The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1825-04-27 00:00:00

„,, d a ngerous frankness , more perilous boldness, than was ma nifested on this q uestion . No Monarch laxly w” eyes thet‘ten ,,,i w ith such a l arm i ng resistance on behalf of the wi g as was now brewing against the Catholic—(C! eers). Cat l believe that sol i thing but powerful inajori. :w.awiae did not of that House could preserve i e country from a convulsion the t petri fy ing . To set the troubles of Ireland at rest, there m ust oot be a „ a kority nut of treaty-seven, but large majorities of the House, end s ow was the time for such majorities. (Hear, hear.) During • "nem the time for tbe Parliament and the country to inter nals to tear hear.) Yet a little while and it would be tno tat teire , ( t ).. anti . c—a faun ( d e lay, the opportunity w ill have passed away tor ever. mbering, a little sleep, a little folding of the hands to A lltile (a etre House had done on this question for every Session of :i s ment during the last twenty years), and we should find in. of despotism coming upon us like an armed man, and the whom o f saving England would then have departed from our (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. B.) was no lover of discord. (A .4 09 ' h i He repeated he was not a lover of discord ; they who preferred to what they called discord and confusion, 1°134 ig ed u fim " so, t he solitude which arises from passive and unthinking obedience to ue raitigited despotism. He respected all men's conscientious ad. brew; to opinion, however that opinion might be opposed to his ..„ GA forbid that he should deny to others that conscientious auhetttes en opinion which he demanded for himself. He hal said ` 0 , 11 of t e e fi o nse, and would repeat it within,that want of cand our , e:,w , y, an d f el ertheness, was the last charge that could be brought go •ut ts e opponents of liberal measures ; but lie had lived long t ough in the world to that those frank and honest antagonists when nae mo ktene d wee !he most perverse and obstinate. AR hope of rdaiming them from cunt was fallacious; they could all say, .• So help them God ;" it was impossible they could ever change. Coder Mae circumstances it bscame those he had the honour of addressing, to set their House in order betimes There was now a ten fold necessity for the House of Commons to come forward, and by decidedly declaring its opinions, Put an end for ever to the question of Catholic Emancipation, and . avert an event which they happen sooner or later, but which God forbad should ever happen. If the present opportunity , should be neglects:l, the House and the c ountry have been warned of the consequences. a r f this occasion be permitted to pass away, although the measure might Toss, not by a maiority of nineteen or a majority of twenty-seven, bat by the unanimous vote of the whole House, and supported by tins =ani mus opinion of the whole country—nay, even though that et;untry streamed with blood—yet the measure cannot be culled mein operation without an irreparable breach with the Crown. In con. dawn, he would recommend the House to strip the measure of conciliation of this unpopular adjunct, which was only calculated to distract public opinion, to strengthen the enemies of Emancipa tion, and weigh down its friends. Let Parliament give the Irish people the substance of concession, without destroying the boon by the disfranchisement of the peassetry,and by so doing the House would pacify Ireland without invoking England in the least peril cr ermulsion. Sir J. NEWPORT would not just then trouble the House, were it not that being in bad health, he a ished at as early as hour as convenient to offer to the House the few remarks which from him the occasion might require. Before he said any thing further on the particular subject then under consideration, be must declare, that with regard to the main question of which this was the adjunct, there existed no man who was more attached to it—none who more earnestly desired to see it carried ; and he therefore felt it his duty, so long as he had a seat in that House, to express clearly and man. fully his deliberate opinion. It was an opinion to which he could give no adventitious weight—which he could not lay before the House with force or with eloquence. It had nothing to recommend it but its sincerity. The Bill benne them embraced a great public object, not merely for Ireland, but for England. It wars a mea sure which he looked to as the only means of averting a convulsion, from which otherwise it wan scarcely to be hoped that the country could ever expect quie', or that tranquillity could be established OD any firm basis. In the Committee on the state of Ireland, where Members were to be formed of every shade of political opinion, and where all present were free to put any question on any subject which he might conceive likely to throw a light upon the circumstances of the country ; yet, in the whole of the evidence, what do they find but the unveried, unqualified declaration of every person examined against the wretched system which the present Bill is intended to remedy? His HOl2. and Learned Friend near him (Mr. Brougham) vas quite mistaken in calling the measure a measure of disfran. clisement. It disfranchises no one—it interferes with no existing erivilege. It leaves every thing that now in exactly on its press •t facing—it merely legislates for the future. The Hon. and Learned Ginleman, the Member for Louth (Mr. Foster) admitted in his ethence that the system required alteration • yet in his speech wand to hold an opposite opinion. As to what had fallen from his Hon. and Learned Friend near him (Mr. Brougham) he would .ay, that if he wished to carry the great object which they all had in view, he could not have taken a course better calculated to de feat his own wishes. He was, for his own evert, quite unable to understand how his Hon. and Learned Friend could scruple to for. ward the great measure by refusing his sid to the present Bill. He thought, certainly, that it ought to stand alone, and in this he (Sir J. Newport) fully agreed with him; but if it be impossible for them to accomplish this substantive existence, let them do the next best thing, namely, to take it even as they can get it ; and in their accepting it, they should recollect that it trenches on no existing nghta. It was a novel, and he thought a bad system on which his HOD. and Leerncd Friend acted—that of rejecting an acknow. i merely because he could not obtain it standing alone, nt i tri l iFe a pt dently of other measures. With regard to the com tliments which had been paid to himself personally, he begged lave altogether to disdsim them. Mr. PLCNKETT (being very generally called on) rose, saying that he never addressed the House under stronger feelings of pain ful anxiety and distress than on the present occasion. He was glad 'het in consequence of his having given way, his Right Hon. Friend, whose indisposition every one must regret, had an oppor. utility of stating his sentiments to the House. He was rejoiced to Were a confirmation of his own opinions from that just weight and the high character of one of the best —one of the most tried and sin cere friends of the country ; and he felt it the more necessary when he was called upon, is he then was, to answer the speech if his lion. and Learned, and he might add, eingularly.gifted opponent. lie would begin by stating, honestly and sincerely, the grounds on which he had shortly before called his Hon. and Learned Friend INT. Brougham) to order ; and he thought the best justification would be found in what had fallen from the Chair on the subject, in which, with the utmost delicacy, his lion. and Learned Freind had placed before his view the tendency and effect of the course which he then was obviously about to pursue. It bad been placed before les riot, with all possible delicacy, but with sallicient distinctness to unction the opinion which he (Mr. Plunkett) had previously given, and by which, from the decision of the Chair, the disorderly course tithe lion. and Learned Member had been fully established. If he awe without this justification, he would appeal to Hon. Gen tlemen who beard him, whether his Hon. and learned Friend did rot most dearly and evidently appear to be on the point—nay, had usually entered upon, that lime which the rules of order prohibited ; i t , therefore, was nut justified in saying that lie (Mr. Plunkett) Ind risen Inies rimer, when the fact was, that he had risen, not on grounds of anticipation, but in consequence of what had actually occurred, from the very rature of which he had reason to fear the mischief that as matter of course was to be expected. He did not effect to be blind to what was passing before him in the world. lie ' van aware that what occurred in another place was frequently alluded to there, but from the distinct and unequivocal terms in shah his lion. and Learned Friend had spoken, it was impossible for one moment to entertain the slightest doubt as to the meaning of the language he used, the indecorum of using it, and the evident Loch of order which it actually constituted. Haying nothing note to say then on the point of order, he would proceed to consi. do the view which his Hon. and Learned Friend took of the sub ject. He (Mr. Plunkett) entirely sympathised with him in feeling not only the necessity of the measure, but also the necessity of its being carried without the delay of an hour. If ever there was a time at which it was peculiarly incumbent on them to make an effort, and an united effort, for the accomplid.ment of the great measure, that tine was the present ; and in this hr was happy to think that his Hon. and Learned Friend agreed with him, that a large majority was necessary s—nay, he (Mr. Brougham) thought almost unanimity itself was indispensable, or at least something approaching to unanimity—he said that this was the time to make a vigorous and combined effort; and he (Mr. P)unkett) called up. ea all who heard his Hon. and Learned Frirend, to say whether the whole of his speech was not calculated to prevent that very unani. wny of which he himself seemed so earnestly desirous The Hon. sed Learned Member for Louth (Mr. Foster) had given evidence upon his oath before the Lords' Committee, which was directly I, PPoicd to the tendency of his argument that night in the House. In saying that he had given evidence on his oath, be did not mean to say that that Hon. and Learned Member could have the regard to truth which his sense of honour and in. tegrity would impart, enhanced in any degree by the religious Bo hm:my of an oath ; but this he would say, without imputing the slightest insincerity to that Hon. and Learned Gentleman, that Feuer inconsistency never existed than between his evidence and ills arguments, for his speech that night went completely in the teeth of all that he had elated before the Committee of the Upper Hot e—that the existing state of things produced a system—an I even :1 system, of perjury, and an unceasing conflict between the t asid the priest. That Hon. Member objects to the pre `, :lid, because It does not affect the tenant in fee. If it did, it would have the effect of real disfranchisement—of disfran. thaing the whole yeomanry of England—a result which, of course, sue would be found to advocate. It should never be lost sight of, that here they were dealing, not with tenants in fee, but with lease ht?l',ker. The Hon. and Learned Member (Mr. Foster) had coin- Pater! that many persons had taken possession of waste lands, and in length of possession, or other means. had come to be seised in lee of them, and then he demanded that these should be disfran. He was shocked that travelling tinkers and others of such a Cass should have possessed themselves of lands in Louth, and ilet.rout enjoy a vote, but that could never in his (Mr. P.'s) opi. Lion torn) a sufficient ground for disfranchising the whole yeo l'uly ef England; yet he (Mr. F.) thinks himself justified in w . , H.clding his vote, unless the travelling tinkers were disfran ed•—iLarighter.)—lle could not but regret that the great ta. C 7 s and eloi,uenee of his Honourable and Learned Friend (Mr. "Ln'-',:ian , ) had not been better employed than in opposing the ‘ , 7y measure of which he professed himself, no doubt sincerely, 4 must strenuous anti warm advocate. He lamented that those vast Pest of exp osure , that those amazing talents for ridicule, had Letn exerted rather against what he really was adverse to, than f:c in the same breath so warmly, and he might say so int ' mulled. He (Mr. P.) had a right to complain of the hos -•*), which, in his friendly support of the great measure, he be "'l• in the unequalled rapidity of his mental operations, and is . . - metlinary facility which he enjoyed of giving them expres •4 might be found the cause of a weakness which often led t.'sat plished in the fervour of argument hurried sway by strong current dins t hough t, to say much that in his cooler mo. - 1 • , in rep eLts te a d n . d b i t r ua or m e e d lo eli m ber ew a ha te j t u u d f grn a w e ea nt k l u re e3 w . n in ul h d is d gr iee ee pp t ro ch v a e rac . T ter hi . s, I h n e the speech he had just made, he set out with declaring his ignorance, and in every subsequent part of his observations showed a most perfect and thourigh acquaintance with the subject, bringing ever thing to bear on it which could as s ist its adversaries and embarrassy its friends. In the course of his assault, he accused the profession, the Parliament, and the Members of that House in particular, of committing Perjury ; but what had that to do with the sub ject ? Is the prevalence of perjury elsewhere to be a reas on w hy no attempt should b e ma d e to diminish the frequency of that crime amongst the forty-shilling freeholders ? This, indeed, is arriving lat a conclusion, as he litineelf would say, "by a jump." The I whole effect and tend ency o f w h at h a d been delivered by him was to mislead the House, by the use of popular topic; of declamation. From commencement to conclusion he went upon the assumption of what he was bound to prove. What right had he to call it a measure of disfranchisement ? Here it is admitted on all hands that the measure of the Roman Catholic Relief Bill will do unques tionable good—it will reconcile the minds of all accompanied only by the present measure, doing immediate benefit, and producing only remote and contingent disadvantage. It was on the other aide said, that this Bill would excite a ferment in the' . public mind; that its evil effects will be immediate, and its bene fi ts distant and uncert a in. N ot hi ng could be further from the just and sound view of the subject. It does not disfranchise one man now in possession of a vote. It takes from no man the benefit of what he already possesses. It gives the full benefit of all existin laws. His Hon. and Learned Friend, misled in the zeal of arg g ument, hurried off in the heat of debate, contends that so delicate are the constitutional sentiments of the Roman Catholic freeholders, that rather than have the right of suffrage narrowed, they would forego the direct, palpable, and immediate advantages which would low from the Relief Bill, so long the object of their ardent desires. No ; so sensitive are they on the subject of coostitutional rights, so acutely do they argue this abstract question, that they become per. feetly indifferent to the general good of a general measure. They feel not for themselves, it is only on account of pusterity that they are anxious, for it is only posterity that can be affected by the Freeholders' Bill, and they freely give the Bench, the Par. 'lament, and the high offices of State, and the means of tran quillizing the country, for the sake of the forty shilling freeholders of the next generation. His Hon. and Learned Friend had de. dared that he knew not whether the measure was good or bad, but he did not intend to oppose it. If he intended favour, it was gi ugly a looking support as ever he had witnessed ; it had as e;;;Ie of friendliness in it as any assistance he had ever seen. On tits general question he seemed to demand something like unanimity. This was quite the knight-errantry of logic--this romance, this delicacy, was altogether without a parallel. If, in addition to his other multifarious occupations, he should ever take up the employoent of writing novels, his feelings on this occa sion would present A very " delicate embarrassment." (Laughter.) ' He would now freely and frankly state his feelings on the Bill ' then before them ; and in doing so, he was not afraid that any thing he might say wotarl have the effect of lessening him ' in the good opinion either of :hat Reuse or the conntry at large. The measure. he thought, was in iteelf :An absolute good, for, sup posing it to be injurious, even faulty to a certain degree, yet as it remedies a much higher degree of evil, he would accept it as it was, with all its supposed disadvantages. The House would now judge between him and his Hon. and Learned Friend. He had stated to them his creed, and let them form their opinion thereon. Ile would now go one step further. Here they were by the Relief Bill i going to let n the Roman Catholies--giving them seats in Par liamcnt.,tand opening to them the high offices ofthe State; and were they, with the mob at their heels, to be so admitted without some counteracting restraint—without, in fact, taking away that franchise which formed the source of their Jaunts ? The only safety is to take away this franchise. But thinking as he did, he c cold never agree to the present Bill, unless taken in connection with the gene ra measure of concession to the Roman Catholics. To pass the present without reference to the Relief Bill, would be leveling a direct blow against the Roman Catholics, for they have no other more powerful instrument with which to carry the Catholic Question than the use which they are enabled to make of the forty-shilling freeholders. His Hon. and Learned Friend was very amusing in the complaints he made of the cruel situation in which he supposed himself to be placed. Cruel as that situation was, he never appeared so hsppy—so completely in the enjoyment of his self.possession--in the full play of fancy—the complete ex ercise of eloquence—of imagination and of reason. Pasung from his Honourable and Learned Friend opposite, to his Right Hoe. Friend near him (Mr. Secretary Peel) he felt bound to say, not in the ordinary language of ceremony used in that House—not in the discourteous species of courtesy sometimes practised—he felt bound in candour to say that he believed no one more incapable of giving any Bill his support which hail reference to another measure, on its own naked merits, and without giving at the same time his cordial and hearty approbation to whatever Bill its supporters might con template as necessarily going in connexion with it. The Act of 1793, so truly described as preposterous and impolitic, let in the rabble to privileges they were not entitled to, and excluded the upper ranks from their just and natural station in society; and what effect had it with the proprietors of land ? It made them look to the creation of freeholders as their great object, and he was happy in being able to say that in 817, his Right Honourable Friend (Mr. Secretary Peel) had likewise seen the subject in the same point of view. The objet or the -- Aretbdity was much more to zeal themselves of the instrumentality of the freeholder, than so enjoy the legitimate advantages of the freehold. A tenement is given to those creatures not worth forty pence—they, by their labour, are enabled to pay the rent of it, and they are then called upon by their landlord to swear that it is of the value of 425., though, in point of fact, if they have an income to that amount, it proceeds from their own exertions, and not the land in which their freehold is supposed by law to exist. The Irish landlords actually compel their tenantry to do this—they dare not do otherwise—they are turned adrift, perhaps to starve. it they presume to disobey the mandate of the superior, by hesitating to swear themselves possessed of a freehold to the value of 40s. annually. A knowing landlord will not keep omen his estate any lubberly knave who has scruples about swearing. This might be good reason for amusement for his Hon. and Learned Friend, but was it a reason for a man to oppose himself to this measure? His Honourable and Learned Friend had ex hausted all his tact in his opposition to this Bill ; he had displayed his accustomed eloquence, which appeared in every discussion that he took a part in ; but he would ask, if on this occasion he had not evinced the alacrity of an advocate, catching at points fora quibble, rather than being desirous of opposing him fairly to the question ? The next point to which he would advert was, that the landlord insists upon the tenant voting for him or his friend at an election. He never solicits the tenants, but sends his agent to bring the 300 or 500 to vote as he chooses. The greatest evil that arose out of this system was, in case of a religious dispute amongst the Catholic voters, then the priests were brought in, and the landlord and the priest dispute, not for the benefit of the tenant, but in furtherance of their own particular objects. The tenant, as a matter of course. followed the dictates of kis conscience, and what next happened ? Why, the cattle of the tenant was seized by the landlord, and an election contest between these parties ensued, which necessarily I caused—what of all things was most to be dreaded and deprecated in Ireland—insubordination. His Honourable and Learned Friend said, that the evidence was all on one side; when it was "'hewing perjury and violence, he should be glad to know what the other I side was ? For himself he would say, that he had seldom known a case brought before Parliament with more distinct anti decided ar- I guments to its favour. It was nut interfering with the purity of election, but, on the contrary, it was securing it. The House would be surprised at the number of 40• freeholders, compared with those of 50/. and 201. in the twenty-seven counties of Ireland, in which the calculation heti been made. They were as 18 to I, and before a general election 3,1100 or 4,000 of them would be made. But the Honourable Member for Corfe Castle was so fired with constitu tional feelings, that he would rather expire on the floor, and lose his estate, than support this measure. (Laughter.) His Runnymede feelings would not suffer him to sanction any Bill that did not eon. cur with his constitutional feelings. (Burst of laughter.) His heart beat in unison with those of the ancient Barons ; but when be (Mr. Plunkett) stated that the measure in question accorded with the system pursued in England, it might, he hoped, some what appease the jealousy of the Honourable Member. By the time these leases died away someting like a respectable yeomanry might be admitted to the elective franchise; and when the fulness of time should come, the same privileges might attach to Ireland that were now enjoyed by England. His Honourable and Learned Friend had alluded to the evidence of Mr. O'Connell, and had maintained from that that the measure before the House was objec. tionable, and that that gentleman had not advised the Committee to take it up. lie certainly understood Mr. O'Connell very differ ently. He believed that slr. O'Connell's evidence went to this_ I that it would be unjust to separate this measure from the great te Ire es i t ll odonobtrou ha lh m tiii . iSed " to byurse thewiltlhonttizra(l4lnetliarenucteeen. u f eh "w int since he gave that evidence, but he firmly believed that to be his meaning ; and of Mr. O'Connell he would say, that no man pos. seated a larger share of the confidence of the people of Ireland than he did, and no man deserved it more, or was leas inclined to abuse it. He could not give his Honourable and Learned Friend credit for the candour of his opposition ; he could not give him credit for throwing so great an obstacle in the way of the great question, as he had done by his speech that night; but if hie opposition be sin cere, he did rive him credit for the most perfect ignorance upon the subject. I,et the Honourable and Learned Gentleman consult the Members for Ireland who surrounded him. Let him consult his own excellent judgment, and lay aside his rhetoric, and then pro bably he would come to a different conclusion. Another point of view in which this measure might be considered was, not with re. ferenceto the Catholics, but as it affected the Protestants of Ire. land; and he could assure the House that they anxiously looked forward to it. He thought that nothing had occurred to the great question, of which the present measure formed a prominent part, so important as the course pursued by the Honourable Member for Armagh. If it could be permitted for any one to envy the feel. ings of another, it would be excusable in wishing to have had the opportunity of enjoying the satisfaction the conduct of the Hon. Member must have a ff orded him. It was an act that it was worth beinglin error all the former part of a man's life to have the courage to perform, in the way the honourable Member had done at this precise period. He thought the present measure, and the one to be discussed on Friday, relative to the Catholic Clergy, would be of incalculable advantage to Ireland. lie was always anxious that this measure should be carried, and he was now more anxious than ever. Never was there a period in which the hopes of the friends of the Catholics were so near being realised; but never was there a time when there was so great a chance of their being dashed to the ground. No friend of the Catholic cause could forget the pre eminent services of his Honourable and Leaned Friend to that cause. No one was more ready than he (Mr. Plunkett) was to offer the fullest tribute of gratitude to his Honourable Friend, for the splendid efforts that he made in that cause ; and on that ac count it was that he so much lamented his opposition to the mea- ',..• t 41 TH E BRITISH PR ESS. sure before the !tense. There were a number of other topics that were stroqg in the mind ; but if his strength would permit him to proceed, he should not feel himself justified in doing so, atter the large draughts he had made on the Indulgence of the House. (The Right Honourable and Learned Gentleman sat down, amidst loud cheers from both sides of the I louse.) Mr. L. FOSTER explained. When Mr. Foster had taken his scat, the calls for Mr. Peel were universal, and continued for some time • at last, =Mr. BANKES rose from under the ;allery, and observed, that unwilling as he was to trespass on the attention of the Howie, he could not avoid referring to the charge brought against him by the Right Hoooutable and Learned Gentleman (Mr. Plunkett.) lie had never said that he would forfeit his head or estate rather than support this measure ; but this he had said, and would re. peat, that taking away the elective franchise from so many persoas was prima facia a brush measure, and he thought so far from being acceptable to the public mind in Ireland, it would lead to I discontent ; it was in his opinion setting • bad example to the free. holders of this county, and with this impression he would move that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. After the amendment had been put by the Speaker, 9Z3Ir. Secretary PEEL rose and observed, that it was his intention strictly to confine himself to the question before the House, without reference to the Citholic Bill, and much less without reference to the arguments adduced by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman oppo. site (Mr. Brougham). His Right Hon. and Learned Friend (3lr. Plunkett) had said, that if he thought the present measure of an injurious tendency he would vote for it, provided that it was likely to forward the great measure. He (Mr. Peel) did not question the propriety of that course ; but if he liked the measure he woold not oppose it, even if it were likely to produce the general Bill. He looked at this question abstractedly and upon its own merits, and that he thought the true way to view it. His Right Honourable and Learned Friend had referred to opinions that he (Mr. Peel) stated in 1817. He was not. at the time that they were alluded to, aware exactly of their import ; but he was now surprised to find, that what he had uttered so long since should so exactly and in every particular agree with his present opinions. Ile had said then that the Bill of 1703 neither possessed the advantages nor the evils that its supporters and opponents attributed to it, and those opinions he still entertained. He agreed with Mr. Burke that franchise wasinot office ; but as an honest man he must say, that the franchise, as exercised by the Catholics, was subject to great mischief. The opinions he stated in 1817 lie now repeated, and he was prepared to consider any measure that would put a stop to tictitious freeholds and prevent perjury regarding reel ones. if this Bill were passed he would not conclude that the doing so was im politic and unwise ; but he should think that they were acting very precipitately. (Hear, hear.) He should be as ready as any man to find out a remedy for the evils that afflicted Ireland, but he should with great reluctance support any alteration in the elective franchise in Ireland. He had objected to increase the elective franchise in Scotland, and should also object to decrease it in Ireland ; and he did so upon the great principle, that he did not like to interfere with that question. Notwithstanding the eloquent speech of his Right Honourable and beamedirriend he was not convinced by it. If they looked to the Registers which contained the returns of the freeholders they would be struck with the great change they were about to make. In Tyrone. since 1809, there had been registered 13,000 forty-shilling freeholders, and for the same period they would observe that there were only 273 20/. freeholders. ;Now this, he must say, was a difference that made him pause in such a measure as the present. Ile wanted farther inquiries to be made on various subjects; for example, on the proposition of 101. free holders that were comprehended in that enumeration. lle wanted to know the effect of this measure. His Hon. Friend had, in his statement, told them that he would not raise the qualification from forty.shillings to five-pounds, because it would tend to increase the present evils. Now it appeared to him (Mr. Peel) that if the effect of disfranchisement was to increase the evil, it was highly necessary to make further inquiries. His Honourable Friend wished to assimilate the rates of Ireland to those of Dig land, but the Bill now proposed would have no such effect. The only effect would be to make those men who now perjured them selves as 40s. freeholders do it as 101. What security was there provided against tha: being the case ? Hi* Honourable Friend had alluded to a schedule in which was the oa . h which it was pro posed should be taker, to prevent this imposition ; but when he (Mr. Peel) looked fcr the s h.dale st oken of, be found there was not actually such a thirg in existence. This was the only provision spoken of to prevent perjury, and yet when they came to look the it it was not to be found. With regard to whether the passing of that Bill would strengthen the Protestant interest, he was not prepared to say. It was, however, well known that the landed property was in the hands of the Protestants, who had, in consequence, great in fluence among the 40, freeholders, which this Bill was to disfran chise. In the northern counties, where the Protestant interest was strongest, he found the greatest number of 40s. freeholders, and this in one of the most flourishing parts of !rebind, and yet it was said that the existence of 40s. freeholders was the cause of the dis tress and misery in which that country was plunged. He would take the county of Kilkenny as an example : this county had been the seat of great disturbances, and there were found registered 760 40s. freeholders. That county returned two Roman Catholic Members: he meant so say Members voting for the Roman Catholic interest. In Fermanagh two Members were returned, who, on the contrary, voted for the Pre!efinot e inteseat. ho found 40.. freettoLlem to fhe amount of 26.900, and that county, as he had before observed, (returned two Members. who uniformly voted against concessions to the Catholics. Now, in a comparison of these counties they found that the one which had the greatest number of 40a. freeholders was the mast prosperous ; and yet it was &a lerted that the 4es. freeholders we - e the cause of the distress. It appeared that the county that had the greatest number of the 40s. freeholds had returned Protestant voting Islembers, and yet it was asserted that this measure was to strengthen the Protestant interest. All that he asked for was further inquiry. To produce other ex amples, there was AVaterford, one of the most disturbed coun ties ; there were 7000 freeholders registered, whilst in Antrim there were 29,700, the greater part Protestants. If they were Roman Catholics they were content to send to Parliament two Members who voted for the Protestant interest, but being Protestants, what equivalent could be given them for the privileges of which they were deprived. To this it might be answaed, that it would give general satisfaction, but would it satisfy the disfranchised Protestant, who certainly had as great a right to protection as the Catholic ? In eight leousides of Ulster, he was informed, that there were 190,000, forty-shilling freeholders ;rin short, in 14 counties of the South of Ireland, there was a far inferior number. He would again beg them to make further inquiries before they proceeded to pass this Bill. He should wish them to ascertain whether the population in the property belonging to the Church was not as dense as on that of the Protestant landlord, who was supposed to favour it for the purpose of gaining additional influence at the elections. Would the present measure form the yeomanry that they wished to establish there? In could not be formed from a number of 101. freeholders. They ought to consider whether a great opening would not be made to form seine noxious influence by the way of fee simple. What was there to prevent a n.an build ing • number of houses, and conveying them in fee simple to a hundred notices, giving at the same time the right of cut ting turf, and thus, by the uncertainty of their tenure, have them at his mercy at the next election ? There was certainly, as the Bill then stood, no security against this. This measure, instead of assimilating the voting of Ireland to that of England, merely raised the qualification necessary to become a voter. The Bill did not remedy one of the evils pointed out by Mr. O'Connell in his evidence before the Committee, relative to the forgery of ficti tious !Teeters. Let them look to the preamble of the other Bill, for this was one merely contingent on it. Now, if thatßill fulfilled the object mentioned in the preamble of the other Bill, for uniting the hearts of his Majesty's subjects, Re. he could not see the neces sity fur this measure. For they must remember that the present measure was to take effect under circumstances pet featly new. If, in deed, the measure were intended to take effect immediately, it might be of benefit; but it was not to operate till every man now living interested in it was dead. Upon the whole, it appeared to him that they ought not to pass it this Session. There was no necessity for it. Yet he felt the greatest reluctance to agree to any measure which had the effect of taking away the dearest privileges of the subject. But if it was moved to him that the Bill would redly support the Protestant in terest, he might alter his present opinion. Not that his opposition now preclud ed a fair discussion of its merits next or any other Session. Besides his general objection to the Bill, he would farther remark, that it was full of inconsistencies, and not, in his opinion, calculated in the slightest degree to answer the expectations of the framer (Hear, hear.) Sir H. PARNELL did not think that any farther inquiry was at all necessary ; for the House must be perfectly satisfied thist the greatest evils resulted from the present system in Ireland. The manner in which the elections were conducted would bear him out in this assertion. Ile need only refer the House to the evidence of the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Tuam for their satisfaction, and if that was not considered sufficient, he should produce his own. There was no county in Ireland where the traffic in voters was more extensively carried on. There had been meetings itt several coun ties of Ireland since this Bill had been promulgated, and not one of them had expressed any disapprobation of it. Mr. V. FITZGERALD hoped that the Bill would be read a second time, for it was imposeible for any body Who bad attended to the evidence brought before the Committee, but must acknow ledge that some measure of reform was necessary. For his part, he would prefer even a higher rate of qualification than that pro posed by the Bill. There were other subjects connected with the moral effects likely to result from the intended measure—the In. crease of population and the subdivision °Blended property—which he would decline entering u at present ; but he would conclude by hoping, that no sat ul opposition would be given to the second rending of the Bill. Mr. BUTLER CLARKE supported the Bill. Mr. RICHARD MARTIN intended to vote for the Bill, shough he was fully aware in doing so be did not consult his own interest in the slightest degree. For the sake of securing the success of the greater measure of Catholic Relief, he was willing to con cede this lesser question ; and on that ground alone did he intend to vote for the present Bill. He did not feel dispo•ed to agree with Honourable Members who undervalued the character and inde pendence of the 404.1 freeholders. (Hear: arid alaugh.) He could re. late instances to the House of attempts being made to seduce his (Mr. 3hutin's) freeholders, and prevent them voting for him. His Honourable Colkague (Mr. Daly) could vouch tins were he in his place. They had been confined in yards, surrounded with walls eight or ten sect high ; but notwithstanding had broken loose and voted for him. (A laugh.) After this a Captain of a revenue cruiser, by the bye, had been employed to carry them away to vote for a violent Whig, against himself, who could not be considered other than • supporter of Government. (Hear, and a laugh.) Mr. BROWNLOW had never met with any individual out of doors—he did not mean to speak of Members of that Howe—who objected to the prceen: Bill, and had not been ir.fluenced in his opposition by motives of a private natur:. With retard to the way in which 40ae4reebolders VIP made in Ireland, he would re late one inteance to the Home. A gentleman in a northern county was desirous of not servjng the °Rice. of Sheriff, but be* pot in nomination, and appointed by the Sem tary of State,lle desired, as the Government had made him a Sheriff, be would make himself a Member of Parliament. He accoedingly relit his lauded estate into 2,600 micute and baggily was inseparable from those subdivisions. A landholder, after acting in this manner, could say, I'll walk Into Parliament for an independent northern county, and ask no man's permission. If be should repeat to the House that those unfortuna:e freeholders raight be sten going along the roads before the driver without a rag to their backs or a shoe to their feet, what would be their opinion? If be should tell them in what manner preparation was made for the reception of these mi. seeable people by the expulsion of what be might call kindred cattle—for the brutes were scarcely more degraded- mod how they were drilled into an acquaintance with the name of their master's nominee, would they for a mo. meat oppose the abolition of a system so disgraceful as the elec tive francnise in Ireland. (Ilear, hear.) The continuance of such a system was utterly incompatible with the freedom and purity of Englishmen.—(Hear.).--There could be no measare more closely connected with the beat interests of Ireland, and he entreated the House to adopt the present Bill.—(Ilear). Mr. HUTCHINSON was sure the Hon. Member for Armagh (Mr. Brownlee') was the last person in that Howse capable of im huting the public conduct of public men to u n w o r thy mot i ves , an d e was extremely glad lie bad guarded his expressions when speak. lag of the opposers of the present Bill. However, the Honourable Member had introduced his Bill to-night in ts way quite different from that which he had adopted on Fnday last. He (Mr. II utch. inson) could never consent to disfranchise the Irish freeholder, and deprive the country at one blow of a species of vote without a full and particular investigation. If the present Bill were to pass, it would go to the prospective disfranchisement of nine.tenths of the Irish Lation.—(A considerable degree of impatience and interrup tion was manifested in the body or the !louse, of which the Hon. Member repeatedly complained, and expressed his determination to proceed.l—lie would never consent to receive emancipation In exchange for considerations such as the present measure. He felt surprised that his Honourable Friend near him (Sir F. Burdett) for whom he felt the most affectionate regard, should maintain a silence upon this subject, and suffer himself to be dragged into a messure so much to be deprecated as the present. He (Mr. II.) would oppose the Bill, even at the risk of hazarding the other mes. sure, for their endeavours to obtain which his family had made themselves conspicuous.—(Hear.)—There existed no real security in the present Bill ; the only security would be found to consist in their opening their hearts to the Catholics. If they opened the doorlof the Constitution to their Catholic fellow-countrymen, there would soon exist no difference between Protestant and Catholic_ It was with reluctance he felt compelled to oppose the Bill of the Hon. Member for Stafford (Mr. Littleton), but he felt it his duty to do so. Mr. GOULBURN said, it was not his intention to detain the House long with the expression of his sentiments. His only reason for troubling them was, lest if he gave a silent vote upon the pre sent measure, his motives might be liable to be misunderstood. He thought it would be extremely absurd and iejuaicious to con sent to accept securities at an indefinite and distant period, as a counterpoise for immediate and pressing dangers. But those were the securities held out by the present 1101, in order to induce them to pass the Catholic Relief Bill. Independent of all this, he was content to go into the consideration ..f the Bill, on its own grounds, and on those grounds he would vote against it--not that he opproved of the existing system of forty shilling-freeholders in Ireland, or thought it incapable of im provement. No such thing ; but he thought it right, before they adopted a remedy for an evil, to consider the extent of the evil and the efficiency of the remedy. In fact, there existed no evidence to show the extent of the evil, and much of the evidence which bore upon the subject was not yet before the House. The Hon. Gen tleman proceeded to advert to the evidence of General Burke, who was of opinion that the system of 40s. electors did not increase the subdivision of farms or lands. Colonel Curry, who had also been examined, admitted that the freeholders contemplated their privilege of electors with a degree of pride and satisfaction, of which he (Mr. Goulburn) thought ft herd to deprive then). He would not vote for the present measure, because he be. lieved it trenched on the constitutional privileges of the people. It was not fir to say that the Irish freeholder cared little for his rights. It appeared, from the evidence of Colonel Curry, that he looked on them with a jealous eye, and regarded the preserva tion of them as a matter of much importance. The Right lion. Gentleman then read extracts from the evidence alluded to, and was proceeding to comment on it, whin he was interrupted with cries of " Question." lie concluded with declaring his de. termination to oppose the measure. Lord MILTON agreed with the Hon. Member for Galway (Mr. Martin) that it might be advisable to forward the present Bill this stage as connected with another Bill before the House. Ile agreed that there existed evils, and many, in the system which it was sought to remedy ; but it was a question how far these evils may not be cured by the other great measure. (Hear.) He looked on the mode of qualification as much the cause of evil as the quali fication itself; but, above all, he considered the prime cause to be the mode of registration.. He thought that the mama she estoolep , too was to be taken into account. There was one consideration which must be regarded as a most serious one: it was that the whole property of Ireland had grown into large masses. The effect of this was the crea tion of an oligarchy in that country. He could not be supt mod as being, from interested motives, hostile to that power ; his interest lay the other way, for he was himself a component part of it. lie looked on the oligarchy of Ireland as one of the great curses cf Ireland ; he was aexious, if possible, to throw the power into the middling classes, if such could be f oun d. Ile was sure that meet of the 40s. freeholders would feel pleasure In giving up their votes for the purpose of being placed, as religionists, on the same footing with other clawless; at the same time he cautioned the House not to let the ;present Bill out of their power un less the other Bill pass the other House first. (Hear.) They should keep it within the walls of the House until the other Bill received the Royal assent ;—they should guard against being tricked. (Hear. hear.) Mr. GRATTAN thought that if the present Bill passed, the application of the principle would be endless. (Hear, hear.) Its effect would be to convert every county into a close borough. (Hear, hear.) And were to legislate for thirty-two counties on the evidence of one or two ? If the precedent were once adopted —if they were in one night to strike off the popular right of the Irish freeholders, why not make it hereafter a precedent for Eng land? (Cries of " Hear, hear.") Its presenteffect would be to de prive of their rights 209,000 freeholders. (Hear, (hear.) Ifs thought some remedy might be found for the existing evils, with. out proceeding to such monstrous extremities. A very advisable measure would he to raise the stamp duties on leases ; if it were raised to a pound on each lease, many who now think nothing of making 2,000 freeholders, would then consider a good deal before they paid so many pounds for leases. Sir F. BURDETT commenced with passing a very high eulo- gium on the Right lion. the Attorney-General for Ireland. Ile went on to say, that it was a moat mistaken view of the case to call the present an Irish question ; it was as much an English one as if it related to any other part of this country not separated by a nar row channel. After some remarks, proving the necessity of pass ing the Catholic Relief Bill, the Hon. Baronet went on to say, that now there was • happy combination of circumstances which presented a most favourable occasion. On the one hand the Ca tholics were in expectation of recovering an invaluable boon, which the Protestants were ready to bestow on receiving a smsll security. Thus they were anxious as to forgetting, nobly forgettiog, their old prejudices, ready to sacrifice their notions of prejudice—a ge. nerosity of conduct that entitled them to the blessings, well wishes, and gratitude of every man capable of appreciating such disinterestedness ; they laid aside their excited feelirgs ; they held out the band of friendship to their Catholic country men, and that man must be prepared to take on himself great responsibility who would interfere to prevent a con summation of that harmony which all so much de.ireil. The larger portion of the Protestants, with one accord, called for the measure of relief for the Catholics ; and that man usual indeed be actuated by strange motives, who, with notions certainly unfit for practice, however beautiful in theory, would not yield them when opposed to the general good ; they should be laid aside by practical men for the benefit of the country, and he should be ashamed not to be ready at all times to give up something for the well-being of his country. He did not stand there the advocate of the Catholics ; he was as much the advocate of the Protestants—rather he was the advocate of both. At the same time he declared. that if the benefit of one was incompatible with that of the other, he would, from his natural feeling of alliance with the Protestants, give them the preference. Now was the opportunity of confer ring emancipation ; the mind of Ireland was now in the best state for its reception; it would receive it with gratitude; one and the same feeling seemed to pervade both caries; their prejudices were softened down; not only all danger, but the semblance of it v.n)shed ; dissatisfaction there nowhere existed. He again de clared that when such an opportunity offered, he would blush not to give up all abstract principles—all vague theories, than not act with men for the national good on practical principles. (Loud cheers.) The Honourable Baronet, after some further observatious, went on to say that the lion. Member for Armagh (Mr. Brownlow) deserved the gratitude of his country. He has fulfilled an obliga tion to his country, for which he will ever have reason to rejoice, and have done a service to his country, the memory of which he ought ever to retain. (Cheers.) His manly declaration had done much to promote the question of Emancipation, nor could he (Sir Francis Burdett) consent to separate them. No, he would blush to descend to the MOM subterfuge. (Cheers.) He looked on it as connected with the Catholic Bill, and would therefore' give :his support to every step of it. The Honourable Baronet went on to say, that now a more kind feeling prevailed between Catholic and Protestant than at any former period. He attributed it in a great degree to the investigation then going on. Persons of every side were brought together; they forgot their prejudices on meeting ; and knowing each other each felt that the other was actuated, perhaps, by as kind feelings as himself towards Ireland though his views might be mistaken. lie implored the Notice not to reject the present measure, which had been acceded to by those most interested..He implored them not to look to an interference with the rights of elective franchise as too great a price for emancipation. It was fit to consider it as • secu rity to Protestants—intended to establish peace and harmony on the hest% of religious toleretion. Nor was any man justified in saying that the time may come when the proposed measure may become unnecessary. After some further observations, t.ie Hon. Baronet concluded amidst loud cheers. 111 r. DENMAN was decidedly opp.wed to the Bill before the House. Ile looked upon it as a most unjust measure, likely . to create a monopoly ; and whatever may have been said °theirs( by its advocates, it in fact went to distrambise the Irish forty WI. Altt - ling freeholders. He did not wish to vex the Haase, but was anxious to give his reasons fur dissenting at once, AN if the saceed reading were curried, he would give it no further op 'don. There was nothing in the evidence which had been addu sup port of this Bill to justify them in depriving so large • portion of the poor ancidefenceleas of their Constitutional rights. or, even admitting there was &OWe ground for change, had the admestes of the measure agreed upon the amount which it would be expedient to adopt; some sale M., but that it was answered would he as bee as 405.; some said let, 'rant was open to oomph= ; and even if they v:et with others so high as 261., what an inimens: sacrifice they must mak e of p opu l ar r i ght to accomplish this doubtfel good. The Hon. Al ember. then argue. , that it they acce d e d to t h e webs; of that highly talented kir. Blake made the go u litictMor 20/., they would do what the Constitu t i on h a d never cin temp l at e —make the Government a represeutsti•.o of property, teemed of blembers--a principle under which co frsichisc;n Euglend would be wife, and which lie thought they would hsrdly, althrovh they had as good grounds for it as in Ireland, venture to ; ibpose, The only reason lie had heard for disflaachisiug tht•se trec'n , lti -rs was, beciuse they were peter, but the same ergurnent might apply in quite as many cases in Engist,d with equal btu:cols. If they wished to prevent the subdivisions of land, anal put an end to corruption among freeholders, let then: put an end to the bribery of the landlords--let them put an end to the rewards they obtain by thei r votes —l et t h em grant Catholic Eniat,rloation ; and the want of temptation in the first case, with the capital which would be vested in Irish interests in the second, voold soca terminate both poverty and corruption. Thi s Rill stoo d w i t h out a shadow of necessity. The Protestant thought it no sccurity—the Co. tholic complained that it took away his whole political ennseeitenee, without giving him anything in return: eli parties iv, and indeed he only looked 11:•011 it so a ineatmre like al n 43, and the oaths brought in by the enemies of I:mancile.::ort t:: retard or cripple the efforts of its ativoc:.tes, t.is 1311 teimiettd a (imager which does not exist, and tbr which , i: it did it provides security; and as a measure, therertne, iajutions add la. - creaser,. introduced only for party purp.:ses, net! when tb. st - r•e item the point of carrying all their olpce;s trionithantly wi;hont lie for one would glee it a decided opposition. Mr. ABERCRt33IBY ruse entidst loud crie s • of " He thought this one of the create.; 1,^7,34 es- • bcrn eon. (erred upon the people of Ircland, an ! l had of iv been i'..etained from saying so before, because he a ',le d it to oczO:To %3::r Emancipation. It would put an eni to the contes:s b•-tween the landlord and the priests, destroy the pctricious olignr :by of power, and finally contribute to the pertnane:•; sccari:y of Jr. .and. Tier Hon.lientlernan, after seine outer observations, a bi :h were listened to with extreme impatience, concluded by obsernng„ that no ore who had seen the middlemen macaw their poser in the south of Ireland, could doubt of the propriety and policy of the measure now before the House. air. 31ABLRLY then rose aznitlatgr,:m opposii! ,n. Tine Hor.. Member objected to the Bill, and steed it to 'oe his opinion, that it was not the original conception or the lionourable Mainber for Staffordshire (11r. Littleton) quoting the line Timeo Danaos et dono frrentes. Hewed he looked upon it as a deceitful prJposi intended to ds feat views of another kind, and that L; fur une, trust rcruse it his support. LiTTLETON, in explanation, pledged 111 A honour thot the Bill was his own conception, and that he avid never mentioned it to any man living before he gave notice of his inte.:tion in thst House. The cries of " Question" becoming now vehement and general, strangers were then ordered to witl4:rair, and the House divided. when the numbers appeared— For the Motion . 233 Against it Majority for the second reading - 185 - an The Bill was o;dertcd to be coonniaed on friday nest, The other Orders of the Day were then diTe•od of, and the House adjourned at a QUARTER seronr: THREE O'CLOCK. HOUSE OF COMMONS THIS DAY. NOTICES OF MOTIONS. The Lord Advocate of Scotland—Bill to rcsnict the punishment of Leasing.making and Sedition in Sentlard. The Lord Advocate of Scotland—Dill to amend an Act of the Scottish Parliament (A.D. 1696, c. 31). the Att of Brace. Mr. Hume—Return of the past and present expense of Sierra Leone, and the liberated Negroes tl.ere ; of the Cror:3 Estates in Essequibo and Berbicc, and of the expenaz for cal . ..turn! Negroes; and of sums paid on account of the Slave Trade. Mr. Spring Rice—Blll to regulate Petty Ses..ions in IrCand. 111 r. Hume—Commission to inquire into Expenditure on the Cobb at Lyme Regis. PRICES OF BRITISH Bank stock 2321 331 1 33 3 per Gat lied. 911 - 92 9.11 1 per ( eat. Cone. int t Ihuo Acet.93 9! 1 per Cent. 991 Sj pee lied. 991 1 ow 4 per Cent. 1061 1 ITOCKS YESTEIZI).I Y. India Stock 292 India Bonds 2T3 L 3 pm larg Ann. 221 3-16 Ex.Bills,l4tl.l.obo :7 61 47 pin Ditto. 3901.17 et 57 Pro Ditto, Small 37 61 Won Lottery Tickets, 11;:. 19s. . rita.:Es (IF FOR gION Buenos Ayres Bonds 911 Ditto Acct. 911 Colombian Bonds 90/ 1 Ditto Acct. 91 Ditto Donde (1824) 891 I Ditto Acet. 891 Danish Bonds pitto Scrip (1825) 11 dis Ditto Acct. 11 1 1 dis French Rcntes ffrif. 60c. F.xchange 26f 10c. Oteek Donde h 24 Ditto Scrip (1826) 44 1 die Ditto Acct. 4j / 6 43 dig ritUCKti V.SitiTi:4l.l3A Mexican Bonds 78 Ditto Acct. 78/ Ditto Scrip (1925) i dis par Ditto Acct. i dis Neapolitanßonds 91/ Peruvian lioni:s Ditto Acct. 821 Portuguese fi0.,(1 , 90/ Prti,sirin Ruiaian Bonds 941 6 :2 6 Ditto Acct. E Spanish Cons. 24 Ditto Aret. 241 1 Ditto Cona. OM) 18/ I COL I HSE OF BXCII . Amsterdam C. F. 12 0 Ditto at sight 11 18 Rotterdam ....2 U. 12 2 Antwerp 12 2 Hamburgh 2i U. 36 6 Altona ei U. 36 7 Paris, 3 days' igh t 73 lb Ditto. 2 U. 26 45 Romileaux 0 3 43 Berlin 7 0 Frank. on Slain Ex. M. 131 Peteisburgh. rble. 3 Us. 9 Vienna, effective 11. 2 31. 9 5 Trieste ditto 9ll Madrid 311 Cadiz 36 Bilbao 16 Barcelona Sb Seville 36 Hibraltar 3l :SG Fl V ESTER DA V. Leghorn 541 OCzIOR 44 Venice , Malta 0 Naples 411 Palermo per oz. 1'2:: Lisbcm r-. i Oporto Z:l4 Rio Janeiro 464 Bahia.. !A Dublin I. Cork I.: BULLION, PER OZ. e. Portugal Gold in coin 0 0 0 Foreign Gold in bars 3 17 New D0ub100n5....... 0 0 V ----- New UOllar Silver in bars, stand U b. i gittritth DRURY-LANE THEATRE. Thls livening. WEDNESDAY. April Will be pek formed DER FREISCDU TZ. cakapar. wr. worn: Acf;iii. ili;:T:63okeiPerribard, Mr. Bed (..r Hermit. Mr. G. Smith : K Ims. Mr. Fitzwillistu. Linda, ):IL, UtLd• don; Rose, MIN Posey. -- • - After crb:ca. HARLEVIN AND THE TALKT SHIP. :THE SINGING TREES AND GOLDEN I%ATi HAAN( INntoti7xrl, Mr. Cli , wn. 3:r. Kirby. Culuintiltie. Baxtutt. COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE. This EVeniali, F.DN Cs DI V, Aprll 27. will be pe r for in. .1 DER EREISCHUT Z. Caspar. Mr. Bennett; dhalm. Mr. rearman: hillian, Mr. h.. ... Bertha. Miss Paton: Lena, Miss Lev e. After n LOFTY PROJECTS: Or, ARTS IN AN ATTIC Y. Valentine Versatile, 1 1 4rNates. To conclude with CHARLES TUE SECOND. - • King C‘..arlca, Kcnible; Lord Rochester. Mr. Joure : Captain Copy. Mr. Fawcett. Mary, Miss M. Tree. HATMARKET THEATRE. This Evoulnig, W EUNEsDkY, ApHI 27, will be performed TURN OUT. Iterttee. Yr. Dowton; Somerrille. Ilr, Melrose ; Doctor Tr. .10e. Mr. Williams; Forage. lir.W.Weet; Gregor,. )dr.W.:kmion. Ramsey. Mn. Davison: Peso'. Mn. C. Jones. TtiS BC6GARS" OPERA ..—.....- ...... Penchant, Mr. Williams Loekit, Mr. Dow tot.: Captain 7t• t'.. Madame Vette:4 ; Filch, Mr. J. Rawl!. Mrs. PeachLtn, Mrs.:. it Less Polly, Mu tiearne ; Luey. Mrs. tiumby. To conclude with (first that at this Theatre) the Iluslca. .....—. YOUTH, LOVE, ANDFeiLLY. Baron de Betancourt, Er.Williainai Lout, de Lbeal, M. aose Flortmond, Mr. tinllnt: Antouie, Mr.Wllklaaon. Painnette Vitt. Humpy; Bona, Mrs. T. MU. TO Cfit RESPONDENTS:. The better of Index s wing the West India Company sh:.:l cer tainly appear to-morrow. Our Correlpoodent will se- In our crowded columns the only reason why it has been posticnci.. The BRITISH PIESS commenced publishing yesterday n crriv at five o'clock. LONDON. IVEDNEADAY, Aran , The Paris Morning Papers of Sunday bring us ti.e elusion of the debate in the Chamber of PtPC::‘ F C" amendments made by the Peers on die Law of M. DE BEAD MO NT violently opposed the addit,oi..:t because it was a recognition of the rpehations of tie%.,. lution, and was ther;fere subversive or (very legitimacy. He enntended that the out'', lawful title of the possessors of the estates of the cer.Wants was the 9th article of the Charter. M. DE V tt.t.st.v supported 017 amendment, and explained that the division in th' Chamber of Peers on the additional article took platy m'.:• because the first paragraph was regarded as a pieot.tis.n 1 ; * • t • t . ( I • • \ ant the was was his ob- no ono is ono ere, rich hcn ght an. Y" sod t of cal l call eh' - . „. T RI