The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1821-03-03 00:00:00

Existence, the influence, and activity of a par ticular sect or party, in a particular Govern ment, as a cause for criticising ind interfer ing in the internal affairs of . that country, fully and manfully as the remotes for their conduct had been stuted in the immediate matinee by the Neapolitan people,, though they had been as falsely represented by the Austrian Declaratives, he owned that this was a subject which . 16c1 him • with ear prise and indignation. 'He was. I this - erreuntstance, became the men! referred to it in the beclaratMos. "This sect wut. described by Austria as yotkieleilieeftness. and the objects sought by it 'were itid• to be incompatible with the interests of golid.gorernment. It was objected to as • political sect having the attainment of political ob&ects in view, and seeking to effect them in the dark. He was ready in admit that in free countries the existence, the machination*. the'woikings of a political sett, were . very likely to beconie mischievous. and could not be beneficial. Brit was he to be told that titter were uo circumstances, that there could be'nessaby whidi 'men feighfbe drawn into the formation of a politi cal sett, and be compelled to act in seem) , fee the attainment of a general good ? Though he felt it , would be highly objectionable in a free Government • to become a political sectarian, he was not prepared to sty that in a despotic country. wherein there.' 'should be no protection for person or property, might not fkel it desirable to seek the attairwl saint of ' that piotection joining • political sea. when It might be manifest that there' could be no other way of olfaioiag it, it would he sorptising, indeed, if it were' to be assert ed that no soch sect should be allowed under any • circumstances to exist ; it would be will mime ~ sor. •prisiug, if no amelioration, however Much Deviled no change, however necessary and unavoidable ' *ere' to be disowned, and declared not fit to be al lowed among ordeily GoverriNnents. becanre it had originated with such a sect. But so fur from the stet being of novel or riaCent institsrticin, its origin N% 45 to be traced back to a comparitively aucsent praind : he had good authority for asserting that the Carbonari, under different circumstances and various characters which they bad slammed, were to he traced hack to the reign of the Emperor Leopold. They had at different times effected a great many enterprizrs of great importance 'in the affairs of Europe, and among that'sict were to be found the power which had been the most formidable in checking the designs of France upon Italy, one of the most hooonnible and important services which had ever been rendered by a military body. And vet this sect was put forward by the Allies as the chief ground of interference in the affairs of Naples! As to this body, which was called a political sect, it was not only not working in the dark, hut its proceedings were known to all Europe, and 'the knowledge of these proceedings, sanctioned as they hid been by the King, such knowledge 'being so publicly derived, had been the main cause of attracting the particular at . tendon of the Allied Powers. But what an ar gument was this of working in darkness, as if, iii the first instance, nosy change could have been projected in public, as if the bare attempt ill the ousts would 1101 have called down the iuterference of the authorities, and caused the visitation of the heaviest punishment upon any who should have attempted it. Could the change have been ef haled by ally other means P Was it expected that public notice should have been given to gather the sense of the public formally upon the subject, there bring no public institutions through which to receive the expression of that sense? Did they mean to sat, that, as in the case of letting turnpike toils, notice should have been stuck upon the walls, or posted on the church doors by the Car boeari, requiring the people of Napier to attend et a particular time and place, to discuss the merits of a Coestitutlon to be proposed to them, and op pose it, if they thought fit, from passing into a law ? Could die ahaeorse of these forms be consi dered as operating to the condeumation of the change which had taker, place ? was it operative to the nut- Lr y i ng of t h e R evo l u ti on ?—did it art upon that measure in the manner ot a corpus delirii, so as to nidke it iiicumbent on the Allied Sovereigns to in terfere aid to punish ? The Declaration proceeded to state the condition of the Government of Naples es it existed, and to contrast it with the Govern ment which was in operation before the revolution. It described the old Government as a moat paternal Government, anal one which was proceeding with considerable improvements in every branch of admi nistration. The effect of these improvements would have been best proved by the decline of the numbers mild consequence of the Curbonari, and that was rioted as. one of the objects of that most paternal Government. Bid the Austrian army had for four years been in possession of Naples. The expression of any thing like the principle. subsequently avowed by the Carbonari must have been very unlikely during that period. Among the improvements vaunted by the Declaration of Austria in the admi. nistration of Naples, these was one which had Lien entirely neglected. There had been no overn— attempt made inwards the re iii i i sion of the oppr.seive taxation, a neglect winch lie lied good authority (sir stating, formed one of the chief causes of the general discontent. The must grievous taxes had been i m p ose d i n a time of great difficulty, and during the heat of the war, and having been subsequently continued, were felt as an intolerable oppression. With te gard to that which must always be felt as the greateet defect in any Government, the want of a-curity for person and property, and as a proof of the moustrues abuses which existed ou this sub ject in the old valet nal Government, be would state, on most wiseteeptiouable authority, how far thone rights were respected. lie would do it by the illustra tion of a single cave t•—About hour or five years ago there was a great scarcity, amounting altoost to a famine, in Naples; a Minister of that country {he would at present withhold his name) was eupaged in a monopoly of corn. During this time an Eng lish General Officer, then resident at Naples, was applied to on behalf of one of his countrymen to make an appra4 to the Government r for his re lease, being then confined is prison. The Ge neral officer repaired to the prison, ind font'd the party on whose behalf he bad 'been solicited in a dungeon half filled with staler. Pllns prisoner toeing questioned by the sifficrif.• ainted that he bad committed no crime, thet he could remember nothing which lie had dune which could be itn lauding LI) given orders for the confinement of 'file prisoner. The -General went bock • - -inieWilto the office of the Minister and was informed by his secretary that it waitrue the i nd ividual incinitetion hrd beets confined, .because the Miuister wished to speak with him." The sufferer was released through this interference of the General Olficer.-4A question being put across the table, the Noble Marquis replied that the imprisounseut had been continued for some sseekil—Was it possible that circumstances in which such • thing might happen, and in which the suffering party hail never attempted to seek iecompence for his losses and privations could, be endured ? Was such a stile of things so perfectly ►hiultlesa to 'Mike it unreasonable to seek relief? Was it so perfect as to justify Foreign Powers in de claring that the Government wasso pure, so just, so l i paternial, that sissy attempt at alteration would .joauke it necessary for them to interfere I Then the grievance of the change Must rest on another 'objection contained in the Declaratiou—thut the • Constitution, said to have been imposed (though this very Constitution had been sectioned by the oath of the King, extracted from him without any effort of violence), was the Spanish Constitution. He was not going to defend the Spanish Constitu tion; how Car it might be 'fit for Naples, or for Spain herself, he was nut bound to say; hot to say that there was any thing extraordinary, con isected as Spain and Naples, and indeed all the southern countries of Europe, were in religion, and close and frequent as had been thfir intercourse, was more than he had expected. Be it remem bered also, that two years, ago the British Constitu tion, upon being offered for acceptance and adop tion, had been rejected_ by theXing of Naples as unfit for the circumstances of his people. Here was another cause which went in recommendation -of the Spanish Constitutioli to the people of No - tiles. But there *ere other causes still more impor tant connected with the history of recent transactions in Europe, which must have naturally led the Nea politans to adopt the Sponish Constitution. They had the authority of the British Government fur,* doing. Lord W. Bentinck had, in his Proclama tion, called on the States of Italy to defend them selves against the encroachments of the common enemy. His words were, " Warriors of Italy ! you are not asked to come to us ; but you are asked to assert your rights and your liberties. Call we and we will come to your assistance, and Italy may become what Italy once was—what Spain. is now. Portugal, Spain, Sicily, and Holland eau' attest the liberal principles which actuate that Power which now seeks to serve you. Spain, by her va lour and virtue, assisted by the Allies, has Jac ceeded in her great undertaking—the repulsion of • foreign invader, and the establishment of a free Govertiment."—This, it might be said, was a fair method for exciting the energies of dime to whom it was addressed. lie knew, indeed, that this was a plan very likely to be practised, of remaiuing contiguous to a nugatory promise, which was never to be performed. But by such means had they held on alliance with Italy : and if it were now admitted to be held out as delusion, it had operated earnestly among the- States of Italy. Austria herself had lent her sanction to this delusion. Hostile as she must have bent to the performance of any such pro mise, and intolerable as the spirit or the name of liberty now seemed to be to her, Austria had so far acquiesced in the terms of that Proclamation as to oppose no Declaration of any kind to the promul gation of it. But this was Lot the only cause of the faith and hope in the establishment and free government furnished to the Neapolitnits by the measures of the Allied Powers. In the same month of March in which the proclamation was signed, in the Treaty of Chaumont, was o decla ration, of what—the rights of Sovereigns? No ! but " the liberties of oations."— ( Hear, hear, hear./ — The Noble Lord opposite cheered. Did the Allies now say any thing about the liberties of nations ? From the moment that danger ceased, they had said nothing of the liberties of nations. They had not noticed the claims • made upon them by those sufferings and achievements, which bad enabled them to sit Ili judgment upon the fate of !anions. No thing was to be granted to the nations of Europe but such liberty as the Allied Potentates might choose to bestow. The only improvements in civil liberty, at all admissible, were such as the Sove. reigns themselves should introduce. Such was the language of the Potentate., and they proclaimed the same sentiments, as being held by his Majestyi Government. Their pretensions might be sum. .med up in these terms : Though Austria re 7 apects the independence of nations, there ate ~.eircurnataricesi which will justify her interfer ence; such as to changes or revolutions which see operated by a political sect, or wherein the army take part ; or any which are brought about by private means, even when public ours are not allowed; and especially when there is a party in the State hostile to the change or revolution, in which ease the less the hostile party interfere for preven tion of the intended change, the greater the probable danger and mischief; and the more peaceably and securely the accomplishment of the change shall be brought about, the greatet the necessity for an Witerference." To this incom prehensible and ludicrous obstruction were they driven by the inference of the argument contain ed in the Declaration. It was not less ludicrous than the discussion described by Swift and Dr. Arbuthnot. A dispute was repr e se n t e d us having taken place between Martino. Scriblerus and his colleague, Crainb; us to the hest and most correct abstract idea of a Lord Mayor. Martinus Scriblerus login...silted, that so many were the eiretunstoirces ne cessary to fill up the rerfect idea of a Lord Mayor, sod so incomplete if even the powdered wig and gold chain were not retained on the memory. Cramb asserted that his idea of a perfeet Lord Mayor went much farther thou that ; for in his opinion to allow it either hands, eyes, mood), or legs, would render it an imperfect idea. So of Austria. Such wi..s :he ing same thing had happened lib pain, a, could they value the general compliance if no change or improvement were to be allowed in States except such as the Governments chose to introduce. But why was not the same principle acted on in the opposite case ? %Vhy was there to be no interference when Kings recalled the free Constitutions which they hid yielded, and nations were replaced in a state of bondage and slavery ?—He would 'now proceed to the consideration of the second point, the probable effects of acting on the prinvi . - ples stated in the Declaration of Austria against Naples ; lie wished the House to reflect on the effect which such a Declaration would have on the feelings and the general state of Europe, in case either of the failure or the success of Aus tria in acting upon such principles. If Austria failed in her attempt, the opposite principles of liberty would gain steragth front the opposition of Austria, which would operate in every part of Europe ; but if, in the other and most dies treeing contingency, Austria should succeed, what security was there for the existence of Naples as an independent European Power? As the ccse stood, whether Naples obeyed the dictates of Anse • trio, or repelled, Naples was to be occupied by AIM. trian troops—by garrisons if the obey—by the A us: trian armies if she refused obedience. He need not point Out to their Lordships, that with this sequisie tion, and with the exception of Ahres, a point of easy acquirement in case of possession of Naples, Austria would hold Italy in subjection as far as the port of Venice. But then their Lordships must look to other consequeuces which must result from acting on those principles. Would it be said that with perfect advantage to the repose and tranquillity of the world an order of things could be established which had never exist ed, which never conld exile, and which, if it could have existed, would have prevented Holland, Swit zerland, and the United States from ever assuming the character of free governments ? Considering how far political science had extended in the world, it was monstrous to su ppm that a barrier could now be put upon the energies of mankind to prevent human improvement, and tie down the nations of the earth to • harrower space of liberty than was before known. What would be the probable effect of whin attempt in Spain ? Would not the cha racter of such a proceeding give incress.d effect to those principles which were now so loudly com plained of? Whit would lie the effect in France? Would it not give rise to fresh hopes among that party columned to what were called by some jacobinical principles ? As a proof of the manner iti which bud' a proceeding was likely to be received . by the French, he would state one fact. in France there was a censorship of the press; so strictly bad it been enforced, so vigilant was the Government, and so jealous of the pro bable effect of these proceedings, that they had prevented the publication of the Austrian Cir cular, sod allowed the publication of the an swer, although the latter was unintelligible without the former, because the answer had been mixed up by a more able physician, who had contrived to disguise the ingredients which were least agreeable to popular taste. Ile had stated what would be the probable effects upon the interests of Europe, be would add, that the prin ciples avowed by the Allies as being in conformity with the views of the British Government, were re pugnant to the constitution, and the most approved policy of the British Government in former periods. We had before Low acted on the contrary feeling : and even so lately as the declaration of war opium Trance, under the Consulship of Botimparte, in which was an express declaration against " the attempt of France to interfere with Switzerland in the right of choosing her own goverienent." It could not he said that France wanted pretexts to interfere with Switzerland, any more (him Austria wanted them at present. Bonaparte found out that the interests of France were endangered by the poor States of Switzerland, as Austria had discovered that her empire was endangered by the example of Naples. lit former times Eng land had made it her business to foster the h. betties of States wherever freedom dawned in Europe. One of the greattsitStatesmen, and one of the wisest men the world ever saw, in describing what he con ceived to be the most glorious consideration in the wisdom and policy of Queen Elizabeth whom he most admired, selected that part of her conduct a Inch referred to the encouragement she had given to the struggling liberties of a neighbouring Power. " But shove all," said his Lordship, " let me ebi e tly rest on the support which she gave to the Low Countries in their distress—a people whose claim was seconded by a cause so innocent—by a fortune so unhappy."—As to the circumstances of a political sect, and the assistance of the army, the Revolution of the Netherlands could have been effected no other way. Let the House hear in mind the conduct and expression of Lord Outdates towards the revolted Stases of America " Be to bo► faults a little blind, Be to her virtues very kiwi, Nor Ax your padlock on the mind." This was the language of a British Statesman to a colony which had separated itself from the mother country, in whose glory and honour he felt more than must men ever had felt either before or since. But he called not on that House for any declara noti of fi iendship or offer of assistance to Naples. What lie asked war, that they would, by a positive and &runlet declaration, discountenance principles attributed to the nation, which were not only hostile to tire principles of the glorious Revolution, but to 11w growth of political light and hherty throughout the world. He might be told it was too late to inter fere. Were every foot of Naples overrun or in the po►session of a German soldier, it would still not be too laket to disclaim such principles; much more was it necessary before the co►muencement of the melancholy transactions which were likely to fol low, for the House to put upon record a disavowal of such principles and conduct as must tend to ted qy ,d- assist in the enforcement of an international law, injurious to the rights of independentstates; and expressing a hope that his Majesty would cause proper measures to be taken for ihfortuing the Allied Powers of Ins total want of conceeresice in the practices end doctrines advanced in justification of the treatment of Naples by the Allies, on ac count of the danger with which they threatened the independence of Sovereigns, and the security of the . liberties of nations. Ea►l BA/HURT did nut think that any case had been made out to justify the abandonment of that neutrality which had been assumed by the English Government, and if it were to be abandoned, the Noble Marquis was scarcely prepared to point nut whatever measures of interference should be adopted. He complained of the obscu rity of the proposition of the Noble Marquis. Ile defended the tight of Austria so SAPCk2libe astists: ance of Great lintait►, whether warted or net, al the broad principle of self-defence. He objected! to the revolution of Naples, of the circumstance, of which he took a detailed review, bet:muse of the disagreement of Sicily, and the conduct purstes erl towards them by the Neapolitan revolutionists.i Ile eulogised the virtues and clemency- of till King of Naples, and gave an instance of his fur- giveness of one of his officers, whom be restored to urnce, but who took the opportunity of his absence to overturn the power of his benefactor. He would not defend the conduct of Austria, but lie was little disposed to censure it. There could have beets little provocation for the revolution. The King was generally beloved, and there were no ebullitions of popular discontent even iii the capital. Then a Constitution prepared in eight days ! Au ordinary would require more time to prepare a dinner. It was impossible for Ministers to have received Cimitelli as the ambassador of the king dom, divided as it was as to the revolution, without declaring all the Sicilians rebels. • He censured the character of the Carbonari, and justified the de scriptioa given of them by the Declaration of the Allies, as persons pursuing, under political pre texts, objects of general insurrection and plunder. He went into a defence of the Manifesto of die Foreign Secretary, which he maintained to be a declaration of strict neutrality, and which ought not to be departed from except the House were prepared to denounce Austria if she trespassed on the frontiers of Naples. He stated the impolicy of interfering. Among other arguments he raid, that in case of defeat it would prolong a contest hope less to the Neapolitans. Bands which might be dispersed would take their stations on the bills which commanded a view of the ocean, and look in vain for succours which would never anise. He concluded by opposing the motion. Lord ELLINSOROUGH supported the motion, . and found treat consolation iu the conviction that in case of the worst, Austria would be ruined by a movement, which would leave all Italy and Ger many in a ferment at her back. He reminded the House of other causer which conspired in favour of Naples. The nit:erosions of the French had done away national prejudices among the Italian States, and had rendered them more effective for co-opera tion than ever. France had taught the Indiana • love of military glory, and made them soldiery. She had also expended the miud of the nation to the contemplation of political freedom and na tional power, to a degree unknown before. The French legislation, so much more liberal than the old system, had been abolished on the re storation of the old governments. The ener gies of the people having been ridded for a time of the final retraiuts and unnatural restrictions, hadbeen again manacled with them. These circumstances would give zeal to their opposition. He was not anxious for Ministers to interfere; but one duty they owed to the Sicilians. They had promised, when they occupied Sicily, that the people should hive no worsen Government than they had before. They were bound to redeem that promise, even at the expense of a war. Let them at least restore the old Constitution, which was not bad in theory, though abuses had made it a nullity. He was con vinced that there could be no success in attempting to establish principles which were hostile to the feelings and interests of all mankind. The Earl of WESTMORLAND said that the con duct of Ministers, whatever the policy they adopt ed, whether of way or peace, was at all times sure to fall under the censurb of the Noble Lords oppo site. If they had composed such an Address as that which the Noble Marquis had that evening propos ed, their conduct would have been described not in sech simple terms as weak, imbecile, or igoorant, but as downright insanity. They would have been told that it was downright madness, after having by the long continuance of a former war exhausted the resources of the country, and reduced it to a state of almost insupportable distress, instead of availing themselves of the opportunity of recovering its strength afforded by the peace, to expose the coun try to the hazard of a new war, by putting forth' de claration openly hostile to the avowed intentions of the combined Powers of Europe. The Noble Lord then proceeded to mitten(' that Ministers had fulfilled their duty of interference in this ques tion, by the Circular of Lord Castlereagh, which disavowed the principle of interference in the internal policy of foreign States, except in cases wherein such policy became dangerous to neighbouring, Powers. They had declined inters feriog with Naples, because the interests of this country did not require it ; but eliether the intr. rests of Austria rendered any such interference on her part necevsary, they declared to be a question for its Clan consideration, and one which they were not called upon to agitate. Any further inter ference on our part, would be a violation of that neutrality which they had heretofore professed. The Earl of DA RN LEY said, that the ancestors of many of their Lordships had most strenuonsly supported those principles which the league of So vereigns, calling themselves the Holy Alliance, had , .declarea their delttmination to put down ; it was, therefore, incumbent on their Lordships to assert those principles, and that, he contended, was the only purport of the Address proposed by his Noble Friend. He thought they were peculiarly bound to remonstrate against this march of the Austrian army, because the Declaration of the Austrian Go. wen-nent acknowledged that it was undertaken at a peritstrythen its fittottees were depressed ;. add the consequence must, therefore, necesaordy be, that the expense of the undertaking would_fskAion • thoie funds which should be claimed by this &an try in discharge of the debt spun what was called Übe Austrian luau. Lord Cfi.T4I9RIPS said that this country owed it to ite„stern. chetacter, and to the iotereeneof ill Europe, to express its decided disapprolamtioa of the principles laid down by the Holy Alliance. We owed itto our good faith with Austria, to whom we were bound by treaties, to felitelicla to be:-, that with perhaps a defeated, bat at sill events s dimi nished aunty, with an exhausted treasury, ant! fsil ing resources, she might hove to meet the demands of her own subjects for a constitution, lees monarchi cal perhaps tbau that which she was about to de stroy ; we owed it to Austria, as her friend and ally, to warn her of the inglorious result. On these grounds he should support the motion. The Earl of ASICIDEEN said, the real question for their Lordships' consideration was, whether Aus tria could or could not have a sufficient cause to justify her interference in the affairs of Naples ? These was sornerhing very maensuirnoas to appeur mice in aiding with the weaker party..-there was something very captivating in the nause of liberty ; but still it did not fallow that the weaker patty must of necessity be always right, or that the mere time of liberty afforded a just claim to protection from the perhaps justifiable hostility of a stronger enemy. That the hostility of Austria might be justifiable upon the principle of the exception laid down in the Circular Note of Lord Castlereagh, he thought ext►entrly probable. The coadlict of Aus tria had beeu sanctioned by the other Powers who were in alhiince with mid he was disposed to place the most perfect reliance in the sincerity of the declarations of Austin', expressed in her Mani festo. The Revolutem in Naples was incontesta bly the work of that sect of . winch we had heard so much, he meant the Carbonati. The principles of that sect were not contioed to the assertion of constitutional liberty in opposition to despotic go vernment.. but directly aimed at the destruction of every standing govesument. No doubt could be entertained of the despotic infi:e.ece of that sect over the Parliament at Naples, atol that there was not a single movement of the Government now existing (litre which sus not couirolled by that irresporisible sect; and as a specimen of sinproverueist to govern mein, he could not but consider it as most unpro mising. He contended that it w:oild be premature in this country to interfere between Austria and Naples, until it was shewn that the former had not a justifiable cause fur the conduct she had adopted towards the latter. Lord HOLLAND said, that a missppreheosion ran through the whole of the speech of the Noble Lord who spoke second in the debate, which it was important to correct. Hit Noble Friend had nei ther ruistuted nor misapprehended the Manifesto of Austria ; but lie called upon the Government of this country to remonstrate with her not only against the conduct which she had adopted, but in' conse quence of the language of that Manifesto, in which the principles professed by this Government were entirely misrepresented. Tee Noble Lord oppo site would justify the conduct of Austria, by the ex cepticm laid down in the Circular of this Govern meat. Austria, however, declared that this coon try concurred not only in the general principle., but in the particular views of this case. It appeared from the language of Austria. that in her opinion the terms in which this Govern ment expressed its disapprobation of the •Nes politan revolution from the commencetnent, ap plied not only to the manlier in which it had been brought about, but to the principle of the revolu tion itself. • If, as the Noble Lord 'shrilled just sat down declared he believed to be the ease,. the Aus. tries Government was sincere in the sentiments de dared in its Manifesto, would the Ministers allow it to be said that that disgusting paper was in confor mity with their views and principles? There were five. Allied Powers confederated in a Treaty, which now appeared to correspond entirely with the de scription of the principle oo which it was founded, given in a protest against it, which .be had the honour of signing in their Lordships' Journal., 'timely, that of guaranteeing the stability of all existing Governments, good or bad. The only two Powers who had had any public voice in their country to control their conduct, such as the Houee of Commons in England, atsd the Chamber of Deputies in France, who had ex pressed their abhorrence of the principles which prompted the attack on Naples, had been pre vented by that voice from acceding to the at tempt. The Noble Lord said that the object of this motion was to induce a departure from neu trality: lie (Lord Holland) would say that it was to vindicate and assert our neutrality. lii the pa pers of Austria, in the papers of our ownGovernine nt, in publications issuing -Isom the press under the influence of our Government, lie found strong wounds fur inferring that our neutrality was slot the most perfect. The Noble Earl (Bathurst) said, that our interference would be ao rimourrge unlit to Naples to resist ; and yet we had not he sitated to express our disapprobation from the firs moment of the conduct of Naples. WOP tint neutrality, or was it not rather holding nut lo Austria au inducement to attack ? He bad brag) that the Pope's Nuncio at Laybach said, that ti n Pope adhered to the principles of Great Briton!, which our Government declared to be those u' neutrality. But what was his uucluretanding that neutrality ? In the Proclamation of the Ro man Secretary of State to the subjects of the Papal dominions, they were directed if the tram 11 of one of the hostile Powers should in their its• - rage enter their cities and towit, to seteise them with every possible mark of atteutifiet estwl kindness; but it' any of the miserable Ci 4ikeeti ing the Neapolitan.) should enter, °edam Ante given to the fortresses and garrisons to fire upon them. Now what was the inference he would have their Lordships to draw from this? It woe s than. according to the Papal version, British nestrality meant eurourageuteat to one party, and reshitaare to the other. V . ... • • . puted to him as crime. The only thing which Mei of plod 'itinrernment helcreout by her Declem- (lie disgrace encl coofetion of all who adapted Ire could recollect as being likely to have lhit3ished Lion against Na p les. " I.will 'allow change in then them. —sfle would therefore sisbasit the cause of his arrest, wee a otioveseillidniandh Government ; bet if it 'be - effected by . privies of " adopting a resoltuion, Mat Jan' NSW., M- lle had !jeered into with an, individnul,.ringeet.: means, ort by milkiest seet.Lll( the artily magi,* *as be presented tit Lja MaJesty, -uttstetking ing the method of spewing of a ca4as of - mow pate in the ortntliost, or if it be brought into effect bin fostering been graciasZ4l xt eseed to ley be- which he Ned imported. GenerelOffic mee finned by any oist:able method, 1 shall treat it ire a dins- fore H a the tch c the (louse a copy ominsreni- hie way to Alt Minister.' whoa de:. yerous and revolutionary innovation." After what catiel by hia Governmetit, in answer to the official Oared his totel ignorance of the arrest of the - had been seen and known of the affairs of the Circular of Austris'end the Allied Powers, as to re- port) , io 'question, The Gen e ral went bad( to the world, considering that in this very case Fardisiossi -fent -itansuctious with respect to Naples, declaew: rural was informed by the getter that the had °Tenanted a CaaltilUtiall to which ite.end Great lug the great satisfaction which the House felt ow Minister haft (note ithstending the deniul) given Britoil) were parties, considering also' that the account of Ins M a jesty havin g caused Deelarn. . . S M r' fl. '~ ~. i -4 I