The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1819-12-15 00:00:00

1,1 I 1 I —He might *Mace another example of the smile kind ; that of Ileverford-West. These changes in the constitution of Parliament had gone on till the lime of Charles IL in which reign a place had been summoned by the Crown to send two Mem bers to Parliament, hut the right was then at first disputed. After the Revolntion it had not been considered safe to intrust the !prerogative of cluing tog the construction of one branch of the constitu licti to a distinrt - branch. This principle had been more confirmed by the Act of Union—and he believed it was now generally acknowledged. that it was not competent to the Crown to add to the nirisbere of the House of Commons. But one bad consequence of the latter practice, respecting the construction of the House, was, that small and decayed boroughs had become PO corrupt as openly to sell seat% in the House. insomuch that there were several iiirtacces of their being aubjectrd to the pnuishrnent of the House on that account. An other bad consequence was. that since the Practice of changing the constitution of the rinse had been in operatioo, large towns had arisen, and districts became filled with inhabitants. both which remained unrepresented.—(Hear. hear.) — An evil resulting from both which circumstsuces, which he felt himself obhged to mention, was, that the House ceased to represent the people so exactly NA it ought. With respect to the corruptions pre trident in the small decoyed boroirglis. lie believed they were quite well known—(hear) --and the House had been, in consequence of each practices. com pelled la interfere in the cows of Shoreham, Vricklade, and Aylesbury. But let them see whether that system worked well, and whether the boroughs which sold their seat every election con ferred any benefit on the constitution.—(llear.) He thought it would be found that they did not. Que of the Mat eOllllllOll practices among them at a general el: ction wa., to send a depuistion to the Secretary of the Treasure, who brought forward a person willing to support the Government on all oc casions, and the price of the borough was paid.-- (Hear.)—This was one of the most respectable of their modes of proceeding.—(flear.)—The person elected voted 'trollop* according to the dictate" of his conscience, hut always with the Minister.—(tkar. h.ear.)—Other• made the obtaining of a seat in the House a molter of private and interested specula non, and expended large sums of money on that object.—(lleor.)—Their objects were entirely of a tasivate nu.urr, such as to procure the payment of a debt due to them or their relatives, or something of that description. The consequence was, that they voted for every measure proposed by the Mi nisters of the (ley ; they acquired the important right of legislating; they possessed the most material powers of sovereignty exercised by an abaolute Prince, without being restrained by the check which operated on him, the fear ore:l:immure and of shame. Ills manner of voting was not even known to the country, fur the list of the majority was not usually published.—(llear.)—Private interest was the sole principle of his acting, and he enjoyed the fullest extent of vowel' with the impunity of secreey.— Hear.)--The next evil was the growth and exist- CAC, of large towns nut sending Metnbers to Par- Lament. Ile should ,hew to what length this had grown by three or four examples. In the year 1768. Manchester had but 23,000 inhabitants. at the present day it had 110,000.—(Hear, hear.) —Leeds, in the year 1775, had but 17,000 in habitants, in the year lass it contained 62,000. Birmingham, which at no distant period was N very trifling place, now contained 88,000 in habitants. Halifax and Sheffield. formerly towns wt . ion consequence, contained. in the year 1811, the former 73,000. the latter 31,000 inhahitnnts.— (dear. (sear.)—Thie increase of places since the Revolution was what called for tame interference on the part of that House.—(hear.)—Great manu facturing and trading towns and district' had of late years sprung up from humble begininngs, and con tinned to be unrepresented. It would be a great consolatiot to all people connected with the maim factoring interests, and conscious of the evils under which the country was suffering. to have these evils described in Paoli-invent—that they should Ire able to come to the WNW of Commons by their Re pietentettive, and there state the grievances which affected themselves or the country at large. It might be said, that time manufacturing population wee sufficiently represented by the County II: em • bers; b u t it was well known, that these were Gen tirtnen of totally different habits, and with differ rsit Intel eats: therefore, it was a great object to them to return Members to the House—(Hear)—parti cularly when the Poor Laws and others, involving the interests of commerce amid trade, came under dis cussion. lu the year 1788 it had been said, as an argument against giviag Representatives to the towns, Where are the petitions from Manches ter, Sheffield, and Birmingham ? Now he feared that an argumert of a very different kind might be urged ag lima them, and that it should be urged they were ton clamorous. Should such a topic be resorted tat, Fe should advance iu reply an obser vation made by the Right Hon. the Member for the Oct* ersity of Dublin (Mr. Plunkett) on a former occasion in favour of his fellow-countrymen.._ the Catholics—(Hear)—namely, that the House hod certain duties to perform towards the subject from which no act of theirs should divert them.— If the House said to these people, You shall have uo representatives because you ask them—if they should come to such a decision he could hardly afterwards look on it as the " exiness image of the people."--(Hear, hear.) -The Noble Lord then ably combated the idea that electimis by populous towns would be productive of ill blood and animosity be tween the inhabitants und their representative, or between one another. He thought it a delusion to say that by any alteration soother House of Com mons could be obtained less inclined to war, or taxation, the consequence of war. An inclination to war. sad its coucuinitant expense, was a charac teristic of every free state. The Noble Lord in stanced this in the commencement of the American and French wars. and the invasions of France in the early periods of English history—in the history of Venice and Genoa—in Athena and Rome. He . then cited examples to prove that the borough more usually aided with Government than the county Members. and were more faithful guardians of the public purse. He adverted to the formation and cuoratitution of the Finance Committee in 1807. Here the Noble Lord stated the three first Revolu tions. they are as follow 1. that it is expelled that all bereagis is which grata uC sotoriosa bribery and corruption *ball be proved to pes. • alltisulti orolo to morn Members toorrve in Parliament; prevision belie made us allow sorb of the Anton as shall not 1111.0 bees moved guilt's.' the said offers*, to give voles at nay election to he held for the county its whirl. such boreoglis shall be respectively situated. 2. Thal it it rapetlient that the right of returning Ment he,. to serve le Parliament. so taken from any borough which shall hove been proved to have beets guilty of bribery and core-option. sh..tilti be River to some great town. the popalstMn of whirl. shad not be less than lifters thousaod souls ; or to some of the largest counties. 3. That it is the duty of (hie House to Co.lllBlllll' of farther means to detect sail prevent corruption is the election of Members of Parliament. _ It was. he said, the opinion of many persons that the state of any borough accused of corrupt prac tice. should be referred to the consideration of a Committee. on the principle of the Grenville Act, and if the. Committee reported that the borough was guilty of gross corrup , then that that borough should be disfranchised. He was himself of the same opinion ; he also thought that every facility should be given to the detection of corruption at elections, the complaints of persons on this head who were not candidates or freemen of the borough should be reu. dily received, and immediately acted on. Oo this point he hoped ass lion. Gentleman. the Member for Montgomeryshire, would give his opinion.— The fourth Resolution was relative to a particul4r borough, it was in the following words : 4. That the &roues of Grampoiand, in whieh groat snit notorious corrnption has twin proved to portrait, do erase to send Members to this House. It appeared to him that the borotti 4 ll of Gram• pound lied, by acts of gross corruption. forfeited its franchises, and that those franchisee should be transferred to other plaices. He was nut fur trims. ferring those franchises to the adjacent hundreds, but to popular and manufacturing towns, which were unrepresented. Ile might be asked why, if he took away the franchises from convicted boroughs, he should stop there, and not take them away from unrepresented boroughs ? He would state in a few words the reasons why he was not disposed to carry the proposition further, at the same time that he was quite free to ray that the extent of the measures he now proposed ought not to be the extent of reform to which the House should go—on the coo teary, he would always wi►h to hear future amend ments proposed in the state of the representation of the country, and when brought forward with pro. priety, and founded in reason and in policy, they would always have his support ; but he did not know of a principle of reform which could go fur ther without disfrauchising the boroughs altogether. Undoubtedly lie could not but consider thatße form on the principle contended for outside of doors would amount to nothing less than a recoil. struction of the House of Commons. He was tint a friend to that specie% of Reform ; he would not lean on the arguments brought forward at different times on this question by many great and eminent nien to whew the danger of a House of Commons sway►d by popular demagogues; lie would not lean on Owe arguments, though he thought they were entitled to great weight. Jrwas not borusiglimongers or their apologists, but men of great character and of great talents that saw mthe present system both order and wisdom. The constitution of the country bad but few principles—they had not written char ters like other countries. The constitution was that of King. Lords, and Commons. He knew of no other addition, except the peculiar construction of that House. That House was constituted from time immemorial of counties, cities, boroughs, and towns. Such was the consiructiou of that House when Monterquieu held it up to public admiration as one of the most perfect nod the most beautiful parts of a free gover 1111 l rid ; such was its con struction when Lo r d Somers had laboured to esta blish the Resolution. IVas Montesquieu mistaken in his praise, a n d did Lord Somers labour to achieve th• Revolution, merely to uphold a system of rotten boroughs ? Did those illustrious patriots who died in defence of the Constitution He the reign of Charles 11. uphold nothing. aspire to no thing, but the system of the boroughtnongers? He would never come to such a conclusion. He would maintain the principle of counties, cities, and ho ►oughs, being represented in that House. He knew of no precedent, of no experience, to in duce them to form the House of COSWIIDne on the plan of *form ruffrage.—(Hear, hear.) — Spain in the 15th cesitury had a free constitution ; there the principle of uniform suffrage prevailed— the power went into the halide of the Aristacracy, mid what did they do ? —they did not influence the return of representatives'. but they forbade the re. turn of any. The Cortes then had but few !Mem bers f the rent towns, and when the strugk le came between the Cotten and the King, the Aria tocracy sided with the King, and the consequence wee the subversion of the liberties of Spigot.— France was snottier case. but the core of that country wise slot one which he would hold up to the imitation of that house. Were the House to adopt that principle, their act would be a commentary on the sits: y of the magic limp. where the man having lost it, he went round Uniting new lamps for old ones. Ile could Hot help thinking in his fund achniretiuti of the British Constitution, that it lied a magic effect—it bad produced happiness aid freedom for many an age. A smiling laud grew up under its influence—a laud where the palaces of the rich were not contrasted with the wretched hubi. tattoos of the poor, but dwellings where the ir►ha bitants possessed equal privileges and equal pro , tection—a constitution which had produced men of great talents on every exigency of the state, wheueser any question of public policy was dis curved in that House, persons of astonishing *bilis fire, of extensive knowledge, of profound views, were to be found on one side end on the other. He might he permitted to observe on some particular set.. On the question regarding the state of the poor, and on the state of the criminal laws, persims were not wanting to desoie the must useful talents with the most patient attention► to ameliorate the condition of the people. He would not ex change the ancient con 1111 l ditto of that House for the new. unsettled. and impracticable theories of moderi. Reformers, for schemes which ',meld de prive them of the remaining treasures of the Con stitution—treasores which lie acknowledged had beeu wasted and ill applied, but what renowned of them were dear, and hr wee Mil for potting them in the lottery•-wheel of new constiintions.—(Hear. Aeter.)—Befure he sat down, he had but one word more to my : it was, to implore of the House to adopt, if not the proposition before them, at least solar proposition which would inspire confidence, and which would sheer the people thit the Parli • meat wisl►rd to treat them with conciliation and with kindness. The history 4411 free states, par toculaily of that state over which Machiavel threw the light of his ge nius, proved this great poli tical truth, that in the progress to perfection. the basis of public liberty was constantly enla►ged, and the voice of the people hail its tffo-ct in the deciaiot► of the Governineut ; but in the pro- I gress of decay parties were found to deny the people every thing—and the people, deprived of their privileges, became violent and disaffect ed—sod, in the end, row party ur other was put down by the sword. It was the blessing of a free constitution, that those who formed the government felt also a love of liberty ; but when those oho cherished a love of liberty felt no interest in the est ill i l goer,. ttttt eut, the nation had arrived to a *tate of civil dissension and of constitutions! debility, and it only remained for an ambitious King, or an ambitious general or deinagogoe to extinguish the last remaining light of freedom. Possessed of ordi nary talents and address, such a mow, in such a stale of things, might extinguish those liberties with as much ease as the lights of that House were extingiiis:ord when their debates were Offt'f. Lord No1)1 *NAM said, that in rising to second the Retiolut . of his Noble Friend, he would not go over the groomd which his Noble Friend bad so ably traversed; he would not detain the House by laying down principles, but would confute him self to the question before them ; hr came to the consideration of that epirstoon with sonic emba►►ass. ment, but if lie could prove thdt the system of which his Noble Friend complained was bad in practice as it was erroneous io theory,—(llear.)-- then he would turner at some useful result. Re- bisecting the system of boroughs, he believed he might lay down as an abstract proposition that could not be denied, that the franchise was a trust confined to au individual for the public good, not for leis own particular benefit, and that the represen tative he might send to that House was bound to stand there as the representative of the nation ; and if, on elections, individuals were found guilty of corrupt and gross practices, they abused that trust, and the forfeiture of the trust should have been au irevitahle consequence. The fran chises thus taken away ought to be transferred to other places not represented—to those places, which, in point of property and of popula tion. comprised a large portion of national wealth and interest. Such a inearure would give much satisfaction, and would, he was convinced, have the best effect even on the deluded persons who now canted so much agitation. In giving representa tives to the large rearinfocturing towns he could see no danger to the constitution : in leaving the frau. chins iii the hands of obscure and corrupt boroughs he saw much to weaken liberty, and nothing that you'd raise the dignity or independence of that House. Ile did lint see on what ground individuals were deprived of those rights. which, according to their 'onion in Society. they ought to pos. .ets. Such a practice was • positive departure from the principles of the constitution. But a Member who came into that House by virtue of • deed of bargain sad sale, who purchased with a sum of money his Peat in that House, such a man might be an honourable mils, a. a private gentleman he might be irreproachable, but he no. any thing in the world but a proper Member of Parliament.— (Hear. hear.) —Having said so tnueh on the nature of the defect. he would now beg to examine for • moment the initiate of the remedy that ought to be applied. Suppoying that his Noble Frtend pro posed to extend the franchises to the adjoiraing hundreds, he thought the House should not allow an act of that kind to pass over unobserved. He would only brooder abuse from one place to another; it might loner the price of cnrruption, but it would increase the market—exiendisog the franchise to the hundreds would have the effect of increasing the riot and confusion of general elec. tioos ; in some enmities, in that of Cornwall fur instance the candidates would grow so Numerous. that the electors wonid be obliged in many in mauves, to read the Riot Act on their mob of torinhere.—(A larogh.)—Upon the whole, the course which he would be most anxious to pursue was this. to wend the franchises to the large ma• nufacturiog towns. those placer which are now ex posed to so much danger, which swallow the noxious drugs of political quacks, who feel little anxiety fur the health of the patient. They (the Parliament) were the regular physicians; and what ought to be their first step in order to convince the people that there were other means of reform besides the panacea of universal suffrage? They ought to extend to flourishing and populous towns drat representation wbici they illuatrsted so well. This species of parliamentary reform would be of material benefit to these towns; they were at present in • magma state, and breathed noihiog but pestilence around them. Why was it that they were the victims of delusion ?—why was it that the- people of Manchester, Sheffield, and Leeds. were so ready to swallow the dose of univer sal suffrage ? Clearly because they were uurepre sented. When their glare was compared with be roughs in Norfolk, Derbyshire, sod other places which possessed the privilege, it was still more manifest that the unrepresented towns were to flamed by a sense of their exclusion from the common rights of the constitution. The plan of his Noble Friend, as brought forward that night, was, lie thought, free from all objec tion. It broached no proem' principle of reform— it pledged the Hooey to no particular inquiry—it stood ou its owl' 'sterns, and appeared to him to be great remedy against the progress of corruption. He therefore thought the proposition of his Noble Friend ought to he supported. Ile had slightly Khmers' at the good consequence of adopting that proposition, lie would now say • word on the coil sequences of rejecting it. To reject such a motion would, he feared, afford too clear a proof that ray plan of reform, however mild, however temperate, and however practicable, would never be rterierd in that (louse. Such a decision lie would deeply deplore. as milling in his mind would tend mute to weaken their authority, acid to give life sod vi gour to the cliseffected. It would give a shuck to the internal constitution, not the less dangerous be cause it might mot be immediately perceived. It was 'lot on the outstretched arm of autism ity that the goternaient of u free clammy could depend— the hearts and the affectiuns of the people were the only true foundation of a free goveromeut. If that foundation were iuierinined, it would be is vain to uphold it by teinporary expesdients: retch ex pedients would only destroy its balance and acce lerate its NIL The Noble Lord concluded by thanking the House for the attention he received. and sst down amid the loud and general cheering or the House. . . . Lord Cetret.encrioit commenced by observing in terms of prune the manner in which the No ble Lord brought forward his motion. He had taken up the question with great moderation. but there were difficulties connected with the subject which it was not easy to avoid; and certainly the Noble Lord appeared to him to have fallen into an error common to those wheradvocated principles of re form. Ile connected the question with general topics. There never was a period when a greater degree of morbid sensibility prevailed on the question of reform than at the present moment. and as far us he could observe from what passed nuteide of doors, the mo. Lion of the Noble Lord was not likely to give much setisfiction ; but with respect to the general rea soilings on the question, when they came to under stand themselves. he hoped it would appear that there was but little difference on the point between the Noble Lord and himself as to the practical mode of proceeding, and he for one would be glad to prove that there was little difference of opinion in that llonse as to the real principle. The proposi tion of the Noble Lord was, that if any place send ing Members to that House should be convicted of en( rupilo.l to that extent at to affect free election, sat then those places should be deprived of their franchises, and that those franchises should be transferred to those places poesnsiog more of ge neral confidence. To that plan he had no sen timent to oppose—on the contrary. he was anxi ous to support it; indeed, it was • practice which was recognised and which prevailed in Par liament—it was supported not only in theory but in practice as fully as the Noble Lord could carry it. sod had mily been prevented from being carried into effect by judicial difficulties which lay in the way. In the course of the last Session there were ern less than four cases where the principle had been admitted by bath sides of that House, and lie be lieved that in one case a Bill had been actually sent to the other House. He would, therefore, ap peal to the Noble Lord whether, upon those occa sions, he had not received the cordial co-operation of that tidal of the House to remedy, in these instances, the abuses incident to the style of the representation. In the course of the present Session a similar ques tion was intended to be brought forward by an Hots. Member, and the only difference between him and that Hon. Member was es to a point of time, as lie saw it would be then inconvenient to bring the par ties up to town. As to the particular borough mentioned in the Iterolution, lie had no difference of opinion with the Noble Lor,(l, assuming that the fact of corruption wad clearly proved against it, and certainly there was no disposition on his part to op pose the Noble Lord in any measure he might bring forward relative to that burough.—(Hear, hertr.)— in the case of Grampound there was no difference of opinion between him and the Noble Lord. but supposing that that borough was disfranchised, the next question was, how these franchises should be disposed of ? lie, for his own part, would not pledge himself to any particular principle. He thought the Noble Lord had unnecessarily at tempted to create a permanent system as affecting the representation, which, in point of true wisdom, he wiriied to avoid. lie extending the representa tion of those boroughs to counties, a strange anomaly would occur, that of the electors of boroughs voting for county Members. If the Noble. Lord would move for leave to bring iu a Bill for the disfrenchisemeot of the borough of Grampound, and for those franchises to be extend ed to such places as the Legislature. under all the circumstances, might think fit, he would not be disposed to look on that Bill unkindly. but he would not give countenance to any general ab stract proposition which might go further than the Noble Lord was aware of—further cer- Willy than he would wish to carry it—namely. to best down the representative system itself. Whilst lie was disposed to admit the system of representation of countiet, cities, and towns, bore a great and important character in the general state of the representation. he would yet protest against the admission that the whole of the wisdom and virtue of the House resided there ; by such an ars. gument it would follow, that every part of the representation (list did not come within that class of counties, cties, and town., were vile and impure. He hoped the Noble Lord would give one proof more of the temper and moderation with which he brought forward the question, and that it would not be looked on as a torch of discord, when. in point of fact. the House was anxious to co-operate with him. He hoped the Noble Lord would take • particular case s and bring in • Bill to meet it ; the House no doubt would meet every case of corrup tion in particular boroughs, as often as they occurred. lie hoped the Noble Lord would pur sue a peaceful remedy, amid that the blouse would not dispute upon mere shadows, wheu substance, and difficulties, and %angers sur rounded them. He had no doubt but that the Noble Lord wished to preserve the Constitution, and wished to oppose the wild and pernicious eye. tems of those alto, under the name of Reform, aimed a blow at she Constitution itself ; and there fore it was. that he expected the Noble Lord would confine hinriaelf to a fair, moderate, and practical view—a.:sl, without infrioging on establi s hed prin ciples,. that he would content himself' with correct. ing evils when they occurred. Mr. TIERNEY smith be saw no great force in the objections urged by the Noble Lord. It might appear an anomaly in au elector of a borough voting fur a comity Member, but he did lint consider it an incoilversicsit done ; he did not think any County Member weiseld feel Isis dignity lessened by it. but he would gore lip the poilit to 11w Noble Lord. His object in puremit of reform was, to get all he could. lie understood the Noble Lord to say. that if his Noble Friend would bring in a Bill for the disfranchisement of Grompound, and would let the franchises lw transferred to some other place, that the ribble Lord at least would not turn his ear from that nsessure. Th ere were two places to ss hich the franchises might he given —to counties, or tn, populous places. He was decidedly of opinion that they ought to be conferred on the latter. Circumstances, sad, shove all, the progress of mattufacturm Itu.~ the situation of different places; they had taken from the population of one place, and increased the population, lte extent, mid the wealth of others. Hence the situation of Maneht.ster, of Halifax, and of Leeds; and those place surely, so imp or t ant ~,d s o populous, ought to he represented in tort House. Such • measure would, at least, do one great good ; it would tend to produce the great blessing of conciliation. The Noble Lord sad Mr. Pitt acted on this principle, with respect to Ireland. In Ireland, ■t the time of the Union, a great number of boroughs were (Its. franchised, not for acts of corruption, but ett a matter of state policy ; in that instance the Noble Lord had chalked out a plan of It-form the smaller boroughs were extinguished, and mil. important totems were left remaining. As it was in Ireland so it might be pnictised here, and the elective franchise taken from corrupt boroughs ought to he transferred to large and [so. pulous places. lithe town of Leeds, for imtaitce, were mimed in the Bill of his Noble Friend, the Noble Lord would probable have no ohjec. Lion to extend the elective franchise to that place. He was inclined to hope that his No.. ble Friend would act in the spirit of r.pricilistinit, and would close with the proposal of the Noble Lord. It was, in fact, the best symptom he had sten since the commencement of the Sesaiati, and he hoped it would ha►e the effect of hohlinx out the country the encouraging hope ttla: mem was not insensible to the complaint, ul L: people. " Lord CAITLEREAGIII explained. He wished to say that he did not bind himself to any specific measure ; butt if the Noble Lord brought iip Bill, he certainly won'd not oppose any thing in the mature of m practical remedy. Mr. Wl's?' thought that the 'particular case of Grempound ought, in the first instance, to be di.. posed of, before the House entered into the coati. deration of Guy measure of • gentral mature. Mr. VALENTINE BLAKE was proceeding to en. trr into en historical detail of the state of the Eng lish and Irish borough., when lie was so iriterropted by expressions of the impatience of the House, sad loud cries of •• Question!" that lie desisted. Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose to return his hest thaiika to the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Ca 501,... reagh) for the manlier in which he food express e d himself on the present ocotillos,. and also to corigrs. tulate the House on the result of this night's debate.—(Hear, hear.)—Fla was ready to coulee., that during the fast Session he had received, throughout the inquiry respecting the Ism/nigh of Grampound,every assistance from the Noble Lord, and on the present occasion he was equally ready to admit that the Noble Lord, in what he had mid to-aright, had goue even beyond what he expected from hint. Ile now understood that the Noble Lord had no objection in principle to the disfran chisement of the borough of 6r:impound, nor to the transfer of the right of election to some gre.it fossil. He would therefore, with the leave of the I I.iuse, withdraw his present Resolutions, and in their room substitute a notice. that shortly after the holidays he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to dis franchise the borough of Grainpotind, sod transfer the right of election to some great town.—(Crier of •• Rejure the holidays !")—The Noble Lord, 141 obedience to this call, fixed Thursday next fur Ins motion—and added. that though in marry instances it would be desirable to extend, when an opportu nity offered, the representation of some of the large counties, yet that he thought at ',resent the claims of the great towns were stronger and more urgent. ailso thought that the question of population was not a paramount one in settling this subject, but should he considered together wir+ merry other circumstances.—(Hear.)—The Noble Lord then moved for leave to withdraw his M ai o- . fut . Lord Mtvrox rejoiced in the result of this de bate. and equally so at the readiness with which his Noble Friend withdrew his Resolutions; some of which propounded certain general propositions which it would be as well to keep out of the present con. sideration. It was certainly a flatter of deep con sideration to decide upon the particular place where the new elective right should be placed. He was ghid, however, to see the general principle admitted by the Noble Lord opposite. Lord CASTLEREAGH said, dna he did not pledge himself as to any particular course respecting the general principle ; the only admission he made win, respecting the general manner of diiquming of the present question. On the melds of the particular case, he did not think they could act dauXemu•ly in conceding nue of the points contended for by the Noble Mover; but he by no tritons admitted the general application of the principle. Let each case be considered with a view to its owu particular character and merit..—( Hear, hum) The Resolutions were then withdrawn, and notice of motion fur Thursday next fixed. IRISH BANKERS ACT. Mr. CALL.iott•N moved fur leave to bring in a Bill to repeal certain provisions in the Irish Brooke's Act. The Honourable Member stated that some new measure was necessary for the better regulation of the s)stem acted upon in Ireland under the existing law, which passed half a century Mr. !ASLIB FOKSTEII said be would not object to the introduction of the Biil, though he would not pledge himself as to any particular course in the future stages of the suersure. HOUSES OF INDUSTRY IN IRELAND. Mr. C &LI.•OKKAN rose to make big motion for leave to bring in a Bill for the better regulation of Houses of Industry iu Ireland. Si.nie hew measures were extremely iireetrary to put those establtsluatects on a better fooling. Mr. I.s.si.tx FusTsft rose to order; and com plained of the apparent precipitancy with which Ins Honourable Friend wall hurrying on measures which went to make important alterations in the law of lit land. The SPEAKER said, that the Honourable Member (Mr. Callaghan) had two motions in succession on the paper, and they were only called on now in the regular order. Mr. C•LLAGIIAM then made his motion, for leave to firing is, the Hill. Mr. Luna Form' objected to the introduction of this Hill, the effect of which would be to esta• blish in Ireland • complete set of poors laws. He entreated his Honourable Friend, if he meant to introduce so serious a Measure into Ireland, to let hisitidive stand fur neat Session; or, at all events, 1 ih