The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1819-12-07 00:00:00

r Gres far different from those which Ministers put- i or d Ile could not but complain of an attempt made by Gentlemen front the Treasury Bench to torplieste that (the Opposit ion) side of the Houie oith the Radicals. Such conduct he considered extremely ustparliametatury and un fair. He could not but disapprove of the con duct of the Honourable Member fur Liverpool (Mr. Canning), not now in his place. He had made exlggerated statements of the public situa tion. which lie (Mr. Curwen) could not agree to. As to the conduct of the Magistrates of M ruches ter, lie n ever did believe they were guilty of the ~r ear cruelty imputed to them ; but lie did believe th e e weir g uilty of great rashness and indiscretion. Th . , Noble Lord had spoken the other niht of the jealousy and discontent of the disotiected g , and of the leaders of the reformers ; but did he think that jealousy and discontent were cotitined to these ? lle could assure the Noble Lord, that a great proportion of the people—of the loyal and respecta ble people , we re extremely jealous of the measures o f m in isters —that they doubt very much of the Noble Lord's venerstion for the Constitution, or re.'srd fur the liberties of the people. The Noble Cord could not doubt but that this was the real Irrliw; of the country. Those measures have sunk deep lit the public heart. Many late measures, indeed, disgusted the country ; particularly. he would say, the Act of Indemnity which passed that floute—an Act which was opposed to the principles of justice—which deprived individuals of redress, whore liberties and whose fortunes were invaded, sail oho were deprived of all means of vindicating their innocence, if they were innocent. He dis liked, he said, the proiciple of the Bill ; yet were ii limited to one year lie would support it.— fle would wish fur a measure more intelligible— he !would prefer a Bill similar to the Irish Insurrec tion Act, which would give power to the Magi slimes to prevent all meetings, if they thought tie. cessary. He would give them that power for a li mited time; because no one who knew the Ma gistrates of this country would suppose that they would exercise that power unjustly. He repeated that the danger of Government was not most to be appretteuded trouts visionary men— there was a winger of greater magottude. The best informed, time most respectable, did think that there was a power operating on that House, which did slot make it the most provident guardian) of the public puree. They desired reform—it was ex pected speedily—and if the House did not grant it, he feared it would he reformed in • manner which no rational or moderate man would wish. He should lament to see any reform which would go to overture the Constitution. Distress was one of the ga-tit sources of the public discontent—distress created by taxation. This distress, no Bill, no measure of coercion, would mitigate. It was iin. possible to continue their manufactures to the tx boit that they had been carried on. They should look to other sources of prosperity, besides the sources of foreign markets. When he heard the assertion of the Noble Lord, with respect to the distress of this country, as originating from the distress of America, he was astonished. He was iimistied the Noble Lord would not assert what he dui out think sits true, but it only proved that the iNuble Lord had not paid that attention to the true situation of the country which he ought to have paid when lie made that statement. We had prac list' on foreign coutstries an unmixed system of monopoly, but they would now practise that sys tem against us which we have practised against them. As an evidence of this disposition, he would mention, that when Government laid a duty on rape seed, time Dutch imposed a duty on rape cake which prevented its importation into this country. if the Noble Lord would look into the real situation of the country, he would find that her whole resources did not exceed three huudred millions, whilst her taxes amounted to sixty millions. In such a state of tf:ogs, great alterations were necessary—much of reihrin—much of conciliation and of wisdom to save her. The 13i11 before the House was evidently drawn up in a hasty manlier. He would state one clause of it. A person subject to the tretialties of the Bill was liable to be brought inimedittely be fore the Judges of Asvizts or of Sessions, to be put town his trial ; lie was entirely to depend upon the favour of the Justice for an opportunity to produce his witnesses, and to prepare his defence. He had no doubt what the feelings of the Judges would be, times kable as they were for a tender and a pore regard fur the liberties of the subject ; but he asked was this rt situation to place persons charged with an offence against law ? He wet sorry, lie said, that a sense of duty obliged has to trespass so long on the rot of the House. Mr. N'EfET FITZGERALD said he heard with great sulisfactiou what fell from his Noble Friend (Lord Castlereagh), concurring as he did in the principle of the Bill. He was glad to hear of those alterations which he proposed, because they must convince the country that the object of the mea sures was to prevent tumultuary meetings—not to invade the rights of the people, but, on the con trary, to allow a fair opportunity fur the exercise uI those rights. He had one alteration to stag ge,4l—it was to protect the meetings of the Coo 'iodic. of Ireland, who, to their credit be it men tioned, never met but fur the purposes of delibera. tion—never met to inspire terror; and though com posed of the great population of Ireland, yet steerrmet, in order by a display of their strength' to ',annulate the Government.—( Hear, hear) —He would wish that the Bill should extend to give potter to meet in public buildings as well as in rooms; the Catholics of Ireland generally met in their chapels or in court-houses ; if the Bill was thus extended, it would protect their meetings. Sir R. WILSON condemned the measures us de signs to break down the fences of the law, to intro duce dangerous innovations, to establish arbitrary power, and to deprive the people of their liberties ; it was intended to stifle their complaints at a moment when their wrongs were greatly ago gravated, and when they had but too just cause for alarm. Throe Bills which the Noble Lord introduced would have only the effect of throwing vitriol on the wounds of public feeling. It was this violence which went on shedding blood, and adding wrong to wrong. till the original evil sunk into insigniticance.—(Hear.)—lf the British Government were, indeed, to be turned into a des potism, he did not core how soon a sanguiuory sys tem of laws were established ; for be should cot think a country submitted to such rule worth cling. inz to—" ad .iecus, ad libcriatem aati here tenanaus, ant criat dignitate merinos:tor." He thought th•t the oilier Bills were, if possible, npoe obnoxious than that under the consideration of the House. The Bili relating to the search for arms was directly opposite to the Bill of Rights ; fur that. the Howie was well aware, recognized the right of every subject to keep arms for his protection. lint whet were the provisions of the Bill ? if any per son whatever, even a personal enemy,* spy or Ina in former, lodged information before a Magistrate, that such an individual had arms for dangerous pur poses, it conferred the power of breakmg into his house, which was his castle. at any hour by night or by day. But suppose a constable were to come end attempt to force an entrance into • man's house at an unseasonable hour of the night, and the owner not knowing that he was authorized in the attempt, sod thisiking that his house was his castle, should offer resistance and shoot him. what situation would that individual then be in by the laws of his country ? He could not be banged. for according to them he had not committed murder; but under this strange innovation on them, lie would be shot for a rebel ! The Bill before the House was not an English pro- ceeding ; it might have done when AVilliam the Conqueror came into England, or for William 111. when he was in Ireland. Ent let the Hauge mark what wis done in Eligland—to 'hew how well an English House of Commons did its duty towards England ; he should read In extract from an Act of that Parliament for disarming Papists. It provided that " any two or more Justices of the Peace may from time to time, by warrant under their hand and seal, authorise and empower any person or persons, in the daytime, with the assistance of a constable. to enter houses and search for arms." But they, in the nineteenth century, would allow the subject's house to be forced open by night or by day.—( Hear, hear.)—But it had been stated in another place, that necessity called for the men sure. Was not this the plea that was invariably made ? %Vas it not that which Richard the Third made when he murdered Hastings ? With re ' gard to the Bill for restricting the liberty of the press, the Noble Lord had told them as matter of grace that he did not intend to oho. loth the trial by jury nor establish a censorship, and that there was no attempt at innovation. But it became the House to observe the progress of in novation formerly, when it was proposed to raise the stamp on newspapers to its present rate, it was urged by the supporters of the proposition, that the additional duty would not prevent the rirli from reading newspapers, and that the unstamped pub lications were still open to the poor; but now the foundation of even that consolation was to he taken away. He said, that if they went on in this way. they would establit•li that liberty of the real which Karl been dercribed in an old French comedy— " Provided I say nothing agamst the things that are, or on polities, religion. or morality. or against any body, I may publish what 1 please, subject to the provisions before mentionerl."—(A laugh I—As for repressing blasphemous publications by coercive means, he thought it a great error to attempt to re move religion from the rock on which it stood, or to support it by any other means than these—sr gument, good-will, benevolence, and charity.- -(Hear, hear.)—The gallant General then, after comp!imenting the clergy of the Established Church for their general conduct, animadverted, in pointed terms, on their assisting, in certain cases, in the execution of unreasonably severe measures against the people. He said, that the whole series of the new Bills was a It-11'111 of war alpinist the. people—and as it was the most hazardous mode of gettnig rid of the discontents, so it was the moat expensive. Let not Ministers say as Louis XIV. did—" After me a deluge ! !!" For lie asserted, that their plan of government would introduce univer sal bankruptcy and ruin, and th ?t when confusion and mi?ery had overflowed the nation, they should not be able to find au ark to save themselves.— Even if the Noble Lord carried his measures with triumphant majorities, what would the people say ? that the Noble Lord kid found his majorities great, in proportion as his measures were unconstitutional. (Here the gallant General was interrupted by coughing from the Ministerial Benches./-1-le should be sorry to abase the patience of the House. but he felt himself obliged to perform a duty which had been imposed on him. With regard to the 'scullions, concerning the amount of which the No ble Lord had 'yokels so lightly a few nights before, would not the people now say that it was under their shelter that lie came down, and ventured to propose, and succeeded in carrying measures re pugnant to the first fundamental rights of the people ?—(Hear)—measures which. he said. if the House of Contusions persevered in sanctioning, it would be guilty of political suicide. Its the pre sent crisis, he saw but one course for them to put ►tir, that from all parties and every side of the House, Members should unite, and exclaim. " No limas leges Anglia inntari."—( Hear. hear.) — If they observed that principle. they should be enabled to brave and outlive all perils—they might " ride in the whirlwind and direct the storm."— ( Cheers.) Mr. GRENFELL said. that no one heard his Hon. and Gallant Friend deliver his sentiments with greater pleasure than he did on all but political subjects.—(.4 laugh.!—On these, indeed. he dif fered from hini in the highest degree; he was as distant. from Isis way of thinking. as one pole from the other.—(//air.)—The Hon. and Gallant Gene ral had declareti that hi* Majesty's Ministers merit ed impeachment for the measures they hod pro posed to the House ; lie believed that that pro ceeding was not confined to the Ministers of the Crown ; and if all who thought with theca on the present occasion were to be involved iii that fate, he should submit to it himself.—(Cheers.)—The Gallant General had said that he had nut been in the habit of using inflammatory language ; but had he forgotten, if he hail, he was ►ure he had not, what took place at a meeting of his own con stituents in the Borough of Southwark, when he shoals hands with and gave his fraternal embrace to Mr. Hunt ?—(Cheers assai laughter)—and if the usual means of knowing what passed at such meet• ings could be credited, he had given it as his opinion that " this country was the most degraded one on the face of the earth." He went ou to say, that the tune would yet come when the Adasissta *tertian would repent. However. he did not mean to follow him through his details of this other Rills; but with resFect to that one under the ow. • sidera; house. the inteuded 'ivied of operation had been stated by the Noble Lord. he should take this opportunity of saying. slid he might not be obliged to sppeal to the indulgence of the House again, that if it were enacted for a shorter time than five years, it would its his opinion be talioly inefficient, that it would keep alive the hopes of the disa&cted, aid totally fail iu effectu ally checking °stir designs.--ICheers.j Sir It. WILSON, in explai 6666 said, that he had conceited Mr. Hunt to be greatly wronged. and that in him the rights of all Englishmen had been invaded.—(Hour.)—He had given him Isis timid to strew that he would go hand in hand with him. He considered that it would have been disgraceful and shameful to him if he had not done so, but much more disgraceful if he had taken the hinds of those who were 'denied with the 'Wood of their country meo.—( Hear.) Mr. V. BLARR spoke in support of the motion. He thought that the proposed measures would leave the liberty of the tires, unimpaired, and quoted Mr. Cobbeit's declaration of a kw days back, as ample proof of this opinion, that siotwithstanding the new duty lie 'should not be at all apprehensive about the diffusion of his writings. Should the inquiry into the conduct of the Manchester Magistrates have been prosecuted in that House, and their de linquency have beets established. it would of course be followed up by an Address to the Crown for the legal prosecution of the delinquents, which would place the House in a strange dilemma; for the course adopted by the Crown would be to direct the Attorney-General to file an ex.ailieio informa tion against them ; but they would at once produce it special plea in bar, the letter of thanks from the Prince Regent. Mr. RICARDO was of opinion that sufficient at. tendon was not generally given to the true Isidore, the value, and importance of the right, which it was the object or the Bill before the House to restrain. —(Hear.)—lt seemed generally to be looked upon merely as the right to meet for the purpose of pe titioning against grievances. Now, was it confined to that, he should look upon its preservation much less anxiously than he did. The great im portance which he attached to it. was founded on the opportunity which it afforded to the people to meet together in large numbers, where they com municated their sentiments and spirit, and ani mated one another—(Hear, hear) —and present. ed to Ministers an imposing front to deter them l'rom pursuing rigorous measures of government, or pre•sing the enactment of impolitic or cruel laws.—(Dear.)—The influence of the people in this view, was something similar to the controlling power of the House ; for if this House were limited in its opposition to Administration to the mere vat-s of its member., it would operate almost as nothing of a check ; their effectual control was derived from the right to withhold supplies. and to stir up by their speeches the people to resist• atter, in times of great danger.—(Hear, hea►.)— There might be periods in the history of every country, when let the Government be never so pru dent. just, and mild. causes of public distress might arise, over which it could exercise no con trol ; and derigning and wicked men might take advantage or that distress, in order to produce mis chief; and then it might be reasonably thought, that the Government did not possess that sort of check over these people which ought to exist. Bat, on the other hand. it was absolutely necessary that the people should pueseas a check over the mea sures of the Government; and if they established any set of men its rule, not subject to such a re. straint. that Constitution would degenerate into despotism. But the check to which he (Mr. Ricar do) looked was a reform in the Commons House of Parliament. that it might express the opinions of the whole body of the people; then would they have the most perfect check which existed in any state.—(Hear. hear.)—He had heard those people called Radical Reformers, frequently spoken of in the House almost in terms of ridicule and con tempt. It was his opinion that among them were to be found a number of dangerous characters, but he also thought that they contained very many per sons who intended the best to their country. and had adopted the principle that annual parliaments and universal suffrage would provide a strong check to the undue influence of the Administration. He had the ►ame object with them, but lie thought it was attainable by something far s h ort of these— (Hear, hear)—and therefore lie thought it would he madness of the House to proceed so far—(Hear, hear)—when a more safe and moderate course to the saint end was open. Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN said. that he should lie very unwilling in the then exhausted state of the Howe, to trespass on its attention causelesaly, but representing. as he slid, so large a portion of the peo ple in that House, lie deemed it au indispensable duty to express his opinions on the present subject. He concurred completely in the opinion of the Hon. Member who had just sat down (Mr. Ricardo), that enough was not thought of the magnitude of the right affected by the Bill under consideration-- (Hear)—and the House of Commons were now about to pass laws detrimental to great popular rights, before the people had time to express their opinions on them, or petition against them, or even acquire the degree of knowledge accessary to form a judgment of their teatlency. He believed that the Sheriffs of London were now at their doors with a petition against them from the Corporation. It was three mouths, it was above three mouths since the outrages were committed at Manchester; when the citizens of London addressed the Crown shortly after, praying that Parliament might be called together to institute an investigation into the transactions. they were answered by Ministers that they were nut sufficiently informed on the subject. But it was very extraordinary that if Ministers were its possession of such information as would justify them in advising the Prince Regent to thauk the Magistrates for their conduct. they had nut in the long interval set the people right on the point, mid saved them the trouble of all the meetings, and resolutions, and other exoedients to presto an inquire. But he had yet to learn wherein the citizens of London had beets wrong, fur looking to the papers on the table, they left him as much ►n the dark as he had been before.—(Hear.)—A great deal head been said on both sides of the House about the legality or the illegality of the meeting; bat if that were a question of such doubt and difficulty that the greatest law authorities in the House could not agree on its it suiely was wrong in the M rechester Magistrates to dtsper.e the meeting on their own authority. But the House ought to know what communications passed be tweru theta mid the Government, and what instructions hail been given them previous to the meeting. lie was inclined to believe that they would not have taken such d *triode re spousibility rats themselves without the knowledge that they would meet with approbation and invite. tam Ito • high quarter. Oat the oceesioo of the first meeting in Smithfield. the Lord Mayor COll. sulteol the Secretary of Slime. and was informed by him that the proposed meeting was perfectly legal ; though his Lordship was trot satisfied with out further authority, and appealed. as he un derstood, to the city lawyers. It seemed to him, however, that the arrest of Harrison during the proceedings, was a preconcerted thing. If tiecev airy, lie could prove that a great proportion of .Ws people assembled at that time attended from Mut i rev of curiosity. The meeting of the 16th Au gust had loot, at the time it was broken in upon, been guilty of any riot or any other act contrary to law, and therefore lie could not but look upon it as perfectly legal. But it was objected that it was dangerous-4e agreed that such meetings were dan gerous. impolitic, unwise, nay, be should go further and say, that they were most peruiriuus. said must pernicious to the cause of reform, and if his Majes ty's Ministers were stomas to put down the cause of reform they would encourage them. Here theu was an acknowledged evil ; and how was it to be got rid of ? By conciliation. Lord Fitswilliom lead set Noblemen and Gentlemen an example. elect' would be productive, i: imitated, of the happiest effects; and he took upon himself to say. that if people of nook and property went among the people; they would recover their wandering affections. wean them away from their prejudices and errors, and soon destroy all the credit sod influence of itmentot orators. But how did the Noble Lord mean to gain over the people ? By increasing their irritation. That House had been called. he believed by Lord Somers, the Grimed Inquest of the Nation, and so called, because its duty was to inquire into the im politic sod cruel measures of the Ministers of the Crown. Gentlemen opposite, indeed, said, that Ministers were guilty of no oppressive messure—• that they were a mild. humane set of men. But the people, for some reason or other. had taken it into their heads that they had been oppressed— (Hear, heur)—and were not slow in giving utter ance to their impression. The House then sus pended the Habeas Corpus Act, and passed Gag ging Bills, but the moment these Acts expired, the people became worse than ever; and for this reason, it was their duty to look out for some other means for quieting their clamours, and he believed the best Mode was. to call upon the people to make known the causes of their dis content, to invite them. with their petitions, to the bar of the House, to receive them with st tention, and • sincere disposition to examine them, with • view to remove the causes of complaint.— /Hear.) —Should the Petitioners then mistake the method of relieving their difficulties, they might be shewed their error, and. at least, they would have the consolation of having done their duty.—(Hear.) —The Hon. Member then animadverted on the passing of loyal decleratious, which he thought were only intended to throw discredit on those who abstained from them. He had had better opportu nities of understanding the sentiments and opinions of the middle and lower classes of society than al most any Member of that House—for th e last fi ve and twenty years lie had been in the habit of frequent ly attending popular meetings. and he could auntie the House that individuals of this descriptiou pos sessed a degree of information on political subjects which would astonish Hon. Members. He coo. destined their plans of radical reform, he thought them wild and virionary, and he had always thought so. But there had been isidividualsof distinguished talent and learning who had been friendly to these doctrines—be might mention Sir Robert Raymund, the Chief Justice. There was another individual with whom he had the happiness to be acquainted, and who would stand as high as soy one in the esti mation of the Honourable Member for Britisher, whom he saw below him. lie meant the late Mr. Granville Sharpe, who had avowed these opinions. He believed it was the sincere conviction of most of those who held them, that they would be pro ductive of good. The great system of administra tion for the last twenty-five years was to break down the middle classes of society, and these were now disabled from giving employment and wages to the labouring part of the population. But would these coersive measures cure the evil ? The Noble Loid kiiew they would not. It would break out again like a volcano, and overwhelm every thing in confusion and ruin. All the discontetot might be cured at once, by a resolution of the Houle to address the Crown to dismiss the present Ministers.—(4 bragh.)—la old times the Consti tution of the country used to go through times of danger, but latterly the fashion was to suspend the Habeas Corpus. He thought that Mimsten had taken for the model of their conduct the measure. of the latter years of Charles the Second and of James the Second, which led to the Revolution. — At the Revolution, the Convention saw that all the troubles mud evils had proceeded from the people having been incapacitated from expressing their opinions; and therefore, in the Bill of Rights, they claimed, demanded, and insisted upon that. with others, as their undoubted right and privi lege. He maintained that this was the boldest aw.asure ever ventured on by Ministers. before; for suspending the Habeas Corpus was nothing like preventing the people from meeting together to express their sentiments on public altiors.—(Hear.) Toe right of keeping arms was one of the most ancient which the subject enjoyed. There was a strong feeling in the country for rational, moderate reform; fur that reform which would so alter the constitution of the House that it would effectually represent the property and population of the eosin. try...-. (Cheers. Mr. THOMAS WILSON thought thot the canoes of the discoutetit were those over which • the Ministry or the House could have no Con trol. If the loyal meetings had not taken place, it would have been trumpeted forth that those of 'an opposite description had eXpressed the, sense of the ,country. As so honest man. Arad in Englishmen. he thought that the meassee before the Muse. limited as it. mu le he in its opersamo to. lire years, was fur the good of the country. . -51 r. D. W. w:tt 01 •.••• qew measeres would niti!er A ug me i it titan ad.ol era. popular discontent, a:,rl therefore he should vote against them altogether. The true remedies i .his opinion were the diminution, or rath r rqoalr,arinot of tatatione by lightening the burden *lonia pureed unequally on the poor, and a change to ihr repre sentation of the cpuriory. lie thoutdd it aught oo be clearly *hewn', that that hart induced the Grand Jury of Laricsater to throw out the bill*. was not that they had rehired to hear evideocr, that they hod uot, for instance, come to the de termination of nut receititig the evidence of Der by•hire at all. lire view of the question of re form was, dud there was not a Member of that noose who ought uot, at some time or other, hermit back to a certain portion of the people to whomilie should be rtapousible and render au account of his conduct. Lord Stitcher. in consequence of the pointed allusion made to him, begged to say a few words in explanation of the rpereh he made on a former night. The Hon. Member had spoken as if he (Lord Stanley) had said, that his oath, •S a Crawl Juror, threw around lion a sort of protection with which notliiiig could interfere. He bad said sat, such thing. What he did say, was, that he would not, in consequence of that oath, enter into the merits of the part=cular case, unless called sport before • Court of Justice, or by the authority of Parliament. In either case, he should feel himself justified to disclose what bath occurred, noteish standing the power of that oath.—(ffeor, hear.) With reference to Mr. Heist's petition, it staled facts as occurring before a Gistid Jury, of which the petitioner could here in reality kiumn nothing. Mr. BOOTLE WILERAII4II asked. whether the Hon. Member (Mr. D. W. H*atar) meant to state that the Grand Jury refused to receive the evidence of Derbyshire ? Mr. D. W. Hies? did not mean to say any such thing. All lie lead asserted was, that on pub lic gronsids it would be desirable to know the rea sros which influenced the Grand Jure to ignore particular bills. They may have ignor'ed them by adopting • particular rule, and acting upon it so the reclusion of • certain line of evidence, which, if admitted, would perhaps have led them to a dif ferent result. Mr. BooTLZ WiLBRAHAII stated, that the Grand Jury had made no such rule, nor refused any particular evidence. Mr. C. H. HUTOHNION, after lamenting the painful necessity in whien he found himself. of trespassing upon the attention of the House, after the speeches that were made by his Ilotiouroble Friends around him, warmly defended his Hon. and Gallant Friend (Sir Robert Wilton) from the attack made upon him by the Honourable Member for Marlow (Mr. Grenfell.) He was the more ready to repeat and justify every espretsion made use of by ins Honourable and Gallint Friend, as he was so much in the habit of connecting Ins feel ings and interests with his own upon every occasion: —(Hear.)—Before he proceeded further, he begged to aim his Majesty's Ministers, whether it was their intention to extrud the provisions of this Bill to Ireland ? Mr. C. GRAN : replied, that it was intended to include Ireland within the operation of the Bill. Mr. llurcniasos resumed, and svith great ani. minion recalled the attention of the House to the speech of the Noble Lord (Castlereagh) when lie introduced this Bill to their conitideration —a Bill which would be ft-r ever connected with his name.— (Hear.)--Did nut that Noble Lord, hi his open ing speech, contrast the peaceable state of Ireland with the disturbed condition of England ? Did he not express his pride amid satisfaction at seeing what he termed the peaceable and prosperous state of a country with which he was so nearly connected ? Why then did the Noble Lord talk of the peaceable sod tranquil state of Ireland if he meant to visit that country with the pains and penalties of his Bill of coercion ? What was the Noble Lord's in tention by adopting such a delusive course? Did he mean to deceive the seventy Irish Members who voted with hint on the former night, and to induce them to give their support, under the idea that though England was to be coerced, Ireland was to be free ? When the Noble Lord, with his usual douceur of manner, and apparent modesty, even though introducing a measure of such • treinend ous musequeoce, made this allosion to the state of Ireland,what was his meaning ? Why the deb lion ? He (Mr. Hutchinson) appealed to the Irish Mem bers to recollect the declaration of the Noble Lord as to the tranquillity of their country, and to couple it with what they now heard of the intro. tion to include Ireland in the operation of this Bill.-(Hear. hear, and sone coughing front the Ministerial benches.)—Gentlemen might interrupt him if they pleased; they may massifrio a readiness to vote away the liberties of their own c try, but they must give him leave to defend those or his, such at least as remained to his cossotry its her present stmt.—Wear, hear }.--When the Noble Lord had talked of the prosperity of Le.; land, he did out White him, though Ire was ready to admit its peace and tranquillity, roll to assert its claim for an 'exemption from the operation of those Bills. Nothing, he must may, could be fume outrageous than the conduct of the Noble Lord, who, upon evidence of his own 'hewing, part ab surd, part }quoin, grounded the necessity of measures subsersive of the most essential privileges of the Constitution, notwithstanding the utility flat contradictions which tlii. evidence received in both Houses of Parliament. It seemed the Noble Lord, reels wills his majorities, did not feel him self on quite as safe ground as be at first ima gined, when he row crime down, atid in smooth awl flowing numbers; admitted the bonito 44444 of the Bill tin fire years ixisteoce. It was to he looped that before this night' passed sway, a feeling of a sunder description would prompt the :Ca ble Lord. notwithstanding his bold des-Lifetime.. to make the Bill local, instead of general, it. ns application. Ile begged pardon white he said that there was something so outrageous and offensive in die mode pursued by the Noble Lord, that he was afraid to give vent to the , feelings which it 'tested in his breast. The Ministers, m bringing forward these mum before threirmotary . with colours. Were these the gfories Altat followed the labours of opwatere of half a .ce'talifrf of adminietrie tiOnS like the present? Werrtheit the lasts** Stu eh the people were to reap anertlai tetinissai%leaf 'lvor unparalleled in its mown, but for which no thanks V „, ..-.....y.. ,A • •