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namely, the diffieuhy of the petitioner finding security foe keeping tl'e pence site: the period of his imprisonment. The origin of the insurrections were rut of the heart, but of the stomach, and should not be reliztlessly punished u they were used to be. A man coo tiara so leirg mild not be expected to find friends to bail him. Mr. PP.EL.--That circumstance will no doubt be taken into consideration at the proper period. The petition was then ordered to be laid on the table and printed. A message from the lords announced their Lordships' agreement to several yuldic and private Bills. BEER DUTIES. Lord STANLEY presented a petition from the inhabitants of Warrington, mains! the Beer Duties Bill—Ordered to be printed. Also a petition from the common-brewers of some parish in Lan cashire against the same Bill. Mr. CARTER presented . similar petition from Portsea. IRISH ATTORNEYS. Mr. L. FOSTER presented a petition from the attorneys of Ire. land against the Stamp Duties Bill. The annual licence was a par ecular grievance of which they complained.—The petition was or dered to be printed. The lion. Member also presented a petition from Ardle, county of Louth, against the Bonded Wheat Bill.—Ordered to be printed. HIDES AND SKINS. Lord G. LENNOX presented a petition from the butchers of Chichester against the Hides and Skins Bill. Sir H. W. WILSON presented a petition from the Licensed Vic:uallers against the Beer Bill.—Ordered to be printed. NEORO SLAVERY. Sir M. W. RIDLEY presented a petition from Newcastle-upon- Tyne in favour of the abolition of negro slavery.—Ordered to be ptinted. Also a petition front the brewers of the same town against the Beer Bill.—(hdered to be printed. Also a petition from Bridport, in favour of the Beer Bill.—Oo dered to be printed. BEER DUTIES. Mr. CURWEN presented a petition front a certain parish in Cumberland, against negro slavery; ahoa peton from the tanners of Cockenuouth, against the Hides and Skins Bill.--Onlered to be printed. NI,. LA W LEY presented a petition from the licensed victuallers of Birmingham, against the Iker Bilh--Ordered to be printed. 11m' BAG WELL presented a petition from Clogheen, against the Warehousing Corn Bill. LINEN BOUNTIES. bora O'NEIL presented a petition front Antrim, against the repeal of the linen hounties.—Ordered to be printed. Lord BINNING presented a petition from the procurators of Haeldiegton, against the steam duties. HUSH TITHES. Mr. S. RICE presented a petition from the parish af Temple- N (Tipperary). against the Tithe Bill. He hoped the altera tions ar.aele in that Bill would ultimately render it an effective and useful measure.—(hdeted to be printed. Captain 11.1t1'CE presented a petition from a certain parish in Ayrshire, against negro slavery. Mr. PRYSE presented a petition from the inhabitants of the county of Carmarthen, against the Window and !louse Tax.—Laid on the table. Mr. JONES presented a petition from the town of Carmarthen, against the Window tax—Laid on the table. HIDES AND SKINS. Mr. B. WILBRAHAM presehted a petition from the butchers of Dover, in favour of the Hides and Sting Bill. Mr. J. SMITH presented a petition from James ,!"","rusker, of the county Fermanagh, stating, that in 1823, his cottage was sur rounded be forty people, that five of them entered his house and ill.treatcd his wife and family. Two magistrates took up the CAM • warmly ; some of the offending panics were apprehended. but yet illegally admitted to bail. They were tried at Enniskillen, and acquitted. The Seneschal of Enniskillen seized the poor man's cow fur coats—an act which might be Irish law, but was actually contrary to justice and common sense. The poor man was minx eptently amused of a riot, and convicted and sentenced to six months imprisonment—how justly or unjustly he would not say. The House, however, should inquire into the whole of the pro ceedings front their first commencement; into the conduct of the reagistratm who admitted the former parties to bail, as well of the •ffteachal who acted in so singular a manner. He did not mean to say that every word stated in the petition was strictly true ; but atter every effort at inquiry to ascertain the fact, he believed it to be true. The persons committing this outrage were Peelers, certainly rot an Irish name, and the cause of it was one of political of opinion. He felt in presenting this petition, that he was dis charging a public duty in calling the attention of the House to the • story of this poor man's sufferings and woes. When an outrage like that he had stated took place, it was the custom here to make inquiry, and be trusted the Irish Government would follow so use ful an example. Lien. ARCHDALL said that it did not appear the Jury who tried the petitioner was an Orange Jury, which was the same as a Protestant Jury. (hear, hear.) It was due to the magistettes and juries of the county of Fermanagh to vindicate their character from the imputations thus indirectly thrown out against them. Lord MILTON said, that being half an Irishman himself, and boasting that he was so, he deprecated that the Hon. Gentleman, in defehce of a F h Jury, should cast upon the Protestants of Ireland the stigma that they were Orangemen ; a band of people stated as necessary to be Out down, and that in the highest quarters. Mr. CANNING said, the Gallant Officer was misunderstood; he did not mean to say that every Protestant was an Orangeman, but that they were so considered. Mr. GOULBURN said he was cognizant of all the facts of the ease, but he recollected that the petitioner had presented a memo vial to him, and the Crown Solicitor had directions to take up the &WT. and there his knowledge of the matter ended. Ile believed the inquiry was very properly conducted. Mr. Plet'N'lihTT said, that when the complaint of the petitioner was made to him, directions were given for an upins% and they were prosecuted for the offence. The de fence was an aggravation of the crime; the parties, how. ever went to trial, and in consequence of alibis they were ac quitted. If the Seneschal had acted as be was charged with doing, he must say it was altogether illegal. Though he thought his conduct wrong, he did not think it was so malicious as to jus tify my proceeding in the Court of King's Bench. The petition was then ordered to be printed. Mr. JOHN SMITH stated that the Irish Government had riot dune their duty, and that if a similar outrage took place in England the Secretary of State would have acted otherwise : • Magistrate of the county Tyrone had allowed the culprits to bail. lie felt fully satisfied that if the evils of Ireland were known the House would not close this Session without making some effort to remedy them. Mr. JOHN DOHERTY said, that if the Hon. Member (Mr. J. Smith) had confined himself to the statements in that petition, he (11r. l)oherty) would not have offered a single observation to the House. He had not intended to trouble the House this even ing, and nothing could have overcome his reluctance to address them, except the very severe though indirect attack which had been made upon the administration of justice in Ireland. He did not rise to de bate the petition Mich, ror to vindicate the Attorney-General fur Ireland, nor the Right. Hon. Secretary for Ireland, but to discharge what he felt to be an important obligation. Ile was but a new Member of that ]louse, and it was strange to his ears to hear charges brought against persons of high judicial station in an other country, shim character, talents, and integrity, would reflect honour even on the bench of this country, where the adniinistra. non of justice was so unquestionably pure. (Hear, hear.) State ments like those in the petition would not be tolerated in Ireland. The facts might occur there, and so they might occur in England ; but whenever they did occur, the legal tribunals were open to the sufferers, and no distinction was ever made between the rich and the poor man. He was well aware that neither his name nor his authority were sufficient to decide such a question ; but its he had just come hum Ireland, where he had had a professional eape rie ce of seventeen years, he trusted that his evidence would be considered as not without its value. Ile had never known the slightest difference between wealth and poverty when they appeared a' parties before the Court. He did not speak as a party man—he ass wholly untainted by party. Though for seventeen year a public man, yet he never opened his lips on apolitical quo-non be fore. Ireland was divided by parties, and they were a source of great danger to the country ; but for himself he was free from in fluence. He apologised to the House for his intrusion, but he could not remain silent when any imputations where thrown upon the judicial atlittinie.ration of law in Iteland. (Hear, hear.) Mr. M. FITNERALD deprecated the religious differences that prevailed in Ireland, as much as any man. Indeed, where those teligious partialities anti prejudices prevailed he was not so solicitous foe the intervention of a jury as in those parts which were freer from such an influence. 11- would even go so far we to say, that where those prejudices prevailed he would altogether prefer to libido-by the alechtion of the Judge, than take the chances of such a veolice as was to be expected from a Jury constituted of persists whom minds were biassed and embittered by the unfor tunate terejudires that prevailed in Ireland. Ph. DOHERTY explained. Mr. PEEL recommended that the petition be withdrawn. It appeared, that ore important witneas had not been called at the trial. Thera were other facts of which an accurate knowledge had nut been arrived at, from want of time to provide it. By with drawing the petition at prevent, and calling the attention of the House to it et a future venal, when opportunity ler procuring information could be affor&al, those who might be affected by the petition would he abOft fairly dealt with. Mr. GRATTAN adverted to a case which fell under his own cheer/Alien ; some of the offence!' against whom charges were pre ferred, were transported for a term of years, and others for life ; he could only say, without impugning the conduct of the Jury on that occasion, that if he were in the per -box at that trial, he would not have returned melt a verdict. He thought every effort ought to be made to prevent the obstruction of the couffe of justice, by im peaching fair and impartial juries in Ireland. After a few words from Mr. Peen and Mr. J. SMITH, the petition was ordered to be laid on the table. CAVAN ELECTION. , . Indies. The Honourable Meml of which he had given notice for G. of Slay, and the second to the Ist of June. INQUIRY INTO TILE STATE OF IRELAND. Lord INQU IRY rose to submit the motion of which he had given long previous notice. He felt the importance of the question and the variety of interests it involved; and, in claiming the in dulgence of the House for the time he would detain them, he was aware how his claims to their indulgence was diminished by his inadequacy to the performance of the task he had undertaken. (Ucar, hear, hear.) He hoped that the Committee, for which he would that night move, would be granted; and, although his Majesty's Ministers and gentlemen opposite might not feel dis posed to entertain his views, yet did he contemplate great ad vantages from the discussion of the subj ect ; and then conscious ness of the good of which he anticipated it would be productive, induced him to forego the personal considerations which might have weighed with him not to bring it forward. (Hear, hear, hear.) To state all the reasons which should induce the House to enter into the inquiry would embrace the statement of a long coarse of events, into the detail of which it was not necessary to enter. It would he sufficient to say, that since our connexion with that country, England had ever treated Ireland as conquerors did the conquered. This hail been the relation between this and the sister country for centuries. For a long time, too, this state of things had been embittered and aggravated by religious differences. It must be admitted that the evils of Ireland were of long duration, and that such evils could not be removed but with great difficulties. They should be approached with care, and the measures intended for her relief should not be adopted with pied. pitation or acted on with violence. The observations he had this far made were applicable to the state of Ireland before the Union. Admitting that up to that period, as the majority of the people were of a religion different from the religion of the state, it might be ex. pedient to withhold concessions; yet as after the passing of that Act, and the incorporation of the legislatures they became a minority of the empire, concessions might with more facility be made, and im provements effected in their situation. Of the union he would simply say, that in his opinion it was a wise measure. Like all other measures, however, it was likely to be attended with evils and advantages—the evi ls were certain and immediate, the advan tages only contingent ; by which he meant, that whilst manifest inconvemencies must flow from the measure, the advantages which were to accrue from it depended on a wise administration of the af fairs of Ireland. The benefits which a wise administration was ex pected to confer were, a decrease of the mischiefs arrising from re ligious differences, a putting down of all factions, and an equality of political rights. (Hear, hear.) The withdrawal of capital con. sequent on the Union, by the removal of 40 many of the landed pro prietors, would be more than compensated by the salutary enact ment of legislative measures of this tendency and effect. He thought a general inquiry into the state of Ireland preferable to Committees of inquiry into different points. The former mode would enable the (louse to be more fully and accurately acquainted with the condition of that country, and to ascertain what points were most worthy of their attention. There were difficulties, he was aware, in the way of such an inquiry, but difficulties he was sure an earnest efon on the part of a Committee of that House would easily enable them to surmount. As to evidence, sufficient could be collected in that House to supply every necessary state. ment in the prosecution of such an inquiry as he proposed. Ile would anticipate the objections that might be made to the conces sion of the motion, with which he intended to conclede; first, it might be said, that the motion of which the Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland had given notice on Thursday, would be sufficient to an. swer the purposes of his motion. The notice which the Right Hon. tientleman gave related to the continuance of the Insurrection Act, and did not embrace those extensive and beneficial objects com a prised and contemplated within the scope of the present motion ; and here it should be observed, that the very necessity of calling for the enactment of that Act, proved the existence of the evils he had adverted to. It proved that Ireland was not in such a state as she ought to be, and ~ tera:d also the necessity of inquiring into and remedying it. Hear, hear, hear.) Another objection which he expected wood be taken to his motion was, the enormous' length of time which such an inquiry would occupy. As the time certainly would be considerable, it did not much signify at what period of the Session this question was brought forward; whether at the beginnin, the middle, or the end, as it would last more than i one Session. 'le ( hoed Althorp) had sat on a Committee now i appointed upwards of three years to inquire into the foreign trade of the country: would it then he said to be too much so give some portion of time to Ireland, the consideration of whose situation did not yield in importance to the foreign trade, important even as that subject was 7 Surely it would not be difficult io find 21 Members in that llouss l to devote themselves earnestly to the promotion of the pros ' petit) , and well-being of Ireland. Among the prominent subjects that most invited their attention was, in the first instance, the relation of landlord and tenant, in the exercise of the duties of which relation many abuses had crept up. If by a Committee these abuses were fairly exposed, in his opinion such exposure would greatly tend to rectity and remove them. There was a running account kept between the landlord and tenant. The tenant paid his rent in labour: this deprived him of the moans of paining any little capital which would enable hint to purchase spinning-esti:els and other machinery, to occupy and engage the industry of the females of his family. An improve ment of this relation would, he entertained no doubt, result from the Goinmittee of Inquiry, now sought. Again, there were the Middlemen, aird the evils arising from the subdivision of farms, and other causes, which would well merit the attentive considera tion of such a Committe. The next point to which he would direct the attention of the Ilouse was, the employment of capital, and the employment of the people. The able and conclusive speech of the lion. Member for Northampton (Captain Moberly), on • former night, must have convinced every person how available the employnnent and distribution of capital in Ireland might be mode to the employment of its population. One of the greatest evils of Ireland was, the distrust that prevented persons in England from embarking their capital in that country. The danger was greatly exaggeratetl—the people could not be sup posed to entertain a dangerous hostility towards persons who only aimed at the improvement of their condition. The re sult, Men, of this Committee would be to satisfy the people Gf England that their want of confidence was groundless; and if this assurance were given, as the deliberate opinion of a Committee of that House. he was sure it would cause an influx of capital into Ireland. In doing so, he was convinced that English capitalists would much more lietititehly employ their money than in many of the wild ache:nes in which they were at present engaged. On a -- . further postponed two motions, ~morrow; the first for the 20th Mr. ARERCRO3IBV presented a petition from certain electors of the county of Cavan, relative to the transactions which took place at the late election of a member for that county. !Sabre. he pre_ aerated it, he begged to state that he had no personal knowledge of the names affixed to it, with the exception of one gentleman of property. and which gave him an assurance of the respectability of the other signatures. The petitioners complained of the improper, and even factious conduct t.f the Slveriff of the county of Cavan. They stated that on the advarcentent of Colonel Barry to the peerage of Ireland, a new writ for the election of a l'eer was ignite% and transmitted to the Sheriff. The triode in which the Sheriff gave notice of the day of election was by a pl..canl to which his name wee subscribed, and at the head of which was placed an ettigy of King" on horseback. the words " glorious anti iiiimorril memory, an orange Rag and other indications, which were writ-known emblems and characteristics of the Orange party 'ln Ireland. This placard ma circulated throughout the county. former occasion lie had svggested the taking off of taint, uan en. Under these inauspicious circumstances the election commenced. eouragentent of the circulation of capital there. It had been oh- On the dry of election, all the avenues to the Court-house were jetted to this suggestion, that it would have the effec t of makin g crowded, and tuck wit the conduct and demeanor of the persons Ireland a manufacturing rival of Englaml. He owned that if such who pre-occupied the Court.house towards the disappointed cant% were the effect he w ou ld re j o i ce; h e wo uld be glad to see Ireland date (31r. Conte), he was so reviled and insulted, that he was a rival of this country, and emulative of her greatness in menu. obliged to throw himself on the Sheriff for protection. In the vio- ; factures, in commerce, and in every profitable pnrsuit that lame which took place on that occasion a murder was committed. !gOCII to constitute national pmaperity. (Hier, hear, hear.) It was on this occasion also that a speech was addressed, or asserted Rut Ireland was far from that condition yet. Let it be considered to be addressed, by one of the Magistrates, which deserted at least ! how much more serviceably would that money be employed in animadversion. Ile congratulated the friends of the successful can- , bringing Ireland nearer to the state of England's pmspefity, wpich dictate that, '• as Orangemen, they were now a legally constituted was now expended in maintaining police and military eitabiish body." He (Mr. Abactoinby) was not accustomed to oppose or meets throughout the country; but it was not so much of the ex direct himself against opinions, but the House w ould J u die w hat I peruse he complained as of the system which that expense went to must be the effects of such opinion, coining with the weight support—(hear) a system of arbitrary power and coercive govern of the speaker's personal character on the mi n ds o f those I Mut, which !Mould not b e t o l er ated wi'hin the limits of a free con. whom he addressed. The petitioners stated further, that it Mutation, and which must be hateful to every generous and candid was with reluctance they presented this petition, but that they mind. (Cheers.) The next point to which he would advert was to did not appeal before the House on the first provocation. In the Grand Jury Presentments, a great evil and a great source of job early part of last year a proencation had been given on the occasion bing in Ireland. The amount of taxation for one year was 7a10,0001. of moving an athltess to the Marquis Wellesley,—an occasion Now was this, he should ask, a sum which Ireland, in its which ought to have created very different sentiments front those flrent aituneinn,was able to defray for the purpose of roast-making? which were there minced. A sanguine hope was entertained by Hasit in such a state as that the system of making roads in Eng. the petitioners that the proceedings which took place in that House I land should be adopted there, or would it not be preferab l e to in. last year would be available to prevent t he continuance of those so- I traduce the plan of directing a line of road similar to the plan of cieties, but in that hope they have been disappointed, and the effect !that which prevailed in the Highlands of Scotland ? These were of the measures of last your has been not to induce the Orangemen ; points which would be properly determined by the I anninittee to obey the laws, but to evince the ingenuity with which they may be I which he now proposed to be appointed. The next topic to which successfully evaded. The prover of the petition was, that the Un. he would invite the attention of the House was, the Church. der Sheriffof the county might be brought to the bar and examined He would yield to tin person in the respect and sincere reverence he sa to the facts stated in the petition. Ile would only further add, entertained towards the Church ; he thought its existence to be in that if the petitioners were not permitted to enjoy the same bless. separable from, and connected with, the vital interests of the ings and advantages which the Constitution extended to other sub. country ; but considering the number of persons attached to it in jecta, they would at least be entitled to protection, and not de- , Ireland, and its large revenues, a question might arise as to the pro nicd the benefit of the laws which secured that protection to them. priety of granting part of the cheich property to promote objects of He would conclude by proposing four points on which he requested I State. Connected with the Church was the tithe system . lie ad information either from the Member for Cavan or his Right lion. ! mitted that some improvements were made in that system Friend the Attorney-General for Ireland. First, as to the number ; by the Bill lately introduced into that House by the Right of Innen% of which the panel was composed on the trial (as we I Honourable the Secretary for Ireland; but there were many understood) of the persons charged with the murder of the person; evils still attached to it which called Mr remedy and redress. The above alluded to ; secondly, how many of that panel were Protes. r persons who principally paid tithes were persons of a different re tants and how many Catholics ; thirdly, how many were objected figious persuasion; they were many of them ignorant persons to on the part of the crown. and how many on the part of the pd. who acted from feeling and impulse, and who naturally felt the soners; fourthly, how many of the persons of whom the panel was payment of tithes a great severity and hardship. Resides the tithe originally composed were on the Jury ? I laws of Ireland were peculiarly intricate and complex ; whereas Mr. MAXM'ELL (in a maiden speech) remembered the meet-' they ought to be plain and pcefectly intelligible. In England, if ing which took elate in the early part of last year, and regretted I the clergyman omits to take offhis tithe from the ground in props that it had ever occurred. It provoked the discuss ion of a question : time, he forfeits it. Again, if through negligence be injures the quite uncongenial with the feelings of the county. Before that dis- property of the parishioner, he hi bound to redress him for mission there was not a more tranquil or peaceable minty in Ire. i the injury : whereas, there wete no similar provisions in the land than that of Cavan, and it was but justice to the Catholic* of ! tithe-laws of Ireland, which guaranteed similar protection from that county to say they did not yield to their Protestant brethren the negligence or injury of the clergyman towards the occupier. in loyalty and good conduct, feeling that they enjoyed the blessings The Noble hoed proceeded to Faint out various instances in which and advantages of the same constitution. (Hear, hear.) As to the the tithe laws of Ireland were oppressive on the poorer occupiers of High Sherifrof the county of Cavan, whose conduct was impeached, the soil, the oppressiveness of which would be mitigated by the he begged to say that he held in his hand the only notice which result of the proposed inquiry. The factions of Orangemen and bore his real signature, and instead of the effigy of King William, Ribbonmen, should also enrage the attention of such a Committee. it simply bore the Royal Anus. (Hear.) it was unfair and un- ' lie had no preference fur either, they were both bad, and entailed candid in his opinion for the petitioners to attribute to the Sheriff confusion, misery, and every species of distress on the country. It such conduct, after he had twice publicly denied it, once from the . would not be an easy matter to deal with them, but much might hustings, and once in a letter, from which he begged to read an ex- . be expected from an effort, such as the Committee would doubt tract, to the elect that the placard to which the Honourable less make, to appease the passions by which they were agitated. Member adverted war, circulated throughout the county without his ! The Noble Lord stated that the londlorda in Ireland formed an knowledge, privity, or consent. It was to be regretted, that on the ' oligarchy, from which their unfortunate tenants were totally ex - eyening of the election, a murder took place, but under what sir- eluded; there was a complete separation of interests, and it was eumstanceit, or by whom, it did not yet appear. A trial took place, I impossible, with the feelings that at present existed between the ' and the persons charged with the murder were fully acquitted, I landlord and tenant, that either confidence or good fellowship could with the satisfaction of the Judge, and even of the prosecuting ! spring up between them. It could not be denied that the Irish Counsel. It was too mach the custom of the present day to speak people had just cause of complaint. If he went into the discia of Protestants and Orangemen, IR though they were synonimous don of the Church Establiahment, it would there be found that the terms. He (Mr. Maxwell) WAS not an Orangeman, butat the same Catholics, the great body of the Irish people, were called on to sub. time he was ready to bear testimony to the merits and services of I scribe to the support of that Establishment, from which they de. Orangemen. The secrecy of a society was not what in his opinion ! rived no sort of 'benefit. In the next place, the Catholic were I made it most objectionable—the objects of the society were what •• excluded from nearly tied offices of the State • not excluded needed most to be attended to. Estimating then, the societies of ,by the law, but excluded by the practice. It had been stated on a Orangemen and Ribbonmen by this test, he would say that the ob.; former occasion by the Right Honourable 1./antenna opposite jests of the Orange Institution was to support the Protestant , (Mr. Peel), that inasmuch as the profession of the Catholic faith Establishment and Protestant succession, and to tender their as.. formed no ground of exciusion from any offices, still that profession sistanee and support to every loyal man. On the other hand, ; formed no ground of preference to them. Hat how did it happen Ribbonmen aimed at two objects—lst, the separation of Ireland ! that out of so many situations to which Roman Catholics were eli from England ; and, andly, the massacre of the Protestant. : be gible, so few were held by them, and that too in a country where would say no more. six-sevenths of the people were Catholics? lie thought that it would The petition was then ordered to be laid on the table. Ibe but fair, that as they were shut out from the enjoyment of the Mr. HUM E presented a petition ftom Angus and Meanie, pray- higher offices of the State, there ought to be minor ones to which inm as we understood, for religious sstablishments in the We s t they should have a preference. He sincerely hoped that the con • duct of the Ri Honourable Gentleman opposite (Mr. Canning) -me Right ..- would not be such as to disappoint the country in the conlidenCe that they had placed in hint. Ile was the only person through whom that unfortunate country could be benefited. The Right Hun. Gent. possessed the power to do it, and he trusted he did not wait the inclination to use that power beneficially. Ho called on him to come forward for the preservation of his credit and repu tation. The Right Honourable Gentleman had at this moment pester power in his hands than any other man in the country ; he not only possessed the power, but he possessed also the knowledge of what was fitting to be done for the exttication of that unhappy country from its present melancholy situation. If the Right Hon. Gentleman would exert that power, he would carry with him the support of every liberal-miedal man in the country. The Noble Lord concluded by moving, " That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the ' general state of Ireland; and to report their observations and opinions thereupon to this house" Sir 11. PA KNELL seconded the motion. Ile was anxious, he said, to express his gratitude to the Noble Lord for the very able speech which he had that night delivered. and also for the very great exertions and talent* with which lie treated every subject re lative to Ireland. filr. GOULBOURN stated,• that in the observations which he had to make be should confine himself to the question more pro perly before the Howse, without entering into the various topic which had been, he thought, unnecessarily introduced by the Nobl l Lord. He believed the House could amicipate the course he man e to pursue, if they did him the honour to recollect the arguments which he had used on former questions of this nature. In op posing the motion of the Noble Lord, he must be allowed to say that he was not hostile to ir.qury or investigation, as far as they might be necessary. According to the terms of the Noble Lord's motion, a Committee might he appointed, and they might, after a long period, furnish a report replete with information ; but if they were to go into all the points embraced in the speech of the Noble hoed, the Committee never could come to the end of their labour. How was it possible for the House to apply its attention to the ex tensive plan proposed by the Noble Lord ? Noaonly was the ge neral state and bearing of the Irish Government to be taken into itonsidention, the grand jury system, and its various abuses, were also to be discussed. The wealth of the Church Establishment,— ' and whether that wealth was a source of happiness to the people was also to be submitted to the Committee,—the system of that establishment, past and present, was to be reviewed. There was also another subject of discussion, which seemed to beat the bottom of the Noble Lord's argument; he meant what was called the Ca tholic Question. Why should this question be referred to the ' Committee? Why was it debated in that House for twenty years? Why was it frequently decided. if the question was now to be de cided by that Committee ? The discussion hitherto was a mere waste of time. Was it expedient to add all these considerations to the labours of the Coaunittee ? He had, at the commencement ' of the Session, pursued that course which appeared to him to he the most convenient, and which would answer all the advantages of the Noble Lord's plan, without any of the inconveniences re sulting from it. lle thought it well worthy the attention of the House that inquiry should be made into the state of those disturbed districts which were made subject to the Insurrection Act. Froin bringing forward a motion on this subject, he was prevented by mere accident, and as he could bring it forward substantially, he would beg leave to add it as an amendment to the motion of the Noble lord, His amendment would be, that an inquiry by a Select Committee, into the state of the disturbances known to exist in certain counties, and the nature and source of these disturbances, would be expedient. When it was considered how numerous these disturbed counties were—that they comprehended some of the must ' interesting parts of Ireland, he was of opinion his plan would be attended with all the good effect that could be anticipated front the Noble Lord's motion. This was the inquiry he wished for, and he was sorry to admit there was a necessity for it. Some time since the Noble Marquis, at the head of the t :merriment in Ireland, I had reason to flatter himself that there was a gleans amidst the darkness which portended a return of sunshine, and until he was disappointed in this expectation—until he saw all attempts fur the suppression of these outrages were uecless, the Noble Person to whom he alluded would not apply to Parliament. lie stated why he thought his motion was preferable to that nut& by the Noble Lord, and he would now notice a few charges made against the Irish Government: the first was, that in spite of the frequent ad- I monitions they received on the subject , had still tolerated thelabuses in the office of Shears, Mid did not notice the frequent complaints made on the subject." 'this statement was not just; every legal effort had been made,.arod attempts were made to procureerideuee fns trials, and if trials did not take place. it was owing to the ems-1 picion that the evidence would rot be suffichnt. If this measure • was entered upon, and did not succeed, it ought tubes subject rather of reprobation than applause with the Noble Lord. With respect to the exclusion of human Catholic*, even from situations to which they were by law eligible, he thought the papers laid on the table gave the strongest answer to that assertion. The proposition was miasmal with more warmth than perhaps was right ; as the charge was moat important, it required the most serious considera tion on the part of the Irish Government. In the selection of per sons fur office, the Lonl. Lieutenant never referred to religious opt nions ; he conceived it his duty to consider only the gents and ability et the individual. In the formation of the new police it would appear there was no exclusive princii.le acted upon ; the choice was made with as much fairness as it was possible t in the police there were 91)0 Catholice, lend a I,fool Protestants. This proportion should not be taken as a fair comparaon ; foe when the new system of police was instituted, the old one wee abolished, and it wee of course expedient and wise to place in the new body those individuals who were tried in the old. The militia was disbanded at the saute time, and those persons who were thrown out of employment by the reduction of the militia establishment, were preferred to the police. In this case, therefore, the greatest impartiality was acted upon. There was not the least suspicion of the exclusive principle alluded to by the Noble Lord in the legal employments ; he would also deny the charge. If these employ ments were considered with regard to emolument, it would be found die Catholics had the greater proportion. Since the arrival in Ireland of the Marquis Wellesley, the value of the legal stations, to which the Catholics were eligible amounted to 11,71)01. a-year, and of this *sum 3,0001. a-year was held by a Catholic. Ile would, therefore, appeal to the House. and ask if this was a proof of ex clusion as to the Catholics? Ile was moat anxious to explain the conduct of the Irish Government, as it would, in his opinion, be highly impolitic and unjust to attend to any consideratimas in such mutters, except the weight of talent. There was another subject alluded to—the wealth of the Church; the Noble Lord was of opi- ''him that the welfare of the Montry world be affected hO a differont overrun from the time of Henry the Second to that of gam distribution or this property to this he aid not norm He ad. Elizabeth, but never subdued; the work which was commune witted the Church of Ireland was highly eedowed, much higher by by Strongbow had been left unfinished, and the reformation comparison than the Chutch in Engiaod ; bet from circumstances , aught to have been looked on as a deliverance, was trd this wealth was peculiarly beneficial to that country. The Clergy- with a very different feeling. Who, lie would ask, that had any man there was hound by a &mirk; duty ; his funds should not be knowledge of Ireland, or had looked into her history, could la y !divided or impaired, if it was not the intention of the House to that he ad a specific fur disorders such as hers? Who would deprive Ireland of the benefit arising front the double duty din- venture to assert that he could close the wounds which had been chorgett by the Clergyman, as a minister of religion, and as are. open and festering for ages? He did not speak this from a feeling *Went of toe soil. As to the processions completined of, he of despondency or dispair, but to make gentlemen aware of the was hostile to town At the commencement of the ses. evils they had to struggle with, and that they might not trifle slots he gave a pledge of his sentiments upon the subject.— with the country by inefficient measure-. .1 plan had been proposed The abandonment of all such processions was highly neon- by an Hun. Baronet on a former night, which met with his decided wary. They had merely the effect of keeping up the system , appmbation. It was to encourage emigration on an extensive scale. of outrage and riot, already too prevnle.d. (Here, after a con- IHe belieicd that it met the views of the natives, who wilier all siderable pause, the Right Honourable Gentlenuu: said he had times lovers of oovehy. This feeling, although unfavourable to lost the thread of his armament, and he would conclude b moving industry, was yet most favourable to the plan. If he knew any what would , in his opinion, chie fl y contribute to that which they thing of Irishmen, he knew their anxiety to visit other lands ; all all had is view, the peace, tranquillity, and ['venters of Intuit. their feeling* dwelt upon, and all their talk wan Ilia ameodinent would be for an inquiry, by a Select Committee, " Some :safer world in depths of 'roadie nbeaced, into the disturbances tied the nature of then, which existed in the Some happier island in the watery waste." districts at present under theoperation of the Insurrection Am.l He believed that in every wintry there were some • Lord MILTON did not agree with the Honourable Member repositories of power, and in Ireland the Catholic Clergy was who had just sat down. He was of opinion that benefit only could the most important one. lie thought that this body should be ;be obtaineil M . a general inquiry into the state of Ireland. The very much raised ; that they should enjoy • comfortable coin. Honourable Member seemU to argue we if the Irish Governmens recency, and that such competency Mould be given them by Go. was 4 cnertally . good, but that there were some points of it vernment. The next grand repository of power was one which deserving of inquiry, and some districts the state of which did not 'loges.. so much influence, but whose influence was on fly ought to be invem The Honourable Member seemed to increase, he moult the Roman Catholic laity. Their progrese have forgotten that l i s 'er! ' iyatem was the consequence of six cen. had bean moat rapid, for their very disabilities had toted oat ;tunes misgovernment. In his opinion no good would result from them as a stimulus to exertion. lie would refer Gentlemen on a partial investigation, and inquiry s h ould be made not alone into this point to the single profession of the law. Twenty yeses • the state of the disturbed districts, or of those tinder the operation ago an Irish Roman Catholic Barrister was scareely known, h et of the insurrection act, nor of the revenue, inquiry should be made now there were numbers of them, of acknowledged abiliiies, sod into the general state of the country, into the state of the various who possemed the confidence of the public. They were noon classes of society, the relation thou dosses bore to each other, and tom and he was proud to say it, who were eminent tar the purity above all, the relations of the venous sects; no good would result of their honour and the i ntegrity of their hem, pu rity from partial considerations. Ile agreed with an Honourable Friend I were capable of filling any sititotion whatsoever. The in. Iwho had said it was impossible to degrade a man a little, and be crease of this body of men was greatly clieckrti by a spirit would maintain there was rot a man in Ireland. from the of indium mut mistrust; they were stow to give their con "highest and middle class to the humble labourer—to the ' tidence, and apt to take offence; and they often loved more to tenant of the most wretched hovel, that did not consider I paten to a flatterer Mao a friend . He begged lie might not the exclusion of the Catholic Peer front the House of Lords de- Ibe understood as casting reflections on his countrymen. He graded himself. It was fair to suppose that Catholics were ex.: knew that this temper ass produced by an equally lamentable one eluded from situations to which they were eligible. He thought on the other side. What was the state of society that produced there was authority for the supposition in what bad fallen front this ? A state which left none untouched by its relaxing influence, the member for l'ermanagh. lie declared Orangeman and Pro- ; and enabled the most contemptible person to involve a ftestant were synouimous, and, he subjoined Mat Orangemen ; whole country in confusion. ) plop tl.e important question. as I were united in their own defame. Wear, heor.) Here was ato the two parties into which the lemf ►lnland were Melded, declaration from a Protestant landlord, who derived his re.:ts Iron lie would say a few words. He would yield to no men a Catholic tenantry. (Hear, hear.) Here "is an assurance to the la the earnest wish for the abolition of alt party feeling; but when House that Protestant landlords were united in associations against he was told that this was only to be done by putting down the their own tenants. (I leaf., hear.) Is it p essible that a country in Orangemen by the strong arm of power, he would say that more which such a state of things was t um id to exist could be . well pernicious advice could not be given to Government—it was as governed ? Could such a state of things he upheld by law ? Could advice calculated to perpetuate discord, and to put a canker in every that country be said to be well governed in which during the last two heart and a dagger in every har,d. Each would be looking for mine • centuries and a half, the property had been repeatedly confiscated, act which might give one party the ascendancy over the other; and and nine-tenths of the inhabitants were subjected to a disgroceful now theOrangetnan, and now the Ribbonman, would be waiting the system of law, a remnant of wilich was retained to this cloy, for the day of vengeance. It was not a conciliatory but an impartial Go. purpose of making five - sixths of the people slaves to an ol ig archy vernment that he wished to see in Ireland, end such he believed the 'of tyrants ? (Hear.) It was not possible such a country could be present Government to be. lie hoped he might be forgiven if he well governed; it was, in his opinion, wonderful that a people said a few worth relative to the Protestant Church of Ireland. He ; could be brought to submit to such a Government at all. There would not argue whether or not the Church ought to have been were other speeches that night pregnant with reasons for an inquiry. established in Ireland ; such a question was not for the present An Honourable !Geuther told them the object of the Ribbon- time; it was established, and it was only necessary to see what it is. men was the separation of Ireland from England, and the mat- He had known well and had known long the Protestant clergy of Iseers of the Protestants. Was not this sufficient to cause an Ireland, anti he knew no class of men who were so distinguished inquiry to be entered into? Did not the declaration that there for worth, talents, virtues—lye, and liberality too. They might was a Catholic association for the purpose of destroying one- look back without a blush on tie great predeemeorsahoin they sixth of the population render investigation necessary? (Hear). have succeeded, and they might enter into rivalry with Usher. These assertions hod been made, but lie did not believe they were Bedell, and Berkley. He was not sorry that the Archbishop of true. He did not believe the case could be made out. He could Cashel pouched 10,0001. a-year ;he thought it might be expended not bring himself to believe such to be the relative feeling of the with as much advantage to the country as the income of the Duke Catholic to the Protestam. notwithstanding the long system of of Leinster, or any other Nobleman. lie would now allude to misrule that had existed. With regard to the church establishment, 'be Orcumstano sunder which the Irish nobility and gentry were trm• It was said the clergyman was in a double capacity, as a minister of often placed. They received their education at Eton and Oiford, religion and a resident gentleman. He did not know how he could and after having made the tour of the Continent, returned to their be considered as a resident gentleman ; he was the minister of a re. native country to take possession of the estates of their ancestors. ligion nut believed in by the mnenenths of the population, and he Their first acts were to examine their leases, and to direct eject was employed in collecting tithes from the population. Under these mans, to form plans, to build, and to create a number of forty circumstances the clergyman could not be couiparesi to the gentle. shilling freeholds. 11 hen they found that their speculations did man to whom the land belongs, and who has an interest in the not turn out as well as they expected they generally left the coup. welfare and prosperity of those around him. An inquiry, there. try which received them coolly, berinse they had no claim on ite fore, on a narrow and limited scale, would produce no result. It Affection ; and they were seldom heard of except through the pub would be by this means that the ignorance so general here re. lie papers, when a debate arose its this House or the o t her, where specting Ireland would be dispelled, anti, the conclusion would be, they were found indulging in reflections on the wreck 'of that informatioo and knowledge would be soloed over England as to country. Ile did not draw this picture with a view to depreciate the real situation of that country. Until this knowledge was are. his countrymen ; he knew that there many whose feelings were of quired it was vain to expect that Ireland could be well governed. a very different nature. He now came to the question as to the There was much ignorance in this country concerning Ire- propriety of institutieg a Commitee to inquire into the State of land : this he inferred not only front certain opinions utter- the country. If the Noble Lord who proposed the meaeure, only din that House, but he ascertained it also in private so. meant to ascertain the sentiments of the people, it was well; but if ciety. 'There was much public delusion on the state of Ire. he contemplated any practical results of a betiefleial nature, he be. I land. Ile did not believe there was • single country in the heved he was mistaken in his view of the subject. It was allege ' %Vest of Europe, of which so little was known. This 'gnomes titer too extensive; and it should be considered how many chum was not confined to the lowest and middling classes ' • it reached the of people he would have to consult ; and bow were their sentiments highest. Of this ignorance there could not be a greater to be ascertained? Not by domino:am nor by oral information, proof, than the alarm evinced by English capitalists, as to which might be given to the Committer ; for the theme must come reading their property into that couotry. For this alarm he home to every man's heart. Let the Noble Lord recollect foe a thought there was nu ground ; but was it not absurd to moment what a variety of persons he would have to examine. He suppose that capital should be sent to Colombia in prefer. would have to contend with the spirit of the rebellion of 1798 on the euce to Ireland ? From the general state of Ireland, it one hand, and the spirit of fear on the other. And what would was a common supposition, amongst the high as well as the low, the inquiry produce Nothing but what was already to be found in that a state of disturbance was natural to an Irishman. This books on the subject. It would doubtless be an interesting Coto was far from being the case. Ile admitted it because second mince to be upon, but nothing more. He felt assured that the nature to him—it was inflicted upon him by the English con. gate of Ireland was not a suhjrct fur a Committee but for the nection, that began by conquering, and ended by 'sing Government; It could not be confined to me person or to them. (Hear. hear.) Ile approved highly of the sentiments ut. another, but every man must be interested in it. As an , toed by the Right lion. Gentleman respecting Lodges and Atom Irishman, he felt grateful to the Government for what had been ciationo, and of his declaration, that it was the intention of Gm already done for ibis country, and grateful because it had not at. vernment to recommend all parties to abstain from such proceed. tempted to do more. The greatest injury would be in fillies their ings. Ile was confident such a suggestion from Government hands too much. In the case of tithes, a greater change had been would be attended with the best effects Leon many persons ; as it effected than could have been cor.ceived. And, in alluding to the happeneJ at this very moment that the individual holding the principles cf free trade, he would observe, that the prosperity that office of Postmaster-General was the Grand Master of all the existed along the eastern coast of Ireland, mane him almost ice. Orange Lodges. (Hear.) From what he knew of Postmasters, dined to renal the words he had toed in the early part of his speech. from the observations he was in the habit of making upon that lie trusted that it would yet please Providence to open the hearts animal, it WAS his opinion that it would not be very difficult for of the people of England to use a liberal policy towards Irishmen, Government to have its suggestion attended to; and though perhaps that they might yet be what they had never been, ato peo aot very ;relatable to the Postmasteohe would find it necessary to fol. plc, and that the names which disgraced them, of Ribbonmen and low it. This was a plan, usual, he believed, in En ''land ; and he Orangemen, would be forgotten. He did not, however, entertain thought it might be as easily practised in Ireland. If the Govern. this hope, unless the efforts of England were seconded by those of ment wished to rule Ireland as they ought, they must cease to be a the Irish Gentry. From them, and from therm only, a real and Government of faction—they must cease to govern four-fifths of permanent good could proceed. He was about to give utterance to die population by a fiction of one-fifth. To secure the loyalty . of a sentiment which he feared might be considered Irish prejudice, this part of the population, Government was compelled to practise If any institutions were reformed, he trusted that such reformation all its arts—he did not mean sets of tyranny, but those arts, which might come from the Irish gentry themselves ;he dreaded its com. he was sorry were not confined to Ireland—he meant the arts °lcor. ing front any other quarter. The Irish gentry only posecosed in. ruption. Ireland could not be well-governed if halt' of the great men, formation relative to their country, and they would effect the end either of this country or her own, were suffered to rule her. She without haste or intemperance. It was only from them that he an could not be governed by a faction marshalled agains. Ribbonmen ticipated any thing like reform in Ireland. Let them reform them. or any other , : The error could not be all attributed to Government ; *elves. (A laugh.) If others attempt to probe the wounds. they it could he traced in • great measure to the wealthy and powerful. will probe them too roughly. het the people of England inform When he found a goveroutent bad, lie looked for the cause to the those of Ireland that if ther givenp their prejudices, England will greet--he did not Wok for it amongst the poor: he did not attribute give up hers—and then, be trust there would be a new career of the effects to weakness—he did to power. A remark of this kind was wisdom, happiness, and glory. general ;it was not confined to Ireland alone. Our conduct at Sir J. NEWPORT said that, for one, he would deprecate present was absurd and anomalous; we neither governed nor were any inquiry within the narrow limits prescribed by the Hon. governed by the people. Upon former occasiors we were at least Gentleman (Mr. Nor th .) If ever there war a period when a consistent in our folly and oppression ; we are now weak, in govern. I proper inquiry could be made with safety into the affairs of Ire ing partly by conquest and partly by barbarizing. It was an argn. hand it was t present. If it were deferred the House would meat used by those who opposed the Catholicclairns, that Bone be certain to lac an opportunity of doing much good, without concession was granted another would be claimed. This argu. doin g r. an evil. ment was at least consistent. There sas still a law in Ireland wh:ch STANLEY said that the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. subjected a priest to a fine of 5001. if he married a Catholic Nmieth) had drawn a melancholy picture of the state of Ireland, and a Protestant; so far the law was certain : he understood it ad. I whose miseries he had declared were not casual, but appeared to mitted of argument if tie were not liable to the penalty of death. ;be inseparable froin the nation. Deeply as be regretted its truth, If, therefore, this law was at all repealed, the repeal was owing to he did not regret the oratory of the lion. Gentleman, which, he implication and construction. Could it be there was an end of conceived, proved more than any thing else could the deep recess the Penal Code, when there was such a remnant of it in existence, aity for an inquiry into the cause of its evils. The only way in and applied too to the most important part of the Irish population ? which he had eneleavoured to meet the question was, by contend. They all knew the influence possessed by the Priest over his flock, leg that they were of too extensive a nature to be remedied; and and he would not, in the present state of things, with it was Ili. he therefore proposed to leave Ireland to her solitary and unre. minished. It should be the object of the English Government to graded misery. Mut he ( Mr. Stanley) would ask, if there were no put down this influence, not by taking it away directly, but by en. good to be anticipated fro. the inquiry; what advantage could lightening the body of the people. so that they should not be in. poosibly arise imam the tur.enelment ? fluenced as they had been. Toe intluence should not be destroyed at Sir .!. SEBRIGHT made a few observations in support of the once, lest it should prove not only not beneficial,' but positively motion. injurious. As to a partial inquiry into the situation of Munster, Sir F. BURDETT was surprised at the manner in which this as proposed by the Right Hum (sent. were there rot circumstances question was met by the lion. Gentleman opposite. An lion. in Ulster and Connaught requiring int ehigation ? The stale of I 31ember (Mr. North) had made a very eloquent speech, though the entire country should be made known to the people of England.; somewhat inconsistent, and it was one which ra'led forno answer, Inquiry should not be node alone imo thei state of the Govern. because it was an answer to itself. It was ell antithesis--esch aunt, es was proposed . by the Secretary, but the relative situation member of each sentence contradicting the other. (Hear, heir ) of that Government with respect to all parts of the community The Hon. Member drew a learned and a heeling picture of the should be considered. Ile wished to ionittre Mtn the state of the disasters of Ireland, calling upon the legislature to !robe that situ religious sects, and the feelings of claws to their supe- , wino, and shew the actual state of the country. We were to know this tient. There was a Bill submiued to the House, and he was I subject, said the lion. Member, and yet we were to have no ioquiry. p rou d to my, re n o ted, composting the nom of a embeds:4 No ! The state of Ireland was a dienrace to the House and the Govern. member of the English Church would dare submit such a motion ; ment of this country. Inquiry must takb place; bat yet the to the consideration of Parliament. ( Hear, hear.) I Learned Gentleman was fie an impotent measure, which, even mt Hall rose li e agree d with the Noble lona olio had I his own speech, Mewed to be so. The amendment of the Irish just sat down, in coon:lying that there was no duty more locum. Secretary was altogether no:awry. The insurrection Ac: was bent on the government than to endeavoto to suermin the cause of talked of—that miserable palliative had rot succeeded ; but to that th e ev il s of Ireland. That coun try had p r oc e eded from one atHic. I extent alone was inquiry to go. The Irish Secretary would only go :n tion to another, and each season had brought with it a peculiar ' that miserable extent. and the Hon. and Learned Gent. (Mr. Noof.) misery—the first was famine, the second fever, and the third ' while eloquently in king of Ireland's wrongs, filtrated all inquiry. rapine and murder. If it were asked what were the causes of I Tyrants called submission peace, and the Learned Gentleman fon thou lamentable circumstance*, every man's answer would be ; lowed their opinions. It was said the Catholic peasantry had no dictated by his own interests or feeling*. The landlord would thing to fear and nothing to hope—an exact definition of dement attribute them to the tithes, and the clergy in return would and yet there was to be no inquiry. The statement of the Learned lay them to the account of rents. He believed that nothing con. Gentleman would of itself be a ground for inquiry ; the miserable cured more to their production than the want of suffieieut ern.. and unfortunate people of Ireland were allowed to be deprived of ployment fur the people. This is with them a wart, and a want all inquiry, and yet it was said that their privations were to their necessary to them as Men food; without which they must naturally advantage ! If this were so it would be a fair subject for inquiry become uncivilized anduntamed; it is the prompter to hopeless indo . and consideration. If under such di-advantSges the Irish people lenee'and desperate misdeeds. The Irish peasant was too frequently had so advanced, their condition was the mote untitled to Inca rv. placed a; the bottom of the class of human beings ; he Neel none This called 'forth the moral question of Catholic emancipation above him whom he can hope to overtake ; and he generally (hear, hear), and that question must be attended to. The Hon• takes the alms which he receives, with as much independence Member (Mr. North) had a happy power at drawing pictures of as he who gives them feels; he has but little hope of improving the most opposite tendency. He praised the Orangemen, alum his condition, and as little tear of its becoming Wane ; he looks , ru'ml Ireland to her ruin; he praised the geritty, whom he said to around hint, and beholds men ssho are sprung from another 'be Orangetnen • and yet he preised, souteMr or other, the Catho overlook another l i t a m su se irt r Oc ies 'v d err f o ro nt f d een i race, and who he conceive' are placed over hien with the law ' lie people of th at fine but unforturnte country. His violent !rho and the sword to keep . him quiet and to keep him poor. He •as, however, almost equally balanced. The emit, of Ireland ilan see imentod s n. , tf t :w h rh, ere iihnli f y o tt r i e ,hee , ani i f: n eehi t pt h iumnp e enished v na i d u t l i a e t ar i f o o n r o i f t, ti h me e larecweinLmdocaralthciodipabanbiliiaty such we al] p in ie di cou iscriga f t a e i l l y It ra l! sed e ; oll a itl nd t i h t e w l ai nsu c Tr i ee Y ii % cm .m A deTf et n is ce coa rted . Coold - bad measures promote gaol will ? The limo and learned tient. praised a suggestion which he (Sink'. B.) threw out of colonization martyr. excllen excellence f o ll rag thil e tar is ta co r verted into that of a murderer and incendiary. In stating the from Ireland. He (Sir F. Burdett did not mean emigration; co the two grand evils—the place the Irish peasant holds in society, I man, unless blessed like an amiable Orangemen, would stop in teat it--the examples leave it, with all their pommy and all their industry. Th • and the wait of employment, it was necessary that he should not I country. AU men of etas:mein wou'd leave Ireland, and d d generation, and a w n:ll:er n gov irelan etn t ue i lt d of ib t e his sta T atgi ntry i g n e t il u n u ri e en ra m ee t , ion as of to w itab g a not COUTS^e to effect anything r constitution of this House would nut ge wl it h ot hwi t for b on een to t n i : endless, turbulent, and barren succession . The country had beset allow them to do so. Peace or war, they could not meet the enveerol N' ~I 1 1 ic~~ ~' ;1 ,!‘ I~