The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1807-01-03 00:00:00

;, Vl+ tAnd ~ firmly adhere to good faith with our Allies. lam n ot, LLiwever, my Lords, without entertaining some drsubtr, how far IT was advisable to enter into the Negaiation at all. OT, having begun it, to continue it io long ai we did. Peace, it must be confev ed, is at all times most desirable; but there are certain eases in which it may not be advisable to attempt it, as when it may be foreseen from the charader of the enemy with whom we have to contend, that eligible terms are not likely to be obtained. I give credit, however. to. His Majesty's Govern ment, for forming their own judgment upon this point, contenting myself with the mere state ment of my doubts. But these doubts acquire additional strength, with regard to the pro priety of continuing this Negociation so long as we did ; for it is evident, that serious inconve niences may have arisen during this prolonged dis cussion. Its tendency was to relax, in the mean time, the vigour of your operations; if ever we should enter into a similar Negociation with the present Chief of France, I trust, that the olsj , ds and the basis will be, in the first instance, distinOly stated, and that the Negociation will be soon con cluded. It now appeals, that the Chief of the French Government has thrown away the scabbard, with a determination not to sheathe the sword till he his subdued this Country, and the Continent of Europe. Such is his unconquerable ambition ! It only remains for us to continue to countered his efforts: in into Caienie mini. --When we look to the bravery of our troops is various quarters of the Globe—in Egypt—in India —on the Plains of Maid—in South America, and wherever they have had an opportunity of manifest , ing their superior courage; and whilst we fight in instintenence of our rights. and the rights of yu .tice throughout the world, we have , my Lords , nothing ref) fear. Our finances are flourishing beyond all pre cedent ; the state of our commnce will, I trust, defy the malice and impotent efforts of our enemy. Ile may attempt, indeed, to shut us nut from Vie ports of Eur •pr ; but. I trust, this attempt will prove truitlese. But even if so, would not our manu factures continue to flourish ? lo hinder this, our enemy must shut up from us all the ports of Asia, Africa. and America. Amidst our present gloom, I cannot, my Lords, but derive some sources of con solation. Otte amongst others is that produced by the measure, which, in the early part of this evening, Was brought forward by a Noble Lord in His I.la sasty's Administration (Lord Grenville). I meal the Bill introduced for the retortion of the slave I Trade. I rejoice that the inhuman traffic in sieves is seriously proposed to be put an end to. This to me is a source of consolation; another is the preser vation of the established Church. But here I cannot help lamenting that so little has been dole of late rears. In the reign of Queen Ann, no less than .co churches were et once ordered to be built ; but Lave we been sufficiently attentive to this objefl, notwithstanding the vast increase of inhabitants in our populous towns and cities ? Is it nut for want of N., us a great measure, that the Se taxies have of Late yeors spread and abounded, so as to even thicoteit the safety and security of our religious e taillishment? I lament, likewise. the violetion at • tl.c Lord's Day, and thai trades are sufered to ue remised on that day, eu the disgeasse of the eons. try, and that the penalties are so trivial as al most to amount to an immunity. The increased puirlicotion of Newspapers on that day. I consieer as coming within this charge of the suoletien of that holy day; eild, even at the present time, a new Paper is advertised to be published, professedly de nominated The Sitidati Paper. 'Prose. I consider, ss so many dark specks over our political hemis phere ; nor are they wiling in their ccutsequences ; ter, assuredly, if we tregleft moral and religious reirsideretions of this nature, we may look forward woh feeriul anxiety. But, I trust, we shall still ad.lere to the principles, civil and sacred, by which this country has SO long fLinTiShed. . 4 0 foltunatni ntneivin, .. Sue .tr bore motor'." Lord ELDON— , ' I rise, my Lords, with feelings peculiarly alive to the strong necessity of car ying fully into effeft that part of the Addicts proposed by the Noble Baron, of suppoitlog with the moat unceasing vigour and undaunted resolution the great contest in which we are engaged. Whoever silicas on what may pt ore the final issue of that contest. of whot may prove the fate of this Empire, whoever feels for the honour and happiness of Great Britain, , • must perceive, that the only chance of safety, and the reat hope of ultimate and decisive triumph, i now depends up an a WIT - Wills prooectoi . in of the war. Wnilst then the genuine British feeling continues to animate the people of this empire, I am convinced there isnot a man in this House, or in this country, who would not lather perish in the calamitous con fliO. than willingly compromise the dignified charac ter of Britain, or tamely submit to any base Acknow ledgment of ioferiority to any enemy, however exten sive hia territorial irdisence, or splendid his military snecess. Bat, my Lords, in entering into the discus arm of the merits of the late Negociation,anxions as I feel to rxpress nay approbation of the conduti of His Majesty's Government ; in fully supportig the ec ktiowledged chnritaer at this conntry for sincerity and good faith ; setistied, as 1 am. with the man ner ice which the hart ests aml safety of our allies • have been preserved. as well of those powers to whom we were humid by the solemn compaft of the most sacred obligations, as of others, whose clone claim upon our assistance, arose equally formate benefit of the principle, and the congeni ality of the intetests ; yet, my Lords, I may be per %listed to say, without the least imputation upon the corselet: or reputation of Ministers, that I lament the prorraftion of the Negotiation. The prolongs- Celt cf . the correspondence I regret. because the chicanery. aged deception of the Frcnsb Government tars sv peculiarly marked, and sq apparently ohms v able thiotighont every stage of the Negotiation.— . And, my Lords, give me leave to say, that when, under the clitc6t authority and express avowal of His Majesty, such a Negoeiation is thought acces s-4:y is be criginated, no one aft should be over looked, i'.l• any circumstance omitted; calculated Lto lessen, ri•ber in the eyes tif the slmy, car of Esilope, the g'ory and honour of the Crown, conuearsl, a - . they are, with thi g reatness and security it the empite. Therefore. I should have roodered loileer and longer. previnns to my ac quiestente in Any procedure is which the mani- ~ . . fest intention of the enemy of those realms Was to tpirit of peace; arfiitst the contrasted &Qua,. delude by delay, to defeat by deception. Po; if, lof the enemy, shifting . and evasive, at one tnomen' by any unfortunate and destructive iofatu.a . :on, giving up noe concession, in the next reclalarieg Cel we should ever be brouget to imitate the ciiitouct of propesitione which it before conceded. clearly es those countries, which, from narrow views of pro- hihits that, from the heoinning emit the rip ore iv* hey, and a confined, selfish, but fatal contemplation the Negociat:rm. .the wine perfidy and bed ta:th of events, have ultimately been made the maims were the setuating principle of the French Cahine of their own delusion, and annihilated by that very But there is one raft, to whicli I must beg th - atten poorer to which they had so repeatedly sureuertee; lion of youoLordships, as it is one upon which t h e if, I say, the people of Great Ihitain should ever Declenation of Ills Majesty, the charneer of lie be induced to forget the proud distinction of their G overrment. and the credit of the country, are a• own immediate situation, or neglect the sacred itene with the statemeat of that man oho is at the principle, by the exercise of which that prolie dis- had of the Freitch Empire. and has, in the face o tinction WAS obtained,• thee should we have to the world, positively denied that the ad pimidetiq war regret the - complete forgetfulness of all that was the basis of the late Neyncietinn. This is a cir hitherto held sacred; to witness the lamentable cumstance which it behoves his Mejesty's Minister submission of British honour and good faith, to the lolly to explain; and to convince this Wine, and all most scandalous violation of every principle of Euroee, that what has gene ahead /,, simeliessed by equity, and every precept of cninmon justice. To thtt name of their Sovereign, is the true and justifier' guard ageinst such an humiliation, aid to preserve inference. But the Noble - Baron opposite, has unsullied the unrivalled honour of the British proved, with considerable perspicuity, that the prin. name, there is not, lam convieced, an individual ci ple of aeuel prosession, is the only re in -iple which iii this country, through whose veine one drop of could apply to the comparative sire ei on o f G reat . British blood circulates, but would voluntarily shed Britain and France, that, from the der reified nature it in that noblest of all causes, anal who dues not of the various conquests of the respeetive empires, look forward, with the most ardent feelings, to that and from the mantle:re supirierev of the one great and important trial, npon the result of which compared with the territotial ii.fluence of the his own and country's happiness and security will other, the cooly probable heals upon which a depend. But, my Lot di, though I fully appreciate teary honourable to both the contra ing parties the dangers of the crisis, end the energies whith could be effected, was the basis of the at: pactiddis such a danger demands to oave brought into Orme- Having thus proved that the pi iio:ple of aelual pose diate aeiun ; and though I strongly feel the neces- session was the only basis upon which a..beileficial sity of supporting His Majesty with firmness and Treatty could have been concluded, the Noble Baron eignur, yet. from my knowledge of the MAR who has certainly added to the number of the reasons. commands the resources of France, from my know. and enforced the coirency of those argnments, ledge of his mote for no law, and my convietion of which render it absnlutely necessary for Ministers to the unceashog ambition by which he is attuned, I prove to A aem onstiation. that the principle of the tan by no means bring myself to join in that part uti pore/ens wa, the deter' bads, agreed and aCted of the Address, where the ineffeSual endeavours of tom:* in the late Negociaton. Really, I knew not His Majesty to terminate a pacific treaty with the in what pert of the Ofliciel Papers resented to Chola t: e French Goeernment, are coneid- red as talk House, His Majesty's Minneers will fin I this a e iwe of regret. God forbid, that for one mo- principle of actual possession, once recognised by ment I should be considete I the advocate of an in. the French Government. Surely not in the Letter termt able war, or an unfeeling speeetor of the i dated the sth of Marsh, where an extra& from numerous eflietions and disttesses which war occa- the Chief of that Empire states the readiness sit lions; yet however hurnene considerations may the enemy to make peace upon the basis of t he tend to reptios the assertion, I cannot refrain from Treaty of Amiens—a basis directly contrary to expressing my dissent to this part of the Address; the principle of the esti postdetis; and a Treaty, and upon this point I appeal to the testimony of the to which, from the former feelings of the Noble Noble Viscount (Sidnarouth) opposite I appeal to Baron opposite to nie, lam surprised he could the (minor., which, previous to the ratification of have, for one moment, listened. But. my Lords, the Treaty of Amiens, 1 thought it my duty, as an not only in this letter of M. 'Falleyrand, of honest servant of the Crown, to communicate to my the sth of March, is there no mention pot this basis, Sovereign. At that period I never did assert, that but in the whole of the respective communications the conditions of that treaty were glorious and ho- from the 20th of March to the 13th of June, notu nourahle ; I did not contend that its stipulations syllable. word, er sentence. of such an import or were such as to provide for the permanence of meaning, is to be folios!. Is it not rather remark peace, or the lasting security of Great Britain ; but able, that in the progress of a Cm eespolideuce, I was induced to hope, that afterethe conquests avowed, by the Declaration of His Majesty, to have which the Chief of the French Empire had obtained, originated and continued upon the beets of the ati that after the aeual enjeyments and the comforts poem:lair, now that the Negociatien has failed, His derive.; itom his own repose, he would be unwilling Majesty's Ministers are suable to being forward, to forfeit the t ier 'at blessing he was possessed of, or to for the setisfeetion of this House and the country at disturb the recierocal tranquillity of the respective large, no better evidence of the recognition of that countries. But, my Lot ds. considerably changed are principle, by the Government of France, then tee my opinions, and widely different are my views of the few scanty undefined words of the French Mirosteo ? advantages of a peace with France, when I recd! to And indeed, my Lords, it has produced in my my recollection, that scarce was the Treaty of Amiens mind, no small degree of astonishment, to find in ex.outed, when the meet instolieus and open viola- the answer of Mr. Fox, to the cemmunicetion of lion nt'every principle of good faith was ex iibited ; M. Talleyrand, where this disinclination of France when, in defuusee of -eery provision of that treaty, to demand any of the . possessions of England is the Ilthiel of the Frenca Government recommenced stated, no one observation err reference to the prin. his system of wit) oinded 'aggression, with a rein). ciple of actual possession ; although that answer vatted lust of power, with a complete disregard of WAS intended to amplify and elucidate the import ell those matine e and us sg ...which were wont to sup- ant nature of the basis. proposed, together wit.' the part the bonnet. a- ' I peint.s of the civilized world. probable commercial advantage of France, and the But if a fun . r pro - of was still wanting to exhibit consequent respect of her naval fin. With 'tepee to the charefteristic duplicity of tne French Cabinet, the conferences of the Earl of Yarmouth with the let us, my Lords. 1..0k to the dates, when the Rus. French Minister, how does the history disclose itself? slats Minister, lyOubril, was either forced, or trick- On the t2d of June, a letter was dispatched from ed, to sign a separate treaty with France. Here the the French Minister to Mr. Fax, for the purpose of strong indecemest with that Minister, was to save explaining the nature of the conferences with the the Austrian empire ; for this specific pie pose, and Earl of Yarmouth, and .. e objeCt of that Lord's this alone, the treaty was atilt:illy executed, by the departure for this country. This letter arrived in Plenipotentiary of Russia ; yet, if Ido not much London the 4th of June, the same day on which masconstrue the dates, the changes in Germany, and that Noble Lord reached town; yet, in this continue the Rhenish Confederation. were not only meditated, nicatien, there is not an admission of the principle but actually completed; if not at the signing of the of the uti poorktis; and though the Earl of Yet treaty, by D'Oubril, most certainly before the ar- mouth had a conference with Mr. F as, about the rival of that Ambassador with the treaty at the time of its arrival, yet, in the answer of Mr. Court of eteretersburgh. In this most Begitious Fox, of the 14th of June, there is preserved an conduct of one nation to another ; in this uniform equally unaccountable silence upon the adtual perseverance in fraud, aggression', and injustice, I principle of the ati pot:dais. It has been re find the strong argument which justifies me not to ported as a reason that the direct basis of actual lament the failure of a pacific adjustment, with an possession was lot specifically stated, that it arose enemy, whose aggressions, in time of peace, are froM the peculiar circumstances of the German do. equally hostile with his movements in war. Hay. minions of His Majesty. Wily the situation of those ing thus declared my opinion upon the result of the dominions should operate against a clear, decideo. negotiation. I shell now advert to the basis upon and unambiguous expression of the basis upon which which the Declaration of His Majesty has asserted the contrafting parties had respedively agreed to that it commenced and proceeded. The principle treat, I am at a LOSS te comprehend. But I must of runnel possession, re the uti postiiittit, is asserted again repeat, that in the history of diplomacy I ne to be the basis upon which the respective Govern- ver either reed or heard of such a basis of negocia menus originated the discussion. Now, my Lords, don as that which His Majesty's Ministers have, in fairly and plainly arguing the question, and the present case, wleeted for the ground of their comparing the understood and admitted meaning justification. There are a few other points upon of the oti possideth with the two bases agreed upon which I beg leave to trouble your Lordships; one is between that great departed Statesman, the Secre- the last letter of M. Talleyrand to the Noble Lord tary for Foreign AfFatre, and M. Talleyrand, I who latterly conducted the initiation at Paris. a do confess I cannot recognize the principle of I should hope that no such letter was ever received, actual possession as the basis of a treaty. ('is or that no Miaister of a hoods power would dare porridetis are two Latin words, fully empevioriug to send to the Pleniereentiary of Great Britain, a the contraeing parties to hold, 'in their respeetive communication replete with the most base and possession. whatever territory or conquests soever, injurious calumnies ;---calumnies which 'ceded to over which, at or before the execution of too treaty, eekihie that Noble Lard in the most savage form, they may have obtained a sovereignty- Let us and which, Lam fully persuaded, were to hint un compare this definition of the uti post:die:is. with the fonndedly and itnproperly addressed. Another two beset agreed upon, either with the one which instance of the same inveterate m dice end unpon specifies the. *determination of contracting upon cipled audacity was the contradiction of one of the general grounds for ourselves' and allies, or with French Plenipotentiaries, to the repast the Earl of the mere enlarged principle of guaranteeing the Yarmouth had made of Ins conferences with the security of the lesser states; and lam sure, that, French Minister, on the basis of the negoeciarion, and from such a comparison, there is nothing in :he which reports were denominated Poletsc,t ROManelf. annals of diplomacy, to justify, from such a con. Upon the whole of tiie evidence which the Papers struction of the bases of a ocrciation, by tile most presented to this House contain, I still contend. tortured pea version which the most ingenious rea- that the basis of :ritual poesesston is not early not soner m . e . adopt,' any thing approximating to the proved to he true, but that the evidence maker out principle of actual possession. IhetHis elajhsty's no such proposition, even in the remotest view of Ministers were sincere in believing that the uts pos. the case. To the other parts of the Address. I re sidetis was the admitted basis, I most candidly be. peat my most cordial and hearty assent Deeply beer, and that it was the assign of the French Ge-- impressed as I am, wish the necessity of meet* vernment to encourage that impression. at the the dangers of the crisis, and the menaces of our *- same time that it cautiously avoided wearaittiog veterate enemy, with all that firussese, o a ttioekso itself to such a compee, throughout tba mum aad spirit, which have ever evinced the m irked in progress of the correspondence. Ind eed . the COO* sapidity of this country, And preserved, eavistlaell. dna of His Majesty's Government has proved the polity cf the national chareeter." it to be a Government seeking peace, in the Lord GWIVILLE, ia reply :.-s's 14y Lords, • . ... : • , - ~~. when 1. eoreider all the.cireutrotonces. of the Neo otaeXation, tr r • gatatily andeaatredi to or 1. w ach t was fur.. Ogled. the underlie zeal ar,d Steadiness lisoliyed fn it throutahout, on out part, f w the at ainment of the ohjed prolos and the clop icily sod insincerity evinced rte. enemy. I am not urprised that every • who has read the Vapers, and heard oil • has parsed, this night, e s uld vote for the *AO:ass: I am not 3llr oused that evrry man sir old he mit to woe o en address, that should photo, himself, that e last drop of b!ood '3 veins should be ad, upon tech a stare .of the case as that wh ch a. been made. out When. then. I :cnnsi ter the in tits of the case, and hay-, moreover, the pride d satidadion o' sioieg form so elequently en onceo, I find it d•fficult to briog myself to occupy :ate attenti nof t h e Howse, by any refutation of the case that has been made out against His Majesty's Min'orri. Fearing, however, that silence miyht be conorned into doresped for the Noble Lotus by whoa) ahy otj-dinrs have been made. I shall tree !) OH upon the attenflon of the Boost fur a few inomente s — Coming, then, to the observations of t e Noble Lnrd (I•44wkeshu,y), I sac, that if his ob. jedion be founded in fart, taken in its lull extent. it would prove only this :—lt would prove. not that we have suffered any injury from the mode in with the N-gociation was condufted, it wo u ld not p r ove hot we had sustained any disadvantage t! , it moic not have existed, bad no such measure eves tag, n place. I dsfy any man to advance any thing to that effeft. Indeed, a Noble Lord has sta'e.l a dietindion, which I think would have relieved him from aoy doubt or uneasiness upon that ground. • He does not say, that the Dachiration of our Go verntnent is not true. He only says, that it is rot made out by the Papers. Sto why 3s it necessary that it should be fourid in the Papers? If any soap of writing. Cr any evidence whatever was disc•-vered, front which it coola ba inferred thwe the aft pearyteos had net been the basis agreed upon, the n oi e ari t ea would have some weight; hut, if this is not the fee, why then the necessity that the Dechowion , old be bone out by the pipers? Considering the i, h charader of the Noble Law Lord (El!on). and the great learning and talents svhich he has dhplayed at the head of a legal department, I do think •t Incon sistent with his great knowledge and experience in that line, to tiejed the hest evidence that toe na roe of the ease rffords. and Lice up the inferrer. 'II at .any man should rrj. et the onpuaent f s'oricAti f liAlleyrand, in hi. own favour, i' a natural me. but here the Noble Lord te;.: ewdenee tit the - French Papers, where they do support our cafe, and says, Here I End a verbal nota of Lord Yon month, and it does not make it our. Now, it the Noble Lord had died, .and no possibility' reeroar.ed of throwing a light upon what was ooseire. or es , plan,ing what was doubtful, an objedion might be made to the verbal note, on the ground that the re was no oppnrtur.ity of examining Lord Yarmouth upon the sithjed. But what was the tad ? Lord Yarmouth ha been Adually re ,mined in another place [Ste hit *tub in the House ej Comm.,,, on Wednesday nigh:], and his . Lordship bad de clared, that several bows of a Treaty had been rejefted, and that the uti possidetis had been w ieder' by TAlleyranl, in preference of any other. What d• uhf then can remain upon the subject, and • unless you do doubt L ird Yarmouth, why agitate the question? If this mode of argument he eon s it is surely a little perverse to raise ohjedions upo.. the ground that we have not proat where we have proof, and that the best that can be demanded us. The case is capable of proof, and that proof has received ; but the Noble Lord not only objeCla to this proof, hut proceeds to throw out a slur upon .the condo% of the Negotiation, under one of the ablest Statesmen whom this country ever saw, and one of the most coned. compeehensive, and decisive Ministers, ever employed nn such an un dertaking. I do say, that Mr Fox completely understood the whole business, and that the Noble Lord, opposite, has as completely mistaken it. But the Noble Lord, (Won), says. why not put these points all upon paper ? —Now, leek what course the Noble Lord swishes us to have pursued ? l'o lay dawn a precise way in such a business is nugatory, and a precise rule by which it is to be concluded is nut of the question.—Fhe thing is ire,- possible. ghat, then, in such case was to be done Why, then, the busiaess was opened, tire ground cleared, and the matter ripe for written commoni cations, then to reduce what had been agreed to verbally into written documents Now, tom the moment of Lord Land Male's visit In Paris, hewer instruded by Mr. Fox to enforce, and ilia enforce the necessity of coromittieg the proceedings to wri ting. It was for tins express purpose Lord Yar mouth was sent back from Paris. His crimmonica tiont with the French Minister had been verbal, Eva the regular course rec i a:reO that he should re tnrp to London to res'uce them to writing. This heine• done with accuracy and fiaelity, no oh jedion'holds good agamst the proceeding upon the wititmd el neglect. error, or mistake Had the • Noble Lord attem?ted to whew that we had agieed to a different proposition than that of the all !militias, it would have thrown upon ua the necesasty of disproving it ; but there is not even An insinuation too.loit effeft. When Lord Yatmooh went to Paris, lie was mitered to insist upon tie; basis, or to eentrn, without shreing his full powers. That his Lotctillip..did proJuce these pn.vers, wit-- out such admission;. can only be attribute to Hs anxiety for peaer. fb. conduct, in that particular, can only be asctibed to his wish to conciliate all parties. and tamale, lam sure. subjed this Govern wont todnv charge of mistake or negligence." • Lord ELDON shortly, ex o wnAtion.,observetf, that he had mid the letter o 7 the 14th of September, was followed by ane, in which not one word layout the roe peoldoue was mentioned: nay, he would go further, and state, that it was not until the Artiele 13, page 31, that Lord Yarmouth was permitted so opus his tell powers. Tiro Earl of LAUDERDALF., in answer. ob served, t h at in the course of the prerem debase. Brae extraneous raster had been inooduced by e *Mt Lord, on the opposite of the House, Oar: fe Aid ever heard upon any sribjeie ; it was not 1 is retention origovally to have troulded their L :,.- drips with many observations. or at all to pr , .:rang the debate; nor did ne now mean to fr Pow to- No ble Lord through all char extraneous matter t e had . se introduced. I. was, iu truth, a question wfocti