the necessity of melting the declarations. The fleets of Adantrelt Russell aced Nlientague had beet, lost, the battle of La Hogue hod Hut been ftought if such a proceeding were rdinitted, anti to obviate the inconvenience that might be nriticiireted, the law was perempiory that the oaths and decirra lions should be taken before any inclivideui rein-red on Isis office. George I. succeeded to Aurae wit l e . out doubt or difficulty, with as much cave, ieeeeerd ing to the triumphant expression of his speech, as a son succeeds his father. The first thing, the ie fore, which the King with wise benevoleiece II d, instead of facing all to take the oaths. and t:rn•:tt e , every power in the State to stand still Willi ti.i , ml oaths were token, lee wisely enlarged the time for taking the oaths. if the Act of William and Mary were wise under the peculiar circumstances of that period, the conduct of George was no less rational. A rebellion soon after fulloard, which was &dewed. The Pretender was then made the bugbear eta party, but the King then greeted it new relaxation of are mouths fur taking the oaths. George II succeeded • without any doubt or difficulty, and the first act of • his reign was founded on the acknowledgment, that all those oaths and declarations were PO much non sense as applied to the state of effete at neat moment. 'rile statesmen of that period felt that irritation was as bad as injury, acid they adopted the wise measure to allaying that irritation, by placing a greater confidence in the people. Then commenced the Indemnity Acts—they made a trial, and it succeeded—they found, wealth• standing the relaxation of the laws, they found that all remained faithful. They passed the Indere nity Act, which, as Dr. Johnson eloquently said, " Still'd the Butter of matey bosoms." In the reign of George the Second, a violent rebellion took place, which only served to prove tl.e radical affection of the people of England to the Ptutest ant religion and the House of Hairovrr, acid to t ier Constitution of the country, as founded on these first principles of its existence.—( dear, fieur.)— The Act utlnderunity, however, was still continued, and in the year 1743, it embraced the 30th of Charles 11. and several tethers affectiteg the Roman Catholics. This regular progress of legislatioo shewed the rationale that was operating ors the minds of the legislators, and the principles I y which they were willing to construe thine Acts of exclusiou.—(Hear, hear.) —Hating adverted to those points, he should now direct the tette mom of the House to the question of sitting in Perlimineier. Gentlemen would be surprised to learn that the only point by which Catholics were excluded from the House of Commons, was to be lowed lie a clause of the 30th of Charles 11. wherein. the House was enabled to call up any Member, and require of him to make the declarareni cludagainst ed t P h o is pe A r c y t . , w T h i l i c e h u tiv i a n e lu t a li t e i o n e d il e y m o n i i it e y that ll e " x i . eludes Catholics front Pal Itaineitt. and also ex ma juri eautefa, expressed several others affecting tier Roman Catholics; so that all perilous ierglec.itig to take the oaths, and make the declarations re quired in these several Acts. were exemptet bleu the penalties denounced 'lnuit such littilry . .— [The Learned Member lien: read the preamble of the last Indemnity Act, to shew that the Act expressly included those statutes.] he continued, required no nice or moots ex,.- mutation ; there wits 11001111 g recondite in the matter ; " those who rues may read." This Act was repealed, but re-enacted in a most extraordi nary insulter, for the statute which re-eseacied it did so merely by referrnig to it as explanatory of its provisions. It was thus raised Crum its tomb, acrd the two Acts were united together like the living and dead bodies when the tyrant of antiquity delighted himself in uniting ; hot the a bsurdity el the union contented 10 this, that it wee. the drat body which was to speak and explains she entailiiree of its living brother.—(Heor, hear /—He had not been swore, until he had read this clever. that hair. ing qualified himself by taking she °Atli. iwier at the table, he might still he required by any Alember to triplicate there qualificat ; and yet, but fur thee clause, if it pleased the Legislature to desist from the constant practice of years, if it wished to . I