The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1819-11-24 00:00:00

rrnspect now before the country wit extremely disheartening, unless the corm-five wisdom of Parliament interfered to check Ministers in their mail career. The Ministers had issued their instrurtionts to arm flue part of the people against the other, and if permitted to proceed, they wouttl place this country in circumstances similar to those which were experiesiced in Ireland, and which terminated in destroying the independent Legislature of that country. If they considered the extent of the insurrection in Ireland, could they have hoped to suppress it, had not the undivided assistance of this country been eflOrtled to the Irish Government; but should an insurrection lake Ware to Great Britain to any thing like the same extent, where could the Botts!' Government look far tissistance ? The state of Ireland, bilked, was tranquil ; but in the language of his Noble Friend (t he Marquis Wellesley), it was the trammillity of apathy. 'file discontent of that contory was suppressed, but its sources were not destroyed, and it could easily he excited into slit active spirit of revolution. What would he more likely to produce this 'flirt than seeing this country in I stale of distr I . :a we had taught th e people of Ireland thi »iis on, that they could only extort fermi our fears . whot they could not oh. tails front our liberality or justice. But this would establish a reign of terror, and what Government Et"ilil he free which depended for its support the force of arms, or what people could he treat wilful, had not liberty ? What would he the character of t litscou wry were it deprived of liherty ? Whet would give energy to its industry, or life to its convoerce—or what inspire that desperate con. rawr witich had been blazoned in every field in Europe ? No mats had • higher respect than lie cittertaitieil for the military skill of the Noble Duke (Wellington) opposite, but be would appeal to him, whether he had not sotnetitnes found him. •r If reduced to circumstauces friiin winch he would hove foimil it difficult to extricate himself, NV rke fe not supported by the velour of men who under the Collniommess of haring rights anti liberties secured to them by the British Constitu t —(Hear, hear.)—Butt to none in the State was the existence of liberty of more importance than to +lie Monarch himself, for compare the security en joyed by the proudest despot, even that of the Em peror of Rama in the midst of his guards, with .t hut of the British Monarch, surrounded by a free people, and bow enviable must the situation of the latter be considered ? He felt the necessity sX supporting the existitig instituting's, but this lie thought might be done effectually by the existing laws. If a new danger arose which these laws did tau meet, he was not prepared to raty that he should re:ert the consideration of atiy Hew measures, but lie hittl ri fleeted upon every possible case that °t it-smelt:lo him, and he could contemplate Hone wl ich, in his 'Mud, justified any additional re. ottictions upon the general sum of liberty. To 14e present Ministers in particular, he could not intrust any e-xtraortlinary powers; but there was a store pleasing duty which they had to perform, and one wl:i.•h to his mind would be productive of better effect. in allaying the ferment in the tiii.,ll, whirl was to lend a willing ear to all the complaints of the people, and rodeo tour to reduce their burdens and redress their pfiievatrees ; so that if severity were necersary, it whoold be tempered with conciliation, and no ii jury should be stitlrred without the 'molder' ob. twilit% an adequate redress. As a proof of the init.-piny of the House, in their wishes to re. inerly the public distress, he should submit fur their acquiescesee • proposition, pledging them to institute MS illeplity hall the state of the tie. and mere peniesksly into the calamitous It-vents which occurred at Manclutter.—(Hear, kear.)—The Nebk Lord concluded by moving an Amendment to the following effect : "To assure kit Royal Highness, that, being milled to gether •t this period of unusual distress, this House will proceed to take into its consideration the most effectual means of repressing the attempts of all persons endeavour tog to mislead the labouring classes into projects incon sistent with the Constitution, sod the best interests of the p tople. To represent to his Royal Highness, that while engag. ed to 11,14 oispory, it would he the duly of Parliament to aplould tins just authority of the laws, and satisfy the people Mast they stir possessed of important rights, which ought to be pi erect' di. That this seems more particularly titer'- 5:.7,a. this fosse has seen, with deep regret, an attempt sweetly windy at Manchester to prevent the exercise or a most important privihge, and without prououncing an °pi ll:Al 110)11 this subject, they think it right that a diligent awl impartisl inquii y should be instituted, to slew the un avoidable necessity of using force upon that occasion, and le prate that nu important constitutional privilege could ties be violated, nor the lives of his lajtsty's subjects as. sailed with impunity" • Lord St DMOUTII rose. as he said. in consequence of ►hr matinee in which the Noble Karl had alluded to certain matters of which the official responsibi lity more immediately referred to him. The Noble F.srl 111141 recognised the et►i.teuce of danger, and he favoured the House with an exposition of its causes, awl of the most effectual remedy fur removing them. The causes, he haul affirmed, were to be found in the reglect of its duties by Purim mesa. and in the want of a severe economy. But during the last Session of Parliament, every exert was made to reduce the military est*. biltlontent to the smallest possible state, and not a tiot ten to r oot voice was raited agAinst that 'orange merit. 'f he speech of the Noble Lord load for the greater pain consisted of the transactions of Mail. cl,evler ; but of this event he would say, that there nw•srr was one on which so much exaggeration and hbrhood• had heel. exercised as on this siobjtct. Meal had been said about the bbigittrates of bloin. cheater, and they had been called iitiperollary Dla- I;wnurtrs. void by the Crown ; hot these Magistrates were unpainted by the Magistrates of Lasicaalsire, unit no where were then a more honourable body of men. There was one of them in particular. Mr. lief, alio was aril known to several N ohle Lords in bid Howe, viii who had been elected by the Ma. pr•.tratrs Lancti,ier to be Chairmen of the Bench., The just and honimoible presumption of imii.kind 4.ught in hr iu tt.cir favour. It WWI well kilOWil O:At in for I r•t Criminal Court of this country (the Court if king's Bench), where Magistrates might li.,se toreisteppeil the striet letter of the law, yet, unless tin fe Wall any great and culpable negligence. Visy were always treated with the greatest possible todulgetice. Bait the presumption had been plac ed un the side of those who bad created the danger .r that day. Considering how these men came with banners and bands of music, matching .~": in military misty, declaring that they were deter. mined to carry their object tnto effect (that object heir/ nothing less than the subversion of the Go vernment), with caps of liberty and pikes—he thought it was their duty to put the presumption in revert of the Magistrates.—( Hear, hear.)—On that dray, when notice of the meeting of the 9th of August was given, the Megiatrates announced that it was illegal, which clearly justified the Ma gistrates in dispersing that meeting, which was not °oily an illegal meeting, but a treasonable one. There was a still stronger ground that the presump tion aught to he in favour of the Magistrates : it was this—all the bills of indictment that had been preferred against those persons who were rppre broiled under their warrant, were found by the Grand Jury. He must connect the case of the Manchester yeomanry with that of the Manchester Magistrates. It had been stated that the yeounsary acted with a great deal of ferocity. That he denied ; on the contrary, he affirmed, that the Manchester yemnaliry did no tnore than their duty in siding rod assisting the civil power. No one could doubt but that a yeomanry soldier, a regular soldier, or a constable, may make an intemperate use of his suitioiity. With respect to the yeomanry, the pre-irruption was, that iii an instance had they justly merited the imputation which find been made against them. All bills of indictment that hail been preferred against them bad been rejected ; besides which, all wanton acts of cruelty, of which they hail heard so much. had been completely negatived.—( Hear, hear, hear.) — It had been stated, that a private in the 15th hus sars had iiiterpomd, and paved all unfortunate wo man from the sabre of a Nliencliester yeoman; that ;named to be false, for the Colonel, as soon as the imputation was made known to him, called all his men out. and publicly called on the soldier (if there was a soldier who had so acted) to conic forward. No soldier did come forward—(Hear, hear)—that was another circumstance in favour of the yeomanry. With respect to the legality of the meeting, he would take upon himself to any, as well upon the opinions of those who had been examined on the interactions of that day, us those of the most emi trent authorities, that the meeting was not only illegal but treasonable.—( Hear, Gear.)—On the Wednesday 'nursling, Nlr. Hay and another gen- Ileman came to Loudon, for the purpose of giving information to his Majesty's Ministers of the trans action, ut a Cabinet Council, which was held, and at which lie and several of his friends attended, arid these persons made their statement. in the presence not only of the members of that Cabinet Council, but the legal advisers of the Crown. All the in formation they received oidy served to confirm the opinion which was originally rntei tamed of the con duct of the Magistrates. The steps they took, of arresting slr. Flout, was sifter their order had been delivered, and he entertained no other opinion, but that tkey hail correctly performed their dirty, and they had declared the conduct of the Magnitrates was completely justilied.—(Hear.)—He would ask, whether, with that conviction in their minds, the presumption ought not to be drawn in favour of those who had hazarded their persons and reputa tion, who had thought nothing of their personal safety, for the purpose of performing a great duty to the country ? They had been told that they pre judged the question, because of the sentiments they had expressed in that letter. which had been the object of so much discussion. Conviirced as they were, then, that the Magistrates had acted hi a manner for which no other alternative was left, to perform their duty to Government, could they bay they had acted wrong ? He could not conceive how they could have acted otherwise. It bad been stated that at that meeting several persons hod lost their lives ; he could also state that a person con vected with the police office had been actually stoned to death in the open streets — (Hear, hear) — a constable of the town had narrowly escaped with Iris life, and several persons gave evidence that their lives were in &diger by shots being fired in the house. The danger of the country had been ad nutted—then let them uniie to surmount that danger ; and if he saw airy feature of that danger more formidable than the rest it was iii those who would stand between the Government and those who were sttempting to subvert it. Ile would only add, that the different views which the Noble Earl had taken of the then existing state of the country, in the very county which he represented, and the public declaration which was made on that occa slot), plainly *hewed Out all future confidence be tween the Noble Earl and the Government was now rut air end, and iu his opiuiou that dismissal was perfectly necessary. Lord ERSKINE said the question was, whether they would protect the country against all designs made against the Crown, or take notice of the rights of the people, which had been violat ed, and that they were revolved to take their rights into consideration ? The Noble Lord who hail last spoken, instead of taking the voice of the people into consideration, had sat down without saying a word upon is. Were they justified in pre judging the question now. or were they to make it fur granted that no blame was on the part of the Manchester Magistrates ? It woald be material to consider what had been the cause of the discontents. They must say they had arisen from the not attending to the complaints of the people, and that they now had a distrust in the integrity of Parliament. But as to the question, whether it was to be considered as an illegal meet ing or not ?—lie admitted that a great multitude of persons had resembled, and whatever objection might be taken to the object of it, their object was to present a Petition to Parliament fur an squill representation, and for that purpose they brought their wives and children. it could hardly be sup posed that persons who went there for the purpose of committing an outrage., would have brought their wives arid children with them. Supposing this meeting, in the opiniou of the Magistrates, was illegal, it was their duty to have taken such 'dews as the law hail furnished them with. and they • should have read the Riot Act, which would have been a mimilestation of the opinion of the Ma !prorates that tine inecting had become illegal.— They had not heard that that Riot Act was read, or that it was reed in the mow simmer which it relight to have been read. If airy man remaiiied after that Act was read, Ire would liave been a Won; but because he is a felon, was he to be sabred instead of bertng indicted, ur were they to rinds in and trample hue down, fur these individuals had been justified in doing those acts ? It was their duty to hate gone with a civil body, instead of going in and staining the people. While they determined to support the law, to vindicate the authority of the state, and do all they could to support the authority of Perlis tneut, ought they not to shew that they hail some regard fur the people? In his opillioar, the only duty they had to perform. was to satisfy the people, that they did not overlook their wrongs, while they would not suffer nny improper conduct. The only answer that had been given was, that his Nlajesty's Nlitristert differed from them. Would it he said, that they had no authority to enter into a consider ation of this transaction, in order to give peace and ratisfaction to the country? ‘Vould any thing remove that feeling of disgust in the mind of the great body of the people sootier, than by shoving to them that they were anxious to afford them redress? He would be ainotigat the foremost to deprecate attacks on the Gove iiiiii ent of the country, but the Government of the country ought to see that the liberties of the people were protected. Lola KING observed, the Noble Lord (Sid mouth) had said that information was given to him —and lie would ask by wl ? By Mr. Hay ! and upon that information he advised the Prince Regent to pass his judgment in this manlier moot the conduct of the yeomanry. Au opinion had prevailed in this country, that the Magistrates (.1 Nlaucheater were guilty of great indiscretion, at least that they did not conduct themselves with that temper and moderation which► became them. He thought a great distniction was to be made in this case—it was very possible a Magistrate might act in a muutier, or be guilty of great indiscretion, sod yet not make himself ateenulde to the law.— What would they say if the discretion of thew Ma gistrates was this, that they ought to execute a war rant of that description in the midst of an immense multitude. They had iiiforrn•uti o u that it was all illeg.d meeting, why then did they not prohibit it or pie vent it ?--why could they not hare waited until that meeting had dispersed? The danger was only incurred by the means they resorted to ; 'to danger would have occurred if they had waited a few mi nutes until the meetitig was di s persed. If they examined in what part of the country discontent is, th-y would find it in that part where the greatest distress prevailed. 'flue meeting of the 16th of August had been a pretext for other meetings, which were called meetings fur loyal declarations; thus they had been setting one party in oppcetaints to another. Ile believed that prudent coneewons, made in due trine, might prevent much worse con aetprences. The different parts of the ct iiiii try were now divided into three classes: his Maj-siv's 11i uisters ; those who went under the term of Radicals, who said, they would be content with nothing but a radical reform; another class, who saint, that they thought • radical and temperate reform :night do good. He thought much good might be dorte, Parliament would sliew every disposition to cr•r rect those abuses, whenever they had an oppor tunity of doing au—he wished well for the ho ii ur and credit of Porliumeot, aid wished to preserve its high character and dignity. Ile was of opinion. that they were maktior themselves the nistruntents of the discontent by the nets obis, were passed in the last Session of Parlia ment ; by the unnecesaary taxation, which was creased by two or three millions, for no other pur pose than to iucrea►e unurcessaiily a I urge sinking fond ; by that shameful grant of 10,00 a, which lie believed in his conscience had done more harm to the Royal family than any grant—a grata to reward a son fur looking over his father, a person who by his nature mid inclioution may be so pposed to have thought that his duty ; and by the imie parable difficulties thrown in the way of one Bill sent up to that [louse, sheaing that Parhantent did not manifest a proper feeling for the distresses of the country, or show a proper regard to their in terests. If they were to judge of the future con duct of tbis Government, of Earl Fitzwilliam'a dis missal, of an Oliver trod others of Iris stump, it was not inn much to ►uspect that tLey would excite cairsiderable disturbetices and riots for their own particular purposes. Could ally thing tenth to inflame and int.:lease that agitation more than to say Parliament was unwilling to institute an inquiry ? Th- re was a difficulty to obtain justice to the tribes orals of this couutry—if they searched, they might see that there were these difficulties. He thought the applications to Magistrates for warrant*, winch were refused—the adjoornment of an inquest Air so great a tittle, with a sense of the difficulties of ob taining redress, were circuniatances which were likely to create disturbances amongst the people, and be believed that it was of great coosequetice that there should Le a perfect reliauce on the jus tice of the laws. The E td of CARTIFORT said it was our duty, as members of society, to protect each other, by up holding those principles on which society depends. Much had Leen said of the meeting at Manchester on the 16th of August, and the transactions of that day; it seemed to him extraordinary that there should be a second opinion as to the legality of that meeting. Was it possible that it could be lawful for men to meet in such enormous numbers, and in a threatening manner, as on that occasion, cud that • proceeding could be lawful which goes to defeat all the ends for which men enter into society ? Alen entered into society for the purpose of leaving the protection of their rights to public authorities con stituted for that purpose, and not to the adjudica tion of themselves. Should that principle be de parted from, no individual could have any security for life or property. The meeting of so large a body, and with such device., even under pretence of a lawful purpose, could out be allowed. for it must necessarily inspire terror, and such terror was, in its mute, an act of violence and compulsion. The present times were different front Otiose of the civil wary, when there was a claim of arbitrary power in the Crown, and a contest on the part of the peo ple for the recovery of ancient rights and liberties. Those liberties were now well understood, and he was convinced that none were ever more attached to those principles than the Illustrious Royal Family under whose auspices we live. The King undertakes to administer justice in mercy, and so mild has been bis reign, that in the perforroance of this duty numerous cases have occurred tu which mercy may he thought to have been carried too far. ‘Vliat would have been said at the time of th e Re volution, by the Judges of that day, had a Grand Jury been abused in public libels, as the Grand Jury of Lancashire bare been treated for doing their duty ? He hoped, that, laying 'Aide all s party spirit and prejudice, all would unite in supporting the Constitution, and that was only to be don:: by giving support to the asogis tract• of the country. There was only one low alike for rich and for poor, but of *hot use was law if not executed? and how could that be done without supporting the Magistrates who carry it into execution ? Every thing of value in society de pended npon it. Lenient measures proved the vi gour of Government more their measures of rigour, and were preferable to them; but if the Manchester Magistrates have exercised en torinecesory rigour, if they have done personal injury and ilijustice. let the injured party apply to the legal tribunal for mire►.. With rewect to the removal of a Noble Earl from the office which he tilled in the Nest Rifling of Yorkshire, he was attached by long habits of friendship to they. distinguished Noble- Mall. and esteem tor his virtues ; but perhaps had lie hero in his situation he would have acted dif ferently. Ir •ras of the highest consequence to the tranquillity of the country, that a person of his rank, character, fortune, viol influence, should be in a station to restrain the people from their wrong It was of advantage even to the Government itself that the people should have such a man, to whom they looked rip with veneration and respect, mitt though he might differ from them in opinion ore ►ome puinrs, therivere ca.es in which Thome differences might he out only tolerated, but encouraged with advantage. Ile therefore greatly regretted that Gove ttttt tea did out take that course in the case on the pfeseut occasion. The dm racier of Lord Fileivilliatis was well know n .— His Lordship Ras not the Hiatt that could en any views unfriendly to the constitution. There were many vases in *lnch that Nobleman hail proved the loyalty and integrity of his princi irks, in a hich, differing in opinion from intimate and esteemed friends, he sacrificed his private feeling* to hia public fluty. The act of Much a man, althon4h erroneous in the opinion of Ministers, should have been vitwed with indulgence and favour. The Duke of Arnot. dwelt upon the character of the late public meetings, and the seditious writ hies and devices with which the country was de luged. He should, however, in the observation* on those subjects confine himself to the northern parts of the kingdom, of the proceedings in which he could speak from Iris own knowledge. A more moral and religious tract of country than that to a hick he allowed did 1101 exist until within these last three ths. The efforts made to debauch the people inhabiting it had pot, however, proved quite sut•cessful. Although emissaries were actively employed in circulating their treasonable works among them, particularly the lower class, to wham they loomd easy access, as those works were richer given away, or bold at a very cheap rate; but even this class, though low in the scale of society, entertained a strong ►ense of religion, owl their loyalty and love of order had pre vailed to a certain degree in saving them from the machinations employed to delude and corrupt them. The situation of the country was greatly altered fro m the time when our manufactures supplied the whole world. There cuss of necessity much want of employment. and consequent distress at present among them, tint great exertions were made to repair them, and iii his pert of the country the projects of these einisseriee had failed, the people being satisfied that every thing that could be done to sillei,iste their sufferings had been effected, and awaiting with patience the return of better times. It was the duty of the House to protect them from the specious del tisinus of those demagogues. The question of reform had been often agitated, but lie never knew any specific practicable plan, on which 20 persons were agreed. We !lad at last however got one. We have now a Radical Reform. a reform by which Noble Lords would not remain in possession of their est:itt-, three days after it was carried into effect. lie had a newspaper in his pocket, in %hick a Radical Reformer states pretty !dandy wlist he means. An exchange of poverty for pro perty, is the principle und purpose of the Radice' Reformers. 11 their Lordships did not adopt some measures to restrain such men, they would not do their duty. The mass of the people were l o y a l, b u t if not protected they would be lost in Radical Re form. He would recommend the signal of Lord Nelson when at the battle of 'Frafalg ir, England expects every min to do his duty." Let the House also do its duty, and by an doing it will have done that which, under Divine Providence, will stem all the calamities a ith which the country is threatened, and insole•its safety. He had sat in that House neatly 40 years ; lie had tern in that time maim black clouds hanging over Ms head, but the good arise, loyalty, mid morality of the toeopte had never failed to dispel them. Lord [ALFORD said, the liberties of the people were involved in the protection of the constituted authorities, whose repination could not suffer with• out islary to those ove► whoa► they presided. He would ask, then, whether some of the speeches of Noble Lords wire calculated to raise or to degrade that re►pect which was due to the 'racy ? In advocating their cause, he advocated the cause of the people. The little he had to say should be conticed to Ins local knowledge. lie had received information from a person in the middle rank of society, not of the privi leged orders, but n maim of swim; judgment, and without prejudice or partiality ; lie had his torte. spondence in his hands, and lie should state two or three passaues from it. Its dater counnenced with Initrity, 1819, and it stated that the It olieu's. its tirt_tilig Parliamentary Reform, and elect %tog the C..1"111 11111, only meant to excite it prej , tilice the landholders ; that the people in tie tin:tut-rift which he resided were goaded tor by 11..-boners, and ready for any act of desperation ; that Own' minds were assailed by ►editions tracts, mid if sedition was allowed to go 4 , 11 they would write 410 , 6V 1 1 at. ) , government on earth. The cotton trade buil iu►. proved, and he was sure would improve if out !ire. vented by the madness of those turn—but reform had got possession of their minds, it mixed with all their h a b i t s roi l id ro ., at d constituted the subject of all their conversation. The Nlmogisitaies were soma &plum. , to lustre tittir coar into— (Hear, hear, flow the appositi ,11 jJ fiehe..)—but PO prejaillieed Was lie 111 GIVUtIr 1...• t•un-UtnUuu, Ise rhauld concur In the propriety of r«ltoit.g silly ex traordinary procesc, sod should therefore rote ogriamt •the amentluteht. E ar l REY, in explanation said, he did rot a. g mean istra t a e n s any o r r e fl m e s a i n o c t i l ie u st po er n . the H e w characterouldlsengic3Odyerimolt;olalielsiitie,::l In , see it proved on a complete inquiry, tl l i c i r t ,iinw t ei l i i ti e ; v iz h taloc : lj no s t mL e oe x ril c dt e s e Er d yi e iD d noq t N h o e —i r y limits h allay tl oleaf,yetrh the teh the ra tendency to mod though wished for by the Magistrates, he would never consent towviitioclhatme must t ie e gr t e i s e t the constitution, of acquiescing in the amendment. it I m . said, that the Manchester Meeting was a lersl but I am not afraid to say, that noman exists, al,o, knowing as I do, all the circumstances of the cue,' will assert that it was according to law. A g „,• number of persons constitute force; and farce, may excite terror. No man knowing *hat li did, would say it hod a character of legality, They talked of prima fade evidence against. the Magistrates. This was nonsense. In saying this, lie did not mean to speak lightly of thaw. who complained against them. He respected lower classes; they were equal to the superio r orders in the eye of the law, and the ineani.t suh. ject of this country lie considered greater thso highest of any other. It had 'nth said that som e Magistrates had refused to lake the examins i nis „; individuals; but tint Oda they acted wrong, the party could have legal redress. There were proceedings in the Court of King's Bench, and why should the . House interrupt them by its interference ? A Noble and Learned Lord, an old fellow-lab 00000 er w i th hi m . Self in the sane vineyard, for whose opit.ion he en. teitailied the highest respect, lipid said tli.re ernr cases in which the House might do so, hut then it must be a case of State necessity, and nothing of the kind was urged now. In such cases of inter. fereuce some public dancer was unlit, ;tended, hut it did not follow if l'Arliament refuses to interfere in the case of the Manchester 111a:fish:mho, that all the Magistrates of the count'?- Ktll ion w ad . and endanger the safety of the coul.try. Instead of such interference to their disarlialit.it,e, Ise thought, on the contrary, they shr,iild t. cted from the libels with which they were assal, ed. With respect to the Riot Act, it was introllue. ell in the 9th of George the Third. By that Ac , , I if, in the case of an unlawful assembly, the Riot Act is read, and the people do not disperse within one hour after such reading, every person so remaining is guilty of felony. There are also many att. that apply to unlawfal swieniblies as contradistinguished from riots, etc. Now, if be. tweets the reading of the Riot Act and the expire. tion of the hour, the meeting simuht change it,. character, is it to be presumed that tl:e other Acts are palsied and cannot be put in execution—that if, after the first quarter of the hour. the meei:ilz should proceed to every act of violence and th.per,... the Magistrates must remain pt:s.tve tors of the scene, awaiting the lapse of the remain ing three quarters ? He ventured to assert ilvit no lawyer will say that the Riot Act 11.1(184er...1 the com mon law in that view of the case. Nothing sl.ould t t i e le mp fa t o him r w t i o th e i n n te l r lis int k o no a w m ie, i i t g iu e t . e e n st e ios s i l t i of : 11 io it u o ldct ly say it was his fixed, clear, and unqualified opir::, that the Manchester meeting was, on every principle • of the law of England, all meetii g. Lord EASKINS explained. He did tit 4 say, as the Noble and Learned Lord imputed to Lim, that if a tumultuous assembly assume • new and tin. lent character within the hour, there rail he 110 legal interference until its expiration. He might appeal to his own conduct in evidence that he maintained no such doctrine. Ile alluded to the riots in 1790, when he offered his assistance to protect Lord Mao.- field's house, and also against a tumultuous assem bly that attempted to force the gate of the Temple, at which time he resided within it. On boils occa. Pious he would not have hesitated a niotnent to tire upon the rioters, had they attacked him. But lie denied that a peaceable assembly was a subject for the Riot Act—inquiry was necessary. to shew whe ther it was or was not of that thiarai ter. The 'x. aggeratioks and ruisrepresetitations in circulation, instead of being au argument ugaitist, were the strongest reasons that could he urged fur such inquiry. The Marquis of LANSDOWN said, that, if not an ciliated by others, lie should suhinit in a few days a proposition, calling upon their Lordships to dis charge their duty, by instituting a lull inquiry into the distress and discontent that have prevailed at Manchester and other places. At prevent, there fore, he merely rose to vote for the Amendment; a determination which lie had not adopted witlictO great anxiety. And first lie would say, that it should not have his concurrence if it had nut spoken in the most unequivocal terms with respect of the iticreasingdatigera of the country. and of the attempts made to corrupt the principles of loyalty by which it has been hitherto d i .ti lig nislied. Haring said thus much on that part of the Amendment, 1w thought it essential to till up that declaration with another, not merely assuring the country that their Lordships were not asleep at their 'grata. but that they would take into consideration whether the safety and of his Majesty's subjects have tot been it:nieces sitrily and wantonly endangered, sod which lie thought the late transactiotiv particularly demand. The Noble Viscount had expressed a confidence in the conduct of 11w Magistrates of Manchester, iii that lie did nut mean to prejudge them. Tse men, lie void. had coins to town to I , writ qualified to give the necessary and full Mho-. illation on the subject. But these men sere parties in the transaction. and interested in !Ise case, as their fame and character depended upon, the insult; ni..l let these were the men on *loiter. evidence the Noble Viscount thought himself qualified to pass as minion, and, turning suit ad 11:1011 the people, Ost, you shalt have uu opinion against tar d. finilive lasts an ; every man s moults slsall be ciused, aril it shall he a Cli111 .• in such a man as Lord in countenance a niand fora Parliamentary inquiry into tisesubject. that nu isierutieleus shvelil he fixed upon any twin aid.. one inquiry; but heeled iud 1611111 a MM.: deadly lilt,. coo: i 1 he aimed at the characters of the Miiii.tincy than to Is.• i.l tip lu Site country as onions irrurpitio:ltile to Illy Gorui• w ent, and pow:eosin. , the Exirnurilitiary authority ,4 es they pleased without inqui.y or rirr of pool-km.lJ. 'I • Noble Yield. had said the Manchester Magistrati silo! sill l'••• - sailer the meeting illegal, but wily omit , d to ai cuss Mr. 11..1. Had they cuusidered it illegal tb. y wucid be reps, nut having taken iserasurrs to tumid it • tint why as, 1!, 1;11111 to be arrested at nionorni, and tinder abicts tans( excite great irritation in the provoke danger, rhea lie could nave lutes arreatil v 1,11111 certainly and without involving any of 1114.5 e c..a.G queorrnl The Radicals acre dangetuus, lent these a gocat. r danger that. thrill, for there was a :maim: that the established institutious acre hem tarnarablr tu, l igpmimiß•pw-pnwi T i ~~,:.r _,._~ wL.:aft