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circulation p ardon - notes in England, Scotland and brelaird. No. he begged they had emoted an inquiry only into Seotland and Ireland ; and there were nothing but anomalies at the present day—for in Scotland and Ireland they had inquired without *mg, and in England they had legislated without inquiry. It was required that the question should be left to the discrimina tion of %blunter. ; lie had ito doubt they would exercise a mond discretion ; but it was a circumstance that he would watch very closely, tor arra did they mit for? To have the power of import. ing tire hundred thousand quarters. of foreign corn. And what would the firmer. pay ? They would naturally say. that there was an idea they were making too touch money. They would I say, this will never do. we Allan be ruined : and they would run to the market. and get out of the difficulty as soon as possible. The would have a sort of Dutch auction , and se l l at an y rate. With respect to the case mated, of what had taken place in the year 1764, he most observe, that at that period there were two contending patties in the State, but that was not the ease at present. He was sure that the Noble Earl (Liverpool) had no fears to apprehend from the Opposition of the present dny. It was only foe the Noble Earl to call in the aid of the honaehold troops, to which he (the Earl of Limerick) himself belonged (3 laugh). if such wee apprehended ; but he believed the Opptwition ul IVA turned out to be only a six weeks' tyranny.-With respect to a report which be had near hint—that of a highly-respectable individual, no doubt Jecob)—he must say it was a moat extraordinary document. He had run all over Europe In about six months, and had examined the state of the land and agriculture in all ies hearings; but he must say that he saw sotnething in the preface of that report which ap peared to be advice to him as to the opinion he was to give. But fist gentleman had not gone into South Russia, the Ukraine. or Sicily, which were most important places to have visited. Ilia Lordship then commented at some length on the report, and con cluded by claiming inquiry on behalf of Ireland. - . The Earl of H A REWOOD said that he did not think the ques tion was so disadvantageous to the landed interest as had been re. presented, but he should belie his own opinion if he did not stale that he thought It would have been better it the question had not been agitated at all ; hut, as it had been, it behoved those who lied the interest of the public at bean to do what they thought least injurious. Ile considered that those who objected to the ern elide Would also object to that of liberating the bonded corn ; but such usenet the case. With respect to the landed interest. he was bound to say that be did not think that, at any tinte, a boon had bean given them, and therefore he did not see that any ought to be asked. He did not wish however to go invidiously into the ques. time, btit he should belie his feelings if he did not state hieponeietion that the interests of the manufacturing community and those of agri. sultan* were inseparable. The late state of trade he thought to have been of • very morbid nature, and pregnant with dangee to the principles by which it ought to he regulated; and he should wish tone It return to that state at which it was at the earlier period of hie life. Whatever might be the prospect of the harvest, he was afraid that a/theugh trade might improve, still there would be • . large proportion of persons working at low wages, and if relief mild be afforded to them. he should be happy to see it. Looking en he did at the evil tinder all the circumstances, sod considering that the proposition for admitting the warehoused corn into the market would do a great deal of good, be fat bound to vete fat the adjournment. The Earl of ROSERERY said, that after what had taken place on the subject of the Corn Lewis during the last and err/eat c=ession of Parliament, he had heard the proposition of his Major. ity'a Ministers with something like dismay and utoliehment. He felt astoidslintent at the power which was claimed, to give the Go. vernment the diarretitni of admitting fereign corn, after the presto. .ration of Parliament, because it was not a slight or trivial innova. non, hut one that they ought not ae have asked without antecedent inquiry ; and he felt dismay, because It was the fine belief on his mind that it would not afford sub s tantial relief to those whose prf. rations and distresses were so sensibly felt and deplored. At the atone time that it went to excite apprehension and alarm to the only sound claps of the community, it would not alleviate the distress of the manufacturing community, but on the contrary. If the project of his Majesty's Ministers had been confined to the lett;ng out the bonded corn, he would have given that measure his support, and be should still do so, but with the perfect belief that it would not prove any alleviation to the manufacturer, but because it would go to the removal of a prejudice they had imbibed. If prices were to be the criterion by which the question was to he tried, then his Majesty's Ministers would have been more entitled to ask for the power they now sought last year than in the present, for corn was theft 7s. higher than row, lie was afraid that the proposition of het Majesty's Government gave encouragement to the Idea that titmice prices might arrive, and he thought that a subject veil worth their Lordships attention. (hie view which might be taken of the measure was certainly that it was an expedient to alleviate the distress under which the country was at present labouring. If sisters considered it only in this light—if they intended it as a mea sure only of temporary and contingent operation, they would be re. dueed even in that case to a dilemma; for either this distress which it was proposed to remedy was the consequence of the Corn Laws, ar it was not se. For his part he did not consider It as attributable, scan in the slightest degree, to the Corn Laws. It was not the dearness of corn— it was not the scarcity of the necessaries of life— it was the want of employment alone that had produced the distress at present undoubtedly existing among the manufacturing elapse, ot this country. Should the price of corn be reduced even far be. low its present level, if no means could be discovered for procur. e"g employment, no benefit would arise to the manu.acturing popu lation from any measures that might be adopted far that purpose. It was the duty of Ilia Majesty's Government at least to inquire whether there was any ground for such resolutions, before deter. mining on measures so decidedly prejudicial to the larded interest— att interest which must ever be looked upon as one of the utmost importance —one with which the welfare of the country was Intl. enstely and inseparably connected. The idea of lowering the price of corn was liable, therefore, to the most es_ menial and radial objections ; since It tended to compromise the well-being of so important a branch of the commonwealth. He, for one, was no favourer of the Corn Laws by any means. Ile thought undoubtedly they ought to be revised and altered . • but he was not prepared to say what was the best mode in whith this re vision and alteration should take place. For this reason he con. cured that an inquiry was absolutely necessary ; and as he believed an alteration to be inevitable, he wished that the opponents of such • measures, instead of employing themselves ineffectually in consi. dieing the means of entirely averting such a change, would rather tarn their thoughts todiecover the best and safest plan for effecting it. The Earl of ABERDEEN said he considered the landholders, yeomanry, and peasantry, not only as an important part of the po. pulat ion of the country, but as the most important part of it ; hut he wrs convinced that the measure now proposed implied no such danger to this important class as the Noble Lords who had spoken in opposition to the messute seemed to apprehend. The agitation of such questions in any shape was mach to be lamented. The Noble Earl who had introduced the discussion had been taunted with inconsistency—had been accused of forfeiting the pledge which he had given that he would not enter into any inquiry on the Corn Laws during the present Session ; but it was clear that he did not consider the present measure as connected with the general ques. non, or as calling upon hint at el to enter into that question. These Noble Lords had recommended inquiry before adopting the manure. They forgot that they had actually agreed last yesr to a measure of a similar nature, which Ministers had found it neees sezy, on their own responsibility, to adopt, in circumstances of argent necessity. They had agreed roan actual and unauthorized Interference in that case, and could they now refuse to permit such on interference in a ease which was only contingent and might never occur? He would feel inclined to place a conlidence of that sort an any government, permitting them to use a remedy only in cases in which there was no possibility of procuring any other, and li miting the power conferred upon them to the mere application of that remedy. Perhaps it would be well if such a power were per manently conferred upon the Government. It was very true that die agricultural and manufacturing interests were connected loge ther, and that the one could not flourish when the other decayed ; but notwithstanding this there was a sparrow-minded feeling in the parties connected with these branches, which did not permit them to take an extended stew of the more distant bearings of such ques tions, and which rendered their interests in their minds apparently distinct, and even opposite. It was proper in such a ease as this Mat there should be an impartial power capable of controlling their entire and correcting their views. When die Noble Lord (Rose. bitty) ed that the dearness of provisions had no effect in pro. during the distress of the country, or, in odor words, that it was cite same thing for the consumer whether corn was at 60a. or Ms. a quarter, his Lordship seemed, in his opinion, to ap proach very near something like an absurdity. But this mei. sure was net to be considered as a measure of relief for any distress at present existing. It was in fact only adopted as a preventive of future and possible evil. He could not say what that evil was, but this he knew that it was the duty of Government to Inquire into the nature of such an evil, and he was persuaded that Government had seen enough ir„ the spirit of that House, and in the general spirit of the agricultural interest, rot to hazard any measure of this sort lightly. There was another consideration which ought to weigh strongly with their Lordships to induce them to adopt the present measure. It was derived from the constitution of this House, which, by rendering it independent of popular elections, had removed it, in the eyes of some, fiem all ennnexion and fellow-feeling with the great body of the ;public. This had how supposed to be the e ase in the present question in particular, and it was necessary in do something to refute curb a calumny. This House enjoyed as - fully the love and the respect of the public ea that other branch of the Legislature which wan more popular in its constitutions and formation. It was placed, by the permanent incurs of the seats held by its Member., in a situation which enabled tt to look ntladily at the real interest of the state without heeding the posting clamour frown without ; but this should not be considered as dispensing them from all attention to the general wish, and it was necessary to prove that they were not led away by any interested views on this subject. Even should the measure fail in operating any relief, it would at least 'hew that they entertained entre degree or sympathy with the other classes of the community ; it would re move the possibility of any suck odium being cast upon them. The measure was innocent in itself, he added, and that the manner in which it was proposed was etrictly cons..tutional could not be doubted. If Ministers in a ease et necessity had adopted such a measure, their Lordships would have been deposed to grant them an indemnity, and it was still more constitutional to demand such an indemnity beforehand, If such a necessity should occur. lithe rope should fail, GletertMellt would not hesitate to increase the quantity of the novo which they would permit to be sold ; ea that their demand was at once limited-and contingent. Though he re wetted the nemissity which had been said to exist by the Noble Lords opposed to the measure of revising the system of the Coro LOWil, still he thought the present measure might st.tl ought to be kept separate and distinct from the revision of those laws, and by voting for it he by no menus considered himself as prejudging any part of that question. ~.~ -, i ~.,;,. - • Lonl EI.LENBOROUGH said it was to be desired that those who had spoken so much of the necessity of adopting the present measure, hi order to relieve or prevent distress in the ceuntry, had taken the trouble in the lint place to considet whether any such necessity mined. Nothing bad yet been mated to prove Its ex istence. It had been recommended in adopt the measure an a sort of conception to prejudice, and lie niiglit be content to admit such a concession, if it would tend to weaken that prejudice; but them was not • single instance in which a concession had bcen found to have that effect. Ile was in no came disposed to grant a dispensing power to the Crown. It was usual when a Noble Lord wished to persuade their hardships not to clop.. a measure. to persuade their Lordships that no one could agree to it ; but the Noble Earl in the I present instance had pursued a totally different line of conduct, and had made it his greet objection to the inquiry, that any one might vote without it, that none could lied any objection to the measure. The question row before the House was the simplest and most In. lelligible that could he imagined. Having enacted the Corn Laws only tour years ago, after a full consideration of the subject, It was necessary bed' ire they altered these laws, to consider whether ears commences bait al eyed sit.ce that eeriod. Ilia Majesty's Ministers, instead of finding fault situ at' inquiry, should have considered themselves complimented by it. The Noble Earl (Liverpool) had been the drat to propose these laws as they now existed, and if he could not Myriad') the nature of these laws, who could be expected Ito do so ? They might be absurd, but it was very extraordinary to witness the oppesition of the Noble Earl sgsinst an act of his own creation. All that they asked was to allow :he:n to inquire before adopting his proposal. Ile was surprised at the conduct of the Noble Lords, who ought to have had more experience than to set I fire as It were to • crowded theatre. Prices were low. The pro. duce of Ireland was in a state of contimied increase, and he could see no reason whatever few the Noble Lord's proposition. instead of the COIIIIIIOII books of reference for ordinary men, his Lordship actenied to have been consulting the Vox Stellarum, or I'uor Richard's Almanack." A lamer instance of a similar nature List year had been alluded to on this occasion ; but the circuinetalicens were entirely different. The corn wan then I in bad eondi•ion, and would have been lost if hie Majesty's lAlinisters had not permitted he sale. It was therefore a measure of mercy to the impoeer. The prices too at that time were six or seven shillings higher than at present; and, therefore, he did rot consider himself as acting inconsistently when he void against it at present. though he voted for a similar meanuie on the former occasion. What was innovation one year became pre. cedent the following, and a rule on the next, and thus they would conic at last to admit bonded rOlll continuall y at the discretion of his Majesty's Ministers. Ile was well aware o f the importance of the landed interest to the State, and he would never consent to place I the granaries of the country in the hands of hostile powers. He would never consent to hamper our foreign policy by any such nies. sure.. Bur if evemy other objection were entirely removed, the manner alone in which the measure had been brought forward would oblige him to oppose it. Ministers had given a pledge , on the subject, which they had been induced to forfeit by commotion ! among the people. Though he might have yielded Ito reason, lie I certainly never would yield to outrage. The measure was unjust to the agriculturist, unjust to his,interest, and still more unjust to character. It was unjust to his interest, because, instead of relieving the disrsen of a portion of the community by the general contribution of the whole, it was proposed to throw the whole burdens upon the agriculturists alone; and it was unjust to his character, because, whaiever might be the words and the explana. lions of his 11 ajest , y's Ministers. they were understood, in the House and out of in a manner highly calumnious of the landed in terest. Whatever might be the cause of the distress, it seemed the whole was 111 be relieved by the agriculturist. it wits objectionable also, as giving his Majesty's Ministers a discretionary power. Ile did not deny that the Noble Lord (Liverpool) deeetveri such con. Bdetxe, hut he was not alone. le circumstance' should occur, Go vernment must act according to the necessity of the case; but he would not consent to give them a previnus indemnity. This was like granting them absolution for a sin not committed. With re. gard to this dispensing power, the fully of granting it was obvious, from the consideration of the various circumstances by which the price of corn might be altered, such as the nature of the seasons, or the quantity of country in corn cultivation. The consequence would be that the power would be conferred on Government to act according to the opinions of its Members. It would not be conferred on the Noble Lord, but on a Committee of the Privy Council, and it would at the sante time be conferred on his successors. Ile was therefore unwilling to min any step without a full knowledge of the eircumsunces. It was necessary, for the credit of the House, for the dignity of its proceedings, for the efficiency of its conduct, not to legislate blindly on so important an occasion. _ The Earl of WESTMORLAND observed that the measure before the House did not imply that the distress arose from the Corn Laws. It might as well be said that the suspension of the Habeas Corpus' Act implied that th- Act itself was not beneficial. It was proper to grant the power required by Government, under the present circumstances. It was proper for his Majesty's Go vernment to demand such powers, and he traria little surprised ai some arguments which had been used on the opposite aide. It had been maintained that the measure gave Ministers a discretionary power which ought not to be given, and at the Frame time it was ad mitted that circumstances might occur winch would render it proper for them to exercise such a power, without being authorised to do so by the provisions of the Corn Bill. If the price of that commodity was frOse. on the lath August. were we in consequence to suppose that the mice acorn would be proportionably low at other times of the year ? The low price of corn in the mont h of May was no proof that it would be low in the month of October. The year 171 X had been alluded to. In the month of September of that year, corn was from 130 s. to 701., and in the month of December las. In that year an embargo was laid on to prevent the exportation of corn. That exercise of the prerogative of the Crown was considered dan gerous, but others argued that it was indeed an act of power, but used to a good purpose for the " solos populi." He complained of the improvident conduct of Ministers, who, had they acted as statesmen—had they looked before them, those distresses which now prevailed would not have come unforeseen ; they would then have felt it their duty, with such knowledge, to have prepared for such a state of things. With respect to the discretionary power which was to be vested in the Ministers (should the country concur in granting such a power) the Ministers should consider that if they got that power they were responsible for a discretionary use of it. If they . possessed that power, they were bound to exercise it with dis cretion, and in such a manner that no dispassionate man in the country could disapprove of it Earl GROSVENOR said he had, on a former occasion, declared his acquiescence in the measure Which had at that time been brought forward by the Noble Earl who originated that then before their Lordaltips. He did not, however, in consequence of that ac quiescence, feel himself bound to acquiesce in that which would vest a discretionary power in the Ministers to allow the importation of 500,000 quarters of corn. He thought, if they went into the consideration of that measure, they should take a larger view of the question, and enter into all the other considerations connected with the subject, without which it would be impossible to aniveat any distinct or correct knowledge of the mate of' the question before them. It was said that though the distress which prevailed among the manufacturing classes had not produced insurrection, yet it had given birth to a considerable degree of commotion. It was thought. in the opinion of Noble Lords opposite, to have reached to such a height as to entitle it to some notice. The Noble Mar. quis (Salisbury) recommended a grant of money as a relief for the distressed part of the community ; and he founded this opinion on the state of excitation which prevailed among the manufacturirg classes. Ile thought the eommotions of those districts in which distress prevailed had risen to such a height as to demand this pecuniary assistance. The Noble Earl opposite (Earl Bathurst) argued the measure in that House as a means of rebel, while his Majesty's Ministers, in the other House of Parliament, argued the measure on quite different principles. It was difficult to recount for such discrepancies; for his part he could not imagine that the Corn Laws had any thing to do with the distress, nor could he think that the distress which unfortunately existed by any means affected the question of the Corn Laws. As the measure had been brought forward, though it could not be said formally to affect those laws, yet it was quite clear that it virtually affected them ; For we man could deny that the duty which was to be affixed would become the standard duty. That was the view which he took of the proposed limitation, and, in that view, would object to it. He thought the limitation plan by no means go d. Ile would prefer them to hare a power of importing corn without limitation. He confessed he load not muck confidence in Ministers, and he thought their conduct, during the last year, was calculated to dimi. nigh the confidence which oaten might have felt in the consistency and prudence of their measures. The entire conduct of Ministers had been marked by the most palpable vacillation. There were so many instances of vacillating conduct in the whole of their pro meetings that it was unnecessary to adduee an instance. It was such in his opinion as ought to Induce those who before had any confidence in them now to withdraw it. Ile thought the price was Heed too high. There could not he notch doubt but that the price of corn would rise in the course of the next three months, and then they world see the inconvenience arising from that high price affixed by the prevent measure. Allueinn had been made to the administration of Lord Camden and Lord Chatham. The Go vernment of their day was exceedingly popular. It was said that discredit was endeavoured to be thrown on his opponent% by Lord Mansfield • but why ? he would ask: because they would not pass an Act of Indemnity, that was the reason. He met they had acted ! unconstitutionally. Thee was one circumstance which struck him very forcibly. It was, that it was stated in a petition that had this measure been brought forward earlier, it would have been suggested that this measure should be coupled with, a request that the ex penditure of the country might be decreased. He thought, had it been brought forward earlier in the House of Cominona,the country Gentle men would have risen up as one man to demand that retrenchment of the expenditure of the country. They would have said yr u must re duce this expenditure to the lowest ebb ; you most lessen it to the very quick. It was well worth the consideration trilling. Noble Lords who placed confidence in Ministers, to reflect on their indecision. They had come to a determination to carry the measure of the Scotch and Irish notes ; yet they were induced, by the argument s brought forward in the Committee, to change their opinions. There was no security now, but that when they went into a Com mittee upon Ode measure they might recede from their present de termination. He would go with them in the present instance. The Earl of FALMOUTH addres s ed their Lordships in so low a tone of voice that we found great difficulty in catching his obser vations. As well as we could collect, his Lordship said he re. gretted the measure had been brought forward at the present period. lie thought the effect of the measure would be to prolong and increase the panic which already existed, and calculated to carry Ministers farther than any friend of the country would wish. He had come down to the House with an intention to oppose the nieseure. kArl DARNLEY s lid, if the opinion he ghoul(' entertain on the present measure should diffa frotu that of his Noble Friends . • • THE BRITISH PRESS. around, he should certainly doubt his own judgment. Ile thmight that if Minis era had acted wisely, they would not have waited for a season of distress to propose this measure. On a former occasion they ecfriaed to allow corn out of bond on any condition. 'rethought their Ludships should recollect the manner in v. Itieh the measure hail been brought forward. One Noble laird had advised an address to the Crown; another Noble Earl said :be Corn Laws had nothing to do with the dimness ; and the Ntilde Earl opposite, on the contrary, had favoured the delusion, that the distress had apoing ant of the Coen Laws. That delusion which was sanctioned by the Noble Earl was much more mischievous than any thing ad vances' by his Noble Friend (Lord King.) He had no confidence in Ministers. The question of a rewire price was first started by the Noble Secretary foe the CoTortial Department, and it was con tended that in such a contingency Ministers should be vested widt • discretionary power to import corn. If Parliament granted them that power, they would take a great responsibility upon them, which (he did not use the esprersion disrespectfully) he dared them to rands*. He should, from every view he had taken of the subject, rather carom the previous question. The Corn Laws had been complained oft they were said to be the cause of the distress; but he thought without the Corn Laws the country would hare been in a much worse condition than it was at present. He thought they could not long continue the Corn Laws. No , - withstanding he would agree to the measure now proposed, he thought the present a most disadvantageous and inopportune time fur its agitation ; the present measure could rot be discussed with out going into the entire question. Ile would not pledge himself, by the yore he would give in the present instance to the measure proposed. He would not vote for it from any confidence he had in Ministers, but on account of the useful tendency it might produce. Ile voted for it from the nature of the question itself. Lord KIND said, that when he was charged with having ad vanced what was mischievous, be hail et least the consolation to reflect that in that charge be had been associated with good ; company ; lie had been classed with the Noble Lord opposite and his colleagues, the Bench of Bishops. But it was not himself nor the Noble Earl opposite who were in fault ; it was the law which . was minchicyntra, and not them. Their Lordahipa should look to thee manner in which the niessore had been brought forward. The Noble Earl did not tome tic: real reason fur bringing It forward in its present shape. He would, however, inform their Lordships of the motives of the Noble Earl ; it was to web votes ; yea, to catch the votes of the innocent politicians who were on his side of the House. The Noble Eerl opposite did not wish for any alteration, but there was some undue inflaence which deatrayed the equili brium of the Houle. There were very hard things said of Governs went (a laugh) . • sonic said it was a surreptitious mode of carrying the qu esti on ; ot hersher, said that public opinion was against them. The public knew the feel s.;• of that House; they kn !Yr, in a ques tion in which the interests of their Lordships were concerned, to what side the House would incline. An apothecary who was a good practiiioner would scarcely recommend his patient a change of diet ; but that which was prescribed to the House was a change of diet. Those who advocated the measure were aecuted °readiness, but the charge was pointless : it did not apply. The rashness was marl hutable to those who were willing to run the rink of famine prices, without devising any remedy for that calamity. The Noble Earl was ainxiou. for Inquiry, which meant nothing else than to stifle the question altogether. Front what he had seen of inquiries lately, he was not at all anxious to apply them to the Corn Laws. Then they were accused of precipitation. Could they he ac cused of precipitation with any fairness, he would ask, after the experience of eleven years? it would be mere drivelling, after such experience, to think they could not decide on the question. Suppose it was proposed to decide the question by a Chancery suit, that would last only 11 years ; but the'questioti was a Chancery and Treasury suit conjoined. Now, he could not think the measure ; every quarter of corn witich'wan taken out of bond fur nished means to purchase goods for exportation, which was in fact the only means of relieving the glut, or want of demand. The real question for their Lordships to consider was, whether they were prepared to check the raw produce of' the country, of which corn constituted a large aortion / Corn in England was one third dearer titan on the Continent. If it came to be three times as dear, the Corn Laws would be intolerable. In any view they are prejudicial, and their injury was only a question of degree. From the year 17112 to the year 171r2, the importation of corn was unrestrained ; anti he would venture to say there had been in the history of England no period of greater prosperity. All writers agreed that alien corn was dear, wages were high, and the interest of money low. If that view was correct, he was jus tified in tracing the distress to the Corn Laws. As a friend to an alteration in the Corn Laws he Would oppose the preaent measure, because in doing so he would arrive at the measure one year sooner. It was folly to tear a famine price of corn when that article was cheaper this year than it had been last. lie however thought that they could not have any steady system without an alteration in the Corn Laws. _ The Earl of CARNARYON said it was strange the Noble Earl who brought forward the resolutions should have deprecated discussion, and yet press those resolutions on the House. The distress did not originate in the Corn Laws; but the manufac tirers, in their riots, declared war against power-looms and the Corn Laws. The real objeds was to suspend the Corn Laws altogether. It had b.en called a popular humbug—he thought, justly. The effect of the measure would be to dissolve con fidence, and deteriorate the value of property : it was calcu. lated also to make the people think they had paid an additional salary to a Right Honourable Gentleman to govern the Ministry. He should abstain from giving any opinion on the corn laws ge neralty, further than that he was unfriendly to the change. He could not sit down without saying that he thought it their duty, before imposing a protective duty, to give the question a serious and dispassiorate consideration. (Hear.) Lord DUDLEY aid WARD said he was not sure he should not auppart the motion of the Noble Lord. lle wan an enemy to the Corn Laws, and he thought the Noble Earl's proposition cal culated to save the public front their full operation. The object of the motion was to mitigate the evil at present felt, and to prevent its occurrence to a greater extent before the next Session. (Hear.) If they waited rill the next Session, Government would not be in the same situation as at present. If the motion were now not car. tied, Ministers must, if applied to, either say we must do that which, when asked for, was refused by Parliament positively, or they must say, true, there is great distress, and many of his Ma. jesty's subjects have been trampled under foot by his Majesty's dragoons ; but we must not be wiser than the wisdom of Parlia ment--we must not do that forbidden by those who exercise ' a legitimate sway over the lard. The King has the power of ordering out the military, but at the same time corn must not be withheld from the starving people. Ministers may say " Salus popnli suprema lex." They may have courage enough to take all the responsibility of spurning the resent laws, under the plea of great necessity ; but they should not be driven to hesi tate between the law on the one side, and the imperative call of the people on the other. He would ask the most zealous advocates of the Corn Lawn, whether, under such circumstances, they could come to a dispassionate consideration of them? Whether they would not, in fact, be the most likely to suffer? He was an enemy to the Corn Laws, but he did nut wish to see them PO swept away, as in such an event they probably would be, by the feelings of the public, which would probably then run high. The whole agricultural interest would thus lose that advantage which they, as a must important body, ought to receive ; he meant sonic compensation for having to bear greater burdens than other parts of the S s'e. Lord MANSFIELI) said he might agree to the first part of the motion—the setting bonded corn tree; but lie objected to the latter. He said it was an encroachment on the Corn Laws ; and he thought they ought not to be altered without previous discussion. lie could nct help thinking that die declaration of his Majesty's 51inisters rot to disturb the Corn Laws was very recent. Ile would ask had anything occurred to warrant this change ? It was said there was great distress ; but had the price of corn anything to do with this. (Hear, hear.) He thouj.ht not; and he believed this was the genetul opinion. 11 . hat then were the causes ? Ile would not enter into adetail of them now, because he would noticed to any general discussion; but he believed one great cause was over. trading. If he thought setting the bonded corn free would produce relief, he should feel every disposition to entertain it : but this measure, it was admitted, would have very little effect; and, if it would, ft became a question whethef the effect produced would operate no extensively as materially to benefit the distressed districts. The distress known to exist would prevent France sending corn over; and this opinion was supported by a paragraph he observed in the newspapers, which stated that in Stockport potatoes had increased greatly in price. Where was the necessity, be would ask, for Mi nisters having a discretionary power ? Could they not adopt the same expedients in cases of necessity that they had adopted under similar circumstances before ? Some reference had been made to the possibility of a late harvest ; but if the average of harvests was taken, he thought there were no just grounds of apprehension. He thought any system was better than a constant change. The Errl of LIVERPOOL said he should not go much into de tail, for, independent of other considerations, his strength would not allow hint ; but lie wished to say a few words on the subject; and he wished this the more particularly after the speech of his Noble Friend—if so he might be allowed to designate him—because that speech displayed such good sense, and afforded such a candid and temperate expression of opinion, as was calculated to secure the at. tention of all. He felt, too, he was still more particularly called upon, beeatiee his Noble Friend had alluded to some supposed change of opinion in him (Lord Liverpool), but lie could as. lune the Noble Lord no such change had taken place. If the Noble Lord meant to say that the law of 11315 was not fIOW applicable, and that the law of 1822 required some further alteration, lie ( hind Liverpt)ol) would 'subscribe to ir. Ile could not look at a question of this kind as at a great constitutional ques. lion, the principles of which were fixed, and the operation of which should be permanent. This, from its peculiar nature, must always be variable ; and they must adopt at different times such policy as might be Wanted to the diffbrent circumstances. if it were true that you legishsted now as you did in 1815, on the assumption that the price was then Ms., now that 27.000,0(8)1. of taxes were taken off, and these tases bearing particularly on the agricultural interest, such as the income tax, that on horses, salt, and half the assessed taxes; if it wire true—but lie apprehended there was not a Gentle man in the House or in the country who would'ansent to it—that Mb. or 655. was the same thing now as 800. in 11115, then there might be some ground for saying that the law of 1815 was appli cable to the present period. He was induced to say this in answer to some observations firms his Learned Friend, but he wished to dismiss these dineuetions from the present subject. Ile again pro tested against its being 'apposed that the present measures con templated any innovation of the Corn Laws. The subject now under consideration of the other House of Parliament had nothing to do with them : lie retained his opinion, doubtless, as to the pro- I priety of those laws undergoing some alteration ; bat whatever' ' that opinion might be, it had nothing to do with the mese ures now before them. He would even go fur ther ;if he were asked whether be would now effect any alteration of the Corn Laws, he would say No. The letting out of horded corn, in his opinion, so far from being an intimation, ought rather ro be viewed by the egricul radials ass security against their suffering any further iejury. He would now gn back to what had been referred to by several Noble Lords. It was this—that at the commencement of the present Session. and several time," during the progress of it, he did most sincerely, honestly, and decidedly state, that this was not a fit period in which to go into the consideration of the Corn Laws. Now this opinion he still entertained as atrongly as lie did then ; and lie objected to his Lordship's motion because he thought it involved the very inquiry he would avoid. lie objected to the proposition because he thtaught the measures to he sent up to this House might to be allowed to stand on their own merits, on their own grounds. The House ought to see how they were sent up to them before they decided on them, and not prejudge them by the proposition before them--nor say, we will not consider them. Let them come before the House, and then they could be dealt with as might he thought advisable. He should now refer to the ground , ' on which these specific measures were moved. Ile could net help Raying that the manner in which one of these met-ores was viewe by those who supported the Corn Laws, was a proof that even in their minds there was something like a conviction of there being a necessity for what was proposed ; because, why touch the question at all, if it was so objectionable? But if it was admitted that one is required pro Nolo, it hi admitted that some such mea sure is necessary. Whence this change of opinion ? said a Noble Lord: one opining is given at one period, and a few days after Ministers come down with a complete contradiction. He (Lord Liverpool) contended there was no change of opinion. His opinion on the Corn Lass generally was exactly what it was at, the opening of the Session ; but he would freely admit that circum stances had occurred which did not exist when he made that state ment rendering special and temporary measures necessary. These circumstances were the distresses—not the muml insurrections and the burning of power-looms, which he was bound to say were as foolish as unworrantahle—hut the sufferings experienced in Lan ealihire, Derbyshire, Warwickshire, and other places; and never was there are instance of the large majority of manefacturers having behaved during a perioi of cinemas with more submission to the law. They had by their conduct secured the attachment of their masters. He must say these distressesincreaved, even beyond the expectations of the manufacturers themselves. By an issue of Exchequer bills, or by such assistance as the Bank of England had most readily affinded, it was the sentiment of all, that they would be able to get over their difficulties in two or three months. They looked forward to getting considerable orders, and being able to set their men to work. lie never said the high price of corn was the cause of dis tress; he had denied the over and over again ; but it was absurd to suppose that a low price of provisions would not relieve it. (Hear, hear, hear.) The distreas he attributed to the abuse of their inosperity—to their over-trading. 'faking an average of years, this country certainly did not produce more corn than was sufficient for its own consumption. When this was considered, and the possibility of there being a bad harvest was also taken into account,su rely there were powerful reasons for the measures proposed. Taking a period of 32 years from 17911 to Itt33,there appeared 11 most defective harvests, and on each of these occasions there was an importetion of foreign corn. This necessity might occur. lie recol lected in the month ofJune, 1616, there was one of the brightest pros. petite of a fine harvest that ever existed, soil in one day it was blight ed. Corn on that occasion rose from lie. to 1 Ills. per quarter. Suppose such a calamity melds were to befal us at the end of June or the be ginning of .luly, as the law now stood the ports could not be opened till the 14th of August ; but if they could not be opened then, they could not be opened for three months longer— till the 14th of November. If the price were to rise front 130 s. or 601. to 110 s., there would thins be, at a period of distress. a tax imposed on the lower orders to the amount of 30,000.000/. Under these circumstances he would ask if it would be fitting to leave the country, during the ensuing recess of Parliament, for a period of perhaps three or four months, with corn at the enormous price of perhaps not less than from liOs. to 150 e , and with the additional circumstance, that while it was almost a famine price, there should be a large quantity of corn in the warehouse of the country ? It was essential, under such circumstances, that a power should be conceded to Ministers, which, under less imperious ones, might be refused. The argument that such a state of things was equally likely to happen every year was no argument, for the pos. sibility of such an event should not be suffered to exist at all. It haul been said that the people wanted work and not bead, and that therefore the measure was unnecessary. Ile was surprised that any person could make use of such an argument, because, although it might be true that many persons wanted work, still was it equally true that many of those who had work found their wages reduced front 90 shillings to seven, to six, and even to tiveshillings per week. Would any person of common sense say that to such persons the price of the quartern loaf was a matter of indifference ? The fact was, that, in the present state of the manufacturing districts, Minis ters felt it necessary to ask for a power as unsatisfactory for them to receive as it was for that House to confer. He entreated that the House would not try hie Majesty's 'Ministers by Its opinion of them, or by its confidence in them, but rather judge of them by their own interest ; and then ask themselves if it was probable that they would be likely to abuse the power which was confided to them ? A Noble Lord (Ellenborough) had been pleased to allude to him in the most flattering terms, and had intimated his disbelief that the measure originated with him (Lord Liverpool); but he could 'mine the Noble Lord that he felt nn difficulty in stating, that if any one person was more culpable than another in bring ing forward that measure, it was himself. (Hear, hear, hear.) Ministers were placed in the predicament of choosing between two courses, the one to make an alteration of the abating law—the other to adjourn the general question, by providing for the existing emergency, so that they might conic unshackled to the consideration of its merits upon a (mitre occasion. He felt it necessary to say a few words in reply to the Noble Lord who spoke last. He would not deny that he was of opinion that it was requisite to effect an alteration in the Corn Laws. In fact it would be the greatest pos sible mistake for any person to imagine that those laws could re main in their present state unaltered. By all that had passed in 1032, when those laws were under consideration, it was evident that at that tient there was no intention to regard the then existing regu lations as permaent. On the contrary, the measure then pro posed was opposed on the very ground that the law of 1614 should not be altered until the House was prepared for the final settlement 'of the question. That his Majesty's Ministers never entertained the idea of making any alterations in the Cern Laws, which could be unfairly prejudicial to the agricultural interests, be could prove by an extract from a correspondence with the Government of Prus sia, which country offered the most favourable commercial condi tions if the English Government would agree to conditions equ :arti a nteght l fh l i.etel y oerri favourable in the trade of corn. The reply was that his Majesty's Government could hot enter into the question of the Corn Laws at all in reference to our intcrcouse with loreignnations ; that t was a subject which could only be discussed as it related to the domeetic interests of the country. This ct rrespondence took place in Febru ary last, but so anxious were the Government to leave the matter wholly at the discretion of Parliament, that they refused to make it a matter of negotiation. What Government now asked for was, a power onerous to themselves : they t sked fora special provision, which had nothing at all to do with the Corn Laws--they called for a power which they would not use unless it were imperiously re quired, and therefore he hoped there would be no difficulty in con. ceding it. (Hear, hear. hear.) The Marquis. of LANSDOWN said, that in rising to give his vote in favour of the motion of the Noble Lord (Malmsbury), he had no hesitation in stating his opinion, that at no distant period en alteration must be effected in those laws. Ile was persuaded that inquiry was necessary, in order to effect a permanent alteration of the Corn Laws • and a temporary alteration ought not to be adopt ed. It appeared to be the intention of his Majesty's Government to effect an alteration in the Corn Laws, in order to prevent a pre sumptive scarcity, which, even if it occurred, might be better re. 'milted by the exercise of their own discretionary power, tinder their own responsibility. This would be better than attempting to legislate in the dark. Every argument which haul been used would apply with equal force to any season as well as to the present, and all of them tended to elucidate the necessity of making a perms temper?t o all the charges n e,so,einaAiicinhwnibddtilieclhideiteinwibedwifsittrnieosttioile dlootnuiuoetntlyuir sad,,d,gituhtmrhitipoor the tuhseet nent alteration in the law upon the subject. If the law were per manently settled, every farmer might take his lease accordingly ; but at present all his calculations might be overthrown by circum stances which he could not possibly foresee. In the present bur- thened state ache country jt was inipossible that the agricultural interest could exist at all without some protection, in some shape or utabr l jy l ee ow t could a man lay out his capital to other; but there might be a system even worse than bad—an un. ad settle,alterations tmi,agyes.tetmor w f i : e a C s t h i t i ee z ni t b i ee n s ) winds of heaven, tiler property was to be valuable, or otherwise, according to the dictum of that Ilouse ? Surely it was ld eatmtilrt interests oa a etaeteemv ii n nrtorr e e spnnac n kso emnt t eet shet a pi ftliet r a e Tit,oni trinnso.tougg n te oahsw g p 0. instance responsibilityioi If st.siulenlbntee theta eltr : nareow y f ,bdit islh:c t iioceen h ofhaa o s udopd necessary that some step should be taken towards effecting a per t n manent o ie acettlnweouvdn..;efaeolr°t and t ni n?et t s b nd : et e e i 1:18:ilyll advantage e w a ; aa ad on e o lg s %lt u w s ha i ngit w e de f t ve e f e r i a op u e t l e sw y to rno e : i s h ith om was th l e h m ere ? (Cheers ) Nothing could be more mischievous than to reason beforehand upon the mere probability of the markets being affected. 1 1 It engendered ideas amongst the country people that Ministers haul private information ' • and the result must inevitably be, that en ar tificial rise would be created, without any reference to supply and demand. lie felt convinced that it would be better for Al iniaters to proceed under the responsibility he lied stated, until the next Session of Parliament, and to avoid entering upon the question of the Corn Laws until then. When the time for considering the question arrived, however, he believed it would be Brun! impos sible to disconnect the landed and the manufacturing intetens, which were intimately interwoven ; and when Parliament was again called upon to legislate upon the Corn Laws , he they would settle them once and for ever. (Hear. hear.) Lord MALMSBURY and the Earl of LIVERPOOL mu tually explained. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and their Lordshi ps divided. Contents (proxies 70) IC6—Not-contents (proxies 18) 67 Majority - 98 Their Lordships then adjourned at HALF -PAST TivEtv o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, TIMI3DAT, MAT 11. THE JOHNSTON DIVORCE BILL. The Johnston Divorce Bill went through a Committee, Counsel was heard, and witnesses examined at the bar of the throat. THAMES WATERMEN REGULATION BILL. Mr. Alderman WOOD said, that as he had no expectation of being able to carry the Thames Waterman Regulation Bill through the House this Session of Parliament, he would beg leave to with draw the Bill until next See,ion.—Leave given. LISMORE DIVORCE BILL. On the motion or Mr. A BERCRO3IBY, the !Amore Divorce Bill went through a Committee, Counsel being heard avid pit nessea examined at the har of the House. A BOIATION OF SLAVERY. Colonel STItCI7 presented a petition from the borough of Alahlom praying far the abolition of negro slavery in the West India Gnlonion, - K. DOUGLAS presented a petition from Cupar, praying that no measures might take piece for the aborilon of slavery i n , *ions to the interests of the West India planters. Colonel DRAKE: presented a petition from Ametsham, praying. for the abolition of negro slavery. SLAVERY COMMITTEE. Mr. HUME moved that the Slavery Committee might have leave to sit after the adjournment of the House.—Leave granted. ROMAN CATHOLIC CLAIMS. Mr. HOSKISSON presented a petition from the Roman Cs. thnlics of Liverpool, signed by 3,700 persons of that religion, mai_ ing for the repeal of the disabilities under which they labour. Ti, e peitioners„ he said. though anxious fur the repeal of thaw laws which continue the disabilities of their body, would not preys Mt consideration of their claims on the noose this Session, but wrre anxious not to have that considered a renunciation of their claims t they trusted to the generosil and honour of the English peopl e tin a repeal of thane oppressive laws. Lord NU6ENT supported the prayer of the petition It was his intention to present to the [louse on Thursday next ik petition from the Roman Catholics of liogtand, to the !AMC CfreLZ. The petition was then ordered to be punted. DUTY ON MALT. Mr. DAWSON preTientetla petition from the maltaters of 0 1 . weetry, praying tOT the repeal of the duty on malt. COUNTY COURTS. .T. Shl ITH presenietfaipetitinnfrOn Brighton, complain. ing of the practice of coolty coune. 7 —Ordered to be printed. COLON'EL BRA6I,E.Y. Mr. HUME said he had to present a petition from • gentleman named Bradley, who had been 20 years in his Majesty's service, 18 out of which lac was exposed to the dangers of a tropical Citrate. During this period his conduct had never received from any of ha superior o ffi cers may other observation !ban that of approval. The petitioner notwithstanding had to complo i t of having been removed from the army by the Commander in Chief. He was Lieutenant.. Coicnel in the 2d West India regiment. In March 1818, he be. came the commanding officer of the left wing of his regiment, stationed at Honduras. In 1819 the regiment of the senior offic e r in command, at Honduras, was put upon half-pay, and he was tilts rendered incapable, in virtue of his mere rank on the half pay list, of bedding a commend. Honduras is governed by a aupermtendant appointed by the Governor of Jamaica. In July 1814, Blake Arthur, of the 7th West India regiment, was appointed to the Civil Office of Superintendent. The command of his Majesty's troops, at Honduras, was at that time held by Brevet-Maier Massey, who resigned in December 1814 ; and the command devolved on Major Arthur, in his capacity of senior regimental commissioned officer on the station. In 1818 Major Arthur was appointed to the York Chasseurs. The petitioner arrived at Honduras in 1818; and In 1819 intelligence was received of the intended reduction of the York Chasseurs. The petitioner felt that when the reduction took place, he being second in command, the whole charge antis hoary command must devolve on him ; and Lieut..('ol. Arthu r invariably stated that. should he be put on half-pay, his authority would cease. In June 1819. the York Chasseurs embarked as Jamaica ; and in August were disbanded at Quebec, in Canada. The month of October passed without any communication being made by Col. Arthur to the retitioner that the former was placed on half pay. In 1820 the petitioner. finding from the Army Lists that the York Chasseurs bad been disbanded in Canada in the August preceding, sought an explanation of Colonel Arthur why he continued in NM. mend. Obtaining no satisfactory answer to his repeated applied tions, he addressed a letter to Colonel Arthur in 182 1 ), calling on him to state his authority for continuing to hold the command of his Majesty's troops. Colonel Arthur on this convened a meet. ing, which the petitioner refused to attend, consideting it irregular; and in consequence of this refusal he was placed under close arrest for ten months by Colonel Arthur, and stigmatized as a pers , a guilty of unmilitary, insubordinate, and mutinous conduct. The petitioner frequently called for a copy of the charges, but none was furoished. The petitioner went on to state that Colonel Arthur, to justify hie continuing in command, and his subsequent conduct, asserted that he held a commission, dated so far back aslBl4 but this commission did not exist till 1820, and was manufactured for the occasion. He was ready to prove that this was an ex post farlo commission. After suffering all this injusticr, the petiofoner eta ed that he was removed from the army by the Commander-in. Chief, with leave to sell his majority only. The petitioner said. findirg all redress denied, he brought an action against Colonel Arthur for false imprisonment, which having come to trial. Sir H. Turrets and Sir Herbert Taylor were examined as witnesses. Sir H. Tor rens then swore that four general orders had been issued, which conferred the power on Colonel Arthur; and yet, after the case for the plaintiflLad been closed, the opposite par produced a com mission said to have been given by General Fuller in 1814. By these means the petitioner was defeated, and only obtained a verdict 11001.) for the period durirg which he had been detained in con. finetnent.after his dismissal from the army. Since then the peq. tioner had discovered that no such general orders as Sir H. Woe s swore to ever existed, and that the very commission itself was un. known and unheard of by Colonel Arthur himself at a period later than when the petitioner claimed the right of con m nd. The pe. titioner complained also that the Treasury undertook to pay Colorel Arthur's coats of the ecrion ; and theta Interfered under au. h peru. liar circumstance's between two indiv duals. The petitioner prayed that he might be examined at the bar of the House, when he un dertook to prove all the matters aleged in his petition. The Hoo. Gentleman ('s!r. Hume) said he believed, though he bad not stated all, that he had stated the rrircipal facts in td e t stition. The petitioner had been dismissed by the Commander-m-Chief without being tried by a Court-martial; and he (Mr. Huff e) thought if an individual possessed the authority of thus remov.og another, and stigmatizing his character, the power ought to be used molt ap tringly. Mr. BUTTERWORTH said the pe itioner wat obliged to N put under arrest, to prevent insur e tion in the colony. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said he had real the return, and the charges contained in it were insupsoot table The pt tit orer made distinct charges of l erjury end forgery against two indirl• duals, whose characters stood tot high to b itni eached. and he put it to the House whether such ate it cn °tog et to 1 e Ink! on tl e tab e. (Hear.) When the retitle)! e- m. de these collo nt sp., ilt ions to Colonel Arthur, the latter Er pea d that t' e r eilfferenct • shculd be referred to the proper authoti ice, and it was in consequence of h s refusing to wait this dec , Con that he pe Water was placed under arrest. The petitioner eta eel that he was under close arrest to r ten month,. Now, as a proof of the accuracy of h 'oaten ems, he (the Attorney-General) would state *hat wa• ti e f sct. He was ender close arrest for two months only, for at the expirition this i eriod he was allowed to be at loge, with an understanding o ly oat he was to consider himself order arrest till further orders. As regarded his dismissal by the Commarder-M-Chief, he (the Attorney Gems. rai) would read the orde- of dismissal from his Royal Iligline s the Commander-in-Qhier, which would show that it was not the moth of any interested representations. (The A ttorney•General then read the order, which stated that the petitioner was dismissed on !Nutt representations, by which it appeared he had been guilty of great insubordination.] If the House referred to what took piece at the trial, when the matter was fully investigated, they would reject the statement of the petitioner. He was not content with the de cision at Nisi Prius, but moved the Court for a pew trial, when the subject underwent another full investigation. The Judges. how ever, decided against him. He (the Attothey-Genetal ) should rot object to the petition being laid on the toble, hut he certainly would oppose its further stage. lie would not o nest to i s be. ing printed, and its libellous contents being thus circulated th ought the House and the country. Colonel DAVIES thought the petitioner had mixed op ma ter with the statement of his own grievances, which it had be n I ettrr, perhaps, to have left out. But this might nit to into r ere with the real merits of his cars. Any one who had acquaitrancit with the two individuals referred to, whether' that sequin , torte were public, or private, must acquit them of having act d as im puted. Ile would ask if Colot el Arthur had the commoisi , whigh it was said he had not, why, when there was so much oats. sion for its being produced, was it kept back ? If he bad brought; it forward when required, it wou d Lace put an end to all the m s• understanding. '1 lie petitioner kt ew Colonel Arthur was disband d, and acted under in impression that he had a right to take the com mand. He (Col. Lavaca) would not enter ipto an inquiry now as to whether he wee justified in assuming the command undor sigh circumstances, but whether or not the petitioner had great reason to complain. He was dismissed without being tried by Co?tird Maeda], and without even leatning what the charges were agsm'd hint. This, by the rules of the service, he had a right to. Ile thought it monstrous that Government should have even rewarded Col. Arthur, by giving him subsequently to this bustncas anotl er commission ; and it was equally to be objected to, that he ass sett to Van Diemeri's Land, in t thus avoided paying the petitioner set only the damages, but the costs of the suit also. Lord PALM ERSTON said, having read the petiti n. he wat surprised to find charges against two individuals as Its. oat able as any in the country. These imputations lie knew to he s therefore should oppose the printing of the petition. The q uestion was one of simplicity . The petitioner WAS guilty of va t in subordination, and if Colonel Arthur had nqt put hint ur to. arrest as he did, the latter would have been guilty of a 8'" 1 " dereliction of duty, and have shown himself totally unfit fur the charge with which, by virtue of his simatldn, he was eentrusted.lt appeared to him quite clear that Colonel Bradley had btu guilty of insubordination, and th a t his di s mi s sal front the service was the jut consequence of his breach of military duty. But thoug % dismissed horn the emirs Colonel Bradley had been treated mil great lenity, and instead of the har s h proceedings which hood bees sueposecl to attach to his ca se , he bad, in fact, experienced all the indulgence which could have been ahewn to an in,!ividnol, oleo the circumstances in which he was placed ; for he was allowed te dispose of limo majority, though he had purchased only his capta cy. When the necessity of his dismissal from the error, for It. good of the service, was considered, he, (Lord .Palmerston) thought it must be conceded that the grant of the power ofsaleevineed a considerable degree of favour. He conceived that it was very un grateful in the petitioner to have introduced the name of Sir henry Torrent' in the ofiensive manner which had been adopted, as Slf Henry had privately exerted himself, and made application of his influence. in order that the petitioner should receive all the beiefit which a person in his situation could expect, even to a degree of partialit. As to the objec t i ons urge d aga inst the removal of Col. front Arthur the legal conseq uences o f p ro( e cittogs institute against him, there appeared to be no p ro p r i e ty in having that gemlemaa dragged into a court of justice fur doing what his mili tar y duty re. d