The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1819-11-27 00:00:00

not believe he had done so without furs , hertnqNothing short of the utmost extre ointe could justify the advance of cavalry into such r•it enseuotolsge. It wan impossible in such a case fir 'tor two rider to manage a horse with safety to Oiso people about him—his head may be turned • sii•iole, hot then the movement of liin flanks must thou s• down thaw who were behind the rider's back, and ,1 e iron hoofs of the animal must unavoidably 16.noile on those who fall. The very confusion los .0...0at to such a proceeding must expose the to danger, mid palace them to lase their awords for their protection. Nation himself 54)0, that an rapid was the attack. he mull nut withdraw the rusetabfra in time, and that our of them was killed in the advance of the cavalry to the hustings. Really these evenly required a full and serious ill. (rivy. The very variance between the accounts which, had gone forth furnished a sufficient vomit' few the ore essity of collecting and comparing them. With respect to the numbers who lord received in jot, on the 16th August, lie toad see,' the fins of a person who had visited one hundred and fifty of those sufferers. and who believed he had not seen ono-half the actual number. It was said that the Grand Jury had thrown out the bills preferred against certain individualn; hut it might also to he ',collected, that in a particular case they had acted ones a misconstruction of their own powers. Impu tations were also cast upon some of the parties in iicted, because they had traversed their trial.. He saw 110 yroond for these imputations, because there was nothing singular in men traversing their trials :it a time when there wan an unfavourable ferment against them in the particular jollier. The Hon. Member then alluded to the circumstances which hail occurred in Robert Owen's case, which had been dwelt upon erroneously by an Ilan. NA Lrltaard Gentleman near him (Mr. Plunkett) nu a tanner night, and proceeded to lament the hasty solmouval winch Ministers, give of the particular sdf.ilri, and on the authority of the documents now he tore the House. This a nitro!) aim, In thought 'nos, unwarrantable, for the correspoodeirce skewed, that much of what had occurred wall unknown lt; tit- parties, who were in 1 • 0111111t11/Illitioli with the Government, and most certainly to the latter. With reference to the state of the coun try, he feared that Al:Hinters hail, 'ere now, she wit to the people a determinatino to act noon a system very incongenial with the spirit lit this country. This determination had been ton plainly avowed In be mistaken by the people. When his Royal Highness the Prioce Rrgent r-tarred an answer to the Address of the C:ly of London. his Minister, thought proper mit to suffer, in the woly, a tangle word of sietnirathy for the softertaign of the country. He d.ri not wean to accuse Aliointeis personally of a want of humanity fur their fellow countrymen, but lie dill seellse them of being connected with a •yotein which had fur its basis c..iercion, instead of cooociliati ll ; they unfortsmately and mistakenly refused the latter, perhaps front an ro'fonlided preltession that concession would, in their situation, be attributed to weakness, rather than to a learning foe generosity or justice. It perhaps hail entered Pito their view that the king of France might have held loin throne, had he firmly and vigorously ad t.ered to coercion, when he was placed in a critic-41 situation. But thin view was most mid taken, for from the best infoimation he had vs,r tweit able to collect from the parties most wh'e to give it, in vain at that period would ti •e Marquis de Bouillie hare resorted to severe see:votes with any hope of, by such a couise, avert itvg the impending danger. Why was it that the people of England were pronounced disaffected, and therefore to be coerced ?—Could the Ministers t;t•ti no other cause for the discontent that prevailed eticept artlition and disaffection ?—Could they find sin ensile in the system of their taxes, and the mini ver in which the public money was applied ? It woos cot a year since they applied a very large sum of money for building churches—and yet ti e people were put down its prone to habits of s•religion. Could the Government forget. when t!!•y charged the people with immorality, the raincoat practices they thenowlves upheld by the Norovisl continuance of the system of Lotteries ? Could they. who boasted of such a pure adherence to the principles of Christianity, act as they had dare ill contempt of its purity, by continuing in a priiiical proscription from sapid civil rights so soon•!y millions of their fellow-subjects, oil a mere p'•:i.t of difference of religious profession ? He v . . 11 aware that some disaffection existed in parts of the country, but he implored of the House whe -11:er they could not assign a better cause for it than 1-st declared by his Majesty's Ministers. The peo ple. did Mot deserve this treatment, after shewiog, as ti:ey had done under the most scale distress, an vo:o.sralleled example of patience and forbearance— t i•ey frit vs men. and as Englishmen, and with their patience, conquered some of their most inveterate I obits. lie therefore implored the House to pause liefere they drove a suffering people to despair—let Own; peon before they passed the Rubicon, and committed themselves iii hostility with their country ''•••••en stop before they shall have incurred the tined upon :mother State—that deceived, its Ministers without pious of people without Judges. to see laws of iron established :itled to be free. There was goverisiog this country, and that • of the sword, but by the power meant to restore peace to the adopt a system of couciliation, these establishments where coy. to prevail, and feature some de. between the people and their Then, and then mimic could they the iisticti. its said, that it was in vain for Ile people could be satisfied with in toe shape in o loch it now juestiotiably they would. if they principles to which it hail refers (1 impartially applied among all Ifs subjects. Why. he would subjects be 'figment/id iti this c vhiaages of disloyalty. and the f er q ueu rly besieged with Loyal • snootier that thaw who did not rosiourced disloyal. as if the for ever remit:daft' of that which fixed principle in every English would ask, Itai every opportu- 1, COM ROOM I.IIeMICOM I —let them stop befor I *t• i tlna which was fix p.; Government was d liws. and fifteen milli Ile could not bear In 1 s. , nutag a people enti ..;.;r une mode of got il l *a-, not by the force (Jr the law. If they reople. they Mint a; , t ••ey should reform ti ; i;lptton was known to wee of confidence I t Itepresentatives. 11'11 relator e hat mony to th Lam ` Mr. GEORGE Lam Aliol•terie to hope the 1 I i.e Address. if left i * loth. though tioquei Ruud the general poi ti ;' rote universally and i I i 11114114.11 of his Majtst3 a*k. should British I general 01111111Vf with i s Throne itself so Ire Addrewier. in such a I 1 11 , pegs) them were pro' '('Crone was to be Am 1, i ' he thought was a fix brawl ? Why, he w • 14L sty taken advantage of to reiterate those Loyal Addresses. while nut one attempt was made to ex press wishes of protection and feelings of commie firm for a siiffering people ?—(Fleur, hear.)-- Pledges of all kinds were to be given on the one aide, but none cm the other, to ',quire into the deep and general grievances and distresses of the people. What did the Address proclaim ? It an nounced the rort6irrence of the llouse in the avowal that disaffection prevailed in the manufacturing', districts, end that it must be met by coercion. There was indeed an allusion to the ili•triss that , prevailed there. accompanied by a simple hope that it would only be of iemporary duration.—a hove fur which he feared there was but slender fousidaiiim. As to the local outrage at Matschester, there were two circuutstances which he would distinctly state, and on which he was at home with the Noble Lord. He was near the spot at the time, and hail seen several who were present. and who distinctly denied that ony resistance bad been offered to any Magis trate ill the act of reading the Riot Act ; or that any attack whatsoever had been 'made upon the yeomanry previous to their exclamation of, I lave at the flags!"—(!fear.)--This VI:111 W lint lie had heard from good authority, awl 514 III)" itiipory was to lie set aside, it was fair to meet assertion by assertion. (blear.)—The Ilmi. Gentleman then drew a feel ing picture of the state of the kelpie.% families in Lancashire. many of whom were by the events of the 16th August firprivtil of those who contributed to their anpport. These poor people, not ithstantliog their losses, waited with patience to see what Parlia ment would do for them in the way of inquiry or re dress. They now find that that soothing hope is vain. and it was painful to contemplate the cense qiience of Ibis disappointment. With reference to the pr.... ceeilings of the Magistrates, lie begged to obeerve that it did tint follow, because they gave no order to the military to 'Advance in aid of the civil power, that therefore the military were to use finer, with out a positive order to that .fleet, as was given during the riots in London, in 1780. Ile agreed in opinion with those who thon4iit it was highly impolitic to have employed the ,Manchester yen minty on such an occasion. They were local dents, and should not have been placed. while re gular military were On the spot, in a situation which necetwarily exposed them to the hatred of many of the lower orders. It is said that though Parliament cannot grant an inquiry, yet that the justification of the Magistrates will he made manifest upon the trial of the istificiMelli against Mr. II . But the people will not be satisfied with this us-urance—thry Dill not be satisfied with the measures of the NJagii. trates or the Government unless they ran be proved innoceid. There may be a difference be tween the yeomanry and the Magistracy, one or both may effect their exculpation, but the Mitti•- ters catinot,because from the first moment they adopt ed the whole proceeding at their own, end made themselves responsible, so trollied if criminality shall attach to any party. they (the Government) cat ((((( t be innocent.—(Hear.)—One of the papers before the House shortly disposes of one part of the cause of the evil—it plainly and feelingly states, that dis tress is the origin of the grievance. Can then a people, acknowledged by the Magistrates on the eve of the Manchester meeting to be in such a stale of distress, avail themselves of the only mode of seek ing redress, which :Ministers left open to them— he meant the Courts of Law. 'lite Noble Lord oppoitite, and others of his Nl.jesty's Ministers, had alluded to the subscripihni which MM. going Guth fur than relief of the Manchester suffereis. as a source from which the people could derive the means of putting their claims at issue in the Courts of Law. This a ppeared to him to he a vet y singular sanction of this subscription, coming from such a quarter. particularly when he recollected the abuse which had been poured upon the seine subscription by, that part of the daily press, which was known to be under the immediate control and influence of Gm vrrnment. It had been described as the scouring, of the Jacobins' purse, and yet it now appeared upon the acknowledgment of his Majesty's Ministers, that it was the only source from which means could be derived, to enable the sufferers to seek redress in Courts of Law.—(Hear.)--U util IVerinesday night he had hopes that Ministers would agree to an in quiry. Now that those hopes had vanished, and as lite attention was directed by Moisten. to the sub scription, he should, guided by them, contribute to it his mite—(Hear)—and in strict justice, lie thought the Gentlemen opposite ought to come for ward and liberally add to the same loud, as they were the persons who relied upon it as furnishing the means to institute the necessary inquiries through the regular legal chantitle.—(//eur.)— For the Gentlemen with whom lie acted to contri bute. could be considered as only an act of genero sity—but for Ministers to do so was au act of jut- Hear.)—lf they objected to the hands which at present managed the subscription, let them start one of their own, cud put it under ministerial treasurers. lie had no predilection fur the parties in whose hands the money was stow vest ed—they were neither friends nor acquatutences of his. So that lithe Gentlemen opposite would take a subscription in hand for the issue purpose s he would be perfectly ready to intrust them with his mite. instead• of consigning it to the old managers. —(A laugh.)—The subject was a serious one—the people were in a state of abject distress, and they were to be met by coercion. instead of that spirit of conciliation which the Minister was recommended to adopt by every good man its the country. He would not feel that he had dune his duty if he did not rut. dially join in this recommendation. In speaking of the Nlasichester Magistrates, he laboured under the attune difficulty anddelicacy that embarrassed his Hun. and Learned Friend (Mr. Scarlett).—With some of them he was intimately acquainted. He lied in particular the highest repeal for Mr. Norris. the stipendiary Magistrate. than whom he did Hot think these was upon earth a better or more kind-hearted moo. If hi sanctioned the events of the Ifith Au gust. or was nut over-ruled by his brother Magic. trades, then for that day he must have chatiged the benignity of lii• 'mute. He repeated his re. grit that an tliquity was not likely to take place. and also his surprise that, in the case at the trumpeter. the Magistrates dill not leave to the jury the responsibility of deciding upon the evi dence of the fact. He did hut thick the Magis tracy were in reality desirous of tolerating soy denial of justice, but lie wished that even in sp. pearance they had avoided standing in such a light. Tins wag a melaecholy state fur the country • to be jolar ed in after the ferminotiol cf a glorion war —of their renown and their ucloievenients they hill Ilene.' a great deal ; but wise it net time her tbein to hear of the proini.rd blessing, of t h at peace, for the attainment of which ois much blond Null f reason.. had been shed ? Herren. indeed. was the elm! of that war if it bequeathed In the people toodneg but misery soil enercion. Were throe. he would tisk. the halcyon days stitch were bequeathed liy that triumphant war ? They load .maul( them the greet Geheral who 11311 so glorititi.ly lerillittatell it, Will the people hoped and expected th•t es they saw law in war, cuifolnitting for the attainment of their peace and the preaervation of their Consiotioti 000 they would new, when that peace vim+ COO.lll 00000 find him among the fore 00000 st defender* of the rights and liberties which his nchieveineone bad preserved for thern.—/Cries of hear. hear./ — The war had entente' great Insolent upon the pen. ode—some tameiderootion 114..111.1 he paid to Ille e,IIIIWII Or their preorfot fli.trest. To 1 hone their floloyelty in the unqoialth.d mown• r in which it Wll.llolomileit. was to l io•tlit the great bulk el . toe loyool throughout the (amatory. To least of the success 4.f a war waged for religion Loud hhert V, saw sarong. ly illeteldistelit with the av•iwAl ol(;ov.-vo. meet, that the pernicious% (beatifies 4.1 trail t inn. feel even Atheism, stalked through the bust', and that loyalty gave way fouler the 14.11.ielice of ron. publican priociples.— lifer. )—lle p ready feared that Misoieters had acted loot too onc. e.•foolly ui I plats of rrilucisog all pinate men to a levet wait theneolves: in does respell they %vele ii.r greoste.t as well as the worst of leveller. —( I fear.)-1111 prayer however to dents W 4.0. 111 A ere yet it 0:10 lOU late they would Wien to the voice of the people. moil attend to their complaint., awl Nlr. WILBRAHAM lloort.c, In explanation of what he had said on is former night, stated den he was fully borne out, from the papers on the table of the House, in his assertion, that the olject of the meeting at Manchester was plunder—not that the people 111e-1111 10 go about mod rub the moment Ih•c elotered the town. but that tt was their Ott male object to wrest by force property 1111111 those won held it. The Hon. Member referred, in sup port of Ins opii o i 0000 to the ststement node by the Grand Jury of Laioceshire. He referred to au off clod document, skewing the numbers outmoded Into the Infirmity at (VlaLchester. ill cruise-poeticy of ht.rt« received on the day of the meeting. Front this it njowered (exclusive of out-patteniv) that thit ty•eli4lit Were admitted.—[Mr. Ilnoveit Am melted items. the table the doe of this Report, mod Nlr. IIooTLE anowered the t20t11.1-1 le had no doubt the otetroneut he leod made on the furueerevruing was correct. There was moodier point at issue with respect to the anent of the 16th August last—it war, whether the yeomanry first atoatilted the, mob, or the mob ceininstied the lion assault Mgt.:llloi the yetioneti. in his opinion the yeomen %vete first attacked. In proof of this the Ilan. Member went over the de tails of the transectiutos of that day, and 'tidy recited the 0000000000000000 of the notlitary, a. they entered the vomit. Ile it, however. as it might. he was convinced of the extreme impropriety of bringaog an inquiry into those transactions before the House. The Courts of law Isere the only pro per places for such au investigation. He wished to say IWO or three words on the case of the Magi*. trees. Many of the Hon.Gehtleenen seemed to Iloilo k, unit had so expremed theineelve., that the Ma gistrates of Manchester ought to have been missed after the events of that day. This he could not but consider us t harsh mode of con duct to that bony, many of whom were men of family and fortune, nod to his knowledge as great friends to the liloertieo of their country as any men in It. They had ineriouriotioly itiocioorged au ar ' dilate* duty. hot only on that day, but for mouths pre v iou s to it, at the risk ;almost of their hero and projwrty. It was plain that they had the support of all the respectable men in their own neighbour. hood, as was proved by the Loyal Address Ir o n Manchester, in which it was blated, that the sub scriber. " relied with the utmost confidence in their magistracy, for the full and faithful discharge of their duty no support of the laws, and for the pre servation of the peace ; and they could not repress their abhorrence and detestation of the unfounded and malicious charges made against Gentlemen of such high respectability," &c. The Magistrates had, moreover, the apprybation of the District Commander, whose character lie need nut describe, when they knew that bit name was 13)11g—that be was an able and a patriotic soldier, tied that us he was a Whig officer, be would be the last matt to do or say ally thing against the liberties of the people. Mr. DEBBI AN raid, that as there was it l'll.lllellge thrown out from the Ministerial side, in the course of the debate on the ameoiduient, as to ditclittiog the legality of the Manchester meeting, and the proceedings consequent thereon, he felt it to be his duty to state his own opieion on that subject ; he should indeed have done it at the time, but from the length of the debate, it having been extended during the two slights to upwards of twenty hour,. He knew whet sort of a reception he hail diets to expect, bad he attempted it. Ile had felt, and did still, that iuquiry was in the highest degree necessary. For the purpose of acquiring it. he at , tended in his place the day before, and was among those Member* who had so endeavoured to make a House ; he had done the mime that day, and would have taken the opportunity, as speedily at possible, to express his option's) upon that yews, 00000 . As the. Noble Lord, however. load put WI the iistioduce tion of his promised measures, lie (Mr. 1)e 1111 l aio) felt tout it would be more proper for loom also to reserve his opinion until the discussion of those measures. In the mean time, he could oeot agree with the Address, and lie never would, unless some pledge or promise should be given in it, that the House would loot too time in taking into conoiderae lion those outrages, the worst and most um:oust'. tutionelly violent which could be committed against the lives and liberties of his Majesty's sub jects; evil enough, considered simply as acts of outrage—but, worst of. all, as they were intruded to prepare the way for restrictions on the rigles of the resolute, and inhingenseins ono the glorious Com annum'. Never till itiquity were granted into those suspicious events, would he agree to the Address. He expressed his regort that the Address contained no hint of cloodolence for the mail suf. tering', and oppressions of the people. Ile could not couceive a sufficieoft motive ell the framers for omitting some !thew of commiseration for the *LI. versifies of the people; he rather thought that the Address afforded an excellent opportunity for shew. tug souse such sympathy. and he repeated his regrtt that it hail not beets made use of. Mr. SH F.PH Eitto,..sorter so prolonged a discisaion, was urtwilltng to trouble the House. but felt him self !wood by every sense of justice, to protest against the Amendment. It would he adding too much to the h ing and vexation which the Magistrates of Manchester had already too pain fully endured. Whatever course the House might adopt, in case they allowed the inqury ',quiver! by the Amendment, the impression on the public I would still be adverse to the Magistrates. ‘Vhsither the yeomanry or the mob were the first assailants—whether the Riot Act was read or not— these. mid ninny other questions like them, he wool., say nothing shout. The Magistrates were, in his opinion, hound to disperse that meeting; it was in g tof law a riot, and he had two of the greate.t authorities In support his assertion, two !navel, who were the best friends of liberty ever k :novo in the Courts. The Flotiourable and I,ssroril Gentleman opproite had decluuied, as yet. +tatu.g filly opinion. He had, indeed, promised to do so. and he (Mr. Shepherd) had anxiously ;istiiiied for it. but had heard no reason nor legal srgament at all. He could quote the opinions of Lords Chief Justice Holt and Foster. Holt had defined that any assemblage ass a riot which was lurid in terrorem popish. By many it was held that arms were necessary to impart this character toe mob ; but Lord Holt had declared. that any thing supplying the place of arms, and causing terror to the public mind, was a riot. Numbers also might, by supplying the place of arms, constitute a riot. and be more terrible than a smaller ;umber furnished with arms. Judge Fos ter, in a case of high treason, where it was urged in defence that there were no arms found, declared, that numbers substituted arms, and therefore the crime was the seines, if the arming had been proved. It was tint necessary, however, ter the Magistrates to prove the meeting riotous—it was illegal ; the marching with music and banners from different quarters of the country, and assembling on the ground. resolved to pursue their purpose at the risk of their lives, were illegal. Ile then had to cotusider the means used for dispersing a meeting kuown to be illegal. A complaint had been made about employing the yeomanry. To him it ap. 'reared that the yeomanry, being the most constitu tional force. were the fittest to be employed ; they stood in the place of the posse consitoins. He admitted hat the posse continua: would not be sofficient for effectually dispersing the meeting without the assist ance of the military. Considering the state of the country at the time, the Magistrates were bound to disperse the meeting. They had assembled under the pretext of petitioning for • redress of grievances. It was plain, from every circumstance connected with the proceedings oldie Radicals, that this was a mere pretext. Now, in proportion to the excel. !once and value of any right, was the impropriety and turpitude of abusing it. Better that ouch • right, or that any right should be restricted in its use, than that it should fall into contempt and oh-nervier. through misusing it : better that laws should be passed for restricting the most vs lunble right, than to allow a wanton and mitichie. vans application of it. Manchester, on the 16th. of August, was au ample testimony of this truth. And here he could not help alluding a little pointedly to the conduct and language ofGentlemen opposite. Ooe of the most dangerous circumstances of the present times was, that no real danger was sus pected ; there was ID that House • constant emirs your to slew that there was no danger. such Is called for particular interference on the part of Govern ment. This was an evil common to all Govern ments, but one which ought to be especially avoided. There was dedeed no danger which a Government might not obviate, if the subject were taken up in time. The neglect of this providence hail how ever been in all cases the win of Governments. Hence the danger of personal ambition in free Slates ; its progression had in all instances gone on unobserved, until the influence of the individual had become too great for the control of the State, and the people accordingly became enslaved. It was tin less dangerous to sutler the growth of popular clamour in a state. It might for a long time at tract no attention ; tt might be, um he feared it had been, supported to • certain extent by persons of property and influence, who hoped to let it run to such extent with profit amid advantage to them selves ; they had, however, justifiably found it im possible to curb it at the crisis they proposed; the only method was to check it at the outset. Let them look at the history of die world—let them trace the course of faction—let them examine the way in which either individur: cunning or popu lar insubordination had increased from a small and perhaps unperceived beginning, by what means tither of them had increased, till their effects had surpassed the possibility of control—they would find that the liberties of states had always heen overthrown by temporising, and by negligence of the incipient malady. He warned the House against any disposition, therefore, so temporise or offer concilinsion to the present prevailing disposi tion to turbulence, and still more against any ill. founded dread of injuring the Constitution by ap plying those restraints which alone could preserve it. An Hon. Member opposite had observed, that it would be not only useless, but dangerous and asis dorsi:nu to attempt to wage war against opinion. He (Mr. Shepherd) concurred with him: he went Natter ; he would nut wage war against opinion, even when he knew it to be wild, fanatic, and having • destructive tendency, except in its operations it acquired too great • head. When it became thus dangerous to the public tranquillity, to the laws of the land. to sad individual property, then it was indeed time to put it down, under whatever shelter it placed itself of pretended lawfulness and constitutional right. The Magistrates were certainly right in checking, as they did. the 'age of certain opinions breaking forth into Pets 11l l iently dangerous to the public welfare. Me ath-010n had spread through almost • majority of the population; it was accompanied by sedition and blasphemy, and together they were spreading over the country iu a nistuner which must be insoles diattly arrested, or rebellion would suou be lain& table. He had listened with astonishment to the argument of an Hououruble Member, who, in at tempting to separate the reformers from the charges of blasphemy. hod asserted that the Christian re. ligiou was favourable to the liberties of mankind. I True, it was favourable to liberty, but only to ' . 'serf► under the guidance of laws. sorpiv .t would not be pretended that this was the n l of liberty sought by the seditioni s t s , w h o called selves Radical • Reformers ; no, their liberty w „ the right of plunder, of ilevast s ti on , o f enjoy. ing the property o f their neighbours and mot.;‘, The flood of sedition and blasphemy which hid streamed from the pens and cheap publications, h a d rendered some restrictions indispensable. No res. sonable man ought to feel any alarm at such a me,. sure, with the conviction before his eyes, furnislo,l by the cheap publications, of its necessity. He coli!il quote the bpinion of one of the most liberal mpub:.. cans (Milton), in favour of adopting such* memo.. in emergency. Milton had declared, s' that book, ought to be watched by a Government as mu, h as men. For I know," said lie, " how !this , they are, and if scattered up .4nd down, and left to themselves, how likely they are to spring np cursed men." The same with the cheap lions; from paper sod print, if left to therooyrs, they would become horde. of infidels and re-lieft, and finally overturn the Government and Consti totion. Mr. MARTIN (of GIIIWIly). 111111 happy in harm,' an opport yof expri-sping his approtanitto the s p eec h of an Honourable and Learned Gentlem an oppoaite. No one could feel more sensibly than himself the sufferings of the Manchester multitude oil the 1611, of August last. It was laudabl e in that Honourable and Learned Gentleman (the Hon. G. Lain!,) to think of assignor; the sufferings of the poor people who were wounded and otherwis e hurt on that day. He could not help thinking indeed, that it would be vary honourable in either side of the House to do something for the antic lions of those who suffered. lf, indeed, the Ho. nourable and Learned Gentlem en opposite, were Bt ready to lend help to those poor creatures olio had lust the help of a husband on that day—(Leachler) he thought it would be much better than making long speeches in that House shout their (mores aim's and sufferings. He repeated it, that if they would put a littleuatmey , and sustenance into th e mouths of those whir required it—( Lairghler)-11 they would Eive • few pounds out of their pocketi, they would be more gratefully received than all their mouthy speeches put together.—(Laughter./ —Alluding to an Honourable Baronet, who sin not in his place, lie said, th.tt lie was glad of I'll absence, os lie wanted to praise him, and it would be much better to do it behind his back He w a tt glad to find that the Honourable Baronet had adopted several families, that were be d of their support and head. He hoped the example would he followed by other Gentlemen. He had no doubt that the Hon. Baronet had done this; for he would not surely say so much about their calamities and tribulation, and his own commiseration of them, without giving them some substantial relief. As to a Parliamentary inquiry, which had been demand. ed, into their sufferings, he could not conceive what recompense that would bring to them for the loss of the lives of their relatives, or the wounding of their own limbs. But the least part of the impropriety of ouch • measure was, its use. • lessness—it was in fact highly mischievous. Nu lawyer in that House would ondertake to say that it was a good plan to aliew the case of a criminal in a Court where he was not to be tried, and thus fur nish en opportunity for subornation and perjury of the evidence. He had heard of the evils end Maio- venieoces suffered at Manchester ; lie was norm• for them ; he was sorry, as every soma must be, for the lists lost, and the wounding aud trartuding down of the persons on that day, Ile charged, however, all the miseries which they suffered to the doctrines and speeches of the Gentlemen opposite; it was to their harangues widnii those walls that the traoractions of the 16th of Au- gust, and any thing springing out or them, were to be attributed. It was their habit of charging the Administration, Gentlemen of the highest honour and integrity, with corruption, Ilia had produced all the mischief. Nothing else could come of their conduct, when they represented to the public that utmost all the taxes were minecemary—that they were only exacted to supply one man • lianduime mat, another a fine pair of buckles, s third a fine coach—while they knew very well that the mould of all the taxes fur one hundred years, about *lnch they barked so much, would not produce a single breakfast for each individual iu the kingdom. They were constantly representing the taxes as nu necesaary, and only gathered for the porpose of in creasing the luxury of a few individuals, *bile, a s they pretended, the people were stinted in their enjoyments and property by them ; lie hayed that they would in future prove by computation to the public how much comfort each poor man lost by taxes, how much more clothes and food would be left to hint if they were nut gathered. Ile hoped that they would prune what they asserted, or else, seeing the danger into which their unproved asser tions had brought the country, remain silent. He would reply to an argument which had bent used, comparing the Intact . of Parliament to a Grand Jury, and entreating the Howe, under that view, to grind inquiry. Did ever mortal hear of a man being put on trial for rape or murder (Loughter)—fur the sake of establishing his moo.. eerier ? Could • Grand Jury say, with any great degree of propriety, r‘ We are upon our oath, and are convinced that you are ocent, but we sill find you guilty, for the sake of giving Y ou an opportunity to establish your innocence 1" It reminded him of a form of trial which sus used at Rome, to determine whether a wall was a saint or not. On that ocean' an advocate at tended ori behalf of the Devil— (Larrghter)—whore business it was to plead agaiust the Saint, and dispute and disprove his miracles...( Loughtee.) —He hoped the Honourable and Learned Grlbile• man opposite hail a better chord thou Satan— (Laughter)—and a better paymaster too than the Exchequer of hi s I n f erna l M a j esty .—( L oa d & tig h ter .) —The Next question b e s h ou ld answer was , wou ld there be any thing amiss in expreasino *yin why for the popular disasters, in the Add?. es to the Prince? C erta i n l y nut .—(H ear , h ew ss He saw that th a t was p l eaug to the Gtillirliiril opposite—he wou ld te ll t h em w h y it was not in eluded in the Address before them. It would hare beeu bad taste to have inserted a declaration of coli• deletice in an Address to a Prince, who was room.. dined the fattier of his people, sod, of course, was supposed to sympathize with their sutferisepe Hr neat undertook to defend the distbiPeel or Earl Et*