The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1819-05-19 00:00:00

l ' • 1 0 04 by Minolta' SS a premium for emu!. i , t h, o g but the bravery of their army and navy he was going to say, the prudence of the counsels of Alinistere, but that was out of the ques -00) could support the country. Ministers indeed 00 ,1, in the face of the country, accused with the p il l o f Weakening and impairing its energies.— hear.)—He could not he iccused on this o ccasion of fishing for votes. He spoke his mind f r eely end fairly, and he did not hesitate to say, that, in his view, this question went to remove the present Administrat ion.—( Hear, hear, hear.) — He conceived lie had made out it case that justified I g o in saying that the present state of affairs re red strong and vigorous counsels. The other war, that the House ought to interfere, and .1 ...threat delay, in examining the situation of th , ( . o "e r y, Whoever looked at their Minot . 0 ,4 lament, that no Ministers novr existed, either ~.pshle or inclined to bring forward subjects 1 ,0 pressed very much for serious consideration. therm bed taken up the Poor's Laws—and whit was utt of the labours of the Committee that t a d been formed ? Of three Bills that had been isitoduced, one survived its introduction--another o bis its last agonies—and the third had expired s he evenings since. Now, on the 18th of May, nothing hail been done by Ministers with R V't: tto m fi n ances—and, if he had not moved for a Committee on the affairs of the Bank, :a ass quite convinced the country would not have had one.—/ Hear, hear, hear.)—lt might be said that the object of this motion was to erect a change of Ministers, and that his mo tive in making it was of a personal nature. He lowa to be explicit on this point—he frankly avowed he lied never concealed that the object of his p ee was office, when they thought they could be of eto the country. Offices on the general prim • • .;„1 may be curtailed more or less, but he was . o r those who paid little attention to public mew who put their faith upon an evervime to office.— (mer, hear, hear) ---con the contrary, he con rerated that it ought to be the aim of every honour...- m e man, who thought that by being in office he aul , l he of service to his country.—( Hear, hear.) For ha own part, he could on this point safely say, thit viiatever his ambition in this respect, and he Lad tin canna to conceal it, the time had gone by when "fie could be of any consideration to him. His health was, thank God, good, but lie felt his .iieri,ies on the decline ; not that he would shrink ;rota standing by his party in the event of a change, ~ut that lie thought it obvious at his time of life, vie Israeld not look forward to any thing like a dura trot of emolument equal to the immediate expense e.l,ich he must have to encounter by a change. But it mast he manifest that the strength of the coun try tirpended upon the coulidence which was placed P.dministration. If the opinion respecting the pits ant Administration was, that they were weak attdie doors, and utterly defenceless out, what :nu-t become of a system, if it could be called one, vlss is guided by such hands ?—( Hear, hear.) — '.t' there were any who thought a great difficulty sc u m ad a rise in supplying the place of this Admini otrs tion—(kar, hear, from the Treasury Benches) —t hey ought to have nu objection to go into a :s.aniiiittee on the State of the Nation, for there ii.tv would have an opportunity of chewing the sort cosdidesize which they felt they had a right to place in the present Ministers. If there were men vi.o preferred office fur selfish principles and mere earolument, the result of the labours of the Corn mi ttee would place them in their proper light. If sh.tre were public men determined to retain office r they had lost the confidence of the country, to tat C &&&&& mince such men would, no doubt, be rep toed to merited contempt and deleat.--(llear.) l4cit let the independent Members of Pailiament err'. e forward, and, on a review of the state of the iiati• in, tusks their own choice. Let them look at the question, and consider the opposition which 'hi' by atittripation held out to it. It was stated s. ei day, that such a motion as this ought not to r e / rile the discussion on the Batik Report. To 1; 4 ,, he would repeat, that he knew no place more i.sco tiiii.g for the consideration of that Report than ru a Committee upon the State of the Nation.— / Weiir.)—Surely the House was swore, that in the ohs ration of the financial system of the country there was as much to pull down as to build up; esd thut no smell pert of the difficulty in which the country was placed had arisen from the inconsist envy of his Majesty's Ministers. Did not the Novae recollect, thwt one of the Right Honourable Gentleman'. bemire Resolutions was, that a pound note :mud a shilling were equal in value to a guinea at gold ? Did not the House recollect, that at the same 'sine they had this Resolution on their Jour soils, and pot oil them by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, they bad also two large folio volumes, comprisitig the Report of a Committee formed sender the auspices of the colleagues of the Rt. Hon. Gent. controverting his own Resolution, and assert log, that a 1/. note was not worth, intrinsically, a I!. steeling ? In this state of financial absurdity the House wee placed—one resolution was black, an other white—there was no possible way of corning et the fact—what was said one day was contradicted the next, and the country was kept, as to its finances, in a state of utter darkness— (Hear, hear.)—He had tried to avoid the necessity of making the pre sect motion. He had vainly endeavoured to get from the Right Hon. Gentleman some idea of his ti:: social plans, bat he was answered t'Ast his Midget • 4lit n o t to be anticipated. Noee, how could the budget be anticipated by a general financial ex- Plaisation in the way in whir:n it was called for ? The Inniget was the Wane: L . acco . .int of the Ways Means, its compel' ‘ ls with the expenditure of :.• coo lit ry, and h'e statement and application of !lons which were to tnake up the balance be b"(l4 r.i . he could not suecred in Isis present • "'es he 0- Auld be very much disposed to pursue tie: plane ,copied by a Right Honourable Gentle in" 0 1 ) 1' ~site of the CatiosSic Question, namely, to l"°l'°"' a Resolution binding on the House, if it must 'east ulterior measures now, as would resider it I " l l o Juitve to discuss the State of the Nation early in the ensuing Session. The Ministers, he feared, woo Id sot take the hint ; but then their Royal Master blight open his eyes, he might see the neceseity of considering the halos on which an Administration stood who disregarded the voice of the cusititry, and taught, by irtisinismoig them, give fair play to the energies of the country.—(llear, hew.) —He could 001 r• anticipate that Ministers would struggle to nuke a great stand on this question—that they would make their atlherents *lick eToie to them in the hour of trial. But. on the other hand. he hoped to chew th.it the real friends of the country within doors, thought with the people without, that some change was necessary to preserve the actual exist- epee of the country as a great state. lie candidly avowed that hits object was a removal of the present Mtni•ters of the Crown.—(llear,frons the Treasury Benches.)—He confessed that he saw no possibility of working a change in their course, by either hints or majorities—they would stay, and they hid so determined to stay, until they were turned out by the shoulders.—( Hear, Gear, from the Opposition . . Benches. i—There was Is, chalice of propping , op the'system of such men, as ill former administrations, by tiny secession of strength—their hostility to true economy, end to the rights and brst interests of the people was inch, that out they must go, or the nation must be in the long run undone.—(Hear.) NVhen he talked of a total change of system in the management of public affairs, he begged to be distinctly understood as *not countenancing any visiooary, and impracticable schemes of re- . form ; but when he made this ded4ration, hr brgged not to be understood as saying that some reform was not necessary. He thoug ht - a reform of the symtrtn and principles of the Government would be salutary; it was, in fact, essieniial, if the . - House meant to put the country upon • peace establishment. whirl' would be the bolt •utidote against war, by rendering the country always really to meet aggression, whenever an attempt MOH made elsewhere to assail her rights and liberties. if a war met her in an use.ettled financial state. then limited it would be too late to remedy the evil—.too late to profit by the di'missal of incompetent and imbecile Ministers. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded, amid loud and reiterated cheers, by moving, •• That this House do resolve itself tato Committee of the whole House upon the Suite of the Nation„" Lord CAST! EREAGN said, that in rising to reply to the very able speech of the Right Hon. Gentle man, he felt he had to point out to the I- louse the necessity of dismissing from their mind II many of the topics which had been urged so furcib ly by the Right Him. Mover. Whatever may have t hee,. the arduous 'wore of the finance duties of a Chancel lor of the Exchequer within the portents sue period when that office was filled by his Right Honoura ble Friend—whatever may have been the t lifficulties of that arduous station during the last yi tars of the late war—he would put it to the personal k,neropity of the Right Hon. Gentleman himself ( Mr. Tier ney), whether he believed there was any I alter man in the country who could have, during a) awful a period, directed the financial allitirs of ihe nation with so much energy and effect.—( Lova! cries of " Hear ."' from Me Treasury Benches, w.hich were tauntingly reiterated and retorted from the Oppo tition.)—Notwitladanding this apparent lama, he would yet appeal to the people whether such wit• not the fact. He would recal to their re !coll e ction to consider the period when his Right Hi oi. Friend entered office upon the lamented death o f Mr. Per. towel ; and notwithstanding the matiagen tent of the trick of debate on the part of the Right I inn. Gen tleman opposite, he would ask with confidence win - ther his Right Hon. Friend relaxed few n the great efforts which the country was called upon fur its own preservation, and the preservation of Europe at the time, to make in the common cc use. If the Right Hon. Gentleman meant to coo alder practi cally the state of the nation, and of its finances, he had the Bank Comm:tire approachia rg, where lie would have, us he himself admitted, :s full and fair opportunity of discussing the finances. of the coun try. The RIO Hon. Gentleman had, however, the candour to confess, that a change of Ministers was his aim and his object.—(Hear .)-11 Adminis tration were as culpable and offeir.ling of so old a date as he seemed to think, why did the Right Honourable Gentleman so Is mg sleep at his post--why did he refrain from meeting the Crown and the Government •pith his motion at the close almost of the Session, and on the eve of the discussion of two of the ,roost important ques lions which had of late years occupied the attention of Parliament !—(Hear.)- --Why disturb Parlia ment at such a moment wi th his motion ?—(Hear, hear, from the Oppositi on Benches.)—Did the. House believe the Right Hon. Gentleman serious in the view he had taken of this subject ?—did they believe he started this rJotion from any other motive than the display of pa rty tactics, in which he was so admirable a proficient, and which he could not yen ta" to Pt"' in the p resent form at all earlier period ? He (Lord Castlereagh) felt fully confident that the only object of the motion was to attempt to embarrass his Majesty's Government on the eve of the period when 'ne knew his Right Hon. Friend was irreparett to come forward with his Finance Re solutions. By this trick of parliamentary tactics, lie (Lord C.) e mold not be led into a premature discussion. Vie trusted his Right Hon. Friend (the Chancelli rr of the Exchequer) would pursue the same con ese, and not be dragged, by anticipts tMet into tlit j discussion mid disclosure of his finan cial projects ' ', When the proper moment came it would the! i be time enough to embark in that dis cussion, ai ril then the Right Hon. Gentleman op posite wo old have a fair opportunity of urging his view of Ihe state of the nation. ‘Vith reference to the caw! of the Bank, Ministers had done their duty. The moment the Bank stated the situa tion ',n which they stood, the Government took the only course open to them, of calling for a tiurliamentary Committee to probe the whole sit eject to the bottom. That Committee had made their Report, and a day was fixed when 'ie House were called Upon generally to express their sentiments upon it. Having, therefore, put nut of the present discussion what he considered to lee the extraneous grounds on which the Right Hoot. Gentlemen had urged it, he would ptoceed to narrow what he conceived to he the merits of the question. He had laid aside the Book case, for that stood for Monday, and he would touch upon the grounds of • change of Administration. He did not complain of a motion for a Committee on the State of the Nation lor this purpose; it was an old party motion—very short, certainly, but very comprehensive for the object. When he replied upon this topic to the speech of the Right Ho stowable Gentleman, he should lament if he were i cmisidered as pertinaciously arguing fur place lor power—lie should lament it lie were culisi demi as sacrificing Hoy one point of public policy that the welfare of the totantry called for, for the wan and paltry gritiflcation of self-interest. He wished the House and the country to know that he fully agreed in the h.isis of the Right Hon. Gen tleman's argument. that the moment the sense of the nation wits decidedly and unequivocally ex pressed against an Admiiiistration, and that it had lost the cimfidenee of Pirlinment, it ought not to he suffered to hold its place.—( Hear, fair.)—As n Mt ulster of the Crown he never wished Parliament to slumber in their jealous control of public men and ineaintesi. He did not contend that the fiminces of the country were on ss gun(' o footing as it were desirable to have them, but lie would - assert that they were u well placed as it were I.nsioble for them, considering the short period of peace which hail elapsed alter • dre;idinl and momentous period of financial efforts. He had heard indeed the taunts of the Right Honourable Gentleman towards the allirisces which hod been formed with other Si6tes— he had heard his taunts against the policy of other Powers, not for overlaying, degrading, and insulting their people and their neighbours, hut for securing, as fir as it were possible to secure them, mutual principles of amity and peace among each other, which were now happily growing, as it were wished they would continue to grow, after the arduous struggles of a perilous war, He steadfastly and unequivocally drilled that it had been the policy, in any pant of the system of continental alliance that had been formed. to degrade or reeuce the legitimate power of France—on the contrary, it was the general wish and anxious desire that she should remain the great European Power which her geographical situation intended she should, and that she should remain prosperous anti happy, anti occupy the apace which she ought to fill. It was not against France, as is great nation, that precautionary measures had been directed—it was against revolutionary France that England warred wheu circumstances left her with out an ally on the Continent—it was against that t ter of revolution that England had at length successfully armed Europe, .until it was overthrown by the common energies. —(Hear, hear.)—The Right Hon. Gentleman had complained of the re duced state of the commerce of the country. He should not stop to argue that point with him now, but would merely in passiog remark, that when the proper time of discussing such a branch of the country's state arrived, he would be prepared satis factorily to chew. that et no period of modern times had the commerce of the country stood higher than within the last four years, when it exceeded by one third the average amount of the preceding years—an amount which had received an additional augmen tation within the last two years of these four. The Right Hon. Gentleman complained that Ministers had not entered into more commercial treaties with other States. Now he (Lord Castlereagh) thought that in so doing, they had manifested a wise policy. Commerce ought to he left. in its general bearings, to work its own way among States. This he con tended for as • general principle, and, above all, he denounced that unkind and contemptible policy, which, when England was adjusting her affairs with other States, would take .advantage of the situation she filled to dictate ungenerous comruer. ci 41 principles. He deprecated the principle that, when England was winding up her energies, as it were, in the bowels of other States— ( The pecu liarity of the Noble Lord's phrase excited laughter from the Opposition Beriehesf—in the centre of every other country in Europe, she should at such a moment have imposed ungenerous conditions upon the Powers with whom she was making ad justments.—(Hear, hear.)—He denied that the Commercial Treaty with America at all affected the trade in the Newfoundland fishery in the manner stated by the Right Hon. Gentleman ; but this Treaty would, he thought, be considered allowable as a fit subject for negociation when the particular trade in question amounted to this country to no less a sum than 12,000,0001. annually.—(Hear ) He should again revert to the main object of the motion, namely, a change of Ministers; and on this point, again he would ray, it was disingenuous to bring it forward at the close of the Session.—Why not have have introduced it earlier, in a more manly and compendious share ?—(Hear, hear.)--The House could not forget the confidence which, for the last eight years, it had placed in the present Ministers of the Crown.. There were sonic ques tions on which serious differences had certainly ex isted, but these were differences not upon principle, but on the mode of practically applying that prin. ple ; such was the case respecting the revisiou of the Criminal Law, and also of the Scotch Burghs. It was clear then what was the object of the Right Hon. Gentleman when he talked of a change of Milliliter.. He wished to speak of him with all proper respect and parliamentary decorum—he had the highest respect for his talents, and looked upon him as a bright star in the constellation of the Gentlemen opposite.—(Hear, hear.)—W hen the Right Hon. Gentleman talked of principle regulating the ac. ceptance of office by public men, he (Lord Castle reagh) should like to ark him for • definition of what he called this principle. Was the Right Hon. Gentleman's idea of ptinciple to harass and embarrass every Administration, merely because it was an Administration ? He did not like to revive personal rancour by alluding to the conduct of parties its that House at • former period. He would appeal to Englishmen, and leave it to them to decide at which side of the House that raiicour had been courpictions.—f Hear, hear.) — lie denied that the Government could be charged with inconristency respectingabe Pour Laws, for lie was ready to confess lie saw all the difficulties of altering the established law on that head. What then did the Right Hon. Gentleman want ? The charitable institutions of the country had been already before Parliament, the Bank currency was before Parliament, and that question was the pre lude to the state of the finances of the country.— The real state of the business was, that the Right Hon. Gentleman found, as a party leader, he mutt do something. But a short time before he found his party, consisting of massy men or talents undoubtedly, but the arrangement was so bad, that there were almost as many leader. us followers. They were, in fact, a body like the Puidarees (of course without their sanguinary propensities)--a sort of loose disorganised force. actively engaged in desultory warfare and excoriation against every body who appeared to face them.—(Laughter.)-- The Right Hon. Gentleman had, however, trained them into something like the disciphoe of regu lar troop, from being Piudaters he had limbed them into the subordination end discipline of a Mahralta confederacy ; ,they now kept their ranks well, and moved at the word of command—the words "eyes right," were scarcely utteird when it Was at the instent observed, anti the IV big,. for the first time, seemed almost trained into the observance of the doctrine of passive obedience.— ( taughter.)— This was the time then for the Right Honourable Gentleman to act. His party 'plowed to have signed a bond of infallibility to their Pope.— (Laughter.)—At five o'clock they look their seats, and watched his motions as their I,4(ler—they 114- tenet' to his word of cm-tunnel, awl na the Irettr•hrs throes to-ni4ht, no man dared to (put his seat even for the refreshment which so inns.:, persiiiiml mixtety and exhaustion required —they were almost 'twirls of military discipline in this tulle of peace.— (Laughter.)—The Right Honourable Gentlemen, with his usual acuteness, saw that with such troops this was the hour of action.—(Year, hear, from the Opposition Beecher.)—He saw that when the Bank question came on, he would have to encounter insubordination among their ranks. and he deter mined with great address to cover their anticipated retreat at that moment, by attempting at the pre sent to appear to make a steml with something like a 4hsw of strength.—(Hear, and much langhter.)— Of a different nature, he must add, with some de gree of earnestness, were the troops on which he (Lord Castlereagh) had to rely. They ought to hike example by the conduct of their oppouents— they ought to recollect that they had driven the army opposite from the field—they ought to recol lect that they had supported the present Adinini stration throughout an arduous contest, against all tar taunts and all the omens. and the strong ef- Inrts of their opponents—they ought, he repeated, to copy the subordination and tactics of the Gentlemen opposite, on questions of great national moment. " My army." said the Noble Lord, " becomes. from relaxation like other armies which have long lain in good quarters, and been nursed in the lap of indolence, unfit at the instant for active ser vice —(Shouts of hear, hear, and laughter, from the Opposition Benches)—but they will, I hope, see the necessity of acting as a disciplined body, now that their opponents are so well marshalled." He pro ceeded to state that he should indeed wonder if the supporters of Administration, throughout all the arduous and momentous periods of the contest which they had terminated so gloriously, should now desert their colours when the danger was over and the victory complete.—( Hear, hear.)—He should indeed wonder if they now deserted their own principles. He claimed from them, for their own sakes, the support of their own principles. They had indeed of late been outwitted by superior tac tics in point of numbers in some subordinate ques tions—hut in none of those divisions could he (Lord C.) trace any positive accession of strength to the forces of the Rt. MM. Gentleman opposite. In those divisions, and he had examined them carefully * he could trace very few new names—he could discover no new support to the principles which appeared to actuate the Gentlemen at the opposite side of the House. He trusted that on this occasion both sides of the House would speak out.—(Hear.)—lf the object of one party be to abandon the Govern ment which it hitherto supported, and of the other to ouppl•nt it, mad supply its place—then he would say, let the effect be openly brought about—let it appear to be transacted in the face of day like men, and on broad and manly principles—(Lord cheers.) —let the supporters of Government say they had changed their principles—let them withdraw in en open and iegeuuous manner, if any of them so wished—and then let the popularity of the pre sent Government be fairly estimated. This would be the proper and manly course of proceeding, and not by a side wind, and the artifice of tactic and maiissurre, to assail the measures of hie Majesty's Government in a manner which precluded them from the adequate means of self-defence. If the object were to disqualify the present Ministers from filling the situations they held. the Right Hon. Gentlemsa should, by • specific motion, have brought that question to issue. If his object were to reduce chaos to order, he ought to be specific— his charge should be defined—and theis the Minis ters could put their case to the country, between themtelves and the Right Hon. Gentleman, and take its sense upon the confidence which it poe. seated from the people at large.—(Hear. hear.) Mr. WILLIAM LAMS begged to state the 'awl sous why he should give his vote for the motion a his Right Hon. Friend. He did not feel himself competent to follow the Noble Lord through his long details, or the humorous allusions in which he had indulged during, the last half hour of hie speech. The Noble Lord had charged his Right Hon. Friend with dexterity in debate, but lie at the same time strangely committed himself in following the example which he so much deprecated.— He had asserted that during the perilous momenta of the late war it had been the practice of the Op position to trammel the Ministers in,the conduct of that arduous war: this he unequivocally denied.— (Hear. hear, frees she Opposirion.)—There had been, it was true, differences of opinitin as to the conduct of that war, and as to the polipy of conti nuing it, hut Ministers never had been trammelled as to the means for conducting it. Nobody com plained of the financial measures which were ren dered necessary by the exigency of the case during the period of the war. What his Right Hon. Friend and the public, to whom the Noble Lord made so confident an appeal, complained of was, that no ef forts had been adequately made since the peace to recruit the exhausted finances of the c.(utitry, and give them by economy and proper superintendence that efficacy and renovating vigour which they ought to give to the state of the met,-s of the country. He complained, that in the financial ar rangetnents of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), present rape diency. rather than an enlarged and comprehensive view of the general means of the country, had governed his measures. He fully concurred in the construction put upon the present motion by the Noble Lord opposite, that its evident tendency was fur a change of Ministers : lie concurred in the ne cessity and propriety of this change. All their finance schemes, by issues of Exchequer bills to lessen the interest of money, had failed ; their ea pedients had defeated their expectations, and the country at length found itself the sufferer. He admitted that the prominent individuals who corn.. cPlterecd the M i nistry 4' a i i i ld nis u t h ry o w ha e d re I m io e u l o ) u o re r bl i y he ati b r steaploristsraltey disclt•irged their public duties under the mo , l cri tical circumstances.° The Hou. Ortitkutan ;heti enutueruted the leading Member. nt . the present A4l %twines. and paid them the tribute to winch . . _ he conceived them entitled for the manner in whirls they hod generally fulfilled their public duties.— Ministers must acknowledge that the confidence or the country is necessary to be possessed by pi lilic men. If sny unpopularity of the Ministers attend theist in consequence of the war, and the Principle* of Mr. Pitt, that nopopularity comes too late. M,iny who now coed. the war, who cry not avaiiist the principles of Mr. Pitt, and who recur were the advocates of the very mensores which have brought nowt the country as much misfortune. As to the unpopularity of :Minis ters, !hit may he traced to several causes. It was owing to the failure of the tnearis of in- Airetice, to the loss of revenue, atid the diminution of places. In England, a state of peace is one of embarrassment—it is then that the account of a long war is to he wound up—it is then that influ ence must decay. The Ministers do not possess the confidence of the country, nor of the House. Parliament. he said, manifested during the Sestina distrust of the mi:).hty and intentions of Ministers. Why otherwise have they appointed Committees on every occasion, an unconstitutional and i n effectual mode of proceeding, in Which the energy Of public men is lost. and responsibility of Ministers is removed t As to the subject of econo:ily, con sidering the great Mount of the deb', tt was, lie said, a delusion to talk of any great reduction of the public burdens. lie did not, he said, tee how far economy may go, but considering the debts, and the necessary expenses of the Civil Motel ttt wit, it would but disappoint the people to direct their hopes to any material relief from any plan of economy. But surely, he said, whatever economy may be accomplished, it was not to be expected through a Committee, that was • mode through which any principle of ecouomy could not be established. He objected entirely to the members of the Government, to their unsteady proceedings, and to their discordant and disunited Cabinet. The Noble lard talked of the Union of Opposition, he would to God be saw something of that union in the councils of Miniseist—(hear)—They leave incl. sure of importance unsupported; they leave the Poor Laws, important as they are, unexplained, they fled from the dia. cussion of that measure though it was their first duty to attend it. Feeling as he did, he was afraid to vote for Mini sters; he had no confidence iu any plan of Finance th, Chan cellor of the Exchequer might bring forward; he did Nut see that It was possible to increase the rennin ; he did not hope that any plan of the Right Hon. Gentleman would be attended with success. The Government was without uniau and without system, it was moat injurious to the country. On these grounds he would vote for the motion; it was brought on to consider the state of the country, of the state of the finances ; to ascertain, too, whether Parliament invalid any longer endure the meanirea of Ministers, who have lost all confidence with the country, and Meta amongst themselves. Lord CLIFTON spoke shortly against the motion. Mr. ft. MARTIN said, if this be a contest fur poem, he called oo the leaden at the other side, fairly to sky into the arena, and to meet the Noble Lord face to face.—(.4 lattok ) —He called on Centimes' at the other aide to give the names of the Members of the Administration they wonld form ; the House would then understand them. If the Opposition were its earnest, if they were true patriots, they would fairly tell Ministers what measures they thick likely to tend to the public good; but if not, he thought it looked like a quack to say, that they had a nostrum which they would sot disclose unless they were rewarded with a place. As to the popularity of the present Admmistratiou, he stood for a large county in Ireland, and succeeded with the standard of Government in his hands. Mr. W. WYNN complained of the uncertain and unsteady conduct of Ministers. tldestiona of vital importance to the country were abandoned by them, or they were drivels to a reluctant and partial consideration of them.— The Home, it was true, bad taken up the consideration of questions of finance, of the Penal Code, of the Catholic Cause, and other important measures; out mit one of them was taken up by Administration. He had, he said, notwithstanding, great objections to vote fur the motion, because at this moment it would be incur'. venient to adopt it. But, on the other hand, be could not declare that he had any confidence in Ministers. The Hon. Gentleman, in conclusion, expressed himself alrbost inclined to move the previous question. Lord boom Rusatt.t. maid, that the country had no respect or esteem whatever for the present Ministers. As to the re ply of the Noble Lurd to his Right Hun. Friend, he did not are how it went to vindicate the conduct of Ministers or to satisfy the country. The Noble Lord had said, that the late war was commenced against revolutionary France. lithe Noble Lord meant the principles of the Revolution, the object of the wsr worse than failed, fur those princi. pies, as slated in Mr. Burke's *silk, were now more active, more prevalent, and mote strong in Filmier, than they had been for the last 15 years. They were she principles of li berty, and he was rejoiced to see them triumph over the efforts of corruptiou and of power. He could not help thinking that a sum of ale hundred millions spent is the last war—a war which had no other result than placing the present Royal Family of France on the throne—. was too large a sae for England to expend un such an ob ject. But it was the consequence of that system which had so long and so unhappily governed England, and which re duced her from a proud station to one of embarrassment, of distress, and misfortune. It was not the least bitter of the many sad refleet iota of Eugliihnsee to think that the borate ful Powers which throughout the contest she assisted, she le now disliked and injured by those very Powers—she is shot out Goa their ports and lost to their frieudship. He al. bided, be said, particularly to Austria nod to Spain. On the Poor Laws, which was touched this night, he would say a word or two. He recollected it was said by the tie Mr. Wetter, that the Poor Laws had the effect of reducing. the people toe state of villaioage, a declarants's lb whicit Ire entirely agreed. Thep were calculated to demoralise the people ; to deprive them of the proud feelitsgs of tudepend. lace which their ancestors cherished ; and to make them formidable only to she Goveinment under which they lier. It had been said that the Opposition were loultiog fur places; if places were their object, they would look for then' lat another way. It hail been said that the motion did not warfare auy specific point—it embraced the subjtct of Amore; and the House had now to consider 'whether would take a *regular plan of flosmer, to be *.bwnitted tU them, gr whether they would take the chaster of itie exist. die** eat might be proposed by an unsteady Minister. Mr. biscuits spoke against the motion. He considered it a Mile contest fur place. Sir F Buabert said, the subject *ow under cedsidtra. thou was so wide, it imelsided so Many objects of import awe, too the judgment was puzzled which topic was roost vital. Whether he looked to the elate of our Sonnet:a offo4s, to the state of the poor, or whether he tamed Lis attentios to view other objects, every coosideratios was of fearful importance, and It was Impossible to compeers, them tato m narrow point. If this etwotiois had merely Cur ita on. ject, Whether this set of men or that were to forms the Allow. nietrattou.'he, for one, wohla feel sui.great anxiety about Its . . . of rote, consluced as be . wai that a clia;ire of mes:wliliont • change of system, would be of little good to the people. The Noble Lord had talked of the state of excellent disci- pline In *hide °militated were who sat at this aide of ilia Humes, He (fler Frinscis) did not know whether " chaos Isii4 come again, " but area though i mere Piranha, be would mature on a hit observations, sot very felicitous how they -alight be received by either party, and mitiowe awry N kdoil to the point of truth. The obaervssion• which had "slims from the Noble Lard (Russell), foe whom he Nit blotto public admiratimi and 'lineage regard, he yet wised say, lust he thought hisithseristions this sight peculiarly unfurtuasti. ~ 4 .