The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1819-12-07 00:00:00

severe punishment. What had ever caused Juries to obeys an uatvillingoess to convict but the Map. propriate seer rity of law, which sometimes induced them even to transgress the letter of the statute, and to form decisions almost inconsistent with sense ? He remarked that Bonaparte, whose extraordinary uppreheiwion rif the freedom of the press was one of the defects his ninlereteuding. never contem plated ow severe a Pithishasent as transportation, well knowing that the very *reedy of the law would defeat his own object; and alluding to the infor mation that has hers, 'filed against the lion. Baro net. the Nleinher of lVestminster. he asked whether it was probable, if this prosecution were ineuttuted after one convict , that any Jury would find him guilty ? Lord Et.r.EN . Dottoucii expressed a hope that the lataspliefnons Mid seditious writings of which they all complained, had not so far alienated the 'Midi of the JiaryMen of England, as to prevent them from prolumncing an honest verdict upon any case which was fairly submitted to then,. The Noble aunt Learned Lord who spoke second in the debate, had complained that a new quality of punishment wa. introdOced by this Bill ; but if, as the Noble Lord had admitted, a prosecution had only the effect of patting money in the defendant's pocket, it was advisable that some other mode of punish ment could he devised than that which at present existed : and indeed what greater crime could br committed against society. than that of destroying the foundation of all institutions, of depriving men of all hope, all consolation, which in parti cular affected the pour mass. and destroyed his only wealth and dearest possession ? What greater crime, or deserving of severer punishment, could be committed, than that which undermined our Coeatitution, which made mi., what he trotted we mould again shortly become, the glory of freedom mid envy of the world !—/ Hear, hear.)—New regulations were absolutely urcraaary when they considered the present state of education in the country. Parliament could not give the people knowledge, they could give them only the power of acquiring knowledge, end it was for Parliament to prevent that power from being abused ; for un less education, such as the people in general polo sesstd, which was nothing snore than the power of reading and writing, was founded in good morals stud loyal principle., it only extruded the sphere in which libels acted. The libels whirl) had been disseminated went to dissolve the ground work• of the Constitution, and it was, therefore, that he desired more effectual means of checking then] than existed at present. This would be at tained by the present Bill, and noiliwitlodimuling the apprehensions entertained by the Noble Mar quis, he doubted not that its provisions would be found effectual.—lllear. Lord HOLLAND declared, that of all the me,- lures which had come before Parliament, or were still threatened, not one was possessed of greater deformity than that which was then before them. The only ground urged to the House for the adop. viol, of this measure was the vast increase of blas phemous and seditious libels ; but was that alone a warrant for altering the laws and consitution of the country ? The Noble Earl at the- head of the Council (flarrowby) had, indeed, offered an other pretence, which was no less abau a great late of liberty ; but lie had ever observed in parr; amee my logic, whenever a project was formed 1 . .. r pickirg their pockets. under the ' ',eine of • tax, it was always justified by a tire fence of an extraordinary care of their properties; iitid in the same manlier, whenever an inroad was to be made into the Constitution, it was done with a sincere regard for public liberty.—(Hear. hear, hear.)—He admitted, that an increase of blur. pliemous libel,' formed a very disgusting feature in the present state of the country, fomented as lie believed it was by the malicious connivance of Minister,. but he denied that it formed any part of the existing (Integer; on the contrary, he be. tiered that in these blasphemous publicetions was to be found a port of their strength. Tiii+ opinion he formed from a conviction that the people of England were deeply imbued with the principles of the Clir:s tian religion—(Hear)—sod if King, Prince, or demagogue were to avow blasphemous or infidel doc trines, be would goon timid himself deserted by the people. Let them look to history, and they would fluid that those who were most elevated by popular commotions in this country were men of very diffe rent seiitiments, and he firmly believed that at the present moment if any individual were to seek for power through revolution. he would find the old Cromwell method the must effectual. Were not the present laws sufficient to put down the evil coin iilained of ? It had been *eked, why they had not been enforced ? but no answer was returned by Mi nisters. On the prosecution of the publication of Mr. Hone. he hail heard it said that lois acquittal was a pionf that Juries would not do their duty iii blas phemous cages ; those who were guilty of saying so were guilty of the greatest sedition against the most tittered tribunals of the country. A Noble Earl ad mitted that they were going to establish, by the Bill, a puiii.lonent not hitherto known—that they were gniiig in make the master miswerable for the con duct of his servant. Suppme the servant of a book seller or ■ publisher sold a book which could be made tint a libel, the master is net allowed to skew that lie was ignorant of the publication, although at the moment it was 'mid by his *errant lie might be emploted by his Majesty's Government in putting down u riot, yet, for a 'second offeoce, lie would be lia ble to transportation. But lie was told that that laid in the discretion of the Judges, but the summit that they might neglect to use that discretion pro perly was enough for his argument (Meat', bear).-- On the conviction for a second offence, it was suf ficient for the clerk of the peace to read the first conviction for a libel. which in itself was so unde fined, this, no two men could agree its to what libel %,;1•1 ; iu alower lie wies told, would he put the Crown to further expense than that summary way, he that *ltself j eslous Ul its expenditure ? He would the,, answer that he would. The puoishineot of banishment was new to this co iiiii ry ; did it mean that they would send men out of ? If that was their Lordshipa' meaning, they had better look to whit effectit would have oil independent public men : that great man Addition escaped, but Sir Richard Steele did IMO, for lie was even convicted' of et libel. Would they then • asy that they would wild such men to Botany Bay alter a second eon. Mellen'? He would with their Lordatips to look s. the poor vendetta a newspaper. who, with his horn, U. awoke them in the morning, sometimes with a loyal address from one of the Univet.ities to the Grown, and at another from the Radicals; and he was also liable to the prosecution of the Attorney-General. Suppose Sir Samuel Shepherd had addressed the Jury thus on the prosecution of Slr. Hone's parody, " If you fiod hint guilty on this tudictinesit, and he should be afterwards found guilty nu another, he will he transported for revel, years," did their Lordships suppose that it would make the Jury find him guilty ? No. it would not ; then so touch for the greater punishment for the second offence. It w.neld he the same thing on the second trial, "if you find this mutt guilty, and being coo. virted before, we will send him out of the coutery." He would ask, would this he a stimulus to a Jury to convict ? io his opinion it would have a contrary effect. It and been said by a Noble Lord, that these seditious libels were pnblislied fur gain, ■nd after prosecution the greater the circulation ; but were they not liable, as the law now stood s en conviction, to Puffier fine and imprisonment, which took away from them their ill-gotten gain ? Would the present measure do more, for may they not reap the profits, and convey them to Botany Bay ? Ile saw the Noble Earl opposite (Liverpool) smile, as much as to say he blew hot and cold at one moment, that it was too severe and too trident. Ile would, however, tell him his great objection to the Bill was, that it armed the Minis ters of the day with too much power, and held out no protection for the subject ; it went to alter the law of the country by assimilating the punishment for small faults to that for great crimes, and it went to put honourable men, who might err in their zeal, on a level with felons: fur these reasons he would vote against the Bill. The LORD CIIANCELLOR said, that the Bill was necessary for the support of the constitution of the country. When the Noble Lord spoke of English men being at the discretion of the Judges, he would remind hint that it was a discretion that never had been abused sitter it was intrusted to them. Whey ' that great and learned man, now no more (Sir Samuel Roundly), whom he loved and respected for his great worth, arid he must headliner(' to say so, for no person knew him better, and he was obliged to do so from his occupation, brought in his Bill to do away with the punishment of the pillory, except in cases of perjury, and assimilating the putiislimetit for libels to other misdemeanors, there was not a word said then about the discretion of the .fudges. What punishment was it in the !power of the Judges now to give for the most blasphemous and seditious libel ?—nothing but fine and imprisontnent ; and what benefit wits it to impose a fine on a person not able to pay ? They might have prosecuted each number of a libel ; but where was the punishment, except fine and imprisonment, as that of the pd. lury was taken away ? It was in his opinion ird. pos•ible to do away with the happiness of the pen plc of England until they had been subverted from the religion of the country ; this had been set about by distributing blasphemous publications by waggon loads. The mars wbo sells them is guilty of a libel, and so also is the man who gives them away ; but the law of the land is not sufficient to meet the case. lie would be the last man to say that Juries did not do their duty; but sometimes Juries miscarried, unil it was one of the great beauties of the constitution that all parts of it were fallible. But if these publications were allowed to gn forward, there would be an etid of Juries, for the compact they were held by would be gone. The question they had to dispose of was, whether they wire or were not satisfied that these blasphemous and sedi tious libels should be suppressed, and if they thought they should, he would tell their Lordships that the present law. were not sufficient fur that purpose. They were called on by gratitude for the happiness they enjoyed under the coustitution, to provide some legislative measure to put them down. Earl GREY said, he was sorry, from his state of health, that lie was not capable of doing that jus tice which he wished to the question. He was well aware that his opposi►ion would be liable to the same taunts from the Noble Lords opposite that his Noble Friend (Lord Holland) had experienced. The present measure called fur the list. rposition of every lover of his country. The Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack went to chew by his arguments, that the Judge. were vested with unli mited discretion ; but would not he admit that this was an evil, and if lie did, which he must be obliged to do. there Wllll en end to his argument. Was it because that the punishment ()film pillory was done away with by the Bill of his ever-to-be-lamented Friend, that the Judges should have at their discre tion transportation and banishment ? He hided the talents of the Noble Lord (Ellenborougli), who had mode his maiden epe?ch in that House that night, as they shewed that much might he expected fruni him hereafter. Bin the Noble Lord said he up proved of the Bill, because it went to put down the seditious libels which had gone forth. Ile would defy him to define what was a seditious libel ; if he did, lie would be the first that ever was able to do it : for whet at one time might be considered a limitable effort to raise the spirit of the people, might he called at another a sedition, attempt to raise the people against the Government. It is said that the elnlllify is inundated with blasphe mous and seditious libels ; the first certainly differs much from the latter, and there could be do man more disgusted with the former than lie was, but lie did not apprehend danger from them, or even sit injurious taint to the morals of the people of the country. If a person wanted to Reek confusion, he would meet greater success by fanaticism than by blasphemy. Had they not evidence in former times of it ? Had they not an instance lately where the leaders of the moat corrupt thought it neces sary to deny that they the tenets of Mr. Paine, or that they hail ever read his Age of Rea son ?—(Year, hear.) —l'he Noble and Learned L•rod had told them of Isis confidence in juries, end that every number of is libel that was published might lie prosecuted . . Then if it was followed up, grim will deny she law, as it now stands, is not stifficiesit to put them down ? He says the publis'oers ate instigated by lucre lucre ; then would oil each convic7ioo reduce it ? Noble Emil then took a review of the history of libels from the time of King William to the present day, and then said, that fur it few years back. at every cry of diniger, the Crown gained every thing, and the people became the loser►. He looked on the pre sent Ultilitlfe as One of that nature, foe instead of alleviating what was complained of, it went to odd to the complaint. The spirit: of the Radicals had fallen until they were again raised by the proceed ings of the 16th of August, and so they would he raised after the passing of these measures. He looked upon those laws as an inf. ingement of the comaitution, and that they would tend to the destructiou of it. lie hoped, however, that he might be deceived, acid that they would turn out, as his Majesty's Ministers had prognosticated, and be the presersati (((( of the constitution. The Earl of LIVERPOOL. Paul, that the opposi tion to this and the oilier Bill: was grounded on the same argument, that there was :to danger from the proceedings of the people. Bui who doubted that there was danger from these publications' The quest• was, how long the people of England were to he cositinned a reltg• people, when they considered the number of these publications pub lished, mid their Lordships moat know that there would be reader. found. The Noble Earl then in • long and •rgosnentative speech, contended that the measure was necessary for the preservation of toe Constitution, and fur eve►y thing that contri buted to aerial order iu the community. The Eorl of CARNARVON admitted the propriety of some of the measures proposed, but the present Bill went to innovate the great bulwark of the Con. stitution,the liberty of the inert,without bit , Majesty's Ministersatooping to snake an apology for introducing it. lie would cosisider it his duly when their Lord ships weld into a Committee on It, that the operation of the Rill should be restricted to • short period. Ile was not opposed to the whole of the meusure; some parts of it moy be necessary. It wns, bow. ever, an experiment, and looking to the system now acted upon in Germony, sod particularly in honorer, he hoped the 'Moister of the Prince Regent of England would not imitate the example of the Minister of the Prince Regent of that country. ___....„. The Earl of BLESINTON said, before Ministers visited seditious libels with such severity, they should first define what seditious libels ■re. A Noble Lord had said, that ally person who gave an opinion against the conduit of Ministers, lent his weight to the disaffected. A Noble Lord, accord ing to this doctrine, iu discharging his duty, and f•oirly stating his aeutiments, might by the present B•Il render himself liable to be hanged. Until therefore he heard that it was not intended to be ■ permanent measure, it must have his disapproba two ; neither should lie have any confidence io Minister., until he heard that it was intended to propose some measure of conciliation, not merely w measure to protect the well-known rights of the people, but also to remedy their distress. The Duke of SUSSEX spoke in praise of the Laocaoterian ['totem of education, of which he was an active patron, noticed the great and rapid in crease of information, and suggested the evil el frct which the present measure might have 011011 its future growth. He could conditionally agree to the Arms Seizure and Military Training Bills, but against the present Bill he protested in into. It appeared in the papers laid upon the table, that Ministers were apprized of the state of the country in the late Session of Parliament ; and if it were as they now represent it, they should have noticed it before they allowed ■ prorogation to take place. Seditious libels had also been in course of publica tion for years past, and yet they had taken no paius to punish them and put them down. Until he were convinced that all the measures that might have been taken for the public safety had been taken by Ministers, he would not encourage 'their neglect by vesting them with arldirtt;tial powers. These being his seniimentii,r he could not consci entiously support the present Bill. The Bill was then read a second time, ordered to be cotutuitted to-morrow, and reported on Thursday. SEARCH FOR ARMS RILL On the minion for bringing up the Report of the Search for Arnie Bill— Errl '3RE:Y expatiated on the dangerous power of healing into a man's house. and exposing the in metes to violence. It was the certain right of every subject to possess arms; it was a right founded on the principle of self-defence; it was a right esta blished also by the Bill of Rights, which autho rised resistance to an oppressive Government. He could not, therefore. consent to its suspension. even for • limited lime, without a necessary cause. but in the present instance no sufficient ground was laid. There were no satisfactory proofs that disaffected persons had procured •rots to any considerable extent. Those now in the hands of the lower ctasaer, were such as they retaitied since the lob vidals were discharged from military service ; of this charge there were no satisfactory proofs—all wee loose and general. Where any thing specific Was stated on the 4tubjrct, it gars only in two or three cases, where the arms were made on the appli cation of the informants themselves. A relative of his (his Lordship's brother), who resided in that part of the country which was the seat of alarm, had removed front it with his family. but that rela tive had assured I the alarm was exaggerated, and that he was influenced in his removal, that, in the event of any disturbance, however remote. lie might have nothing with which to reproach himself. That the Radicals were increasing, and have as stunted ■ more systematic plan, lie believed ; but be contended that their number was exaggerated. As evidence of this, a meeting at Newcastle was es timated at 30,000, and yet the whole population of the place, men, women, end child, did nut exceed 28,000. A desire of Parliamentary Reform, he believed, was general, not only there, but to every other part of the kingdom. It was not confined to Radicals, it extended to persons of superior eoodi- Pon e of influence end property. He dial not say that if not repressed within, it must break out with veogyance, but lie must say that where such a general feeling prevailed this was nut a time for violent and restrictive measures. l le mind there fore pause before he consented to a Bill o f thi s aa tore. It was • measure of unprecedented power. and subversive of the rights if Englishmen. It would be nugatory and iiiefficient with respect of its professed object, and daogeruu. with respect to every other; it would operate •s a notice to the disaffected to procure and conceal arms without delay, while the 103 al and well-meaning would buffer. The Earl of SlsteTroisoas read extracts front letters received that mur $$ i oo g from two Magistrates and the Cannuteodiog Officer at Newcastle, which stated their uprreliension of a simultaneous move ment or the disaffected as btrly soon to take place, and that the object of the Radicals was not reform, but trilhge. A great addition, he added, had beta lately mode to their supply of arms, and therefore he hoped no time would be lost in pasaing the Bill, c o n c e iving it, as he did, s measure necessary to preveut insurrection, The Duke of NORTHUMBERLAND, in explana tion, his statement of the great comber of the Radirabt was not of his own kilowledgr, bat made uplift the authority of others who were rye-w diseases. F.srl GREY, iii explanation, said that the people of Neneastle were only spectators of the meeting there, but that those persons who constituted it were clneflv from the iirighbouriug districts on the hanky of the Tyne, which contained a numerous populstion. Lord Easxlne said the Bill was without a pre cedent iii the rituals of Parliament. Tt early it into effect, it was sufficient for the iraurnier to mike his statement merely out belief. No positive aver ment on oath was required, sod consequently in the case of a false charge, the injured party was left without redress. The Er.rl of DARN LST p►oposed an amendment, lerivitia cut the clari+e for sr:irching houses fur arms by night, but declined to press it, on the stigges. Lion of Vtieonot SIDNOUTN, that the clause to which it referred had been gone through, and that the Noble Earl would have an opportunity of moving his amendment to-morrow. The Bill. with the amendments, was then order ed to be engrossed, and read the third time to morrow. The Reho►t of the Military Training Hill was then brought up, •nd ordered, with the Amend ments, Ito be engrossed, and reed the third time tu-morrow.—Adjourned._ HOUSE OF COMMONS, MONDAY, I:W[3MM •. BARNSTAPLE. Mr. Wails' moved that the Speaker do not issue his wa►. rant for a New Writ fur the election of a Member for the Borough of Bunstaple, fur a fortnight. Mr. SILIINAL thought that further expense should not be incurred in the Barnstaple case. A Member, whose name we could not learn, said, that be thougut it extraordinary that the Boriiitzli of Barnstaple should bare been kept in an unrepresented state 641 lung, after the individual who was charged with corruption bad been fully acquitted by a respectable Jury. After a few words from Mr. WYNN and Mr. BERNAL, t►e motion was agreed tu. DISPERSION OF THE COVENTRY MEETING. Mr. PIETICR Moons presented a Petition from a Mr. Wil liam Greathead Law, complaining of the dispersion of the late meeting at Coventry, and praying for an inquiry. Mr. Montt► stated, at some leugth, the substance of the Petition. A requisition for • public meeting had beta sign ed by 700 inhabitants, and presented to the Mayor, who re fused to call the meeting. The inhabitants then determined t o b o ld a m ee ting themselves; and they complied with • wish expressed by the Mayor, as to the place where the meeting should be held. They had no intention whatever of disturbing the public peace, but made arrangements for its preservation. They were assembled iu a regular and orderly manner, when their proceedings were suddenly interrupted by a body of between six and seven hundred constables, who dispensed the meetinz with open violence. The Honourable Member said, he was at a loss to conceive why it was thought necessary to interrupt this legal meeting of the people. No doubt could he entertained of the loyal and orderly conduct of the people of Coventry. He had. in the course of the last Session, oc-asion to present to the House a certificate from the Mayor and Magistrates of Co veutry, braying their testimony to the loyalty of the inhabi tants. The Petition, he said, prayed fur an inquiry into the causes i f the dispersion of that meeting, but after an inquiry had been refused in the case of Manchester, he had little boors of having it granted in this. The Petition was then brought up, and ordered to be printed. CASES OF LIBEL. Sir fSlitel Mscwinlose said, that to the Motion which he was about to submit to the Gouache could lint anticipate any opposition, he would therefore simply move for ■o me count of all criminal laminations filed by the Attorney. General fur libels for the years 1818 and 1819, with their dates, the names of the defendants, and the titles of the pnb l'eations contai ii il ig the alleged libels, with the verdicts and judgments, where verdicts have been found, and judgments primounced.—Agreed to. COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY. Mr. BROODEN brought up the Repoli of the Comoittes of Supply, which wax reerlved and agreed to. SILK MANUFACTURE. Mr. Hoar. wished to ask the Hight Hos. Gentleman (the Chancellor ut the Exchequer) whether it was his intention to propose any alteration in the law respecting the importation of silk.. It was, lie aid, a UefOflOUS blea t that smuggling in silks so an amazing amount prevailed. He submitted, therefore, that • reduction of she slnty would be the best mode of preventing the system of smuggling. The CIIMICFLLOIII of the Exotic/vex said be was in clined to take the same view, but he found she greatest die. unity in persuading lite manufacturers; he there tlire doubted the expediency of taking any step o• the subject for the present. MA LT DUTY. Mr. J. P. GRANT moved for an ammo! of the duly ow the stuck of malt un hsoul, payable under the Act of lest Samba, and the dates nluu the several payments became Agreed to. IRISH LUNATICS. _ Mr. VrWWY FITZOFRAI.D moved for leave to bring ill Bill to amend the Art of the blth of the King, to provide an asylum fur the lunatic poor in Ireland. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. _ _ _ Mr. LLMBTON rose to give notice, that after the Chrisinas retro' he intruded to call the attention 0 1 th e Hoare to the state of the representation of the people io Parliament. The Bill which he in tended to Ming in. was, first, fur the repeal of the Septennial Act—the establishment of a Trie ttttt al Parliament—the extrusion of the elective franchise to copylioldsis and householders paying direct tsars—and the suppressiou of rotten boroughs. The. Hon. Member said, that such a measure was culled for by the peculiar situation of the c ry ; it was essential to the interests of the great of the people, particularly the middle and the lower classes. That great portion of the people looked for Reform as necessary fur their salvation, and he was convinced that this measure was the surest, as it was the oiliest mode of conciliation—it would go further than all others in restoring peace and confidence, nod in alibiing the present stunt. lion of the country, a situation which no mar could contemplate without deep alarm. SEDITIOUS MEETINGS BILL Lord CASTLEkEAGII bald, that befo.lCibr How writ into • Committee uu this Bill. he had to state sonic neentiel alterations in the Bill itself, which might vary the ergewneiiii intended to be urged spinet it. The first alteration in the Bill was. as it might hare affected inretiop of person; within doom, as the real object of the Bill was to prevent the ramemblies of die people in large and tona. miry numbers-1w saw 110 difficulty its tasking al. terations for the benefit of meetings within door., in order to * h ew t h at the Bill was not num": ed to prevent the fair latitude of discussion. Pe intended, therefore, to alter the Bill so as to permit meetings in rooms—but to limit the number to 309. He next intended t o w i t hd rew the clause whirl, made persons guilty for au:11111'; thretiogs, of misdemeanor. It struck him that ii would b e b et , ter to prevent an assemblage of improper persons t l h il e a r n ef m o i r i e e , " whichan is to he dii in ie trid e rie e tl d i to p.r rohliseiota'ileeto,goorvilaitsicoctttri.: make all the inh a bit ants o f t h e parishes, who should attend the meetings, speci a l constables, whose duiy would be to p revent persona not legally stitinirisrd from attendi ng th e i r meettngs. It wa ed to the Bill, that persons having property io 'w e parish, thotigh living in another, win g pe eeehte i from unending the turrtmg ..f that parish ' n their property lay. He therefor? intended to intr.:. duce a clause that frreltultiers, possessing freehold: of a certain amount tit value, though tint tants of that parish, should be allowed to attend such parish meeting. There were two ~they portinit questions :—one as tit the lueslitv i,f tl.e measures—the other as to their euration. With respect to locality, he thought that if the Bill seas not of a general nature, it would barter deserv e the name of a Bill for the ;noting itioet of sediik m , t h,„ for its suppression ; it would he holdin g nut 4 temptation to the people—their itinerant ttrioug would hod little difficulty in transferrin g th e i r meetings Irvin one county to the other—hum these counties which have been disturbed and annoyed by their iiiterference, to the more peaceable disttict.. He was therefore convinced that Government coo suited the tranquillity and the best interests of the loyal and peaceable of all parts :if th e kingdom, by leaving the Bill as it stood. With respect is the duration of she Bill, lie gave the matter the greatest consideration, and the more he reflects.' o i , it , the inure he was convinced that it would really promote the best interests of the people thethrelvet., as well as protect the constitution, that the law should be of a permanent nature. • The her was brought for ward to prevent meetings of a tumultaary and me nacing character. But as there was a very strong feeling of disapprobation manifested against its per manent duration, lie would bow to that ferlitig— f Hear. /sear)--and give at least time for more coo sideration and experience. That excellent Bill, the Grenville Act, relative to disputed electiot.s, was passed in the first instance for a period of seven years ; time and experience !moved its wisd9n, and it was wade the settled law of the land. C t rs der the view he had stilted—under the setitimews of duty--agatint the dictates of judgment —he had uo liesitatiou its agreeing tow limitation of the Burn. lion of the Dill. The Right Hon. Grntleinan opposite intended, he undersmail, to make a propo. Minna on this subject. He bliotild have no Ite.itAttuts its agreeing to it if it only went to the extent whiclt lie should mention. The period he would mentirti would he five years. lle 'meld agree to this—hut he certainly would, 'hook' it be necessary, take it e sense of the House on the proposition against any duration of the law for a shorter peri d than fire years—as also spinet making the measure 1041..1. On the motion for the H ouse to revo l ve itself into Committee being pot— Colonel BEAUMONT rose, bnt spoke 111 so low tone of voice as not to be heard with distioctners in the gallery. We widen:toot' the Hon. Get:denten to oppose the duration of the Bill for five years. He submitted to the House that it would be much more constitutional, and would discover in the House a greater respect far the ancient liberties of the people, if the Bill should be limited to one year, and six weeks after the meeting of Pai Lament ; and if it were then found necessary, it miglit he easily revived. The SPEAKER observed, that the regular time for the observations of the Hon. Member would be a in C m ci a m ud t i t i l t i o tt r e y e, in o a r tr o a e c i ti m m o i v f oi r t o g m , he ou think ia.to the Committee. The proper time for moving the Inun datory instruction would be, when the que stion , should be put that the Speaker do leave the Chair. Mr. Tundsir said, he understood from the Noble Lord that lie would not oppose au alteration in the Bill limiting the duration of it to five yew... The Hon. Gentleman (Colonel Beaumont) . had an alteration to propose, and it rested withlnin to begin. He thought it *cub' 'seat mark their sense of the importance of the measure, not to send the Bill to a Committee in the usual formel way, but that direct instructions should be given by the Home. Lord CASTLEILIAGII arid a few so-ds in expla nation. Mr. CURWRIt said. it Wls flow clear to the House, that the Noble Lord found the Bill itself so fsuliy that he propri.rel very material alterations in it. fle hoped the Noble Lord would proceed is. the same way, and he would still make alit-rations even more important. lie did lint think the mra su►e was called for by the state of the public mind ; he did not think the po:zer or the ii.tluence of those who called themselves the leaders of the Radical Reformers, was ■t all of the nature Ord had been represented ; he acknowledged, however, that it ve both important ■od deeirable that those per o a should he put down ; they should not exist In a well-regulated government ; lie avoid gladly Is sit his support to measures for their suppression. The Bill before them would not effect that ()Nevi— n would not put down the radicals—it would not accomplish the ohjr.cts it had in view. He wror con vinced that of the Noble Lord load expreasrd in that House a favourable option of reform, the radical leaders, who were ot , ject•, he said, of einnennst and abhorrence, would lest st affected and divtte•red at that declaration. The Noble Lord had admit►ed that the great body of the people were round in their principles ; wiry then, he would ask, should he innovate ins the rights of the whole people—why should he introduce a measure which goes to im pair the Constitrit JJJJJ This, he ft •red, was but the beginning of a system which might be carried far titer, to the injury and misfortune of the country. Why. he would ask, did not the Noble Lord apply those measures, which, under alarming circrirostairces, were found effective in other parts of the empire ? In Ireland the Insurrection Act gave power to the Magistrates to prevent all meetings ; he thought such as. Act preferable to the present measure. 'lke Noble Lord had stated, on a for ester occasion, that lie was anxious to conciliate the country. If be were sincere, be hod mow the oppor- Nulty, but that object was to be seemed by