The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1818-06-03 00:00:00

V tunably we got no dinner." Many important points, absolutely necessary for the remove] of evil Ministers, of improper Counsellors. of corrupt Judges, and of all sorts of corrupt dicers. who mid the King in the subversion of the Government^ (which was the charge against James 11. for which he bet the Crown and fled the country), were re clurled from the Bill of Rights. In that Bill, the inflicting unusual punishments—levying se . ere fines—packing juries—keeping up a stand ing army in time of peace—packing Parliament.— were all enumerated, as illegal. Bnt there were added, at the end of these enactments, five little words, which had the pernicious effect of doing away the whole benefit intended by the statute. The words were. se except with +content of Parli.6- ment." That little addition had operated. like the touch or a talismanic wand, to destroy the whole fabric of English freedom—that fabric which the hborious efforts of .00r forefathers erected—th4t fabric which they had cemented with their blood ! These five words caused that grand edifice to vanish into air— " Ara, like Ike bastion' fabric of a vi.iea—. Leave not a wreck behind." What was it to them if • standing army were kept up in time of peace—if barracks covered the face ' of the country—or Juries were packed—or Parlia ments corrupted—or cruel finest levied—or un usual punishments inflicted on men, without trial— what was it to them, if all, or any of these arbitrary sets were done by the King's authority, or by the klihisters of the Crown acting on the venality of a packed Honer of Parliament ? In fact, if the evil were perpetrated by the latter, the people were in a worse situation than their forefathers, because a man must find himself infinitely more at ease, if he be robbed by one in whom he reposed but little trust, than if the watchman whom be employed to guard his home. assisted the thieves, and turned that which was meant for his protection into an in , strureent of mischief. Had there been no Par liament at this time—had the old laws been resort ed to —had there not been ■ body of men ready to remove the great land-marks of the Constito tion—the people would not have endured those in roads on their liberty sod property, which they had recently borne, and borne only because the coon try had such a Parliament as was now collected. The evil was so great that he had rather there was no Parliament at all, than • House of Commons in appearance, but which was no check on the Minister of the Crown—which, under the pretence of being composed of the Representatives of the People at large, placed the liberties of the coun try in the hands of Ministers, and, at the same tone boasted, that they acted under the sanction of the law and the Constitution. The way then to pr e se n t this mischief, and the only way, was, to restore to the people that branch of the Legis lature, which, in his opinion, they were more entitled to than any other part of the Govern . Them was entitled to the power which it exer cised. Because, every other part of the Govern ment was held io trust for the people—and. it the power granted to it were abused, it was liable to be taken away from those who misconducted themselves : hut the rights of the people were in alienable, and never could be destroyed. By the old law, the people not only elected persons to sit in the representative assemblies. but all officers. civil and military, from the Sheriff of the county, upwards. except the immediate Executive °Sett's, were appointed by them. Was it then too much to ask for the people, they having been tricked out of their ancient rights and liberties, that they should be enabled to place within the walls of that House such persons as they might think fit to be in tritsed with the care of their dearest interests ? Was such a proposition as this to be called wild and visionary ? liar there any thing ab surd, was there any thing unjust, in giving to every man in the country. of a certain age, and labouring under no moral disqualification, a voice tit the election of those to whom the guardianship of his liberty and property was to be confided ? Was these any thing improper in parting that right which was claimed under the name of universe/ suffrage—a phrase which acted like a phantom on the ds of some gentlemen—but which, if ex ',nitwit had nothing terrific in it ? Supported is the people were by the ancient law, and by the reason and expediency of the measure. they had • right to ask for it. They asked for nothing that was not rea sonable—they called for nothing which they were not justified in insisting on. The system of that House ought to be, to consider the universal interest of the country, as the only one worth attending to—and, where any interest came in contact with it. no matter iii what quarter it arose, that interest ought to be dis. regarded.--111ere the [lOll. Baronet, in order to prow that the doctrine of universal suffrage was formerly recognised, read au extract from the old coronation °Atli, in which the King promises to pre. serve Java, eortswerediees es lege', par vuLGUS elejit"—sod, in the French, " /a colistoNstm" was the term used, instead of ca/gar.]—No two words, he observed, could be found of more exten sive signitica'inn. than commonahe in the French, nod truigus in the Latin version of the oath.— ii the reign of Henry IV. who obtained the Crown by upholding those laws on which his predecessor had trampled, a statute was enacted. to rouse- queiue of grievous complaints, made b 3 the people, of the interference, in various ways, of Sherds, in their elections." That statute enacted, " That all persons duly summoned in the Sheriff's Cottrt, and (alien who .hall be present at county itlectif)ll%, shall proceril to the election of a Knight of the Shire," and it provided penalties to be Irvied on Sheriffs and other persons infringing the I . ght or election. Mr. Justice Blackstoi:e en 4leimirs to explain away the obvious meaning of clip statute, by saying, " that a great number of treelsolders were not duly summoned—and, there fore, that the word • others' only referred In Close who *roe not In summoned." 'rhos, how ever, mold lint Its the meaning of the statute, for the male of summoning was always the same, that of public proclamation to the freeholders of the county. It was tkrsefore to he presumed, that, by " others," was meant, " all persons then and there asseiiilileil." 'flits mode of electing by nor tenni salinv., continued, without incoovemesice, for twenty-five tears, during the prosperous and vigorous Henry IV. ; hut it was thrown down its the yelp of his weak andunfoitunate 4raollstio: Then came the lint restriction, that of Hears VI. The statute said, " that a great and ootrageitus entoorse of people allttued at elections—aud persons witfiout property had a 'J i ve therein—whereupon it was very likely that tumults, riots, disorders, and rnanelaugh tees, might arise—and, therefore, it disfranchised all person. who had not freeholds of 40.. a year," at that time, he believed, • very considerable sum .of money. The reasons assigned for !massing that statute were fallacious, for the Act did not say that disorders had takes' place, but that disturbances might arise. There might indeed exist good cause for providing against disturbances—but the proper way to prevent them was not by depriving men of their just rights. What, he would ask, was the present system of election, or rather of rm-election ? Did it not present one scene of riot, drat:dirtiness perjury, and every species or rasc a lity w h ic h th e human mind could conceive? It did ;Mired exhibit that very state of things which did not exist when the statute of Ilenry VI.• was passed, although the fear of such disorders arinug was made the pretext fur that enactment. There was one honourable ex ception to this general rule. lie himself happened to be elected on the most extensive scale—almoat on the principle of universal suffeage—managed by • the people themselves—without tot. or Wender, or disorder of any sort, bring exhibited. It ••• • most remarkable instance of the goodness of this principle, that the City of Westminster was able to proceed, with as much quietness, in electing • Member to sit io Parliament, as a pariah vestry could du its the election of a parish officer. They had therefore some practical experience on the sub. j••ct of allowing the people the right which they claimed—that of voting fur their representatives— 's/id its the absence of which, all their other rights were of no avail. In the year 1780, when the great subject of Reform was agitated throughout the country, • Committee was appointed in Westmin ster re inquire into the state of the representation. Mr. Fox was the Chairman of the Committee, and Mr. Sheridan the Deputy Chairman. The result of that inquiry was a Petition, unanswered and answerable, which then lay on their table. The gist of it was shortly this, that only 6,000 voters re. turned 257 Members to Parliament, being a majo rity of the then English /louse of Commons—and the Petition stated, " that the representation was more defective, more inadequate, even respecting • the property, than the population of the country." It further declared, " that annual Parliaments are the undoubted constitution of England—the un doubted right of the people of England—and the holding them beyond that period was a gross breach of their liberties." Whether that was the opinion of Mr. Fox, he could not say— (" hear P' front Mr. Bronghtme.)—He was told it was not, but that he merely signed the Petition as chairman. It was, however, the opi. nion of the majority of those with whom he acted— and it was clear, as he signed it. that he did not look npun it as a mischievous opinion. Because, though he might, as chairman, sign that Which he did not approve, yet he certainly would not lend his name to principles which be deemed hurtful or per nicious to his country. This, however, they well knew, that • great number of illustrious and most able men had expressed themselves advocates of this opinion. The Duke of Richmond, in his letter to Col. Shan. non, had argued the question with • degree of ability which appeared to set all answer at defiance. And it would be more satisfactory, if those who looked upon the doctrine as dangerous, would exert their abilities; ,In overthrowing, if they could overthrow, that Noble Duke's arguments, instead of snaking use of those imputations with which the supporters of the principle were usually assailed. But, with respect to universal suffrage, he conceived it derived some support from the sentiments expressed by Mr. Fox himself, in 1797, when the question of Parliamentary Reform win debated in that House. He admitted the principle, in that speech. though he did not exactly argue in favour of the practice. " It was obvious," h; said, " that no persons could he contented, it they were altogether excluded , front forming a constituent part of the Coii stitntion under which they lived. Therefore, it is the best syitem of Parliamentary Re form which shall iuclude the greatest number or Parliamentary votes." Ile did not oppose an ex tensive Parliamentary Reform on the grounds elute others did—but because he thought that universal suffrage would have a bad effect on seine classes of society, who, if empowered to vote, would perhaps vote contrary to the dictates of their conscience.— Mr. Fox's only limit war, that those persons alone should, be excluded, who were not in a situation to give an independent vote. If, therefore, it could be 'hewn, that no sinister views could operate, were universal suffrage conceded—if it were proved that no power, even where the desire to corrupt indivi duals existed, could produce that effect—if it were manifested that where the power was possessed, the desire to act improperly would not exist—then, he thought, Mr. Fox would be an advocate for thut system of representation which included the greatest possible extent of suffrege, so as to comprehend all persons of independent mind.— But what sort of a system now existed ? There were very few independent votes. The great ma jority of that House was returned by persons who were not independent. The majority was ponsinated by individuals who, by law, were excluded from in. terference in elections—who were declared, by law, and by their Sessional Orders, to commit a high breach of privilege, if they did so Interfere— and for infringing which Orders, they sent, the other day, a poor man to Newgate. The system was a mere sham—and, if there were any persons llits the country, that should be excluded from voting, they were those who now returned Members to Parliament. The Honourable Baronet then proceeded to argue, that, whets. the voters were very numerous, and the Home of Commons returned annually, it would he impossible to in fluence elections. Cnitsidering the number of IMembers of whom the !louse consisted—and sup. • posing the 1,61'441 of universal suffrage to be acted us'—there would be at least 3 or 4,000 votes for each Member. Would it be possible, lie askt to corrupt such a body ? lint, if ir man were pow. erful enough to succeed, would he be likely to make the effort, when, in the course of a year, he aoul,l be deprived of his seat ? There would not lie lime fur a strong intimacy to grow up between ! the candidate and the voters—and the Gentlemen oil the Treasury Bench would he prevented from becoming closely acipainted with them. There i was, hoivnv-.r, another stA:ar:.ty, that of the bulbt. ' • • • • If vote, elm g i ven secretly, it was impossible that corruption could exist. At the same time he did not think the system of bullet would be necessary; hut to that system he had no objection—for, i.e conceived. a man might as well put his hand in a box, and place there a paper, inscribed with his mime, and the name of the Candidate lie sup. ported, as proceed in • „,„j have them talvii down by a clerk. This seas the most essential purl of the subj-et--for it was of the essence of freedom, that elections should be free—it was of the essence of the Constiiiiiiini, that • free House of Commons should lie returned-41,d it was essential to the morals of the ramory, that perjury, and drunkenness, and redo, should be pre vented. It was, however. by some prisons 11111.• glued, that if things went no thus quietly, the spirit of freedom would die. He, however, 11 gait differently. The spirit of freedom was Hot, lie conceived, to be kept op by riot and vice and wickedness. In America. they never heard of elections going on. All was done quietly.— Those unseemly contests between families, which electioneering interestsocc tsioned here—which made individuals behold each other with feeling. H y ell . mity, anal treat each other with gross illiberality were unknown in that county. Those feelings were kept alive in England by the regular struggle for power which took place at the end of every *even years. A period so long as seven years was deemed worthy of a struggle. If the individual succeeded. he was, for that period, an important prison—maid if he chose to turn his importainai to acconiit, there was a ready market for ir. Iu short, there was every motive, good, bad, and indifferent, to excite • man to powerful exertion. The Flom Baronet then adverted to the opinions of Mr. Pitt, which were favourable to Reform, until he came into power; and of Mr. Bailee, than whom few nun more decidedlyexposed the corruption of that House, although his principles also experienced a change. The most able men. in the tires/ad and in former times, had suctioned, if not in principle, at least by their arguments, that which lie now contended fur. Sir W. Jones, whom Dr. Johnson called " the most enlightened of men," admitted. " that mil frees were forrperly so extensive, that it was es i. dent minuteness or property was not looked to." He might be considered imprudent in pushing the principle to this extent, by those who admitted that there ought to be a certain degree of Re form—a Reform sufficient for the purpose of insuring a control, in favour of, and tot against the people, as the existing control clearly was. He had endeavoured to conciliate those individuals by every means in his power, short of that compromise, which, by weakening the prin ciple, would render it Mefficient. seeiug the treat ment which an Hon. Baronet's monon for the re peal of the Septennial Act (au Act which might be considered the greatest innovation on the constitu tion of the country that was ever attempted—an Act which still existed, although the causes alleged for passing it had long subsided)—had experienced —observing the coolness and contempt with which it was received—he felt that lie had but little to hope on this occasion. Still, however, he thought it WIN false prudence to pursue any course that would not bear the test of reason—and, in his opinion, any proposition, short of granting free dom of election to the whole population of the country. could not bear that test. It was said, If yon grant the right of suffrage to every individual in the country, you will have retnrutal to this House, persons every way inadequate. Men without education—men of the lowest description." This assertion was opposed to all experience. So far from this being the case, he was convinced that none but men of character, of fidelity, of talents, and, most probably. possessing also the adventitious gifis of rank, station. and wealth, would be elected to offices of trust and confidence. This was not Isis opinion Only. It was a derivative opining.. Mochimel, iu his history, has shown, that, from the time the Patricians allowed the Plebeians to elect officers of kale from their own body, they uniformly selected individuals from amongst the Rancho's; and, us the course of four hundred years, they made but two or three elections which they hid . reaeon to re gret. This, he alleged, es a proof that the people were the best judges of the qualifications of men for superior offices. But the strong part of time question was this, that every man ought to have some share in the making of those laws by which he was to be bound—and on which his liberty, his interest, and his happiness deptaul ed. On this principle, which was supposed to pervade the Constitution of this country, Mr. Justice Blackstone justified the putting criminals to death. He founded himself on the supposition, that every man in the country waa pre sent in Parliament, when a law was enacted. But this was all a fiction. The lives and properties tif persons were taken, under the operation of laws, of the existence of which they were ignorant. Meat who , were taken for the militia—men who were forcibly carried on ship-board. and made slaves of. to shed their blood its defence of their country—were not deemed worthy to have a share in the Constitutiou that country. or a voice in the appointment of those persona who made laws for them—who declared when their persons were so to be placed at the dis posal of Government. Bait did the people cell for the liberty of enacting laws themselves ? No such thing. They merely requested that each individual should have a 4,oooth.part--a fraction—in the election of the 65Oth-part. which wits a very small fraction. indeed, of the /louse of Commons. As the system now stood, 6,000 paupers, mid certain proprietors of boroughs, nominated to the great majority of sears in that House—so that the liberty and property of almost the whole po pulation, were ut their mercy. The experience of the history of all mankind pointed to this hun— ting, in every Government. in every part of the world, of which they had any record, it would he found that, in proportion as the great body of the people had influence on their Governments, those Gorey 1111 l ents were prosperous ; and so, in an in verse ratio, where a small body, Mt oligarchy, lord ed it over the people, the public happiness and safety were always lessened. The Hon. Baronet the.' shortly recapitulated the positions lie had laid down in the course of his vrecli—and observed that the people called only for that smell influence on the Governtnesit, that just check snit control on the Executive 'power of the State, which would cause their interest to be properly attended to—and I which would extend to them and to their chit .• • . - • hen a fair itreuri , y fur the enjoyment of the fruits of their industry. They could tint ask for less, and more they did not droireid. fi r stittxd that it War merely leis wish this greot ques tion should resit co t the basis which it ought of right to stutid—tiamelv, that of sound reason end political jrtice. The Ilium Barone t concluded with rending th e f i ll ow i ng s t r i ng of itr.olot.oo., ! the first of which aftrrword• nttwttl 1 --11,sip owenrity fir 5 .54.4 Kovvrornent ran ihave Wire, hi' I by ties jIIIN ut, 3 old 111 fOrlopoll lul. 141, Y cum . mussily of Test lid wren goversisir4 nipd gurrined i 'betroth of tins principle his been ow pm...tally re. t esognited it, sperrists stel,erri4l from the Throne by all the Ikings of this Realm (except only King Climb s the First and Kent Pones the Sec r, frnin the 4.f King Lopes the First down to the !mewls, rtign.boili nor Ininve rn... Ke...Tuii 111 l 6 , 111 WY , ' .I 1 ! speeches. in which Sir Penick sothst, that the ptioriple of Ihis first Resolution was recognised 2.—That ou pay iteration Nam which ibis community id lutenist fail,: to be ratite, the Mersa-Pt of the ft w. or of lie war, ought to eta e way to the iistermi of the ninny ; and that the troth of Ihi, principle brim recieziosed in speeches delivered from the Timm.- by the kitie. ..f this dm, of every family, tri.ns the necem . of Kim/ nos the Firm down to th•• 114'0.1 of reign. both iuolu-in .—(Phis Resulation eitsitaiued extracts from itevrral vprei his, in which Nor Francis Mat, d, that the principle of his third Re solution was reetiguis cif 1 3 under the Government of ahi• e t routry, no such iroutesmaity of interest cult have place, bait in m far as the persons in whose haul. the ailsoittiatration of politic affairs is crated, are 'abject to the superimenitente and roiiirol, ur check of lbe Repreatiotativen of ti.e People; such Repre sentatives speakiug said acting iu cuutortnity to the arose of the people. 4.—That according to cstaloli,bed timer, as evidenced by speeches from thy Throne, and tither politic acts, the Members of this House bailor io their collect ire capacity attlyd Itepre rentativea of the People, and the powers exeicimal by them tieing on no other ciliumd recoritizeil as constitutional ; it is, only iu so far ao they are really and substantially Reim-- sentativea of the People, that the miners au ixerciscil by theist are constitutionally exercised. b —That it is only in so far as the hfsmbers of this 110USe arc in fart rhosrii, and from time to time remove. lile by the free rinffrsges of the great body of the people, that there can be any adequate assurance that the act. done by them are in couformity to the sense and wishes of the people; mid, therefore, that they can in truth, and without abuse of words, be styled, ur declared to be, Representatives of the People. 13.—That no Member of this House rat, otherwise than by a notorious fiction be styled a Representative of ally part of the people, other then of the part composed of each in. ilividuals, as have or might have rolled on his election. Asset, that, by the general appellation of Representatives of the People, is, and ought to he, uuderatuud Represeutativts of the whole body of the people. 7 —That the sense of the whole body of the people cannot be adequately conformed to, by their Representatives, ex cept in so far as the suffrage ()reach permits in the choice of his Representative has a furry and riled, as equal as may be, to that of the suffrage of every other person. And that such equality of force and cif. cl cannot hare place, except• in so far as in the case of each Representative, the number of pentium possessing the right of vatting HO his election, ie (as far as local circumstances will permit) the same as i■ the case of every other. 8 —That nu the occasion of electing a Representative of the people, no man's suffrage can wills truth be said to be free, except in so far as in the delivery of it, be stsuds unexposed to the hope of eventual good, or the fear of eventual evil to himself and his connexions from the oovrer or influence of every other individual un account of his suffrage. 0 —That the advautage and necessity of comprehensive, equal,autt free suffrages has been recognised in divers speeches from the Throne.—[This resolutiou also cuutaissed several extracts from Kings' Sperelies.) 10.—That the sense of the people can are., be truly re. presented and conformed to by their Representatives, other wise than sit go far as those Representatives are dependant upon the wishes of their Constituents fur their conitusiimee in their situation as Repeesentatives ; such wishes ..( the Constiitieuts being expressed by their suffrages, freely de ered so above. 11.—Thnt dimwit to give this dependence the greatest ' perfection of which, without regard to other °Netts, it might he susceptible, would require that at ill times it should be in the power of every Electoral Rudy to remove I its Representative, its the same manner that it is in the power of every iudividual, who has grant. d to another a power of attorney, to revoke the same ; yet for as notch es is' such a state of things, the people. instead of deputing Re presentstives to manage their public concerns, would be in their own persons engaged its the super titendence or ins nagetnent thereof, to the prejudice of the business of private life; hence it becomes isecirssiby that this same power of . removal should not have place otherwise than at certain stated, and more or leas distant periods. It.—That fur as much as the di prudence of the Rrprescn. Wives upon their constituent' will be the greater, the shorter the term is, during which llwy are csetript from removal ; and as no ineuoveuiesace can be apprehended from one election at the least taking place au every year ; and as it appears by divers statutes, and long-coutiussed piactice in obedience thereto, that the principle at lento of elections is cimformahle to the societal laws anal practice of this realm ; it is therefore expedieut that the people should be enabled to rtmove their Representatives, sod, if neces sary, repair the misfortune of having made an improper choice at least once in every year. 13.—That the sense of the people considered as the "tan dard to which the •ease of their enters ought to conform, is, not the sense entertained by the people iu any past period of time, and which may have undergone subsequent change, hut, oat the contiary, is the sense of the people taken iu its freshest slate; and that this truth has hero repeatedly re cognised in speeches delivered from the Throne, by his late Majesty King George the Second, and by his present Majes. ty.—[This Resolution contained several extracts from speeches, in which their late and present Majesties ex. premied their satisfaction on seeing the most certain in fitriwation of the pens', disposition, and wishes of the pests ple, by a new choice of their represetitatives.] 14.—That by the words sense, disposition, and wishes of the people. employed is the said speeches, nothing less than the sense, disposition, and wishes of the whole body of the people can with p►op►iety be wsolteretoorl ; for as Wench as if it be the interest and duty of his Nlajesty to collect and at tend to the sense, disposition, and wishes of any one pail of his people, it cannot be so in any less degree in regard 19 any other part. ls.—That except by Petitions, anal even by those means no otherwise than occasionally and partially, and therefore inadequately, the *ease, dispose l i .. u, and wishes of the pro ple can be eouveyed to his Majcisty ; 110 other manner than by the choice made by theirs of peewits' to emit and serve in this House in t h e character of Representatives ; and, that except in the said inadequate monster by Petitions, those who have no part in the choice of Representatives, cannot at any time make knows, to his hloje.ty, the part which their seise, disposition, rind wishes, has to the sense, dis position, and wishes of the whole hotly of the people. Id —That fur as much as Ho power lodged it, the hands of cosestitnenta can create or maintain the doe deproilesace of their Representatives, unless the good or evil which may but prodoced by the exercise of such power, be at mill times to the expectation of the Representatives greater than any that con be mode to accrete lo them by ■ny other person or per. sous whose Interest or supposed interest it may be to engage them in a violation of their trust; it is !beret - roe necess ar y, that by all practicable means, every Representative of the people be rendered as completely exempt as possible from every such external influence. 17 —That the offices, commissions, and emoluments, the power, rank, dignities, and other advantages, which are at the disposal of the Crown, constitute min many i na i nsim ,.„,, of temptation, by which the Members of this House are ex posed to he seduced from their fluty, and iodured to sacri fice the general interest of the people, to the partisular tar • . • • ferret, or soornseti intcresl of the Crown, itsteriinht, and their adherents. la —Thar as this House is now constituted, • large pm- Pnrtiots of the Mcniliers thereof oldarn Ihrir seals li) the •ppuintnsrnt or favriiir of pnrticsilar individital. without tw ins elected, or at least Without fwing freely el cted liv nny part of the people; and flint such Members are 'contitotal , y exposed to be seduced feint their duty, and Indtif OA to anat. fire the rerientl interest albs. People, to the penicillin in. *crests of their respective patrons. PI —that fur as moth as the influence of the Crntiou can. not he carrels...l end mile productive of its nation! of el, wilbont countrencting mid overpowering. the influence or the Ptispla In the to casts of the Memberti of !hi,. House, sir as to engage them 110 notice sacrifice of the interest of the People to the separate idler. is of the servants of ttoe Crown nod their n.thesents; bile!) iliell plare may with tenth mot pioprii ly he teinsed a sinister infloettre '29 —That Parrlamentary patronage not only remits or i oho hi pis ru sup, eltrssive, free, and equal suffrage, whereby alone the sense of the people CMIII be maul,. know is, hot ope rates on the one band as a perpetnal iodise...m.l.i to the a. '- wants of the Crown to favour the individuals e h.. are pos sessed thereof, no the expense and hi the Orrjudiee of Iha people; nod, on the other !iamb as a iferVtetital t. rapist' to those inilitiiilasts to maintain afid Slic,enre the iiie uoure of the Crown, from which the). .614 expect to derive beticht for themselves and their cu h . a 21.—That by a Reroluti 111 l passed on ihe eth April, 1780, it was declared by this Ifolise, that the isolliieuee of the Crown had increased, was Increasing, nod ought to be di: minisheti. 22.—That since that the ..—That since tie . time influence of the Cowin has been greatly increased, MI the tone baud, by the increase of the public debt in respect of the taxes raised for paying the interest elicitor, tun the profitable patronage and power ex: ereised in relation to the seir►al office* and nommissiOni necessary fur the collection . of those taxes; and, ono the other hand, by the increase of the *WOW, army, in ru spec, of the patronage and power exercised in relat to the offico s and commissions therewith, belonging, and the 11111111 , of employ ing the same power to stifle the 'vitt mid destroy the litter: lies of the people. 23.—That fur as much as no adequate diminutio' of the influence of the Crown can now lie ell; cto 11, the only re. source which remains is to correct this influence by a coun terforre eonsieting of the infP.aence of the people. 24.—That this House, taking into noiniolocas • the gra cious intentions so often expreased by his Majesty, particu larly rails to mind the speech delivered 011 the bib Decem ber, 1782, in which his Majesty, speaking to moth Muses of Parliament, and after declaring it to be the fixed object of his heart to make the general good, and true topitit of the Constitution, the invariable rule of his conduct, was pleated to any. " To insure the full advainage of a Government con duct. it on such principles depo nets ou )'bur temper, your was. dorn, your disinten witness, collectively and individually— thy people expect those qualifications of you, and I calk fur ,hero"—and again, thesiorech delivered on the 19th M 4,0784, in which his Majesty was pleased to say, " l'ou will find me always desirous to concur with you its such measures a• may be of lasting benefit to my people-1 have no wish hut to consult their prosperity;"—sod again, the speech &heeled on the 25th Jantiary, 1185, in which his Majesty was pleased to say, "Yon may at all limes demo" on my hearty con con-race in every measure which ran tend too "alievialie our natioual burden., to secure the true prinei plc* of the Con. @tinniest, and to promote the general welfare of my people." 25.—That this House taking also into consideratiOn the gracious disposition of his Royal Highness the Po ince Regent, assures itself with the folio at confidence, that hitt Royal Highness, acting in the name anti on the behalf of his Majesty, will be pleased to youclitafe hits sauction to all such measures as may be necessary fur planing the influence of his Majesty's people in this House ou a tirnt and uualter able footing. 26.—That therefore this House proceeding on the prin ciples above declared, is resolved to make use great sacrifice of all separate and particular mote rests, and to proceed to establish a comprehensive and consittent plan of reft,rm ; in virtue whereof, the whole people of the United Kingdom may he fairly and truly represented in this House ; and, its order In that end this House dues hereby declare... I.—That it is expedient and Ili creamy to admit to a par ticipation in the election suffrage, all such persons as being of the male sex, of mature age, and of wound mind, shall, during a determinate time antecedent to the day of election, have been resident either as hunsehuldef a or infamies, within the district or place in which they are called upon so vote. 11.—That the territory of Great Britain and Ireland taken together, ought to be divided into 058 election districts, no nearly equsi to each other in population us consist. idiy with local cituvenience they may he; and, that each snch election district ought to retuen one Representative, and no more. Ill.—Thai fur the prevention of unnecessary delay, vexa tion, and eltpense, as well as of fraud, vnilence, and void elections, the election in each district, ought to lie berms and elided un the same day, and that flay ought to he the same fur all the districts ; and that for this purprne, not only the proof uf title, but also every operation rrgisising mine time than is necessary fur the delivery of the vote, ought to be accomplished on someday, or dad•., mitccedeut to the day of election, and that the title to a vole should he the same fur every elector, and au simple us not to be subject to dispute. IV.—That fur the more effectually seeming the attain• ment of the above objects, the Election districts ought to be subdivided into sub-districts, for the r.ceptlon of votes, in such number and situations as local convenience may require. V.—That fur securing the freedom of election the mode of voting ought to be by ballot. Vl.—That for the more effectually securing the unity of will and opinion, as between the people and their Represen tatives, a fresh election of the Memheis of this House might to take place, once in every year at the least ; saving to the Crown its prerogative of dissolving Parliaments at any lime. . and thereupon after the necessary interval, summnuiug • fresh Parliament. Laid COCHRANE could not refrain from address ing the House on the present momentou. questine. When he recollected all that had been dour in that Honer, upon the occasion of the prothwail for re pealing the Septennial Act, and various other m. 0.. 'ions. where the interests of the people were at issue with the wishes of Administration, lie feared, in deed, there was but little hope to expect a favoura ble issue to the motion now before the Mow. He would, perhaps, be told, it was iniparliatnentary and unconstitutional to say there were any Repre sentatives of the people in that Hi use who had sold themselves to the purposes and stews of any set of men iii power ; but the history of the deernerste Senate, of that once free people. th. Ita imms , would serve to .Iww how far corrupting might ,wake iuroads up,nt public virtue or patriotisru. The tyranny iiidicted on the Roman people, aid man kind generally, under Inc shape of arts of this It ttttt an &lisle. would ever prove a useful memento to nations which had any freedom to inst. It way not for him to prophecy when our ca-e should be assi milated to theirs, but this he would say, that those who were slaves ministerially to the will of the Sovereign power, were far less sh.visli thaw those who had sold themselves to their rulers. Pei haps this might be the last time he address a House of Commons—( (,acre the :Noble Lord ap peared staieh qtrecledl—atid• he therefore lelt it the more necessary to state what he tit/tight upon the present abuses in administration, and the conduct of that House. Whstever the IN _wise or C"lintr% might have thought of his conduct on various occasions lie could only assure them that if hr wad erred, it should rather be attributed to his head than to his heart.—(Hear.)—Amongst sil the Act.: of the [louse, since he had had a sem, for ilea 1 I years part lie recollected very few to which he felt disposal 1