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' • _is §. • 401,441 • • ' . ' • .; •• *. (Or • Ant+ II I I IF., • rt 1 tt b .6 )r t • * jet • • ROIL BP RG II PEERAGE. 11,e Loan Cstaxcer.xott wldressed the House upon earls keit before thew, respecthag the Roxburgh He slated several doubts which be entertained claiios of the respective petitioners to the Petr i observed, that tu.osorrow he should propose cer iletiuut arrow the title to the estate respecting the bars wale, sad eldest daughter." Further pro. inn to-001 0 r. P Fl ax Geed Bill, aod the Irish /Ram kW h Duties ill, owlish C o sail were reported without B say AIIIGTOS,_ Sir 'Veto G , tad other , Sinai the House of Cucanioos, brought up the lantr.velorat Bill, the Officers' Secaritres Regale. Bill, sail several other Bills, which were laid upon the dterirsrli read the Scat time. STATE OF THE NATION. Earl GicEY—•• My Lords, the great and rapid :ram of the difficulties with which this country surrounded —the weastrres of His Majesty's Mi ers, obviously tending, as I think, in no degree sileviste the pressure of those difficulties, of .uluted rusher to euleince the dangers. with nch we are on all aides threatened—the appre • of the prospect before us—.the still greater more fatal events we have to dread from the .urse of former pmeedings, if political circutu sores be i.ot materially altered—these corn cousidevistions, my Lords, have made me ne wly anxious, [Adore we separate for the 111 tr season, to bring under your consideration whole situation of the country, not only as it is by those circumstances which regard our Igo thterests, but those which affect our do ic flay and internist safety, and for the ,use of convincing your Lordships of the prigi •, and of enforcing the necessity, of offeriug to isjesty such advice as the present extraordinary shinning situation of public affairs seems to re lire. It would, iudeed, he a.i act of the highest .umption, if I was to endeavour to set up env in to mat ophoos against the collective opinion of 1.11 :louse. If I could persuade myself, that, in -resent sl.ste of off sirs, you saw nothiisg at all cal :1:3 Oil to excite al irin, but, on the contrary, that w.:.enersl coaracter of His Majesty's Ministers had nt •in- .1 the sanction of yonr cieliherate judgment ; 1' I „old be arsured that your Lordships could think that the composition of the present Adminis tration was suited to the exigencies of the times. sad that in their measures they were only counter acted by such circumstances as human prudence could neither fnresee nor euntroul ; if I thought there was on deficicocy of human wisdom in their plea ; if I could hope that their deliberations and judgments sere of a diameter likely to lead to good conierpencrl—then I should abstain from impor tuning your Lordships,with reference In any opinions of rtry own. I could not hope to prevail ; and. tinder sucli c:reuurtances, t sbeald be disposed to gum. (too the soundness of my owe sentiments. Hut, my Lords, I cannot believe that such is the state of the opinions and feelings of your Lordships. It gold he inconsistent with the respect I owe to aiA Hume, of which I am an nitwo . rthy Member, if I gas to suppose, that, by the votes, is which we appear to sanction the ides. that they are in con formity with the opinions of the country, we really discharged our duty to the public in the best man ner the circumstances of the times admit.— I ran readily conceive, that many Noble Lords have felt the danger of adding additional embar rassments to the Administration of the country, by reprobating the measures they have pursued. I can conceive, that there may have been circum stancelandtr which they may have apprehended the ioconvenienee and danger of change. I can conceive, that Government may have obtained their support to measures, with respect to many of which, there might have been positive objections en the part of those who supported them ; and the general character and edict of which measures could not have inspired those who did support them with feelings of satiafiction. Wi'hout supposing the existence of such feelings of that description, how shall we account (except on grounds which 1 should lie unwilling to impute) for the extraordinary appearance of a Session drawing so nearly to its close? How shall we account for an Adininiatr it on so universally coademned, so degraded in the public opinion, that although they have. in Parliament, nit, a general support in all the measure.; they have propoard ; yet, out of it, it is 'scarcely possible to meet an indinaltial. used rertairly not any cot,.sidtr ah:e :nifty of men. who are not loud in complaiiiing of their total inadequacy. It is under an Imre,. %ion. that the general feeling of this I louse he at variance with their general conduct, and that their support of !Uneaten; in ly have been oc• essiontd by a feeling, ' , lnch, however venal to a Certain degree. would, if pushed to an extent to endanger the safety of the country, he hi 4 lily cri minal. It is under that impression I hive ven tarvl, niawithstanding the eeperence I . have bad flitting the preonit session, which leaves me little •: e that any opinion of toivie will infinearc nil,. -to call your sen.ms attuning!' to the which have produced the d.iiieroul and slum; state the country is its at the present mo tv'n!, 41.(1 to recommend those measures n 11 ;CI I Hp. 10 me necessary to be applied, and, L trost, hones will oat hesitate to n.lopt. Alv i . this tas::. I have forted only upon fctilliga which iegard the critical s:ttiation p.l the tountry. I have not come faiwa!tl, urged by any voAiletee in my own posers. As I approach the sniiion! , Lti, , n of the questions 1 1: m briipar.g un our loaf 44hipe V•ll:iilerntion, nit ditliile:tee is itscr- use I. It is incnantial he the imprirtance of pipe sto.i..cta I have to ,nbaiit to ;our will I. ::;creased by itly not Inning tiproi LLis 1.1 % 'rapport of all WU. and NuLte Friend, whoa• alp t• -ce from the House is ocruvirint.l liv a cotttien. a or that indispa.ainn w, all :41new• To :• 1- Ill‘Larity and oi•doti:. to his jiplgicent and learn- ' NUMBER eGIY4I4I 1.1.)!J5-'-' IMPRICIAL, PARLIAMENT. HOVE OF LORDS, WeusesDAY, Just iS. ROILBP RG II PEERAGE. Ihe Loan CsasCaLLOR addressed the Haase b r v a t ealines hail before them, respeetlair the Rea • gee He suited several doubts which he entert4 ~p o the claims of the respective petitioners to the "° c ate red, that to-morrow be should propo io si aroletions apos the title to the estate respectiai "bins wale, sad eldest dassitter." Farther s edincr to.oacerior• e - lriah Fla: Seed Bill, and the Irish Stamp Ditties !c h it throat& Committees, sail were reported whites: .rodisest LUsaIIOTOS. Sir Ja.sin G , sad enbrn, t r ue s the House of Coinnioes, brought ni rbliu larir.ectorat Bill, the Officers' Secerit.es Re awl several ether BUls, which were laid ape lc sod dterrgirde read the first time. STATE OF THE NATION. Furl G RE y—.* hie Lords, the great and r crease of the difficulties with which this cou orrounned—the we: mares of His Muyesty's Wert, obviously . tending, as I think, in no de alleviate the pressure of those difficulties, !euluted rui:ier to eultrince the dangers. Rich we are on all sides threatened—the eq mission of the prospect before us—sthe still gr d Mont fatal events we have to dread from Lune of former prciceedings, if political cirt tined be not materially altered—these sea c ousidevotions, my Lords, have madi atrcmely anxious, [Adore we separate for manor season, to bring under your consider e o'oole situation of the country, not only as ffected by those circumstances which regare assign ii.tererts, but those which affect ou retie trimpt flay and internal safety, cud fo ° gime of convincing your Lordships of the nets, and of enforcing the necessity, of offerit is Majesty such ndeice as the present extraorch and shinning situation of public affairs seems t quire. It would, iudeed, be a.i act of the hid presumption, if I was to endeavour to set up m d'rnms! opiuma against the collective opinie th 6 :louse. If I could persuade myself, the th -reScut 61.4te of riff sirs, you saw nothiiig at al C:1:3 wito excite al irni, but, on the contrary, the .renersl enaracter of His Majesty's Minioter sit •in- .1 the sanction of yonr deliberate judge if I v,oild lie armored that your Lordships think that the composition of the present Ado station was suited to the exigencies of the ti sad that in their measures they were only cou acted by such circumstances as human prud could neither foresee nor euntroul ; if I tho there was n' deficieoey of human wisdom in plan ; if 1 could hope that their diliberetioni jodgments Sere of a diameter likely to lead to consequences—then I should abstain from is tuning your Lordships,with reference to any opit of my Own. I could not hope to prevail ; and, n such c:reuurtances, t Amid be disposed to tt tires the soundness of my own sentiments. my Lords, 1 cannot believe that such is the at. the opinions and feelings of your Lordships wou!d he inconsistent with the respect I ow this House, of which I am an unworthy Men if 1 ass to suppose, that, by the votes, is a we ap jest to sanction the ides. that they are in fortuity with the opinions of the country, we r discharged our duty to the public in the best I nee the circumstances of the times adm I can readily conceive, that many Noble I have felt the danger of adding additional ea rustnents to the Administration of the countrj reprobating the measures they have pursue can conceive, that there may have been cis stancesendtr which they may have apprehe the inconvetrience and danger of change. coticeve, that Governnsent may have obtained 'import to interims, with respect to man which, there might have been positive objet en the part of those who supported them ; an general character and effect of which me. could not have inspired those who did support with feelings of satistiction. Wi'hout supp the existence of such feelings of that descril how shall we account (except on grounds vri should Ise unwilling to impute) for the extraord appearance of it Session drawing so nearly close? How shall we account for an Adininisti so universally eourivmm _ ii•er.irioil id,. ilia.. THURSDAY, JUNE 14, 1810 Mg, to his ability and eloquence. I bad looked with toutidence to supply those deficiencies, which, before I sit down, I leer will become ton apparent to your Lordships ; but though he is absent, I am fortified in what I shall have io address to you, by a knowledge derived from experience, and by the declarations of the Noble Lord to whom I allude, that the principles upou which I rest the objects of my mutiun, have Ilia entire coucureence, sanction , and approbation. listing stated thus mu ch, I shall, without further prefece, prcceed to lay before your Lordships those important matters to which it is my duty to call your attention. On looking to the dif ficulties under which the country at this moment In. bouts, one cautiot but particularly advert to the amount of the public expenditure, which has been carried, within the coarasof 18 years, from a sum of sixteen maltase annually, to uo less than eighty-five ' millions. Upon looking to that fact—upou con sidering the taxation isecessary to supply the ex penditure—the means by which it is colleeteml—the RUM] in or the taeatimi,witicis those most converstut 'upon the subject. have elated to have arrived ut en height beyond which they doubt the probability of its bring extruded—Laokiug, I say, to the sumo tit of the taxes—to the means by which they are col lected—means so severe and vexations in their operatio.., that they are blooming to be the subject of universal complaitit Looking to these diffi culties, and to the pressure of a variety of other incidental circumstances, the remedy who Ii tia turally presents itself as the most utivione one is IMACL. It cannon, my Loran. be surionsiug, that after seventeen years of continual sacrifices, for the short and feverish interval of the treaty of Amiens can hardly be called an interval of peace, it cannot be surprising, that after so long a preluded's:notices, the country should at length ficil itself muck iu need or s cessation of hostilities. Ilutwe ougut to re collect. that we arebrouglet into, eituatidn in which restoration of peace to toe country dues not depend on ourselves. We are in a situation in which it may well be doubted wi.ether any attempt on our part to open the door to itegociation fur peace, would induce to the attainment of that object; or whether a peace, if obtained under such circum stances, could be accompanied wit:i all those secu rities by which obmive it would be rendered bee and permanent. If I saw iu the conduct of IN :Melee, ty's :Ministers any thing that could lead me to sup pose they were actuated by a disposition to take measures which should coutrihute to the restoration of peace upon such terms a, were suited to the pre sent circumstances of the country, there would be no one more forward in urging them to adoot eueo a system of policy than myself ; but I much ifedin whether any proposition they can make woole! at tended with any othereffect than that of Man. imig our enemy Its believe that it proceeded from our weak ness and Goer fear ; and having no rm.votii to b lieve that there is s disposition 011 the pan ef llms Majeety's Ministers to seize the first favoureide opportunity of obtaining peace ; recollecting that t Jeer conduct hoe been such as to remove from us every wish and hope for that desirable event ; I ant free to say, that to open a negociation for peace would he ineftectual. I have no reason to suppose they have any such in teutiou ; it therefore cannot he accessary fur we to urge this House to interfere with respect to a eiu. lion which does not seem likely to occur. I should, io stating what I have to offer to your Lordships, wish to avoid any language that might excite irritation, or, by producing personal ummi mantles, tend to prolong the miseries of war. I hope I shall have credit for possessing that feeling, with respect to many of the acts imputed to the extraordinary person who stands at the head of the French Government. Instructed as I have been in the moral duties of civil society, and educated under a free Government, it is impossible that I should not, in the conduct of that elninent person, find much to censure. Whatever I may find in his character to condemn, I must confess there is a splendourattached to his fortunes,which, as ::onnect ed with military affairs,absolutely stands unrivalled. I should be sorry either, on the one hand, to express my admiktion of his achievements, at the expense ninny moral feelings, or, on the other, to seem to encourage those impulses of nature, which might excite a renewal of it contest between this country and France, after so many years of devastation and blood. But when we look at this subject, we must take into our consideration the circumstain I's under which our own country exists, the powers we pos sess. mid compare them with the character, dispo sition. sod energies of the Government by 060, the etfairs of the people of France are directed. l'aj lug mine attention to this, it is imposoble mint to feel that it would be the height of solatnation and fully to deity, that our enemy, now exulting( user prostrate Europe, and checked by the power of this country alone, can have no other object io view, for time completion of his gigantic plans, than the destruction of this country. To this he is sti mulated by his ambition—it must be the sole aim of his policy, whether to war or peace—we must look to peece. wheuever our enemy may incline to make it. inertly as a period timing which he will be endeavouring mnre eifectimally to complote the means of our dv,trection.—(Hear, bear.)—lt novo be obvious, that if he should grain us pe,ce, it will only be thot he may with more security pursue his plans against the freedom, indepentkiii e, em it ev. isomer of this ceuntry. It wroth' be a folly for its Is. Art upon any other view of ties eat+ et. Let it not be supposed that iu stitiug this I :MI all e.lerns to peace ; fur peg c, when it can be I 01 It I 'alloy and bonnier, hn slice he tato ml higher thou mine. I know it bas been said, that the present Governineet of France Is Is 104'11 consideredas actuated by a better disposition towards this country thou the ancient Gov erionenta ef France. I dieeloiin the j mince of 16111 I 1 an iii ft, ene e. The same system which cei-t. el under the nutrient French Goverament, port limbs rl v wider Louis still exists under the pie t Gove mu . metal ; ouly for this difference of tot... aJd circemstatices, with respect to FritMe, as she exists at present ; and „shove all, considering the tremen dous alteration, liOt 60 notch in the dispositions of the French Government, as the energies mud ex tent of power it possessss. Recollect, that whet the hornier Governments of France attempted in vain to obtatn, is accomplished by the present one. The independence of Europe is gone— the belence of power is gone—the military respect, consequence and character of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, are gone—the Government of France, end the Ruler of that country, have now at their com mand the entire forces of Gerriemy and Italy—the Emperor of the French commands the maritime re sources of all the Powers of Europe, even of those Poe et's who formerlyconteeted the dominion of the Seas with Great Brit:elm—Before we can look to peace—before we can form any griller estitnate of the terms upon which we are likely to obtain it, we mu,t contemplate that accessiuu of power which France will derive by the addition of till the great resources of the Peet:tank of ripain and Portugal. What is the inference I draw from theme observe bens ?—ft is this; that looking to the situation of the cou n try at our with us—looking to the ex tent of ids means—the power it has obtaisseil— the spirit by which it is directed—the character of the Government which now stands, not at the head of Fraece alone, but of Etwoope. Contemplating these things, in oleo: is it we coo trust ?—We must, if we wish to insine our safety, look to ourselves at home—We must eel duet the vetr in such a manner YY to le IVP us under an appreloensiuu for the result of that event which we must be prepared against— I meen, that attack and invoice]. which neither the obligation of to-ratite, alliances, or the servile de wielence of vassuls can prevent. Witness the conduct of France with regard to Switzerland and Portugal. I have no hesitation in saying, that we ought to be prepared for supporting the was duriug the most protracted period fur which it may be necessary, in order to secure our inolependeoce, threatened 'by the war, but scarcely less so by the dangerous event of a peace. We should therefore look to the necessity of husbanding those resources which are to enable us to reshot the most 'formidable danger by which the liberties and indeprielence of any country were ever assailed. This teals me to the consideration of the pulley we ought to pursue, and I wish to see e,dopted. It is a policy which I lament has not been followed in the present Administration—it wit . The policy of that Ministry who were reviled to ; of the Ministry, of whom it is no inconsidera ble pe.ise to say, that hi one short year they were able to retrieve many of the difficulties in tal.ich the country had been involved by the Ministry who preceded them. Their policy, however, was reviled .and treated with scorn— the ouoineut the present Administration replaced them, their principles were dcperted from.— From that moment; the reign of vigour come menced. and we have now to reap the fruits of those fatal expeditions which have exhausted the resources of the country, and covered the national • character with disgrace. A Noble Lord on the other side of the House has frequently said, that one adonitoistration approves of a system of econo my, and another administration of a system of ex. trevotgance ; but that the propriety of the one or ' the other must be determined by the circumstances and situation or the country ; and that, at all events, the system to be preferred, is that which is most likely to bring the contest the country is engaged in to a successful conciusion. I agree with the • Noble Lord, that such is the true ground of the question ; but, I say. that, looking to the situation of Europe. looking to the almost entire sub jection of the Continent, the probabilities were absolutely alpinist a favourable result of the system resorted to by the present Ministers. They have embarked in a cause without a probability of success, at a time when there was no power in existence that could give them effectual support. Under these circumstances they have sent out their expeditions, so ill-contrived, so ill-managed. so to tally d: fective in every thing, with respect to time, place, or circumstance, with a view to insure suc cess, that it was impossible they could lead to any other result than that which they have produced, the disgrace and calamity of the country. With such a wide field before me, it is however not my intention to enter into the consideration of those different measures, which have exhausted. not one only, but repeated debetes in this House. I cannot help referring to the conduct of Ministers in the war in Sole. more especially as 1 had no op. portunity of delivering my sentiments upon the subject, when the question was last discussed in this Ilnuse.—There was nu man who subscribed more absolutely than I did to the feelings of the Noble Marquis, by the eloquent expression of which he was inducing the House to support the cause in Spain—the hopes of no man were to:ore alive to that cause than mine were, though none were more dif fidently submitted to the House ; but I cannot con cede to the sentiments of the Noble Marquis, whose splendid olerlamation, seemed to infer, that in order to induce the Heuse to embark in the cause of Sposin,nentilog farther was necessarythan to chew that her rause was just. In my opinion. simiething more was orseceary then to ,hew that the attack of France ueflit Sietet w..• nu j ust and cruel, tied the resist liner of the Ovoinerda, fiance:owe' by those motives a hieh were honourable to the nation, mud made every E.iglott heart barn with holy zeal to lend them a-sidaece.—ln my opinion, something more veis try; the Noble Marquis ought to have .hewn that there were such means, such piohafelinoss of Silertul, as would ratioeully in duce us to hazard the resources of the ceuatry. Nations cannot act like individuals—the most heroic vi.tueo, which would shed a lustre oier cannot be exerted by (00JOa must lie regulated and weighs el he policy. NI igtemielity etiol generosity are proud distinutioes of natter . ..l tit Mel and hippy are woo l nations PRICE SIXPENCE-HALFPENNY. which can exercise them ; but it should be tool. lected. that nation's eimitot be chivalrous nod ro. truant may expose themselves to cer., tam loss—illy, to certain destruet.iiii, when they are prompted by a generous motive; and poste. city, for their during achievements, will give theist immortal glory ; but nations cannot so set,* Before they engage in my enteriaise which' is to be supporter) by the exertions 111141 energies of the ;movie, it is the duty of the Government to sire, brat, that there are the means of reinfoisig them effectual ; secondly. that there 15 a some cut policy to warrant the npialmation of the means; and, last ly. that there are grounds of probability to induce a hope of success. It is in this way only that the Willits of nations can he wisely comiucted ; and. trying the conduct of fl:s Nfijest . v's Nliiiisters npon this principle, 1 irni c no difficu lty in declaring, that tl.ey have Lees debt:ter t tai that wisdom which • •iigi.t to distinguidi men who c.m.luct the affairs of a great nation. I repeat, that there is no man who could more anxiously have felt the justice of the cause of Spain, or who could have more desired to give trfect to the exertions of that people. I conteiMed, last year, us my Nolde Er.end. whir opened a dchate.asi his own tuotinn, COMisadmi this year, s hot before we embarked n British army,wiftl u view on assistin4 in the war iii we should have felt the necessity of ascertaining whether there wits a government in Scant capable of giv. ing that support to the disnnsitions.rif tha peo ple, and to our efforts far their atifi'lliNlire, as wait likely to bring the mutest to u successful termina tion ? We should have informA our...Ases whether the necessary provision teas mode fur supplying our army with the means of action? Whetl:er or no, we were not bailie to be lift without the iiect 0,417 support, by hieing considered as prx,..•ipals? and whether iii fact Spain hefted wavuot destitute of those means, without which nu war Cl2ll be car ried on ? I say, then, that upon this print iple the. conduct of the King's Ministers has been highly reprehensible. Last year it was sheen, nod I seed not go into any detail upon the subject, that be fore the advance of Sir John Moore and his army into Spain, His Majesty's Ministers had no accounts whatever of the state of that country. After the experience el that unfortuoute campaign, what but the most positive proofs of the probability of sums& should have induced them to risk another army its the same cause . ? Yet, without any proofs whatever, another army has been risked. and the cousequence has been misfortune and disgrace, end the to:. of blood and treasure, without any advantage whet. ever to the country. These are Inc ground. or my' objection to the condnet of Ili Majesty',lll..liters. I allege it as a mutter of charge against them, ilia they have indulged feelings, which, ho,rever bea noontide they may be, ought never to he Lir dalged in at the expense of a nation. That they have rashly embarked in expeditions. which have . been fatal and disastrous, and from which no advantageous result to the public could possibly be expected. That they have done this, too, its cow , tmdiction to that husbanding iystern, by which our resources might have enabled us to meet the danger we are threatened What has been the come- ' quence of all their expeditions? Are the dangers which we apprehended diminished ? Is the power • of Bonaparte less than it was? Is the power of France reduced below sh;it it eras wher our Minis.. term engaged in this eystem of ',urine ? Irene the contrary will be felt. I fear that the powers of the enemy will be found to have iiiiireased, while we shall have to meet them a ith diminished means of resistance. Here, theo,without going more particu larly into the subject, is ample gr , for chargitig His Majesty's Ministers with a line of conduct Mfr• teary to that which true policy,and the circurneterices of the country, imperiously required. Leavitia i.e conduct of the war, respecting which much woe might be said. the next point I would direct the at tention of the House to, would be the policy which has been. observed with respeet to those few powers who were unconnected with France, sod who it should have been our policy to have assisted. I shall not go into the history of that fatal attack upon the independence and honour of Denmark. It was not the less probable that Deosnork would fall within the contralti of France, nor was such an event likely to be prevented by our forfeiting our honour and character by our unjustifiable Pasch. By such an attion of atrocious irsolen,.e we excited the enmity of that Power, and created an enemy, more formidable than it ever would have been by its unwilling acquiescence in the dictates of France. I will shortly adores. your Lordships with respect to other neutral powers. With respect to Sicily, our connexion is one of considerable de licacy. I do not wish to enter into the subject; hut, from all I know, from the policy pursued by His Majesty's Ministers, 1 have reason to think it has not been such as the sitoatiou of affairs required, and was calculated for the security of that country. It is impossible to go ihto the question, but I fear it is left in a situation of danger, from which, if a dif ferent system is not adopted. it will be impossible to rescue at. I fear, that notwithstanding ail the means, military and naval, by which we have hitbei to se cured the independence of that country, we may. with certainty. portend its fall under the sway and t; mminion of France. I shall nua cal; your atten tion to the situation of the only reruni ong neutral, the establishing the relativos of amity with which ought to have been your object. 1 wean America. It is impossible to salter fully into what would IN. CU py. not one or two debates, but a whole session-- a discussion as to the conduct adopted by His Ma. jesty's Government with regard to America—The edicts of the system we have ass long continued. I am persuaded. liter been most injurious to the country. I contended that it would be pro. ductive of injury. when it was first proposed ; the opinion 1 then entertained I have seen no reason to r iinquish. We have been told that time trade of the country has not suffered by the Ord. ri m Count l, hut we have tat Still c