The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1824-02-28 00:00:00

less not en. Similar laws were in foam in Prance, is Holland, In G ow an', and in Prussia, end they was recognized in Prince, even under the Code ltlepoleon. It was most true that every law hod its advantages and disadvantages, but it was no argument aga inst laws that they were sometimes infringed on. He (Mr. Hey_ gate ), would state from good authorities, that the Usury Laws thrltt the country were respected and obeyed. If they were , no one would know how much he could get or how much ir;;Tio pay for money ; and one man, who had a little more cunning . would always obtain more interest than another. in Lon don, it is true, there would be competition; but such would not be the case in coundy towns, where generally there was but one nom to lend, and who would get his own price. Then if a person were refused money at a certain rate, he must go and shew his title spun in the market, and be subjected to new inquiries; so that 'misty would prefer paying more than they ought, to avoid this disagreeable task. As to the justice of the ease, he (Mr. Ileygate) would ask what right any man had to possess or lend money ab stractedly at all? He only hail a right to have money for the good of the state, subject to such laws of management as the stae thought proper . to enact. lle (Mr. Ileygate) made this °biter tattoo because it had been wetted that there existed the same right to make profit on money as on lands. But dry money paid nothing to the State—it escaped taxation, and wu the only thing that did so. The State.—not only this, but every other stair,—plated restrictions on money fur wise our poses. Ile( Mr. Ileywate) was now speakiag against his own in terests, for be knew the repeal of the usury laws would place a considerable auto in his pocket. He was quite ready to admit that the repeal now would not have much affect in any way. But this was not to be for ever. In ease of a war it would be very different. The main argument of those who sought the repeal was, that the , laws effect injuriously the various interests of the country. But ' these interests are the Government. No one can deny that by these laws the Government was able to get money at a lower rate, and if such had not been the ease the national debt, which is at present eight hundred millions, would have been, perhaps, twelve hundred imllions. It ass stated, that the law injured the agriculture! inte• rests; but would not the country bankers, who are the principal lenders, who were satisfied to take now, as they were during the war, 5 per cent, demand and exact a much higher sum ? (Hear.) The tendency of the repeal could only be to aggrandise a few capitalists, and to place all the money of the ((sunny in the hands of two or three individuals . Another injurious effect it would have, would lie to introduce wild speculations of every kind into the country. Ile (Mr. Heygate) thought the repeal of these law. would be ex tremely injurious to individuals and to the cotio!ry, and he en treated the House to pause before they departed from the usages of their ancestors Mr. W. 11' NN an little disposed to change any law on mere theoretical grounds ; but he would ask, were there not practical evils resulting from the Usury lama? 11 - hat was the system of our ancestors, which had been alluded to ? On the same principle that they fixed the value of money, they fixed the value of a hog or a chicken ; and he (Mr. Wynn) really thought the one was as sen sible as the other. The law, which not only condemned a man to death for his crime, but his whole family with him, was just as old as the other law; and he thought if one were supported the other should be so also. Ile thought the capitalist had as much rigin to make a profit on his money as any dealer had on his plods. There could he no better authority on this subject than Adam Strain, who had completely stated all the arguments against it, and as completely tefuted all the arguments in favor of the Usury Laws. Mr. CA lA',RAFT regretted that the Learned Gentleman (Ser geant Onslow) should have pressed on the question at this late hour. He was surprised that his Majesty's Ministers, live of whom had seats in that House, should not have honoured the House with their company this evening. Ile differed totally on the subject front his Honourable Friend (Mr. Baring) who sate near hint. All wen knew that the country had prospered in proportion as it had reduced the rate of interest, from the reign of henry the nth, when it commenced, to that of Queen Anne, when it received its present limits. Ile knew that if the motion of his Hon. Friend passed the House, its tendency would he to unsettle the Country. His Right Honourable Friend had stated that money engagements were made for a term of years ; but would this be the case in figure ? Would men be mad enough so to sacrifice their interests if the motion passed ? His Honourable Friend had also stated that much as he disliked the repeal of old standing laws, he wished for the repeal of this. becauset here were vactical evils attending it; but could he say that if the laws were changed the evils would not be grimier ? With respect to this law he thought it dishonest, and be had authorities to support him--Mr. Bentham, Dr. Paley. and others. The law now lobe exploded, had still its defenders, though they might be decried like many that came after them. It was said the other evening, that no man of sound understanding dissented ftom that proposition ; but though there were only a few who thought otherwise, he still thought they were right. They might be prejudiced and stupid ; but he knew that many persons in the country not only agreed with them, but seemed to be firmly con vinced of the propriety of their opinions. Money might be had in Lostlo i at 3 per cent., but in the country it could not be had for less than 5 per cent. It was very lightly talked of that mort gages could be transfsrred ; bet look at the fresh expenses in doing so—look at the dims' detail of law expenses, and going front person to person to eff:ct such an exchange. The foolish, stupid, short-sighted country g.mtlernen with whom he had wised, thought that if this Bill was passed it would materially affect them.-- When the Bill wee once canted—when the hurra was raised for usury—all the prejudice, perhaps vulgar prejudice, against money lenders, would be done away. Do those prejudices away, and the respectable class of solicitors would open the full career of low, mean, debased avarice, and the country gentlemen would be put down. The country gentlemen would, however, be indebted to Sergeant Onsiow for paying eight, nine, or ten per tent., in piece of the old five per cent.; they would be indebted to the ad ministration of this day foe such a claim to their thanks and grad. tude. To be sure he must say, he was on the Committee, yet he was the only one who put a question in cross-examination. In feet, if he were not mninded of his being on the Committee, he would not have recollected it, so little was the part he took on the Com mittee; he relied upon the evidence of Mr. Preston, Mr. Rothe. child and Mr. Gurney, as decidedly supporting his opinion. If the law allowed the taking any rate of interest, he doubted much if these gentlemen would - be any longer able to give such testimony as they had given. Before they passed such a law, minute inquiry was abet - dui-1y necessary ; and one thing was certain, namely,—if the measure was necessary, it should be taken up by the Govern. ment, and upon their own responsibility. Whether Usury Laws existed in Holland or not, was a matter of little importance, because the landed securities there were trivial in the extreme. In France, it was,however, different, for in 1793 the Convention declared,money to be mere merchandise. How long did that law last ? nom April 11 to May 4; and such a law was now sought to be introduced here. But he asked what benefit was to be gained by the change? Why, it was said, that the capitalists might have the enjoyment of their capital, and that was a very captivating sound ; but the question was, was this House to decide for their interests and not for the general interest ? The capitalist could employ his money as he pleased; but the borrowers were obliged to take as they could get; and surely their interests should be attended to, because, generally speaking, the borrowers were the minority interested in this question. Before the 801 l now proposed was pseud into a law, he trusted the general question would undergo more detailea inquiry. Sir It. HERON proposed, In order to get rid of the question at this Iwo hour, that the House do now adjourn. (Cries of order, order, hear, hear.) Mr. HUSKIdOON contended that the discussion of all clues. twos involving particular interests should be met upon their indi vidual merits. It was said that this measure should be proposed by his Majesty's Ministers ; but it was new to him to hear such a doctrine, especially as the present was not a new proposition, but one agitated for years, and that by the same Learned Gentleman who had introduced it year after year. Foe himself, he gave his opinions as he felt, and as he thought the interests of the commu. my required. Ile agreed that men upon this question might con scientiously differ, but he could not help saying that he felt this tomsure as one of groat natiodal importance. His view of the question was, that the laws as they existed were oppressive to those who wanted to borrow. (Hear, hear.) Lender and borrower were placed in relative situations; but it was said, admit this Bill and do away with the obloquy against the usurious lender. But why restrict the lender more than any other capitalist ? If the lender took too much, the borrower had his advantage against the lender by the obloquy which he heaped upon hint ; and the chances which he took of having his principal lowered, as well as his interest. The borrower was now protected against an illegal rate of interest ; but see how the 'aides was situated. He lost all his capital, and was that to be endured? If it were, capital must, in a great degree, be destroyed. In fact, if the borrower knew his interest, he would find, after all. that he was the loser by the con tinuance of the present laws. During the war, Mr. Preston, that favourite witness relied on by the Hon. Member (Mr. Caleraft), stated that the borrower must pay more interest for money : but if interest were above five per cent. for a series of years, he knew that the Court interposed to protect the borrower against the foreclos ure, in violation of the contract into which he had entered. He dis puted not the law, but look at its hardships, and the consequence would be, that the borrowing money, according to law, would be more difficult than lino such law existed. The lender should have some fair return ; and if he had not, the borrower would smut feel himself in a most unpleasant situation. During the last war bor rowers 'erre obliged to pay a great interest, and so far the value of land was lessened ; and that might be the case where the lender had to contend with the disadvantages of the existing law. Probably Mr. Gurney and other; procured money, or lent money on most. gage at five per cent., but then acne other charges, amounting to bye per mitt. more, by way of procuration, &c., and then would it not be strange to say that money was obtained at five per cent. ? Some Gentlemen went to China, France, and Holland. to chew they had usury laws; but could those laws, he asked, be carried into effect? And were there not, however, the means of evading them if they existed ? Why even in this country they were evaded, in the shape of annuitiea and all those ruinous expe dients which were resorted to, as destructive between man and man, and degrading the best elements of civilised society. Capital, should be allowed its benefits; and the borrower, if he wants money ought to pay for it as an individual wanting any other article which lie could not obtain without a high premium. When the rate of interest was lowered in the reign of Queen Anne, it was the state of capital abroad produced that change • and he thought the Hon. (slr. Calcraft) on that ground should be the first to go into a Committee of Inquiry oil that subject. It was said that 'wine? had nothing to do with bearing the burthens of the state; but that proposition he could not understand. If he, or any other individual derived an increase from capital in money, be had to Pay in Proportion to other persons having a capital in land or manufte. tem. For these reasons he felt it his duty to support the motion. Sir H. HERON said if this Bill were carried it would be in dint oppeaition to the morals of every age and country. Prus sia Ond Holland were adverted to, and he WY astonished that the legitimate Government of Turkey was not also noticed. Holland a country of merchants and money-lentlers, and few land : °dry's; Prussia was not free, and nothing could be free in a I boa of despotism: In Prussia every lender Iris obliged to go to an @Mee with his ,gooney, and every borrower to obtain the best' terms he could. He was disposed to enter it much greater length into this subject, but at this late hour of the night he would not further trespass on the attention of the House. Mr. T.WILSON, looking at the evidence before the House, and the lateness of the hour, was not disposed to legislate at such a time of night. There were capitalists and theorists against the landed invprietora, and he thought it would be hard to come to a decision now. The capitalists would hare the benefit of any change in the usury laws. and that alone demanded an inquiry. The high I rate of interest would be a benefit to the capitalists, and decidedly an injury to the borrower. Ile might perhaps see some reason to alter his opinion, and be would not be ashamed to state so: if he' were convinced hellieght to change them. Sir J. SEHHIGHT thought the usury laws an injury to the landed proprietor, who could not think of obtaining money at a low rate, while money could obtain, by trade or other speculations, a higher rate. Ile expressed his obligations, as a landed proprietor, to his Hon. and Learned Friend (Mr. Sergeant I )nslow), for bring ing forward this motion. An lion. Friend of his had said, and not jocosely, that five per cent. was the natural interest of money (laughter). and lie saw no reason why more or less should be al lowed or taken. And this was about the value of the arguments of those who voted against the introduction of the Bill now before the I House. Mr. HARING said this was the first occasion on which he heard this question argued, and he had listened to it with great attention. It would be the height of fully to represent as persons without un demanding those who held opinions on the one side or the other of so very important a question. There were always great preju dices shoot dealing in money, of which persons should divest them selves before coming to a decision on so momentous a matter. He had no hand in bringing the Rill before the House ; but if. upon reflection, he should find it useful, he should support it. Ile was satisfied the borrower was no more at the mercy of the lender, than the buyer of any article was at the messy of the seller. Such a no tion was an entire fallacy, and he had no doubt that the more the matter was argued, and the better it was understood, the sooner would men's minds be convinced it was so. There is no branch in which free principles of trade were more im portant than the circulation of capital. India was an instance of the advantages of it. Capital first went nut there at an interest of eight or ten per cent.—the interest now wes reduced to five. There was a want of atpital in Ireland. if you say capital at five per cent. shall only be admitted there, you prevent any capital from being embarked in that country ; for the rate of interest you fix and determine is not sufficiently large to induce persons to em. bark their property in speculations there. The evasions of the law, and the expenses incurred to accomplish such evasion, con stituted the real evil, and was what the Legislature ought to remedy. (Hear, hear.) Legal restrictions will not prevent persons from borrowing on large interest, for unless the creditor offers liberal terms he cannot procure money, and he will offer them, either than tie without the money he wants.—(('ries of question.) The Worthy Alderman could not surely impute to him any inter est in the question, as gentlemen who, like himself, embarked their capital in trade, dial not usually dispose of their money in this way. He concluded by enforcing the necessity of adopting free principles on the question of interest allowed to capitalists and era Alderman II E VGATE explained. The House then divided— For the Amendment . . 32 Against it Majority (In our return to the gallery, we found the House in a Committee. The CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again on Monday next. The other orders of the day were then disposed of', and the House adjourned at HALF-PAST Two o'CLot. NOTICES FOR 310NDAT, MARCH I. 1824. Mr. Herrin—Miscellaneous Estimates (in Committee of Supply), deferred from Monday, February. 23. Mr. Bennet—Seleet Committee on General Penitentiary. PRICE!: OF BRITISH Rank Stock ZlBf 8 4 71 8a 3 per Cent Reduced. 921 1 3 per Cent. Cons. 911 2 la 2j 3i per emit. ♦ par Cent. 1021 f New 4 per Cents. 107 a bong Annuities 22 11-16 13-161 Imperial 3 per Cents. Bank ter Accouht Cons. for Act. 921 4 f II PRICES OF FOREIGN Austrian Scrip. 104 I Ditto for Acct. 181 1 . 1 pr. Ditto paid in full 911 2 2 Eltilian Bonds 4 4Oll Ditto for Acct. 81 801 Colombian Bonds. 6 71 j 71 7 Do. for Account, 67 61 74 7 Danish Bonds, Ditto Marks Banco, Mex. Scrits.74 14 418. Do. for Account 74 0 I 1 Neapolitan Bonds, 1361 7 Ditto for Account Portuguese Bonds Ditto Sale, 3 2 4 Prussian moues 9 .11 Ditto for Account 964 Ditto Bonds (1822). 811 41 COURSE OF EXC Amsterdam C. F. 12 2 Ditto, at sight . II 19 Rotterdam - 12 3 Antwerp . - 12 4 liamburgh 37 5 Alton& . 6 Paris, 3 days' sight 23 60 Ditto - 25 80 Flourdeaux 25 80 Berlin - 7 10 Frankfort-on-the-Main 1551 Petersburgh 9 Vienna - 19 IS Trieste . - 10 10 3ladrid - 36 Cadiz - 35 Babas 35 Barcelona 35 ferille - - 35 ibraltar - 30 KING'S THEATRE. This Evening, SATURDAY, February 41, will be performed FANATIC() PER LA MUSICA. Principal Performers—Madame Catolani, Signor Curioni, Sig. nom Caradori, Signora Rosichi, Signora Grariani, Signor Fran *litchi, and Signor De Begnia. Between the Acts, the Ballet Divertissement Peruvien, L'ADORATION AU SOLIEL. To conclude with LA NOCE DU VILLAGE. Madame Catslani will sing in the Six Sacred Concerts, which will be given at this Theatre, on the same plan as the Concert Spirituels at Paris, on the Fridays in Lent. Applications for Boxes snd Single Subscriptions for the Sea son to be made to Mr. Seguin, Opera Office, BM, Quadrant, Regent-street. •.• The Opera will begin on Tuesday* at half-past seven, and on Saturdays at seven o'clock precisely. NEW THEATRE ROYAL, DRURY-LANE. This Evening, SATURDAY, February ,41, will be perforated THE MERRY WIVES Ott' WINDSOR. Fenton, Mr. Braham; Sir John Falstaff; Mr. Dovton ; Mrs. Ford, Miss Stephens: Mn. Page, Madame Vestris. To conclude with THE CATARACT OF THE GANGES._ On Mona:Wßl;i;:ri7i;sicena : Kin g Richard, 31r. Kean; with The Invisible Girl; and The Highland Reel. THEATRE ROYAL, COVENT-GARDEN. This Evening, SATURPAY, February 28, will be performed ATIVE LAND. Principal Character tj Messrs. Sinclair, W. Farrell, Cooper, and Fawcett; Misses Paton, Love, and M. Tree. After which, THE MILLER AND HIS MEN. On Monday, Romeo and Juliet ; with the Pantomime. ADELPIf I THEATRE, STRAND. This Evening, SATURDAY, February 28, will be performed TEREZA TOMEI NS. Causewitt, Mr.J. Reeve; Fountain, Mr. Wilkinson. Molly, Mrs. Baker ; Alm Juniper ' Mrs. Bryan. After which, the Ballet of L'AMOUR. To conclude with the admired Barletta of TOM JONES. NEW SURREY THEATRE. This Evening, SATURDAY, February 28. will be performed BORRACHIO THE OUTLAW. Alphonse*, Mr. Rowbothain Malvolio, Mr. (Ja i lo r ; Somali°, Mr. 11. Kemble. Victoria, Mrs. W. Cliftbrd. After which, MAIDS AND BACHEIAMS; Or, NETTLEWIG HALL. To conclude with THE DEATH OF LIFE IN LONDON. ;TOMS YESTERDA India Stock, 277 78 India Bonds, 79 pr. India for Account , South Sea Stock. South Sea Old Annuities South Set New Annuities Ex. Bills, 1,0001. 42 44 pr. Ditto, WI. 42 44 pr. Ditto, Small, 42 45 pr. Lottery Tickets, 191. 19.. STOCKS YESTERDAY. Russian Bonds, 944 411 i; Ditto for Aect. 941 i 3 j I Russian Inscription Exchange per ruble Ditto Metallic Stock Spanish Cons. 244 4 4 4 Ditto for Account 2.11 4 Ditto 170 & 2155 Bonds, Do. 6 per Cts. (1023) 194 444 194 . Ditto for Acct. Anglo Mex. Mines United Ditto Fr. Rent^ 100 f. 30c. 101 E Do. Scrip. 12 114 124 pm. Ditto for the Acct. pm. Do. Ks. 161. Greek Scrip. 24 3 21 i i pr. Peruvian scrip 77 s A N6t; ts'rEttliA . Leghorn . . 44 (lenoa . . 431 Venice • - 27 Malta - 45 Naples . 38 Palenno - 115 Lisbon 51 Oporto . All Rio Janeiro - 49 Bahia - al Dublin - 9 91 Cork .. BULLION. _ L. a. d. Portugal Gold in coin 0 0 0 Fomgn Gold in bars 3 17 • New Doubloons 0 0 0 New Dollars 0 • 9} Silver in bars 0 4 11 the Stititift WOO. The BRITS= POW Commenced publishing yesterday morning st six o'clock. LONDON, SATURDAY, YziatrAzy 28, 1824. The French Papers of Il'ednesday and Thursday con- Orin, as they usually do of late, little of any interest: but a telegraphic despatch had been received at Paris, stating the death of the former Viceroy of Italy, Napoleon's adopted an, kupene Beanbatneia. He closed his mortal career at Munich. on the slat of February, at four o'clock , in the morning. Beauharnois was one of the best of the Napoleon school: he emerged from that crowded circle of blood and ambition with a character almost unstained. Early reared in the school of adversity, his natural dispo sition was good, and remained unspoiled by subsequent elevation. Ile was most popular in Italy ; he seemed in Milan to forget he was a Frenchman, and devoted all his endeavours to resuscitate the arts and glory of that fallen mistress of the world. Under his administration, and the mighty influence of Napoleon, the enervated Italians were roused from the slumber in which they had lain for centuries. Eighty thousand men appeared in arms, as the soldiers of Italy, troops as brave and devoted as ever the first Cesar led to victory. The Italian division, under the Viceroy, encountered the worst horrors of the Russian campaign, and many of them defied those rigours under which the French, the Germans, and even the Poles sunk in thou sands. Labaume's memorable narrative gives a terrible picture of what the Italian army, under Beauharnois, en- countered on this occasion. While Napoleon subsequently was fighting for existence in Germany, and by the victo ries of Lutzen and Bautzen * previous to the dreadful catastrophe of Leipsic, stemming the overwhelming tide of universal confederation against his power, Beauharnois was contending, with almost equal ability and success, in Italy, and foiling the worst efforts of Bianchi and the Austrians. His life, since the first deposition of Napo leon, was one of retirement and tranquillity. While the fortunes of the former prevailed over Europe, and tribu tary monarchs were vassals at his chariot wheels, Beau harnois intermarried with a daughter of the House of Bavaria, and the last ten years of his life were spent in unassuming retirement, principally in Munich and its neighbourhood. Under him the kingdom of Italy sup ported a military college at Pavia, a school of engineers in Modena, a cannon foundery also at Pavia, a manufac- ; tory of arms at Brescia, and a national institute in Milan: If Napoleon threw chains over Italy, they were not the cold iron of the Bohemian—they were glittering, and al most unfelt by those who wore them. We are no apologists for his boundless ambition and tyranny ; but both were , freedom contrasted with the vassalage that now enthrals the Italians. The Senate, the Council of State, the Elec toral Colleges, the Treasury, were, under Napoleon's in fluence, it is true, silent and powerless ; but they pre sented, at least, a semblance of independence ; they con ciliated the self-love of that sensitive people ; tyranny lost half its effect, by losing all its grossness ; and these bodies might, at a future and a better day, have started into free dom, vigour, and activity. The taxes were heavy during the ;regal power of Bonaparte : but all was expended in the country : thus distributed, they gave activity to indus try and commerce; and, in twelve years, the rapid increase of both, with agriculture and population, spoke strongly as to the policy with which Italy was governed. Austria has continued the same duties, and even increased them ; but a considerable portion of the produce is clutched with a ra pacious hand, and sent out of the country: out of an an nual receipt of more than 90 millions of francs, levied by Austrian agents, in Lombardy and the Venetian States, 23 millions, at least, are annually remitted to the treasury at Vienna. Everything like knowledge is put down by the jea lous Bohemian. The Austrian Government suddenly sup pressed the schools for instruction, established on ►he Lan- 1 casterian model, at Mantova, Brescia, and Milan; a Com missary of Police shut the doers, and expelled the youth ful students. This despotic Government insisted that the schools in Piedmont should share the same fate, alleging, us the pretext, that they taught 11mA:tilts Of man. Yet this Power joined the league against the Imperial Ruler of France and Italy, under the guise of liberty, and urged the Italians to rise against his power, to vindicate their freedom! What a detail is that we have had within a few days, of the horrible exhibitions of Gonfal onicre and others in Milan, doomed, under the semblance of mercy, to die by slow degrees in chains, in the appal- ' ling dungeons of Moravia. The Austrian code allows neither defender nor counsel to the accused. The agent ' who proceeds against him is at once his accuser, his de fender, and judge. The examinations before this iniqui- tons tribunal are so harassing and protracted, that human strength and anxiety:cannot support them, and many have fainted during their continuance. The proceedings, when referred to Vienna, are so tedious, that years often pass away while the accused remain in dreadful uncertainty, pining in dungeons. The Marquis Pallaviceni, of Milan, became delirious from the sufferings he en dured. Signor Ansi, professor of political economy, expired in the prisons of Venice, worn out with sufferings. To twelve individuals condemned to death in Venice, on the mere accusation of connexion with the Car bonari, mercy was extended, commuting their punish ment to twenty years of chains and captivity. The wife of Count Gonfaloniere, though she went to Vienna to implore justice for her intrepid husband, was insulted with the mandate of perpetual imprisonment, in a Moravian fort ress, as the mercy of the Austrian. This is the way that power rules Italy, with its Croats, its Pandours, and its police. The sway of Napoleon was perfect liberty, com pared with this. Italy enjoyed comparative freedom and perfect happiness, under the mild and paternal rule of the Viceroy Beauharnois. But a day of dreadful retribution to Austria will yet arrive: the Italians are indignant under their fetters ; they feel the naked iron at their very souls and they will yet make a general and desperate eftbrt for redemption. Where is the friend of even justice or hu manity, that must not wish it, when undertaken, to succeed ? We are authorized by Mr. Charles Flint to state that the withdrawing his petition by Mr. Denman was wholly without his sanction ; that, on the contrary, he distinctly caused it to be intimated to that gentleman by a Member, who, in the course of the debate, applied to know Mr. Flint's wishes on the subject, that it was his earnest re quest that it might not be withdrawn, but pressed to a divi sion if necessary. It is difficult to conceive on what ground Mr. Denman could feel himself justified in adopt ing this course, against the express protest of the petitioner ; the more so, as a copy of the petition had been for several days in his hands, and the petitioner had held more than one deliberate conference with him on the subject. The petition was not read to the House; the Members there fore who so strongly took part with Mr. Chetwynd must have been wholly ignorant of its contents, beyond what they could collect from the general statement, and from the contradictions it received from the individual whose con duct it impugned. Why was it not read? Indefinite praise is no answer to specific allegations. Mr. Chetwynd as a Magistrate, must know that positive accusations are not disproved by calling witnesses to character. It is an ' admitted maxim in our Constitution, and, perhaps, a wise one, that the King can do no wrong, but we cannot extend this perfection to Mr. Chetwynd, when, in his conduct as a Magistrate, be is publicly arraigned. When the sufferer petitions the House of Commons,--whose bounden duty it 'is to bear at least, if not to retires, the wrongs of the stib ject—it is no answer for any nurhber df his friends and fellow Magistrates in that House, to disclaim the statement in a petition which has not been read, and to hold up the moral and magisterial perfection of the member for Stafford as sufficient to purge him from all accusation. Those who have not yet surrendered all their English feelings may be led to imagine, that a Member of the House of Representatives, undertaking to present a respect ful petition, and doing so after a full tnci unreserved communication on the subject of it, is bound, by t-ourtesy at least, though he may have disembarrassed himself of the old notions of constitutional duly to pre senti t ; or, at all events, not to abandon or withdraw it without consent of the party aggrieved. Mr. Broughath had undertaken so to do, but subsequent reflections, 1 awakened some sentiments of delicacy which before had slept, or were in abeyance ; it occurred to him on a sudden that he was engaged as Counsel against the Member for Stafford, on the criminal information which he had moved for. The deep searchings of delicacy are not alike in all bosoms ; all professional patriots are not equally sensitive. 1 1 , The ATTORNEINGENERAC4 conscience is not so ex quisitely en;; ine-turned—it is made of sterner stuff. lie had none of this maiden coyness about him : he was Counsel for the Member for Stafford in all his prosecu tions, and yet he still considered it a part of his duty to extend his protection to his client in the House of Com mons. It was the earnest prayer of Mr. Chetywnd that the petition might be received. It is possible—we should be sorry to cast a slur on his sincerity—but still it is just possible that he might have been previously well satisfied that his earnest prayer would not prevail. however, to indulge his wishes, as far as it may be within our humble means, we will lay the substance of Mr. Flint's petition !before the public on Monday ; every allegation of which he is prepared to verify on oath by unexceptionable evi dence. FASHIONABLE INTELLIGENCE. Count Linen will have a grind dinner party on the Bth of March, at Ashburnham House. The Earl of Ilarrowhy has issued cards of invitation for a large dinner party on the Ilth of March, at his house in Grosvenor square. The Marquis of Cholmondeley had a dinner party yesterday at Chohnotalvley House, Piccadilly. A. C. Bootle, Esq. entertained his Excellency Baron Pagel, and a distinguished party, to dinner, on Thursday, at his house in Bryanston-square. The Marquis of Lartadown will have a grand dinner party this day, at Lansdown House, Berkeley Square. Lord King had a distinguished party to dinner on Thursday, at his house in Dover-street ; among whom were, the Duke of Nor folk. the Marquis and Marchioness of Lansdown. Lady Davie, Mr. Smith, Mr. Rogers, &c. Yesterday his Lordship had soother Pan!. The Earl of Dartmouth arrived yesterday at his house in Berkeley-square, front his seat, Sandwell Hall, Staffordshire. The Marchioness, and the Ladies Cornwallis, left town yester day, for their seat in Ken!. Lord Wm. Russell left town yesterday for Woburn Abbey, Bedfordshire. The Marquis and Jliarchioness of Salisbury arrived on Thurs day at their house in Park-place, from their seat, Hatfield. Lord 3lolyneux has arrived in town from a tour. Sir C. and Lady Hunter and family have arrived at their house in Chesterfield -street, from a tour. Mrs. Egerton and family have arrived at their house in St. James's-square, from their seat, Patton Park, Cheshire. Mrs. and Miss Hincheliffe have arrived at their house in Green street, Grosvenor-square, from Lord Crew's seat in Cheshire. Dowager Lady De Clifford hat arrived at her house, South Audley-street, from her seat, Dudley-grove. Sir Thomas Hesketh, Bart. has arrived at the Pulteney Hotel, Albemarle-street, from his seat, Ruffurd Hall, Lancashire, De- Nirtures from ditto:--Captain bindsay, R.N. for Portsmouth : and Mr. and Mrs. Faulkner. for Bath. . . . . Webster, iinri. and Captain Young have snivel in town from Battle Abbey, Susses. James Lowndes, Esq. has left town for Paris. Captain Perkins has left tows for Brighton. W. Rhodes, Esq. has left town for Chatenham. M. Wyvill, Esq. M.P. has arrived at Fenton's Hotel, St. James'netreet, from his seat in Yorkshire. Lord Arundel has left ditto. for his seat. Wardour Casa; Wilts. Sir Fraacis Wiles, Bart. has arrived at his house in Charles street, Berkeley-square, from his seat in Herts. Lord Langford has arrived at Maisons. in Berkeley-square, from his seat in Surrey. Captain Palmer has left town for BelvairCastle, Rutlandshirs. DEATH OF EUGEIkE BEAUHARIVOIS: - The Ilioniteur of Weelmsday announces the death of Eugene Bcauharnois, Prince of Eichstadt. The intelli gence of this event, which took place at Munichi at four o'clock in the morning of the 21st instant, was bommu cated to Paris by telegraph. Prince Eugene was the son of the Empress Josephine, by her former husband. He was a great favourite with Bonaparte, who made him Viceroy of Italy, a situation which he held until the fall of Napoleon. Prince Eugene was married to Augusta Amelia, eldest daughter of the King of Bavaria, on the 13th of January, 1806 ; and since the restoration of the Bourbons, he has resided almost entirely at the Court of his father-in-law. He wss not considered a man of great talents, but of an amiable disposition, and of strict honour and integrity. The Duke of Clarence came to town yesterday morning from Bushy. His Royal Highness returned to Bushy in the evening. Tuesday evening Mr. Walters, the King's Messenger, left town, with despatches to the Right lion. Sir Charles Bagot, our Ambassador at St. Petersburgh. Mr. Bailey, the King's Messenger, left Downinf•-strcet, the same even ing, with despatches for our Amba ssador at Vienna. Yesterday a t'ourt of Directors was held at the East' India House, when the ship Thames, taken up on the 24th inst. for China direct, was thus timed, via.:—To be afloat the 28th inst. sail to Gravesend 14th March, stay there 30 days, and be in the Downs 18th April. The Astell was consigned to Bengal direct. A subscription towards Lord Erskine's statue is proceed ing with great interest at Glasgow. THE DIEM?! FEATIT•L.—The Stewards for the Musi cal Festival, on the sth of March, at the Freemasons' Hall, at which thirty professional gentlemen will sing the songs of Dibdin, have found it necessary to limit the number of tickets, to secure the " unqualified enjoyment" of the visitors, and the further issue (except to applicants by letter, addressed to them at the Tavern), is altogether suspended. From the following paragraph, which we copy from the Journal des Modes, and Ntss Literary Gazette, it would appear that the model of the Monument has been completed : " DIMIDI MONI:DIENT.—We have been favoured with a sight of the model of this intended national testimonial, and we are happy to find that it will be worthy of its promoters. It is at once chute, novel, and elegant ; and the scale upon which it is to be erected is a figure considerably larger than life, upon an appropriate pedestal. Its height will be upwards of seventeen feet. The design reflects great credit upon Mr. Sievier, who has the execution of the Monument." CAVAN ELECTION.—UNEXPECTED courxxr.--The election for Cavan commenced on Monday. The county town wu crowded to excel; The High Sheriff, Colonel Clement; pro -1 posed Henry Maxwell, Esq. which wu seconded by Major Thos,l Burrows, of Stradone. The Sheriff wu about to put the question, when a freeholder forced his way to the table, on which the candi date and his friends were standing, and, after a short emph at i c ex pression of his own opinions and that of the independent Of of Caron, on the unfitness of Lord Farnham's nephew to the county of Cavan, proposed Charles Coote, of Bellanion r :Vol i Z Esq., to represent the cwslgty in Parliament. The sensation pro duced was electric. The Sheriff having put the question, a part majority ap -peered for Mr. Coote, in whose behalf a deep and en thusiastic feeling wu manifested. A poll was then demanded, and great preparations are made for a contest.—Dabliu Parr. C•RLTON Hot se.—Henry Boyle, Chancellor of the Exchequer and Principal Secretary of State ip the time of Queen Anne, was created Lord Carlton, and died Pre sident of the Council March, 1723, at his house in Pall . Mall, leaving it to Frederick Prince of Wales, and his successors: it has ever since been called Carlton House. I)I , LL.—A meeting took place yesterday at four o'clock, on Merrion-strand, between Mr. A—k —n, and a Mr. S—t, when an exchange of shots took place without effect, and the parties were preparing for a second dis charge, but were prevented by the timely interference of the parish constable of Merrion, who took Mr. S-1 and his friend into custody, and brought them off to the Collegc-street police-office, where we understand they en tered into recognizance. to keep the peace.—lrisA Times. REFLECTIONS ON THE LIEUTENANCY OF THE MARQUIS WELLESLEY. IN • LtTTER TO A NRIENII.-XIIIII•T. This pamphlet is manifestly the production Of a man of sound sense, writing on the spot, from the information of the facts that are before him, and drawing from them the conclusions to which, in a mind accustomed to reflec tion, they would naturally leid. That the system upon which Ireland has been governed for centuries--from the days of Henry the Second to this hour—has been a system inimical to its intrests, and at war with its prosperity, is a fact of which all are aware who know anything of its history. Indeed, to say this is to speak but lightly of their sufferings. Till within these few latter years of miti gated injustice, the Aristocratic faction, under the pretence of securing the Protestant faith, went on adding privilege to privilege and office to office, till the Irish pension list was full to repletion, and every placeman joined chorus in praise of " The gforiwis Menntry." They pursued their triumphant course, in spite af . all complaint, and in con tempt of all remonstrance, CH the kingdom of Ireland exhibited but two classes—the oppressors and the oppressed. In this condition, and from this cause, it has been per petually a scene of commotion, approaching to civil war. How could it be otherwise.? Distrusted, degraded, ha rassed, trampled upon—exiles, as it were, in their own country—shut out from sharing those blessings which are their birquight, and made to led that the charter of national freedom was to them a dead letter—what was to be expected from a high-spirited people, thus 'sawn down and dishonoured, but tumult and insurrection ? And why is all this remorzeleas p. rsecution, and for what? To annihilate certain doctrines in which, whether right or wrong, our forefathers lived and died. You would crush the Catholic that you may make a conquest of his creed. What perfidious hypocrisy ! The whole is pretext, and fraud, and artifice. The Protestant faith, in its purity, is full of justice and of merry ; it permits no body of men to tread down the will and word of Hod to make way for their own opinions, or to extend the empi re of their own church. This is state-craft, not religion. Whoever would point out the road to Heaven with the rod of persecution, is either a bigot or an impostor; and the chance is that he is both. Genuine public spirit is rare everywhere. In Ireland it is scarcely to be found. The present writer is of opinion, and we perfectly concur with him, that too much was ori ginally expected front the appointment of Lord Wellesley to the Viceroyalty. But in saying this we should restrict this over-sanguine expectation to those persons at a dist ance, who, wishing well to Ireland, and lamenting that disquiet and disorder should exist in any part of the united empire, and knowing too that it was the wish of his Ma jesty that Ireland should be governed in the spirit of con ciliation, naturally enough presumed that when the Lord Lieutenancy was vested in an inflivithial fitted by the force of his talents, the firmness of his temper, and the highly liberal cast of his mind, to carry these beneficent views into effect, the result would correspond with the measures taken to secure it. But those who were in the secret of affairs were not quite so confident. Such persons knew well, that in Ireland places of trust and profit were chat tels of inheritance; that with Peers and placemen, as in the classification of the Ilindoos, the sons followed the fathers, and offices and appointments never went out of the cask; that piety and preferment went hand in hand, and that patronage, faithful to its pedigree, never forsook the line of Protestant descent. Those who knew all this must have been doubtful whether, under any authority, how ever well sdministered, the old system of oppression and selfishness would easi'y be made to give way: that the chiefs of corruption would hold out with their troops to the last was a much likelier event. Before that millenium can ar rive, when the leopard is to lie down with the kid, his teeth must be trained to other diet, or be will now and then banquet on his bed-fellow. Political regeneration is not the work of a day. Monopolists will not share their gains, nor Irish Peers their exclusive influence, nor Irish Priests their church preferment, nor—in short, no Orange man will give up any thing as long as he can hold it ; and therefore it would have been the height of credulity to have believed that, at the appearance of the present Lord Lies. tenant, or of any other, he would let it dropout of his hands Truly to estimate the good hitherto produced to Ireland under Lord Wellesley's administration, we should look well to the triple confederacy of rank, and influence, and office, opposed to his doin g any good at all. A reformer, sitting cross-legged in his study, rectifies abuses in a twinkling — Corruption cowers before him—he walks, in imaginanon, so rapidly over the course, that his legs, like the winged saint El Milton, t. - with quick fan Winnows the buxinn air." But with a Lord Lieutenant of Ireland actually in office, seeing men and things not in " his mi n d' s e y e , but she. and in action before him, struggling against him openly and in secret, striving to thwart all hie views and to em. barrass all Lis measures; add to this the difficulty of in fusing his own intelligence and spirit even into his friends —a task often more troublesome than quelling his enemies. Here, and moving in the midst of dissension and enmity, matter; will wear a very different aspect ; and to expect that discontent and commotion would disappear at Lord Wellesley, bidding, is to know nothing of Ireland or of human nature. But, encore quelques amities, et le grand ion r viendra. " Lord Wellesley,' the writer observes, " ought to cherish a confident foreboding of the prosperity of his native land. This will stimulate his patriotic exertions to produce it. His Lordship's character is a security, against his being scared from his post of ho norable hope, by intimidation: but might not his appetite foe vi. gorous effort be damped and nauseated by disgust ? His firmness may be a guarantee against the former danger ; but to the second risk, his heart and taste and generous pride might but expose us. " You observe (and I do not differ) that through its gentlemen, this country should, if possible, be governed. But whose would be the fault, if this were not so at present Undeniably the fault of those, who did not suffer it to be so. " Some of our rantocracy seem to misapprehend the true mean.. ing of the above petition ; and to err proportionably, in their a►- plication of it. Their demand amounts to shis not that the King's representative should govern Ireland through them; but that, ex alted to Viceroys over him, they should govern it through him." The latter remark is pointed and just; and it is to this evil we may trace the perplexity of public councils, and the mischievous counteraction which in Ireland mars the effect of all well-intentioned government. The author of this pamphlet suggests to those who would blame the Marquis IVelleeley u having done no thing, to reflect that it is given to his Excellency only to counsel, and that to act upon those counsels resides else where. " Beyond executing the law, what in fact can a Viceroy do? He can inspect with care, and on the spot, the true Mulattos of the country. He can collect, from tht.se who are also on the spot, in formation cm every subject with which be desires to be acquainted : can himself, in many instances, verify (or falsify) their reports ; and thus learn gradually the degree of credit, to which the inform ants are entitled ; and how far It may, or may not be safe, to lavish on them an implicit faith. He can bewme familiar, cwt only with Irish facts; but (a knowledge most important? with the were, working, extent,, and consequences of Irish prejudice and pension. He may withal, if he be sagacious, }enema, the moo& mid specious surface of merely plausible profession; and tbrllidialt the intricacies within which selfishness, party rancour, or disloyal) its hidden, reach the purpose, which, alto mode rriestwm, would escape detection. Thus provided and prepared, he can report ; be can propose, but it is the Cabinet (if not the Parliament) that is to adopt, or to reject. It therefore should be roved, that matters which Lord IVellealey ought to have submitted, he neglected to bring forward, though the fit time for doing so had areived ;—elae, though nothing had been—and though something engin to have been—done, the blame would not attach on hint; and our dew might be—not groundless, but altogether misdirected." The author, however, next proceeds to show how much has been done and still is doing, and what advantages have been already gained for Ireland in the way of reformation. The establishment of the Sessions has been productive of benefit incalculable. The Tithe ('omposition 0(11 is dis cussed at considerable length, and the writer carries in his mind, as is essential in canvassing the acts of Lord Wel lesley's government, not their general plineiples merely, but the immediate measures necessary under the imme diate circumstances. I Ins pamphlet throughout displays considerable talent, and its tone is temperate and independent; it is manifestly the result of that correct insight into the affairs of Ireland which could only be gained by local residence. There is much valuable matter from which we could multiply our extracts, were we not precluded by want of room. A Correspondent says, " A Society, already of some years standing, and whose meeting , . have been attended by the most experienced persons of England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland, is making the most strenuous Otero to bring before the I.4rislsture, measure , peculiarly called for, for the employment and relief at that most valuable, and drea dful) distressed and degraded clam of our tellow.subjects—the Agricultural Labourers." - ~ I f