The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1819-11-30 00:00:00

in a manner which increased his high authority (ai d oo authority could be higher) by the clear and w alla sen-e with which he treated the subject, and which must have carried conviction to every mom who heard hurl.— (Hear. hear.)—lt was the right of l;ritash subjects to meet 1111 public question.. hut there could he no rights iiierou.n.te ri t with the secu silo, the pence, and the property of other% N ever was r question more clearly, supported in that Honer. by high. legit authority. At his side, his flats. and Learned Friend', who, though connected with Government, would give no opinion which 4 1 4 1 , t0t conscientiously entertain, had de elaterl More meetings illegal, whilst on the other side no ode oriitored to affirm that they w e r e 1,...,1 : oily on► aus i, o ,, ry ~,,, the opposite side had out 6611116 leuei 111.1it , 1%, 11111 the Hous e would :metre the floe, and Li dolled/Gentleman's speech in espectancy— for the business of that night he that the opinion of the Honourable sal Learned Member was to be taken as on big sine of the question, because if a gentleman of his distinction in his profession could entertain st-obt on the subject. it w l llll time that such doubts should be removed by Parliament (Hear.) flaring said so much, lie would call the attention of the House to the nature of the enactments be memo to propose. First is regarded large meetings: where vast numbers of persons assemble, niiil different parts of the country (they had the author fey al G.oneral Bylig. yea) nig the fart) simulta neous meetings were to be held in different places on the same day, anti the declaration was, that they were rot to separate until they obtained their lights meetings could not be tolerated, end the re gulation' intended was, that the people might meet in townships and parishes, a mode well known, and an iently practised. It was intended to regulate meetings by two means—by local limitation. a n d by negative limitation. It was by no means the inten tion of Government to reduce the number of persons alto might attend public meetings to such numbers as would chill their proceedings, but it was their wish to prevent persons from attending those meetings, or noterferotig iii those proceedings, who, is inhabi tants, were not entitled to do so; all persons be hmeitig to each parish, with due notice to the Ma gistrate, might meet and deliberate, and thereby exescose the general right of the subject. Ile wookld roo this question read a passage from the wool( of a Nohle Lord of high authority, and who could not be suspected of a waist of constitutional principle. [Here lie read a passage from a pamphlet of Lord Erskine, condemning large meetings of the people.] It was meant by the measures which Government icid in contemplation, not to infringe on the rights of the people, bat to preserve them. It Was intended to make it a misdemeanor to any person not resident in Cie townshohip or parish to attend the meeting of such township or parish. This regulation would effect two objects. There were, lie should observe, some very large parishes in Great Britain ; there were about thirty parishes, the population in each of which exceeded 20,000 persons or moro. These parishes might be divided into districts, containing not less than 10,000 per sons in each, so as not to take away a popular cha racter from the panels meetings. The House would see that by the regulation two objects would be effected :—the first was to r.r...!ult ''f-tttgor-; t:7 ex clude itinerant orators, who make stadiums their trade, and to prevent large and tumultuary assemblies, user which those persons exert all their arts. An other regulation was, in order to prevent 'limits 'woos niretings, to give Magistrates the power of varying the particular time of holding meetings, and to prevent the inconvenience and confusion of holding meetings in market places, or other public situattono. Notice also moat be given to Magis trates six days before the meeting can be held. Another part of the subject was as to the manner iu nhich persons were to approach those meetings; no one should be allowed to attend them under arms, or with symbols which were, in fact, sym bols of revolution and confusion. Upon this punt he intended to propose a distinct clause, making it illegal for persona to go forth armed, calculated to inspire terror in the breasts of the peaceable and loyal. This clause he intended to extend to all meetings, even of counties, with which, in other respects, the Bills did not interfere, because it could not be forgotten that one meeting in particular was disgraced by the symbols of radi cal sedition. Another provision was to apply to women attending these public meetings. In the worst period of the French Revolution, women could be found to act in similar scenes, who were collected from the market and the brothel. He was happy to say that io the metropolis no women were found who would so far forget the de licacy of their sex as to attend those violent pro ceedings which took place, and he was sure that the innate decency and the moral feelings of his coun trywomen, would in future preserve them from the taint and disgrace inseparable from those scan tbitons exhibitions. The Magistrate was to have the power of seizing on such persons as should attend meetings of parishes or townships not being Mho boards. After proclainatiolo it was intended that the Magistrate have power to call on all strangers to withdraw, and if they should not obey, he might pronounce the meeting illegal, and treat it sic such, and have the power of dissolving it altogether. Should strangers not withdraw, or should a number of more than twelve remain. lie did not mean to make such an Act felony of death.—(Hear, hear, and loud laughter from the Opposition side of the House./--If the gallaut General opposite had read the Act of 1817, for Intl , ' presoing illegal meetings, he would find a similar ',halite in that Act, but he would not propose such s clause now. The time lie proposed to allow for strangers to withdraw, ofter proclamation being read, was a quarter of an hour,.and half an boor to allow the merlin;; to disperse. He would !low proceed to the second branch, lie meant the measure which would prevent the military It:tilling of the people. He meant to make a dionoctlon between the persons drilling and the periamis drilled, because the one was more intelli gent, and therefore more criminal than the other. And here lie would turn aside for a moment to say, and lie was glad to be able to say so, that except in one or ;two instances, no old soldiers knit themselves to such an unworthy purports. The pul3ivilinent lie would inflict on those who would so far for get their duty as to assist in such practice*, would be transportation —and on those drilled the pu sistiment of fine and imprisonment. As to the re gulation for th' more speedy administration of the law, no measure was more congenial to the true principles of the Constitution. ur more called for by policy, us the law ennis. Indtvt dusl. charged with heinous crimes err obliged to go to trial, unless good cause be shewn to the contrary—hut, in caws of mooleineatitor. individual( might put off their tiaras for a year and a half. The (object of the clause was to put the cares of misdemeanor nearly on the *mine ground, with regard to the time of trial. as that of more grave nad capital cases. The object of the law should be to tent persons on their trial with the loss of as little time us porrible; but if, without any assignable cause. persons charged with serious (dirtier* were allowed, by traversing, to postpone their triala, it could have no other effect than that of delaying the administration of justice. Ilia Majesty's. Minister( might send down Special Com mission* to the disturbed districts—but willing to treat the accused with every delicacy. they had not pursued a course which might appear an ex post facto mode of accuaation. I-le now came to the last, and the most important 1-(i:illation. that which con. rrorned the press. He has; already distinguished a certain part of the press from that shameless, arch trona, and blasphemous press which was the disgrace ofthe country, and operated like poison oil , h e p ea . pie. Ile was willing to allow that this country never would have arrived at the degree of character, of splendour, and of liberty. to which she had attain ed, if it were not that Ale had what rational and fair men would call a free press. Nothing that he in tended to propose would tend to affect that free press. In the first place, the measure which was about to be proposed would not go to prevent any person, on his own authority, from publishing his thoughts and opinions on political subjects, free frum the regulation or rusitection of a censor. Secondly, it was not intended to interfere with the trial by jury, or to alter in any respect the law of the bind, as applied to persons for libel. The first regulation went, in fact, to prevent a fraud—u fraud which operated to the prejudice of the re spectable part of the press, and which has throws, profit and circulation into the hands of persons who had neither character or security—persons who were made the channel to convey that moral poison of which the deluded people were made to quaff ro largely. The regular newspapers were subject to a stamp duty, and separate duties were pith for each advertisement they contained. It was meant to put weekly and other publicatio n s on the same fooling its this respect with the regular ;tress; slid pamph lets of a small size should be put under the same regulation. Some of those publications, conscious that they were within the letter of' the law, con formed to it, and paid the regular duty, but others (lid not. Mr. Cobbett formerly sold his Register for 10d. but afterwards reduced it to ed. : a price so small as gave readers of every description an op portunity of reading it. lie did sot, in fact. mean to propose any thing on this head—he only meant to give efficacy to the law as it stood, and to prevent a gross fraud. It was meant to affix a stamp ditty on all pamphlets licit exceeding two sheets, containing politi ca l news. or treating of political news—ef matters in Church or State—in fact, all political pamphlets of that description it was mended to put under the same regulations as those( which n gulate the daily press : this at least wools' render !hem more expensive to individuals. The princia pi e way already established, that no publication should be without the publisher's name bring stated in it, so ii :hat when called on he might be amenable to justice ; but the mischief was, that the individual who publish ed did not always act; an individual who in tended to spread libels, procured it creature who was a mere faggot, for small hire, and put him forward us publisher, and he runs all ricks ; under this sanction the real libeller in security and se cresy carries on his attacks. It was high time that this should be corrected, and it was well that in doing so, they only followed up a principle which would render the press tespectabie. It surely was desirable that the ostensible person at the press should be a person of some visible means; it was therefore intended that a person who might think fit to become the proprietor of one of these publi cations, should enter into security himatolt; and give the security of two persons of solvency in a certain sum, to abide the punishment which the law might inflict for seditious or blasphemous libels; the faggot by that means would be removed, the real person should appear, and solvent securities would be bound to answer for the publication. The next regulation lie intended watt to inilict • penalty on all persons who should be found selling small rublications not duly stamped, or published by persona who had not conformed to the law; those so offending to be brought before a Magistrate. He knew reproaches would be cast on this measure, though they would come with a very ill grace from the other aide of the [louse. The time was dot 10111: post when a formal motion had been made by a Gentleman on that side for the number of er officio informations filed by the Attorney-General, but it was nut until Governaterd had tried the force of the calming laws that they thought of having re course to any other, and in his conscience lie be lieved that the evil was beyond the law as it exist ed at present. The regulation he proposed would be sanctioned, lie had no doubt, by the loyal feel ings of the country—by every man who would wish to preserve the community from the cor tupt and seditious matter which disgraced these publication's. Another regulation which he meant to propose was called for by circumstances. A t present persons convicted of libel were sub ject to tine and imprisioament ; the Bell he in tended to bring in would not alter the law in than respect. but where a person should be convictec, of a second offence committed after his conviction fur the first offence. it would be in that case ;rt the discretion of the Court to sentence such person to banishment or transpor tims fur seven y Nail. This punishment, under all the circumstances. could not be considered too great on the individual who, undeterred by has former punishment, sod regardless of his former crime, would proceed to give circulation to fresh libels, and would make fresh assaults on the peace, the morals. slid the laws of the country. Having, gone throogli the principle of the Bills, lie would now say • word on the public lures which Ministers thought it wise and necessary to call out in order to give efficacy to the laws. and to strengthen the hands of the Magistrates--that force was called nut in • manner the mart efficient, the least expensive. and riot calculated to awaken ult. easiness in the breast of the most jealous patriot. Beyond that force. hopes were entertained that It would not be necessary to go ; but winch most dew prod on the tranquillity of the country, wad, im the loci of Parhainelit to pot down offender*, mirth most ilepeod no men of property, called, as they were to stand forward in defetice of the laws by which that property W.l4~lelrndr d. lt was only necessary for the Calltitry to led upoll the sithjevi, to rioter into armed assocnition• in defence of their common sights, it iris only necessary for the loyal to do what was dime on former occa. sinus, and to sheer that if there were ritfeirders anxious to assail the Constitsition of the comitry, there were also friends really to defend it.—(l/ear, hear.)—Before lie should sit down, he would stale to ilte House the views of InikVerlllnelit :la to there laws which Ite• now proposed. It was a painful effort to invade, in any degree, what might he con. frittered the real liberty of the country. Necessity. however, rendered it necessary at time' to suspend the most valuable laws. At the saute time, that he expressed his disregard of tile calumnies which were set afloat on farmer occasions. when Aliiiisters were obltgert to ' impend the Mop,* Corpus Act,. and regarding. as he did, such a measure as one of State security, he yet bad great gratili- CAMP, that that measure oil the prevent occasion would be dispensed with. With regied to the low for taking arms from roirpicitnir persons, this law was meant hut as a local and temporary mem sore ; be wished he could apply the same principle to the law against drilling persons fur military ex ercire—he wished lie could also say that the law respecting inisdenteanors, and rispertiog the press, were temporary—hut there laws he wished the House to tendeirtatill distinctly, were intro diced without any limitation as to point of time. If indeed it should appear hereafter that some of these laWs were inapplicable. it tnight be a question whether they should remain on the Statute Book ; hut for the present they must be considered as laws made fur no temporary purposes. The House most have seen the fatal consequences of applying temporary laws on temporary exigencies; they most have seen how often wicked and designitigs men waited until these laws expired, or unfit Par . liament had adjourned, in order to comm,lire moor their machinations. He called. therefore, on the l'ar ;lenient, in its wisdom, to admit such not a►urra as would strengthen tlte hand of Government, in order to protect what was valnable 11l the country, and to put down that spirit of resistance, and loose idle and injUlialla notions of base and spurious rights which in better days were unknown to the cootitus lino of the country. They hail every thing at st ike— the enemy was reedy to take the held the ino tnent the law was relaxed—it was riecessiry, there fere, to look their difficulties in tie face. and to deal with the evil tu an intelligent and energetic Stray. He would not trouble the House longer, bat, on the grouorls he had stated, he would mose for leave to bring in the following Bills Isl. A Bill for the Pievention of Seditious Nli edly. A Bill fur the better I:rotation of the ' Press. Mr. TIERNF.Y said, that he would not for the present (unacquainted as he was with the POlfit'C') go into a general argument on the great variety of matter touched ou by the Noble Lord. fir hail not the most distant conception when he came down to the House that night, of molly of the plans brought forward by the Noble Lord ; yet he would not discharge his duty were he on that occasion to sit entirely silent, particularly as the Noble Lord hail stated that they (the Opposition) agreed to all the propositions which he might bring forward. The Noble Lord had authority to state that they only stated that all pro visions which might he proposed might to stand on the necessity that might be sheen for the introduc tion of them. The House of Commons would not do its duty to entertain any proposition where the ne cessity was not clear. He denied that such necessity appeared—they had nothing before them. W 5/ the evidence laid before the House by order of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent? lie had no hesitation in saying that a more garbled and mutilated parcel of papers were never laid before that House. The Noble Lord had staled that the agricultural part of the country was loyal and sound—he mentioned the favourable state of the finances, and the prosperity of domestic and foreign trade, with the exception of what suffered by American distress: then why did it happen, that a country so prosperous should he called upon to sucriliew all that remained of her Constitution upon tier altar of her domestic secu rity ? Ten thousand soldier., independent of yeo manry, were to be called out in addition to the standing army—rend having such a force, hacked by such laws as he proposed that Hight, the Noble Lord would turn round and say the country was in a flourishing state. Oh ! if the deluded people could witorss that night's proceeding—if they could behold their dearest liberties assailed, how clear they would see the result of all their movements. They might follow Mr. Hunt, or any other leader—they might abuse the Whigs; but see the melancholy conse quences of their own fully. They were about to be bound haled and foot—they were shout to endure the operation of laws which partook more of the na ture of an inquisition than the free laws of Englund. It hail been said that the Whigs were fifty years out of office—they were—mod behold the consequrieres ! —see to what a pass those who have been in office have brought the constitution and the country ! As to the Bill fur taking away the right to traverse in misdemeanor cases, he would, until unothrr oppor tunity, reserve his opinion. As to provision for dis arming the people, it wag the right of 1411 Euglish man to carry arms for his defence—to use them improperly was already illegal. 11.141 the pro position been submitted to that (loose twenty years ago, every man in it would protest against it, ueeculleti for and unsupported so it was. Where, he asked, did it appear that butitry of armed men had assembled ? He had not heard that arms were in the found he with han d s ofs b uspicious persons, save I list pistols were persons part of Lancashire, Cheshire, some pert of Scotland, and part of York shire, and yet here laws were introduced to of the entire people of England, and to take away from them some of their most ancient and most valued rielste.--CAt this part of his speech, tbe Rt. lion. Gentlemen was reminded from the ministerial benches of tins save. of tie Luddites.]—He readily admitted that ha might have, M some dcg , ee l mistaken the case; but wink he admitted ml mile defects in the detail on whirls he founded it, be Waisted on the (fliers! iiiiegeity of his argument. Another point which lie was bound 140 ( . 41100004r1, War (he charge of dal. ling; and here, he owned, ilsat lie nits not prepared for the statement which had been laid before the M. 0 . ,, both in the papers tool in the speech of the Noble land. He owned that lie did not expect to l a se !kraut it oats d, that larger bodices of torn haul bet•o allotted isightly to nes...Mole 414101 va erctse iii, manly. a in the me of an u s. w,ebnul any attempt hying made to prevent then. by the doe enthicement of the laws. lie w..a1,1. moreover, readily acknowledge, that if the situation laws owe to prevent sorb drillion. it was high nose that it sloodd Ira met by stew laws; but them he 'sushi not he anil.vstuod by that assent, to his willingness to allow soy new iestrictive nu mum, . swept one for the riTertual peesentissis of toothily &dime The loaf consideration which he would toss. li upon cite the CAA.. of what were called scdithoss lite( loots, and the new law prop used (Or their restriction aisd wsodiHesuun. Here hr owned that lie felt yert great d; Ai, oily 11l to. mho. He did not deny that a ra../. MTht he made out it wool? be the duly of the Magistrates to jute, frre, and prevent or disperse a alerting, speciously legal, yet having a assmertios and turbulent character and tendency in its ps overshoe.; lon certainly there 'souls! he great difficulty in moving that the proper mean. for digressing such a meeting wore these 'used Manchester, tamely, the non. tart'. He contrasted the rase or the Houslet Moor meeting wets that of Manchester. to the feistier case the Mayor used all the psi caul provided be the existing laws, but he mid sioue lint aloadutely lenssf incventious. To this it might he anvil I that in no • installer haul those crowd..s mid apparsisi;y dune. roue meetsup which were assembled on that suri4hbesit hood prodaced any riot, lior • soy destruct or leas of properly. In Seedland, II Ilse &Wale ***** s!y.at:. inlet' into Imp AUDVlrlird for the purpose of chat were termed their &lilies at ttttt s, hats e we.! ilisturbinice or mischief of any sort. Rut the Noble Lord, takime for granted hods fur which be 01l n d no proofs, and cases of disturbance and danger whoili isessupput tell by any credible trstin ttttt y or documents, host come flu ward and proposed measures which were to pre vent any mrstines, mikes called by 31,4!0is or Magistrates, nor any meetings of parishimiers, except such as might be coostessel by particular officers, subjecting all claims for mods stierlinge, of course, to the most as bluely disposal of the preatiliog authorities. !rowel, a law should be granted, !het, was there an end of that good wholesome spirit of popular ft-Idiom and principle, under the pm sal influence of whirl, the coundry had flourished more than ever it would under the Adosiiii 'nu of the Noble Lord, if he should live for these one bonfired years to come ; that spirit whirls, by exercising itself in a hold, mid yet legal and constitutional way, had perhaps saved the country from disconteut and domestic turmoils, snore slum any other provision of the Constiton tttt —which had hem emphatically, nod very pro perly called, its top owu existence, and the exercise of the rsnlst by which it expressed itself, the safety-valve of the Constitu tion. This thew was to be done away by the present measures 'I he Noble Lord, professing to lake away a part of the people's eights for the sake of piolecting the reinaioder, was shoot to 411.1110 IS subversmii. ur at least a restriction of all constitutional right whniseseetr. They were nut limited nicasiores, though tousle:ea on local or temporary necessities, according to has own admission, which the Noble Lord re quired; the, Vti re, nil the contrary, an es ii i ttttt new system, which would have the effect of doing away with every thing w hull had hitherto been known, or felt, or declared, respect nig the F.i.nlish Cuastii•tion. lie had hoped at the brst no 'llion of his New mid extraordinary system, that it woold have contained some terms, or at the least, promise of conciliation 011. i &yrs...silty for the distresses of the people. Slut, au; it was in th . usual spirit et the policy of the Noble Lord and his ft.? 0 do of the Administiation; their con staot o I) bad hem, "rs rce;" on all occasions of difficulty and distress they had elite d mit for more force; 114110, again they repeated their old demand—force, force, force; no. thing hot force anti vigour, and extreme effort, apparently actuated by • device of doing away every thing like the courinutional right of meeting. Aud did the House be lieve that it was nut rely dangerous ground which they were Then treadling upon, to tell WWII, already fraught with ills. •nt and wietchednem, and doneerons doctrines and (visiting, leatiiiin them almost to defiance of their rulers, from a supposition, nay, an actual knowledge or the up. pressiuns which they suffered, " Vent *ball have no redress, our any alteration, but stew, adverse, aud restrictive laws?" Did the Noble Lord imagine that he would thus be able to do away the impression which at present weighed with the majority of the wise and sober men in the country, that room. change was wanting is the constitution of that House, by this new application of the old system of coercion so much in favour with the Noble Lord? The House might he led to imagine, certainly, that ten thousand men would be all that was necessary to put down the opinions a loch they dis liked, bat the effect would be only to slier that which had hitherto evaporated in talk mid .hew, in loud speeches, and blustering parade, into downright rebellion, or what was muck worse, into resolute and treasonous cow:piracy. The House might Halter themselves that such measlier+ as those before them would prove the safest protection for properly, but they would prove to he nu such security; they could du nothing that would place properly in more dative than Si. pass the Bills proposed by the Noble Lord. He next came to consid r the restraints proposed to be laid on the liberty of the press; be had 11'81.11y consist( red this subject with Midi atteution ; he had hero wholly astonished at the shocking and scanda - lows crimes committed by what was termed the cheap press ; there ens nothing which he bad ever seen or heard of which could match in wickedness some of the writings charac terised under that name. The Noble Lord had charaed the Hon. Gentlemen on his (Mr. Tierney's) aide of the HOOK, with complaints against the too frequent wee of ax omens informations. They bad made such a complaint —they had witnessed too many causes for oinking that com plaint. But was there sin other course fur a law officer than that most objectionable and arbitrary one of information ? Surely such a torrent of pernicious mischief required nu great legal mottling to treat it properly ; it was nut so kid either in its operations., its character, or its tendency, but That the ordinary formai justice would be found sufficient fur it; no Jury would refuse to fin.' a verdict of guilty, in cases so iiniliously wicked and dangerous. He was of opinion, notwithstanding the diffisiltirs attending the decision of such a question, that the existiog laws were quite sufficient for the constitutional control of the pens. The press was besides in very good hands already fur any inert larities which it might fall into which might yell be proved to Ire without the control of the lass, its character was in the hands of the press itself. It was impossible fur the Noble Lord to outdo the vigilance of the press in guarding against its own abuses. He had come down to the Howie with an earnest hope, and with even aurae degree of coutideoce, that the Noble Lord would have been moderate in his demands for surrendering the provisious of the Cuts stitution. He owned that he had breve eeceived ; instead of asking for a part, the Noble Lord bad demanded every thing; every thing vital its the Constitutton was to be sur rendered, or else the House and all who had geone before them, h ol been in error as to the excellencies of that (Omit tot' . Their boasts of its proud character, its many ex cellent and liberal provisions, so much 'mooted to the world, must now all be admitted to have been wrong.— This, howes•er, he was not prepared to allow ; be objected to this or any other such inference, founded on the sup posed propriety of the Noble Lord's judgment or mea. sures; be anapetted those measures MI necount of the source from which they procisedsel. The No b le Lord and his colleagues could Meant and tan: of nothing else hut force. Had they never tried their system? Yes, viten ; from year to year they had beers applying to Parliament fur fresh moven to apply more force, and next year they would be found in the atone nerd, demanding mill usurer fusee fur the support of their Administration-- They would certainly hod themselves deceived ; unless, bi deed, their system of force could restore happisests to the wretched, and probtahle employment to the indigent and pile ; or unless 111 C Noble Lord was right in Ins estirnatiou of the commercial difficulties of the country, as it regarded their extent and duration, and that. as he had affirmed, the distr.-airs of trade oi se chiefly to be attributed to similar sulierougs among the Ainslie:lns. Ile until out my exactly what success Slitostesa wool., loser %slab the ten thousand tolditioual troops, but it would be very hard, if troops should be granted to quell sedition and auppost Ills laws, Villein - err they might ise violated, that new laws also about.' Ise grouted to shot out the possibility trimly such violative. But the Nob:e Lord was uequestionals!y rigid ; the new lass ...mild trouire, as the Noble Lout bad ad milted (and it formed the best pomade "minimax.", ell the isirasur , s), the new laws "mold r• yuue the ma thousand additional troops is make time, Si all bearable ; mir indeed dot he (Me. Torso") belt; ye that kit thousand men would be 'Obi teat for that purpose. It would be said, that his Isagost.e was ro,4ut, and that h's llplktuoua as impressed were mleislateil to spread alum. 11. trained that he did feel alarm, sod that hr was suitor.. it shook! be generally GIL The ineasuies of the Noble Lord might pass, and the Constitution, as far as rigardril any prrnoce of lib►rty or eu1011114.1. sighs, might, es they would in that cam hi entirely autasdhil; hot h. honed, before the Constitution J l an expire, a moor:: ra re...ion elf public feeling nook, h. matte in ir rely ti,s, n nr•d pat : isi, its Ilse cottony. He bopri i l that the COMM* wool• 1 make tow of its right of overtire, wkije yet. for a little while it remained, and address the Nom, sdtt. epio.als and re monstratices, which should so. surur.uhy o Citrate feeling of the country upon rhos, he Out but eat) them dangerous ants tyranaous owe:tom If swots such application the House should refuse to clam in quiry into shim new and anemic laws, slid all the cir euinotances upon whirl, it was prupo,e.l to en:let them, he (Mr. Timni y) did not 'batik that it would be of any use wlsitever for lisaneelf or soy of his friends to attend that Moose soy losiger.—/lIMM Ater, from w'..e ore or II • some side r f the !lease, ender ►hegnl!ern.)—lf the Mo. Member took bas last expression for a threat of receding, lie was quite wrung, as it was contra, y to ill his fur. Torrn , y'ri) habits and *willow to make any such low. %%hat he meant to say was that if those niessures passed against the muse of She whole people, expressed both within and without that House, it would be uhully usi less and improtitable for the Itlertt.rs of dial HU... 1.0 waste their time, tl•rir to alto, soil llo.ir forinnrs, In still sitt , inptiog to check a heeilloug career of malmilmoutairati .... to which no •!forts or 'hei r . could b• any means put a slop. The Right Hon. Gentle man, OW 'namely recommending the ifflll.r to adopt sumo conciliatory memoirs, illelead of the eery rigorous ones of the Noble Lord, sat down amidst loud. hems. Lord Carrfroxisott explained. He by no messianic:int to be understood as aitrilisitoile the commercial distresses of the country to the commercial distresses of Arne-sit-a. He aas equally far from suppositist that it would be wrnne In Par loniest. to take up the consideration of those distresses, pro vided any good could be: ptuduced thereby. Ile was eon. vinced that those distresses arose from other ramie*, and must be mi t by oilier remedies ihan and• wlneh hid born sir could he door lit Parliament. He did not mean that Ante. fie* alone bad bruneht about those distresses; be mrrely stated Lis opinion as to what he conceived to be our t their clones Lord FOLIKIITOIir heartily joined in the hope rapt.: ssed by the Noble Lord, " iiist the House would stand by the Constitution." lie (Lord FOltsforie) earnestly teprated that hope; he trusted the Muse troald steed by the Constitn. lion, and nut suffer its sacred pillars, now assailrd Li the most modicums hands that ever approarlod it, to he tout away.—(lleor. hear)—l le pnl it to ibc Ilunse if the mea sures mow proposed to them were not an open attempt on the lilwriy of the press, and the rights of lb. Constitution. The Noble turd had said a great deal about the dangerous telideury and character of the proceedings of public meet ings ; but he would a►k the House, if those meetings he such objects of dread fo the Noble Lord—if their object Were not, as it generally had been, to protest against the memoirs of the Noble Lord's Adniisliatemien ? %%hat would be the result of the new restrictions "It the liberty of the press ? The Noble Lord could boast the expeliesice of the past out this part of hit, From ; he had tried it before, and, according to his own rbewiate, without (IL ct. M nut other meaytors of the same coercive nature be tried rho in vain ?—what pledge had they fur the efficacy of any new ne f the kind ? Another poi'," full of danger to the people nod the Constitution was the abolition of ins Traverse. The Noble Lord had said that it won'tl be diffi cult to conceive a ease *here, on a charge of felony,brought eery shortly lief tc trial, the ease might nut be colleted over to the next term. The Noble Lord seemed to he wh..lly igourant of the process. %t hen a comnii.noeat took pl:we K.rfelon}•, it WO/ spun some charge .lesoly specified and understood by all the parties corecernell in it It was far otherwise with n charge of mu d. ineantw, which could not in every case be legally defined until the ease was consoler ed; the patties then bemg informiel metier what charge they were detained for flint, suit►t be wholly isupre parel to meet it. The ear , e of the ringleaders of the Manchester meeting was strongly in point, they were &Wired for twelve days before it was announced to them that they were to be tried for 'sigh treason. How should they be prepared u. meet such a change in the short time before', that and the County Assisi.% ? The Noble Lord had talked of his kindoess in the noolificatiou of the measures before the House. The Noble Lord did nut pro pose them out of any thing but kiii.lowea and regard. It was from kindness, uu doubt, that he did not propose a Ceirsurship of the press; it was from pure kindness that lie did not put an end to Trial by Jory.—(Load there, ; lir (Lord Fielkstritie) did hope, howreci, fur a mat stubborn opposition to the new measities, both is. and oat of Porlisment. Ile next commented uo thew knowbg..l locality of the disturbances and the generality'of th e sures. Ile particularly required the attention of she Hooye to this part of the subject. He did not believe the NA!, Lord's statements; but those disfoi bailees whirl, he ► r od rhscribed lie admitted at the same tone to he partial, lira , and temporary; and yet upon these local and temporary eti— turhanees the Noble lord proposed general nod pet mment measures, which would almost abrogate the Constantin,' His Hon. and Learned Friend had mill lost for the... years past the press had abounded in plitilirations proposals of assassination, treason, and irreligion. t.)., be ing asked why he did not prosecute dom. his Hon. no! Learned Friend replied, 'bat he was unwilling ton htedily to impute crimes to individuals without - certain mid ronviciing proof. With these were to be considered the rover:flier, of tier meeting,. of the North. They wore .aid to be full oaf dangers; and so far hod the Magistrates twee, alann•ii their increase and peril, that they had repeatedly begged of the Minix for leave to interrupt 111.1! !WI a Slur In Omen. And why sat: a stop not put to them? Every thing Irene to prove that there was no wish to pot a retop uu them. It. would not immediately declare that it way so, but he thouglit that there was strung interim, evidence of a miuoterial e.•. sign, in the arrest of Hunt, to work tiw mob into a ferment.. which wss to have given the nail. plea for she measures before lb. in. There seemed to be an anxiety to tel oho,: turbulent mediae proceed until Alineders could safely peo 'pow their present measures. Ile strongly hoped for their The S AAAA ra wag about to pnl the quectiun, and Rh-auger!. were ord...d au •othdraw, whets Mr. BILOUSINAM rose, not, all he said, fur the piirpiise or raising any unusual obstacles to the isstrisolutt . of Cie Noble Lord's Bills, nor to express, his own hostility to theet in full, hitt for the pui pow of •tiling why be did not sews the House to divide un the hist wading. He agreed w iiii most of the abstract propositions wills which the No.ita Lord accompanied the Bills ; but the splits w which thee• were proposed, the character of the measures tlittoselvc, the impertiviiins of the details, and withal so hit:. [odor known of the precise nature and extent of Isis Lorsisliii, - • new plan, all these induced him at once to ilo• sures and to feel anxious to ascestaiii Ilu lc chai lie writhed to learn how far the Noble Lord's plan of mot tee mill paring slow,, districts and parishes, was likely to aftect the good old English and constitutional rights of pu'il•e assemblies. At present hu ilid not know also they it ' , tithed to tnrehu g i in duo)°, tie Well a. 0111; WI). ilieT or 114/t ble meetiugs were metalled in its molishitions--and if a pour snail would be alloweel to go out of his parish to bestow his mite un an object in a mighlunii mg pa. salt, Ile lamented that the Right Huts. Presiders of the Board of Control was nut in !lit place, to answer fur himself. Ile was afraid that ilte Noble Lord's measures struck at that Right flonoursside (Italie-mail in ois small digite . fie (Mr. Calming) had been known to steeled sueetines shove g))))) below (resold in different parishes, its different ram, in different collative, in Lareaalstre sod i s , Liverpool. Again, were cenvemear meeting. sinew: the prohibited bur.? Awl Moir id tereeMbe i x sod 100 papaluita priitieb--bere they to be cot down into manageable portions? Anil if some beldam. Online should apposeh the extreme emillits rf boy parish, fur the AI