The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1818-05-16 00:00:00

• to the wretched in this spot sacra,' to liberty, upon which no sooner had the slave placed his foot than be became instantly free—an isle consecrated to the great cause of freedom— sn A temple %tilt by beavea's pendisr care." ;Was it then for the British Senate to join the Noble Lord in the general chase against all freedom of 'thought or action ? or should the House assist that Noble Lord in any attempt to drive frotu a last asylum those unhappy men who had been proscrib ed by the French King on his wood restoration to the throne by the valour of the British arms ? If no Alien Bill had existed, he could be content to pity these unhappy people ; hut when it was ob. 'Moldy the intention of the British Minister by this Bill to follow up the system of exclusion adopted by foreign arbitrary Governments, it woe time to complain.—(Near.)—When the valour of the Bri tish troops had again placed the fugitive Bourbon on the throne of France, a pledge was given to that nation that 00 acts of tyranny or persecution should characterise the new Government. Scarcely had fourteen days elapsed but a formidable list of pro scription against thirty.eight individuals issued from the hand of the paternal Louis ; whether through a love of revenge natural to his Majesty, ur with yet more insidious wish to excite generally au ides' that a most alarming and extensive con spiracy then existed iii that country to revert to a revolutionary system sod revolutionary practice.. If the former were his object, he had reaped a full harvest in the general conviction now entertained of the rancorous motives of such persecution—but if the latter were his object, never had a Sovereign more completely failed in giving to the world an unfavourable opinion of thole subjects it was . h is duty, as their Sovereign, to defend from calumny and defamation. The French Ministers had the temerity to ask from the Parliament of Paris a set,- teeter of expatriatton against these parties. upon which even the Ultra-Royalists themselves were to hesitate as to the propriety of acceding to the proposition. The matter, however, was compro mised by withdrawing the proisvri idiot,. and the Par hinuent agreeing to permit the French king to exile those only whom he should consider absolutely umiak to permit to reniac tin France. The very next day an order was issued by hi 4 Majesty for the banish ment of every one of those individuals specified— ( Ilear,j—not oue of whom had been restored with in the last three years, although there were not oue of these 38 persons who were not distinguished for counsel in the Cabinet or bravery in the held, deer log the tuost triumphant days France had ever seen. Against all these 313, all Europe had, by the active permeation of the French Government, been totally closed ; for whether they had retired to some place in hate. Swats-rland, or the smaller States on the Rh;iir, they immediately, on discovery, were forced twin their secluded retreats, and placed tit some to vu in Austria or Nowa+ which they were to consider as their pi irons fur life under the jealous MilYr:olBl6v. of smite. Such was the refined system of cruelty acted upon by one, and *auctioned by the rem. • ler of time illustrious Holy Alliance ! How trrivi it possible then to doubt the real objects to be effected by this Bill, !massed in a period of profound peace. especially when it was recollected what dis graceful traces of the intention of the legitimates Lad hero revealed in these affairs .on the Rhine. Italy, and Switzerland ? Was it out obvious it was the object of the Noble Lord to bison lime fair cha racter of this country in the eyes of the world, by Bolding the sanction of e. country, the only asylum of freedom in Europe, to these iufainous attempts at oppression on the part of the French Govern ment ? Nothing could absolve the British Govern ment from this imputation, except proving that the Government of this country had well-founded ilia sons to apprehend an overwhelming danger. No such attempt had been made—its fact, no grounds existed for any such apprehension. And would, then, this cou n try, after having sacrificed to the restoration of legitimacy and the cause of the Bourbons 500 millions, wrung from the hard eanm iii of its industry, consent to sacrifice to foreigo objects the proud national character of England ? (Hear.)—He was aware of the impatience of the House, and should, therefore, conclude what he hail urged in argument, by simply moving that the Bill be read a second time this day rie months. Mr. Pitotitzioe rose to state, in one word, his opinion, that it was by no means expedient to ex pose the safety of a country to the possible ma chioations of any set of men inured to revolutionary 'white and practices. Mr. LYTTELTON rose to state, what might throw some light on the conduct which might be pursued towards these unhappy victims of oppression, and its consequences. A person, named Befort, who had established himself here in vending the Ear Medici:mit, at a shop in St. James's-street, and got into business extensively in that way, although he had conic over to this country and estuhlished him self finally here in the year 1814, mum the faith of the Treaty then concluded with Fruiter, he was, O l in an intimation from the Alien Office, com pelled to leave this country and all his affairs in complete confusion, in three or four days after the iiiitice had been sent to him to prepare to depart. Nor the good conduct of this individual, the late Mr. Faulkener, of the Council Office, and several turret respectable Gentlemen, had appeared as vouchers on his first coming into the country. On Ins leaving this city, and going down to the coast, lie was escorted by a Capt. Woodriffe, and pre paratury to going on board, was examined with such rigour, that he was actually stripped and re lieved mu this indelicate manner to the vcrutiny of five persons usually deputed to perform this duty. Nothing was found objectionable. A piano -forte was among the artiacit of property lie bad endeavoured to take sway with him, but which could not go with him, as well as malty oilier things of value, because he hail Io license to export any thing out of this country. On a subsequent search, there was found some Emrespotadriace between parties, who were asserted to be the Pope himself, an Abbe of the religious order of La Trappe, with the Irish Catholics. It cer tainly was not wonderful, considering the Pru-WI" of the Noble Lord at the head of the Home Depart ment, that he should be alarmed at this coirespoild nice, whatever others might think of its autheiiti city. But the House should know, that all this ifillibiltiloll was strongly suspected to originate in the ntachtuations of is certain person, whom he should not mime, who had a design on securing by these " • . . mesns, to his awn Me. I eery valuable article of property, worth not less than 500/. If this foreigner could have been charged with any designs against the State, why not try in in by law, and let him be pu nished with lost of liberty, or life if necessary, and not sent out of the country ? Another circumstance was not a little exiniordinary, that in the returns before the 'loose of the number of aliens sent out of the country, it was stated none were sent out in 1814, whereas, in fact, he was sent out in June, 1814. The Report furnished to the Horse was, if this were true. good, for nothing as a public document. Mr. 11. CLlllit said, the omission must have taken place from the circumstance of this man's having been sent taut of the country, in the first in stance, previously to the year 1814, and that his return and conseluent transportation out of the country was not in the last instance take.' notice of. Lord FotAtsfoxx thought it most indecent conduct on the part of Ministers, out to offer as yet une word in defence of a Bill which had ex cited so much apprehension and .dissatisfaction as the present. Hr for one should .feel it a duty he owed to the character of a country, which had at a distant period of time afforded to his own an cestors that shelter and hospitable asylum for which this nation had hitheito been so justly ce lebrated. in the strongest term* to rrotest against this odious libel on the national character.— This measure was also hostile to the spirit of the Coustitution, and the uniform policy of the Lrgir. lature, from the time of Edward the Third, down to the year 1816. The policy was to cherish and encourage led influx of foreigners. who advanced the manufactures, commerce. and literature of this country. He yet waited to hear a single argument fur a discontinuance of that policy which their an cestors had followed wish so much national ad vantage. Tina advantage was not confined to the pecuniary considerations attendant upon the commercial pursuits of foreigners ; it established a character for the country, a the place of re fuge for those who fl-al from the tyraiiiiy of their own Governments; it made England the ral lying pond for freedom and liberty •agatiot tip. pression and injuctice. It had been hitherto our boast, that every foreigner who Mlle here was not only free in his person, but secure in the enjoyment of his property, while obedient to the kouwu laws of the laud. That bulwark of open trial sod fair security w.s now to be taken away, and the Bill before the House would open the door to the ma abolitions of every secret spy age mat any foreigner upon whom he may fix Ins attention. The statement of his llosiourable Friend near him (Mr. Loeltin), was a striking proof that such tuachivations had .brew at work. Malice and est tt ge would now have a fine field for the exercise of 'profitable speeulatioel. An allusioit had been made to the returns presented to the House: on this subject all lie should say was, that though three persons were only sent out of the country by the late Bill, there was no in formation to chew what was the nature of their cases, or whether they were not of the most oppres sive mail uncalled fur kind.— (Hear. hew.)—But. besides this, the returns only alluded to aliens rent out of the country, there was no statement to chew that the power. of the Bill had not been coercively applied in the country. If, however, that it had been only louud Ileetbbilly to send three individuals away, lie was at a loss to see the necessity of the Bill—surely for so small a number, it was hardly worth legislating on such a scathe, unless indeed some Gentlemen thought that the country was less able to resist aggression than he was willing to be lieve she was. It load been said by the Noble Lord opposite, that it was better to prevent than to punish crime. This was true euosigh in a moral, and to a certain extent. a political point of view. In the case of forgeries, for iustatice, it was right to take away as much as possible the tempta tion to cuminit the crone ; but *lieu the aura posed evil was to arise from feelings of hu. rll3ll nature, which laws could not adequately control, then, indeed. the principle, which was good in equity, imcarne inapplicable to the law of a free State. It had also, like most of the measteresof the Noble Lord, besides its unconstitu tional character, a tendency to embody despotic pi ovisions in the system and practice of British law. It was. to all intents mill purposes, a repeal of the policy which characterised this country in past times, and of the good sound constitutional princi ples which led to she advantage, wealth, nod power of the country. In addition to these deep infringe melds of constitutional principle and free law, it went to rear up in the country those pests of society, spies amid informers, whose evil influence had been already so fatally felt.—(llear, /our.)—He would eider his solemn protest against this measure, as being destructive to the true policy and law of the 101111.—Illear. Nlr. C. Go %NT, jun. said, that be hwd not been inattentive to the arguments of the Gent. opposite, though he confessed he could not concur with them in thinking that this Rill was Nil infringement of the old law of the land. Inslividual hospitality towards foreigners was different from any national privilege recognised to them by the law, He was aware that there were numerous statutes made on the subject, but the bum ties they conferred were wooled to them not as foreigners, but as mer chants. They were, however. subject to she pre rogative of the Crown, and cools' be sent out wf the country by Royal Proclamation. Ile could nut conceive on whit grounds this was doubted ; the Sovereign had the power of making war, and regulating the terms of iisternational arraisgements: slid not the some principle involve the lesser viol— inist could hr be 16111C11 the right of this con trol over individual aliens ? This prerogative allowed the ingress of foreigners precisely on the saine principle ; anal, by a parity of reasoning, the Sovereigu prevented the egress of his own sub jects. Ile was ready to admit that there was some difference between the present time and the period when the Alien Bill was first introduced—but the principle of both measures was the same. The Hon. Gentlemen opposite apprehended no danger on the return of peace—but they forgot that the war had left the seeds of anarchy scattered over the face of Europe. The refuse of that set of men which the French Revolution engendered. and whose acts were marked by a total contempt for all moral obligation, still remained, and sent forth a-- sassint from their tolerated retreat. They were will b d together, not by oaths, for these they disre garded, but by strung habits of crime, community of desperation, and the If nbroken ferucitY of the Military character on which they had engrafted their system. When the country knew of the existence of au ch men, must it not admit, that at no moment since the Treaty of Westphalia did Europe contain within her bosom more of the elements of desolating', arising from the combination of that gang who warred against mill the charities of human life.— These men were desperate : goaded on by crimes at which human nature shuddered, they could lied no hope or solace hut in the pursuit of mischief.— When he spoke of this set of sawn, he did ant mean to cast the slightest reflection on the great body of foreigners in this country; they were a most useful and intelligent class. He drew a wide distinction between these peaceable and useful men, and their abandoned fellow -countrymen, who sot one time worshipped the Goddess of Reason, and at another her favourite child, 80. naparte.—(Hear, hear, Gear.) — At any time it would be dangerous to allow these miscreants to fasten here, from the desperation of their views, but would be now pecnlierly impolitic. These men had been blasted, defeated, and humbled in all their designs, and through whatever form they assumed, by the euergies of England : she then must be the peculiar object of their malevolence and hate. He would ask the House, whether there were no materials in this country on which these wretches may work ?—were they to wait until the tire-brands were thrown on the pile before they interfered to prevent the conflagration ?—(Year, hear.)—The disaffected part of the population of this country was happily small, but was it never theless to be exposed to ignition by this accession of vonibustible stresigth,siod was Government to look silently nu after the experience of the mischief to be dreaded by popular explosions ? Very ditieretit had been the character of the former French refu gees from that of those in mote recent times : the descendants of the one were now enjoying, wherever their forefathers planted their industry, the fruits of a virtuous and prosy s course, while those of the other were sunk in infamy. The effect which it was said this measure would have upon fureigners was certainly nowt mistaken—and here the fact was striking and conclusive ; and so far from the law of the last Y 3 pun deterring the approach of respectable foreigners to the shores of this county, in no farmer period of history had there been such an hospita ble amid unreserved intercourse between foreign and British aubjects.—(ffear, hear.)—The innocent and upright foreigner, conscious of the propriety of his motives, did tint hesitate to come into this coon try, confidently feeling he was beyond the range of that law which was only terrible to the guilty. Ile concluded by stating, that the state of Europe ren dered this Bill a measure of indispensable necessity. 111 r. F. t)uuui.es rose sod spoke as follows: " Sir, I feel the disadvantage under which I la bour, in rising immediately after the eloquent speech of my Honourable Friend. I cannot pre tend to his eloquence, though he will excuse one if in this instance, as on some former occasions, I sin of opinion that lie has wasted it on a subject quite ('u reign from that which is in fact before the House. He has with powerful eloquence descanted on the murals and atrocities of the French revolutionists, and of the criminal intentions with which the ear visors of them are disposed t, overrun Europe. Now the question before the House Is not as to the criminal intention of the parties, be they who they may, but as to the dangers which are likely to arise Irons their appearance among us— (Hear,' hear, hear)—but dangerous as this Illay be, 1 think the policy of the Noble Lord (Castlereagh), which is meant to counteract the mischief, is of a far more dangerous character.—( Hear, hear, hear.) — On a former night the Noble Lord said some thing about the preamble of this Bill. I was anstioua to see it ',rioted, for the purpose of exactly ascertaining the avowed object of the measure; but it now/ appears that the preamble, or rather the preamble maker, assigns no reasuu—the Account ant-General of the Adnaiuistratiou, the preamble.. maker to the Cabinet, is actually at a loss to put any one reason on record to justify the measure he has drawn up. He wants us to pass this important Bill, without any recorded reason on the face of it to justify the enactment,—(/fear, hear. I—A re Gentlemen aware of the powers they are about to comifer by this Bill -?—are they aware that it ella• bles a Minister to send any alien who may be du uoiciliated among us, out of the kingdom—to tear him at a mutinies outice front his family sod con : awctions, withnut the appearance of a prosecutor, or the name of a crime ?—(1/eur.)—It is true that there is a reservation—an appeal is granted to the alien, when the power is unjustly exercised against him. —(" Heur,".front use Treasury Beaches.)—What is that appeal?—from the Minister, who abused the Act, to his colleagues, who conferred on him the power of abusing it—from the mild judgment of Lord Sidmouth to the cool and impartial decision of Lord Castlereagh !--(Hear, hear.)—This is adding mos kery to injustice.—( Heur.)—lt is said there are 20,000 alien* peaceably residing in Great Britain, and that it would be right to protect them from contag ious association. It is the number that makes me dread the Bill, for I feel that when it pasties into a law, we shall have put these 20,000 peaceable foreigners nut of the pale of the Consti tution, to which, perhaps, years ago, they fled tnr protection, in a joist confidence in the impartiality and equal protection of our laws—that they were conservative of the personal rights of the stranger and the subject, and the common rthield for the op pressed swum' the oppressor. - (Hear.)—lo vain would the supporters of this Bill assert that it was only intended to he of a temporary duration, while their arguments in support of it, if good for any thing, went to make it permatient. It is to coun teract the machinations of designing and wicked men, whom it appeared too lenity could tame, or proscription deter—they were scattered every where, and perinaisent in their hostility. Why, thee, the measure insist keep pace with the existence of clime, and for ever mown is blot oil our Constitu tion. To condenre the argiontems iu favour of this Bill, they all resolved themselves into this—that it I is a measure against danger, external in its origin, but 'menial in its eff. ct. It was originally a war measure. I have heard a great deal between the diminution iii the peace Alien mod the war Alien Bill ; but l cannot comprehend the subtlety of some Gentlenien'a reaionionig ; I s e e in both o ne and the same great ruling principle, which hooves , the 'person and property of the ulicii in the hands I and at the buinits u ry disposal of the Minister. My Hon. Paella who spoke,last, tile fulness of hie candour, says that the circumstances of the Present time, and when the Btll was first introdored, are not certainly similar in all their parts-4iut is there . . any Wife of them alike ?—The war of 1793, when. this Bill was first introduced, was a war impend leled in the history of the wurld- 7 it was a war of principles, nut of men—it was a deadly coolest for the iniiversal estublitlititeitt of opinions, which :it the time found able sod numerous abettors in every State in Europe —at such a moment, the external danger was mighty, ettif the internal co-operation not unimportant. Strong evils require strong mea sure., and they were then applied. But has the Noble Lord opposite (Castlereagh) the face to bay, that there is any thing tit present itt the external dangers of the Continent which is likely to act on the 'menial system of Great Britain ? It was said, indeed, that some dioaffectioti prevails its this coun try ; if by this it is meant that ,10 , ..001ent pre ailed in numerous bodies ut the pressure of taxes a n d want of due economy in the administration of (Jo ',eminent, then the observatiou had some 111114amd the discontent may be prophesied to coutinue, so long as the abuses which engendered it were suffer ed to remain unchanged ; but if it iv meant that any apprehension is entertained in this country from the influence of Bonspartiatis. then it became ludi crous. This danger must indeed be visionary here, when it was so little felt iii France, the great hot bed of its activity, that many of the mime agents and colleagues in office of Bonaparte Itim.elf had a Csinistertal share in the administration of the Bourbon Government.--(!(ear, hear, hear.) — Then as to the danger to be apprehended from Frenchmen in the Netherlands— ( Hear, front the Treasury tenches)—is there really any danger to he apprehended from the machinations of die miser able outcasts and libeller. that have found refuge in that part of Europe ? His England for twenty. five years shed her best blood and treasure, and de feated the combined efforts' of whole nations op posed to her, to sit down the (list moment of gene ral peace, and avow her apprehension at II handful of iihoi... migert..os is, u corner of Europe ? (Hear.j—lti the Netherland., it i s sa id, was hatched the plan (and none, 1 admit, could 1:e more horrible) to astuessmate the Duke of %Vellingtott.— ilear.)—What 'woof is there that the plot was hatched there, or in Silesia, or is it not Inure likely to have been arranged in the bosom of France itst —(Hear.)--Fie was surprised to have tern d the Noble Lord talk of the Nether) olds in a strain of regret that these Frenchmen should have found re fuge there. As an Englialionan he ought rather to have boasted, that though a small Power, under the shade of Fromm, she clung to that good old policy which once distinguished Great Britain, but from winch she was uow unhappily forced by the cabals of foreign conclaves, acting on the weakness of those Ntsaisiers, that ought to have made a firmer stand fir the honour and character of their country.—(Hear.)—My Honourable Friend says, that there is unhappily a disposition iii this country to unite with these forego conspirator., and hence therefore the gnat danger arises, if an Alien Bill does lint counteract their marliiitatione. It is impossible Ilia any notion cart he more unfounded than this. There is no country in the *told less accessible to foreign manners than this—the manner' and habits of our people are proverbially rather repulsive than inviting to foreigners. This fact doe. not depend on mere observation of the notorious diasimi larity of character, but it is fortified by the most incuntestible proof. When lust year all the elements of internal commotion were at work in parts of this country, had there occurred the slightest proof of any disturbance being set on loot, participated in, or io tiny way recommended on, the influence or chance of foreign aid or foreign ad vantages ? There was not the slightest proof that any attempt had been made by the emissaries of ally Government but our own to excite the people to commotion.—( Lord cries of " Hear.")-11' heti such • Bill as this was dictateif to an English Re presentative by a conclave of foreign States—were he the true representative of sound English policy, he should have instantly answered the proposition by saying—' I have no power to listen to your re quest ; the Constitution of my country rejects the principle you wish to urge upon me; our ancestors established it on the basis of universal freedom, and their descendants cannot become slaves.'— %%lieu I speak of our ancestors, I allude to great names and venerated authorities, who, when they thought they had fenced round the bulwark of these laws, never could hare dreamt that their descend ants would have been represented in a foreign Con gress by a men who would have bent and truckled to the Powers of the Continent, and bowed down the sturdy and uncompromising policy of our older and better times to suit the ephemeral and splenetic views of despotic Princes.—(/fear)—The Noble Lord had moved too close with foreign Potentates: his connection with them, and their conjoint and glorious triumphs in the last year of the war, had dazzled him ; he was too anxious to participate in their splendour and to enjoy their applause, to im bibe that proper jealousy, or have that steady self possession of his own true station and his country's policy, which a British Representative ought to have when seated at a foreign Congress.—( Hear, Near.)-1 know there are those who have little feel ing for the good old policy of England ; but if they forget the policy by which Spain fell and Holland rose, dug front the bosom of the deep, stud maintaining her station, her plainness, and hospitality, by successful coo ))))) eice—if they forget these historical lessons, let them ut least recol lect who are the twenty thousand foreigners that reside among us; a vest number oh them are wealthy, and most useful to us—there is not u cha ritable rubscription iu whu•h we do not see their names vie with the first sialiv,s in the lend, as if to repay, by the bounty of their contribution, the protection they have received from this country. I will ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer, wlrose fiords are so largely replenished, and whose financial system so much depends on the sums paid by these Aliens, bow he ►hould like their disepirearsoice 14'0111 the country? They creme here, not to seek the blessings of a better ebonite, for they had left a far more ge nial one, hut they came to enjoy their iiitlusiry and property under the security of free laws and equal protection.—(/fear.)—Let the Noble Lord take care, Ira by a single act of a weak and deluded Minister, he banished these otlvaiitages to a more hospitable and more judicious state, and by any iiidiscreet exercise of the powers of this Bill, strike *! a general alarm into the minds of so large a einnibet . • of individuals, exercising beneficial industry in the empire.—(Hear./—lt was suid last yea; lien we enacted corn tee laws, that they could only be felt by the dos/affected. This Was a dangerous smelt/ of reasioni u g fur Englishmen to fall into—to sheen d a fatal departure from the stern sentiments of . our ancestors, who felt a proper, nay a blow leaf feeling for this name of liberty—the very sight or appearance of tyrsony was detestable to them and the same sentiment should still he cherished by every true Eliglishonan.—(fieer, hear.)—Wheit we let to this prouciple of tyruttoy to operate on foreigners, there was but nee step to bring the %yeti coercion home to louse! yes. is Paid that no abuses here been (hi:covered daring the ope ration of this Bill—the greetestevii is, that we have in way of discoveting the :11)Usr, for, the ersomeort the sufferer is taken, it is in vain for into to c plain, if, indeed, he hail any rational inducemetft to do so, to the sort of In:missal open so him—he it at once (turned out of the country,--(l:enr, hear.) The Noble Lord has snore than mice told us, that in proposing this measure, he is guided by an ime iterative sense of public duty—pubbe do y to whom ? not to the Constitution of England, but to the Cosign an of Viennio !—(Hear, hear. hear ) I have the utmost personal respect for Lord 5.d -mouth; but he must nor be offended with use for saying, that it is as a man—not as a Nlitsistrr. In the former sense he has my coulidenCe, loot io the latter lie lids 1101, because our Constitution i. I:or a confident one—it is jealous....it rei ns t o p o wer, to fence round personal rights—it protect, the weak from the strung—the people from the Mmisteo. Now as to the prerogative or the Crown to sin 1 out aliens—this was asserted by Blackstone and other authorities ; but I horsily expected to have heard it quoted by my Hoes. thr tr umplisist refutation of this doctrine (111 a (*.rm. r night, by my Hon. mid Leaned Friend hi ar sue (Sir S. Hominy). But admitting, bar the sake cf argument, that this power is vested in the 4...r0wn, then what becomes of the necessity for ti is Bill ? if the for fr exists, the latter is useless. then make so desperate a stand to bring lit an unpopis t e r measure, when the Crown has alteioly tint we •w• Cl preveistirg the evil ? The Rug 11.111 Joubtl, i• 1 time prerogative of making war—but has not Parietal/41t the coutroling power of affording the supply, end ensuring the discipline of the army It wa' im possible that this, lonwer could so bsist in the Crows ; it aas against the genius of the Culostittooioe . . I again implore the Ii nee to rime before it 'adopts this Bill. The repetition °flinch incasui es has a fatal moral tendency. IVhat is once Knotted for it temporary purpose, soon becomes pet:thole-ill hen the pass • ..r men are concerned to its peliotw t. The hand once to:custoined to grasp Ike shoo : ; hold of power, 'chop to it with a fit WO' and more decided attachment, in proportion to the length it is permitted to wield the power. I have to vote gist., for having so loiog trespassed nu the flousr, and shall only repeat my decided hostility to thy Bill;'—( Hear, hear.) The House then divided, when the numberi Mete— • For Ibe Second Reading of the Bill 1/7 Against it Majority , - On our re-adnaissom to the gallery, we loused Mr. BENNETT pulting a question to Lord Castlereagh, fur the purpose ul knowing in what *Loge Ministers meant to discuss the Bill ? Mr. BATHURST rose to order, and contended that a Member had no right, by putting a questi tttt , to revive a conversation on a subject after the regu lar proceeding on the particular stage had closed. Mr. BENNETT—"Theque,tion is, ' that this B he committed on Tuesday next;' there is, therefore; a subject before the House on which 1 have a right to speak, and of this the Right Hon. Gentleman ought to have been aware, if his ear was as quick to hear the question as his tongue was to call me to order. I have a right to proceed, if I please, Ili the shape of interrog:itory; end I now ask, if at all, and when, it le the intention of Ministers to debate this question ? Not one syllable has bet n yet said on this important subject by ant• tine of tits Majesty's Ministers, or soy of their dependants and expeetante, or the law officer«. We have not heard one word in justification of the measure ; and 1 ask the Noble Lorct when Ministers mean to break silence on the subject ? Has he entered Auto an engagement with the Kings of the Continent, or the Holy Alliance, to say nothitig on a question which involves the spirit of the Constitution of tie land, and the personal liberty of the subjecta of the Continent, whose Sovereigns associated, leagued, awed, and combined to carry into effect measures here which they adopted in their own eon- Llave ? I will not, by eineitaig into the rn►►its of the question, add one to the number of gr.echets which have beets already left unanswered. A:0 I shall ask is, when their 1 high Nlightinesses, the .11 tasters opposite—(Laughter;—will dricti to "nu what reasons they have to oppose to the cmzent a,. guments that have been urged against the Bill ?" (Ilene.) Lor.l CASTLEREAGH expressed his astonishment at the coarse Hilopted by the Hon. Gentleman. He would reply to the questing, proposed to him be putting aiiiither. 11 hell did the Gentlemen (.p -!write mean to opens a case against the Bill ? The moment they dui, in a tangible staipe, then lie beg g ed to manure thesis their speeches should not go unanswered. Mr. LTTTELToR said, that he had stattd a specific case, to which tin answer had Mr. BATHURST Smd. that If brought forward in a distinct shape, application could he matte for the necessary information on the 'subj.-et. fi r can• tended Gentlemen against being quite credulous on one side, and incredulous at the oilier. Mr. Lryrturos emu. not ineredulons—he was ►eady to hear any answer that the Right lion. Geis tleantis may favour hint with. Mr. B. BATIICIIIST 'aid, he had heroic stated that his Hue. Fite mil hrhind him . Gone his sereasi enssance w oitis e Lad nut had the means of understanding the nature u( I. 41 care allu d ed to by the lion Gent!. isosn.—lise 11111 was then articled to bs runstnittcd un usaday next. SLAVES. Sir S ROMltf.lt gave notice, that he atotild, gm Monday next. move, that the pap. fa respecting 5141 , 111 fir .enrr.d to a Select Committee of the House; and also that their hat laid before the Honey a copy of the opinion .f the Attorney. General of Dominica, on the case of a certain Slave there. On the mutton of the Cuucsl,Lot of the Esatitititntitil '1 i