The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1805-06-13 00:00:00

f *bilk lied alkidy iJsred. A Resolution of censure had passed that House against him, And afterwards was canned up to the foot of the Throne. He had been deprived of one of the first places of tank and emolument: he had been also struck out of the list of Privy Counsellors, and since they: a civil suit had been instituted, and this deprivation .4 office was not merely tempotar), whit_ the civil suit Was pending, but for ever. But it had been said that it was a reiioation of office, ant therefore no punishment. But could any prison he found, who Could seriously argue in this manner? In some coun tries, where the punishment of death was inclined, the culprit was advised to take poison. Was it no punishment, inflicted in such a case? And was not Viscount Melville's resignation of office vir tually a part of the sentence of the House of Com mons ? If then the present question were, whether the House ought now to proceed to farther punish ment ? he, for one, must say, they might not. He remembered the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Whit bread's) setting out with saying. that he had no wish to push this matter against Viscount Melville one hair breadth beyond the ends of justice. And Be would now ask, whether these ends have not been already sufficiently answered? The punish teen: of ore is designed as a warning to others, to *void the samefaults, He would ask whether what bad happened to Viscount ISlelville was not a suffi tient example to warn others ? Let it only be con sidered in what a different situation Viscount Mel- Lille stood three months ago, from what he does how, and then he could not but think that the ends of public justice had already been sufficiently an peered, in the punishment which had been inflided, at least to as great a degree as any court of justice, in the plenitude of its vindietive power, could well India. Upon the whole he was persuaded. that for every purpose of prevention and example, enough Lad been already done. Mr. WILBERFORCE said, it was painful to Lim to declare, that he WAS compelled to dissent from the caution of the Hon. Gentleman. Although he tit, in same degree, the enahatrassmeat its which the House was placed, still he found that the House was bound to go forward in order to answer the ends of complete justice. He declared he came down to the House yesterday, desirous of divesting himself err all prejudices and partialities, and to listen to the NOble Lord with the utmost candour, in case any oiling had been supplied in whieh the Committee lad been deficient, or in the hope of hearing some ;refutation at the objealions which had been made to his conduit. Bat the speech of that Noble Lord had erased to couviace him that farther pi og,res, was ne- ornery, for, in his mind, the principles on which , h a d en d eavoure d to vindicate his concs& were nil - ninety more injurious in their tendency than any. sueposed amount of his connivance with Mr. Trotter at the application of the pub lic money : a fair defence of his conduit, not withstanding the restriations imposed upon him, was naturally to be cxpeited. But ne must own the sort of defence set up by that Noble Lord operated in his mind in a way far from favourable. Inc Noble Lord, throughout his speech, acknowledged no cri minality, hut justified his condaft. Hehad stated that the law of the hod bad not been broken, and he att empted to prove this, partly by arguing from the words of an At of Parliament. and partly from his setae quent transattions. Now, with respea to the All of Parliament, he could not help thinking. that as to its plain meaning and spirit, it had been broken by Vis count Melville. It was evident that Parliament al most ;bought it an excess of precaution, after hav ing stated that the money in the Bank, voted for Nasal Services, should only be applied to Am/ pur poses, to add aprohibition as to its being drawn out for other services. And when all the circumstances were considered under which the AEI was introduced,ii vats evident that nothing could have been more phady intended than that no private use whatever should be made of the public money. For what parpose, he would ask, did Viscount Melville receive the ad ditional salary of 2,0001. per annum, but on purpose that no profit should he made of the public money ? and if the letter of the Ad applies to the Treasurer of the Navy, dies not the spirit of it also extend to the Paymaster 1 If the law sa c le a r a s to the tae , i t is equally clear, as to its spirit, respeaing the other. He believed Viscount Melville had argued that he was not aware that Mr. Trotter was making any ad vantage of the public money. How then could he afterwards state, that this was permitted, in order to increase his salary? (Same persons arouad Mr. W. intimated that this Was not :chat Viouu tt Melville :d raid.) Mr. Wilberforce preceeded, and said, that it clearly appeared to him, that although Viscount Melville would have denied that he allowed Mr. Trotter to take out money from the Bank for that specliic purpose, yet that he connived at Mr. Trot ter's making such use of it, knowing that the money was so drawn out. Again, Viscount Melville kept the oCce of 'freasnrer el the Navy, at the same time that he had the chief dire2ion of the affaits of India. here Mr Wilberforce repressed his belief that we one could have aged in that capacity with snore parity and integrity, thin the Noble Viscount had done. lie had appointed p. ruins to high and lucrative offices, to whom lie was personally a stranger. and that merely on account of their ciya raAer and ability t and from one of these, a person of the highest character (Lord Teignmoutia, Mr. Wilberforce said, he had it, that Viscount Melville. in return, had never asked of him a favour. To all this he bore cheatful testimony. Bat as to the pre. sent question, he must observe, v. ith regard to the release. that there was a remarkable coincidence of time between the burning of these vouchers, and the precept issued by the Contehissioners of Naval le ipary. Viscount Melville, in his letters to the Com missioners, stated, that he occasionally employed Lim-elf in horning his papers. But, instead of stat ing this, bow much more satisfaelory would it have been, if, in that letter, he had candidly stated. that he had burned these papers in consequence of the release. But what struck his mind with the most astonishing pi:prise respected the 10,0001.; ceucerrsing which Visconitt Melville, in his speech, had expressly de clued, that be would give no account of it to the Manse, or to any one I That a nobleman of Vie conut Melville's rank ; that a man of his intelligent, capacious mind ; that holding such ao office under the express limitations and restrictions imposed by an exaress All of Parliament as to the holder ccnver,ant with the laws - •er ; one also so well aepradeace. and tor- • •, merly to much employed in Making defences for other people ; that such a man should have formed to himself so strange a resolution, and have openly avowed it in the face of the Commons Wulf of Parliament, appeared to him (Mr. Wilberforce) so contrary to every principle of prudence or pro priety, that he was really at a loss to account for this apparent infatuation of conditn I To suffer this, would be to lay down a principle contrary bath to law and justice, and subversive of every rule of equity; it would be at once to say, that he was determined to advance himself, and be eeme greater than the law and constitution of the country. It was required of the King, al though lie came toehe crown by hereditary descent, to take an oath to ad according to the Constitution. This was the law of the country. In like manner, it was pact of the law, that no money should be divert ed to improper purposes. But here, where inquiry is demanded, setishadion is refused. Can secrecy be set up as a valid plea for such refusal? It is one of the excellencies of our Constitution, that it pro vides for the means of fulfilling stated duties, as well as for occasional emergencies. It provides for the means of vigour, and c f secrecy, in some instances, and of publicity its others ; but that the plain law of the land should be set aside, and the Constitution, in its vital principles. be trampled under foot; this surely was not to be endured. It carries our thoughts back to that unprincipled and arbitrary monarch Charles IL But even he, if he had indulged this sentiment, instead of tesorting to such means as that of shutting his Exchequer, lee. might only have en joined his Minister to have said, that he had spent 30 or 40,0001. of which he would give no account whatever. Bat such principles can never add dig ,nity, nor security to the State. It is well observed by a foreign writer, that if the King of this country will govern according to law, he m ay be the happiest ' of men; but otherwise, he spews himself to be one of the weakest. Let Gentlemen only refit& for a moment to what extent this principle would go. If secrecy be set up as a su ffi cient plea of refusal to answer necessary enquiries ; the door would be thrc.vn wide open to all the SOW ces of corruption, and of secret undue infinence. Viscount Meiville's defence upon this head involves in it so much ob scurity as to create suspicions, and seems of too dark a hue to bear the light. 'flat single declaration of hie, that he never would reveal in what manner this 10,0001. was disposed of, appears so big with danger, that scarcely any thing can surmount it. It would enable any man to shelter himself under a cover, which would help him to conceal (though perhaps barely) every species cf corruption ; and it is no small aggravation that this is avowed by a man, not a novice, out one long and intimately acquainted w:th the Constitution of the country ; not done sud denly, but for years persevered in--a sort of habit, which seems to It lve blinded every moral and irstri otic feeling. With regard to punishment, Viscount Melville's having been struck off the List of Pt ivy Counsellors, seems to be the only Aliment hitherto int/Red. The. vote of censure, sit idly speaking, was nut punishment, but is ratan to be considered as paving the way for ulterior proceedings, such as is the present Motion for impeachment.—" When (added Mr. Wilbetferce), under all the cin:um stances of such a crime, so elucidated and so justi fied, and brought before us, and after such a sort of defence set up by Viscount Melville, I, for one, would rather agree to rescind the former resolu tion of this House, rather than, by being ham pered by our own proceedings, suffer the ends of public justice to be defeated, or the principles of the constitution u t at defiance. if, as has been in sinuated, the Wet Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Pitt) meant to prevent any farther measures against Vis count Melville, by withdrawing the Noble Lord from the list of Privy Counsellors, the House at least ought to have been apprised that such was the, design, otherwise it cannot now have any such in fluence with . us, as to be a bar in the way of future proceedings. The House aged in the former cases according to the degree of light which it possessed at the time. What we them knew of Lord Vis count Melville's conalull, we communicated to the House of Lords; but surely this could never be meant to preclude us from any farther mea sures that might afterwards be judged mess. sary. Weighing in my mind the two modes which have been proposed, I confess I could wish that the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Bond) would not press his amendment, although I would rather agree with him as to the propriety of his mode. Gladly do / join with him in sentiment as to the excellence of our criminal jurisprudence, and I could wish that Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House would make up their minds to adopt the mode he has proposed ; but I would sooner agree with them in voting for the impeachment, than I would suffer the ends of public justice to be de feated. I think the Honourable Gentleman ( Mr. Leioester), who snolce last, laid too much stress upon the forms of proceeding, and did not look sufficiently to the grand objetl of public justice.— If we should thin l: than upon the whole, Viscount Melville's crimes have not received a stifficient dee gree of punishment, I apprel end we are not pre cluded from vot tag for Any ferther proceedings. The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Leicester) has stated. that no pecuniary loss has been sustained by the public; but, as his been aheady remarked by one Hon. Gel emar, the public have lost at least the ad ditienal sala'y of 2,0001. a year. which was granted to Viscount Melville, when Treasurer of the Navy. But the great loss and injury sustained are not merely, nor chiefly in money; but the injury is, because such a preCtice as this would attack the vitals of our Con steution, would open the source of compleiat, and tend strongly to alienate the minds of the people from the excellent pi ieciples of our constitution !" Mr. Wilberforce then proceeded to advert to Vis count Melville's allowing Mr. Trotter to make use of the public nieney, and asked whether in so doing it would not have been natural for him to have at least cautioned Mr. Trotter against seeking after any undue advantage, by Stock jobbing or the like ? But nothing of this scat scents to have oc curred. After all the knowledge which the House bad now obtained, and after hearing Viscount Mel ville's defence ; Mr. Wilberforce said, he was of opinion that the House had no opticu as to inet-tuting some criminal prosecution. And with re spelt to the 10,0001. be trusted Parliament would still he able to trace this dark e Ira; r out through the evidence of Mr. Trotter. This crime of Viscount D4siville, swab TespcS to the acciet agplicatiou • • • , "f;Alethpeumrpoonsere ', wh m a i t g et t er l . i a v e vv h i e t en h re co s n p v ed erte to d f to ore a ig n n y secret service money, the case WAS q uite differ ent ; "for in such" cases th Secreta r y of State was enjoined to take an oath that such a corn had been actually applied to such purposes. Viscoun t Mel ville still to explain upon this head ; nod his very refusal hitherto to grant this explanation is suf . - fic;ent to authorise the House to charge him with making an improper use of the money. Mr. W. said he could not agree with an Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Hawkins Browne) in thinking the present was an improper time for an impeachment. We depended, it was true, upon the valour and aCtivity of the people, but, above all, we depended upon the love which they bore to the Constitution. Any proceed ing then which will tend to shew them that even the greatest criminal shall not be sheltered, will strengthen their love for the Constitution, and there fore such an impeachment cannot be pronounced improper, as to the time, whilst, at the same time, such a proceeding is consonant to the eternal prin ciples of the Constitution. Lord CASTLEREAGH said, that after the speech of the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last, he felt himself called upon to address the House, though he before intended to wait until he heard the opinions of some persons of high legal authority, in opposition to what was last night advanced by the Right Hon. Gentleman behind him (Mr. Bond). As to the Hon. Gentleman who preceded him; he had taken up merely the antiquated ground which had been so often gone over an.l discussed before. Unless some new view of the subjeA shculd be pre sented, or some new aggravating and substonti..l cir cumstances were brought forward, he did not see why, after all the punishment already infliAed. the House should be again called upon to proceed any farther in this business. It was not very pleasant to review the steps they had already taken in relation to this charge. The general sentiment of the Gen tlemen opposite him, after they had prevailed on the House to adopt certain hasty resolutions4was that the most effeetual method would he to have recourse to a civil process, for the purpose of endeavouring to recover some part of die moue supposed to have been misapplied for the public. He overheard the lion. Gent. (Mr. Fox), whose accurate mind lie should be much disposed to rely on, declare, that if V isc. Mel ville were dismissed from his employments, and re moved from His Majesty's councils, lie should have no wish to push the matter further in a personal manner, but confine himself to the recovery of the money in a legal and regular way. Another Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Whitbread) had made a declara tion of a similar tendency, and said that, after mov ing some sesohitions affeCting Mr. Pitt, and getting Viscount Melville removed from all places of trust and emolument, he should propose that a civil pro cess should be instituted, and gave a formal no tice to that effete. In the mean time, Viscount Mel ville had resigned the high situation he then filled, and was stfuck off the list of Privy Counsellors ; which, though not in itself always a m suer of trust or emolument, carried with it a degree of dignity, of which, those who had filled, with the highest reputation, high and important offices, must feel it very painful to be divested. After three weeks deliberation, however, Mr. Whitbread came down to the House ; and, upon that very notice he gave of instituting a civil suit. proposed a motion fur criminal proceeding, which was negatived, and the other, mode adopted. Ile believed, that most of those who voted in support of the civil suit would scarcely have been induced to Jo so, if they thought, at the time, that a criminal proceeding would after wards arise from it. Therefore, sinless some new and substantive case should be made out, he did not think the House would consent to adopt now a measure, which had been disclaimed in all their former proceedings. The option they had benre, of choosing their mode of proceeding, was no longer open to them =and if they should adopt the two proceedings, they would treat Viscount Melville in such a manner, as no British subjeß had ever been treated before, and leave in him a lasting monument of the hasty spirit of the British Legislature. Let the House consider. what new Charge, or aggression of charge, was known to them now, that was not equally known before their appointment of a Com mittee. It was previously known, that naval mo ney was misappropriated, and applied to other pur poses. The letter of Viscount Melville, on the 4th of June, to the Naval Commissioners, induced ma ny to suspect, that this misappropriation was carried to an infinitely greater extent. than it now turned out to be. They had made their eleCtion in favour of a civil process, when in competition with a criminal one—and at the time when people supposed the misapplication to be greater than it was. Since that time, Mr. Pitt had explained the 40,0001. ap plied to the purposes of the Treasury, to be the only sums and even that, though not striAly legal, was not, by any means, of such a nature as might have been apprehended. They were now very differently circumstanced, they knew the application and re payment of the 40.0001. that there was only 20,0001. yet rentainins unaccounted for; and yet, without a single additional fait, or aggravation of fan, they were called upon to reverse their former decision. and adopt a criminal prosecution. The chat ge ~f drawing money from the Bank, and lodging it in the hands of a private banker, for the sake of conveni ence, may be against the letter; but was not against the spirit of the law, to the same manlier as keeping the money locked up in the iron chest of the office, would be in the letter against the spirit of the A.R. On the former occasion, Mr. Whitbread made great use of the impressions gone forth that Viscount Melville disclosed to Mr. Trotter the secrets of the state. in order to enable him the more effatually to succeed in his speculations in the Alley; whereas, now, that impression was done away, accompanied by circumstances of manifest, strong, and convinc ing vindication. It was said by Mr. Wilberforce, that the 20,0001. borrowed by Mr. Trotter for Vis count Melville, and which also branched into two separate sums, because the latter refused to state the application of one part, was a convincing proof of a participation between them ; but, surely, he should know, that in all governments there must be mat ters of secrecy and delicacy requiring the applica tion of public money, which could not be disclosed without endangering the lives and safety of indi viduals. One Gentleman (Lord H. Petty) express ed a doubt whether the sum so advanced by Mr. Trotter bad ever been repaid • but that cir cumstance was fay explained is ;11c evidence of ~7 Mr. Trotter himself, who , regularly replaced; as to the ing money at Coutts's, or that big it to Naval services, the t was little or mulling, when the , made to a party competent to the the time agreed upon. He bad; commodatson was given for the fide, though not legally, the per , at most, be only responsible in his private p roperty. Viscount Melville had accounts at the Board 4 Contra& Offiee, and other places, not at all subjeft to the Navy Pay Office Ad, in which Mr. Trotter must have had concerns, as he was Agent for all the pecuniary affairs of Viscount Melville. Th e u tter was Treasurer of the Navy before the Aa i n question, at which time he was at liberty to k esr , the floating money where he pleased. Ile 11,14 53,00 M. in his hands before Mr. Trotter be came aicPayma s bi yi e s r i , hl oaa hands desa w an h sb e sa n he ul abinecae to ti n ho t e o out A(xel o o o f o f fptate Parliament. ap , mu ha d eb ni m W hoo a n s einy it then to be supposed that a man like Visconet Melville, filling the highest departments in do state for many years, and so highly reverence) the country for the zeal, courage, and enesg , i displayed in support of the Constitution, in the sts, t perilous times, would have staked the wreck of his fortune, and his honours, for any thing so paltry, grovelling, and degrading, as the embezzlemen t of such a small stock of money, when he was in the It pourable receipt of so much greater sums, and migla, at any time, have whatever sums he pleased at Lis command? If he was so corrupt, was it credible that lie would have applied to Trotter to borrow fur him the sum of 2:3,0001. when he might at once have direded it to be advanced .it of the mo ney ? WAS it to be supposed that a man of his alted character would have stooped to so mire :illy and sordid a condud, and lent Ittm-elf to so mean and wretched an expediency ? He admitted that the circumstance of the mixed fund was a fair objea jealousy to Parliament, but it was at most a proi.irr subjed for civil and not for criminal proceedlr.c ; . nor did he see how the accusers of Lord Vl:C!'"i Melville would be enabled to prove that arty part even of the mixed fund was public property, scads it would be necessary to do in order to found a criminal prosecution on it—lt, was stated last night, by Mr. Whitbread, that there were Sti,oool. on which suspicion reasonably attached; but, out of that, Trotter bad proved that there were 23,0001. of which he was himself the lender. It was indeed true, that Viscount Melville did not last night state tie security he gave to fret ter for that sum ; but he did state, that it was after wards repaid by him with interest. This dedation, then, would bring the suspicious sum to 23,0001. of which 10,0301. were, perhaps, for the Loyalty Loan, and afterwards repaid. After all this then, it seemed, that the only motive he could have for sinking to so vile a conduct, was the use of firm 14 to 20,0001. occasionally . The Noble Viscount asserted, that Trotter had never advanced for him more than 4 or 5,0001. at any particular time, and if so, he would leave it to any person, whether the occasional use of such a sum as that was an objet of temptation to such a man as the Noble Viscount? With resped to the information given by him, it appeared to have originated in the clerks at Mr. Coutts's, from them to the clef ks of the Bank, then spin to ;mer cantile Gentleman, then to Mr. Raikes, from him to Mr. Pitt, and thus, at last, arrived at the ears of Vis sonat Ist-Iville himself. litre again lie would ask, whether, if Viscount Mel ville was u illing to sell himself to perditioa fur such a trifle, a combination of this kind, the deteetion of which must destroy him, could not be better managed than to let it be the town talk of such a variety of people ? lie came next to what he called the absurdity of the manner in which the so much talked- fdeed of retest e was executed. It was certainly a most notable method of to apply first to Mr. Spottiswoode, a ma - s of most extensive business here, and afterwards to the greatest house of the same description in the city of Edinburgh. Urnass the whole, be said, that, after the most easeful examination, lw could see nothing to call down condemnation en Vis count Melville, though he acknowledged that his method of condufting his official business WAS exceedingly unfortunate. He hoped the House would be careful to come to a very deliberate decision upon this subjed- -and do nothing precipi tately, which they may repent of afterwards. Ile must also caution the House against being too easily biassed by the advice of the Hon. Mover of this question, who had already led them into a vote, which affected, without evidence to support it, the charader of a man, who, till the day when that fa tal vote was wrung from the easy virtue of the I louse of Commons, was possessed of the confidtace of his Sovereign, and revered by the people of these United kingdoms. He Admitted, that a greater collation of virtues was not to be found is any assembly in the world, than in that wllicb he had the honour of addressing; but which, uu• fortunately, suffered itself, by a sudden impulses to be impelled into a proceeding which now turned out to be unsupported by any evidence. 'I he mode in which the Him. Gentleman had thought propel to follow up his first success was a proof of his pre. cipitancy ; tor, after giving notice of a motion for 3 civil process, he, in a wed k, condemned his own de termination, by converting the promised motion into a criminal prosecution. In this manner had he inuule: ed the House of Commons in all the awkwardness his own proceedings, and led it on step by step. ta punish Viscount Melville by piecemeal, and irSia its punishments upon the principle of torture. PIP would say for his own part, that he should feel no objedion to vote for the impeachment, if be cen>i dared the House of Lords a tribunal before which it would be possible fur so innocent a roan, as h e was convinced Viscount Melville was, to obtain au acquittal. The evidence of Mr. Trotter would sot defend him there. The issues of the monies from the Bank, their application to other services, th! existence of the mixed fund, &c. wouldbe proved ; and how could they b.: explained, or his in; nocence made manifest, wheat the documents )sad been destroyed ? !fa legal case was thus made ou't a gal convift on must follow f what remedy, )sow ' ever innocent, could Viscount Melville have WU*. it? Should he even be acquitted, could the oti; bx easil) induced to rescind its votes? and would flte . compliance with that, resfaie him to Ins form er ch i rafter and the confi Luca of the people, and Lisps d l atent' m l rimes' Wblo9f i t al %- i • ling him te at e ref , tr.av' far a into 011 r Fat ietiCe ;. .)2 10:1 a ♦;the on hi: ct is ; tbat n 111.111, so ccnvers; id constitution of his country frerscsi iu its ciima4l jutiv . . - a to • * -41 • mself, who declareseabm `eat. f i e Service • red ; as to the cikuresta -dents mu s; :outs's, or that of occa s i on *:: a t imes so it services, the Constitu t i on ' ; impeac l :thing, when the aecomm o d at in o . — 3 . ' r competent to the diseh arffe , of Iris 'S him 4 d W t u t .446,,, , t , at 4 d upon. He had; was given for the pdllie re turn. dew ~ !, at legally, the perstht so • ,ii refera i f V iscou y responsible in his private property: v e lter hin rille had accounts at th e Board Of . th t c, ie vit t, and other places, riot at all subjeft v ia he'ro .47 o ffi ce Ad, i n w hi c h M r. Trotter sveea ble i I concerns, as he was Agent f or a ll the tioo any rs of Viscount Melville. Tine t hen • e latte r al •of the Navy before the Ad in b en inllitil hich time he was at liber t y to k eep could fait noney where he pleased. Il e had is hands before Mr. Trotter b ecome these fs' T°u ov ersew id when he went out of °Ere, had was eq ual dt a balance of 10.0001. of the public ;be Aloe' scans subjeft to the Aft of Parli ament. gr. G .; i be supposed that a man like Viscount that the ng the highest departments in d;a gee d all years, and so highly revere nce i i n ! b a se 0 it the real, courage, and energ: , b e that ilst ipport of the Constitution, in the moo siatat of . would have staked the wreck of his -*WI a Cl us honours, for any thing so paltry, well•ear d degrading, as the embezzlemen t ti bread s ;cock of money, when he Was in the h o . House pt of so much greater sums, and might, eassior lave whatever sums he pleased at his acgniret t he was so corrupt, was it credible make i have applied to Trotter to borrow fur dna iont of 23,0001. when he might at once possess : it to be advanced "nt of the anhlic 'n ertitly to be supposed that a man of h;s es. l oc o hi; :r would have stooped to so misambie without ionduCt, and lent Itirmelf to so mean on his s an expediency ? He admitted that the vstved of the mixed fund was a fah- objra of D aly oh arliamcnt, but it was at most a praTer daciag al and not for criminal proceedings ; taunt .! how the accusers of Lord Vitcottat which i Id be enabled to prove that any part civil la sized fund was public property. wiaels sums el necessary hi do in order to found fora C prosecution on it—lt was stated into th ry Mr. Whitbread, that there were °Sat thich suspicion reasonably attached; Fit in • that, Trotter bad proved that niter, 3,0001. of which he was himself the routu as indeed true, that Viscount Melville a prop ight state the security he gave to l'rtit. CZ4tit, m ; but he did state, that it was after- pins, by him with interest. This dedation, of this bring the suspicious sum to 23,0001. of in a pi )1. were, perhaps, for the Loyalty produ lerwards repaid. After all this then, same vat the only motive he could have fur anoth rile a conduff, was the use of firm 14 was a casionally.The Noble Viscountaseetted, tide, sad never advanced for him more tam arts t any particular time, and if so, he would %two y person, whether the occasional use of a civ is that was an objet of temptation ta led ' s the Noble Viscount? With reepet want mation given by him, it appeared to I r y .ed in the clerks at Mr. (outts's , from 1; ve let ks of the Bank, then ain to *suer- I 1 :Leman, then to Mr. kaikes, from c Pitt, and thus, at last, arrived at w -re Vis :omit Ist-Iville himself. Hare aim; told ask, whether, if Viscount Mel. ssora ; illing to sell halite:l to perdities peas rifle, a combination of this kind, the coin which must destroy him, could not be than ;ei than to let it be the town talk of befc ty of people ? Ile came neat to what witt a absurdity of the manner in which the raisi ed. f steed of retest e was executes!. It ter, a most notable method of concealment to ; t to Mr. Spottiswoode, a ma-s of most dal asiness here, and afterwards to the It Ise of the same description in the whi linburgh. Up;asi the whole, he said. of lie most easeful examination, he could nut to call down condemnation en Vie the ;Ile, though he acknowledged that his is v concluding his official business was Pa i l unfortunate. He hoped the Hasse of :areful to come to a very deliberate act n this subjeCt—and do nothing prectp:- wr h they may repent of afterwards. Ile kit ution the House against being too easily 11 the advice of the Hon. Mover of this pu ho had already led them into a vote, ad ad, without evidence to support it, tbe Lt a man, who, till the day when that fa- el wrung from the easy virtue of the ilouw IA 4, was possessed of the confidence of ser n, and revered by the people of these u; ;gloms. He admitted, that a greats ss r virtues was not to be found is tl 1 in the world, than in that whicb he d nour of addressing; but which, un• I suffered itself, by a sudden impulses 1 ed into a proceeding which now turned c ;supported by any evidence. The mode h a Hon. Gentleman had thought propel his first success was a proof of his pre I or, after giving notice of a motion for a 3 t, he, in a weak, condensate' his own dr , by converting the promised motion into e yosecution. In this manner had he involve e se of Commons in all the aukwardness of 1 aceedings, and led it on step by s tep, ta l ouot Melville by piecemeal, and Sala I lents upon the principle of torture. HI I or his own part, that he should feel no e vote for the impeachment, if be ceno. i louse of Lords a tribunal before which a possible for so innocent a mac, as hi s ced Viscount Melville was, to obtain an I The evidence of Mr. Trotter would sot i a there. The issues of the monies hula i their application to other service s, d r 1 F the mixed fund, Sec. would be Legahr I id how could they b.: explained, or his in; 'de manifest, when the documents 104 led ? If a legal case was thus wade otr. via on mast follow; tuba riancdy, bow' rut, could Viscount Melville have tee: dhe even be acquitted , could the °lt; laced to :mind its votes? and wou ld the a with that, rest tie bum to his former dia. ,Ile confil.mce of the people, Lad laillib ,4 ti