The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1819-12-03 00:00:00

confidering tint question the House would be in ilaq,er of the chyrge of truckling to rebellion. it wu "..i be a very suitable subject for them to enter upon. lie wished to God that the turbulent could 1,% e b-en put down in good time by the due en forcement of the existing laws, so that the Hone might immediately enter upon it with. fflit ; o iling the dignity of its character by so doing. lie had discharged a painful duty in laying before the Flutist the reasons winch induced him to sup port the proposed measures. lie thought, however. that the a dditional powers which were to be vested yr;rh the Government. would be less effectual in the hoods of :Ministers than those of any other persons. _(Hear, Iwo. iron Lord etranereagh.)—He as *to ed the Noble Ltitil !it., 1 he did nut mention jt as a co c unistonce of ester-Jirilation—but be could not hell thinking that the promotion of the Noble Lord in the Councils of the station was an unfortu nate clicumstance. Heid n mean to manime w h a t had hertt charged o n his Right ot Hon. Friend, that the Whigs would have very far exceeded him. He thought rather, considering the difficulties which Ministers had brought on the couutry—( Hear, /Iraq—and the weakness of human ben i g,,,, g As s e)....that the Whigs would of more use to the State in their present places than they could he in those of their political opponents. He thought the advancement of the Noble Lord who held the office of Home Secretary, another disastrous cocuaistauce in the arrangements of the Cabinet. There was nothing in the talents of that Nobleman, whatever mi g :it be his private worth, to warrant bit elevation ; ha conduct had been uniformly rash and violent; he had brought contempt and disgrace on the measures of Government ; his judgment was ill suited to his situation. The Hon. Geutleinan concluded by supporting the motion. Mr. NI ACDONALD could not leave the House without expressing his opinion on the measures pro posed to them. He objected to the inflamed state ment of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite (the Solicitor-General), who travelled in his argu ment from London to Glasgow, and discovered nothing in any man's face but sedition and blas phemy. Had Ministers limited their demands to some regulations for premium; nightly drilling, tiongs really seditious, lie should have been prepar ed, after due deliberation and sufficient proof of the c.,,e requiring them. to allow such additional provers as Would serve to insure the public tran quillity. In this, however, Hs it appeared to him, they had entirely failed. In the speech of the Solicitor-General was contained a most important and grave admission. It was allowed by him that all the vigorous measures hitherto adopted to peseta the evils complained of had failed, not withstanding the great 'encroachments on popu lar rights which had been allowed for that pur pose, and although that right had been suspended for upwards of twelve months, without which no Englishman could consider himself free. All their efforts, it was now admitted, were unequal to main tain peace arid tranquillity. It was admitted that the evils had increased in proportion to the force applied to suppress them. and yet Ministers in sisted on the necessity of persevering in their fatal progremiou of coercive policy. He knew of no augury so threatening as the levity with which these proposals had been made to the House, of altering or subverting the Constitution. The new tax proposed to be levied on the press, would be wet 01l by the expense of the additional troops. eland in hand with this came a measure—to ac complish what? To terminate such meetings as that at Manchester? No; that was already illegal, and if any doubt existed, a declaratory measure might be introduced which would remove it; but to restrain the privilege, the highest privilege of Britons, the right of petitioning, and reducing it to the condition of being subjected to the caprice of a churchwarden or a petty magistrate. If the House had no way of avoiding such an extremity as to give up the Constitution, they ought at least to have the manliness to look the sacrifice in the face—to count over the price, and estimate, as well as they could, the chance of safety which they thus proposed to purchase. It was indeed a dreary road on which they had been moving. Disguise it as much as they would, the question was no less than the surrender of the Constitution; it was folly to wink at it and endeavour to pass it by—it would he forced on them, and, determine on it, with that conviction, they must. There was a sentiment in the speech of the Noble Lord oppo site, winch tit one time no English Gentleman would have ventured to express. He had in formed the House that they were not legislating for England alone, but that the ether nations of Europe were concerned in their decisions. What a reason to offer to a British House of Commons for the dreadful measures now proposed to them ! Here was an admission of a grand conspiracy against the liberties of mankind. The Noble Lord must have known, how greatly such u declaration would contri bute to propagate the terror already experienced, that ni-.,mores of government, intended fur the abso lute subjection of the people of all the countries o f Europe, had been agreed to at the meeting of Mentz ! He could nut help thinking that it was • and he lamented that the Noble Lord bad been led into any declaration which would countenance it from the heat and hurry of debate. lie would repeat the advice of the Member for Northamptonshire, that the House should not trust to thr papers of the Noble Lord. though he was ready to admit, that the state of the times furnished good grounds for an application fur fresh powers. There were certainly considerable disorders; and, " God 'knows," it was desirable that they they should hr put 'down. The cause of those di.orders was distress; anal .here tine House ought to begin their deliberations. Herr was the essential difference between hie friends stud the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. The theory of the Hon. Members oat his side of the House was, that the disorder was founded on the distress. The ihroey of the Noble Lord (Liviertles). as was so be interred from his excellent speech, was, that the leuilger was incidental, but that the distrac ter ms were occasioned by an abstract love of med. altla g stud disaffection. The Opposition were borne net by facto, and the frequently declared opinions of the Magistrates, according to whose statements, the disturbance was least where the distress was least. Mimitsiers, on the other hood, were borne out by tiuthing which the imagination could conceive or the judgment comprehend. The difference M. be . t wren . their advice was equally apparent. tell souls " Coerce, go on, coerce for rim" 11111 (the Opposition) said, " S.ay your heed, and coerce truly where you are constrained to do so." If the House were disposed to *hew any sympathy for the opinions and privations of the people , they wouldinstitute an examination into the whole sys tem of taxation. They would examine also with strictness, the management of the revenue. They would, upon this, parr flown ( ind he solemnly declared he would not run the risk of deluding the people by 'flying it, if he did not feel it), they would pare dawn the expenditure to the sniallest possible standard —for the sake of gaining the alliance of the respectable awl reflecting part of the people, they should cut off every shilling that could be spared. If then they failed in maiotsiii mg the constitution against the assault of anarchy (though fail they could not, except the people were rotten et the core, which he could not be brought to believe). butt if they did fail, what would be lost by thus much of conciliation ? Absolutely nothing. And what gained?—Why, every thing ; inasmuch es that the confidence of the better part would be secured, from the know ledge that every thing had been dime that justice could require. The danger however vv..' boy nu means of so serious a nature as to make such rea soning necessary. The leaders of the discontents were known to he anxious for the cutting each other's throats, and debasing one another. The disaffected were not only. without leaders, but without meaus; they bad hid the misfortune to lose their military chest. which was carried clean off by one of their chosen champions, and was said to contain the sum of al. 14s. 6d. They were out only without leaders and without means, but they could boast of no foreign aid, like the turbulent of former times. He thought that the !louse would not be jusufied iu making new laws until they were more fully satisfied that the existing ones hail been tried in vain. No man could presume to say that those laws had been fully, fairly, and justly en forced. Look back at the cases selected for pro secution by the legal agents of the Crown—mo-t of them were frivolous, and some of them were dig graceful, as they cast an imputation of hypocrisy ou their professions. Let the [louse then contrast with those protecutinns, the instances of publications quoted by. his Hon. and Learned Friend, whereto treason and assassination were openly recommended, which were not prosecuted, and theu say if the existing laws had been properly administered. By some strange fatuity in selecting the cases, where they might have exposed a knave, they had made a hero—and so now, having made the laws con temptible, they came down to ask the House for fresh powers. Were there not laws admitted on all sides to be just and efficient ? Had any obstructions beeu placed in the way of enforcing them ? No; Juries had proved, what he had never doubted, that they would be found faithful in the support of those laws. He did not believe that the people of England had any relish for the impious trash offered to them. Hunt and Carlile in conjunc tion, had done more to open the eyes of beirevers to their own depravity than any thing which that House could effect. It was not alone for the negligent execution of the laws that Ministers wee account able. He charged them (as God should judge him, without envy or malice to any one of them) with exasperating the public mind by their alarms, and deluding it by false statements as to the re venue and commerce of the country. Their aver sion to economy was snottier lamentable evil. No reduction could be effected without fighting for it inch by inch. He lamented that his Hon. Friend (Mr. Lyttelton) should have been induced, from what he must deem weak motives, to vote for the proposed measures. Ile could not consent, on the informa tion of the Noble Lord's papers, to throw in more troops and laws, which, as had been admitted by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite, Minis ters had determined to carry into the most rigorous execution, without hesitation or delay. He ear nestly called ou the House more deeply to con sider. Did they believe that the measures would answer to the views on which they were proposed ? More troops would require more taxes; more taxes would inflict more misery; fresh disconteuts would be followed by fresh restrictions, until the last mi serable remnant of our once-boasted rights would be abolished. Were these measures calculated to make the Sovereign happy and the people satisfied ? No; their effect would be, as it bed always been, to keep up • feverish and auspicious feeling be tween the Crown and its subjects. There was an awful boding in the compulsory silence of such a people as the English, who had always been used to write and speak their opinions with the utmost freedom—lpso silerain terra. When treasou lurk ed in the eye, beciuse candour had fled front the lip, then was the time for a Government to expect danger. A Prince reduced to this condition by his Ministers, might very justly turn round and reproach them for depoiving him of that chirf glory which this earth could afford him—the cantitleuce of a free people. Ile might say to them—" Restore me that confidence and that people, sometimes turbu lent, but always faithful. always English." Ttie Honourable Member then cited the zeal manifested by the people to resist the threatened invasion. and the tears so universally she' by them for the fate of the Princess Charlotte. 'lliose feelings of fidelity and loyalty. however, would newer re r un , i f ow have pre . sent laws were passed ;—the country would then passed its meridian glory. Lord Lescer.ess expla ined. He had not assumed that the discontents were wholly 13111:411111CCled with the distress. Mr. DATF.NPORT would support the measures, because there bad been no period of time in which the House were urgently Called On to interfere to put down dot so bailees, winch, if allowed longer wou ld not only ruin the disturbers continuance,heinselv s,but the trade of the country. Ile knew that there was lb great deal of distress, and he wished to God that some measures could be devised to re lieve it. The question : had been so lully . discuiseil t h a t b e would say nothing more about it at thut time. He did not believe, however, that there was most disturbance where mast d is t r ess prevailed. B o t itinerant demagogues, taking advantage of the distress, went about the country pouring poison into t h e ea rs of the people, and sweetening it with the delnsion of their arguments. to the destruction or their enjtremriit here, and the forfeiture of their bm.pineas hereafter. Ile thought that such irer mins ought to be put down, mud therefore lie would vote fur tlw measures. Me. FAZaILIILY wished to state the reasons which infinenced him to suppose Chit the Govern ment ought to he invested with greater powers than it possessed. Not only was the property of the casualty rendered unsafe by the condiset of the dis affected, but the ordinary commerce and customary affairs of life were perpetually intpedt•al by them. and threatened with ruin. Ile objected, however, to a syviein of measures exclusively coercive, in which 110 consideration Wlll.l to be *hewn for the genecil distress, and in which the i iiiii went were included in the same sentence with the guilty. The evils were said to be local ; he world not quibble about the degree of locality, but such as it really . was, so ought the inrasitrea to hr extended, and not beyond. He could scarcely state what degree of power should be granted for the emergency,, bat he would say, s‘ prove your case to be such as you state it. and take your Bills, in God's naosie, and fresh severities if they are found to be necessary." Mr. Peel and several others rose at the same time. There was a lond cell for Mr. Peel. The Speaker however gave preference to— Mr. CROMPTON. who rose to cultism something respecting a meeting in the North Hiding of York shire. Mr. PEEL then rose, and bespoke the indulgence of the House wild- he delivered opinions nn two subjects, on one of which h- should have taken an opoortuanty while it was debating on a former mght, but that he was prevented by i n disposition. He would submit a very few words on the Man cheater meeting. [The Right Hollow:1'de Gen tleman then proceeded to consider the stature arid objects of the riveting, the behaviour of the Magistrates, and that of the Nliiais!ers io rear iiiii g them thanks for their conduct. He defended the Magistrates mad the Mittisteis an every particular of their respective conduct, relatiog to that meeting and its consequences. He next castle to the measure then before the House.] He had listened to his Hon. Friend's (Mr. alacilunalti) speech with attention. but he had not beard our argument. except such as would have led him to believe that his Honourable Friend would vote for the Bill. His Honourable Ftiend had infinitely augmented the dancer described by Mi nisters. and declared, that 12,000 troop. would nut be sufficient. He bud left an impression on his (Mr. Peel's) mind that the measures were not cal colated to meet the evil. After a sarcastic descrip tion of the Hon. and Learned Getithentan'a (the Solicitor General) journey from London to Glas gow, his Honourable Friend had, by a far more unreasonable stretch, arrived at Mentz.— On an examination of the papers no the table, lie thought it must be evident to all that danger and disaffection, to a considerable extent, prevailed through a great part of the country, particularly in the manufacturing districts. But potting out o f question for a moment the danger with winch those large !meetings threatened, he asked, if there was any thing which more stronghy tended than they did, conducted as they were, to bring the right of the people to free discussion into ridicule and contempt ?—( Hear.)—He asked. had 'any right been ever more flagrantly abused ?—(hear.)—He contended that any man, ou a dispassionate exam notion of the document's furitished by Lord Derby, Lord Fittwilliam, end the Duke of Hamilton, would arrive at this inference.. He hoped the House would allow him to refer to certain pipers to establish these propmitions. At one of these meetings over which the stone itinerant orators who had been agitating other parts of the country pre sided, seventeen or eighteen resolutions were pro posed and passed unanimously, of which to give an idea of the absurdity of the whole, be should beg leave to recite one or two. The people then as sembled, in the first place, resolved that the na tional debt of this country amounted to—what did the House suppose ? God knows !" said the lion. MOmber. " no one regrets more deeply than I do the real amouut of the national debt and the burdens it imposes on the country." But what did the resolution in question snake it amount to ? why to one hundred thousand mil lions !—(Cries of Hear, hear, and laughter.)— This was the way in which the minds of the people were enlightened on political subjects by those notable instructors sent down among them at enormous expense—(Cheers) --sccomiling forsooth for this exaggerated statement by the depreciation of the paper currency. The next resolution was, if possible, more ridiculous, but infinitely more disgusting and dangerous—it was calculated to set the lower orders of the people at variance with their superiors, to inspire them with distrust and jealousy, and to impute to a false and selfish mo tive the measures adopted for their permanent relief by the Legislature, and which could only have magi rutted its a spirit of the most enlarged betwevolenve. It states! that whit( batiks were an insult to com mon cense and understanding, and that they had been instituted—lse believed -that nut one Mem her in the House could, with all his coojec tores and sagacity. divine for what purpose.— (Hear.) —Why to enable the Bank of England to pay the fractional parts of the divideods !! ( Shouts of laughter.)—lt was for paasang resolu tions sods as these that the deluded people w e re collected in such 'lumbers to Runlet Moor, from sill parts of the adjaceot country—(We presume the Hon. Member alluded to the Meeting of the 19th Jul)) —for the purpose of being made believe that saving banks had been established for an ob ject so ridiculous. In another of the resolutions it was declared, that as soon as an eligible person could be found to represent the people of Leeds in Parliament, unother 'fleeting would be held fur that specific. purpose. Did not such wicked and contemptible proceedings betray an unbounded abuse of the right of popular discussion?— (Cheers.) —Neither was the House to suppose, that the mischief had slopped there s ; they would be convinced of the contrary, when they heard what Lord Ftizwilliam said tam his letter, of the practices of the leaders, the itinennit orators. Ihe Lordship stated, " The resolutions 'fussed were riumerotts and long, but I have not their Immo bars as yet, the tits:lagers not Ituviug yet dressed them up, in their own liking for print, which I sup pose they will do in the usual way nit such occa sions, without any very scrupulous attenti tttt to allot was proposed and passed by the eneetito.." Did not any men then see that these popular ri;lity and pri vileges were brought into a state of peril, nut from the coercive measures of the Magistrate, or the Ex ecutive Goverumeut, but from the tumuli and liceu. dons conduct of those characters who poisoned :he public mired, deceived the multitude. and misled them into such enormous abuses of them ?.- (Cheers) ----But when be cnnteinplatrd the state of things disclosed in the papers before the House. and the consequettees likely to result from the system of /fetus a which lie had been alluding, he could not find words sufficiently tdrolig to express his apprehension,: und *ben Hon. Geritlemen op posite dwelt out the magnitude and istiportetwe of the lifisetties •te hick they complsioed were invaded by the proposed measures, he fe It to ask them, were the tights of petitions g fur rerleree of grievances, and of speakitig in nubile, the only ones worthy of bring 11-feuded ?—(f keers.)— Were these the unly rights, in toe eviayment of which people were likely to be disturbed ? -- Ile should like to take any rational man, who had a clear idea, and could give a heir account of the Constitution of Eoglatid, of its monarchy. aristo. cracy. and demise/ley, of the protection which it afforded tp life, liberty, and property, of the power which it gave to individuals of expressing their sentiments atilt opinions on political affairs—he should like. alter receiving a description of this nature from Inset, to hake I into the neighbour. hood of filencliester, and ask what lie thought of the practical Opettillall Of theft . lowa at the present MO* Mrot, and it/ ask 1,;31, Whittle!' they now afforded that protection to all (DEO which she !uses never failed in doing while oil Ines. continued amen tble to the laws ?--(Chests).—To inform the House on this *object, lie should take the evidettre of a mast oho left :Manchester on the 3d August, and lintel that uts his road he saw no less than 1,500 men formed, as he said, in snit(' squares. He was asked to join them—he refuted; what was the conserineoce ? he was obliged to go down on his knees and forswear his allegiance— (Cheers) —ire order to save his life, hut it was not effectual to save his limbs, for he was violently beaten and shamefully abused.—(('peers.) —This was a subject proceeding peacrehly and Ws. fully on his own occupation, and therefore entitled to protection; but he dal not snake bus appeal to the people on that ground, no; he said, a For God's sake treat ins as an enemy would ; if I were engaged in battle, and the French were to make sue a pri. softer. they would not torture me."—(Hear.) — All the poor man entreated for, who was not acting in any sort of illegal manner, was, that he might receive such treatment as an enemy would give him. He asked, was that the hberty of the soh. jest ?—(Clreers.f—Were not these rights which the laws might to guard, mid which, since they cltd not guard, they must be made to 104111 ? On re. leiring to the evidetice of Lord Derby. what was the tact related by him ? lle informed the Govern ment. that he expected the people within his juris. diction would form armed associetions to support the military in protecting the public peace. And in mentioning Lord Derb)'s tome he was bound to say, that his conduct at the present crisis had conciliated the good-will and respect of every loyal man in the country ; but what did he afterwards say? that he had succe,ded iu procuring officers for one hatiallion of cavalry, but that he had entirely failed in getting men.—/Hear, hear.) — Could such a state of things last ? Had the loyal and the disloyal now the same protection ?—(Cheers) —Were the disoffecied and tumultuous to meet iu large bodies at pleasure, learn drilling and military evolutions, atop atid maltreat the peaceable sod well-disposed, while the loyal were afraid to unite fur the purpose of checking such violence. and de. fending themselves ?—(Cheers )—The Duke of Hamilton, its his representatioes to Goverionent, said he found it impossible to induce the people to sign their names to declarations for common uniun and common protection. not because lie rutertained the slightest doubt of their loyalty and attachment to the constitution red the laws, but because they were intimidated.—(Hear, hear.) —Was that free dom of op ? They were required to declare that they would come forward in support of the laws, and in defence of their property ; and their unswer was. that they were afraid.—(//ear.)—Let the House well consider the consequences of such to. timialstion if they suffered it to continue—if they did not *hew that they were resolved to axes t them. selves in aid of the industrious and the orderly, and to repress the efforts of disaffectiois and faction. Let them look to the situation of the pour and loyal man, obliged to depend un himself fur his own safety, and reflect on the cuusetitiettets of treeing him exposed to the dangers which now beset hiss in the disturbed districts. If they did not afford indisiduals of that description tffei•tual protection, could they rely an human virtue, er wisdom, or fortitude to Stein the torrent ?—(Losid eheering.)—The inevitable consequence of remain. Pig passive would be. that numbers of the loyal in the humble ranks of life would be compelled by the force of citcuntstatices to suppress their real sentiments, or even join the ranks of treastm. And what blame would the Honer justly incur (or every such augmentation of its 'drought ? He now came to another part of the subject. Illis Hon. Friend (Mr. Lytteltuit, we understood) lud selted was there r change in the lia'aite slid feeling's of the people of England ? lie (Mr. Peel) bed no difficulty in giving it us his optclon, that in the disturbed parts of the country such a change had taken place is. the disposations of the population, sir, if aimed, was likely to lead to some pertnaiieet alweetion in the Constitution and Governmeiit. And it was far more easy to point out the causes of this change. than for any human bei n g to devise a remedy fur it. His Holt. Futesirl had rpoketr of all elteration its the mode of represeartiviore as likely to satisfy the people; but lie spoke a a time. whet; Thentdreds and thousands of people flocked round the standard of their Kase, eager to skew their zeal end spirit in expelling die enemy from ti.etr *bores. But surely his . Hon. hired must have reetriler ted, that at that period the stow of the' representettuts ass precisely the same as rt was at present '-' (iledr.)..—Whell his Hutu. Friend spike of the eminnott distress and sufferstig, and imputed them to the conduct a his M.jesty's Government, he "'mold wish to kilo a winch of their niessnssa to particular he referied to. If lie supposed titter sets waver ttttt rot was getimal, why were nut tide effects of it PO1111114? B u t lie himself oilliartli to a period of Inniquillity and happniess while the present Moos less were its office, ;IA how did lie reconcile thus with their alleged incapacity and stealers ? Ireland was generally tranquil ; so was the *truth of Eng land; so was the north of Scott:ital. Were they nut then to look Int the caused of die .thecuu- tent an I di crosier in the ',Lees where Ili y pc .. 1 41 led tiIIIIIIIIIetiIIng peculiar to their eircurupted.c.* ? 1 . 11-y exulted priucipolly in the manufacturing do.- meta. Let then any one look to the condition of the majority of the lower orders there, and they would Pre that it oresetoted strung points of diffi-r. ruse fro:n ilea sit Vie mane class in any nlliri the- Ind, Ile wootld bud that the relation be;tverit 111..* - mod their atipt•r•Oe,, particularly the I ii.iita p..,. !meta's, Wet eliffereut ; that triere was 0 %nater re. stelarece in large towns; thut the people w err nese. reluctant 'u fetid themselves ou emergencies for tios preservations of :lie public !react on avrip,t o f the loose of tiitie, to theist so valuable; ;113 I hey were stil.j-et to great alternations of advers,ty ar..l prosperity ; tlist te:ien circutuslatices we e fst ire.r. able to them, they were inaprovoletit, and iiii e habituated to tic up from those persevi c.Liii* to guard agitioo*t the period of (Inures". ; that w hen the times were good, they would proloably, if tkot were stilE iroot for ininiediute support, honour oo.iy four or five days in the week. lie would flint then thus situated, nod then suddenly Caine a wool— y different state of things, occasioned by the tr.:: I lion from war to jwace, whirls state the I [ouse was nut to suppose would be temporary. Nuw natio.. , ‘ of the Comillent h. it resumed their own peacelo.l and industrious Willits, which drove hundreds and thunal..t. or this mannfitetto lug populatiuu nut of rumples. sin DI, sst,gt nation of inok Mysore general. 'lien the vici.sitsisir, ,t• iodividuals of capital were to be taken into recoueri, awns-- times successful, but somelimes unfortunate, :mil then r. , durisig multitudes In difficulties sad want. 'En these was or be added the alteretion of fashions and Certain it.tich r. , -1 produce craning to be generally used or sewn, whirls ter el people out id their usual chauuels of inelus.ry and larari of subsistence. Was it then extraordinary that people SO circnnastanced should be more liable to delusion of opinion and she' ralion of comfort, aud mote exposed to the arts of insidious densamota s who were read!, - to take advantage of their distress to iu-ail ono ter is minds the principles of sedition! It was impeisilde vet to come then to the conclusion, that the Legislature was im peratively called on to prevent these trailers hum peen-- erring his such plan.; if they wished to save the 'lei wet of their arts from being plunged into irremediable rum (Har, hear, hear)—Tlwre was one CirruinfitBncis this 's, at the present moment might render the poor Inuit iriltabie and iuflarnmable than they otherwise would be ; he nieJeit the degree of information which had bees letterly diffused amongst them, and the facilities they had aequired of op. proaching the various sources of blasphemy and ardillud published and dispersed through the country. He dist 1,4 mean to argue against general rducatiou, hut he said is was the duty of the House to take care that this reltreatiou should not be metes the means of evils infinitely greater than ant which could result from igtiorance.-.11. Seers.,-- He wished to impress upon them the aloulaite necessity id' sonic cautionary mid repressive measuees, similar . to ;hose proposed, and applicable to the whole of the country ; for if they confined their operation to the maaufacturiugdistructs, they left the others open—if they shut out the poison frioti one place holy, they pel hap. turned and forced at into 5..- other. Seeing the amplitude of the evil to he overcome-- aware at the same time that the measures proposed desluee ed something from popular liberties—he should submit la the latter iucouvenieuce iu order to remove the former (Cheers )--lie should prefer the lesser of two evils, end yield to a to-Tulin inflactitro on valuable rights awl Fit %- lege', to escape the miseries of universal anarchy aud eon. fusion.—(Loud (sad long-coatinwed theerirg) Mr SIIIVTIM then ruse to address the House, but we regret to say, that the noise was so great as to resider him very frequently inaudible in the gallery. Knowing as he did, that much mischief had been done by itinerant orators going about the country and inflaming the people, lie was willing to assent 1.1 any reasonable measures fur remedying the evil ; but he thouzlit that the remedy cout•ined iu the Bill DOW before the House, was ten thousand times worse than the elistase.—(ieor.)--The Huts. Member then repro bated in strung terms, that clause I. the Bill, s loch reu deml persons who should preside at a public meetrug, at tended by treesOlill trout another parish, test retiring after half an hour's notice, guilty of felony. There was woe ob servation which applied itself to all the coercive Ultaellialli they did nut strike at the root of the evil—they only touched the syisiplosne, but did not reach to the source of the disease. The Honourable Member then mown. , rated the following causes of the present discontent. — I. The distress arising from want of employment sod stag nation of trade; 2. Seditious and blasphemous writings es.. ciliated *moot the lower orders, and the speeches of the 1 itinerant orators; 3. A notion that that House did not pro party represent the people; 4. The iwiquituus and vexatious %piton of Government pursued by the existing Admirsistra tion. The best methud, if not to surest the progress, yet to lessen the force of the first cause was, that the House should manifest a sincere disposition to remove or alleviate the sufferings of the people. He was willing to meet any tare measure fur repressing the second, the circulation of dal.- gerous publications. With respect to the opheiou of the in adequacy of the present representation, he thought it be.. came the House to go into a serious inquiry oii that subject in the course of the Station. And lastly, the only remedy for the fourth was a general change iu the system of Ad ministration Ms. daxaceonult said, be was of that class who. admit. thug the %weer:3lly of certsiu coercive immures at the present juncture, did nut yet think themselves justified in competes. tug to their Isnug made either general or permanent; and %Junking dots, Ins vote would be couditiural till the House went into a Committee, where be could adore fully discover the object of the Noble Lord mud ha colleagues. It was im possible, looking at the papers out the table, to say, that discontent prevailed beyond the manufacturing districts, and was it out unreasonable and unjust to impose restric tions un the whole of the population fur the errors of a part f The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then argued, that the rollaf cot nre of the Bill before the House would be, to ren der the right of nteetiug iu all the counties to which its operation esieuried, dependant on the will of the Lord Lieu tensut, nr the Sheriff, sir Magistrates, for the exercise of the eight of inciting; mad the dismissal of Earl Fitzwillians was a signal Ise a:l such individuals what they hail to ex. 'meet if they should dare to oppose the wishes of Ministers— sad lie considered this a paramount objectioa.—(Hear.)-- He !homed the consequence of exteuding the operation of the B;hl to the whole country, would be to excite jealousy, soul ill-will iu those who were now peaceable, loyal, and ussoffendiug. The present. state of thins was as anxious and difficult one, hut it became the House to esaiidaiu its own dignity and the authority of the law. Thiiiking so, he would go into the Committee with the Noble Lend, hoping that lie would there consent to limit the exmot all . (Juliana of the inflames. ._ Lord A. Haul 1.7014 said, he was about to tender bis rote. sot soma, io Ina Majesty's Minis:els, Lilt frt.:li uculte demos lion of the actual necessity of t!:e in-issuers cinch were uow submitted to the cuusideratom of toe (Urns', ',cur.)—lf he were tusked the C 1116.11 of the state of thine, and of the dissatisfaction untfur...:j in; %mi.- itig among the people, he would state, dittress—lhe Ist, $ll, and 4th cause was thstre.ss, awl the utter inalt,l;iy of the people to obtain tricquele solisistence fawn any application ut their labour. lie bad, however, the strongest objection to pr, miment Pleasures of coercion, or to their applmattun be yond the local necessity of the CASC.—(Hear). Mr. Coat (uf Notfulk) lamented the cuur►e of the pro pose! Bill, rit for as it applied In the. alagistrit y, anti la mented the occasional exercise of a power un the p .rt of Lord Lieuteinint.—a power which be was te'j notified 111 gulag. To .hew the length to which tliß power bad been earrial, Lie named an instance iu which ge irrcamineott ed the Imams of some gentlemen . to be ptield the cumulus /km of the peace, beat tbe Lord Lieutettatif 'timed the lire He (Mr. Coke) 'subsequently submitted 11 to Mc present Lo Chancellor, who, sit the bantlestioest manner, put the zentle men who were rejected by this Lord Lieutenant in t b w eons otiisiou of the peace,. and observer! that" was in tic breast, out io ties Lieeleoeurs, that the dlscietion of sp . ppotabent roo:4,—(llear—iiirdislikcd.illittttlier 16c ths. .~~ if 11 \ I 0 .: I ' i I , il I I . ii ' i• -., . ' i . 1 s; i 1 1 i il , I,jc i ' 1 . t , i . . . 1 , 1 ii I , ' c , , t 1 I t ir 1. I . t ii 1 1 , 1 , 1, I 1 1