The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1825-02-04 00:00:00

the prosperity of the country : and he was sum !media that could be applied were, to give gav olds, and inatencdon to their minds. Yes, it 'eel nrosperity of that portion of the empire thin its ' was in part restored ; and he looked forw ent of a peace as permanent as it was d • ask every one who examined the state of 1 re into the nasals why Ireland was not In po ate as England ? Every opportunity of implore. I advantage was given to that country—they were sod in this respect had the superiority over Eng. char that her prosperity was not so great. The itch Ireland laboured, and the difficulties she had were, he hesitated not to say, the effects of re. 1, and the political animosities that grow out of uhf ask any man who knew any thing of Irel a nd, e in which affairs actually were in that country, be so detrimental to its interesui, or so opposed y, as the existence of the Catholic Association? as be had said before, that not only with reference to the Parliament, but to the Constitution itself, a bound to look into the conduct of this Asse. ras bound to provide a speedy remedy for the with which Ireland was threatened by its means. try concluded his speech by giving notice, that ought he should move for an inquiry into the I. when he should have an opportunity of entering to the subject.. ICON MORE said, that every portion of the ad been that day delivered from the Throne, had y him with the fullest approbation, with the excep. ticular part—the part to which he alluded, and cause of his rising, respected the present state of he extraordinary statement that it was necessary to o that country, which had been immediately pre. assertion that its prosperity was rising in every re. after this latter statement, could have been expected tut a declaration that the measures of Government isfactory as to have brought the country into a state et tranquillity ? He spoke as one who had been a a he said, as one who had been taking part in the if justice there, for be bad come from that coon. d Bench, and he knew that the parts of the country t in perfect peace. What then could he have sup statement in his Majesty's Speech, but that the peo ite of insurrection, when his Majesty's opinion was, f coercion was necessary—Notwithstanding that his reviuusly admitted a great degree of tranquillity to tit it was the Catholic Association, or Convention, or, it had been termed by the Noble Lord, against plaint was made, because they represent the persons e rights of 6 out of 7 millions of their countrymen. :rive, from the tenor of the Speech, that the Catholics ithout their rights as they used to be. But why were eel to those privileges here which they now enjoy in .ry ? They might then speak in the other House, of cautious men. Why were they debarred from in which they might state their grievances, checked to those who would then oppose them fairly, instead ern a mistaken and mischievous policy, to assemble t purpose in their own country ? He would call the ation by the name of Convention—or Parliament— s name, and he would ask what they had done? ight to be complained of. He would not say that all that had been said or done there. He knew that abate many expressions might be used which could even in the House in which he sat, observations iently been made which were not right, and could But the King himself had said in his Speech that fared the tranquillity of the country. The miens d they were at the head of the Association—had io must active in putting down sedition ; and it o that the Association had done good—that its been most useful in tranquillizing the state of lie believed its members to be loyal to their rectionate friends to the country, if they were e sn ; but, at the same time, they were obliged e fight the battles of the country—we pay persona—yet we are not admitted to equal rights.' t any inquiry to take place into the state of Ireland, ,issued to take the King's word for the tranquillity He bad been surprised to find the paragraph to ted contained in his Majesty's Speech, erpecially tied who the Governors of Ireland were. He had a thing was in contemplation, but he said it was tOs Majesty's Nlinisters could ever be brought to sentiment. He had heard with some astonishment aid by the Noble Earl opposite, who had promised uses to explain what his intentions were, and the red that particular portion of his Majesty's Speech. tughinore) thought this explanation and those res. have been given first. It oug:it not to have been 7 to put down the people, and then to state the rea- In his opinion it would be an unjust act towards an plc. One pemon had made a speech in that Associa. teen said to be seditious, but did the jury, or did the ;ertainly neither had beat the case. Did the House, intend to tell the people..." You may plot in the 'ranted at your proceedings, at your acts, and a: and do what you do privately ?' Did the House putting down those ato acted on the part of six suns, they would not give those persons just reasons Did the (louse wish to make Ireland look for her 'Mod of twenty years back ? Why cook! not the le people talk, what evil could their talk lead to ? n to propose any Amendtlent to the Speech, but s duty to state his objections to it; and, in his tholic Association had done nothing for which it down. If hoped that the House would never allow the ation to pursue its dangerous path, spreading its rot of the country. There were many in Ireland, of the number, who could bear testimony to its en the minds of the peasantry. It was easy for 'hit lived in England, in pence and tranquillity, to d, but it was another thing to reside there and wit. its particularly dangerous state, since the for mation c Association. The Government of Ireland must .nd decisive measures alone, for by such me mutes .7 hope to make those boasters, who were at one g of armies from France and America, and at T end Bolivar, submit themselves to authority. All ceded to produce a moat teasing effect (to give it no and to keep up the irritation that had long existed, lin the country. lie hoped the Noble Lords would tof Ireland that the people of England were alive tad that they woald do nothing which might in any e angry feelings that exist between both parties. )EN felt it necessary to say a few words respecting ,seociation. He would, in the first place, remark, Lord at the head of the Irish Government had used, ,per and judgment, the power that had been put particularly as it respected the Constabulary Act, to had been made by the Noble Earl opposite (Liver. should be always of opinion, that the power to mis ever have been given him. As to the Catholic As. Lord Clifden) had subscribed to the Rent, and he ' , scribe : he could not see how that could be made was so completely roluntary ; and it puzzled him to pettyfogging skill of the lawyers could make it so. e to do with the money so collected was another ohm ; but he had no doubt that the Association d would give, every satisfactory information on this 'toad they bad appointed an agent necessarily at con. cc here ; and in his opinion they had wisely done so. , he had heard, to send Counsel over to speak at the ter House ; whether they would be heard or no titer, but it was at all events necessary to prepare for oust thus procure means. Torrents of abuse had '. against the Catholics, and against them who were —the Catholic PriesthCiod--it was necessary to reply [us a considerable expense would be incurred. When to Ireland, he spoke a few words of conciliation to role which were calculated to promote peace and mg all parties; but when his Majesty left the words were unattended to, and outrages had been one party against the other in various parts of the Catholic Association had conceived themselves stigate those affairs, and to bring the aggressors , or this purpose, they had sent Mr. Brie, a tome skilful attornies to the county of Cavan, cm, at very great expense. Those were some es which the Association had necessarily and red, and doubtless there were many more of equal t he (Lord Clifden) would ask the House, did put down Orange Associations as well as Catho i ? lie entreated the House to recollect, that what ,erred before in /island bad taken place now—the ted together, and every peasant looked upon himself Tee, on a par with Lord Fingal, or any other Noble. chine was now formed, and, he would ask the House, they would be able to break it ? Another expense ce, in which it was the intention of the Catholic embark. Education could never be pro perl given thout the interference of the priesthood. They tended - tended building schools for this purpose, and they Trade and to rebuild their chapels. These were some waives of the voluntary subscription called a Catholic tended to the benefit of the country. It was sin., i a project as the one he was condemning should be orward—now, when all the world, except Spain. had laws respecting religious exclusions. He did not should ever have praised the Holy Alliance, but in would do so ; he alluded to a document dated Dec. h had been issued by our own Sovereign as King of cb declared that in that kingdom all the different faith should enjoy a perfect freedom, that all should o the free exercise of their religion, and that every teeive dues only from those of his own profession. He nely the spirit in which this was written and issued. examination it would be seen, that the difference in hers, between the Catholic and those that adhered to England, was not so very great. Scotland, siirabik ;hurch entirely different—there they were all Presby. igland there were the numerous bodies of Methodists which he was pretty sure amounted in all to near 12 he (Lord Clifden) believed that the Catholics in reland amounted to upwards of twelve millions and a there was not such an enormous difference front the gland. The Speech talked of putting down Associa- Catholic Association was put down, was it intended le Orange Association ? (Hear, hear.) It would he found a difficult matter. He (Viscount Clifden) affirmed that th Asaoeiation had done more to repress Mohacs than any rnesa ttse yet adopted. It may have uttered imprudeot speeches, but It had dons good—it had induced duo people to believe that they could have the protection of the laws, which, with the excellent goverm client of Lord Wellesley, had contributed to the quiet and peace. able state of Ireland at the present moment. The Address was then agreed to without a division. JOINT STOCK CaIIPANIES. The LORD CHANCELLOR reminded the Name, that at the close of the last Session of Parliament, he took the liberty of say. ing he would bring in a Bill relating to Joint Stock Companies, which at this moment were carrying on to a most mischievous ex. tent. There were companies not yet formed, and which, perhaps. never might be. I n t h ese com p an i es , b e f ore the formation takes place, the shares of the persons beginning such undertakings became objects of sale, to the enormous profit of those who first set the company afloat. It was his, (the Lord Chancellor's) intention to bring in • Bill that would check these proceeding, and he thought proper to mention it on the first day of the Session, in order that those persons whom the Bill might affect should have early notice of it. The operation of the Bill would teem all sales of shares in those companies that were merely proposed, but not yet in reality formed, mod its operation was to begin from and after the first day of this Session. It could not therefore be said, that timely notice had not been given, there would not, therefore, be any ground of complaint on that head. As to what had passed, he (the Lord Chancellor) should leave it to the common law as it then stood ; and that he would introduce into the Bill a declaratory clause concerning what he understood to be the common law. SCOTCH JUDICATURE. Lord LAUDERDALE, in reference to the Scotch Judicature Bill, said, that there had been so many suggestions for alterations in the Bill, that it would be proper to revive the Committee. We understand it was to come on early next week. The House adjourned at a quarter to nine, till Monday. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Twunsnar, Fait. 3. The SPILIER entered the House with the usual formalities, at half past two. He was summoned to the Lords, whither he repaired, accompanied by such of the 1l embers as were present. Upon his return, the House was adjourned until four. When this hour arrived, the SPEAKER took the Chair, and informed the House, that, pursuant to Statute, he bad issued his warrant for the holding of elections iq the county ofj:ornwali and borough of CaMbridge, for the purpose of retuning 3lanbera, in place of Sir W. Lemon, Bart. and M. Cheeve, Esq. deceased. Upon the motion of Mr. LUSHINOTON, a new writ wee ordered for the election of a Member for the county of Donegal, in room of hard Mount-Charles, deceased. A new writ was ordered foe the borough of Newton, in Lanes. shire, to elect a representative in pace of Thomas Claughton, Esq. deceased. . . _ A Bill to prevent Clandestine Outlawria, was read a first and second time. The SPEAKER informed the HOLM that he had been at the House of Peers, and bad heard his Majesty's Speech read by the High Commissioners, appointed under the Gieat Seal, of whom the Lord Chancellor was one, that to prevent mistakes, he had ob. tamed a copy, which he would read to she House. Here he read the Speech.—(See Lords). Lord L. GOWER rose for the purpose of moving an Address, in answer to his Majesty's Most Gracious Speech, which the House had just heard. There were, he believed, certain and distinct periods in the national career of all countries, in which their pros, perity attained such a height that it could not be raised, or was depressed to such a degree that it could not be made lower. Under circumstances of this description, one general sentiment as to the state of things was found to pervade all classes of the community. He believed a feeling such as this was not caused by any sugges tions, nor could it be expelled from the mind by any argument it was common to all, even to those uninitiated in the mysteries of Government details. He believed he might with truth declare, that there would be but one expectation concerning the Address he was about to present to the House. He was himself amongst the class of the uninitiated to whom lie alluded, he was most ready to alloy. He made no claim t o attention from the circumstances he badnotieed ; they were equally known to all those around him. He shared these sensations in common with all cohere. Upon these grounds it was, that, whilst returning his grateful acknowledgments for that prosperity which was detailed in his Majesty's Speech, he did not think it possible to enter into details upon the subject. At another period, when there might be ow object of prosperity or distress before another, he would deem it his duty to call the attention of the House to this separate and distinct part ; bur under the present circumstances he was at a loss how to pro cent. If he proceeded to a view of our agriculture or our manufac tures, they would be found increasing in their prosperity , . It would be the same if he referred to our commerce, which was daily finding new outlets ; distress and want had vanished; these, he was ready to admit, did once exist, and with them, side by side, were the concomitants of disturbance and sedition t these had utterly disap peared; those who listened to evil suggestions had returned to in dustry and labour, and the few (and he believed they were few) who were wicked upon principle walked, the land despised, unknown and disregarded. The torch of sedition may be lighted up, but the fuel was wanted on which it was to fall. Neither was he called on to point out the prosperity of any particular part ; he could except no part. He was not called upon to make (if he might use the expression) geographical exceptions. It was equally general throughout Wales and Scotland; and he was happy to add, it had reached Ireland. lie had, with other gentlemen, to lament the oc currences of former transactions upon the score of that country ; but he had now the gratification of stating that there were more cheer ing prospects: industry was exercised, improvement was taking place through the country at large t British industry was making its way there, and British capital, the instrument of enterprise, was insinuating its juices into the attenuated veins of that country. Above all, Ireland was in a state of tranquillity—a tranquillity which was the basis of all improvement reigned throughout that country; and, from a perseverance in those measures which caused this composure, he hoped it would long continue, and that the wealth and prosperity which at present fertilive the fields of this country may rest upon the shores of Ireland. In the opinion which be had given upon this, he had not, he trusted, used a single ex. pression which could elicit opposition; but there was one feature is the consideration of this subject upon which he did not feel him self at liberty to remain silent. It was impossible for him to assent ID the opinions of others, nor could he indulge himself in the hope *at the evils which weighed upon that country could be alleviated by the proceedings of a body, calling itself the Catholic Association. He did not think the regeneration of that country would be effected by the proceedings of this body, which would operate, he thought, to the success of that measure, to which he was a steadfast friend ; and which, though not a panacea, would tend in a great measure so remove the disorders of that country—he meant Catholic Eman eipation. (Hear, hear.) In thus expressing his feelings concern ing that body, he did not use the language of animosity or of con tempt ; neither was he induced to fear their power or influence, which he believed to be grossly exaggerated. He saw its proceed ings with regret and sorrow, and he ardently wished for the speedy annihilation of the Association. He could not divest himself of the feeling that this body operated on the increase of the evils; and the oratory of those gentlemen who know how to address their countrymen with a language and an exuberance of imagination by which they were honourably distinguished, did not confer a bencht under existing evils, and Ireland found but a poor compensation in the flow of their eloquence and the roundness of their periods. It was his wish that tranquillity should not be disturbed by Orange virulence, or by the evils which spring from the Association. He hoped neither the violence of this body, nor the alarms concerning the state of the country, would operate against the improvement to which he alluded. It was, he knew, said that Ireland was in • state of tranquillity; that rents were in some places paid; that some landlords slept in their beds without fear; but the calm WAS portentous. Ile could not reply to arguments of this description ; but he knew that from the best information Ministers could procure upon the subject, they had no ground for such apprehensions. Here again he would be told you are deceived ; Ministers have concealed their intentions from you : let their acts speak for them ; they say more troops must be raised ; for what object , if not for Ireland ? lie did not deny it to be the intention of Ministers to Increase the force of the country, but they declare they will not raise a single man for Ireland. (Hear, hear.) It was obvious, when we considered the general situation of things—he thought it should be conceded, that it was a salutary measure to raise the armed force of the country. He had hitherto presumed to be the humble organ in expressing the general satisfaction of the country for the blessings conferred upon It, which were mainly to be attri buted to the conduct pursued so bravely in the late contest in Europe; but it should not be forgotten, that while the main trunk of our empire was digesting in peace those exertions it had made for repose, the extremities of the empire were not allowed the same cannon. In India a large force was necessarily kept up. He would refer merely to the aggregate of facts ; the distance which removed us so far from the scene, deprived us also of information, and he would not enter into details ; it was, however, satisfactory to him to know, that when the British arm was raised, to smite or save, it was terrible as it was in other quarters. It was therefore obvious to the House, that during a war in India the usual arrange. ment of excLange of regiments was impossible—it must be de ranged for • moment; though it was necessary to supply the de ficiencies in India, no expense would, in consequence, be siOded to the burdens of this country, as India would pay its own troops. As to the increase of our torces in our other possessions, it should be recollected that war was raging in the neighbourhood of our possessions in the Mediterranean ; and therefore it would be im perative upon us to keep up such a disposable force, as would not rival the standing armies of the Continent, but should be more than sufficient to mount guard at Gibraltar, and do the garrison duty of Corfu and Malta. (Hear, hear.) It was also necessary to keep up an efficient force in the West Indies, in place of that withdrawn for the protection of Canada; and thus. from local grounds, he maintained it was necessary to increase our forces st present. The reductions hitherto proved that Ministers, in a pe riod of distress, performed their duty, and pared down the esta blishments to the smallest area consistent with the security of the country ; the necessity of the increase was therefore to be justified upon local grounds. He could not disguise those feelings in which lie was borne out by the statements in his Majesty's most gracious Speech ; and, from the recent sacrifices of revenue made in other matters, that no other measures were anticipated than those arising from the peaceable policy hitherto pursued, and of which there was no reason to suppose any interruption. Thus the nature of our amicable relations was plain and obvious; it was of such a description that all who ran might read. As to other matters, there were now new Musts operating, which rendered the present times utterly different from all others : there was then something like certainty—the old politician, with the politician's experience, might then be almost considered as prophetic; but nnw he must be considered as a bold astrologer, who declares what will happen, , • TT but much bolder still who takes upon him to assert what may lappets id bodissualworissd and so complisatod. It was alumnus factory to him t• have it en his power to state that when England in terposed her good offices, they were found availing, and she was the means of drawing nations in closer bonds of friendship. He stated with pleasure, that the mediation of England between Russia and Turkey was attended with tha best compequences ; and both those I countries acknowledged with gratitude that the amens of her in fluence was most useful for them. He also felt pleasure in stating that the meaeurcs of his Majesty's Ministers were exercised in a manner the most unabated with all the Powers, for the purpose of checking the Slave Trade, sod further Treaties were concluded upon the subject, He had to lament, that the only obstacles which prevented the complete success of the measure arose from the conduct of America. He lamented that obstacles should arise in this quart ter, which could neither be foreseen nor remedied; they originated in a peculiarity of the UnitedStatis Constitution. fleLniented such a delay should take place; he lamented there should exist such pc culiantles of Constitution, by which a treaty prepared by one party and ratified by the other, should not be carried into effect for the attainment of such a salutary object. Of this delsy there could be I no calculation ; it could never be supposed that a treaty ratified by his Majesty should be sent back with alterations made by the other party in the very article proposed by himself—that of the mutual right of search. This WAS declared to be inadmissible in its own nature, and his Majesty's Ministers offered to cancel the treaty and negotiate another upon the basis of the preceding, with the single exception of that part which originated with themselves. Time had not yet allowed the answer to be received, but he trusted it would be as favourable as it deserved. lie would now proceed to notice that part of the Speech which must be supposed to excite the greatest interest, not only here, but through the civilized world in general ; he meant t h e commercial treaties intended to be enter ed into with the New States of South America.._( Hear, hear)__ which had succeeded in establishing their own forms of Govern ment. In the relations to which he alluded, it was impossible not to observe the great commercial benefits that may be pointed out, and the object of our conduct should be by regulations of • com mercial intercourse between the two nations; we should have such claims as would enable us to enforce the benefits of these regula tions, without which the merchant would be an adventurer, and trade a mere speculation; still though the neunity of these mea sures, for the purpose of regulation and ineercoune, were ac knowledged by all, they would not, on grounds of policy, be carried into effect at once. The most zealous- guardian of /Mr Wouarnereial toteestr most agatiriket it Was tomerattro upon his Majesty's Ministers to set with caution. They were imperatively bound to deliberate ups the measure itself, dpon the time and the manner in whit% it wee tarried into effect; by . manner he did not mean that diplomatic manner of civility wnich only served to give a keen edge to insult. Ministers were bound to recollect that hoe of policy they were bound to pursue in such a case; the Government of this.country was bound to act in a peculiar manner, as, if it pursued its own interests, it had it in its power to act in a way difficult for other countries to adopt ; and they should also avoid the imputation of interfering between the mother country and the colonies. As to this subject, there was a Bill passed, which, whether right or wrong, occasioned a long din. cusaion. It would, in his opinion, stand the test, and prove that Government did not interfere. It did not unction the exercise of British enterprise, or the casual display of valour, which the inha. bitants of this country carry with them to all parts of the world, and which he believed did in some instances give assistance to the colonists against the mother country. But Ministers could not avoid foreseeing, that a period similar to the present might again arise, and they would be called on to adopt a course of policy, such as they They dressed out the circumstances of the case with mathematical accuracy, and laid them before the eyes of that Power most interested ; objections were stated and ex planations were given ; and the result of all was the system of po licy adopted by his Majesty's Ministers. This was the meaning he applied to the word manner.—(hear, hear.)—lt would be now, he thought. needless to prove that no interference had been made against the mother country, and all the measures taken by his .'lla jesty's Ministers were void of offence. There had been no feeling of disapprobation expressed upon the subject, as it concerned the other Powers ; and it the Cabinets of Europe were disposed to use violent language and menace, for the purpose of altering our line of policy, their own political experience would teach them to use them when they were available, and when they would retrace their steps. The conduct of his Majesty's Ministers was a fair test of the conduct that ought to be pursued from man to man, and from nation to nation. It may be said, that in our conduct we had overreached ourselves—we may be told that, from our situation, we were a colonial empire, and our colonies may revolt. His answer was, they may revolt, and if such be the case, let all the interested in the struggle pursue the same course towards us that we have to wards them ; we ask no more. It may be said that this country, in the course it pursued, glanced only at the objects of its own in terest. Ile admitted this to be the case; but the interests of this country were those of all nations. lie would for a moment suppose the recognition of thou colonies to be made at an earlier period ; it would give offence--it would wound and irritate the pride of the Spanish King—it would give him reason to call upon all nations to make common cause against us; to raise the standard of war against us, and upon principle, next in its nature to a religious contest—that most indestructible misery to man. Such would, in his opinion, be the effect of the recogcition when the struggle was in its progress; but now there would be no injury fiotu the recogni. non, when they, the States, had obtained a Constitution. If he wished to place the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers in its best light, he would refer to the page of history: he would contrast it with that of France towards us in the American war, when that Power began to tamper with the American Envoys--when she hesitated, willing to wound, yet fearing to striko--and when at length she joined America in the struggle against us, Intlassieed by a fear, not of our conquering, but of our being recociled. For the correctness of his opinions lie would appeal to the State Paper published by France to the reply of Gibbon, and thevxrdonselan given by Governor Turner. In making these allusions, he did not wish to revive any obsolete recriminations against France. The treaties to which he alluded were now in existence : they were in progress, and pro niised to increase the prosperity of this country unparalleled is history. The accounts of the present year were higher than they were last year, when they were supposed to be highest. As to the internal trade, it was difficult to produce anything that could stand the test of arithmetical accuracy; but he believed it to be higher than it was before. As to our foreign trade, it was possitle to apply to it a test of such accuracy, and it ' certainly exceeded that of the preceding year. Upon the subject of the newly-organised Governments of South America, he could not refrain Irvin noticing an observation which be had seen in two publications, one of them the work of a Frenchman, the other that of • Citizen of the United States of America. They both remarked with feelings of surprise, not altogether perhaps free from national jealousy, upon the tendency of the trade of the provinces of South America to England, and treaties were now entered in to cherish and foster this spirit of commerce which is now delivered from those restrictions and false principles which obstruct its progress and impede its course. Commerce is freed from those fetters and shackles which are now expunged from the text book of the poli tical economist. He was satisfied it would be much better to suffer commerce to expatiate free in the waste which was now opened to us. As to what the limit or extent may be, that would be placed to British industry, he could not tell; he left it to the consideration of the great minds of those around him, whom he heard with something like envy; he left it to the talents of the travellers—of the Halls, of the day. For his part he was satisfied that England had not yet run her course ; that soil was not yet exhausted which was to add to the stately growth of the empire; there still remained a harvest to be reaped by generations yet to come. The Noble Lord concluded by moving the Address, which was, as usual, the ceho of the Speech. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON, in rising to second the Address, said that lie felt himself obliged to call upon the House for a greater share of indulgence than was usually granted to individuals in his situation ; at the same time he felt himself much indebted to the Noble Mover, who by the eloquence with which he had illustrated those topics which were so flatteringly realised, had re lieved him of much of the task which he undertook. Distin. guithed as that speech was from the deep interest of the matter of which it was composed, and containing a congratulation the most gratifying that ever fell to the lot of the Monarch of this or of any other country upon the general tranquillity, it would not fail to be equally gratifying to know, that his Majesty received constant assurances from foreign Sovereigns of their intention of maintain ing the harmony that at present exists between his Majesty and foreign countries. Sn far from there being any prospect of disturb ing this tranquillity, there was every prospect of its continuance.— [Here the worthy ;Sideman spoke in so low a tone that we did not hear him in the gallery.l—As a proof of there being no danger of the interruption of public peace, he instanced the feelings exhi bited upon the death of the King of francs. That event was contemplated with no common degree of anxiety, considering the advanced age of the King ; and the termination of his life was regarded as the last hope of happiness for France. This ex pectation was, however, deceived; the sceptre descended to the hand of his successor—no dissension was excited.—and this was a satisfactory proof that the present dynuty was established upon a most solid foundation. The Administratioe of the present King of France gave a security that the present great tranquillity of the world would be preserved. He even trusted this peace would speedily reach Spain. He was of opinion that Charles X., in re taining military possession of that country, did not act with any view to territorial aggrandizement—his object was peace. The po licy pursued by that Monarch since the short period of his acces sion, affords a satisfactory pledge of his intentions. This period has been distinguished, among other things, by removing the re strictions which were imposed upon the liberty of the press. While the Government attended to the mese:ration of peace with ' Foreign Stares, they were not unmindful of regulating our fo reign commerce; and they had by their exertions enabled the British manufacturers to waft to the AVestern Hemisphere the various produce of their industry. Ministers did not suffer that valuable portion of the globe to remain neglected, or twenty-one millions of people to be held in a degrading bondage. England acted upon liberal principles, and colon Uat monopoly no longer existed. Spain refused to do her duty ; fors time England re mained neutral in the struggle -between Span nod her colonies; but when the proper season cams, England took care that proper measures should be adopted for securing a commercial and diplo matic intercourse with the emancipated coloniea. (Hear, hear.) If there were any persons who doubted the wisdom of this cautious policy, or the sincerity of his Majesty's Ministers, they would now be of opinion that delay was wise, and that in confiding in Ministers the country was not misplacing its confidence. It was now desir able to cultivate an extended acquaintance with Mexico, Colombia, and Peru, as a mart for our enlarged trade, and &source of benefit to their inhabitants. (Hear, hear.) As to the war in India he speedily looked forward to its termination ; and as the Honourable Mover of the Address had so fully entered upon the subject of the augmentation in our amiy, he (Mr. Alderman Thompson) could only say, it mug he gratifyins; to know, that Its accomplish merit would produce no. new blather' on the people. With re spect to the state of Ireland, it was a topic recommended to the consideration of the nous e in the speech they had just beard, and a topic which 114 also often occupied the attention of this House. It was to be regretted. that *bile British capital was so largely ex pended elsewhere, and the benefits to be derived to us from an un shackled intercourse with other States; while measures were now in progress to Improve the condition of Ireland, it was much to be regretted those beneficial efforts were impeded by the interference of certain misguided indivirituals, who diverted certain classes from their duty, and were levying a large tax, with no other object than to .nable those persons to overcome the Government. il'hat , ver differences of opinion there might be on the question of Emancipa tion, he apprehended the Ho..ise would now be of opinion, that they had only one course to pursue. For himself lie declared, that his opinions wire adverse to Emancipation, and when the proper' occasion offered, he would state his reasons for opposing It. Ile hoped he would Se allowed to notice our increasing prosperity, in trade, commerce, and agriculture. The Speech from the Throne gave a faithful picture of it ; and surely it afforded minor of every gratulation to find we were in such a situation, after a war of un exampled expense and duration. We were not now merely reco vering from exhaustion, but raised to a high degree of prosperity and glory. (Hear, bear.) In proof of this, the Increased revenue need only be noticed ; in the Excise there was an increase abort last year of 1,100,000 L, while duties in the Customs had been re pealed to the ounotint of 1,1150,0M1. Such were the results of in. creasing prosperity at home, and of a wise and liberal policy to wards Foreign Powers. To these It *as scarcely necessary to al. lude, for every class of our population, *hether kt commerce or in agriculture, werebappy and contented. The MIL Member next adverted to the alteration of the IN'swigation taws: It was formerly thought that our manufacturers couil not InteeeeeflinY compete with others if thole laws were altered ; but experience had now taught them otherwise. Only five years ago it was said that our credit was low, and the House could not focet the gloomy prospects which were then indulged in. Fears assailed the Government, and predictions were uttered which had no other foundation than an hereditary attachment to ancient prejudices. How had these pre. diction' been verified ? Why, that those who wive most alarmed were now found co-operating in promoting a more liberal system of commercial policy, and in admitting that the contamance of mo nopoly would be decidedly against the interests of trade. The ex ports and imports had both increased In the last ens, and the be neficial effects of diminishing the duty on the rirsf material 10'23 mtr , titularly exemplified in the article of silk, of which 1400,000h more had been imported than when the duty was considerably higher. With respect to UM shipping interest, that had also im proved, and an increase of 40.000 tonnage proved the important fact. The Reciprocity of Duties' Acts had also taken place, and led to the most important advantages. He had now briefly noticed the advantages of an improved commerce; he hoped the system would be steadily pursued, and that every facility would be given to the foreign merchants in their traffic with us. The improving state of the revenue confidently led him to think that the Government would be able to proceed in a progressive state of seduction of the taxes. They fully merited the confidence of the country, and he was sure that 'all the just expectations of the people would be realised. He would not now detain the House further than by saying, that the improvement in agriculture was not to be attributed to the Corn Laws, and that it would be better protected by a duty equivalent to the tithes, poor's rates, and other charges paid by the farmer, than by the system which prevailed at present. England no longer cherished the visionary notion that her advance. meta would result from commercial monopoly, and all parties seem now to unite in spreading a different doctrine. He thanked the House kir the patience with which they had heard him, and would ' conclude by saying of the Government what was said of a Roman Emperor, and without anything of flattery, " oriterwat alias, nil erten; yak falsifies." Mr. BROUGHAM.--There are some points, Sir, and I hope not the least important points, both of the speeches and the Address we have just heard, which call forth my dissent, and against which I enter my solemn protest ; but I still feel a satisfaction, before I proceed to state my opinions upon them, to notice other points in the Speech froth the Throne, which have my cordial and willing as sent. In doing so, however, and fn offering my congratulations on those points, I really do not lay claim to any personal merit, or merit merely of my own, but I cannot help recollecting that I, to gether with many of my Honourable Friends now around me, for years past have been impressing upon the Government the neces sity of their adopting those lions which are now the subjects of such congratuladons. Here I feel that we ought to tax a little our modesty; inasmuch as it so happens, that the measures we are DOW called upon to praise, and the fruits resulting from those measures, we have long and manyWyear ago urged upon succeasiveAdministra - - - - . tiuns. The subjects which are applauded now—the subjects which we ars called upon to declare as worthy of all men's praise, we pressed over and over again on the Gentlemen at the other side of the House—l allude more particularly to those concerning a mer cantile reform, and I must own that, in bestowing the measure of my praise upon this reform, I could perhaps be more loud if it were not that I might be said to be arrogating merit to myself. In that again I am checked by recollecting with pride and with plea. sure that those Hon. Friends with whom I have acted for a number of years, both in and out of this liaise, have agreed with me and se conded my lea& exertions to Abet reform—then deemed visionary or chimerical, but now acted upon and deemed to be safe, wise, pa laical, and jaw. Let It now, then; be laid in Parliament, and heard throughout the country, that all old and false principles of commerce" are at an end for ever—that a narrow-minded and huxtering commercial policy is not only abandOned, but treated with the contempt it merits and has so long merited. For ages--at all events for two generations—for a period which deer not go beyond the recollection of some of the lion. Gentlemen op posite, these antiquated and foolish principles have been dispissd both at home and abroad ; that they have been met with unqua. lified reprobation, and that they have been the theme of unmea sured disapprobation by Smith, and all the other wise men, writers or not writers, who have looked deeply into the policy of the early mercantile regulations. Year affer year we endeaveured to show the propriety, I dare say we ventured to state the necessity, of a change of such principles ; but, year after year, our doctrines that capitol could be most beneficially employed according to each man's interest, or if you will, his caprice--such doctrines, I say, were treated as idle chimeras, mere wild and visionary, and impraeti cable schemes. At one time the doctrine of the free employment of capital was treated as chimerical and contemptuous, and at another time as jacobinical, because it seemed to savour something of the doctrine of the rights of man ( hear), and in turn, as parties prevail ed they were either vain and idle, or rebellious and disloyal. These plans and principles are now altered and I, who humbly recom mended the alterations, now find that those alterations have taken plane, which were once condemned with so much vituperation, and that the doctrines I repeated in this House are now not only put into practice, but are actually made the topic' of praisefrom the very Throne itself; and, as parts of the consummation of our glory, are made the grounds of congratulation in the Address. To approve of those changes requires little of candour from me. Eight years ago, I proposed some modifications in the Navigation Laws; no doubt, I very feebly introduced and illustrated the subject; neither then, nor now, could I claim the merit of invention. I had the aid of wiser men's ideas and language ; but in making that effort I drew down upon me thedisapprobation of that general guardian of all that was ancient in those matters, and whole now no more. (A laugh fiom the Chancellor of the Exchequer.) I really know not how the Right Hon. Gentleman can take that allusion to himself ; but, to proceed, I pressed the necessity of making some changes, particu larly in the silk trade; but some gentlemen may still remember with what bitterness I was assailed. I remember I was then told that it was nothing more than mere speculation ; that nothing could be more vile or or more absurd ; my doctrines were said to be very well in theory, but that they were mere sophistries in trade, and that practical men knew a great deal better than to act upon them. One Gentleman said, thank God that no such doctrines are to be acted on. Another gentleman thanked God, and protested that bounties and monopolies were the source, and the corner-stone of our commer cial welfare; others said the Government could not watch with too much caution any change in our mercantile policy from morning till night, and from night ull morning, in this House, where they said the worst meddling went on. Those gentlemen cried out against alteration ; they thanked God no change was effected, and they still thanked God that no such pernicious nostrums would be carried into effect as I submitted to them. However, a change did take place—a wise, a just, and necessary change. His Majesty's Ministers took a leaf out of our book--our black book I should ra ther say—and adopted all the chimeras and damnable heresies of Smith and other wise and able writers. Now I suppose that I am not to consider this change in the conduct of Ministers as a plague and a visitation, but as a change for which we are called upon to thank God. In all that gratulation which we are called on to be stow, I fully coincide; and I say we shoted thank God for having Ministers who will now and then listen to the lessons of wie. dom sod sound policy. I, for my own part, the rather thank God that we have the niessurea—that we hare the eound principles recognized—and that we have not longer encouraged amongst us those dimmable .4exesies of a shop-keeping, pet-tiling, miserable, and heater-like policy ;—that we have acted on principles which are as philosophical as they are true ;_that statesman-like principles have at last been been recognized and recoinrnended, and that his Majesty's Ministers have adopted, or been compelled to adopt them. (Hear, hear.) Having found so much of acumen from the lion. Gentlemen at the other side of the House, I trust they will go on in the same course. If what they have done be but little, that little is still valuable; and I trust we may take it as an earnest of their acting for the future on more enlightened doctrines. For example, they have adopted what I recommended to them in the year 1817, relative to the Navigation Laws and the Salk Trade. Alterations which I recommended, as founded on the plainest principles, and which eould be most successfully, if only willingly, carried into execution. Swift had said, that in the arithmetic of the Customs, two and two did not always make four t and, in proof of its tr u th, I i nstance th e duties on coffee and wine. The duty on wine did not amount to two—and aa coffee, the imposition of a high duty had a similar effect. By diniiiiabing the duty the consumption is increased, and the small duty on the enlarged consumption I always held to be greater in Tempt, and therefore more beneficial to theitevenue. So I said as to this duties upon coffee and wine ; teat 1 'furthermore said, that by soloing to the duty on wine,the revenue would not be greater ' than h was when the duty was lower, and the eeneurePtih 4 Me, sequentlythegreater. Upon tea, at least upon ant spec:es of teal( ' duty was hummed from Ye to lee per cont., ant I doubt nett; 'w little aedition to the revenue. I trust ibnt one Id' the next Meal sure of reduction will be that of the duty on seise.—an equalise., lion of the duties on all foreign .wines, and a revision of 4 Methuen Treaty ; for, in teeth, its provisions bans as regard to the circumstance! of either pvty at this mo ment, as can be well itnagtued. I keow Allot to this end some arrangement must necessarily he mat Ow France, In nrdet th a t we may se a ble to drin tb wine, whieti the best judges say alone is wine—that he I bit able to increase our foreign trade. and, by lowering the. du ty, fte, crease the revenue. Such reforming measures have my applause, and I must express my unqualified concurrence in another topla noticed in lb. Speech teem the Throne: I allpde to that sound ea.. pedient, and libel* policy, so often recommended front this side of the House—so unanimously adopted by the whole country—tbe recognition of the great Empires of Columbia, Mexico, Buenos Ayres. and Peru. (Hero., hear.) Hew much of this belehfie to the country or to die Government—bow far they limy Imre beta driven to the measure, or with what reluctant readietse thee yielded to it. it is not for me now to balance,. and the more unrieeessary Is it for me to do so, se the Ministers have given in, and rust the public wishes. But how much of the praise belongs to my Hon. and Learned Friend (Sir James Mackintosh)—how much is swing to his powerful, learned, and constant advocancy of the these, from the time of his memorable oration on the Foreign Enlistment Bill, down to his exertions in the course of the lust summer, e hen be so elaborately and ably brought the recognition of Mexico and' Peru before the House, it would be gross Inentice not to admit O . To him we all owe the expression of our thanks; for there is ne man either in or out of the }louse who can deny the triumph of nut recognition to his great and splendid exertions. (Ilea, hear, bear.) However, I give credit to the Government for the adop tion of this measure, thosigh it was a tette tardy ; and I do say, ft Is as good to have a Government who are reedy to yield, wh en t h ey fi n d t h e peop l e will it. On this substet the views of some, yielded to those of others. While strange to say, on other almost equally important points, on subjects of right and justice, some still clung with the utmost tenacity to their antient prejudices. I will not quarrel as to the *mount of ace.: due to the Government for the recognition of those States, neither will ! criticise too nicely their mode of doing it. All I shall say is, the recognition is an act of justice, and I am the more pleased at itseinkingplace, after they hare thrown orthe yoke of the Mother Country, than after trafficking or treaty to effect it. Perhaps some delay was necessay, and again I say, I thank his 31eiesty's Ministers for the recognition. 1 trust the Government will not meth short In this liberal career. There is now a Power which has also thrown off the yoke of dependence, and established their genera; and individual freedom, and that before Mexico, Buenos Ayres, Colombia, or Tau ; a Power which struggled hard and long; a Pone, which ought end bled for independence through every difficulty and danger—l mean the great Island of &- Domingo, now called the kingdom of Hayti. This Power, after securing its independence, is now'ecore safely enured of its conti nuance than either Colomles, Mexico, or Peru, and if some difli. cultic; occurred in our reconnition of that Power while we our.. selves were slave-masters, thoie difficulties were now obviated. and the question was set at rest by the fact that the island in emancipated. It is now a thriving empire, and it is a duty to them as well as to us—it is the clear ethicy of this Government, with a view to the protection of the whitekae well as thee:ayes, to lose no more time than is necessary in acknowledging the independ ence of St. Domingo as we have done of Colombia, Mexico, and Pau, and to do so for much stronger reasons than those which ex torted the recognition of those empires. (Hear, hear.) Bat, I ask, is this liberal policy to stop short? Is justice to be confined per haps to the mere English trader, or peradventure to others who are able to find patrons to support their demands? Are we never to do justice to Ireland? ((tear, hear.) Are we never to listen to the suggestions of policy when we come to neat of Ireland, where one.half of our empire is suffered to be so placed and Ilse abused as to put the whole in jeopardy ? (Hear, hear.) I hope the day is passed by w h en we are to lee told that the subject of' Ireland is too delicate to be handled in this House—when we used to hear of the variety of the opinions on that all-important subject —of the shades and differences of opinion rendering its agitation dangerous. Perhaps no two of the Government are. in opi nion as to the course to be pursued towards Ireland, but is that a reason for neglecting ha interests as well as our own ? In that a reason why the country is to be deprived of the clear, dis tinct, and intelligible opinion of a divided Cabinet ? -.Is is a rea- - son lot exonerating Ministers from the greatest we tied re sponsibility which mortal Ministers ever carried on r afoul dere ? It is well known that a great conflict of opinion has pre vailed amongst the Cabinet on other, but not greater subiects--oa the silk trade, for instance. The Minister brings in a Bill here— another 31inister opposes it in *nether place, which I sin not ale lowed to name ; but, in the end, the differences are reconciled, and the Bill passes both Houses. What differences again as to the recognition of the independence of South America, but still they are reconciled—prejudices yield on all points, but the good and the happi ness of Ireland.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Again, I ask, why do not Ministers, who agree on other points of legislation—who eacriEce differences of opinion on other topics, do not agree upon this most important one ? whilst on subjecia of corn ' coerce and agriculture they legislate together and in apparent accord epee, is this the only one on which differences of opinion are foe ever to prevail ? Other interests of less importance have been duly attended to, and here, where greater interest was at 'flake. wheth greatet danger menaced, they were divided and could not agree apt_ legislate. They now no longer herd of certain scruples prevailing; in a high quarter. For my part., I always heard wash abbot/ecru the doctrine of the interference of opinions entertained in a certain quarter with the legislative proceedings of Parliament ; I always reseeded it as a most unconstitutional fetch, which would hire dis graced the minions of Charles 11., and which would have brought those who, at a better period, pre ceded him, to the block. It was language most unconstitutional, a doctrine the most pernicious. (Cries of " Hear, hear," from the Han. W. Lamb). I would be glad to bear how the Hon. Member who had challenged :4 • cheer what I have advanced, would maintain and defend the. reverse of it. In what part of his profound study of the Constitution, and lie had examined into all its parts--in what part of his inquiries into poll. deal history, and in the variety of opinions which he then funned., and by which he was himeelf distinguished, would he find such a doctrine to be constitutional ? I own I am surprised to have heard that cheer from the Hon. Gentleman, who was himself the pupil of that great and ever-lamented statesman (Mr. Fox), whose opi. nions and principles support, and who would have listened with astonishment at the expression of such s sentiment towards me, a Whig, merely for declaring that the King's name should not be introduced to overawe the opinions and proceedings of this Howie. It was a well-recognised principle, and one on which that great man (Mr. Fox) invariably acted, that whatever sou gracious on the part of the Monarch to the people, should be referred to the Sove reign, but that the blame of whatever was disgracious or odious should be borne by the Minister. Now I was merely stating a corollary from this proposition when 1 was interrupted by the cheers of the Hon. Gentleman. The revere c: this doctrine it appeared was now adopted, for whatever was ete ditable in the conduct of Goya:mem, was claimed by the Mi nisters. If any thing odious were now done, in the appointment of a civil or military situation, or on the deprivation of it, it 'was immediately said 011, it was no fault of such a one, he could not intend malice to a political opponent ; you know who in at the bottom of all this." By such insinuations did they seek to aerie • nerete themselves, and transfer the odium of the act to their Sove tiontogonerlheinlyeee.fatireTranhanidCilntdilidbell;m:rolsvi(n. reign. So with respect to Ireland did they seek by subterfuges to relieve themselves from the neglect of its interests; but, thank God, his Majesty's sentiments towards that country, as illustrated in his gratifying ,visit to the sister kingdom, rendered it impossible for his elajesty's Ministers to use such an argument in their via diction. The King's conduct had been marked by the soundest and justest views of policy towards Ireland. His private opinions, se tar as they could be known from what he does and says, are such as do him honour as a Monarch and a man. An act of his own was recently on record—his conduct towards Hanover. The nature of our connection with that kingdom had been frequently dam. cussed, and objected to; but, .e. it is a bad wind that blows nobod good." and from what had been lately done in that kingdom. I sin desirous of selecting as an example fur his elajesty's elinisteni, a gratifying of their Sovereigns sound and liberal policy. The set is his own, the merit of it is not shared by his Afintstere, and it gives me no ame/1 delight to ca l l the attention of the House to it, as it brings to a test his Majesty's own real sentiments and wishes. It is not a passage, Sir, from that Spate', but from a Proclamation to the kingdom of enover, of which, Sir, as you do of the Royal Speech, for the sake of greater accuracy. I have. taken a copy. (A laugh). The announcement was a most Fereee, Eying one. It ought to be echoed over Europe. It breathed e x po_ mans of the most liberal and enlightened policy.--" The .A ve r s , „ professors of th e Christian faith enjoy a perfect equality of ii, .l and political ;fights in the kingdom ; and, in conformite with th e said article, the notion of a predominant and of a merely tolerated Church is entirely abolished." This was a truly liberal policy. A man who felt thus liberally would not even use the term toleration ; he feels that in sanctioning relisious liberty he does not confer a boon—he merely recognises a right which every man has to worship God according to his consciecee, and in fulfilling which no man has a tight to inteelere,-- eill n .l . t l esi t o , z t s h .b e b ref i:c w .)weehTic t h o his b tEkas.erjel . (Applause.) A man may be in error; but if he be sinehre in hie d f i a juo v redi o 2 favour co b acc y nced t o o r l d er edin a g t religious belief, you insult him when s you say you gr e en him 4 spieit of this Proclamation. It proceeds—" all esligious cominuni. ties (I could wish this were extended to Irelar.d, and not conflaod e cise xttn o d f t t h h is eir pr r oc el l i a gi m o l u t s io w n o t rs o h it i r p e . l ' a ' e as d t o o i not i am , ey sire I ; 9w onl a y to Hanover) shall have a right to the free and unobstructed sea there appears to me something extrew oly difficult in the presenta tion of an address (containing thiseee will call it offensive— respectine Ireland) to the Throne, on which that Monarch irt: n en issued this Proclamation to He floret. It not only expresses a die position, but it pledges the Vtouu to a meaner: inconsistent with that Proclamation, and one which for my heart I believe to ha unnecessary and unwise, 'and which 1 sincerely espreeate. Why do not they who are forte Catholic question frankly and manfully , maintain the necessity of the concession to them ? In withheldiog their just claims von only irritate them, end then you censure the irritation you hive yourselves created. In presenting a pelt ert from the Catholic Aseociatton last year, I told you what co trottld4 the consequence of thus delaying the act of justice, long and jiie due to them. If harsh language M. been used by thent—lf ip, vehement spirit has displayed Welt In their proetedinga--if rum. vegeta demonstrations of violent feeling, or alarming s have manifested themselves—blame not th e Catholic A ssoc rilnti l i o ) ft, s. but blame those who made the Association, by treating the Catlin. lies as they have been treated. (Hear, bear bear.) Be 3 minted tAko '-r , • ii 1.• iI 1 A