The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1819-07-02 00:00:00

IV V , , • 1 1 ' lAA .11apenditure. was a departure frost the principles of politi cal ocencoy, the Resolutions wet , pet sad agreed to. PETITION OF NR. BEDINGFIELD. . Lord Alosesett said he rose, in pursuance of notice, to presents Petra's front Mr. John Beding field, of the Navy Pay 01Ice. The Petitioner was a Gentleman of &a . m./acid and honourable family. and wished the .alteistiou of the Reuse to he called to his ine:ituritiee conduct in the year 1795. At . that period gmat dlosatisfoetion existed is the anode of the lower orders of the people, but he intent not . to allude to that diesetisfection, or to the cause of it, fprthrr titan was absolutely necessary. In the .. c ollmilb of October, in the' year, his Majesty. when putialeding to Parliament, wes treated in n manner that could not be too much nor too severely repre- tended. It was only necessary to • look to - the '. Proclamation issued at the time, to prove the classtence of the principal facts alleged in the Petition. The Proclamation set forth, " That on the.sth of October, 1795, certain evil.disposed persons assembled together in different parts of Westminster, and committed divers unlawful acts, . which were dangerous to our Royal Person, and teased an interruption of our Royal duty." • This proved the *notelet and unruly conduct of the populace .ill the list instance. But it dill n o t end there. After his Majesty's retain to St. Jams'', he proceeded in Ins private coach to wards Buckingham-house. Ha was observed, and The same violenc• and the same expressions of die loyalty with which he beet been previously assailed, were renewed. He woold out himself state what luipoesied, but read a few lines from ilre work of a coistemporary author, which would place the.cir "curastaseces in their wooer light. The extract, in 41w first instance, deecebed the outrageous conduct . of the populace, and the danger in which hislia. „play was placed. and proceeded to state, that " at .thi. momenta Gentlennin of the name of Biding 'field tuierfered. aid endeavnered to repress the fury of the snob. He resoled his Sovereign Cons their power. and conveyed him in safety to the Palace." He (Lord Morpetti) would not dwell on this noble act. Hr would roily my, that, when a Gentle man exposed himself to the violence of the mob, especially on such an 0 , casino, his ' services ought not to be forgotten.—/ /fear, hear, hear.) — in the evidence which was ofterwiarris given, with respect to this outrage. the following statement of an eye-witness would be found : " J was on the spot. The guards were absent. I saw Mr. Beding field, with a stirk in his hand. oppose the. mob. Ile placed himself near the carriage. The fury of ' the mob was so great, that, but fur the exertions of • "Mr. Beilingfield. I believe they would have dragged his Majesty from the carriage." It would be asked, was not this important service recognized at the time? It was recognised, by his Majesty him. Pelf, who, at the next levee, while speaking to Mr. ''• Bedingfirld, made use of these very few, but very i. • . . emphatic words—" You carne just in time."— ( Hear, hear.)—These words stamped the mature lif the service, as one of importance.—/Hear, hear. j— To a gentleman witnessing all ample for tune, such words. eionld undoubtedly be an ample "'valid. But though. as he .hod already stated, Mr. Beditigtield was connected with an ancient and honourable family. be was not in au devoted . at !Genitive .condition or life—and therefore it was not w ful that lie should wish fur 4 more sobst l ntl mark of approbation than ' bed been bestowed on him. ll' he had desist ed from making an application to that , House, at nn twilit period, it was because he was without in ference. Applicatioa had however been made else. where, in. more than one instance, and in more tluni art form ; but, be was surly to state, they had ' • been hitherto unsuccessful. It was not his wish to . dissect or analyse the history of those names that . graced the pension lid of this country. Many of those names were associated with the brightest glo ries of the British empire—there were others would not bear an equal scrutiny. He was not going to complain that Mr. Bedingfield'a name was not placed on that list, but he thought that some por tion of the bounty which ought to Bow from the • throne in royal muisificence on those who had served the country, would not have been misapplied had it been conferred on this gentleman.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Bedingfield did not solicit any distinct reward —he did not ask for any pecuniary consideration. Of course, if he requested the latter, he Mist, in the first instance, have obtained the consent of the Crown, with which unfortunately lie was not fur nished, He merely submitted his case to the cast dour and consideration of Parliament, in the hope 11tot they world suffer his Petition to stand on their . ..lensrliale, as the testimony and memorial of a ser vice which. however unrequited, was yet performed with ardent and sealous loyalty.— (!fear, hear.) . The Clues:y.l.Bst of the EXCHEQUER expressed ' his surprise that. after a lapse of four-and-twenty ears, an application should now, fur the first time, '. e be made to 'Parliament by the Petitioner. He could hardly thigh that the Minister who, four-and. 'twenty years vigni-mm i- mt the head of the Govern ment of this coaatey. umsekl hoe suffered Mr. Be dingfield's condoctlreAsnio pawed unnoticed and . isorewarded, had a proper beplicition been made, cad his services oppeared to call for remuneration. 'lle culled upon the flotise not to judge so harshly of the conduct of the Government at that time, es to suppose that they would neglect claims of such a nature as had been described. He only wished to -reed the House ,Igainst receiving a hasty im . preenum that any injustice had been done in this Case, sod to reserve himself to adopt thakcourse which might appear most exitiedient one ay future . • 'dccaaion. Mr. Serjoaat Ounces!, mid, he could not concur in the pnociple. that, because twenty-four yenta lead elapsed since an litoportant service was perform ed„-therefore the Muse ought not to interfere. He recollected the period when the outrage was com mitted. Mr. Sedingfield's conduct was then she iighject of general observation, and it was allowed . -'- Wy all persons to have•beenanoet meritorious. From t: time to this he never heard that his services been rewarded—andoherefore he entreated the *waists of the Home to his Petition.—f Hear.) lard IVlsmitTli said, that various applications •had been mode oy Mr. *Bedingfield, not indeed to Parlisniesit, but they were all unsuccessful. , . - Mr. BARMAN said, a few days since a grant of .", 110001. had bees voted to Geueral Boyd, for • ser. a ... mope rendered at an equally, if not more distant \Ate. than that ativhich Mr. Bedingfield signalised himself. ,Ha :thought, therefore, that th e lapse of i • i, + 1 . 0 .!- / ". • • ' lime coulsionbt be pleaded as a reason for refusing to remunerate him. . The Petition eras then brought up and rev,. It detailed ell the circumstances of the outrage that was committed on the 3 (slid October, 1795—anti set forth that the Petitioner, by his resolute con duct, had, in all probability. rescued the country from the foulest stain, the death of a Monarch by the hands of regicides—a stain which no nine, no otioemen; could efface. The Petition also stated, that, s at .the lever which was soon after held, his ' Majesty. iu the presence of Sir IL Barlow, said to the Petitioner, " You came just in time." It further set forth, that there was no foundation fur the report the a place and a pension were awarded to the Petitioner, as he at present had only the situation which he held long previous to the event. Mr. C. HAavEir said, lie had known the Peti tioner fur many years—he was acquainted with the family to which he was ►elated—aid he believed he was a man of honourable character. who would not stoop to declare us a fact that which was tint true. After a few words from Mr. BENNETT, in favour of the Petition, it was laid on the table, and order. ed to be printed. The Irish Customs Bill was read the third time, and passed took puce. did not introduce' this question sooner, in order that I esti& not hive laid at my dpor (as I otherwise possibly might) the failure of that party of gentlemen dem, 11l i l toted Whigs, who might consder me as maliciously interfering with their views and thwarting their objects . . Rid I mine forward ember, I would "w n imps ave been 'accused us one who had wilfully marred all their Rood intention, ; usy, I know not whether many persons would not have attributed to me the three millions of new taxes that have been recently im posed on the public. I would have been, in ill probability, described not only as the cause of what the Whigs were nisabie to do, but of that which Ministers themselves did. Another reason for agi tating the subject at so late a period of the Session was, because I do not mean to cull on the House to adopt any immediate procredittg. Knowing the anxiety of the public milid—steing, as every man Joust see, the various oymptonis of dissatisfaction at She present state of affairs, throughout the COllO. try—and thinking the best means of securing the public tranquillity was by obtaining a pledge from Parliament, to take this subject into consideration at a (attire time—then-Corr it is that I now come forward. By this usode I hope to attain tiset de siwillsle end s the keeping the country in a tran quil state, and thin prevesisilig the Noble Lord from agile. suspending the Habeas COrpts Act-- from having recourse to these almond suspensions of the liberty of the subject t.. which the Howie has uu ribiection, though it has a very strong one to annual Parliaments. 1 wish, if possible, to bring Gentlemen to agree to a general proposition, with eel plici.eg them in that dilemma to which they would be reduced, if I asked theist to point out that precise de,;ree of Reform to which they reuld or would not consent. My object is, to hind the House to entertain the subject it another period, with a view to devise a proper remedy for au evil which the people will no longer bear—to induce them to resolve, that they would apply themselves to the state of the represeeetatiou eel ly in the next Staaloo —fur, without a just and pure represesitatiou, in vain to hope for a redress of grievances. With all these considerationirpeessisig on my mind—witn su anxious' wish to hold out a hope to the country that would keep it in a state of peace during the recess—actuated by these feelings, I have now brought I . i:retard this only questiou of great im portance us I think it. 1 ass nut standing iu the -way of any party politics—l sin not interfering with the efforts of any set of men—when I ask, that, early in the next Session of Parliament, the House shall consider this all-importasit question. 1 well not, therefore, on this. occasion, go into those details which I have often laid before the House, or slue any of those speculative views or priuciples. which I ass well known to entertain. Many years ago, I may he allowed to observe. 1 did propose a plan which I considered far from visionary, fir from wild-abut which might be carried still further, and which perhaps even the Noble Lord himself (the Mrequis of Tavistock) would supports I. mean the plan I introduced in the year 1809, by winch persons paying direct taxes to the church, state, and poor, were to be admitted to the reel.. ems of the cloaks froualhoe. I rat well persuaded that it is a principle of the Engliett Christitutiou, a peiswiple iiiheecot in the nature of freedom, that man rhuald have bone share in the formation laws by which lee is to be governed—that be should have a voice in the election of those per fens who are intrusted with a power over his lute, his liberty, his property. This doctrine. I know, of late days, has been termed a Jacol* • lel due., • trine ; but it is recognised, as a just and sound one, by all our great constitutions) writers of former times—and sit a late period it has been so described by _the most celebrated authority of his time. 1 allude to Mr. Justice Blackstone—mil dividusl who was scot likely to favour licobinical tenets. He maintained that every member of a , free state had a right to vote at elections. I w ill quote his own words, and thus prove that he was: . friendly to the doctrine which is scow so much decried. Mr. Justice Blackstone, it will be re ' Collected, was a Crown Lawyer, and therefore in a situation not likely to induce him to carry his principles to any mischievous extent. If those doe trines which he avowed are now called Jscobmical,' I can only account for it by the degraded spirit of the time—when we see that liberal doctrines, which were formerly held by • lawyer of the Crown, are now condemned in the British House of Cominons.. Blackstone, soya, ' As to the qualifications of elec. tors. The true reason of requiring any qualifica tion with regard to property iu voters. is to exclude such persons as are in so saran it situation that they are esteemed to have no will of their own.' Now, is it lint notorious that such persons are not ex cluded from voting? Is it not clear, that the ma jority of this House are returned by persons of no property—persons who were kept off the Poor's Hates merely to return Members of Parliament I say, that, in point of fact, the very persons, who, pp I t to be exeluefo, are those who return the major y• easSits of {hit House. atone proceeds theat— , if these persons had votes, they would be tempted to dispose of them under some undue influence or other.' Will any Gristle. man contend, thit such undue Miluence is nut esereised at present ? Out of this House I sin sure test Ge•etlemais would be so hypocritical as to deny I Meet undue influence was resorted to—particularly, after flee disclosures that have been made in the course of dna Session, with respect to the state of die boroughs. After with disclosures the public• . mind can no longer be deluded on this subject— and. if they hr not deluded, they will not be batis lied with the twisting state of things. Bl ac k s t one j LIVERPOOL PETITION FOR REFORW. The Marquis of TavtsrocK rose to present Petition in favour of Parliamentary'Reform, signed by 1,800 respectable inhabitants of Liverpotil mid its vicinity. They complained that they were not allowed the privilege of voting at elections fur 'Members to serve in Parliament, and prayed that, RN they helped to maintain the burdens of the State. tile privilege of the elective franchise might be ex tended to them. The Petition was couched iii moet respectful terms, and was in every remect worthy the attention of the House. As an Him. Baronet had given notice of a motion no the subject of Parliamentary Reform, for this evert ing, he wished, before the Petition wait brought up, to make a few observations on the general question. He knew not what the Hun. Baronet meant to propose, and could not, therefore, offer ally opinion with respect to it. 'rimy had heard much, of late years, on the subject of Reform. They were told by one pirty that moderate Refurin was a contradiction in terms, and by another that radical Reform meant nothing but the overthrow nod subversion of the Constitution. Now the Re form which he conceived to he the best, was that which would he at once radical and moderate—ra dical in correcting abuses, and moderate iu pre. serving the Constitution—( Hear, hear)—radical in extirpating, by the root, the evils of the present system, but moderate in rejecting wild, and vision ary, and impracticable schemes.—(Haar, hear.) — As to any proposition that might be made, at this moment, with a view to Reform, however mode rate, he entertained no sanguine expectation that it could be introduced with any prospect of success. The conduct of some bed, and of some weak men, alto took up visionary plans, apparently with no other intent than to lay them down iigain, had been productive of the greatest mischief.— ( Hear.) — The !engine and conduct of those nien—die dis position they manifested to undervalue and von down every practicable measure—the pleasure they took in caluraniatingend reviling these who acted most strenuously to alleviate the distresses of she country—appeared to him to have occasioned n great disunion amongst those who were friendly to the principles of Reform—(hear.) —and had, he was afraid, thrown difficulties in the way of that ques tion, which were never known at any fernier period. He begged pardon of the House fur making these observations—but, feeling strongly as he did in fa. your of Reform, lie coul not avoid being angry with those whose conduct opposed its piogress.— Entertu •.g those sentiments ever since lie had a seat in Parliament, he took that opportunity of giving utterance to them—of explaining his opinion --and of expressing his anxious hope, that the friends of Reform in that House would not be in duced to relinquish their effiirts on account of t h e obstacles that had been placed in their way.-- (Hear. hear.)—As far as constitutional liberty could be extended, he would agree to its exten sion; but he protested against visionary theories on the one hand, and the influence of power and cor ruption on the ather.--(Hear, hear.) Mr. BROUGHAM conceived the present Petition to be peculiarly worthy of consideratiow, as the Petitioners asked merely for a certain extension of the elective franchise, and did nut notice any fan ciful or visionary plan. The Petition was then read, and laid on the table. • PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. Sir FRANCIS BURDSTS addressed the House to the following effect :—" I rise, Sir, in conse quence cd the notice I have given. to bring before the House, once more, the subject of a Reform iu Parliament. I know not the persons to whom the Noble Lord alluded, in the observations which he sande when presenting the Petition from Lierrpool. The Noble Lord has not stated what species or ex tent of Reform he is willing to suppers—he has out pointed out what he contemplates as wild and vi sionary, with reference to this great and important question—and. therefore, I cannot answer his servations. With respect to myself I COI) only say, that I think I never acted as one of those peraena whose conduct was calculated to separate the friends of Iteform. Whatever might he the differ.' enoe of opinion on this subject—to altste‘ct tent Gentlemen were willing to push a measure oT this nature—l bare been always ready to U. silt Ur the work. For. let it be pushed to what soever extent it may, at particular times. most at last net be taxed themselves fully nut bring this , .. _ _._ did not like throw au apple of discord f posed to the Ministers them an opportune,. remedy those - .aid were to be or this House. -fe!t anxious to expectations would ultimately new .Parliament oltf one. and Lion would the country, ►I 1 known that Many or those who, it in thiilioase have bran it-tin-m.(l.ns the nominees of rotten be. roughs. •if it were probable.' says Blackstone, t that every man would give his vote freely and without influence of any kind, then,, upon the true theory and genuice principles of liberty, every member of the community, however poor. should have a vote in rltctiog those delegates, to whose Charge is committed the disposal - a his pro perty, his liberty, and his life.' If this wets not univertal suffrage, that every man, not acting under influence, ought to have s vote-i-if this is not liberty, and liberty is not a principle of the Constitution, us here ilrfined—l know not Where Gentlemen would fix this constitutional right. I say, that, in point of argument, reason, and consti• tutiolial dcctritie, the people of England have as good r right to u share in the Constitution as the• King has to the Crown. IllaCkstone next states If any alteration might be wished or suggested in the present frame of Parliaments, it should be in favour of a More complete representation of the people.' I need not look to any thing more than our own acts ttr %hew that the principle of liberty is the declared principle of the English Constitu tioh. That the people did originally nominate not only Members of Parliament, but all officers, such as Sheriffs and Mugistiates downwards, is an undoubted fact. They do nut ask, however, to be reinstated in the tenth part of those liberties which their ancei- tors enjoyed; they do not call for a complete re storation of their ancient rights and privileges—they ask only for a moderate portion of ►hem. The lines of the Roman poet are tame applicable to the peo ple of England than they were to the inhabitauts of Rome—. " Nam qai fasces ohms leg/igen omnia dolma " ?Cute se coatinti." I will not liror•eed with the quotation, because the people of England do not seek for that which was the abject of the Romans. When burdens are placed on the shoulders oldie people, to it improper to re-q mire that those who impose them should !mint out, how, when, and where such monstroussacrifices are demanded ? If we 'wish the Constitution to be main. trilled, let us see how It was supported in farmer times—let us consider the ancient situation of the people. Modem writers and political speculators have argued that they were never so far advanced in freedom as they are at present. I contend, however, that they were more free wider the com mon law of the laud, than they now are. To ',rove this, I will read a short extract from Lord Chau cellur Fortesene'il book on the laws of England. After giving a picture of the comparatively wretched condition of tile people of France, he speaks, with the eutbusiasm of an Englishman, of the prosperity bf his uivii country. It is indeed extraordinary that •,told Chancellor should have written the passage. He states, with that pride which an Englishmen naturally feels, the different results produced by the frte Constitution nf his own country, and by the despotisnftif France. Having described what the people of France suffered, he says, s Here every inati's property is his Own. The men of this land are rich, posvessiag great abundance. They drink nu water, except Pilch of them as are refl. giously dialysed. They ate flesh and fish, and hare a bundaoce of bonwhold games. They wea► tine linen and woollen, wording , to tlw stole of the wear, r,' &r. Comports* the people Of England With tins.• of France, at tint present day, it seemed •almost as if the situation of the two cuitiitries 19.11 revers e d. With respect to the situation of the people of Eivs,;- land, do we not see Mee, in different stattnini of life, complaining of the generai pressure ? Do we not hear ►hem declaring that their grisvalices are into lerable. and that they must hare relief ? The Nolile Lord seems to he as ill-informed of the situation of the country as any gentleman can be. H..av should lie, indeed, be acqueiitted with it ? He lives entirely in London 111111 its neighbourhood ; lie knows not the state of the nation—and, when he meets this House, there are no individuals here who will set him right on the subject. The Noble Lord, at the commencement of the Session, thought the coun try was in r most flourishing condition, both with respect to agriculture, manufactures, and coin inerce.—l Hear, heur.)—l le etiolated, indeed, that the transition from war to peace (a transition which has lasted, be it observed, for five years) most pro,. duce a little pressure. But still he declared that every thing would speedily be invigorated—that commerce amid manufactures hail received new life— aud that the country was rapidly approaching to wards a !prosperous and happy condittoo. We heard all this in the Speei h hem the Thriiise-,-and yet it was all r fallacy. The Noble Lord would not, I suppose, place such sentiments in the month of the Prince, if he did not believe that the circumstances were as he stated them ; but. if lie ilia believe the country was in this prosperous state, lie indulged in a vision which every other person in the kingdom knew to be fs!lacious. At this moment, the ma nufacturers are unable to carry on their business. Unremitting labour—labour almost beyond human strength—is the lot of the lower orders ; and yet it doer - not produce a pittance sufficient to to maintain the existence of the persons by whom it is performed. I'he manufacturers rend Petitions to this House, stating the grievain'es they' en dure. The manufacturers in Yorkshire, declare they cannot go on unless the duties nil remov ed that interfere with the importation of wool —while the farmers state, that, if those duties be not continued, ;mil if others on the importation of grain, be rust enacted, they are titiduile. Thema nulinatirer says, If you do not support the manu facturing interest, you starve the people.' The agriculturalists say, • If you do not impose a duty oil grain, ssexamint bring zur corn into the market, against the comparatively untaxed corn of France.' In short, the manufacturers, the agriculturalists, the merchants, the monied men, all complain of deep distress—all feel a burden which they are unable to bear—all demand immediate relief. Each party exclaims, 6 You must relieve us, by taking the burden from to,: shoulders and placing it on the shoulders of our sieiglt:oosirs.' flat the neigh bour is in precisely the same state. The fact .is, the taxation.oltlit-couotty is greater than the coun try can endure.—/ Hear, het:T..l—Thus is .a strong reason for helium in the House of Commons—and I tell Gentlemen, particularly those denominat.al Whigs—who call aieud for retrenchment and economy—who demithd that the expenditure shall be lowered—that those objects cannot be attained in the present state of the representation. Those tales constittiteihs oil of the machine rhich is to 410• k keep on a:co:rapt aysteto, shishde House of Comusons in ins present s►i to look to efrtcte without adverting to co the collection of the tins. the snowy It the Exchequer appeal-, to he less en ot,j c number of individual+ employed in th.it In farmer time*, the tout; were collected expense, and I believe !hey might ~ow be in the same manlier, if the Goimi,lmeni proper to adopt the plan. People run in every parish willing to collect the Pie?. p.iy them in. —(4 &nit j—There is soot to which I beg the attention •F Gent:rim this numerous, neon** t Iowa! fits iiiiitiffiined to Support this numerous, ta Honed standing Parliament. This arm s be wanted, if the Parliament were looked , respect and affection by the people at large. at the same time, free to confess, float the would 414 submit to*this no-repreventatiou aeo.„, —this exclnsiot, of the great laws of the iton—if it were not for this army which sunit.d.-. 1 a corrupt flouae of Parliament. I beg when 1 say corrupt ; it is a common 111fitte speech, but it is not correet. This assemldy, r A !, ing itself the Douse of Commons, drunininstsh. : itself the teliresentative of the people—Wrier qr w order !") The Seesitnit—" The lion. Ba ceive that this language is :lot tan t order of the House—and he will, I am we, on re. flection, make an apology." Sir F. BURDETT—" When yon, Fir, bate. 1 1 .4 you think so, it is sufficient to induce me to so to.—/f/car, heur.)--1 really am of that the Members %alto compose this fioinw currupt—but true, tiusa-wosthe, honest, representatives of those who send them to Puha. nient. , I think they do their duty to their olio constituent/ F . 16ml magnanimously. It is a mistake in laugnage to sad "berate corrupt. They comae the imevests of those who resumed them—but sot the interests of the public, because the poldie rte not oppoinetheas. I cannot help advertin. to that Act, the most 'outrageous, I must say, t hat race passed any assembly-..l mean the Septeimi,i Act,. which Dr. Johnson rightly denoiniiiatel far greater outrage to public freedom owl to public rights. than say of those trainuctions fur which the faintly of the Stuarts arm expelled ti s throne. It hos, intle&d. no effect on the peopl , -, exrent on that *Mali portion who have onoe share in the represeirtation. To these it is a septeunial net. But to the boroughmouger it is not a se t , . tennis!, nor a triennial, nor an annual act. He CuJ rend persons into Parliament when he I:lesscs; is an ak-often-as-need-he man, The nornitree act for seven long years in direct hostility tc rite feelings, wishes, trod orders of his constituerifs, w that be takes care not to (Arend the borough pates:; but if lie oppose his interns!, the mere wh:sper of pivot: of the borough makes him yieldantlZ,i. Itr ye no hesitation in sayiug, that this s!a - ,- f the representation is us :nischevipus and hostile the Crown as to the people. Under such asy tria the Monarch had not the power of care} ing ea +is Gaveromeut ; he may iudeed have this, or set of Ministers, just as the,*rouglitiersgri..- chose to pewit them on him—lar4 lie . causiot nu admiiiistration himself. oginien the King ought to hold and to oitaretse the Eerce. live Government. This nsay be called a doctrine—hut I think every. man, bate a rght ts obey the King in every way in Which he can be useful to the Country. lu. Ole ?resent state of things the Crown is placed ih.a sicuation, which previews it Nom bring viewed as it ought to by the country at liege. As Apulia, bee said, The Royal bird is stripped of his plumage, and fixed to the earth.' The splendour of the Crown was formerly supported by funds set ailat for that purpose, in order that the expenditure of the Prince might not be looked at with an evil eye by the !people. Those ate taken away, and ti,e Monarch is looked upou as a great pensioner, I. cause there have been wrested from him those hinds which were given to excite respect in the minds of the people. We have instances of Sovereigns, who, relying on the love and esteem of their eolij , c!., were raised almost beyond the highest pitch of human ambition. The period to which I am proud of alluding, is the glorious reign of Quers. Elisabeth. She wanted po standing army to sop. port her Government ; and though surrouuderi with clangers of all kinds, far greater thou any Soverei g n since her time, -or perhaps eery before it, had encountered, she overcame theta all—and left behind her a name which will exist as long as England exists us a country. or Englishmen entertain a sense of feeling, of jitet• , .. or of patriotism la. their hearts." The Itieitior. able Baronet then . proceeded to animadeett on the taxation of the country, which. he inferred, must be atpioduetirre, when the Chioceller of the Eachequer, *hope pirate character be re spected, which wasb a lot spirit itg" recpuree to lotterivs, spirit of gembling, " great many yeiii;' ego (cootinired tire Honour. introduced able Baronet), Mr. Tat. chrerved, that a Re.- form in the House was absolutely necessary, ii any good were to be effected for the cower,. That celebrated man verified his own preoieur-, and illustrated his own argument ; sided by hi' own splendid and extraordinary powers, he was enabled as it were to intoxicate the country wi•li the charm of his eloquence—he wasetiabled to re lotto" that system of delusion, the elrects of which had hues so fetal to the country—at his ceoturatid lie wielded the feelings of tf..! pthpte. sn.tl st length both the ddusioei and the detedet and the people, with open cps, taw the silos., a into which they hail been plitoged by the ariplotiu.. and artifices of Air. Putt's great talents. 1h • people at length, like the drunken min, ultimate misery is so finely described in Dr. Ar,e strong's excellent poem, found themselves awake from their languid torpor— " Aud waking thou they bead themselves vp,lone." It is in vain to attempt to prolong a system so r•- plate with injostice. to vain will you attempt P.- when he whose splendid eloquence— "Nside—bags--"l—Ptioluesea"Dn7bo.lilnisatinteigibitylgbrueacr was unable to prolong the fascination of the 41.'1 - lion. This system of corruption, I repeat, eve , last—uo human power can perpetuate lc, it m+^-t at length fall to the ground. No mositn is luotr delusive *ea %hot Wiwi" lures oirf as good •• s . f I -- 0 t come to this , that the people will iiroceedstoobserwe-4 This would give a great. en d by a Parliament without they are ! artful, or a wealthy man, a larger those in elec- ally and fairly represented in it. I did I lions than is ounsisteut with g eneral lib ert y.' is questio n f orwar d sooner , b ecasse I Every word I-read is a libel on the present op- to throw out what might be supposed I tem—a libel on common senor—fur we well liscord amongst the persons who are op- i know, that the payer •whizh is here described as Ministers of the day. I wished to give likely to be exercised by wealth or craft, is. iii portunity of exerting their efforts to 1 troth, erected. We well know how the nominees minor evils which they have elway? i in boroughs act. ' Although, by the common law, be remedied effeetual:y within the walls i no individual is allowed to usoildWinsproperly in e. Another reason was, because I els* 1 elections—thoogli. it is eelliniqf 10 the statute.of o show to the public how futile (heir. 1 Edward I. forAnsu great mtawl, iallertwo ond-dts- of redress from the new Pin fitment 1 turb popular etentiossa....onst thossir.sis order is stet)? be found. I considered th e ; agreed to at thsteumniencement ortwory *vision. sent as similar as possible to'. the I dechiving.it tots. . high breach of the piliileges of I I was convinced that stet sosselicria- this Haste for city Nobleenau to interforW;with the be effected in the situattoii -Of election .of peptise : Repreeeutattill, in de- itatilasadical.ltelowiu Pathentent fiance of all thi s in the teeth 441ht ? Intt o it it well _ . 1. 1e1;.1.1e Ihp I 11 , 1« fir,l e 411114 N. i s Ought iw e Cl that. O. Ie (.01. 4 , 4 y C 4. . 1 11 ,4 4nlirt leo. uL n • 1 13( . 011.414 0 tia 1111 141 oi l y rge. I 4 the piepie lints trt.l4.q4 wg 11164 ,1 - I Cries of Irmo., 'wt. It e)lttl of plitile aft otrt ST, fiottf..l to raffia. their our I a mioske bey otirWi t I—but rot e pbbtie ite ling to that