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shire than by referring it to the Cemtnons. lalo ma terial inconvenience could arise even in the event of the contingencies so often alluded to, and he trusted the investigation, either with reference to the pri vate or public interests involved, would he proceed ed on with as little delay as possible. He should therefore object to the motion. Lord GRFN VILLE expressed his disappro bation at part of what fell from the Noble Se creetry of State, wlech, in a legal point of view, involved a very objectionable proposition, as tending to the trial of an individual twice for the same offence, and for different ends and purposes. In the particular circumstances of the present case, he thought it desirable upon public grounds, as well as being the mist regular and expeditious way, that the Asir should originate in the other House. Such a course of proceeding would, he insisted, in dif. ferent points of vieve, be the most exp ditious mode. He agreed it was merely a question of disßretion on the pert of their Lordships ; but it could not be de nied, that a previous proceeding in that House would convey a degree of prejudice to the minds of the other Upon the whole, he deemed a short delay of the proceedings highly proper under the circum stances of the case, and on these grounds he would cordially support the proposition of the Illustrious Personage. Lord Viscount SIDMOU al agreed with the Noble Lord, that the question under consideration was one, not of right or privilege, but one of dis cretion. He thought it fortunate, upon a view of the whole case, teat the proceedings originated where they did. By the Standing Orders of the respeaive Houses, which operated by virtual admis sion as a kind of ! Parliamentary law, subjeks of a certain nature properly originated in the one House, and subjeas of certain o:her natures in the other. All subjeas of a judicial nature, in par ticular, originated with their Lordships, which, the a cknowledged advantages which they pos sessed in these respels peculiarly qualified them to entertain. On the ground of delay, he was par ticularly adverse to the proposition; at the end of six weeks their Lordships, might fin f themselves precisely in the same situation they then stood in; but all that time would undeniably be lost to the parties. With respea to the apprehended collision between the two Houses, it would involve no far ther difficulties than the case of any other joint ad dress. And on the ground of expedition in particu lar, he was for persevering in the course already de term.ned. Lard Gacevi Lee and Lord Viscount SIDMoUTH severally spoke in explanation. The question was again put, on which their Lord ships divided, when there appeared for the Motion of the Duke of Clarence, 9--Against it, 36—Ma jority, 27. IRISH HABEAS CORPUS SUSPENSION. On our re-admission to the House, Lord GRENVILLE was addressing their Lord ships upon this subjea. He adverted particularly to what had passed on a former night, in coast ttuence of a Motion of a Noble Friend of his (Lord king) now absent. He contended, that the species of information required by his Noble Friend was of great importance to seeable their Lordships to under stand the subject in question. It was right Parlia ment should know upon what conditions those who were liberated from arrests were discharged; the produaion required was agreeable to the prat:tic, and usage on former occasions ; he was at a loss to know upon what grounds that which transpired be tween Government en,: those whom they deemed waiters or conspirators should be kept secret from Parliament. However, the proposition originally made by his Noble Friend had been qualified, so as he thought would remove the objecllion then of fered ; and be should, before the other Order of the Day was entered treon, move an Address to His Majesty, that a statement of the conditions upon which persons liberated from arrests, &c. should be laid before the House, except so far as the same may relate to information given, or to be given, re spetking any traitorous proceedings, &c. On the question being put, Lord HAWKES lIU RY observed, that what iw said on a former night had been misconceived. He said that he knew of no such conditions, not being aware of any proceedings in the way of release to which they might apple but his objeBion WAS to the prieciple of the Motion in the manner it was brought forward ; and he re peated his conviction, that under such circum stances, and at such a time, to agree to such a Mo. tion, may be produaive of consequences the most dangerous ; neither did he approve the Motion as qualified by the Noble Lord—it would involve an admission of the fali, and its consequences in every other tae would be nearly the same. Ihe specifi cation re luired by the qualified proposition was, in effe.sl, liable to the same objeetions, it would imply a degree of suspicion. as, with the other objeltioneble consrderetions, would amount to as pernicious a re sult as the (rig'. al Motion certainly would involve, and of which, he trusted, the common sense of their Lordships would be sufficiently aware. The Marquis of SLIGO supported the observa tions of the Noble Secretary. The disclosures al luded to mAy be cf a most destruetive tendeacy. His Lordship allusled to scene cases, as a comeeposd once with the enemy, in which a disclosure would be not only impolitic, but dangerous; and he ad verted to the case of Oliver Bond, the remission of whose punishment might, in a certain point of view, be sai I to have saved Ireland. The state of Ireland was in general good ; yet, he thought the Suspen sion of the Wien Corpus Aft in that country, with a reference to certain circumstances, a prudent and politic measure. Lord Gassy Lea shortly spoke in explanation. The LORD CHANCELLOR observed, that lie was in the office of Attorney General when the Habeas Corpus Aa was first suspended, and, though fully convinced as he was of the beneficial tendency of that suspension, yet, if such a disclosure as that now requested h ad been made, be should have thought it his duty, as speedily after as possible, to have moved for the repeal of the suspension. It would be better to let the present Bill expire, than to agree to such a condition as that proposed. He agreed with his Noble Friend as to the effeas of the quelefication of the original motion, and the Noble Lord, who had come forward, from his experience to, that there could be the beneficial cffeas if such a condition of the trinsaainos alladed to, no degree of safety, nor could of the su prmion be exeetted, was attached to it. The question was put, and Lord Gessaritt s's Motion was negatived without a division. Lord fiAWICESBURY then moved the second reading of the Irish tabus Corpus Ad Suspension Bili, which was accordingly read a second time. His Lordship then, pursuant to his notice of Tues day night, moved the Order of the pay for the con sideration of the Standing Orders, No. 26 and 155, with a view to the suspension of`the same, as tar as related to the Irish Habeas Corpus Ad Suspension Bill. Before. the question on this Motion was put, his Lordship stated, that, under the special circumstanced of the case, he should have to propnie that the 8.11 be forthwith committed. He trusteu the House would immediately concur in the oily isais expediency sif such a proceeding. and perceive, irons a glance at the preamble of the Bill, that no delay in the pro gress of the measure should take place. With re spect to the ground for passing it, he considered, under the present circumstances, that of public no toriety was a sufficient reason; and which had been acted upon by Parliament, when, in fact, less . grounds existed than at present. Since the year 1793, the Habeas Corpus act had been nine times suspended, and of these, six times, without any previous enquiry whatever having been instituted. He was fully aware of the importance o; the liabeasCorpui Ad, it was one of the bulwarks of our constitutional liberties ; but the continuance of these liberties was owing to the circumstance of that being done upon great and extraordinary occasions, which, far a time, cut tailed them. Of this the occasional suspension of the Habeas Corpus Ad was a striking instance. His Lordship then generally adverted to the peculiar circumstances in which Ireland at present stood, which, he satisfactorily argued, were such as to call upon their Lordships to pass the Bill in question, which had been sent up from the Commons. The Earl of CARLISLE made some observations upon what had fallen from the Noble Secietary of State; bu t his objections seemed principally to apply to the mode pursued by Ministers with respect to the Bill. The Marquis of Sctoo spoke warmly in support of the measure. Earl SPENCER. said, the Bill could nut receive the Royal assent sooner than Saturday, and, conse quently, could nut be known as a law in Donlin until after the expiration, of the present Ad, wh : ch will take place on Tuesday. It had been urged in support of the Motion, that the Habeas Corpus Act had been suspended ainetiMes in the course of the last war. He did not. however, recoiled any instance, without a particular case macie out, or a previous enquiry. It was only said, that Irish traitors in France were corresponding with disaffeded persons in Ireland. If that were sufficient, died, as long as there was a disaffeded man in Ireland, and an Irish traitor in France, the French Government might make a case whenever it pleased, to deprive us of the best security of our liberties. The Earl of LONGFORD lamented the system e( d •solation that had prevailed in Ireland for ten years past. " You have heard of it." said his Lordship, " but we have felt it. You would . give much to avoid the experience of such calamities We should give much more to prevent their repeti tion. The people of Ireland looked with confidence to a firm and vigorous Government, and they are ready to make sacrifices to deserve it. It is be a matter of notoriety that a corrusaossdence is now carrying on between traitor: in France, and disaf feded persons in Ireland, I cannot conc...ive a stronger ground for the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Ad." The Duke of bIONTROSE was confident, that if the Habeas Corpus AR had been suspe:.ded in Ireland, in 1803, the iqsurrettion in Dublin would not have taken dace. lie also thought, that if the Bill received the Royal Assent on Saturday, it might reach Dublin on Monday. Lord SOMERVILLE urged, upon the experi ence of fourteen months residence in Ireland, the necessity of arming the Executive Government with strong powers. The Duke of CLARENCE said, if the case were so urgent, Ministers were to blame for not bringing it forward sooner. The Noble Secretary had said that the South of Ireland only was disturbed, and a Noble Marquis had added, that the state of that country was excellent. Where then was the neces sity for taking away the benefit of the Habeas Corpus Act ? He conceived it utterly impossible, that the Bill, if passed, should, reach Dublin on Monday. and consequently, that the reason for such extraordinary baste fell to the ground. • The /Auld LIMERICK allud ed to she expe rience of ten years past s the arrival of the French in Bantry Bay, and the Rebellion in 1803, and eon tended, that if the Bill were not passed, there would be French emissaries in every part of Ireland. The Lail of DARNLEY did not objet to the Bill, but to the mode of procedure, and urged se veral arguments against such precipitancy. Lord AUCKLAND said, if it were necessary the , Bill should reach I)ublir on Monday, those who de layed it only made that event more unprobable. Lord GRENVILLE said, every lover of the con stitution must love the independence of Parliament ; but what regard would there be abeam for that in dependence, if the orders and usage of Parliament were to he violated without cause, and a me.uure thus precipitated through the House? If the saftty of Ireland depended upon the measure, Nlinisters ought not to have placed it in such a critical situa tion, but to have brought it forward sooner. The rules of that House were not vain and empty forms. but made toensure to ever/ measure mature &Lire _ ration. In the present instance, no case was made to justify a departure tram them, there w* nn sudden emergency, no extraordinary accurrenee to justify it. He did not see the atoolute necevity that the Bill should reach Ireland on Monday. The govern ment of that country surely could not be afrai d to set for aahsy or two, which was all that wai necessary fur passing it, without this CLIO/MOUS ViOlai; a, of the orders of the House. As to the Bill itself, he gave no opinion, not being sufficiently acquainted w ith the state of Ireland; but certainly he must say, so far as any information was given, no constitutional ground was made out for the. measure. Lord MU LG RAVE said, it was strange that a Noble Lord Should advise the Irish Government to violate the laws of the country, and place themselves in the situation to require an of indemnity, rattler than that the House should dispen.e, at; it had 4 right to do, of any of its standing orders. .'~-~ The motion was then put for suspending tlle Standing Orders, Nos. 26 and 155 ; and the House divided—Contents 41—Non-Contents 1 9. The Howe then went into a Committee•on- the Bill, in which the Duke of CISAIICNCt rno*ed to substitute " six weeks from the present time," instead of the original words, " six weeks after the sitting of the ensuing Session of Parliament." His Royal Highness said, he should not press his motion to a division, and it was negatived accordingly. The Bill then passed the. Committee, was reported, and read a third time. Adjournwi at Twelve o'Clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS . A new Writ was ordered for Caine, in the ran tt of Joseph Jekyll, Esq. appointed one of His Maest.'s CouS 1. Mr. MAYNE deferred OW die his Motion fur the repeal of the 6 per Cent. Danes iii Ireland. Mr. Johnsin, from the Chief Secretary's Office, in Ireland, brought accnunts of the sums of moiler borrowed in England, fur the service of Ireland; and of the intermit ohid spun loans, ,Itc. to the lit of January, 1805, which were ordered to lie on the table, and to be printed. Mr CALCRAFT wished to know whether arty obleftion would be made to the produ.tion of the accoutre of the ex peaces incurred in the collelion of the Sett Duties; because, if not, he should move fur them in the course of the present day. Mr. HUSKISSON said, he was not aware of any opposition that could be made to them. While he • was on his legs, he was willing to explain to the Hon Gentleman, that this suppo sition, on which he went, with regard to these duties, was al together erroneous. There were re. minty great deductions on account of bounties, drawbacks, and other expeuces, before the money was paid into the Exchequer, but all the soyea.ces of management in the collection wise nu more than one per cent. Mr. ROSE said, that he fervently believed the expellee or collection to be muter two per cent. and the whole expellee to be 40,0001. Mr. CALCRAFT then moved, that the Report of the Com mittee en the Salt Duties iu 1601, shinillEw re-printed, winch was agreed to. Sir JOHN NEWPORT moved for an aeconnt of all Reeee sionary Grants tirade in Ireland Once the sth of A ;-ril„ 1795, together with the dates of such grants, and specifying their amount, and the names of rite persons to whom they were granted; as account of all *Wms made for the extimlion of elellive franchises in Ireland by the ad of union, and specify'. ing the names of the claimants, of the places for which they were claimed, and such as had been admltteci from those that had been rejected. Also Copies of all Claims of Compensa tions for Officers lost in consequence of the said Act; with spe cifications similar to the fernier. Also Copies of the Proceed ings of the Commissioners of Claims; ditto, of the evidence given before them, .tc. ate. which were agreed to. The SECRETARY at WAR presented, by order, a return of the number of seen raised for the Army of Reserv:, from the let ofJativary to the 19th of June, 1604, which were or detel to be printed. The Surrey Railing Bill was read a third time and passed. The Loan Tax Rill was read a fist, and ordered to be read a second time to.morrnw. Mr. ‘VINDH •aid, that %moor% the tl,Terent paper.' which h.. •noved for, Ito perceived that the I.2turn t..e Staff of (,rat Britain hart omitted, and w , shol to know whe• ther it was ready t.i he presented? The SECRETARY at WAR informed hi.n, that it was preitared, and would have been 041 the Table already, had lie been aware of the entire . The Thanks of the House were voted to the Rev Dr. II .n. ry HaII, for the Sermon prea•_!ted before them on the 20th, in St. Margaret's Church, t - :ther with a request that he would get it printed. HUSKISSON breur,;.t in the New Post Duty Bill, which was read a first, aud ordered to be read • second time to morrow. _ . . Mr. GILES daferre 1 iris %dation respecting the continuance of the Nasal Commiwioners Bill, which stood fur Monday next, to Friday seunight. On the bringing .n of the Horse Duty Bill; Sir W. W. WYNNE spoke a few words against the f1:11, which he represented as a direct tax upon the I.l.iugh, if im posed ow lisirses u e l in agriculture, and declar,. d Ins iesolution to nisposu it in every stip. The Bil was then read a first time, to be road a second dine to-morrow. Lord ARCHIBALD HAM!LTON deferred his Motion roweling the pay toznt of Irish sdaies at par till Monday sennight Mr JOHNSTONE moved, that the aceonot of the distri bution of the two million ant a WV resister by loans on Exche pier Hills, be printesl,....which was agreed to. THE MILITARY RACE OF TM COUNTRY. Mr. WINDHAM addtcssed the House to the following effo!t; " I rise, Sir, for the purpose of making a Motion, of which I gave notice a consi &rabic time since, and have to r.mark, that, Amongst the numerous postponements to which it has been subjected, there was only one of them, namely, the last, which took ulace on any sugg:s tion of my own. I wish Gentlemen to be ap prised thus early, that the Motion with which L shall conclude, is, with a very few slight variations, precisely the same that was submitted in the last session of Parliament, by an Honourable Friend of mine (Mr Fox), which will he fin a Com mittee to revise the measures taken, particularly in the last session of Parliament, for increasing the military force of the country, and what further improvements may still be made of them. It will therefore be necessary for those who supported the same measure last session, and may be disposed tt) object to it in this, to thew that the defects in the mi litary establishment of lest year were balanced by the great improvements made in it since the last year ; and the same persons ought also to demonstratt that one system was now in the aunt perfect state it would admit of, in ceder to justify any opposition to the motion. Even then eleir task will not be ended, unless they can also prove, not only that our improvements are great, but also that they proceed more rapidly and extensively than those of the ene my, and that the mighty danger of invasion, which they were so ferliviy apprehensive of last year, is now passed away, an 4 no longer to be dreaded. It will not be su:licient for them to risevr, that some additions have been made to the armed force in general since that period. They must inform us what those additions are, from whence they arose, and holy many of them hare bees owing to the measure which the Right non. Gentleman (Ms. Pitt) substituted last year for the other weak and feeble measure, as he called it, which he so vehemently condemned. If he does not do this, the same arguments he employed last year in favour of a Committee remain still in full force, and equally applicable now; and I am at a loss to reconcile Isis former positions with any objec• tions be can now possibly allege. I protest I can see no ground lie can take for such a change of opinion with ary decency but poe, namely, "1 was then quite in the wrong, and I confess both my er rors and my weakness." • If *wishes to claim any comparative merit, I will give isirncredit for it; but surely he will not be so unreasonable as to oppose my Motion from the effect or success of chnie mason's which he loudly reprobated when broug ht fir sant bj his predecessors. I never a serted, fea instance, that men might not be raised by . recruiting for rank, 'and by the exertions of men of wealth and influence. That was not the ground on which I opposed them, but because I was thoroughly convinced that the exercise or that mode ut recruiting, and of giving rank as well as command to risen of no military knowledge ez experience, must, by putting them over the heads of senior and more skilful officers. proem ultimetell destruCtive to the service. I was one of those ea u objeeted to the Army of Reserve, 4ra the ground that it woul,; ever do what was promised fron t i t and as the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite me op posed it likewise, he cannot consistently avail him self of that, as an argument against- a Committee, if I spew that all the measures which be before ape proved remain still in full force, and that the m, sere he proposed as a remedy for every t! ,'; completely failed.. lam aware that all t he When arf ;amnion ad huminese ; but I wish to ape: to the Right Hon. Gentleman's consistency, het: some hopes,that though he voted then in a mini,' might now, in the plenitude of his power and induers be turned into a majority.. Many of the measitize resorted to were still only upon trial ; eoree a .. IA and others may succeed; but supp g military position to be nearly the same eet.;... year, do not the circumstances of the preset-te t e of Europe, and the accession of the Spanish w: , afford some alteration in the condition of this cue.- try, as to give additional reasons for instituting a Committee, when the whole military system is per featly open to us The first question that presents itself is, whether the state of the country be such este :make it a matter of policy not to revive those ineffec tual measures ? I for one cannot see that now poli c y could oppose it. Ido not think the Ministers will assert that we ate now perfealy free from all danger of invasion. The number of men may perk: be found of different descriptions ; but, supposi:; • them ever so well disciplined, they can never beei• plicable to the same purpose. They cannot defeat us in every point where we may be attacked; nor oppose our enemies in every quarter of the world. It will be in vain to enumerate the number of sol diers enrolled in the regular serviee, a great part of which can now be made applicable to our home defence. The guards and garrisons cannot be taken horn their present stations, and p iei suppose, ter instance, that no man would now think of send ing any detachments from Gibraltar. In addi tion to the Regulars, we have another force, under the name of Volunteers, of which 1 dint have occasion to say something more hereafter. I shall now only remark, that heretofore it was a great objeation to war, that it took men from the plough, and from their trades and oecupatioes, to make soldiers of them ; and, the complaint is now, that we take peaceful men from trades and occupations. to turn them suddenly into Captains and Colonels. I ask the Gentlemen opposite me, is ours a well-formed military system, is proportion to the money that has been expended upon it? 1. there a sufficient provision made for striking it a permanent one, by insuring to it occasional sq.. plies ? Or can it be as certain as if it was placed in the outset on a regular and a permanent footing ‘Ve have at present tour d;stivat species at hame— the Militia, Army of Reserve, Volunteers, and Re gulars: but can these ever aft together as one arm , ! If they can, wlty not put them on a uniform mili tary establishment ? Why nut make them all alike! If the Volunteers are a good effialve force, why not have all Volunteers? If the Militia be fisl i eel for every purpose, why not all Militia ? and the same may he said of all the other Services. It should also be considered. whether they are formed on such a scale of military economy an to pie; them the same force with equal numbers, whin a regular army, such as they may have to con tend against, could produce?? This subjea hi, already undergone en much discussion upon former occasions, that I should be disposed to paei it over for the present, if it was not of too much importance to be sa disposed of. My opinion of that kind of force remains the same that it has alw ays been. I mean not to disparage the Volunte.rs themselves, nnr to throw any iefleaion on them. —They certainly have done all that men could do in such a situation'; but the system itself was so radically defmaive, and so inadequate to its end, that they could do but little. I think the sys tem bad, and even dangerous, in regard to the poli tical effeas which it may possibly produce. I know it is said, and generally thought, if the war was at. an end, and the danger over, they would lay de* their arms, and again return peaceably to their ori ginal occupations ; and I am myself convinced. that, ultimately, it must happen so ; but I CAR ea.i ly suppose a case, when, under political circum stances which are not impossible, they may think it proper to keep themselves up longer than the t' vernment may have occasion for their se: ei, Such a conduct, no doubt, would be very its. iii sistent with our constitutional principles, which are perhaps further endangered by the effedt this ir.• tern may in future have upon gene' al eleaions. My objeflions also go to giving theta a kind of forced and unprecedented system, liable to be produaive of an evil Area on the temper and habits of so gun a portion of the people; a systeM that destroys the civil relations of human life, which fills the lower orders of Ile with vanity; arrogenc-, And presimie• Lion, that brings down the higie and ..zalts the 1 do not bold principles ro very erietaerettc , as to think that persons of rank 'should cot-sic. the lower orders with contempt, as if they no. . different race of beings. I do not wish them • proud as, like a great monarch of ancient times, to 'esquire that an attendant should be constantly .1.- minsLig them that they are men. But I cot:- tend that the high should not be obliged to stoop to the low, and that every man shoulsi be in his proper place, and that the differeet classes should be brought together so promie cously, .as that the low should be enabled to pas: vote. re' censure upon the high. lam no advocate for making any man abject, or endeavouring to im press any class with a servile awe for those abort them; but am convinced, that an habitual respell for their superiors is amongst the natural virtues of the people of this country. The man who pays the homage of respell to charts ter and superior rank only pays it to imputed virtues; but this system of promiscuous Voluntems has a tendency entirely to destroy it. I leer, also, its novel and ptehees fatal etfea on the military spirit of the army. Th . r Volunteers may, perhaps, in some indersces, ger" you more force, but they cannot be depended 0 1 : If they arc intended to stet With regular troops, o' r f snaT