The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1804-06-19 00:00:00

• enter the first. and called on the House rather to d o pe the plan of volunteering men from the Militia Ito die regular army, by printed letters ; calculated • or that purpose, and by the solicitations of their •sem Officers. Mr. LEE warmly defended Mr. Addington, and id he would support the p lan that would afford e most effectual support to e country. Mr. ADDINGTON *lid, he had abstained from observations on the bill, because he wished to hear hat the sentiments of Gentlemen were ; and was illing to see a oat effes the Committee would pro duce on the Bill. Before he wile to the merits t., u e Bill, he would state, that he had never said, as Lad been imputed to him, that the present force of he c ountry is sufficient; and •he would deny that - was willing to delay any measure of defence.— . • Bill now on the tab!? (for the suspension of .' tiny of Reset ve). rest detuna, and remaining tit ,, . the House to dispose of, was proof of this. lie woa. ' now recal to tha Flout: the circumstances nnder Wia h the present Bill appeared. Early in Febru try; :•'s Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Yorke) proposed r:. r aispensinn of the Army of Reserve, to facilitate :he r:.: sing of eighteen regular regiments; t' e ballot was then to be done away, and the Re r ;tar Army augmented. A Learned and Honour , abl ! Frieed of his, now in oppcsition to him, had sad, " do not be sure that those It regiments are sa t raising." He would say, the House ought to know, and be sure, whether they are raising or not. It was a question that regarded the honour and safety of the House. He, however, had pro posed to suspend the ballot, and put an end to Eigh bounties. The Right Honorable Gentle man (Mr. Vitt) had thrown out the hints of a plan at that time. in which be proposed to perpetuate ballots. But learning, when in office, that few men were now got by the ballot; he substituted the present plan, more dangerous, mole pernicious than that of the ballot, with all its severity. The me rits of this Bill are to be fcund in the former one, and without its unconstitutional charaaer.— He owed it to his sense of his duty, to his colleagues, to those who Lad supported him in the House, to give this explanation of the nature of the two Bills. However he might hear some things with grief from some quarters, he had the gratifica tion to hear it stated, that last year the number of men raised was unexampled; that 32,000 men had been raised for the Army of Reserve, of which 13,000 had gone into the regular regiments. His objection to the Bill was, that there was not that species of ne cessity for it which could justify such a departure from the constitution as it included. We ought never to forget, amidst all our dangers, that we have a free constitution. He could not consent to change the manners, the habits, and the ebars,lters of the people. In raising the Militia, the late Administration had paid attention to that wrest constitutional maxim, to pie-serve a certain proportion b.otseecn the Militia atsd the Regular Army. He cp:teneled, that the itesultaif this Bill Weitild be, that we Mull forego the GOO that are deficient, without the certainty of raisiag one M tn. Th e eighteen regiments must be also yielded up. ft would he Impos sible to get men for them. The bounty for the regulars is to be slattern , ansai; but twen:y two guinea* ism be girea fo' recruits iota - the line, under this Bill.; twelve guineas on ente-ing the li mited s e rv i c e, an d aLerwards ten guineas. for the volunteering into the regular army. tvery person in eery virago would korai: the value of a man through the parish offeera, and moild tint go for an iaferiol bounty. If this new fo:ce wa ;mended fit home defence, he would artier the.• Militia; if for foreiga bervice, a; a thaposable aaa,ac v• uld prefer the ftegulars.iitis feet o ineered by the crown; so tha- it has ever : - possirdt. disadvattatzeavitheat the utility," the Regulars. Re objeaed to the agency, by trim ',s the Bill was to opeeate ; it would beget ill will iii the parish ,- t ; it • asuai .orrupt and deprave; and' it arco!d-stand iu the way of cur regular force. He bad bet:. a ll uded to by the Ri g ht Hen. Gentleman (Mr. Coaling). lie knew the principles that guid ed his atiacs. The 'signs of those principle; be would ever submit to' the candour of the House. Hewould give. to pledge, :lel promise, cl what he wouid do. Ile should follow the diaates of his own conscience; and he i:ow declared most coucien . tiously, that he, was co:-.rince;.* that the Bill brought in by his Right Honourable Friend (Mr.lorke) was to be ;a: ferred to the present Bill. Mr. SHERIDAN said, he did not rice to reply to the Right Hon.' Gentlemaa. He had his sincere thrmks. Fia had anticipated the arguments against ti•is Bill; and hid placed th:m in the clearest and most constitutional poipt of view. IL, theref should not have non:sled the House, had it not been fir sc:::e unferna.ac observa:ions of his Rght Friend (Mr. Csnai ao). He had answered se..eral argun:e s not used by any person in that House; but h should pass ay.:- th..sz to other rarts . that he better under-doe d. The 1:;g it Hon•mt able' Clentlethan said, he himself was no flatterer, no adulate t, to pay his Right II.• a-•••Tal.sle n4:11.1 a compliment that would certainly to t be ackaare • feared by the House; and bad candle:ly acknow ledged that he als" was no el:ten-a, no adulate, un duly to praise hi. Hon. niensl. lie must. weve :::lose a differerce between them. lie mon allow for 4 . 1 attsthment ; f. •r an --atachrr.ant, the earliest, ate a the only one of his life, when he n out of att tchrt"^nt to his Hon. Friend Lear him. The h•elit lion. Gentleman bad also expressed a gene : , is concern for he c nsaaracy of his ade at the :oust: ; and wa, co: :au s to know how they ecoald reconcile their aaierenccs, when the; -hould his in the Lah;ii . Ile was equally loos to Inow h.av the Gentlemen opposite would pa : s their time during the division, and to which sawn„ of has bow a Noble Lord (Lord Castlereagh) vrauld trnst is such an emergency. The Right H• Gelid-an:4n had paid a high tribute of praise I • the late Minister, far his manly, consistc::! oppa aon. He had given that IStr.i.ter his humble and taintexested support, because of his honourable in t. „twns ; but, ale,ve all, for his reverence, his 'Attica] re.rea far the c‘ r :notion. He had seen true situation .•1 that Minister ; whroe entrance .to (Ac e was a sacrifice, and his gJing cut a 't, , roph to himself. In going out, he did not Offer .ei•iious: support; to his successor; he d;i not sit •• ••..a.a?lr.), and dec:itfu:ly prcf. s. -porobnlon ; it a - • vare made, t.. lene:•ve sum tr. , o His Majes •• • •.•• :Is, would not eta him to: shabby ti 'r of the p a t jolts ouesdon. Per'.l.q.c he had tar motive far praising the maaat: at flat ;s:. • nister's going out. He saw an opposition too strong for him, and he toolt the hint. He did not resolve to remain ins in despite of the constitution. This was a motive worthy of his praise; and the Right .Hon. Gentleman, when now put to the test, would feel in the same laudable spit it. He would give a hint to his Right H 01). Friend near him (Mr. .Pitt) ; he would tell him that the late Minister never had a ' majority below 37, and that his has been as low as Oa, and is likely to be lower; that 'he ought to fol low the gallant and generous example before him, and no: cling to his place with has small, pitiful, decreasing majority. The Right Hon. Gentleman laments that the present Administration is not formed of that combination of talents which had been contemplated. He spoke of his attachment to the Minister; and, no doubt, be is sincere. Ile may, therefore, tell him what he might have been, and what he is. He spoke too of his disinterested mo tivee, and of the great danger he has incurred in coming into office at such a crisis. Well may he feel the danger. It is an administration that can not last. He knows it cannot. And both he and the Minister know it ought not. The Right Hen. Gentleman might not unusefully compare the differ ent obieds of they attachment. His Hon. Friend near him, is excluded from office, but is surrounded with honours; he is out of the Cabinet, but he has the esteem, the veneration of all that is great in the country; he is restored to the love of some of his friends who have left, but ought never to have left him; he stands upon an eminence, higher than ever! Such, he could boast, his lion. Frtend to be, while the Right Hon. Gentleman feels himself compelled to apologise for his attachment, and his holding places of high importance under the con dud of his leader. But he disapproved, it seems, of the Minister for the Foreign Department. The Noble Lord who held that office (Lord Hawk esbury) was one whose talents he respelled; and he was sot. ry to see, that he permitted himself to be lowered a step in the Administration. Those who had loved and respected the Noble Lord more than he did, would feel that more. But he was removed, and perhaps the Right Hon. Gentleman thought more highly of his successor (Lord Harrowbv). He did not like the naval management, and Earl St. Vincent is re placed by that tried and experienced seaman, Lord Melville. The Secretary at War also, whom he did not like, is changed for a better champion. Yet he gravely wishes the elinister better supporters. The four *ho went out have all had his raises in former times. Thefeur new Gentlemen, however, he has not praised at all. This must be matter of stipulation. Seeing how Unlucky he is in his speculations about human character, perceiving his unfortunate mis takes, they - no doubt had said--Gives us places, pensions, emolument% ribbands! Give us any thing but a charader ! As to the six that re main, he says nothing of them ; though they had een condemned before by him, as the mere lumber of Administration. But, then, he pro fesses not to regard the trappings and orna ments of the Chariot cf the State, but merely the stwiehtliness and vig our of the horses thatdraw it. Here, however, he 8: equally unfortunate; for he and his friends have not only to draw the chariot, but the six heavy east-of Blacks along with it. In a word, it will hardly be thought at last, that the Right Honourable Gentleuran has all that -clear ness of mind, t tat conyeehension, and- that elevation of th• which kihdness and partiality may have laviesed men him. Mr. Sheridan now began to comnser on some a guments of Mr. Can nmg, respefeag the merits of the Bill; but suddenly stoppieg, aher looking for some • papers which he could sot irninediatety fithi, he said, tit RigSt Henouraeh Gentlemm, I .1.7 e say, will not he sorry that I have less: my nfees. Hu thee • pro 'seeded to Ge. ve, that the Right lino. Gentle min claimed that thev ihrerld not condemn the in -sufficiency of the Bi.i, ..ithout considering how mmy doors Were already shut against Ministers, by the numbers of men cc ipied by the Militia, and other services. lie was willing to admit the plea; and make a draw-back for it But he complained, that the e very Gentlemen had net nixie that allowance for Mr. Addington, when he claimed it. so such thing ! All was ascribed in him to imbecility. if men were no longer to be got. it was his weakhess, not the want-of men. The Right. Hon. Gehtleintin (Mr. Pitt) raid* at that tithe, Were I once in, you should son what I could do; in the mean time, I'll throw nut i single outline, by which you will see how much I can do."-1 his was his languege, as if this armed Mint-errs was to ,pring cu: of the heed of this political Jove: Instead of which, we have this puny, rickety brut, tv:o.:h even, wh, n put nut to nurse; w'll not attain the age of manhocd. 'I he whole sum of the Bill is; to get neehy by the worst mcans,"by inflieting pe naiu es without a c: ime. But ;impose the Bill hniwiretd' its purpo.e and go: met% the Right Heti. Gent. ( Mr. Pitt) was surprked one morning to (and, efter ' being so many years a Minister, diet the welt chiefly subhitines. Supposlit him to be hhlde some mcrning that the Bill gets men—nothing' (held more flurry and disapphint hini-h-lrelas no ohicers ; he kncws they cannot be "ght of the de. in the Bill. But suppose them - Officered; then the management will be to throw the men of the ed la . artalinn, into the Ist: they willbelike roiihg whe man, and an elderly heritleman ; and, in ordeem de . wi e, bauch them, they wi ll be ictreated at first niertly to hear them, emir to keep them company, as it is vulgarly called. The tcheme will be destruc tive of all discipline. If the lit drin'es with. the 21, they. have only to plead, when 0..: with punishment, that they were meth::: getting. recruit, ; and . if the second is drinking with the first, that they were • getung . acquainted. The situation would be ridiculous, it it were not too set-heal. it Nees complained, that no plan is offered by tae op posers of the Ihll. Fnlistingfor a limited time had been commehded power:ally ;he won:la.:Ll, for limited ;I.ace also. He rh enght our young recruits otight not to he sent to doh charnel-house, the IVest-Inißeis: Seasoned troops might be sent there. Limited time, and limited sen-ce then might he tried. The I louse is callA upon to lay heavy burthens on the people in return, it may a-..k for a trial of this home le and prhroisir.g plan. It is part of the scheme of our liberties, not to risk the danger to liberty of large standing armies. Political wisdom ehesists in a just and necessary compromise of benefits. I: is political folly to ask for incompatible advantacre , . We cannot have a verylahge ....heel:- 7 -e -41x:1. But tliesopla cf this co , Jr: i; ire to be ttustelwith their own antthe nation's :le- r fence. They havean attaelimentabove all nation, to the upper orders; not the slavish attachment totsilies, or .clans; but an attachment, growing from reason, to those who are their superiors, in rank, and for tune, and talents. There is. no cation. achicb en- . jays such an equal participation of, rights. ..Ide hail . no idea that we must of necessity have an. hired atmy to defend us, and that the country could have no other efficient protectors. He would call opoa the poorest peasant to defend his title to the Great Seal of England, for such ~indeed was our happy constitution, that these was no place of ho nour or emolument that was not withio his reach. In such a country every individual was its proteflor ; and the body of its people an army. Every subject knew its value; andltnew it also to be his duty to defend it. He knew it was a cause that called for the arm of the strong, the courage of the brave, the wisdom of the wise, and the means of the wealthy (hear! beer!) There never was an instance of a free cation entrusted to its own defence, that committed filo de so, nor of a free coulisi v, that trusted to a mercenary army, that did not lose its liberty. The question was not wl, it is the best possible mode of defence, but the best practicable Mode consistent with the genius, the habits, and the . disposition of the country, withont destroying its character, altering its spirit, or destroying ite flood pursuits of industry, its spirit and constitution. As to the present Administration, if it was not a vi gorous one, we might lament the evil, but he feared we could not relieve it.. He would, therefore, re commend for our example, the conduct of an Titus trims Personage, whose name could not with pro priety be introduced into the House, and who, when the public welfare interfered with that magnanimity and patriotism that have always marked his conduct, withdrew his claim. Of that Illustrious Personage he should only declare himself confident that whatever may be his wi.hea, or whatever his views, 1 he does not feel any hostility to any person, what ever may be his politics or party, who can be of any use at this momentous crisi.:. Mr. PITT —" In the observations which I mean to offer to the House, I shall confine myself to the latter part of the speech of the Honourable Gentle. man ; becadse, extricated from the variety of de sultory remarks and extraneous matter syllich lie Iris produced, it is the only part that Comes at : all near to the real question. I mean the view• of the question, as it affeCts the constitution, the . charafter, and genius of the country. Upon . this subject, a great many doctrines have been broached, and many theories have been taught to dazzle the imagination. The klottourable . Gentleman who spoke last, has, in the most heal - 1:i- ful language, and a captivating style of elequence peculiar to himself, laid it down as the privilege end, prerogative of oar happy Constitution.. and-the, characteristic quality of the genius and spirit of.. the nation, that the people- can be blended and. consolidated into a • military mass, mom fit for its proteiMon than a regular standing army. ; Now this is the very principle for which every, one of us has contended. the • very system which we all wish to establish. We always admitted the zeal of the country, and applauded its noble awl patriotic de vntion. In these feelings we perfedly• agree with the Hon. Gentleman; but, much as we admires that military spirit and enthusiasm. few, I believe,. few would be inclined to push it to the erteet of the Hon. Gentleman, for his argument, in its full latitude, is neither more nor less than this,that in the present state of Europe we are not to look to a standing army (No! No! was re-echced from seve ral parts of the House). Now, Sir, without ex amining that position too minutely, I say, whatever • may be the sufficiency of the spirit and courage of the mass of the people for their own proteStion, it our duty, in justice to our country, to protect that spirit, to spare that courage, and, by the formation of a regular force, to save, as much as possible, the bl sod of those brave volunteers who have come for ward with so much alacrity, and shewn them selves so ready to risque their lives in our de fence. Now, in order to attain this end, I do not believe it will be stippoced that we are to ex clude a regular force from among the necessary means. If not, then, the question is only to what degree a regular force is to be maintained ; and from hence two other questions necessarily arise : first, whether we have at present a standing army of suf ficient strength, under all the• eircamsunces in which we are placed ? and, secondly, if we have not, whether the present measure is not the best modethat can be devised to supply the deficiency? As to the first question, it would be idle to argue it.- 'Every Gentleinaft that has spoken this night, as well' the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Sheridan), aq'the Right Hon. Geetlenian on this side upon the floor , (i'fr 'Addingtor.), admits the necessity of fa rt he r - keitikins, not merely fur the purpose of a General Defence, not the extension of our military slstesn, in all possible wayt which ingenuity might devise and "'contrive; boric the very line nfideourse now recom *len ltd; add for the very srcific and identic il pur pose of a Regnlar Army. If then the necessity of an encreased regular force be admitted; I wish to kisow linw the objeelittin upon the' gronud . of constitution applies? A great part sif the,arglitnent in Tatour Of an armed 'mass was, that it added 'to the'variesy of our force; burthis is in the very sphitof hey pleb, is it ' "proposes to'plaCe all the leadits)f : and principtal Melt -hers of that, force opals their -proper and re,poetiee •foondati inc . Now if We biota to the keeping up Of these d,ii-srentineciestit fcirre;K" man also Lail t.,.' ' What at, to ei ght their Iwbpei pf-Osoetities. • sos; y the Mail i i ought 'to . be rLsel • la that ekia t 4: ~,t ' 'which 7 shoold make it .4 balance to the. to ,ARr army'.' I disapprtree?of this vicoir•Of 'the subject ~.' the balance and the %vitiate to 'whlch I-1,44, sod hr ' which I estimate; are, es it *kite: to the :enemy, sir 'Wit moae or lest competeti to resist the fod. and kit . fend title country from the attack of the lieterniaf foe. ' and eat in tett:to:ll° any entilpoise het ....eels the tees- , 'ler aril irregular force; tit the policy of di‘siding and subdividing them,wlth a view to produce an equality.. Of the Militia, I will say, that its officers have con. dueled themselves in a manner as constitutional to. wards the country as its men have proved themselves. virtrons and brave against.the enenrr ; but if it be to: 4 force as available as the Regular Army, what are , s-"u to do? W hy you are desired to carry it hiper than its constitutional limits would ad ma. Souse insinece that I mean to redece the kiiiitia' below its constitutional prin..ipLe ; !so : he feel i. l / 2 " .. a.t: L,vagil I wish to teduca it, yet sill I mean to )"rave it higher than even thole rho complain of Cite reduetioo think, acciaqieg to !heir Irwil orgu ments',• open conoltudotrarprinotplespit - ought tei stand. I only .paean, time the excess shall be taken off, and applied to a more aeoilaOle force. We i ttp next told, that .• there is sollething in this measure that viohres the Bill of otights, SO for a; the same respells a standing army. - Acestiolli frig..to the Bill of Rights, • I have always under stood, that to keep. up :t standing s army in time of peactoWithout the ctinisaut of Parliament, is contrery to law. 'Ehit. I conceive, to he the principle of that Bill. But how do I violate it by praposing toritairio tain a standing army in time of war, with the convent of Pernament ;an army, too, amenable to • the Mutiny Bill, and unobjeCtionable, I thought, in many other respefts, particelarly after the clause which I moved this day, that it was sot to remain embodied longer than six months 'after the signieg oladefinitOte treaty of peace, and to be suhjed, what So embodied, to martial law ? Such heitq the case, I give gentlemen all the benefit of the arguments ilerO. ved from the Bill of !lights and the spirt and relief of our ancestors. Now, Sir, in reference to the state of Earope, let ns see how this measure operates upon ear future safety. Unless we can be perfedly sure, and indeed I know not anyelegree of foresight and s I gacity that should tent us to suppose that it would not be folly and presumption to be sore, unless, I say, we can be perfectly sure, that at the end 'of the present war, and when that period shall arrive, we have no means to calculate or aseermin, we shad see Europe and France reduced to such a mite, Jut we may return to our old system: unless we 'hat our eyes, and are wilfully blind to our destrudion.we may find ourselves obliged for years to make the country a more military nation than it has ever been before thought necessary. Now,if this be the ease, there ore only two ways by *Mei it can be effected; either by laying the foundation of a large supply is PeacOthat may be brought forward, O.: a prepared state upon a sudden emergency, or by creating a lx`rge force which, though discinloriied, Won is serviors are not necessary, may be reproduced as occa sion, shall. requite. Those who look loick to the public feeling at the cimultenermeot of the ?re sent war, cannot surely forget haw desirable it would have been, bad we attained that state at which we bone only now ateived„ kftzi sever Al moths of anxiety . and protraded danger. With this ever'. • cries, will roe theta hate, a reran. force, which is only e&ient.while erabotfied,,or a fore. which may be orciduiesl for.the necessary occasion *Clout the constionionalobjeaionMa large ttevtlii Army . Everrohe.oory persons who are jealous cilia staeding Army. in o peact, reennoner.d it in war; ar..l ohe ,presentetrastare is such as Mao. be eitOy eMdlEnt trheoPetliftafTs alt! facilitates di i atilt up of the • tegul.v. force. Upon every ground tat ottfilk .Afety lutd-Ccantottlf, it ii.particaLirli ree l turfond- ! to those who would hale i large force in war, - and a small.oet in rece. '. It Is ifie means of a prOel 4 , fore*. lohic.kw.attenclid sea n it ue:pence in pe a obd tir 'moo . * time .<4- werhe rapt '-lay brought fnrwki for . the. emergency. A !Fight Hon. Gentleman Ns. k Ad.lirigtoni says, it is not Wise to - change 1.5 e cha rade:, manners, and habits of the people. T'ne htnera/prieciple is ritot ; but if it be 'Loess:try to ave a tarp force, I ask afloat is so little kluly to iateriere with the habits and manners 4, the people as, the present measure, which esfali]Lshes no pen:moot force, and only reepliter% nterh's erercise in the year ? To bear him. one would sup pose it would operate so great a change, teat the plougfi must stop, and the country wa s tO - he convert ed into a nation of Spartan soliders, and yet the mea sure is neither more nor less than to raise by a &bi er mode that very number. of men which the. Par- Lament thinks necessary, I mean sixteen thousand in •Angland, and three ttousaod .* in Ir e l a nd, being the amount. of the present deficiency; and when that is completed, t o rai s e annua lly a force of It,ooo. Now whet ar this is likely to pr .duce a change in the gepios and habits.of the nation, I leave to the understanding of the House. I think it is not likely to produce any such. effeco All I propose does not exceed the extent already agreed to.—l do not long a. tingle bli: then upon the country, or move for A man more thus has been already declared necessary: An objec tion has been started, upon the ground of the difficulty of finding rffieers for this force ; but to this I aaswer, that pat of it ii already formed, and that officers are only wanted for the remainder. I have conversed with' iniiitary men upon the subjett, wad they do not think this question of officers a serious difficulty. Officers .world be also wonted in a regular army, so that the A:faculty is no: greater in the bee case than in the other. • But after we are telt of the great size and impradicability of the measure, then comes a voice, dot from another quarter, I allow, but o e'lange of tone, which says that it will prove inefficient, I give the Gentlemen all the 'benefit., of this i •.- consistency, but I deny th o it will be kik . ei: ficient as to the objeds Which I propose to obtain. I said it would take away the co:ewe:kiwi for high bounties, induce men, to enlist in the regu lar army, and give an enmeased disposohle forte. I have to t heard,any one of thew prim :iota coacVed satcessaillo, and if no o n° argosies& from 'mita*, or slight inoonvonieacit ought to haws any 'fresh." The Right Urn. Member contioood to argue .at i great length uoon the propriety of Lis measure, said so exhibit, in various lights Anti/points of view, its ad- vantages over the Army of Rmeore o and the adran.. tages which the cottatry wpold derive friam it, and r its superiutOy rave- every claw ainaonte. OM could be devised for the attairuncto of• the o seinc. and alter which, he this pox, d d—" Before I sit 'dowto I shall say a few words wi:h. reosed to that papea.tiqo which I have held oust to ! .44, ...L c ,. S - Gentlemen' have said, that they ha:- e , cspeaed something from me ter. , far beyond, the presort Bill. lam not conscious that I ever encokitagcd the idea,. fain I 11.4 discovered some mipaeldells mode of provithne for the defence of theoutantoo. 1 say this. is the very too/sure of v:iiich I -gave notice, ea cept so fee as it isempreved by lie omission of the - ballot entirely, and the imposing the poymeet of th e bounty upon the parish-instead of the individual. ' Whether the measure be wottLy of.nly pitaaqon I do not say, butthat it is t heildeflikainr44AUgcSrhia I held out, and taugOt the public to expeafoim me, L mutt contend. That there were tot t e r point, sit i thin my contemplatioa I also :. s halt. I - mean sat the na va l d.eoartment, with retard to the polio creft to b e ustd in the aarrtaw se. o, and the memo necessary to . r. ~~ -~