The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1825-02-04 00:00:00

r II IP" Pr , p PARLIAMENTARY INTELLIGENCE. HOUSE OF LORDS, THURSDAY, Ft'. S. This day Parliament assembled for the despatch of business. His Majesty's health not pertaining Kim to attend in person, the Session was opened by COMMINOOR. At twelie o'clock Lord 0 w TOT a, the Lord Great Chamberlain, examined the cellars and vaults under the Speaker's house, and ilthet gem of the building, as hrtustotnary at the memnencement of every !tension. At two o'clock we observed many of their Lordships arriving, and at hill-past two the House assembled. By this time many I,adies,'lnTell dress, were admitted into the body of the House. The Lords Commissioners, viz. the Archbishop of CANTER NCR the LORD CHANCELLOR. the Earls of WESTMORLAND. DITIIIrrtIIIIIRT, and Hitanowar, having taken their nests on the Weelhack, The LORD CHANCELLOR ordered that the Commons Mould he summoned to the bar of their Lordships House, to hear his Majesty's Commission for opening Parliament, and the Speech read. In a few minutes the STEAX Et, attended by a number of the the Members of the House of Commons, appeared at the bar. The Commission by which their Lordships were empowered to open Parliament having been read, The 1A...1R0 CHANCELLOR rose, and delivered his Majes ty's most gracious Speech to both Houses, of which.tbe following ii a copy t-- " My Lords mid Geefkmee, " are commanded by his filajesty to express to you the gratification which his Majesty derives from the continuance and progressive increase of that public prosperity upon which his Ma jesty congratulated you at the opening of the last Session cf Parliament. " There never was a period in the history of this country, when all the gnat Interest" of the Nation were, at the same time, in so thriving a condition, or when a feeling of content and satisfaction was more widely diffused through all classes of the British People. " It is no small addition to the gratification of his Majesty, that Ireland is participating in the general prosperity. " The outrages, for the suppression of which extraordinary Powers were confided to his Slajesty, have so far ceased, as to warrant the suspension of the exercise of those powers in most of t be districts heretofore disturbed. - - - " Industry and Commercial Enterprise are extending themselves in that part or the United Kingdom. " It is, therefore, the more to be regretted, that Associations should exist in Ireland, which have adopted proceedings irrecon cileable with the spirit of the Constitution, and calculated, by exciting alarm, and by exasperating animosities, to endanger the pease of society, and to retard the course of national improvement. •• His Illajesty Mies upon your wisdom to consider, without delay, the means of applying a remedy to this evil. " His Illujesty further recommends the renewal of the inquiries instituted last Session into the state of Ireland. " Majesty has seen with regret the interruption of the trap. quillity in India, by the unprovoked aggression and extravagant I.retersions of the Burmese Uovernment, which rendered hostile olerations against that State unavoidable. " It is, however, satisfactory to find that none of the other Nati►e Powers have manifested any unfriendly disposition, and that the bravery and good conduct displayed by the forces already employed sorsiost the enemy, afford the most favourable prospect of a sue c•'tfof termination of the contest. Gentkmen of the Gesso of Commons, " His Majesty has directed us to inform you, that the Estimates of the year will be forthwith laid before you. " The state of India, and circumstances connected with other parts of his Majesty's Foreign Possessions, will render some aug mentation of his Military Establishments indispensable. " His Majesty has, however, the sincere gratification of belief,. tng, that notwithstanding the increase of expense, arising out of this augmentation, such is the flourishing condition and progres. e:ve improvement of the Revenue, that it will still be in your Tower, without affecting public credit, to give additional facilities to the national industry, and to make a further reduction in the ":urfttens of the people. " My Lords and Gentlemen, •' His Majesty commands me to inform you, that his Majesty continues to receive from his Allies, and generally from all Princes and States, assurances of their unabated desire to maintain and cultivate the relations of Peace with his Majesty, and with each other, and dist it is his Majesty's constant endeavour to preserve the general tranquillity. . . . . " The negotiations which have been to long curled on, through his Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople, between the Emperor of Russia and the Ottoman Porte, have been brought to an ami. table issue. " 11i, Majesty has directed to be laid before you Copies of ar rangements which have been entered into with the Kingdoms of Denmark and Hanover, for improving the commercial intercourse between these States and the United Kingdom. " A Treaty, having for its object the more effectual suppression of the Slave Trade, has been concluded between his Majesty and the King of Sweeden ; a copy of which treaty, as soon as the mi t:cations thereof shall have been exchanged, has been directed to be laid before you. _ '• Some difficulties have arisen with respect to the ratification of the Treaty for the same object, which was negotiated between his Majesty and the United States of America. " These difficuhies, however, his Majesty trusts, will not finally impede the conclusion of so beneficial an arrangement. " In conformity wih the declarations which have been repeatedly made by his Majesty, his Majesty has taken measures for confirm— ing, by Treaties, the ,commercial relations already subediting be tween th , s Kingdom and those countries of America which appear have established their separation from Spain. " c o soon as those Treaties shall be completed, his Majesty call dirc-A copies of them to be laid before you. " His Majesty commends us not to conclude without congratu liting you upon the continued improvement in the state of the A grictiltural Interest, the solid foundation of our national pros perity; not without informing you, that evident advantage has been derived from the relief which you hare recently given to com merce by the removal of inconvenient restrictions. " His Majesty recommends to you to persevere (as circumstances may allow) in the removal of similar restrictions; and his Majesty direct.' us to assure you, that you may rely upon his Majesty's cor dial co-operation in fostering and extending that commerce, which, whilst it is, under the blessing of Providence, a main source of strength and power to this country, contributes in no less a degree to the happiness and civilization of mankind." After the King's Speech had been read. the Gentlemen of the House of Commons withdrew, and their Lordships immediately adjourned during pleasure. At half.past tour the House re.aasevnbled, when Viscount Srnawnroan was introduced, end took the oaths and his seat as an English Huron. The Noble Viscount's supporters were bonis Patturtaz and STOWELL. Dr. Btoostrtztrit, the new Bishop of Chester, also took the oaths and his seat. The Duke of Nonrote attended for the first time since the passing of the Bill, to enable his Grace to perform the duties of Earl Marshal in Mpeyson. He preceded Lord STRattcerono on his entering the ouse. - At five o'clock the Ratio( LIVERPOOL moved the first read. ing of the Select Vestries' Bill, pro jbemO. 'rhea tbeneluitted the woolsack, and. reed hie Majesty's Speech to the House, which was afterwards read be the Clerk at the Table ; at the conclusion of which, Viscount DL`DLEY and WARD rose to move the Address. ( We regret exceedingly. that, in consequence of his Lordship stand. ing with his back towards the Bar, and speaking at times in a very low tone of voice, we heard hint imperfectly, and lost many pas sages in hie address, which was throughout warmly cheered.) Ills Lordship commenced by observing that be rose to move an humble Address to his Alajerate, in answer to the gracious Speech their Lordships; had just heard. Any apology that might have been deemed necessary to come from the humble individual who then lied the honour of addressing the House, was rendered a , me. what ruperfitious, under the circumstances that caused him to rise. like had risen, as many Noble Lords who bad preceded him ;n the Jury he was then performing, had done, in the midst of a long, pmtracted, and doubtful war, in which sueeese was pur chased by sacrifices that no other country but England would scarcely hare endured—if even when the war was ended by a series of the most astonishing and brilliant successes that evn proceeded from any course of measures, he had had the honour' of addressing their Lordships on an occasion like the present, he should here felt that then an apology was necessary from him to their Lordships; knowing full well that his abilities would have been unequal to the tat.k that he had now undertaken, at the time to which he alluded : for, brilliant as the close of the war was (anti where was the Englishman who could look back upon that period without feeling an honest pride at the honour that his country then gain d%) their Lordships would recollect that all classes of his 31ajeqty's subjects were suffering the greatest pries thew. All the great interests of the country were more or less affected, and the effects of the sacrifices that had been made during the war were felt in all their rigour. But his task was now Indeed a light one. Ile did not address their Lordships in the midst of a dnutitfill, arduous, and blood y contest—nor in a time of peace, surrounded by diterees and difficulty, the effec:s of 1 • „ • that contest; It was his good figtutie to ffave bccsslon to ad dress their Lordships only in the language of congratulation,' for at no firmer period of her history did this country ever exhibit a mere commanding attitude.; and (her prosperity at home was equal to her high station in the sale of nations. After a war of upwards of thirty years' duration, ending bell. bandy, as the last war had dogs, still peotlucing difficulties that were felt in the early year. of the pence, that required all the firmness of Ministers and energy of the country to or/acme-1w thought that he was not asking too much of Noble Lords for their unmixed and unanimous congratulations on I state of prosperity that neither this nor any other country ever attained to. N there was any person (and there must be many Noble Lords whom he was now addressing), who, like himself, had his attention first drawn to pu blic affairs at one of those arduous periods of the late war, when It appeared im practicable to proceed with safety or retract with honour, and had watched with anxiety that great struggle, impelled as it wu by the genius of a great warrior and statesman. must feel unmixed sada faction at the present state of the country ; and when he recollected the sympathy that was shared by England in the midst of her pres sure, with other powers suffering under the iron rule of that ex- traordinary person, the contrast with her present situation was still , more striking. The manner in which this country had come out of her great difficulties was not the lupe rearaskoble ; for, if any , 1 deviation from the Constitution had bean U her by the pressure of circumstances, she had Neu vigour to her pristine state. All branches of the arid elide g, every domessec interest was encouraged and implowlogouut chat world which was discovered some centuries since, and We° only inhabited by savage nations, and which not only abounded In meals that &l imed avarice, but in those mare usefbl productions that sustained industry and foetwed lb* feesndation of boundless prosperity, was opened to the country. These causes had produced their natural effects ; the people of England were now enjoying public content ment, proportioned to the great prosperity they were enjoying. There never was a period when the spirit of mischief was so sub dued, when tranquillity so entirely pervaded all clatters of the com munity, when obedience to the laws was so apparent ; not that mean and cringing obedience that servile herds adopt through fear, bat that manly, rational, and well-advised obedience that proceeds from freemen. The prosperity of the country was apparent at all points. The finances evinced it in a diminished taxation and in creasing revenue. The documents to prove this branch of prosperity were in every one's hands, and were subjects of notoriety. There were countries in which the public revenue bore a greater propor tion to its expenditure than in this t but it should be recollected that in England the public faith had never been broken ; there was nothing now to contrast in that respect against the public pros perky. The war that heal caused SD largo a portion of taxation had been undertaken on the highest principles and purest motives, and the only criticism that could be passed upon the finances was, that the country had acknowledged a larger debt than she had incurred ; and it was not amongst the least gratifying circumstances of the present prosperity that it had been reared on the soundest principles of commerce and political economy. It was usual whenever new principles were applied, that they should proceed gradually ; hut in the late application of new principles the cour.try had been fortunate, inasmuch as they had produced a good effivt at once. lir would instance the measure regarding the silk trade, in proof a what he had stated. The result of that measure would be to raise that branch of manufacture to a level with the great staple trades in cotton and iron, and England would corn mand every foreign market In that trade. In answer to these re sults, it had been said by some who were inimical to all freedom in trade, that England was prosperous under the old system. In reply, he would maintain that the great commercial prosperity of England did not arise in consequence of the restrictive system, but in spite of it.. Ireland hardly in a less degree shared the pros.. perity of England. She had increased in wealth and industry. Discontent had gradually given way to knowledge and order. It had been too much the fashion of late years to speak of Ireland as an ill-used country. England, it was true, at the period when she first conquered her, and for many geticrations afterwards, had governed Ireland as one barbarous country governed another. It was true, that after the conquest, Protestant England governed Catholic Ireland in a manner that little accorded with justice; but whatever might be said to the contrary, he asserted, with out fear of successful contradiction, that Ireland had of late years attracted the anxious care of the Government and of Parliament. and had been treated with great partiality and kindnees. Ile would not deny that that course of conduct in some degree implied an ac knowledgment on the part of England as if she were sensible that an arrear of kindness was due to her, and she has latterly been doing much to reduce it. He wished to avoid controversy as much as possible ; but yet, when Ireland must claim so large a portion of their attention, and the Catholic Question would necessarily occupy so extensive a share in the discussions relative to abet country, he felt he could not avoid adverting to it. Ile had always thought that the tranquillity of Ireland depended upon the emancipation of so large a proportion of her people as the Catholics formed ; he be lieved it to be a necessary foundation for effectually establishing the peace of Ireland, and it was a step that sooner or later must take place. lie did not blame those Statesmen who had hitherto opposed the claims of the Catholics. They might have opposed them in con sequence of entertaining serious apprehensions for the security of Protestantism in cue the Catholics attained power. They might have apprehended danger to the church and religion. They might unjustly certainly, but naturally with such feelings say the Catho , lies were separated from the Constitution, and any Minister would formerly have said to a Parliament wishing to emancipate the Ca tholics, " Consider you are now on the vantage ground : if you give them power, they will play over again the game that they have so often amused you with before." Those statesmen who have hitherto opposed their claims, and have looked back for arguments in sup port of that opposition, have not been likely to have their prejudices removed by recent circumstances* Th e Catholics have not of late done much to remove prejudices that formerly, perhaps with jus. ' tire, existed against them. What any reasonable man would have predicted had taken place. Men remember the cruelties of the Ca tholics. It was a prejudice, he would admit, but it was a natural one, and connected with many just principles and sound feelings, and he regretted that there was so much in the conduct of the Catlio lies to give strength and bitterness to these feelings. Their conduct was certainly on the verge of the law, and if this contest was carried on in any other way than in that of argument, they would have their share of affliction, in common with the Protestants. 'They had only one means of doing good to their cause, which was, to conciliate the Protestants. A majority of the property and education of Ireland was Protestant. He did not deny that the Catholics, by force, might overcome superior power ; but how long would their victory last, and what would be their state afterwards ? They wanted partiejpation in political power, but by such a course they would aspire to and procure only anarchy and disorder. The Catholics could only be relieved in effect from their disabilities by moderation. What would be the result of their put conduct he could hardly say ; but he feared that they bad lost those who were wavering, and shook those who were firm. However, although no person looked with more jealousy on the conduct of the Catholics than himself, he hoped that when the question came before them it would be treated with coolness and de liberation, and to consider whether the situation of the Catholics was just. It was not this Minister or that Viceroy that was to be considered in this question, but whether it was a state in which the Catholics could continue, and whether a less evil would not result from emancipation than rom the constant turbulent spirit the with holding it produced. The Noble Lord then adverted to the state of the Continent with reference to this country, which he introduced by several observations that were quite inaudible to Us. As far as we could understand his Lordship, he said that the Continent WWI divided into two parties, the remains of the old Jacobins and the ultra-Royalists, who had established in France a worse system than existed in that country before the Revolution. Many of them, his Lordship observed, were extravagant in their principles in support of legitimacy ; the other class of politicians had narrow and illiberal Ours respecting all governments that sup ported monarchical principles, or that had any of the elements of an aristocracy in them ; but these politicians united at one point : they were all of them actuated by a bitter hate against this country. The French hate this country as much as their jacobinical prede. emote, who had crouched to Napoleon's Throne, and having failed in making England an Imperial province, they envy her greatness, and look with jealousy on her vast power. Their political attach ments being jacobinical, they hate the English monarchy, aristo cracy, and people. If any attempt should be made as overturn the balance of power in Europe, he trusted that England would not be wanting in maintaining her rights, but he hoped that we should abstain, as we had hitherto done, from an open rupture. The Noble Viscount again adverted to our recognition of the Southern American States, and maintained that the course pursued by the Ministers of Great Britain was candid throughout the transaction. The indefeasible rights of Sovereigns, he observed, was attended to by the British Ministers in the recognition of South America, in a manner that was not attended to by those of other Powers during the struggle of this country with her North American Colonies and in Ireland during the rebellion. This country l towards Spain throughout the whole of this business with the greatest delicacy and good faith. She refrained so long as a contest at arms continued, or any hope of a settle ment of the differences between the mother country and her colonies existed; but when that hope ceased, what reason in good faith towards Spain (and certainly none in good policy to wants this country) could or ought to operate against a recogni tion ? The colonies might be mourchical, aristocratical, ollgarchi cal—with that England had nothing to do. They could maintain their independence, much better indeed than Old Spain could sup port hereell. The colonies could maintain themselves for all do. meatic purposes ; Spain was compelled to have foreign troops in her country to maintain her very existence. With regard to oardeasting the conduct of England on • recent occasion with the conduct of other Powers at the time of the North American contest, be woold only, for the purposes of refuting such weak and con. temptable sophistry, call their Lordships' attention to the state of the two mother countrins; not that it could bolneceasary to do so, for the most bigoted Minister of the most despotic Sovereign of the Continent, could scarcely have the assurance to draw so sophistical a comparison. The Ring of England, in contending with the North American colonies, had an army, a navy, a revenue—in a word, he was a Hing. Spain, on the contrary, was sunk now to the lowest point of degradation in the scale of matins, without a ship to go to sea, without a dollar in her exchequer, without an army. without commerce, his country torn by internal dissensions. This shadow of a monarch, surrounded by foreign troops, was to be compared to the {King of England, when contending with America. The fact was, this country had seized upon the precise moment for' incogrotion, when insurrection had ended, and lawful Government had begun. He feared that lie had occupied too much of their Lordships' time, and tnerefore he would not touch on any other topic, .but merely move that the Address be read. Lord GORT observed, that in rising to second the Address, it was unnecessary for him. after the speech of his Noble Friend, in which he detailed the ffourishing state of the country, to take a.ge- \ THE BRITISH PRESS. neral view of the he hoped that boohoo t.....f0r m ud; but :l it aicitm Id wits en, likely to occupy so of the attention of subject. The distbriEuished at the head a the Govern meat w upon that meat of that countryltad eandtesialimeelf to the satisfaction of all unprejudieti s &ose. Lord tresaing sit best he had = had been placed in a dia_ hboself from it in a manner that could sot to pip Ma dm Mem of all who had ilia wel fare of theit camerae Win. It vss but justice to the Noble Marquis to remind tholstLordshlps, that when he got to Ireland neither life nor property wee secure hip by the judieious measures of Lord Wellesley, aided by Parliament, the deluded were brought back to a sense of duty. The Insurrection Act had answered all 'its operation ; the value of land had increased , and if the lower or the purposes for which it was intended, end had be en diminished in ders were not led astray, the country would flourish. He wished he could end here, btit be must speak of the existence of a body as. setting ell the powers of Parliament. They had their Committees of Supply and Finance, and assumed all the functions of Parlia ment. Ile should not now discuss, in the most remote manner, the Catholic Question, but he must observe that the Catholic Parlia ment (a laugh) sent forth the most inflammatory speeches; it told the people that they were slaves, andapoke in the most dictatorial tone. The two Parliements could not exist t either the Catholic or legitimate Parliament must cease I and, in conformity with his Majesty's Speech, he felt that the question must be brought to an issue. If they were inclined, it would be easy for the Catholics to turn the tide the other way, and make the people contented inured of irritating them. If the Catholics came to that House, they must come as petitioners, and he hoped their request would be at tended to ; but before that could be the case they must bear the olive branch in their hands. His Lordship observed, that he would not trouble their Lordships further, and concluded by seconding the Address. Lord KING rose and said, that he joined In all the observations which had been made by the Noble Lord who moved the Address, so far as they went ; and he was also ready to declare his assent to the contents of the Royal Speech, which had been read to their Lordships ; but he certainly regretted that his Majesty's Ministers had not gone farther—he wished they had advised other topics to have been embraced—considerably more could have been said. Lord LAUDERDALE rose to order. The House was in the most singular situation he had ever witnessed. An Address had been moved and seconded, which neither the Mover net Seconder, nor even the Officer, or the Noble Lord as their Speaker, had read to the House, so that their Lortlialtipe were about to discuss a sub ject without having it befbre thtew. The LORD CHANCELLOR observed, that it was not in. cumbent on eithee the Nebte !diver or Seconder to reed the Ad dress. Lord ESSEX (as we understood) said, it was a very novel doc trine to hear froth such high autberity, that neither the Mover nor Seconder were required to read the Address. He contended that it was the part of both Mover and Seconder to do so, and that it was also the duty of the Noble Lord himself, as their Speaker, to read the Addiesa to the House. Lord DUDLEY and WARD said, that he certainly should have read the Address, but that he understood it would have been read by the proper officer. If he were wrong, he begged to apo logise to their Lordships, and he was assured they would pardon him, as he was but a young Member cf their House, and not very well acquainted with its forms. Lord LIVERPOOL said, that if his Noble Friend (Lord Dudley and Ward) had omitted to observe the forms of the House, by not reading the Address, he (Lord Liverpool) was tho indivi. dual whose fault it was, for he certainly had told his Noble Friend thee it would not be necessary for bim to read the Address, as it would be read to their Lordships by the officer. But if their Lordships were strictly to adhere to the rules of the House, he would contend that the Address ought not only to be read by the Mover and Seconder, but by the Lord Chancellor himself, as their Speaker. The LORD CHANCELLOR begged to explain. It eer. tainly was not the form to have it read by the clerk ; but he felt that it was his own duty to read it, and he apologi sed if by any means it had appeared to their Lordships he bad not paid them that strict attention, which it was always his most earnest wish to do. [His Lordship then read the Address, which was, as usual, merely an echo of the Speech from the Throne.] Lord KING said, thee had now before them the purport of the speech of the Noble Viscount, and of the Address which that Noble Lord had proposed for their Lordships' adoption ; and he (Lord King) begged to re-echo all that had been said on his Lord. ship's side of the House. If their Lordships on that side intended only to go so far as the Noble Mover had advanced, why then no hies remained for those Noble Lords who were on his (Lord King's) side of the House, to do than to declare their assent to ell that they hid or might hereafter say ; for the opinions as yet ex pressed were but an echo of those of himself and his Noble Friends around him. But he could have wished that his Majesty's Minis teethed embraced a wider range, that they had counselled his Majesty to have taken a more comprehensive survey of the importanttopies which affected the interests of the empire ; he could have wished that they had referred to the agricultural state of the kingdom, and had alluded to the Corn Laws ; but as they had not thought proper to do so, he could assure them that they would this Session have a full share of their attention called to that subject. As far as the Speech was the Speech of the Chief Magistrate of England, he and his Noble Friends on this side of the House were willing to give it all the merit it deserved. He certainly seemed to think that the state of Ireland was not that which either the interests of this country, or the deserts of that • people, demanded. Notwithstand ing all that had been said for that ill-destined land, it still presented to the world the extraordinary spectacle of a majority of tne people labouring tinder every species of degradation • that six millions of subjects, who had a right to enjoy an equal share of the benefits of the Constitution, were debarred from participating of them, and were still suffering all that misgovernment which it formerly was the lot of their forefathers to deplore, and the system of the Govern ment of this sountry to uphold. The state of Ireland was indeed an anomaly in the politics of Continental Europe. In no other State in Europe, save one, was the principle of exclusion on religious 1 1 grounds observed. The only legitimate Government on the Continent that made the question of faith a political question eras the Sultan of Turkey, but he (Lord King) believed he was no better successful in his efforts than we had been with regard to Ire land. The Greeks were to him as the Irish were to us. iYhen the Greeks applied for freedom of religion and a participation in the rights of Government, the Sultan, in his wisdom, determined to have a divided Divan ; his own opinions were, perhaps, not al together unfavourable to the Greeks, but he gave up the guidance to his Ministers, and on that most agitating and important question he yielded to their dictation, and suffered himself to he bearded by his own servants in his own Divan ; thus his good wishes were rendered useless to the cause of the Greeks, and yet, upon the whole, he was a very good Governor. The next man in power was the Reis Effendi, who seemed to know something about the politics of Europe, and who had applied himself In earnest to understand the interests of the Turkish empire. This Minister was the only man of genius in the whole Divan, and he would certainly have done much good to his country if it had not been for his bi goted colleagues. In him was the friend of - the Greeks, but in those were their sternest opponents. The poet had said— " Then is the rage of the vulture,—here is the love of the turtle." And thus did this Reis Effendi,ar,d his colleagues in the Divan, ap pear. Then, of the other chief scribes, there was one who presided at the head of the police, and he was averse to the Greeks ; his political creed held him to the ascendancy of the High Kiosk ; but, upon the whole, he was not a bad man. Then came, on the other hand, a certain individual, who would treat alike the Turks as he would the Greeks, sod the Greeks as he would the Turks. Now that same influence over the Reis Effendi had lately succeeded in dismissing a very useful man from the Divan ; he ad. ministered at the Grand Kiosk, end he had, too, a tine and voluble voice, but—" Vox et preterea nihil.." If fortune did sport, it was not the fault of friends ; no doubt the Reis Effendi did all the kind offices that former recollections called upon him to perform. Some would remember that " IChen his speeches did fairly drag, Cheer him ! cheer him 1 cried old Bag." 1 And this wu an earnest, no doubt, of what the Reis Effendi would do for him when in favour with the Divan. Then, going on, there was, on the same side, the great Aga of all the Janissaries, who was an enemy of the Greeks, and a sworn opposer to all attempts at intro ducing them to a participation of the privileges of the Turks ; sod yet he wan of their own soil, and himself a Greek in part. But if Ile was the Capital) Pacha of the Divan, and therefore in duty I bound to protect them, there was their great Mufti, or, as he (Lord King) would style him, the Head of the Lawyers, who was strenuously opposed to the Greeks. Ile had long held his station in the Divan, mid so much atteched was he to that situation, that lie had a perfect horror of all change ; if lie heard of a reform in the State, a reform in the laws, a reform in the church or High Kiosk, he was instantly on the alarm ; and so frightened was lie at the corsequences, which his imagination pictured forth as flowing from those changes, that all his power and pathos were called forth to ward off the calamity. So thermoses was his hatred to ail kinds of change, that indeed they say he was the champion of all abuses hum the only principle that they had been of long continuance, and it is asserted that he was the most coasummate intriguer of the whole Divan. In the case of the Greeks he did this : he was so alarmed at the measure agitated and at length effected by the Di van, of admitting the Greeks into the Turkish army, that he raised a cry, which was similar to the one in this country of " No Popery !" He (Lord Kin') admitted, however, that in the midst of all this, he was • man of professed principle. God forbid he should say otherwise ; for this Learned and /fitly Mufti had a most scrupulous conscience when it did not interfere with his worldly in terests. He turned out an intolerant Minister and let in another, whose opinions of the policy to be observed towards the unhappy Greeks were liberal and altogether favourable to their cause. But, somehow or the other, lie never did, during that man's administra tion, compromise himself at all on the question of Greek Kmanci tion, but always ranked himself among their meat earnest oppo nents, and with that endless train of hangers-on, expectants, and mob of grateful objects of this bounty which his high station ena. hied I to dispense, he had hitherto succeeded in keeping the Greeks in a state of servile bondage ; and so long as this iotiuence is possessed by him, it is to be feared he will use it to that end ? for bone of those humble dependents who form his retinue, whatever ' might he their private sentiments, dare utter them ; were they to do so, he (lord King) had no doubt that their incensed master would, in live minutes, bring up a clause to gag them. But, in order to complete the picture of this divided Divan, they get a man of one set of opinions to mope the Address to the Sultan, and ano ther to second it, in order he (Lord King) supposed, to keep up the harmony of this discord. Now the moral which he would draw from this was, had they • divided Cabinet ?—lf they had, he would remind them that the Greeks of the Archipelago had, by consequence of that divided Divan, emancipated themselves, and if their Lordsbips continued to follow the Turkish system, be iimaniftemonionemineommiwtoommimmisimmli•emim would say to the Catholics of labland—" tie, and de ye likewise:" ' said their Lerdshipe would find that that oppressed body would soon follow the example thus afibrded them. The Marquis of LANSDOWN said, that it was with much satisfaction he had heard the Noble Lord who had moved the Address, in a strain which his Lordship was peculiarly happy of commanding, deliver sentiments which he was sure eloquence of a far inferior order than his (Lord Dudley and Ward's), would have prevailed on their Lordships to assent to. In one part of the Royal Speech, allusion was made to a measure which, in point of policy, was as wise as it was beneficial to this country. When a measutc was resorted to by his Majesty's Government, he was sure it was rot his wish to contem pl ate w ith any other but an impartial and candid feeling; and the measure that had now been done by them was one which he had long felt to be most necessary and and he was fully persuaded that the recognition of the State s America had been done upon the fairest and most honourable principles. When he looked to that quarter of the world which was the most sterile in point of commerce, but at the same time the most perfect in point of principle, he could not withhold his rimed of praise to his Majesty's Ministers for the wise and prudent step they had taken. Whatever might be his love for commerce, he was sure his Noble Friends would not. any more than himself, for the sake of any commercial advantage that might be acquired, think of recom mending any treasure that would in the least tend to a violation of principle, or interfere with the rights of other nations, for the put. pose only of promoting the pecuniary interests of our own. II e was sure it was from principle only, and not from any commercial advantages, that such a measure might offer, that his Majesty's Ministers had advised the recognition of the independence of the late Spanish Colonic.. of South America. He rejoiced also at this circumstance, from the concession it made to the great political, or rather he shouldsay natural, axiom that every people had an inalien able right to form their own Government. He rejoiced, he repeated, not because he thought this Government gave or meant to give any preference to any particular form of Government, either democrati cal, or monarchinal, or aristocratical, but he rejoiced because this recognition on the part of Great Britain acknowledged the right of the people to establish their own Government, in opposition to the policy of that body of Sovereigns on the Continent, whose principles are diametrically opposed to this. 1t afforded a distinguished ex ception to that system in which so many of those Continental l'owers were so unhappily engaged, and in which he trusted they never would succeed. Ile did say that the measure which his Ma jesty's Ministers hail accomplished, entitled them to the thanks of the country. This was the principal feature of his Majesty's Speech, and to which the Noble Lord who had moved the Address had referred. There was, however, another topic alluded to in the Speech from the Throne, and which he (Lord Lanadown) con sidered deserving very great attention, but to which his Noble Friend had not in any manner addressed himself. Indeed as yet he felt that it was not competent for him to say any thing on the subject, for want of the necessary information ; he, however, would hope that some explanation would be hereafter given to the House that would assist their Lordships judgments in deciding upon the propriety or expediency of the measure. It was stated in the Speech that the unprovoked aggression and exuavagant preten sions of the Burmese Government had rendered hostile operation against that State unavoidable, and that circumstances connected with other parts of his Majesty's Foreign Dominions would ren der some augmentation in Ma military establishment indispensible. What the Burmese had done lie knew not; more than that which the Speech communicated, it was not, perhaps, competent upon him to know, until :he proper information and documents hail been made and laid before the House. He had heard, however, that 13,000 men formed the complement to be added to the In dian army. It appeared to him that the state of India, requiring an increase of 15,000 men, was a circumstance that could not but ex cite considerable interest in the minds of their Lordships, especially when they reflected that it was in a time of peace that this augmen tation in our army was called for. He thought that this was not a subject where suppression on the part of his Majesty's Ministers ought to be observed in their communications to the House. He would not suppose that there was any wish on the part of the Mi nisters to keep back any portion of the facts which had been made known to them respecting our Indian possessions, and he should therefore feel reluteant to say more, especially in the absence of all papers relating to the subject, and of all allusion made to it by his Noble Friend who moved the Address, than that he trusted every infonnasion would be afforded to their Lordships which the import ance of the question demanded. Having disposed of these points, he now came to one that interested their Lordships most—he meant that part of the Speech which alluded to the state of Ireland, but more particularly to that part of it which referred to the Associa tion that had been footled to effect, u those of that body declare, by all legal means, their emancipation, but which the Speech described as having adopted proceedings irreconcilable with the spirit of the Constitntion,ar.d akculated, by exciting alarm and by exasperating animosities, to endanger the peace of society, and to retard the course of national improvement. Their Lordships moat undoubtedly felt great regret, that in a time of peace and prosperity almost un known,when commerce was finding new ports for its merchandise ; when trade and manufactures at home were in their branches extending themselves ; when agriculture was reviving, and every thing as suming the aspect of permanent prosperity, and when that particu lar part of the United Kingdom which these things were so mate rially benefitting ; their Lordships, he repeated, must naturally feel deep regret that still there should have occurred circumstances that should induce his Majesty's Ministers to adopt any rigorous measures, of the necessity of which their Lordships were not suf.. ficiently informed. But should it be deemed proper by their Lord. ships to support those measures when they shall be made known, he had only to exhort their Lordships not to believe, that by merely removing any of the externals which affected that country, they would be removing the causes of them. This would be a delusive opinion ; there must be something more than out ward show that affected the situation of such a body as the Catholics of Ireland—and. circunistanees arising from the con dition of five or six millions of people, placed, with regard to the Church, orally different (Hear, hear.) he would say from what any kinder people were ever placed in. He would therefore entreat their Lordships not to conceive, that whatever measure they might adopt they would be at all remedying the evils to which it was intended to he applied. Remove one symptom as they would, another would come, and a war of legislation would arise. Upon the question of the remedy to be proposed, he should form the best opinion that he could; but he should say, that whatever might be the object of the Association formed in Ireland, or what ever they might purpose, it was more safe that it should operate through known and open channels, than through secret ones. If it should be sought to screen from the public eye the movements of this great body—if these communications between the Members of the Catholic Association should be attempted to be carried on by means that were private and unseen, then indeed rr.ight a the alarms of the timid be excited, and the alarms of the weak justified. But those communications, and that systematic arrangement which had been alluded to, in order to be deprecated, were not attended by any such fearful consequences, because they were open &ad avowed. He would rather that public opinion should flow through open and known channels, than circulated in the dark labyrinths of plots and the lurking avenues of intrigues. It was not the outward and visible sign that their Lordships had to dread, but the secret, half hidden movements of discontent. Openness of conduct declared an honesty of purpose. The freemasonry which they had to fear was the freemasonry which was created by their Statute, which taught them to recognise each other as fellow.sufferers in the same cause, brothers in the same expatriated decree, and which taught them to evade their Lordship's laws, and assemble together in council to comment on hardships they were enduring for conscierce-sake, for what laws were there that could restrain men from adopting measures which were only intended by them tote the wears of attaining what they believed and knew to be their rights ? Not measures, he trusted with his Noble Friend, for mischief, but for recognising that station in the Empire to which they sincerely felt themselves entitled, although it was too true that those mea sures had caused a degree of agitation which he hoped would not, under all the circumstances, continue to operate. Be their Lord ships' measures what they might, it would be impossible to allay that iteration which existed until some mode had been adopted coinmensurate with the demads of so large a portion of the people as the unsettled part of Ireland presented. lie should be prepared to consider every measure that might be proposed by his Majesty's Government with that disposition to adopt which the urgency of the case required, and with the consideration that was due to his own judgment on a question so vitally important to the tranquillity of the country, and so pregnant with political consequerces. Lord LIVERPOOL rose, and said he certainly felt reluctant to address their Lordships on any subject that should give rise to discussion, but it was impossible to hear the topics to which thd Noble Marquis had alluded without tanking some observations ; and in the first place he hoped he might congratulate their Lord ship, that whatever might be the diversity of sentiments with regard to other subjects, and however wide might be the judgments of Noble Lords us to the policy pursued, or to be pursued towards other parts of the British dominions, yet with reference to this country, no difference of opinion whatever existed. lie could not avoid alluding to what had pau sed, both daring end since the war. Were it net fee the great con trast that the present state of things afrunled, he should think him self unjustified in occupying their Lordship's time and attention in adverting to such topics, but he could not avoid so far alluding to what had passed, that after all the di ffi culties of the war with which his Majesty's Ministers had had to contend, both with foreign foes and domestic opponents. in measures of finance and in measures of policy, they still had had equal difficulties to encounter and over. come in a time of peace. Domestic dissensions had been to be ap. peasui, and financial embarrassments to be • emceed. There was a time when a belief was almost universal, that it was impossible to return to that.state of fair currency again from which the safety of the country had made it necessary fora while to deviate, and at the 1 same time to keep inviolate the public faith. Their Lordships were aware of the clamour that wu raised by the people, the opi nions that were exressed in both Houses of Parliament, and the outcty that issued front the Press, calling upon them to restore the metallic currency at all hazards. Their Lordships were also aware that they were called upon to reduce the borders of the country, and to release the people from the galling weight of taxation, bat which they could not do in justice to the credit of the nation, or to those by whose aid the war had been so successfully' carried on to a glorious issue. In ti.e ands' of these clamours and impassioned fills, their Lordships determined to do tai which justice de inanded of them, in opposition to all the denanciatiosis that were fulminated against theta. And their Lordships succeeded in pre. serving the public faith, and at the acme time restoring the me tallic currency to the country. He did not deny that the task was Herculean, and required all the wisdom and policy of the Itrithh Senate; but thank God they accomplished it, and they now found themselves freed from all their embarrassments, and arrived at a state of public prosperity to which no nation, perhaps, upon earth ever did before. Their commerce was flourishing and extending Itself to new Continents ; their agriculture and manufactures were alike prosperous, and their revenue progressively increasing. Tire i t ,1 S . .t .r 1 S t~ I . ) N• being the present state of the country, they now turn e d to t h at me t which was the most agreeable for either Ministers or Par'lenient to perform ; he meant the reduction of taxes imposed upon the people. the Noble Lord (King) had alluded to his o pi n i ons w i t h regard to taxation. He (Lord Liverpool) was sure that that Noble Lord could not say, whatever might have been his (Lord Liverpool's) opinion as to the impracticability of redaction of the public bur thens at any particular point of time, that the principle of general free trade had not always been laid down by him as being the only real ground of his country's prosperity. lr reference to that pertof him Majesty's Speech which refers to the recognition ofthe Saatesof Ante rice, his Noble Friend (Lord Lauderdale) had said that he could not see why the measures taken had bean referred to the commercial interests alone of this country. He (Lord Liverpool) denied that that was the point of view in which that recognition had been made. - The question was not whether South America should be open to the commerce of Great Britain, but whether it should be open to all the world ? lie was prepared to say, that however important the commerce with South America might have been to this country, he should think himself unworthy of the station be had the honour to hold in his Majesty's Councils if he had put the recognition of those States upon NO narrow a quesden. The question was not whether the late Colonies of Old Spain were or were not profitable marts for the commercial enterprise of this country, but whether they had the right to open a trade with what ever nation they pleased. Until this right was possessed by there, we had no right to dispute the authority of the M ot h er Country over her Colonies, or to countenance by any premature acts (dour - own, the revolt of those Colonies; England was bowed to look to the real position of those Colonies before she entered into treaties with 'them, this was the course she had adopted. it was very much the fashion amongst certain parties and certain descriptions of persons,if they heard of any Power aiding to assist a Government to suppress the risings of the people ? exclaim—" Let them alone, you ought not to interfere." But if the people were at any time struggbrg against their King, and no other Power interfered, their cry was, " Why do you not assist the people?" The Lail of LAUDERDALE said he had not joined la any such cries. Lord LIVERPOOL said, be would repeat, that such was the language of certain patties. But he would maintain, that if the doctrine in the one case was true, the doctrine of interference is the other was also true. But the doctrine he had always upheld was, that they had no right to set themselves up as Judges on either side; they bad no right to determine between an independent Sore. reign and his subjects. This was the manner in which his Majes. ty's Manistee, had viewed the question with reference to the Cele. nies of Spain in South America. lied there been any parties ex. hang in those republics which maintained the right of Spain, this country Would have been wrong in the step she bad taken ; if there had been soy vacillation as to the minds of the people of those Colonies, then he should have said that Eng lan d bed no right to interfere; hut this was not the case. Every portion of hope on the part of Old Spain to regain her Co. lonics had vanished, and on the part of the new Republics there was hut one opinion and one sentiment prevailing, in refer. ence to their existence as independent States. When first the Colonists revolted, and while it was thought practicable to reed them to their old allegiance, we proffered our mediation._ That was the object for which we formed the alliance of 1806, and to attain which we offered to mediate between the Spanish ()overt. meat and her colonies. %Vs have eeperience now, that a great put of the colonies that resisted Spain were not at that period in a state of bondage, but that, if mediation had been listened to in time, drain might not have taken the turn which they have since taker. This being the case, it became the duty of his Majesty's Govern. meat to inquire, were there any and what number of them in the Istate to which he had referred- States where no contest was going on, where no parties of any importance existed, and where the mother country could entertain no reasonable hope of success. It was never disputed for a moment, that some preference should have been given to the mother country—that she should have been not only permitted but advised to be the first to recognise the lode. pendence of her colonies ; but England always reserved to hevsslf the right of so doing, whenever she should conceive it consonant with. justice, as well as with the sound policy with which she had always acted. It was not until the precise period at which those steps were taken by England, that they could have been taken; that England, while she was acting on this principle, could have preserved herself lin peace and amity. One State in particular had undoubtedly J come in der the class to which he had made illusion—the State of Buenos Ayres—and towards her the usual mode of recognition hail been made as coon as there were any oonstituted authorities there; as soon as the country was prepared to make the necessary arrange. meats with our Government for an exchange of Ministers. and other necessary forms. With respect to the other State to which allusion had been made by the Noble Lord—Colombia, he Ir. treated that Noble Lord, and the House, to recollect, that al though completely delivered from the Spanish alms, it wu impos. sible to tell how long it might have remained so. The very last year might furnish proof that a colony, although precisely so cit. cutbstaneed, might not be enabled to preserve itself long in peace ; and it was material to remember that at the time Colombia was so fortunately situated, the war was carried on in a neighbouring State, and that she had sent there the greater portion of her forces. It was impossible, therefore, under those circumstances, to ray how soon a reaction might have taken place, which might have left Colombia exactly as she had before been. On this principle his Majery's Government had acted, and on this principle it was not only iatural, but just and proper, that they should have known something more—that they should have been better ac quainted with the station she was hereafter to hold, before they could hare decided upon permanent arrangements, which would necessarily settle the nature is which she was hereafter to be re. garded by us. He Was sure no one could say that so long as we remained in a state of total suspense, this country would have been just fled in deciding upon a measure of recognition. It was nests. wiry before such a proceeding could have been taken that two gues the a should have been satisfactorily answered. First, did thee exist an internal tranquility ; and secondly, was there the establish ment of a regular Government ? From the moment that that re. mai: el no doubt on these two material points, there was no heal. tatioti on the part of his Majesty's Government to take all the necessary steps for the formal recognition of any colony so circum stanced. He had thought it necessary to submit these few observe ations, for the purpose of showing the principle that had guided his Majesty's Ministers—to show that the steps they had taken could not have been taken earlier ; but that they had been taken precisely at the period when justice, as well as policy called upon them to act. - The Noble Lord (Lanadown) had alluded to the pro osed increase in the 31ilitary establishment of Great Britain. Fe Pd. Liverpool) could take nothing for granted but what a his Majesty's Speech ; yet while he agreed with the Nobi llr e t er i r. quis that there existed nothing in the affairs of India that could excite Illy fear of the power and effect of the British arms, he still thought that Parliament would be right in turning their attention to th s subject. The Noble Marquis might rest sati fiedebet the pers would be produced, and every information afforded, respect hag the war In that portion of our dominions—every doeumrit would be furnished, and every opportunity given to the Noble Lord and the House, to examine the state in which we stood in that particular. With this observation he would for the present discharge this branch able subject. It remained to him now only to my a few words on a part, and the most important pert of his Majesty's Speech. It had been entered into folly by the Noble Marquis opposite, aid d he (Lord Liverpool) did not disarm seat length, it W.e because he was unwilling then to trespass upon the time of the House, especial y as the question would be brought before them nit re formally on another day. He would say, how. ever, on that subject, what their Lordships had heard in the Speech from the Throne, that he Catholic Association in Ireland, " had adopted proceed nga irreconcilable with the spirit of the Jonstitu don, and calculated, by exciting alarm and by exaeperatinganimo shies to endanger the pence of society, and to retard the course of national improvement . " He submitted to their Lordships that the proceedings of this Association must be considered as not is any way connected with the question of Catholic Emancipation. Ile had no difficulty in saying, that it was not only unconnected with it, but did not grow out of that question. Many of those who ad vocated the Catholic claims had condemned its proceeding, end its his view of the case, they were distinctly and manifestly different. But the grand question for their Lordships to consider was this-- Can there be a doubt that the Catholic Associte ion was an evasion of the law as it stood upon the statute book ? And was it not clear that it was evaded by those who say that whatever law you make they will find some means or other to evade it ? The question then. to be considered was, whether their Lordship's would allow this law to be evaded, or would enact such laws as should prevent its evasion in future. He would not deny that there were many pet sons who objected to this convention law, and who objected to any amendment to it. But he intruded the House to consider the circum stances maturely—to consider this Cetholic Association, or Ca thole Parliament. as it really was—with ample mane for carrying on any measure, discussing topics of all k'nds at their pleasure, levying contributions on the people at will, arid could their Lord ship's consider that body as tit to exist in this country ? and world they or would they nut be injurious to the country they affected to serve 1 Ile would say for himself, and he doubted not that his sentiments would be those of the greater numbe. of those who heard him, that if he were art advocate fur Catholic Emancipation—if he thought that the claims of the Catholics ought to be acceded to, he would be the first to put down such a convention, because he wou;;; say, let the Catholic claims depend upon their own merits, and ne., upon such a body es the Catholic Association was. He would sae. for himself amid for those connected with him and his Majesty's Government, that no objection could possibly exist to their pen timing throughout the country, to their using every exertion to lay their case before both Houses of Parliament,but this was not the ques tion, there was no wish to interfere with the rights of Catholics; there was so intention to oppose their making every legitimate endeavour to obtain any end they desired ; but there was on the part of his Majesty's Government a strong deterniination to put dove this body, because their proceedings were irreconcilable with the let ter, spirit, and the whole tenor of the Constitution. He did net say this so much in reference to the law or to the Parliament of this kingdom, but in reference to the Constitution itself. Their Lordships had been told in the Speech from the Throne that Eng lend was in a state of prosperity, anti that in this state of proaperil Ireland largely participated. He knew the cause—he knew Oat those irritated feelings which she once indulged, and those disiorb ances which once existed there, had subsided, and he wee not ser prised to find that they had so Subsided. lie, for one, had been long assured, that in many parts of the country there !tee co dispo sition to connect in any way the disturbances to whist' he alluerel with the Catholic Question. He believed the distress of tha coun try had been their prime cause, and that whenever anti wherever this distress ceased, then and there those disturbances had no longer existence. • lie believed this had been brought ahout in some degree by the wise measures of the preeere Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, who had taken effectual means to put dowq disturbances, and none mote effectual than the Constabulary A 4. But it was his opinion that the trancioillity of the country wed is a far greater 061 tan , *hi!' if to He exist Parl wbic and I One were the good they lic A bad'. Pe% i poi the dic tar not b they hem . een as ist he ( "ing . 1 . axes t , le di e we if thi hid . hen • eard mpos t me r le (1 ons • as noffe ion • w tt le 111 iark, Cif II ink • lilt° . COIT jam 411nUI1 'He di lie titt opinii i tit! atht MOE d h i et Natoli speak ea i if thi 1 I inly torn' noth heir harsh nd s how to thi way i IA the C that t with Into I whirl Pool) use it r~