The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1821-02-20 00:00:00

held out by one State to the subjects of another to embrace disaffection and rebellion—where offers of aid and seductions to fraternization were t.acked by promises of assistwoce. Such an ex ample they had in the French National Decree of 1793, which he would have admitted to hue been a fair cense for war, had explanation been first of all dentended on one aide, and refused by the other.' Thu cause, in short, for any such national intaglio" ' rence ought to be laid in the most satisfactory era eons of necessity.' But such a monstrous autumn 'Sinn had never been set by the most unprin cipled ambition, u the light of interfering with the national errangeraents of civil government in any ronotry, becetaethe alterations of that particular ,P . ,overnment'vere likely to be followed as au exam ple by the people of other States wishing to reform • she ineOrreetness or ahtmes or their governments. So olisrisirous a principle had never herd promulgated 'ea Comitenaneed by any passage in any writer on na tional low, nor hail it been assumed by the most wan ton and insolent ambition. Here was a case in which • no danger was threatened to other States—a people quietly operating a very needful change in their go veitoment--•-the civil authorities employed io the con atitutional exercise of their functions—the power of .the monarchy uudergoing limitation, instead of being left at large in the most bestial dominion of personal authority, ac might be proved to have been the case by the very low, by the lowest degrada tion uud misery to which the people were reduced. That circumstances such si these should be deemed to convey the right of interfering with the rights of nations, and violating the principle of sovereignty, the right of the Nlonareh, independeut of all other Powers, to make alterations in the political arrange ments of the country over which ha had to rule, was ' more than could have been expected from their domineering and unprincipled ambition. Never, perhaps, hail there been• a revolution opt- Tab.(' BO peaceably mid innocently. Not a drop of blond had heels shed in Naples. . The king, whose authoiity was admitted and established, had sanctioned the Constitution with his oath. Atid yet Austria hail denounced vengeance on Naples from a general principle of right of Inter ference; and Great Britain, on terms of amity with Naples, had neeslected to oppose the mon strous principle on which Austria had denounced her vengeance. Ilia Lordship referred the Muse to the auswee . Which General Campo Chiaro sent to • the men age of the Austrian Government, is which the General appealed to the Powers of Europe for the prod& of the entire integrity and propriety of Naples in conducting the revolution to its issue.— . l'lte Allied Posers state their reasons for inter fering to rest on the danger of example. But this could be no excuse fur the conduct of Olio:stem; to theft Naples could have formed no exception in regard to their owls avowed principle. Austria might even hare credit 110111 their eNarnple for • actiog with open and nedisgoised design by • erienparing her conduct with thci:s in pleacrih nig general piinciplef which went entirely in fa vour of Naples, am! then cutting oil* all ;Amicable intercourse with the Power which, act nitliog in their (two piiiiciple, hail .offered injury and i, .. jit-tice. But 10 leave notiiiiia oionuched affecting are ground; on which the interference of Austria might he :Mem- l ite,' to be justified, he would per- Lips be told that there was a necessity lur inter- Prence, founded on the circumstierce of the revo lution laving been originated by ii secret party, al thoogh the cause hail l -en pievaleutly adopted after wards. This would be an argtunciit against any r. - , • eoltition which ever yet look place in the wen Lb All the revolutions recorded in lits.ory must hate been - planned in secret. W h en, in consequence of long. continued grit-Irmo:it+, 01 the discovery of unjust oppression., a people became discoutented, they Windt( ref coarse souls .6orl out feeders and captains to give their just resentment its proper force and direetion; but if the conduct of a refilution by a Beira bind were made the ground of olijeciiiiii, it Would apply to every one. Let their Lordships ob serve haw it would apply to the revolution of this' country. Was nut that revolution the work of a party? Would it have been caoied isato effect (and the N oble Lord would allow that the dethronement of die misguided tyrant of those times was necessary), but could that have been effected if the iquirioui persome who accomplished that revolution, whose nehtes and Memories would be held in ref creme mit 'affection through all coming times, had not met in Peeve!. and conceited iii conspiracy those rorasuresOhich hail shaken off the yoke of their M inted lynilit i r Awl yet what did the objection against Me Crirloimill of Naples a m ou n t to beyond [l l i'? Thar bud), had been formed umber the allspice. of the Iliitieh Gore ttttt trot lot the professed purpose of wiling in the establishment of free isis.autiotts. Such was the inigiii of that society ; but then they were Objected to its being too *mall et party to ma /Mite a jultitiable 'change iii government. There was Ho writer on public law bye would be found to de lore 11460 at 'hinges in Mit real policy, from whatever 'party • they originated, if adopted by general consent as init.' of the Constitution, must be admitted in ae fall force as any ether parts. But here there W4O ft,g. nich Witglingi the caupti. lotion had been Pelalkli adopted by the voice of the Oliole Ireoplesuestid to givetheir sanction to it. Tile general 'will might be proved by therevolutiim its-If, which had berm t.ffeeted "asthma . bloodelitol. Where were thi:jirsi4. of controvert; and opposition, of hest 'sod imams - My, which could indicate any eiesithe'slightept Minions of public opiiiiissii The teeolasioo, anions all the thong s shieli were ever orienisfit in Goventmesite, ass witlAusil example for moderation and unanimity in the _Watery of she VIM Id . The *next objection was, i lot she reeolutaea was not resily'• 'entailerd 'car secret s but lite army was the instrument ai 'accomplishing it. Thia.oblectiou sows* Tall . elseolitae. ;f the Powers of Europe would Saisvo 'tainting armies, they must mot ex pect, ' s ot Gel lnibief that they should y rolled that It 'Makinas cools!, by a olietearip, be deptlysil orf the fe:ding or 0. ! They retold not—Gad .(wilaitl that Obey ere* ilssailel succeed au cuttinceoldiansoli by enlbeffitniiitr4l4iiewisttsisiwg wish she feelmse anal • id& ritinl. of I I;eir ' , typo-0i igen, 1, God forlsoililutt lite 0.1-.,v,: of an ortny, as, It regarded their 'social ualaifirifila tree jaiorte. a 1 oulyt . be wholly cliettgest 4 the'clianie of their practpip.µ!,,Swlitiers Ordnil4l Still be round to he amp. end i liniter would i/.be for Mende hi' tio ra t t e ti 'l} wire etame Atria rens, to reve - 'Eike, ...„a ififeetie4, - ii . ...e.,,,,,: cti twi l r io t, t h an tarsi riot fit . the la t ilitity te f pecatrivas preserve i. 4 t 'tpf Itilhositir, tout* ,IA etuleura and feu. ' It 4 , ~ .. The proposition, the modest proposition of the Austrian Circular amounted to this, " Refrain from any attempt to reform the errors or abuses or your civil government, by any means which promise to ;wake the object Fought latent:ile. , Whatever nr cessities you might feel for altering the economy of . yonr government, however violent, preposterous, "sod mischievous the power of goer rulers over you, however injurious and degrading to all classes sepa rately, and to the whole 'lotion in conjunction, seek 'for uo alteration through reitsrLbs , 'itameaus." What would have been the condition of England if the urmy of James IL not the fourth part in numbers of our own, had not as-isted the views of the people, but remained firmly attached to the Monarch I Yet in such subterfuges as he had described was it atteinp:ed to disguise propen lilies to arbitrary and unalterable rule. If the liprinciple of change could be allowed any where, it ants in Modes. Divesting the pretexts of the Al- Jigs of all false colours and pretences, the Manifesto ;against Naples was no more tine less than this— , Liberty there is none for you, except what you .Qty derive from our decrees, enforced by our • bayonets. We will not tolerate freedom in our own States, sett therefore will not admit it in yours. Should it be proclaimed in Na ples, it will he heard rrsouniling its Dresden_stud Breslisw. The frost of Russia. which was impe netrable to the legions of France, may be pene trated by the genial sun of liberty, sod, therefore, we will prevent its dawn." Such was the import of the language of that unholy and unchristian Alliance to Naeles. But one other ground of argument was taken worse then all that he hod mentioned—that ie terference was rendered necessary by the secret arti cles of a Treaty entered into by the Allied Posvers. He was astonieheil that any power could have been suffered to 'adduce such a justifieation of interfe rence. By those secret ternis of alliance, it appear ed that it was stipulated, or rather understood (a faslsiottalsle phrase ef modern diplomacy), that the high centracting parties required of his Sicilian Majesty, at the period of his re-estahlishinent, that Ile should adopt nothing iii mitering the in ternal errangeinents of his kingdom likely to prove injurious to the general interests of too narchy in continental Europe, or that could in any way rc.langer the peace or possession of the States, or infringe 0,1 the power, prerngttives, or interests of his Imperial Majesty. But this, sup posing it to be just toil equitable, as it was unjust and oppressive, oily implied to the re-establishment of the Government of Sicily. mad could not be construed into a perpetual guarantee as to any ago emetits which might at any future time be eti aered into between the King and his people, no as to prevent uny alterations of the civil govern ment. The objection to such en article its any Treaty would be, that it failed ab initio— that it was of impracticable execution, flutist offal 'and uniiist —Nulling the King of Naples to coo ditions which he cmiLl not fulfil, Without violating all the rights of ti4ti.ins mid of his own peoide. It. tend,tl to keep the King of Merles at constant valance with his petiole. It was a contract which he tomb' not keel; without fusfeiting his throne. But starriug tout argument to pass, and that the tii.dristaisiling of no change bring ellowuble could be established, For fear of their influence nn the States of A tistoa, what was the conduct of the Austrian (:overometit iii Italy, that any danger likely to aff.ct it shetild require such a sacrifice ? It was the crude dominion of a foreign government reigning by right of conquest, without reference to the will or interests of the people. The principle of ilea government required that every thing should be done in favour oh Anode, without regard to Italy. 1,1 every messure tuken, in every tax propos ed, in every affair of politics, the interests of A us.ria were alone consulted. C ‘ree arid agriculture withersel under her yoke; even education was watched lifter and frustrated, that no ray or mental light should le-cak through the darkness and terror of her tyranny. IVos it to prevent the °et-mortice of political light, still to shut out the possibility of alteruti )))) in the gotereinesit of Swett giveu up to the hottest degradatton in which tyranny could in volve them, that the rights of independent States were to be violmed ? Never had a more intolerant anal monstrous principle been assoined. But net only now had the constitution of Naples received the 10110:11001 of the King ; when endeavouring to re establish his gnvernntrut , a promise had been held out of at free constitution. The proclamation of the let of May declared no less. His Lordship quoted the document in proof of his amertion.) Here was an original contract, in which a promise of a free constitution laid been explicitly held out, and which, coupled with the circumstances attending the expulaion of Murat, proved that the people nut only wished but expected, end were assured that they would he put its posses , midst) of their rights by the adoption of a free elitution. Ott the promise of this constitution had fixed his last lingering hopes of obtaining assistance from the people, and the first declara tion made by Ilia successor contained the same pro mise. These were plain proofs that the spirit of liberty laid kindled in the people a desire for free and coustitutioual Government. His Lordship decried the arrogance of the Allied Powers in com bolting against ally thing tending to endanger the monarchical prieciole, as it had Men styled ; as if the people could he brought to assent, either in word or deed. to the maxim that no reforms wee admissibie but those which were ori ginated by Kings theimelves. Ile called on their Lordships to denim(' some explanation 011 a MO whirl, at present appeared to he wholly in emapatitile with the true Interests of the country, derogating from the dignity of the crown, beteg injurious to the rights of Nations, and humiliating to the character of the people. He might be asked what oilier conduct &limiters could have •iitir sued ? His answer was, that a prompt re.:' .leutiorinee 'Tattoo the threatened aggres.ion of • Aestria was the le.vo they coold have effected. . nor how was It thitt their answer was so- prompt so to the revelation or Naples, and they had expressed' optliiiig of the kind as to the measures of the Spa viltisla Government at the dissolution of the Cortes? 'llia Lordship, after descanting it little further ou this topic. observed, that as mach would b.! said in the coarse of the debate. he had limited his oh sereatione to such parts of the subject as he thought required the fullest explateitem. He thought the conduct of Ministers temporizing tool POsollititiuscuss if, they- amid acquit Utilise! ves .. Z!‘ . :/v• e' ~ .) unity on 10; , 4 1 . of the charge it would sincerely rejoice him; if atot. he would have the satisfaction of having acquitted himself of any patticipatio sin principles which he detested from the bottom of Ilk heart. His Lord- I ship concluded by tooting that on humble Ad:freest be presented -to his Majesty, humbly !Preying that he would be graciously plessed -to order copies, or extracts of all communications which may have taken place hetweeit Great Britain and the Allied Power* iu Naples, and between Naples and Great I Britain, respecting the llevolutiott in Naples. The Earl of Liveneoot a•oured tae Noble , Earl that though he must oppose the inotiiiii, vet t army doubts existed in the minds of the Noble Earl or of any other persoa tor to the (..o1 ..c , ~r his Majesty's Government in respect to the affairs of Naples, or in re-peen to the propriety of the paper oti the table, he sejoicecl in the opportunity of explaining more fully than could havo been done -by any other means than a debate in Parham...tit, the motives and conduct of lite filmjesty's tens throughout the whole of those proceeding., The übji.s.ttuit taken to the paper on the table I must apply to any caller paper which would have been published by Mittisters on the occasion. Ile 1 was tarepored to contend that the paper contained a I clear and dutitict view of the conduct allowed and pursued by Government towards the Allies, as re- I gaoled their connexion with Great Brit sin, a n d as it respected the interference of the Allies wrier Naples. He conteitded, moreover, that the paper I was borne out in its allegation' by facts, mid that it proved liberality to have been the pAliey of the Government in every uric of its tosits.v.oio is with *foreign States. Ile would ,not rinctitio the too donut of state payees unless they were to bee . used for practical purposes ; and he contented himself with tint" simple argument, ea to that , which might be termed the teelini.:ul view of the nisestio.i. The Noble Lord hail stated what hail pissed upati the affair in question at the roinateoce meta of the Session. 'I lie tetitleitcy of the Earl's argument was this, that the paper published on the I9th of January wua inteoiled for pane hanielitury purposes, umd that the cleclarooots o f ion-interference ought to have been 'nide nt au either period, and that G3Vertifll , ,ltt deserved re proicic,itiii for not iaterferiug before the period of Jas's try 19. Now the Austrian Cireslar was first known to the British Government in November last year, mud it w e ts *oll)l,l,sed to lure commuted the mere project of the Allied Powers with respect to Naples. The iosittuetion of negligence oil the part of Minis. tees was incorrect. As mom as they discovered that the piper represeuted the projects of other Governments with respect to Naples, it was titictly 'stated that the paper regime,' its immediate Hastier to be returned on the part 01 the British Government ; but lie was perfectly rea dy to admit that the publication [tithe A ustellis porter reordered the necessity for the austere so ninth the more urgent. At the same time he would refer to what had ',atria to a hen th e y wer e slttiUh no another occasion. and he eras apiestioned by a I Noble Baron opposite 'limit the aff.irs of Naples, to s'iew that the ilopostiiim of the British G..- vers. moot mast hay, been kaa,vii he fore the publication .of the 19th of January. Nut one senietice of u general character could be found in the paper on the table which hid not been •viswril over and liver swot' by the apvertiment the course only of lite lest year. Worn questioseed by the Noble BArno opposite (111 a Curtner .'erasion, as to the ca.s. of Spain, he had stated ilia: Govern ment hurl expl it s tilf to foreign rowels upon the question of mini femme with the internal regu lations of Spain, sod iliat it had fires' declared that the Allies could receive do assistaeast its smelt a project from Great Brasil,. The piper did not state the geiieral principle contented in it as a new doctrine, but as a prineiple, which, from the hegitatono, had to flueneod the proci-esliogs of ! the Botts') Government. That pia of it winch applied to Naples was tint caidi.ted to the se serer ul the Austrian note of the 19th of November, but ha I lweii anseitell at the Treaty of Puris, and on every subeequota occasion whereto Goyernmeut hurl been placed Hilda. the nett saity mf iiroclitiniiiiK or expressing its views on that paiticular sultject. Their opinions were before the 19th of Janu ary known to the Allies and to Europe.-- There was Ili difficulty in saying that there might he good reasons for their not pub lishing those opinions 1 3efure the appearance of the Austrian Circular. Circumstances had not ren dered it necessary. He expressed his surprise that the Noble Earl should have mixed up the conside ration of the Holy Alliance with the question. No peat objection could Ile taken spina the Holy Alliance on the tame of expenence ; but whatever it was in itself, Great Britain was no party to it, nor bud she tugaigenteura binding on Tier in con sequence of its existence ; she had no rug:tie-men% in short, which had not brew already proclaimed before Parliament. Ile came next in the argu ments of the Noble Earl, as to the pnr.ciple and the exception air qualitiatrtion coutainied iu the paper. Ile did not letstund the Noble Earl to doff-r from himself upon either ; certainly not upon the principle, and he behe'ed they differed nothing upon the point. that as it was necessity to Wake out a strong case of necessity to justify foreign interference in the iitternal regulations of Governments, so when that strong mod specific case of necessity had been matlernat,they had no difference of opinion -as to applying the excep'ionable part of the generul rule ; a departure from a general rule woe J ostifiable, otherwise what right could notions have for going to war upon oily °cession ? Their own secarity would form the strongest ground for such a proceeding. The utmost refinement upon the principle of balancing power could lead to no other issue. He admit tell that the principle of in terfrresice was trot to be defended rot the ground of example. His Lordship went through with the examination of' the general principle, and then op plied himself to the practieil objection of the Noble Earl opposite, to to the disapproval of tine ern sine cast on the mode and initemer of carrying the revolution of Naples into • tr,irt ; he chyme,' hits full share in that sentiment. As to the grounds of that opinion which had bees' re quired by the other side, lie admitted that if a State managed its affairs absurdly, it was no ground for interference. Militiry mutiny might break out, end atoll there won't; be no gtouoils for interference. lils to standing armies, to all great convulsions they would take one side or the other, sod he agreed with the Noble Earl, that the effect would ,• , • hare [min ilreailful if the army of James 11. hid tukett part apjnst the people. But he held it to be a different thing for • revolution, canard by the refund of .reilres.,4rf civil grievances, toktd for by the Chief Civil Authorities, to be aameteiliiiiil ulti mately carried into. effect by thoontlitary, mid for e revolution to be' originated ind carried into com plete effect by the military alone setting the pro ject on foot. He could not conceiver writer dlr. ferenee than that of a Military mutiny originating a revolution, and a revolution originating secretly in a military ninthly being fomented and carried fide complete rffect by the military; Willititit concur rence or consultation with any of the civil brooch's.. of the COvertintent. There are other rounds of distinction in the cast d of !Cantons. which made the conduit of the revolution pectiluoly objectionable. Looking at all the great couvol•ions unt of 'skid' the English constitution hail grown, the 'period of Magna Chart*. Home of 1640, and 1688, he tier ceived the previous violation if some ancient rights 'which were tbeti recovered,. sad an amid tap etch instance to existing . principle, d an mbi bhahell'Conotitsitien. 'But in the awe of Naples , . barmaid perceive in she Cmietitaden which they bed so rashly adopted, nothing which could be 'comirierSd applicable'to thriritahlts or knowledge. Thr Constitution of Spain bad been voted without any previous knowledge of its contents. It had hrern mid (he did not affirm it for truth) that the Senate were 'eyelid days •be fere they could procure a copy' of it. He had said shut there were justifiable grouttile for interference, but in what he was about to state he hod no in•rution of upplyiu , r himself to that argu ment of all. Ile woo not thee; to defend the cowl tset of the Allies, air was the Osnvetntt!►tttt any porty in the case. But the groan& of his disappioval of the Neapolitan twvolation were chiefly these, which he defied any one to exceed in the history of &Nitric and rebellion ; a greater sad more revolu tio wry wattage could nut be conceived than had been of red to the King of S cal) , by the revolt'. 'wintry government of Naples. Every one was awe Ml:►t Sicily and Naples were united under woe Soverei4n, but that they hail sepanite and distinct laws, ! privileges. limitation., and right.. The Stcdisus were htratlyand peaceably ,dispipsed. The Government of Naples had actually dispatch. ed • sallintry fort* to ovetawe the Swann Goreru- Anent, rod comptl submission to the Imo Capin tiation, as well at to establish it in Sicily. The troops found themselves incapable of effecting their object. cud were besides obliged to our rrnder. 'lle terms of capitulation were reason- able and equitable, reqrsirilig obedierice to the same Sovereign, 'but reserving to the Sicilian,' the right of adhering to their own laws and constitution. Thes sa sealed, but the Revolutiousry Goveniment refuse to confirms it. Now if the people of Naples had the right (aid he was not disputing that they had), surely the people of-Si.oly had also a right to choose Tor thetnselves„ But all this the Noble Lord p.nia.-d over ; he says every thing wss to be allowed to despots, but he never remembered to have heard the Noble Lord rxelsitti in that manner against the measures of usurpers—no censure of the cost war dirtied against stew ilvniudies. lie would mairdom, howevvr, that if the down nent of this country, k ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ interim( (toucan, Of that country. There were here two great question.; First, the moral question, whether we were celled upon to act, and, if upou. whether it were piolitieally justifiable. lie slid not hesitate to say, that, with respect to Sicily, every mass must be desirous that this country should have taken a part. The King of Naples came kilo possession of his kingdom by Abe tad awn Austrian army, and it was a stipule tiro) by treaty that the Austrians were to garrison Naples, awl, to the . credit of that calumniated Government, he must observe, they withdrew the force bet ire the time stipulated. With respect to dips inierfereisee of &reign Governaresta, the gut rpue4 of. the Stockholder of. Holland • was ap proved of by three different Adruitratrations. The rpteatina arm before the "louse was, whether the couduct of the • King's Government was such as to call for the Interference of Parliament, for aver/t -in to the motion would imply that the Adroini.t a_ tioii were blameable. But if the House wars of opinion that the conduct ci his Majery's Guerra_ meat was such as was required by a fair ueutrality, and, that the circumstances were quite d fferent hold those of Spain, that the Government were not called upon to take a pert in it, sad they had not Ulm a part, they would thee negative the motion. Lorit HOLLAND said that if his opinion were that his Majesty's Ministers were justifiable in all their contact, lie should still he in favour of the mall% now before . thew. It was a motion fur information; awl in his opinion it Was quite necessary, for that Which they hid before them was imperfect sill in- c3mplele. The Noble Earl had said that by voting, fur mote infermatitra, • irerlirrtnvirrary investigariuu was implied, en i a prima facie cam implied al.o against .the Government. Perhips he might 'have allowed that argument to he uue, if the pres.nt were the tint Motion which had hten made on the subj.k. The part of the paper in which there aril the least iliffeuence of opinion, that part its which the langaa4e %ue the. most distinct, wait that in which it i.o.clnius-d any provpective league or inn. ject of aggreavion against Nuplev. But as far as the citerrorivt 4 nee. appeared on their ILO( &hi pt . tatile, the Foreign Coups have the Witter of the argument. They say, you have sigma. Treaties by .. . which yea are &mood to eo.operaee with us; we ve,iti No. sad refer •to ',open, conversations, sot documents out before the House ; and to make n chit-, lie twist soy the Alinisters were bound to pro duce those lloto wait.. Front coati Jevons the pipci 0,1 the table, frees listening ta the Noble • Ear.', speech..aud comp-ring tits two with the proecvl . . . lugs, he thought, there ware grist grounds fur - sits. pfttteg partiality, if not eonnivauce opiate Naples. :fhe Noble tart great stress on the date of the writing;. he kuew that the dam of the writ tug was the saute •es the ptibliestion, Dud the time of that was ground for suspicion. It was published on the litth Jatiouly, just before the abetting of l'arlisinent, end 'was - ati 'answer to a public paper of, Russia. Prose*, nod. Austria ; bot she senti ments of these three. Powys were nut Oleo for the h•st time published and acted upon. It win to be sure somewhat ►trange, that we should have been twelve tataiths ex4olsiuing Treaties ao whieh we are parties, mud so late as the 19th Jimuanr. with the case of Sicily before them, had not it should have been found necessary to make a pressed their theapproloition, they would' hove I declaration of our sentiments ; but that declaration grossly abandoned their duty. He knew that coulee at a time when the opittiou of England could/ three wiss at the preset t ferment throughout no Mager have weight, or be of service to the Sicily a -spirit of disswiisfaction, and an abuse "sinker party. Oil a former i:cation he had ven tute refuted on their part to send any deputire to .tared to imagine (somewhat irreverently, he wuu!d the Poilitionret. With eeepeet fis the Carbourni, -acknowledge) a dialogue between our Ministers and he was ready to ochnit. that, if they were • arct or thime of Austria, oaken front the mock heroic poem Neapolitans. sod Neapolitaise only, that were R. of Tom Thumb, and the Ministers had actuslly ground for the interference of foreign governeetetts. adopted the conduct recorded iu a piece of the saute •Biat seas that the cam, west they Italians only?- kind; for, after all the preparation and aggressions Was it nut matter of notoriety that it was a gene- which hail taken piece, we now came openly, like ml wet, extending Over all Italy, Swilzeehod. mid Sir Christopher Hatton, in The Critic, to put a even Germany ; and that they all proceed ow the question, tin his own words—" There is yet a quiet. priuciple of confraternity. with the Italia of toys- twin to ask, a question never asked before. What teniatically destroying all ancient iiistitutiono, in mean these ptepant , ionr, shear, mighty arum the same meaner as the French revolutionists pro- meets?" A stander-hy aka, How comes it that erected? if, then, it appeared that the revolution Sir Christopher Halloos never did tusk the gaeotion was began and carried oil by a sett which spread before ?"—The answer given was, " You would into other countries, the questiou was no loupe a not have hi is ask before the play begins ; but, Neapolitan oar, bet weut for beyond it. He was Lord bless you, be knows it all, bet the audience not weltered to say, neither had the King's Ge- do not." Now the citron!' seis drawn up, and Par veniiiieut given any opinion, that the Cerbuisan did figment and the public were interested ; the play was jostify the Interference of foreign . govereinsenta; begun. But there was another suspicious ciecturs but circumstances • might occur from that which stance sbout the Papers : there is a passage which says, might resider it •an indispensable duty of foreign " %% r etake the rerliest opportunity of expressing tin governments so insider,. The Noble Lord had approbation of the mode and circumstances iu whirls milked as to the interruption of the diplomatic rels- the Revolution took place at Naples." The Noble lions; bet, in fees, these relations had not been at all Earl said. he was at liberty to express the grounds suspended: Sit Williain A'Conrt was still at Naples, of that disapprobatioie but us a lover of prate and and the Steur Rudolf was here, pith whom several neutrality, to whom ought he to communicate it count 11111 l 'cations had taken place. The Noble Lord but to the people themselves whom it concerned! had oleo inquired if the British Government were The Noble Lord did cominuilicatc the dissatisfac no party to the removal of the King of Naples; to lion which was felt at the Spaeish Constitution to which he could answer that they were no party what- Spaniards, aitd asked deem towtodify it ; bat in ever. but in a way which he should have felt shame case of Naples. he goes to those who were likely if they had not been. %Viten by the advice of to make it • ground and pretext of aggression against those who were about him, the /Clog of Z • cuplea had her—whilst hi Naples lie ways, " There see wane resolved to go to the Congress, he was errtainly modes and circumstances which I cassitot approve, afforded all the accommodation and persenal protre- there tiresome difficulties."...." Well, " *layette New tion which so ancient an ally deserved. The case of Politikus, " sae Il send a person to esplaiii."—i• Ne." the Spanierds had been referred so by the Noble say the Ministers, *I there are difficultiawtothst oleo, Lord but how different was that from the Nespos and as :we'll shot the door to all explauetion hums? They had been moron by a Foreign foe, Whoever, but we'll go to that "righting, who and had risen and drivels their oppressors from their oill be most likely to lot offended artist, sod let hint capital. They were necessarily obliged to form a know what are out aentimeuts,atol that we c , c•to government fur themselves, which every one allow- dlsappruvc of what you have done." %Vino •• • Ines eil was very defective; and Lord Wellesley, when greetconstables,these keeper, of the pescet "Why, Ambassador from this country, had snide repre- there is, it seems. a little person, who is somewhat eentations to the authorities, which wire sttenclipts • "'mid who Its!* vest and litigious neighbour: the to, and alterations and modifications wen. malt, brit tittle him out ... in n *.y 16 i•'esse unfurtuustely without effect. But whether that con- himself, and I.go to my great lied hearty tii-nd a n d stitution were good or bad, it was the result of the tell him no matt disapproves, this alteenum more effects of the whole Spanish (wino, and, with the iid then 1, sod then lgo to as, porter and .!erect his of a British army, led by less Noble Friend behind nut to let the little matt MOa explain his rootlike hint. ultimately gave deliverance to Europe. and I myself pass his deer *items; coning. IC. ' ' ‘l' hen Ferdinand returned to Spine lie was ad- fluid my neighbour ha. got him at his f viatel to accept the csonstinition ; but he was in- his cudgel is to Ms haml, lmy still 1 ateti't rite:• duced to adopt smother course, such "hen lie dt fore, I won't prejudge the cost. led I task- - dared his itstentiod of calling the Cortes. i'he .stisech, dwelling un his air, end rietise circumstances of the Spaniard+ hot entlrtl) ,liffrred it in il,fferetst points of >4 The Noble in this material point. Wee there tiny thing in it' I t.nrd wort, he wooed tuA,.terw toter into the quo which was not national ? Had their any poet which imp of the torht it' .siniirtenee. The )mile extended into foreion coutoties ? (he del not mean Earl (Liverendl)' tad lately raid (for he was to say that the die fleeted of one country dill nut . always fair is argument), that there were cilium in all cases almost correspond with the t h s .frecte4 stances whirl) night lend hi discussion. nut Ails. of annther)—but there the cause and isamier of trim hates unnecessary diecusamit: she hoe+ grind conducting it was essentially national, mull writers and learned Dieu, sod the :leper un the table should not have thought there des any grouud seemed tlrten.up with as utter disregard of every whatever for foreign rimers ieterNvint with the t thing like thistle, of style ter beauty Jr comm.- ~r -- ~-