The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1819-12-21 00:00:00

11 , CIVIL LIST. wit. acknowledged by one or his Majesty's Minis. ter4, in another place, in a panegyric on her good conduct, but it .hewed how little wet to he de peiled on the words of a Minister, for while he was making eilloaittnts, he was preparing point and tiewiltiEs fur her—for Ireland, the country which h.- drew his first breath in. fhe Eirl of IllititOlVitY opposed the ellUSe. as tbt it tenti- , ii of the Bill was to root out the evil that existed, and if its 0p...6.n dill not extend to Irel sod, t.:ey would be legislating in vain. The clause was then put, and negatived without u cht:sion. There were several other amendments proposed, cs: ich were negatived. The clauses of the Bill Were agreed to, and the House resumed, when the Report vnni a • treed in, v•iti the BM ordered to he read a third time to tnorrriw. The other OrLh-rtt of the DAy were disposed of, vi:tl the Douse kidiOUrliell. ROUSE OF COMMONS, MONDAY, Dewier' 20. The CHANeet.t.ott of the F.xcititigret laid iron the table crs containing au account of the Extraordinary Esti s of the Civil I:ist for List yrar. TO tt I NKS LOTTERY. tlr. DAMES Gums nit obtained leiter In bring in • Bill to eirible 11r. Tonikins to scll rennin Pictures by way or ILtNK NOTES i.,fte•vy On the motion of Mr. GUM ELL, Accounts were ordered so be Mid before the Mow.e of the total number of weekly 1.11 , 11 , P of link Note. and Bank Poo Bills under the value of , from the 3J November last, up to the latest period the rogue eau be m•tdc op, ss i o if:M.ll6w the number Of Post }iii* noel Husk Notto, and 'prettying the aggregate amount of the whole. SUPPLY.-ORDNANCE ESTIMATEt Mr. ROBERT WARD rowed the Order or the Doe for the Iloti.e reanlving itself into a Committee 01 Supply to consider of a vote fur the Ordnance Ettintstro. Mr. BROUGHAM seriously hoped it was not in tended, in the present state of the House, there not tie.ng forty Members present, to propose any vote of the public money upon the Ordnance Estimates. Mr. R. WARD replied, that he merely intended to propose a vote on account, to which he thought there could be no objection. Mr. BROUGHAM said, that, in the present state of the !loose, he could not cement to rote a farthing, fur the sake of the (*anew of the Flooce %lath the country. It would be quite intolerable to propose any vote of this kind at this period of the evening. _ _ _ MG R. WARD then mid, he had no objection to po4ti►one his motion until there was a better attend miwe of the House. PETITION OF THE BOOKSELLERS AND PRINTERS ENGAGED IN PUBLISHING WORKS BY NUN,- RENS. Mr. Jon Simi rose to present a Petition from a coosiderable number of the booksellers told printers of the metropolis, who were engaged in Vie circulation of works by numbers, published weekly, or at other stated periods. against the Libel Bill—a Bill which would have a considerable rtreration upon the. rule of works published by the Petitioner*. They printed in pamphlets, of about a sheet and a half each, works which circulated to on enormous extent both in England and Scot.. and which traded to the great improvement of the community. He seriously hoped, that it t as not the intention of his Alsjesty's Ministers to rtake the Bill affect so useful a body as the Pe tuirmers. There was not in the kingdom a set of Caen whose labours were of more importance to the teligion, the morals, and happiness of the people. —(Hear.l—The Pttiti tttt ers were in the constant Intuit of disseminating. by numbers, publicari 111 l s on bide. commerce, divinity, and natural ;Milo esiitiy. By publishing pamphlets of this kind, 'fry viewed s demand for most useful and intereq -I:2g, winks, and made the mode of payment suited to the convenience of the general classes of work icy people. When he alluded to the publications so distributed, be lamented the absence of au Hum Gentleman (we presume Mr. Wilberforce), I it that Hon. Member would, lie was sure, have assisted bun in enforcing the necessity of iinotecting books which were of a directly religious and moral tendency. The Petitioners stated, sisal their princi pal trade consisted io the circulatiou of such works, and that they were never engaged in circulating poli o:al pamphlets of an immoral or injurious tendency. They further declared, that the persons whom they employed were engaged in a bond not to sell any of such productions. A trade so conducted ought, lie thviight. 10 he encouraged. There was a capi t il of 1,000,000/. sterling embarked in this took ; sorely same protection ought to be emended to ',moos engaged tea so useful and interesting an occupation as circulating cheap works, which had a tesideucy so directly to promote the benefit of PO- C!el'i. If the present Bill were carried into effect, destroy this trade. and no trade was more I,ei,tfc,Jl to the real interests of the public. He evil hoped the House would not endure such pr;f!cipir. It would affect the very foundation of Oir inii%ll and intellectual improvement of society. —(hear ) The Petition was then brought up; it stated in emplistic terms the great injury which the trade of the Petitioners would endure, and also the public, if the Bill were passed into a Imv.—lt was laid on the table. and ordered to be printed. BOOKSELLERS OF BIRMINGHAM. Mr. DUGOALR presented a Petition from the ILouitsrllri. and printers of BIM lulu that they seen with regret the circulation of I,i4spiirtitotts and seditious publicisions, and corn piaii.rig of the effect which this Bill would have on herr traile. which was calculated to diffuse moral suit rellgion4 instruction. The Priition was laid on the table, and ordered Vi nr pri;:tert. Mr. N!. A. TAYLOR observed, that this Petitinn sunk" the laiiguage of the country respecting the ii-w 'EXCHEQUFR BILLS. (k.a tt a motion of Mr. Jolla AaTIN, accounts weir ortiefed to be laid before the Howie of all Ea -111- 4.lrr hills is.ued unir the I September Ituit. o l oroyirg the we. premium. and discount. at alurii they were word. as well as the dater. SUPPLY. ():, the motion of Mr. ItormaT WARD, the into • Committee of Supply. dr. IL WARD then moved, that 11 111001 of 1150,000/. he voted on account of the Ordnance Estimate. or the year 1820. _ Mr. HU►te okj.eterl strongly to the amount of the present Eioiniates ; he found them in wany instances double what they had been io pressing times. Surely the !loose could not tolerate 'itch ivi. addition in the present state of profound pace with Europe. 250,000 i. was now called fur out a vote of credit, while during a period of w.ir the ge grant did not exceed from three to four and 500,0001. Ile earnestly called upon the lloisse to revert to a more re( 1111 l nue:a system. one Doter suited to the means and state of the country. Ile agreed that it was necessary to keep up this depart meld of the puldie service in an efficient state, but it we, also necessary to consult economy so far as it could properly Le consulted in its various de partments. Mr. R. ‘YARD replied that dna vote was merely on credit, and did out bind the [louse to any defi nite rum as the scale of general expense for the department ; that would more properly come no. der dircwision early iti tiring, when the total amount of Eetinsater were brought under the con sideration of the I iIIU4P. The superannuated cl 41 in could not lie denied, and the vote for which he 'IOW iipin:ed would not more than cover that ruin, leav ing the country in other respects without any ord nance establishment. lie thowflit, therefore, no objection could be maiiitaiited to the general vote. The Resolution vra, then agreed to. MANCHESTER MAGISTRATES. Mr. CALcitAFT begged tit ask the Noble Lord opposite. whether lie had any of to lay lie. fore the !louse a copy of the answer transmitted by Lord Sidmouth to the letter of the Maiichester Magistrates, dated on the lid July ; also a copy of the answer to the letter of the Lord Advocate of Scotland ? Lord CASTLEREAGH replied, that he was really unprepared to give an immediate answer to the lion. Gentleman's question, and would rather he would allow has inquiry to stand for the present as a (suttee of motion. Mr. CALCRAFT had no objection. Mr. BaooDEN brought up the Report of the Committee of Supply. On the motion of Lord PA 1.11/ERSTON, that it be received and ag►eed to, Mr. GRENVELL put a question to the Noble Lard (as we understood) relative to an apparent inrreave of one of the items in the yPterati branch of the Evtimates. Lord l'aLreEesTorr replied, that the difference did hot exceed .1,700/. or 2,8001. Mr. HUME complained of the enormous expense of the Military College, which amounted to u sum of 78,000/. There were between three and 400 students—and, from the number, it W3B fair to expect a supply of 100 or 1 to for the military ser vice each year—instead of which, its three years, there bud been only 75--that wits at the rate only of , 25 each year, and the ethic: mutt of each of these peraons cost the country at the rate of 1,0331. He contended, that under such eircuirmilaticro it was quite inexpedient in keep up such an estahlialiment at so large an expense to the country, • PETITION OF MR. FISIIER. Usrd STANLEY said lie bad n Petition to pre sent from an e‘tellNlve unit hi t ; sly respectable bookseller, who felt great apprehensions that the !Is before the !louse, if passed into a law, would put an end altogether ur his trade. The Petitioner was engaged in trade to n great amount ; he doll not, however, print brinks of psilittcal coutroteisy, or books containing irreligious sentiments, but works of a very different character—they were principally public moms in history, divinity. and the arts and sciences ; they were generally printed in numbers, and sold in lots at kw prices. The Petition was then rem!. It was from Mr. Henry Fidler, printer and putilisher, in London, Liver. pool, Oxford, Wliiteisaven, Belfast, and various u her pl.sce-, ' , laths* that the Petitioner had beets rug.ige t in the business of a bookseller and printer fur more than twenty years ; that lie had a large capital sunk in trade, and that he had printed works to the amount of 20,000/. ID srnall weekly publications iis history, divinity, and the arts and sciences; the Petition slated, that the Pe titioner was ler apprehensions that die Bill now before the (louse would tend, if carried into effect, to destroy his cvital and trade•—to throw out of employment * great number of persons—and to de stroy a capital of not less than one million in the trade.—Tice Petition was laid on the table, aud or dered to be printed. BOOKSELLERS OF BRISTOL. Mr. WILLIAM Salmi presented• l'etition from diffrrrsit booksellers of Bristol. stating the extreme inconveniences to •Inch the Seditious Libel Bell would subject their trade—that the penalties to which their trade would be subjected by that Bill were such as no man of capital or ofcharacter would wish to subject to. The Petitioners prayed that the Bill might nut he carried into a law.—The Petition wrs ordered to be laid on the table, and to be printed. BOOKSELLERS OF LIVERPOOL. Mr. Blitca presented a Petition from several booksellers and printers of Liverpool, against the Bills now before the Noose.—Ordered to lie on the table, and to be printed. Mr. BERNAL presented a similar Petition from certain booksellers in London, which was laid on the table, said ordered to be printed. Mr. M. A. TAYLOR said, that on measures of so much importance, and to which so many objections presented themselves, the Noble Lord, if he were determined to persevere in them, ought at least allow to the country a full opportunity of express ing its opinions upon thew. tie did not think that the country had that opportonity, and lie was of opinion that further time ought to be alluwod. Mr. DOUGLAS wished to know from the Noble Lord whether it was the intention of Ministers to institute any inquiry into the state of the commerce and manufactures of the country. Lord CAIITLIIREAGII said. that if Government had intended to enter into that large field of tuquiry he would have felt it his duty to give to the Hour full uutice of t h at intention. No such notice hav ing been given, it followed that such was 'lot the ♦resent harming' of ;Ministers. NEWSPAPER STAMP DUTIES RILL. Lord CASTLEREAGH moved the Order of the Day for the House to resolve iterlf Into r Cum- A . ••••• 400 mitten on the Newipeper Siamp Duty Bill, on which Mr. MACDONALD rme-- Lord CsarcuttEauti said, that before the (lon. Member addressed the House. he would state t him that it was the understanding on a former night to discuss on the present occasion the principle of the measure•. without going into a debate on subjects of detail. Nit.. BROUGHAM said the Noble Lord most have been oinkr a mi►apprehension ; it was certainly his thst both the principle of the inea►ure and the detail ►hould be debated. Mr. MACDONALD 1611 addressed the House. He said. that fr he number mid tit. importailee of the Petitions presented against the Bills, he dill expect. as 's matter of justice, aid even of eustimou decency, that some delay would have taken place, that tonne time would have been al• lowed for the consideration of those measures; but the Noble Lord thus suddenly called upon the House to give their sanction to fundamental miter odious its the laws of England—laws to sanction restrictions upon the public liberty, and that, tun, in its most tender point (iwot even excepting the right of the people to meet and to petition), namely, the public press.—( Hear, hear./—That dematid• was founded upon some supposed exigency— on the incompetency of the cawing laws (lame, however, which he must remind the House, in deed the returns on their table demonstrated it), that up to the moment when the present measures were itstroilueed.it was but even attempted to carry them into execution. To both the Bills, as alleving the press, lie would, with the permission of the House, apply hiloself, because, its his opinion. they were intimattly connected. He thought the same ob jections would apply in a great measure to both ; that they were not intelligible, or practicable could not be urged ; he had to complain that they were too intelligible, sod se to their practical effret, he feared they would be found to go, should they re ceive the aasicti ~,, of that House, far beyond their avowed object. It would seem that the laws which, during the crisis of the rebellion, consequelit on their own revolution. were found sufficient—that !hove laws which, alai the exception of the 38th of the King (a law which he would contend did not interfere with any principle), that those laws which carried them through the tremendous arena of the French Revolution, now when the world was at peace—now when it was said that this country was exalted to an unexampled pitch of civilization, prosperity, and glory, the Minister and the Law Officers of the Crown consider those laws itieffec tool to suppress the spirit of irreligion and of sedi tion. When 31inist.rs made the assertion. it would have been but an act of candour in them to say the Lows were only ineffectual its their hands. It seemed that at the dose of live-and-twenty years of a war. fare, in which the people of this country displayed patience. energy, and perseverance beyond all that was recorded to history—during which they stood undismayed for years of fatigue, of misfortune, and disaster, until at length they furnished to the Doke of 11'ellingion the means of bringing the struggle to at least a glorious termination—they were to be told, us the reward of their la biors and their achievemente, that liiey were not lit to enjoy that liberty %Inch their fathers hail en. joyed. Were they to be told, that because dur lug that period a vast light—he forgot the 'douse, he believed it was called au intensity of light— that it was right therefore to deprive them of part of their ancient liberties—and for what purpose ? to secure the remainder. Good God ! said he, when those measures pass what security will remain ? If those measures should pan into a law, the people would hoe all the victories which their own h an d s schieved ; and that extraordinary man whose power was ere tied by the aggressions that were made upon France. vial which took twenty years of active mid expensive warfare to put down—he even in his defeat would triumph over the country—he would triumph in its weakness and degradation—one hundred victories, greater if greater could be imagined than Waterloo, would not compensate the country for the permanent loss of one at of its ancient liberty. But he would ask Gentlemen opposite, what was it that contri buted to carry them through the struggle? Was it slot the preys —the press which for ever animated a people naturally warlike—the press which repre sented, and even often misreprtvented. the faults, the extravagances. and the crimes of the mili tary tyranny to which the country was opposed— the press which, day after day, represented to the people the blessings which they enjoyed uuder the constitution of their country. and which told them those blessitigs were to go down to them and their posterity? As to the etfect.of the Bill on trade, he would say little, though surely the peti tions before the Flatlet were enough to stagger him. He would go to other and more important pro visions of the Bill. Ile would be sorry to allow that opportunity to pass without protesting against it. It was the first time in Logien(' that it was ever attempted to impose a stamp duty with any other view than that of revenue. Cut what were the re maining objects ? First, to prevent publications of a limited complies, he believed, in admessurement, three feet by two, without the recognizance of the party mid those of two sureties; second, the in flicting the punishment of banishment after the se coud offence of a blaspliemour or seditious nature. He would say, the first provision was a gross viola tion of the freedom of the press; no such prin. ciple was ever kuown in the Euglisli law. He thought the propositions of the Bill were most monstrous propositions for 111inistera to hold. It had ever brew the right of an Eliglitiliman to 'flint and publish what to him might seem ,nee, sub ject to his individual responsibility. This had been a primary psinciple of the British Con stitution, and How for the first time it was at tempted to extinguish that principle—to ag gravate the punishment of individuals, and not wily to increase their responsibility, but to re quire them to find others who would consent to be responsible with them. Such alteration's were however approved of by the speeches of Gentlemen. certainly of high awbority. but who maintained, on this uccasiou, ultra 'Posy doc trines, mid who were content to seek their definis tiuns of public liberty from the Roman Emperors. lie apptchealited diet so long as the detioition of libel restrained vague, it was subject to various inter pretation* as it came to he decided before various tribmods. Illow would a previous security operate— how would a man ol'lmuble circumstances be able to And previous secant*, the consequence to whom might be utter ruin ? The effects of that law would operate to the great injury of printers and era, but the main burden would fall or authors— tut authors who were not men of independent fortune—and lie believed a great proportion of the most distinguished flumes that grace the genius and the literature of their country would be found in that dills. No mail, under the proposed law, could conduct any publication, or the transactions of the d a y, miles* he had locked up a sum of six hundred pound- fir security for himself, and six I deed pounds tar his printer and puhishrr, making in the whole a sum of 1, , 200/. %Vas it low.ible, he asked, that any gentleman could contemplate the full extent of this proposition ? The Noble Lord— he spoke without meaning offence—he must consider as a mere politician, and as a poliii• ciao too, much of whose life, both in this country and in his own, had been devoted to the imposing of restraints on the liberties of the people—but there were other Mei:shiers who acted with him, particularly a Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Can ning) next the Noble Lord, whose literary talents no one could call in question ; he wou ld nut b e li eve that that Right Hon. Gentleman would sanction flail measure, until lie saw him do so that night. They had heard something with respect to a censor ship on the press, it was at least whispered in the Cabinet. flow far the people would submit to such a measure, or how far they might repose con fidence in their Represeritmilves to reject it, he would not say, but this lie would say, that of all species of censorship, that which appeared .o him as the most contemptible and the most prepos terous, was the censorship of money. That spe cies of censorship did not presume to measure the extent of a man's abilities, or to gauge his other qualifications. but it took as the proof of his capability the measure of his purse—it would any to the man c.f . genius, " Are you prepared with 6001.?"—" No."—" Go, then, about your busi ness; let us hear no more of you." Such would be the fate of the man of genius—whilst the man of wealth, inferior perhaps in every other qualifica tion, would be preferred. 'flue Noble Lord roust have heard of the Republic of Letters—did he suppose they were empty words, meaning tiothiug ? He could assure the Noble Load the Republic of Letters was an emphatic and substantial thing—the words forma, that in this country every man had the right to display his talents and acquirements, of whatever rank or motion he might he ; that every man was entitled to present himself before the public for a fair trial ; that however poor or hum ble in fortune or in birth, the rays of genius might dissipate the halo of obscurity which sur rounded the men of abilities. Should the pass, that opportunity would be 110 longer af forded him. Did the Noble Lord think that Doctor Johnson, ur many oilier eminent essayists or satirists, if subject to the regulations of the Bill, could use the press? Could any of the able mid indigent authors who enlightened the public, but who, to use a coarse expression, published from baud to mouth, have used the press under the re strictions of the Bill ? Did not the Noble Lord know, that on various subjects the public were indebted to publications of the description which would fall under the Bill ? Through the press on various subjects great talents were exerted, and great knowledge displayed. Ors the question of the Slave Trade, so long a stairs on the character of the country, did not the press exert itself, did it not do much to effect the abolition ? Ott various sub jects of public economy, sod other questions of deep public interest, did not the press elicit gre a t light ? On the Poor Laws, the Game Laws, the Ca. tholic Question—on every question of deep public interest had not Members put into their hands works which enlightened and instructed them cm matters which they were afterwards culled upou to legislate'. Having said so much, it remained, lie said, fur him to make a few observations 011 another brunch of the subject. The Seditious Libel Bill went to annex a punishment to the second offence, which might be easily created; to prove that, it was only neces sary to refer to the trials of Mr. Hone; there, there were three distinct splines 'alleged ; but his objevtinu to the measure was not confined to that, he objected to that species of punishment, us un known to the country, unknown at least, save in one act, which however was not ever executed. It was therefore a novel and an unconstitutional law, and he thought there were sound and wise reasons for not adopting that species of punishment— it was a punishment a hick would operate must unequally —to sonic it would operate as a light punishment— to others it would be as bitter almost as the punish ment of death ; to the itch man it would be coin lowutively light—ioll the poor it would be intole rably severe. It would operate in 'mother way ex tremely partial : a man convicted of • private do mestic offence, would have no prejudice to en counter, if banished to a foreign country—but the man who might be banished for a political offence, would stand in a differeut situation, for the Continent make common cause with that Adminis tration here, and thus the victim of power would be banished t one country to another, 'exposed to 11,1001 t anti persecution, without ill asylum and with our protection. Ile contended than there was no necessity for this udditional clause, because the pu nishments already were sufficiently severe. There was first the punishment of tine, which was arbitrary and unlimited ; there was next the punishment of imprisonment to an unlimited extent, which. how ever, was seldom carried beyond on extent of two or three years—a proof that the Judges of the laud considered three years imprisonntrot as sufficient •toorment for the offence of writing or imbloshing a seditious libel. Amid what cm:stowed a libel ? A seditious label was described as tending to bring the Parliament into contempt. Ile pot it to the House, whether it was possible to discuss any great public subject with ally degree of tiro/mils or zeal, without reflecting on that House. and exposing its 01111011, yet that world be construed as trolling to bring Parliament into contempt. No one could the other night have liesrei his two Noble Friends on the subject of Reit 1111 l . without perceiving that every inch they went they tended to bring the (louse into contempt; brritose their observations were directed against men within it. who were guilty of corrieptiou. As for blasphemy, lie nosebleed God it was sufficiently inborn' stud disgust. ing to the eye of the country—(Hear, hear)—that there was nu occasion fur n e w enactments to put i t down. At every time that blasphemy r a is e d its head in this Country. two or three example. perly made were %Orme-tit to lust it dna three examples properly made would he atiffici to effect the same purpose how. if, did i therefore, believe that new law. were rorers.a• he did not believe ihrt rank secloolfuo extern f ar —he did not Lellete that any coviool.:11 wa find favour in the breasts 01 that el too (of cirty front whom • 3ury is 'riveted. Ju ror ( this country were rarely indisposed to do el duty —never inclined to thew. .iMptoper fat unless where they thought tfir crown L a wy e ,„ the Ministers were hicioned to go beyo,,d 'toe discharge of their # uhlic ritheiionr, awl 11 , e limits of the law. Blot from such she a . urr , a , present the minds of jurors wonid ihrvitahly retool it would enlist jurymen against the opiabit (d law, because they would see, or think they saw, Government and the Parliament tailisted p Ks the liberties or the people, lie would rs p rnit tlemen to remember what the lores had done them ; the press, with all its imputed istIMIPLI abuses ; ro-oliembering that they nii,tht h e 1)-' able to calculate o n wh a t it relight da 4111 various discussions which were likely to go In , them, involving momentous tu t tie. oh th e affairs of a great catoutry. Gott Clin.' that should praise llir low and griovslting press w' had done so much to degrade itself; b u t l ie thou the evil was nut' So which the proper remedy Inn been applied. It would appear as it thos e ri d ' of nova-I'y were permitted to move on in order alright and to disgust the feelings of the public, and by that aim's to weaken anyoppnaitiou the Bills introduced by the Noble Lord. He wo u ld, however, call on the I louse to reflect that these impure and degraded publications were not only affected, that the press, the seutint I of public liberty, was endangered, lie would call aloof' them to c!ing to the preys, to aniond aud guard it with a scrupulous and religious care. Mr. DIL INSON Coopider..ti that the Mils onelit to be adopted, ad necessary tor the vi et& eni ng of the people and of the State against Itiasphrttty and seditious publications. Ile said dolt Instin.,- nuent w•as not new to the law, it wall practised during the Star Chamber, and lohiie it, llr quoted the words of Sir Matthew Hale, that If e iiirtory of the Constitution itt England was attic of restraints and liberations. He thought the present measures were neceisary to !anent anarchy and Serjeaut ONS!.OW said lie approved of all that had been said by los Honourable Friend who last addressed the House. lie thought Honourable and Learned Friend (Mr. Mac.to. nald) had taken an erroneous view of the pro. visions of the Bill, though no doubt he display ed great powers of eloquence. The principle e.f the Bill had no reference to the author; if lie looked into the enactinenu, he would see this 'wither respect to authors, nor to the punishment of tram. portation, did his arguments apply. Mr. Ga• HAM made a very emmoted and trio. quest speech against the measure. Mr. M A RELY ATT said he could not perceve force of the arguments wed by those alio ails.). cated the present Bill. One of their reasons wa.. that it did snot touch the author, which appear-it to hint to be most ioconclusive and false. Fur who was the most guilty of all coucerned in such publications ? Was it not lie who deliberately tat down to write and compose the work ? This was a principle on which they themselves constantly acted. Let theist examine their proceedings of only the last week, and they shoald find a confir mation of tins. When the publisher of a libel nit the House of Commons was brought op to their bar, and gave up the author, this was supposed at once to exonerate I from the penal consequences, and he wa. ailloered forthwith to go bee. Nothing in this Ball seemed to him to be good or beneficial. The provisions of it really appeared to him to be so severe, he had almost said IQ savage, that I.e should certainly vote against the motion.—(/!par, hear ) Mr. Dessuast said, he could not sutler this Bill, which was another step in the slew legislative systtlit of coercion proposed by his MajesWa Ministers, to pass without expressing his sentiments in opposition to it.—/!/par./—lie entreated the House to re— collect, that this was a lacer branch of infriry.— ffieur,)—and that they were now called on to do that alnch had a plain viol direct tendency to change the whole law of England in relation to Hear.)—lt was with extreme regret that he had heard HU I 1011011rable and Learned Sir. jeant, nut then in his 'place (Se-de -alit Onslow). and tl.e Hunouishle Member fur Bits kiiighati. shire (Mr. Dickinson), declare themselves layout. able to this extraordinary measure; because, it those who professed themselves Impartial and mei. derate men, and who studird• to hold the balance between opposite parties in that (louse, lent the sanction of their name to measures of thitaleserie tion, it appeared to him that the popular port of the constitution might, as well he given up at mice , and that all should be left to the prudence amid elii— cretiou of the advisees of the Crown.—(/hear ) It was most mortifying and degrading to °Lorne how the lng:s tone Will manly soirit which used to distinguish the debates in that House were liassite; away, insomuch that it now seemed ,to hare scarcely our feeling in common with the people of the coon. trv. Though lie admitted there was a close con. flexion between the two measures. yet it was abs.s. lowly necessary to look at each of them separately, in order to form a just estimate of its character and probable Paulo., should it pass into a law. He should now confine himself to the consideration of the Stamp Duly Bill, and he was ennupelled in the outset to observe, that the principle of it was en tirely slew, and that it had an olortions and direct tendency to re.establish an imprisrtatmr.—( Hear./ It was no apology fur it to allege that it would be loom! ineflicient io its operation, lie believed (kit isi all these measures there was much of what was inellecto•l; but it was noteittlestanding most op pressive to individuals.—(iira r , h ear , Under this measure every bookseller in the laud found himself subjected to 'shackles which he eiever contemplated when he entered into the Wes:. ness.—/ Hear.)—He lowed I self obliged to give securities for his good conduct in trade to the amount of 300/. in London, and 200/. in the coun try. It might be said that that was a trifling sum to a man who was deriving a large iucome from. or who had made a great fortune in the business. But it was to the principle of the measure, wino' was abominable, that he chiefly objected—a priu• ~....-~--w.. it 1 pro. 4 ' 4 ,o It tiu•. F nOW se. I. Itl 6.4 brow' mud Lost k rmir the rolls the GPI. r! he Ito-.• It't 41 It he du.t htt s ler fu . ~~~ J ~, j_l+l.