The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1825-02-19 00:00:00

Amooksairim Ormoomposod as they were, and as the e aninisrradow of justice was, is dealt country, the formation of that A s sociation to promare an aortal 'admineetration of the. hove ap roved to him not efi ee rs . t . ional, but just and reasonable. (Hear.) It had been said, by more that one Hon. and Leaeeed Gentleman, that justice was equally adminiatered in that country. In their opinion it might; but, from the information which he de rice.) from sources of intelligence on which he had every reason to rely, his opinion was exactly the reverse of that asserted by the Honourable and Learned Gentleman. He had also the authority et . a Noble Lord (Redeedale) who had considerable experience of the administration of justice in the.: country; his opinion was, that " there was one law for the rich, another fur the poor--and that both were illeadministered." He (Mr. S.) came into the House with a perfect indifference as to how be should vote on this occasion. lie lied heard the statement of his Hon. Friend, and the reply of the Right Hon. Secretary, which did not answer the speech of his lion. and Learneel Friend. The Right Hon. Secrefary tad said that notoriety was the ground on which the present Bill was founded. Now this was the first time he heard notoriety laid down sea rule of legislation. (Hear, hear.) It was a novel doctrine; there were many most respectable and when, in opposition t o it, ;among neatly to explain the conduct, the motives, and the acts of she Association, he submitted that such a doctrine should not pre. vat against ea fair an offer. (Hear, hear.) The objects of the Association appeared to him not only legal but laudable. The unseat requast was the simple one of desiring to be heard. The con. cession of this would be sot merely one of candour and conciliation, but of common justice. (Cheers.) It was not surely too much, hen they were about to legislate for the abridgment of the liberty to the subject, in a cue in which the reliance for such legislation secslail--on the support of any documents laid before the Bottu— m newspaper accounts, and reports which, whether they gave an account of the proceedinge•of this assembly, or of any other public body, • ere unfit foundations for legislation. Ile concluded by girase his hearty concurrence to the present motion. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL thought his Hon. and Learned icid had no right to refer to newspaper accounts being the foun. elation of legislation, as his Right lion. Friend the Secretary for the Horne Department had waived all extracts from speeches or unat thenticated documents, and relied solely on the authenticated documents of the Association itself. The Constitutional Assoctation was certainly discountenanced by him, not because he considered It strictly illegal, but he was opposed to such association assuming such functions on grounds of policy and prudence. Some of their proceedings certainly showed that the society had fallen under the direction of an improper management, but they lind this disadvantage in comparison with the Roman Catholic Association, that the individual prosecuted by the Constitutional Association. bad the popular opinion and prejudice in his favour ; the persons prosecuted by the Catholic Association, had the popular opinion and prejudice of the country against them. (Hear.) The Constitutional Association consisted of a few members; the Cathol c Association, by their numbers, and by these over whom that influence extended, might be said to consist of threeefourths of the population of the whole country. They were therefore a more f irmidable and darverous body. A body of this nature Wes identified with the mass of 'the people; they v ere to decide on these prosecutions, of which they were the promoters, the guides, and the directors. What, but to poison, to pervert, aid to influence the course of justice. could be the result of a system ? If they contemplated the Poem of administering justice in this country—if they considered the many guards which the Constitution set over it, by which it was settled that no person who was in the slightest degree affected or interested in any case, could take part in it—contrast this with the conduct of the Catholic Association, and how apparent would be the violation of these prin ciples. Let the House look to their directing and influencing, and say if that was not a perversion of the administration of justice. He would not ground his argument on facts—he would not decide oi these facts or those, but he would oppose the Association on principle. The direct tendency of such an Association must be, to encourage spies and informers (a laugh) who were constantly look leg out for some opportut ity of exercising their trade. He how ever did not rest his objections to their interfeience with the Admi nistration alone; though that was pernicious, it was only a branch. The Catholic was different from the Constitutional Association it this tespezt, that a person brought to trial by the latter went into Court with all possible advantages that could spring trom the unpo polarity of the prosecutor. He did not consider it very consistent in those Hon. Members who railed at that Association to vote in favour of this part of the calm It was also a mischief of the Ca tholic Association, that all questions taken up by it were questions of party. (Hear, hear.) They were conducted in all the spirit and temper of party. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by say ing, that be would not enter into the general question, which must now be quite exhausted. Mr.11R01.(111A3I rose amidst cries or quecion. He assured the House be never rose to address it under stronger feelings of emotion than he did to clone this branch of the present question. He would principally confine himself to the speech of the Secre. toy for the Home Department. He felt that the speech of that Right Honourable Gentleman must have made a deep impression on the House ; for independent of the great and animated powers of his mind, he always hat that sincerity of tone and of feeling 'which could never fail to make an impression ; but he wished, and would certainly show the House that that speech, powerful as it was, did n x d. ive him from his ground ; and nivi. I) s'ow lie hail been accurate in quotation, he would read train the Journals, under the date bah June, there WAS an entry that the Committee to whom the petition of Mr. Gilbert had been referred, declared he ought to be heard at the bar of the House by Counsel. (3le PEEL, saws the table—" And also.") Mr. B. thanked the Right Hon. Gentleman for the " and also." He would give him the benefit of the ac ctatni—" and also ihat the he eskers and pedlars be beard." He, however, would not dwell on that any longer hot go to a case exactly in point—" the Massa. chusett's Bay Bill ." that was at least a penal enactment—not corn. mercial, not private—for it was enacted to prevent certain persona from entering New England, Tor certain crimes they had committed against the mother country ; and also to prevent them from going to Newfoundland. Against this Bill the people of London peti tioned; the inhabitants of Poole also petitioned against it; and there were also other petitioners. The Quakers were the loudest against it—not beciuse it affected themselves—not from any private or political motive, but purely from humanity did they interest themselves, and the House listened to their humane prayer; the petitioeets were heard by Counsel—they had their 4 g t It. and witnesses oefore the House. 'ithere was another precedent that wa• s :ggeated by his Hon. Friene„ the Me nber for Limerick (Mr. S. Rice). and it was another proof of the valuable extensive intorrnation of that Gentleman—it was an Irish precedent; and since the Union, an Irish was as good as an English one, now that the two countries were united into one. The question was not one relating to pecuniary interests or mercantile concerns ; the case ce'^utred is 16118, and Sir Toby Butler and Mr. Stephen Rice were its lat the bar of the les% House of Commens against it. The doe was use for the bcrter mcurirg his Majesty's person. (Ilean) And it tone to be at the expence of the liberty of the Catholics. It was not a private hill, but one touching their liberty, and one for securieg the Protestant ascendancy. NI ere the Catholics named in • th it bid? No; no more than the Catholic Association in the present. That bill mid, no person shall hold certain situations unless they take particular oaths. The Catholics saw aid felt the MU sou aimed at them ; they petitioned against it, and were heard Carmel against it. The Catholics now know that the Asso. tuition is the object of the present enactment. They knew that if the As ociation be put down, their main stay is withdrawn from them. Toe House were told, that .be Catholic Association was not more meant than any other; but what Association but the Catho lic have t he Honourable sentltmen on the other side spoken against ? %What other Association has the speech of the Secretary Tor the Home Department attacked ? That Right Hon. Gent. had made a charge of inconsistency ; and to that he would reply before he took any notice of his argument. It was charged against him, that when, about three years ago, an esteemed friend of his, Mr. Stephen, wanted to make himself th: champion of the negroes, and to be heard at the bar of the House on their behalf, he (Mr. Brougham) opposed it. True, indeed, his Gend was not in the capacity of a petitioner—he was nut before them Al a retained Advocate—hut now we have the petitioners themselves at our bar—we have the very negroes before us (Loud cheers.) So much for that inconsistency—now for the gang. Did he, though he detested it, come forward with a gill to r ut it d ow n ?2tlid he ever hint at such a measure? (Hear) sit could be shown that he did some sushi thing, the charge fell to the ground. No ; though he thought that corrupt, jobbing, model' ng, officious gang an insult to t he A ttorney-General, still he d id not interfere, because he thou”lit there was sufficient power in the bands of the Attorney-General to effect it. Ile now would come to the main argument ; and in doing so, he must pass over the speech —the long speech—of his lion. and Learned Friend (the Solicitor. General) who had that night vented a speech which appeared intended for the four nights ' debate (a laugh), and which had an exemplary independence of the slightest connexion with the ques tion then before the House. (Continued laughter.) His Ho nourable and Learned Friend who spoke lut, said he did not l' Alutre any e v id ence —h e wante d no document—he did not pay any attention to the mass of evidence to be brought ' forward-- he had no regard to the cloud of witnesses who were in attendance— N.t." he cried. here I rest." And yet it struck hint (Mr. hroughtut) that the !loose was near having • document before them in the shape of a despatch from Lord %Wellesley. He (Mr. Brougham) could, by possibility, know oothing that occurred in a certain place into which it WAS physically impossible for any per son out connected with the Peerage to enter ; it was therefore int. Womble fur him to hear Lord litrerpool declare that the present treasure was an Irish—not an English measure. He should like to see this despatch ; he supposed it bore the tesselated and Ca binet.wo-k character of the Irish Government, which so much resembled the adininistratia at this side of the water. But it Is sa'd that this measure is recommended by Lord %Welles ley. and had the unction of his lion. and Learned Friend the Atorney.lieneral for Ireland He would still continue to believe that his lion. and Learned Friend was the sincere friend of the Catholien Notwithstanding all that had past, he (Mr. Brougham) could not doubt that Mr. Plunkett sou their friend. Confidence is a plant of slow growth, and diatom is equally slow in sue. crediag. Lel.Wellevley's and 3lr. Plunkett's opinions were known, therefore he was morally certain, that, if documents were in the Right Honourable Gentleman's office from the Irish Govern. tent reNemmendiig this measure, these were not the only docu- Ments. If there was an exhortation to supply the Government with a measure for coercion, there was also an urgent repre. solution to accompany it by measures of a conciliatory cha riot*. Ile who should tell the House that the Bill introduced by t4 e l 4itt Hon. Gent. nan (Mr. t foulburn) was the measure of Lord Wellesley and his Right Hon. and Learned Friend, had enteli to answer for. They who said that this Bill *as the measure of Lied Wellesley and .Me. Plunkett suppressed much, they should rate coupled such a statement with an account of the recommenda. Lon which accotnpanied It. He could not—he would not, believe that such a measure had emanated from the Noble Lord and see rzonourabte end Learned Gentleman. (near, hear, hear.) Whoever said , duvet**, that this nOtasure was recommended by the head ef the Irish Government, had mach to answer for. They had much to answer to the country—much to answer to the Ilbuse, but they had most of all to answer to Lord Wellesley slid the Hon. and Learned Gentleman (Mr. Plunkett), whose names were used against the authority of their well-known opis nioos and principles. The Noble Lord and Hon. and Learned Gentleman, could never hart recommended a measure of harsh ness without accompanying this recommendation by pointing out the antidote—Emancipation. He was told the measure was not one of condemnation. It was a BM whose object only was to destroy the existence of the Association, to put it to death by preventing its members from meeting. But he had no right to say this was a measure of condemnation. \%'hen a Bill of attainder is passed, and the person against whom it is directed, is ordered to be hanged by the neck until he is dead; is this condemnation ? And what was it, but putting a body corporate to death, when by a Penal Act it was to be dissolved, the highest degree of punishment which could be indicted upon such a body. This Bill contemplated the destruction of the Association as a body, and, as a body, the Association bad a right to be heard before it was condemned. (Hear, hear.) But there was a wondrous charge against the As sociation, they desired to produce witnesses at the bar, and some of those witnesses, perhaps, were persons who had themselves sub scribed to the Cathode Rent. Ile and his Hunouruble and Learned Friends were appealed to as lawyers, whether individuals were ever permitted as witnesses in theirown cases ? This appeal was made as to criminal cases, not a word was said of civil causes. Ile could inform the Right lion. Gent. who made this appeal, that the prosecutors in almost every criminal case pay their attomies, and yet their evi deuce has never been refused upon this ground. But there was another charge brought against the Association. it seems they had been guilty of promulgating the guilt of accused persons, by their discussions. That is a thing, say all the gentlemen, quite unknown to the principles of British jurisprudence. It is contrary to all justice, they med. It was not contrary to the Justice he (Mr. Brougham) had been used to see administered. There was nunhing in it contrary to the principle daily recognised in our chief Criminal Court, the Court of King's Bench. %Cher appli cation is made for a criminal information in case of libel, a state ment is made by the applicant's Counsel necessarily ex-parse. This speech is primed through all the newspapers, and the individual has no action for the libel. This had been decided by the Court of Common Pleas. But what happen, before the trial? The Judges declare that the tendency is libellous. This declaration, made seriatim by the Judges, goes like a millstone round the tack of the defendant when he conies before a Petty Jury. But has he no chance of escape ? A very great chance. There has always been a tendency to bear up against the criminal information. When the House of Commons proneutes, it is the same. (Hear, hear.) When the Commons( of England vote that such a passage is a scandalous libel, does this prevent justice? No; instances are rare, he was happy to say, in which the Com mons w.re successful. And in Ireland, were there out the same' advantaaes ? It tried before a Protestant Jury, there could he no better mUguard, than that the culprit should be prosecuted by the Cadmic Association. But the Associat ion was accused, not because Rona mead individuals, but because it had tried on two occasions to convict, and in both cases were unsuccasful. The result in both • cases falsified the application of the charge. But there was a much graver charge against the Association, it charge to which his lion. and Gallant Friend (Mr. C. Hutchinson) with that spirit and cou. rage with which he always defended the absent, whether his friend or known to him only by character, bad alluded. (Hear, hear.) When this charge was made it was eagerly received, it was heard with cheers; but if he did not show it was wrong, if be did not de monstrate that it was the strongest argument which could be' brought forward to prove how little ought to be depended upon er parte assertions, ha should for ever abandon the cause of the Asso ciation. The charge was, that they had talked of nonillion Rowan as a man worthy of respect and love. Now. said the Right tiouourable Gentleman opposite. this Hamilton Rowan is neither more nor less than an attamted traitor. The Association an swer that this is a name highly respected ; for the truth of this siatement they are responsible. If Rowan is not deeply beloved, the Catholic Association are guilty of an exaggeration. But they join in his sentiments by enrolling his name as a member. He amerced, he offered to prove by witnesses, that there was no man more an object of respect in Ireland than Hamilton Rowan. (A 3lember in one of the aide galleries cried out '• No.") !dr. • Brougham resumed. 1 thank that Gentleman for his ••• No ;" it gives nue his vote to night. I offer to prove the truth of what I assert, the Gentleman and I are at issue, and met go to • trial. But who taught the Association, who teaches the Associa. tion to respect such men as Hamilton Rowan, who but hi 31ajesty's Government ? If that period of agitation and trouble, the years 1793, or 1707 and I'9l3—if in this distressful period, • Hamilton Rowan was actuated by zeal, and party asperity, and patriotic feeling—if he was roused to frenzy by the injuries which his country suffered—if he was the object of vitupera tion, and was included in a sweeping clause of attainder, lie was never condemned, nor even tried—he erred in common with the Fitzgeralds and other great and high-minded men. God forbid that be (Jlr. Brougham) should seek to defend them, but he could never accuse them of any thing but rashness and pertinacity. These were not his romantic sentiments alone. Hamilton Rowan was pardoned by his Prince; he returned to his country—he dis. pensei the blessings of a large fortune amongst his tenants and teighbours--his SOUS were constantly on tin grand juries, and he himself was appointed a Magistrate. (Loud and continued cheers from the Opposition beeches.) He was appointed to the Commis sion of the Peace taller the superintendance of Lord Manners, who revises the Commission when any one goes too far in favour of emancipation. This pink of loyalty, this deity of the Orange men, guided by their tuteliary saint, the late Attorney-General. • Yet this was the Government under which 3lr. Hamilton Rowan was made a Justice of the Peace. He attends ibe Courts of the Representative of the Sovereign ; he is received with courtesy by every Lord Lieutenant of every political cr L ec er and every shade of opinion on the Catholic question. By Whitworth as well as Lord Wellesley. Yet this is the man for whom die Association is attacked (Hear, bear), for whom the Association is to be put down unexplained, because, in common with the rest of their countrymen, they love and venerate his name. If he could not show the House that this was the tact—if he could not commend the chalice to his own lips which the Hight lion. Gentleman had prepared for him—if he could elicit no new argu ment to prove the necessity of inquiry, the incalculable danger of condemning the -Catholic Association without trial, he said he would abandon their cause. But now he stood on higher grounds, he would ask every honest, considerate man, when this tact, this explanation was elicited by imperfect communiostion, what might arise frompearing the parties themselves ? lie bad proved that the Association did nothing more than had already been done by the Lord Chancellor, various Lords Lieutenant, and the late At torney-General for Ireland. From this the House might infer, what the consequences might be, if they decided upon the acts of men without hearing them. In eLciding upon this question he should wish that all animosity and every party feeling should be laid asleep. Ile now asked the House to avail itself of an oppor tunity which had never before, and might never again come with in their grasp. They might have the consent of his Majesty to the bill—they might have the consent of the Peers. which would be granted of course—they might have the consent of the Commas also ; but the consent of another body was necessary before they could carry the bill into execution—they must have the assent of the Catholic Association and of the Catholic population of Ireland. Ile was also of opinion, that to make the treasure acceptable to six millions of people, it must have a large and liberal eonailiation, em bracing all parties and interests, for its basis. He begged lea , . again to revert to a subject which be had already men tioued, and he trusted the House would pardon him for pres sing it upon their attention—but at no great distance front the House,—perhaps he might say, under the very roof,—were the chosen delegates of the Catholic community, who possessed the entire confidence of that batty, and represented the feelings and interests of their countrymen. Would the Bigot hear what these men had to urge in behalf of themselves, and'llie privileges sought by the body they represented ? Acting so, would not pledge the House either to eac passing or rejection of the Bill of the lion. Secretary fin Ireland. Let the House, after investigating the mat ter in the way proposed, pass the Bill if it thought proper. if they legislated in that mode, he bad no doubt the Catholics would more readily comply with a request than a command. If petitioners are unable to vindicate their objects and their actions,. then let the House pass the Bill which would be called fur and give pease to Ireland. Ile was persuaded the House could not see those men, bear their defence, and part front them without feelings and opi nions highly favourable to their characters and intentions ; it would be impossible for both parties to come in contact and part without kindlier feelings. lle was sure the condescending justice of the House would have that edict upon the members a the Catholic Association, and would entreat Gentlemen, whether they passed or rejected the measure, to give themselves and the Association this opportunity. The Association offered, through hint, to prove their conduct had been legal and constitutional : they were prepared to produce every docutnent,—every scrap of paper that had entered • their Committee-room, and subudt them to the inspection of the House.—Their books were also forthcoming, and among them there was no black-book. They had a book containing, as was natural and correct, the names of subscribers to their funds, but what of that? Had they not provided such a list, Gentlemen on the other side would have been ready enough to tell that House they were dishonest collectors. But he asserted there existed no book of prohibition, of proscription, no black book to repeal the expression. Aced he thought there had been, on the part of the Association, neither an infraction of the letter, nor an evasion of the spirit of the constitution. When RibbOnism had made considerable progress in those districts Mr. O'Connell had personally gone through the baronies of Upper and Lower Ormond, in the county Kilkenny, and with the name of the Association on his lips, and its proclamation in his hand, had succecied in checking the progress of that evil. But if the House would consent to heat the evidence that could be produced, these facts would be as nothing compared with those which would be elicited in the course of the inquiry. lie should only add. if neglecting the signs of the dines, and shutting their eyes to all ex perience, the House would refuse to inquire, and petuvere in their intention to condemn unheard, in the teeth of that astonishing instance of A. H. Rowan which had been mentioned ; he had de livered himself from the responsibility attaching tie such'proceed ings, and upon their own heads be the consequence. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, Noes . - - - . 222 Ayes . . . - 89 Alajority . ►33 The other Orde:s of the Day were then unposed of, and the House atjuumed at HALF Pear OKE O'CLOCK. THE BRITISH PRESS. PRICES OF mirritsii per Cvnt. Rid. 941 4 3 per Cent. Owls. 33i I I f Ditto Acct. 931 t 34 per Ceot. 1 01 31 ner Cent. Het „Nil d :RD Ditto Long. Ann. Z. Ex. Bills. V. Di Rai 44. 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Feb. 19. will be performed THE FALL. OF AI.tiIERS. The Principal Characters by Messrs. Sapid, Terry, Horn. Harley. o'ole, Browne, Mercer. and 0. Smith ; blaster Edmonds; Mesdames Stephens, Graddon, Nicol. and Carr. After nit;cb, MA' UNCLE GABRIEL. Gabriel Omnium, Mr. Pattie; Scrip, Mr. Redford; Lieut. Sutton. Mr. itont: Tom Tacit, Afr. Knight; Jack Ready. Mr. Harley. Eliza, Min Povey; Mrs. T., Mrs. °tiger. Go Monday, Richard the Third, and the Pantomime. THEATRE ROYAL, COVE.VT-GARDEN. - This Evening, SATURDAV, February IP, will be performed THE INCONSTANT ; Or TiIe WAY TO WIN S HIM. Old Mirabel, Mr. W. W arren; Tame 'Crain% Mr. C. Remitle; Dure• tete, Mr. Jones. Bizarre, Mrs. Chatterley. After which, THE HUSH TUTOR; or, NEW LIGHTS. Terry O'Rourke, Mr. Connor. To conclude with A TALE OF MYSTERY. Count Romaldi, Mr. Cooper; Francisco, Mr. Farley: Michell% Mr. Blanchard. Selina, Miss Jones; Fiametta, Mrs. Davenport. On Monday, Dee rf.l.eitiata,Zsid the Pantomime. ADELPRI THEATRE, STRAND. This Evening. SATURDAY. Feb. le. will be presented a new Coolie BurJetta. called THE LIFE OF AN ACTOR • • ... The Principal Charac --- terib; Reeve. Wilkinson. Power, Lee, Brown, Meredith. Salter, anti Elliott; Mesdames Roden, Arnold, Daly. Searle, Bryan, .kc. Ste. To conclude with MORE BLUNDERS THAN ONE; OR, THE IRISH VALET. Larry Hooligan. Mr. Power; Louisa I.ovemo►e, Ulu S. Booth. THEATRE. ROYAL, ENGLISH OPERA HOUSE, STRAND. LECTURE ON ASTRONOMY I It Is respectfully announced. that Mr. BA RTLE.Y will deliver the LECTURE on ASTRONOMY every WEDNESDAY and FRIDAY during LENT. The Scenery and Machinery, Illustrating the Lecture, are upon the grandest Seale. Families may purchase Tickets at the 134W-Unie* (when the party consists of four or Inure persons) at reduced prices. The 13R1115es PRtss commenced publilihing yesterday morning at five o'clock. LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBnuAny 19, 1S S. The Paris morning papers of Wednesday are filled with long dissertations on the leading topics of French politics. The law of sacrilege and the financial projects for indemni fying the emigrants and reducing the rentes are discussed by each journalist, according to the point of view in which his sentiments induce him to regard them. The first is universally and energetically condemned, and it is reported that one of the Ministers:had declared, in a conversation with some Members of the Chamber of Peers, that he liked the projeet of law respecting the religious communities, tter since the amendment it had received in that Chamber than before; from which declaration it is inferred (some what hastily, we suspect) that the Ministry are disinclined to proceed to the extreme lengths to which the clergy are urging them. Another report, equally unfounded we be lieve, is that Lord GRANVILLt had secretly left Paris, for London, under the name of his Secretary of Embassy. The Ccurrier Francais thanks the British Press for the detailed statement we exclusively published of the discus sion in the Chamber of Peers on the petition of the exiles from Martinique. " Our colonists," says the Editor, " will thus learn, by means of an English paper, what they ought to have had from the official journal of the French Government." The ilfundeur had given the de bate with snore than ordinary brevity, stating merely who spoke, and the result. The Constitutional gives an account of the 'suppression of the dissensions in Greece, agreeing in substance with those we have already laid before our readeis. It con cludes with this observation— " Such was the issue of this disturbance, to which the men who write for Austria hare attnbuted so high a degree of importance. It has served only the more to confirm the Greek Government, and deliver the Poloponnewsus from four turbulent Chiefs, who, un der the modest name of Proesfor,wished to succeed to the authority of the Turkish Ages and Beys. It was these four individuals, who, by their intrigues, had raised and fed all the troubles there have been in the Peninsula." In the Eb)ile dated Thursday, we have an account of the presentation of three financial Projects : the first contain ing the Budget for Itki6, the other two respecting the final regulation of the Budgets of former years. CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.--SITTING or Fea. ill Al. Huerne de Pommeusc made • Report in the name of the Committee charged with the Examination of the Project of Law on the Public Debt and the Amortisement. [The Etoik gives a peat of this Report in three columns of a supplement. I The Minister of Finance ascended the tribune, and having read the et pose of the grounds of the Budget, communicated the three Projects of Law following:— PROJECT OP LAM or TIWAKCE FOR MG. Charles, itc. We have ordained that the project of law of which then tenor is annexed, shall be presented to our Chamber of Depu ties by our Minister Secretary of state for the Department of Fi. Dance, and by Messrs. (here follow the names of 11 other gentle men), whom we commission to explain the grounds and to support the discussion of it. Chapter (Titre) I.—Credits voted for the service of 1828. Sect.—Budget of the Consolidated Debt. Art. 1. The expenses of the Consolidated Debt and the redemp tion (amor iument) are tixed at 211.685.785 C Sect.—i•Detertninatiot: of the general expellee of the service. Art. 2. Credits are opened to the amount of 673.919.714 f. Chapter 11.--Art. 3. Enumerates the tares which shall continue to be levied in 1826, according to the existing laws. Chapter 711.—EValuat ion of the receipts of 1826. This estimate is 924.093,703 f. IMOIECT OT LAW; CONTAIVINO. TUE OINAL BEGUL4T;OW OT THE BUIMEY Or 1823. Cnalt.ta, &e. We have ordained, &c. [A. in the preceding.] Sect. I.—Annulling of Credits—The credits opened by the laws' of 17th Augult, 1822, and'July 18, 1824. for tile Departments here below mennoned, for the service of 1823, are reduced by a total turn of 29,456,0'4 ft. Remaining disposable, and unemployed, out of these credits. vit.-4 Here follows the enumeration of the several denarttnents. and the respective sums. The largest by far is the 'W;t Depart ment, amounting to 17,118,178 fr. 2. The credits affected to the service of the Department, and re. duced by a sum of 5,375.261 francs. 'fhis sum is placed to the account of the Budget of 1825, to be there employed according to the law of 17th August, 1822. See.ll-01 the Supplement of Credits. Art. 3. There are granted on the budget of 1823, besides the credits, all fixed by the laws of 17th August, 11322, and 211th July. 1824; the following supplement.. Here follows the enumeration of the several departments.] Total stapplement, 8.429,246. Sec. Ht.—Determination of the Budget - of 1823. Art. d: By the preceding dispositions, the credits fir 18' 3 are tired at 1.118,823,1621. 5. The 'receipts are fixed at 1,123,436,992 f. The difFerencat of 6.431,230 f. is assigned as foliose' ! To the Budget of 1825, 5.375,261 f.; to that of 1824. 55,060 f. 111.—PROJECT OF LA W.—Citafttrs, &c, (Only Article.) The following supplements are granted on the funds of the Budget of 1824, beyond the credits fixed by the law of 10th May, 1823, to the amount of 34,1,60,737 f. (Enumeration of the departments to which these Surplements are granted.) Given at the Tuilleries, Feb. 16,1815. FREXCH FUNDS.—P RBIS, FEB. 16.-5 per Cents. 103 f. sse.; Rank Stock, 1983 f. ; Rents de Naples, Falconnet Certificates, 8111. 90c. ; Rente d'Espagnes 18f. ; Royal Spanish Loan. 1823, 38—Exchange on London, I month, 23f. be. ; 3 months, 24f. 90c. —Corer Autlientique, Feb. 16. In allusion to a report that was in circulation, respecting the state of the King of SFAIN's health, and in reference to the advance that has lately taken place in Spanish Bonds, we restated our . opinion, " that sooner or later tilt loans of the Cortes must be recognised ;" and we sub sequently added, that frinii all appearances, we thought the period " not very remote," when " those who have held Spanish Bonds, through good report and through evil report,' will enjoy the reward of their just and en lightened resolution." We !carnet) yesterday, upon gaod authority, that the statements in the French Papers, as to a negociation being now actually in progress between some English capitalists and the Spanish Government, are not without foundation. We can positively avouch the fact, that Spanish Commissioners are at this moment treating for a new loan, of which one of the priinary conditions are, the recognition of the Constitutional Ponds, but the rate at which they are to be received is as yet, we believe, undecided. Another condition is that on which we in sisted yesterday, as essential to the admissibility of this transaction on the English Stock Exchange, via., that no part of the proceeds shall be Wasted in attempting to reconquer any portion of the American continent. The recent advance of the Bonds has been satisfactorily explained to us. They have been purchased largely by some brokers, whose principals, we suspect, are pretty deeply in the secret of the forthcom ing project. This scheme will, of course, be some time in gestation. Spanish movements have never been very cele brated for their quickness, and we are sure that Fr ant- NA ND and his present Ministry have much too great an ab horrence of all changes to depart from the ancient rule which bears undisputed sway in the Peninsula among men of all classes and parties: "poco poco." We extract the following from the ['merrier Francais of Wednesday : Mataittn, Fri. & The Government waits with the greatest impatience for advice& from London respecting the negociation of the loan, which M. Ciorbea y itibecoba, one of our principal merchants, has been sent to the spot to conduct. If this affair should not succeed, as we have everyr eason to believe, nobody knows what is to become of ns. All the colleagues of M. 'Lea load him with reproaches for having de clined the proposals made four months ago by Mr. Gregory, from a London house, and flattering the King with the prospect of a better arrangement. At that period we might have succeeded in a way in which we cannot now. England had not then recognised the new States of South America. it is consequently believed, that whatever may be the issue of the transaction, to manage which M. Gorbea has been sent to London, M. 'Lea ai:l not remain in the Ministry ; and it is said that M. Baltasterus is, in that case, resolved upon offering his resignation. The proceedings in the House of Commons list night were of great interest. Mr. Bitovo "ism brought forward his motion to allow the Catholic Association to be !ward by Counsel, and to give evidence at the bar against the Bill for suppressing that anomalous and mischievous body. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman con tended stoutly (and it would he illiberal to deny that he performed his duty towards his clients with a vast power of perverted ingenuity), that this Society, which exists only by cheating the letter of the law, was entitled to have its cause pleaded in like manner, as if an interest, known to and recognised by the law, had been attacked or endangered by some measure before Parlia ment. The speech he drew forth from Mr. Secretary PEEL, in exposition of his absurd analogies anti hollow sophistry, was, however, irresistible and unanswerable. We never heard the Right Honourable Secretary deliver himself more eloquently or forcibly. No answer could be more complete in its logic, nor more triumphant in its re ference to the practice and usages of Parliament. The motion was rejected by a majority of Members ; the Minority amounting to only 59 ! The public are greatly indebted to Lord I.owrm ea for the earnest and able manner in which he has taken up the subject of the TcaNtliit Tints, and for the strong state ment of facts which he brought forward to the House, and obtained the appointment of a Committee to inquire into the receipts, management, and expenditure of the different Turnpike Trusts within ten miles of the metro polis. This important subject has long called for investi gation, and we rejoice at the prospect of its being examined and probed to the bottom. The wasteful abil corrupt ex penditure of the immense sums annually levied on the public, under the present system of management, will be fully developed, and the disclosure will not fail to be pro ductive of the most beneficial results. His Lordship stated, among other facts which he forcibly impressed on the House, as enforcing npon them the duty of investigation, that— " On on. road, at a distance of about three miles and a half north of London, of which that called the City..road formed a part, there were no less than three Acts of Parliament, three sets of trustees. and three establishments, each containing a full complement ot treasurers, secretaries, clerks, surveyors, sub surveyors, inspectors, and all the variety of other names under which these trusts contrive to secure to themsel►es the Monica which Acts of Parliament, as they at present stand, throw into their hands. Indeed, he thought he wottlel not go beyond the truth, If he asserted that one•h.lf of all the sums collected in this manner passed into the pockets of those officers, in the shape of salaries and perquisites." We have no doubt, from the praiseworthy Ical expressed by Lord Lovrrn Ea, to put an effectual check to the extensive impositions practised under the present mode of promeding, that this most desirable end will be obtained, and thaesuch regulations will be recommended to Parliament as will put a stop for the future to this long-existing cause of com plaint. The 'entire want of all effective superintendence and oontrol over ibis department of taxation. anis most serious ace it is, has for many years past been felt Ind acknow. le lged. The inter ference of Parliament cannot be better exercised, than on a subject in which the temPtatrientl tti fraud arc so numerous, and the practice of it so etsiSy screened from public detection. The appearance of the Lopo CiiAN:El.r.clk's Bill; on the subject of Jot r SrocK Ce'streNses, is dally looked fore ward to with considerable enxiety. While the isitere and extent of its enactments hang in,doubt, it natdrally tend!, not only to embarrass the parties concerned, but to tic up the investment and transfer of capital, and to produee aft that hesitation and perplexity, which, it was easy to baYe foreseen, must follow the premature and very iteluditioull proclamation which his Lordahip was pleased to send abroad on ,the first day of the Session. We are, hairnet, able to put the public in possession of what, upon very good authority, we believe to be the leading and most operative provisions which it is intended to contain. . . In the first place, the principle contained in the hesolge tion of the House of Lords, passed at the close of last Session, that three-fourths of the capital shall be pail up; is to be retained. It is, secondly, intend&, that all Joint Stock compaeies, esstablished subsequently to the first day of the present Session of Parliament, shall be required to pay up a large proportion of their capital (the amount to be Specified in the Act) before the sale or transfer of any shale in tee! Joint Stock Company shall be deemed legal. And. thirdly, an enattmcnt is to be introduced, relieving the parties from the necessity of paying uP such specife portion of their eapitil, in all ewes where such Joint Stock Company is regarded ,as a partnership, tett that no charm therein shall be legally tranifernible tettaout Me con sent of all tie parties, :a in other. pirtnerahip concerns. We deem it quite impossible that a Bill of this deserii .s Lion can pats. The Resolution of the Houle of Lords, which it is meant to incorporate with the ebove additional provisions, is so arbitrary in itself, and to destructive in its operation, that the sagacity of . the House of Commons would seize upon it instantly, and expose its absurdity and injustice as a legislative regulation. As well might the Loan CHANCELLOR bring in . a till for the bAefit of agriculturists, which should direct that a certain quantity of manure shall be ,applied annually by every farmer on each acre of Pis land, and that every such farmer shall keep by him, for such purpose, a ilemg.heip, containing a quantity of soil in fermentation, equal to three-fourth!' of the quantity required by the said Act to be spread over the surface, for the snore effectually enriching the slid land, and prOducisfe therefrom more plentifal and abun dant crops. Such an Ac as'euf.V.'tAL ReattaTtote BILL might be introduced with just as much wisdoM, and with about as much necessity, for the protection of ltaitandev, as the proposed ..'OINT STOCK Cont•e'a BILL for the protection of monied capital. We may safely leave it to the farmer to adapt his manure t 3 his crop, std to MO his dung-heap when it wants it; and we may just as safely leave the capitalist to pursue Els can end his turn his murey as be pleaset. A law Lord, however high in authority, can know notlling of these subject! in theii` detail: in their more comprehensive policy, indeed, id the *4 of improvenient, he might be truly useful. The 1.01:12 CH•NCELLOR, for example, might men . - tially aid the interests of agriculture, not by frivolcri and petty regelations, which interfere with itl cultivae Lion, but by suggesting de supporting any meature which tended to bring its produce lees expensively to market; by procuring an effective revision of the Poor LawS, Sehich, in their operation, are so oppressive to the landholders ; by assisting tc procure the repeal of the Gathe Laws, the mee dificAtion of Tithes, and the removal of such other evils as are known to weigh heavily on the agtieultural interest. Here is a fine field fur an enlightened policy to work in. But to neglect all three meant of essentially serving tbe public—to discountenance and put down every effort to forward these and similar objects of practical benefit—anti to Chet such mighty tenderness for that clam of monied men who may clumsy to speculate in projects of commercial adventure, or of national improvement, is quite prepcsie rout. The sages of the law are not the class of men that we would call into council upon any deliberations cere fleeted with the science Of political economy ! their dote trines have nothing in cominon. It may be, indeed, that the decisions of the Courts of Law, and the Euctuationi of the Money Market, may both partake of that "glerieue uncertainty' . for which the former has been eroverbially praised ; but, on questions relative to the prudent employe ment of capital, or eonnected with the rite and fall of profits, we should infinitely prefer to Lathe the law from Rottisestan, ItICARDO, or Beittect, than from Lei . tete Toe, COKE, or /it ACE.9IONI : so, likewise, if we wished to solve a problem in political ecohotny, we Should consult Mr. Mitt in preference to Lord ELD3N. Such subjeett are *holly out of the birele of law authority. The ma nagement of surplus capital—it cannot be too often re. peated—is not a subject upon which a Chancellor should presume to legislate. It is totally inconsistent with the furictiont of 'Government, to attempt, by compulsory enact ments, to regulate those concerns whose essence is freedom, and whirls, by their very nature, reject all regulation. We shall reserve our remarks on the principles of the proposed Bill till it is brought in ; when, it., densest being then dietinetly before us. we may proceed *ith more cone fidence to develop its mischievous tendency. There was not a great deal doing In the money markets yesterday. Consols fur money and the account were pre. cisely the nine, viz. 93i to j. which shows there is no opinion as to the future prices. The foreign market was tolerably steady, Spanish Bonds Were at Vial, and N'tsr ditto at 1N f. New Brazilian Scrip was fitin at 4J. Co lombian Bonds 90i. New Mexican Scrip Si ; and the New Greek Some of the Mines were a good deal better, Ind all appeared rather on the advance. The Pasco, Peruvian, and Brazilian, had particularly improved. There are letters in town, from Mexwo. under date of the 18th December. They contain nothing new. The House of Representative's of the United Provirwea of Buenos Ayres has passed a law in accordance. with the principles which have guided the British Parliament em. the Subject of the Slave Trade, declaring that th e tradiig in negroes on the coast of Africa shall be considered an act of piracy, and shall be punished as such. Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Shiel, Sir Thomas Esmontie, Bart. Mr. Hugh O'Connor, and about fifteen other members of the Catholic Deputation, were under the Gallery of th,: House of Couleur:it, last evening, during the diAcussion the question of admittimi Advocates to be bietd at the Bar against Mr. Coulburn s Bill. I II'ERPOoL: THc z DAI• Erzsz NG. Wind S.S.E. morning to ‘V . .S.. 4. k .e r k ..evening.-- 11 * 6 water Arrived the Meteor. from New York ; Mars, from Ma ' ranham ; Bootle, from Lisbon : Leander, ttom Alexan (Messa ; Brockton, from Palermo 2 " Gr°V., from JerreV dria (Egypt) ; David, from Leghorn ; Speedy, from Mary, from Bristol ; George she Fourth, from Londo n ; Meaner, from Lisbon ; Prince of Wale!, frbm St,. 111i chiers Globe, from Cork ; Agnes, from Ipswich ; Trout v Bell, and Jatiles att, froth Gle.gow ; Baltic, from Nev. York, sailed same day as the Meteor ; New Hope i frill Bia:01; 'and &villas, froth Niirfettnalipd. fANGE YESTERDAY. Leghorn - . 411 Genoa • - 41. Venice - -2; Malta - Naples . - 40 Palermo 119 Lisbon 51 Oporto - - 51} Rio.laneiro . 48 Bahia . 50 Dublin 9ti Cork • - V 4 BULLION, PEE OZ. a. Portugal Gold in coin 0 0 0 Foreign Gold in bars 3 17 9 New Doubloons 3 111 0 New Dollars 0 4 104 Silver in bars U 6 0i - i W # ~ ~. 3~J h I ,i t' I