The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1803-05-28 00:00:00

, , • 1, 1 isigiesirs.wiliatia_.„‘ • Much the pea -er of Trarce we gave to fear, as the possibility o- n .hability; or, AS some woall say, the certainty, that France will nse L'r r aver to oppress the other states of Europe. I sheuld hive, therefore, that the friendly mediatims of the Vrtsperor of Hussia would have the effect of arranging, with the Flint:es of Europe, and the Irecch Republic and this Country, a system which might be fa. the ialvantage All parties. I would ask, what power is there, or was dr r" ever any power in-a situation that has so Hi- a ri!7ht to strive to iti peace. to .Europe as the Emperor of Russia, at this moment his ? The Emperor of Russia may have strong language to hold to both powers ; the Emperor of Russia had a .dispnte in concurrence With the Northern Powers of this country. • That dispute is-settled to the satisfadion of this cistintry ;'bat I should suppose there is no man Vhci can irnagine, that howevei the Emperor of • Russia niay aepear satisfied at the mauler in which that dispute IVAS settlel, that he must not f.el a wish that it alma's: hare been settlesi is a diirtrent man- , tier, Trie .. Eireerm of Russia-has zle.ritiire ground for saying to boil France and Fnglaild, there wrist frany poiets unsettled been you at the . 1 reaty of Amiens, but recoiled that for the sake el pc ice 1 ac sit/km:et; in a Treaty which was attended with some iunsati,,faa,iry circumstances; and theretore if there sae tiOlUe UlliatiSti•lalny CI CUIVIStAmxs in the 'cleats , of Ansietta with regard to you, sou ought, for the sake of - peaee, to AdiAti to the terms of toe Treaty it is reported, theughl : grant that the re - p,irt is founded un the supposition that there leis b directly or indireialy, or covertly, an insinua li in on the part of France to Russia, to form some resolution with a view to the dissolution of the Turki h Empire ; that this is so, there is strong rea s,.n to believe, for his Majesty's declaration gives co lour to the existence of the fad. The Emperor of Russia then stands on the best possible ground as a mediator. He may say that he possesses the means of dissolving that power which is his most natural enemy, of dismembering the Turkish empire, and of aggrandizing himself by that which would be the greatest possible acquis . rion to dominions. The Eropero; of Russia,. de clihinß adopt such a measure, has the greatest right to recommend the same forbearance to other poweis. He is enabled to speak in a commanding tone ; he may say, if I ant supposed to be the power who weld,' gain most by the dissolution of the Turkish Empire--if lam a prince who have suc ceeded princes a&uated by an hereditary desire of obtaining possession of that country, and I ;abstain from attacking it, you are bound to abstain from attacking powers in aiiiance with you ; he has a right to say, if I abstain from attacking other powers, do you so also. Perhaps he might go fur t!-2r, and interpose it as a fundamental article, that no power in Europe should intermeddle with the Turkish empire. He might join in a proposition for the general safety of those powers, with regard to whom there is the greatest danger the French will exercise oppression over them. We all know that there is a .desire on the part of the French to avoid war, or to put an end to it I or, as some would say, to postpone the period of it. If you lake advantage of that desire of on the part of France, and appeal to the mediation of the Emperor of Russia, it is impossible that it-should not • be attempted on the part of France. It may be said, that the letter of a treaty may be written, but that . the conduct of France will afterwards be different from the spirit of it. To this I reply, that in inch case there must be an end of all.alliance afterwards. if a treaty is entered into with the French Govern silent, to which England and, Russia make a part, and that treaty is afterwards disregarded by France, it is not then with Great Britain only that France will go to war, but with Great Bri tain and Russia. Now with respell to the system of continental connections, I know our ancestors used them, and used them wisely. We feel now that . if there is a necessity for continuing the war with France, %shit any hope of diminishing her power it is not to be done without the aid of the Princes • of the Continent. I take it, therefore, for grant ed, that for the purpose of procuring a favour, able result to any contest we may enter into with France, to reduce her power, a continental connection is necessary, and with that view the in terest of the Emperor of Russia is the most desir able, and would be the most advantageous of any we could resort to. Then I ask you, whether a better chance of gaining that interest and al liance can exist than upon an occasion which affords a pretence for his mediation—for an object he is equally desirous of attaining ? I think it is an happy opportunity, though produced by circum stances unfortunate in tbemselves ; and I think if • his mediation is ex:sted, there will not be much dif- ficulty. Now, Sir, I would ask any man, who has ' attended to the present state of Europe, whether he does not believe, that, whatever might be the ambi tion of the French Republic, if he saw Russia and Great Britain united, that it tt-could not make the boldest Government of France hesitate, before it drew upon them those two powers ? What the consequence would be every man must foresee, without my entering into detail of the comparative strength of those powers. It would be idle to suppose that the preponderance • of one of those powers would not make the balance unfavourable to the other. The only circumstance by which such an alliance would not be of import auce would be in an event which is hardly possible - to exist—l mean Austria and Prussia joining cor • dially with France. I will not enter into the condua of Prussia, but I will only observe, that from her • general condull she seems anxious for the preserva tion of peace. With respell. to Austria, I believe the same opinion is pretty general ; the exertions of . Austria in the last war, and the circumstances . of that war, leave no room to doubt that it is . the wish of Austria to preserve peace • the pre valence of the sentiments of the Archdale Charles in favour of peace is. an assurance of the wish of Austria to avoid.• the renewal of w ar , • that Prince having gained • immortal glory by the war (Mar ! Hear *- , as great a degree of glory as it was possible. for him to.' have gained, is said to bat considered-Out opportunity of obtainin g g l or y as the strongest reason for urging him to recom mend pea . te, 'With regard•to the ,Court of Peters burshe you may iosure with certainty its co-opera tion for obtaining peace and 'tranquillity. i n t h e even t o f a war. with France, yoicwill have th e goo d wishes 9f the rest of Europe, -which if nut so valu abler,mint; In a as their assistance, is at least impo rtant, war between two such nations as France and Eng land, the good wishes of mankind'are material.— .•_'.. .0 - r _ . . F In this case, W you tamer into the propoi.itioo. for the mediation of Russia, and that mediation should tail, you will have an apparent cause of justification, not only with the neonle of this country, but before the trilsitnais of the other states of Europe ; yotiwill have an iinansw , rilde case, not standing on argu ment, bin on the authority of the Emperor of Rus sia ; you will have h;s strong, just, and well-founil.4 (minim in your f.e.otir ; you will have not only the good wishes of Enroe, and the world in general, but the good wishes of even the Allies of France ; •you will have the good • wishes of Holland, of Switzerland, and of Spain ; those good wishes; Without the assistance of Russia, may be of no ser vice, for they may be the wishes of persons afraid of expressing them. By declining the mediation of Russia, and by refusing to give an account of those d!sputes which have occasioned the renewal of the war, you may be in the situation of not having the assistance of that power, or any other power in I:.uspe. In that case the event of the war may be, that not only you will be unable to check the views of i'rance, with regard to her aggrandisement, but your will be unable to prevent her pursuing her system of oppression against all the secular states within her power. I should therefore conceive, that it the thing can be done without humiliation on our part, we should avail ourselves of that media- • thin which has been honestly offered. It is but Ludy that mediation has been offered ; but let us put ourselves in the situation in which we were be fore it was, and then let me ask you, it there is a man who would not have desired it. Why is the circumstance of its coming at this late period to be an obstacle ? If you think the Emperor of Russia is offing as the friend of France, that is a sufficient reason for rejecting his mediation ; but I do not believe there is any ground for such an opiuicm.— It comes. now, I confess, at a late period ; I wish it had come earlier ; if this should have the effect I really think it will have, though perhaps I see further than I ought to do, and my wishes may warp my. judgment, I cannot help flattering myself; that through the medium of the Emperor of Rassia a ratification of peace with France may bt effeded. I should thi.ak y ou might make a treaty fur preserving the peace o f Europe. You have already proposed guarantees for Malta ; resolve then to have guarantees for the rest of Eu rope, and let Russia, Prussia, and Austria become those guarantees. Such a guarantee might be ex. tended not only to Malta, but to all places attacked without the common consent. You might thus af ford a fair prospect of universal peace. With that view it is impossible I should not be desirous of the mediation of the Emperor of Russia ; I think it might be produftive of the greatest good. It might tend to restore peace at a period when you seen. to be at the brink of war. With this view I shall propose a short Address to his Majesty, in which I trust the House will acquiesce, as it will afford a fairer prospect of obtaining tranquillity than any measure which, at the present crisis, could be adopted." He concluded by moving, that an humble Address should be presented to his Majesty, praying that his Majesty would he graciously pleas ed to avail himself of the disposition of the Emperor of Russia to offer his mediation between his Majesty and the French Republic, as such a mediation might not only be the means of: terminating the war, but of producing the best effects with regard to the general tranquillity of Lurope." Ile also moved, " That the latter part of his Majesty's Declaration, expressing his desire of en tering upon fresh negotiations with France, when ever a favorable opportunity should occur, should be entered as read." .ord H A WK h*.SBU Thel lon. Gentleman who has made the motion which has just been read frr.nt the chair, will forgive me if I think it is one which the House ought not to entertain.—With re gard to many things which he has stated I entirely coincide with him; and I do agree with him, that however important in point of substance this ques tion is, it lays in a very narrow compass, and there fore I shall trouble the House very shor tly indeed.— I confess I was extremely glad to hear the Hon. Gentleman desire that part' of his Majesty's De claration to be read, in which his Majesty states that lie is still willing, as far as is consistent with his own honour, and the interest of his people, to afford every facility to any just and honourable arrange ment, by which the evils of war may be averted. I should have thought that this very passage would have been sufficient to have convinced him that the motion with which he has concluded was at least unnecessary.—On the subject of the motion, I have two objections; first, I conceive that no fair con stitutional parliamentary ground has or can be laid before the I louse for the adoption of it ; and secondly, as far as the House can judge of his Majesty's Go.; vernment, there not only does exist no such ground whatever, but the reasons in favour of such a motion bear the other way; and sure I am, that if no parliamentary ground has been made out in favour of this motion, it must be evident to the House that a motion of this sort can be productive of no good, but may be attended with much evil. .1 trust I know and respea enough of the constitution of the country, and the invaluable privileges of this . Hanse, to induce me to maintain both the one and the other as strenu ously as possible. lam ready to admit that Gen tlemen of T his House have a might to interfere, and give their opinion on any branch of the Royal Pre rogative, and more especially on the subject of war and peace, if a sufficient parliamentary ground can be made out. But at the same time that I adtnit this to be a fundamental principle of the Constitu tion, yet when the Constitution has vested in his Majesty the power of war and peace, it has vested' it on this idea, that as the prerogative was in the . -hands of the Executive Government, it was the duty of any person wishing to advise or dired his Majesty, as to the exerciseof that prerogative, tomakeout sortie • case which would warrant the interference of Parlia ment. Now, Sir, there are two grounds upon which such a !nation would not only be fair, but would be an obligation of duty for a Member of this House to propose it : the one is, that his Majesty's Go. vernment had neglected to do some one thing, or some certain things, which the House, in its op;nion, thought ought to have been done. Undoubtedly, if a case of that sort can be made out, it may be the duty of the House to say, that if such 'measures had been adopted, they might have obviated the in conveniences which had resulted from not adopting.' them. In. such case, the House of Commotis.woula have a right to interpose as to what line of conduit the klecutive Government ought to pursuct-- this is nut the. only case in which such an • . • • .• • . . , %Alt without any sach negietß , it app eared that •position would be. 'des:n:llle. I will, aim it system had been laid down by his Majesty's G4yerumenr,.from which, the• inference was i that his Majesty had .no inteution of availing himself of any opportunity that might offer . of ienewhig ' the negotiations for peace , in such case, a Member might say to his Majesty's- Ministers, though I do not wish to interfere •svith the prerogative of the Crown, yet I think it.,-right to make the motion I am making, with a view of inducing you to ...Wort that measure, which not only rill have not adopted, but which from the system you are pursting, yotq do not appear to have in contemplation. It; there-' fore, either of these two cases are made out, I mean of negleCt on the part of the Executive Go vernment, to do what ought to have been done, or in case it appears from the general system oftovernment, manifested either by a message from the throne, or a declaration verbal or otherwise, on the part of his Majesty's Ministers-, that there is no intention. of embracing any opportunity of renewing negotiations for peace, in either of these cases, I think there is a fair, strong, and parliamentary ground for the interference of the House. My objection then is this, that the lion. Gentleman has not grounded his Motion upon either of these propositions. .T . think he cannot t round it upon the principle, with reference to the objed his Majesty has in view, that his Majesty has negie&d any thing he ought to havc.cione, and far less can he ground it upon the general system of his Majesty's Government; for the system adopted by his Majesty and llilGovernment, upon the subjeet of War and Peace,. preclUdes every idea of the sort; the system pursued by his Majesty, proves that he is ready to adopt. the principle of negotiation, whenever it can he resorted to laudably, benefici. ally and advantageously. On this SubjeCt it might be necessary to do little more than refer to that part of hi) Majesty's Declaration, which the Hon. Gentleman has moved to lie entered as read, in . which, after having stated all the grievances on the part of the French Ite,mblic, and his recalling his ambassador from France, T - lis Majesty declares to all Europe, that he is still willing to enter into such arrangements as • may insure t" are restoration of ' peace on a solid foundation..Mit is the Objet of this but to chew the sincerity of his Majesty's views for peace! 1 would ask you then; whether, after such a declaration as this, any Administration would refuse to advise his. Majesty to listen to any fair and reasonable proposition which had peace foe its ob:* jeft. Now, Sir, as to the latter part of the its. Gentleman's speech, and all he stated in the course of it, I shall not feel it at all necessary to take lip much of the time of the House, more especially as no principle has been laid down by him, in which . l do not cordially agree. Ido agree with him that the . only mode of resisting the.' progress - of that which we liiitiTelt the effeCts 'of for the last tett years during the war, and the. intervals of delusive peace, can only be by an union and concert between, the great powers of Europe, and . 4 founding that concert, not in interested or selfish views, but in s. liberal understanding. of what-ought to be clOne for a preservation of the peace of Europe.-e-I agree with him, that the power he has named Is' of all others that oneomlithlit is most for the interest of this countitipee consult, with a view to the establishing .the.basis of a general arrangement, which alone can afford,. the -hope of resisting the progress of those evils which the Honourable Gentleman lainents as much as I do. L.will net go into any'subje& which is not immediately connected with the one before the I louse" ; but without wishing to court any difference of opinion, I will fairly say, that one of the circumstances in my mind is not only the little probability there is of resisting the system pursued by the French Government, but * that I think there was a better chance of ultimately ob taining peace, by entering into a treaty for that pur pose at the period we did so, although it has been violated, than by continuing the war under the cir cumstance; in which the country then stood—but I can say most sincerely, that from the hour of that peace to the present day,no efforts have been wanting to form such a concord, not with a view to war, or what might be called setting the Continent to rights, but with a view to defensive operations Merely, and placing the Continent in a state of peace ; I can assure the House, that no efforts have been wanting to accomplish this ; and if those efforts had been successful, it is most probable those circumstances which have interrupted the negotiation would not have arisen ; but certainly I see nothing in the change of circumstances, and in the commence ment of hostilities, which should render it not ad visable to enter into negotiations, Now if there was a fair disposition on the part of the other powers of Europe to promote them ; and this brings me to that part of the speech of the .Honourable Gentleman, where he assumes the offer of me diation on the part of the Emperor of .Ras,ia; at a certain period of the negotiation, with a view to the settlement of the differences between .this country and France, with regard to atty offer that has been made of such mediation, undonlitedly his Majesty's Government were enabled tia explain to the Russian Government what their views were ? and in the course of a long, irksome and, critical nego tiation for several years, they made a most frank, full, and explicit communication• of his Majesty's sentiments. After their endeavours were frustrated by a system of delay on the part of thee; French Government, the only proposition ' that appeared to be made was, that if the two i.cpin tries had any difficulty with regard to con*ng .to a proper understanding with each Other, they might make use. of the mediation of the Itus sian Ambassador, who would have been desirims of seeing the differences terminated:. Now it ask, .whether his Majesty's Government'woulld have been • justified in declinin•••to bring those . pdintaito ft con clusion, in which the country was fe• much ested, merely upon an assurance of . this 'kind I . therefore:say, that the proposition coming in the way it did, if would not have been wise in his Majesty'ys • Government.tp.tsaVe aded otherwise than they have done, naLiely, descrying Lord IN hitwiatth to bring the negotiation to an issue, or to leave Paris. - Th e Hon: Gentleman has stated .the adv antages of a thorough good understanding he_is tw,-.4 the . two :cotintnes. agree with him. He has stated the arrangements with Russia in ..1.401, which, though satisfailory to us , he observes , ii:ight not ,haves 1r ttaontostate is that country : th.aati that isub-' je, all . ftetin pie Jo.. dices, there -were persons attached to "that ncu-, , ral system which began under the last Empress. hest ac. am pettedly persuaded, that those who are ••• . . . qtt)inted with the nature of the Russian Governs melt are convinced, that the interests of Russia, in -that particular, are consistent with the interests of Great Britain, and that no advantage ovoid possi bly arise to Russia from the adoption 40:at n.sitral System. It was a favourite scheme, taken up by the ' late Empress, sell.) was snore afitiated 1 y ambition than policy. If any person will look at the situation of Russia, he will see that she has no mei ciintile ma rine, that all her commerce is carried on in di, yes- selsof other countries; I believe itis a received opinion that the interest of Russia is the interest of Great Bri tain, and that the effect of tho coalition would be that of the different Powers of the Baltic becoming ri vals to each other ;—but, Sir, I do' not wish to Lint the question upon such narrow grounds ; it is most • undoubtedly the case that by a concert between Great - BriLain and Russia, hopes might he entertain ed of setting a barn* to the ambition of France en the continent. Now then my objection is not to any measure that can have-thecae& of producing pears and establishing it on' juat„ solid, and lionourab:a tel provided it does not in the 117C411 time cripph our exertions, limit our powers aod paralize our strength. I 'hould think the renewal of negotiation expedient, if it could be. done with honour, but n:y objection to the siltation is, that the Honourable Gentleman has made out no parliamentary grour.i, , he has merely brought it forward upon general principles ; he has not been able to prove that his Majesty's 'Government had . any disposition to avoid the renewal of negotiations, nor as far as can be judged from his language would the House con chicle that the sentiments, disposition, and wishes of his Majesty's Ministers, are norsonformable to what the Hon. Gentleman thinks most beneficial to the country.—Under these circumstances, - and seeing no benefit can result from the motion, anal thinking it would imply a distrust of his Majesty's Ministers, and a belief that they were not actuated by sentiments which do aduate them ; thinking too that the House of Commons would be interposing with out a sufficieot ground for their interposition, and that the adoption of such a *motion at the present .moment might agitate the public, and give rise to hopes and expedatiOns that, though well founded, are not sufficiently within our immediate reach to induce Parliament to record them, I feel it my dun-to oppose the motion. Such are the reasons which occurred In me fOr recommending the House to relied it. • I repeat to the Hon. Gendeman it is not_to his principles,. or to his view of the question, I objet. I see no necessity for his motion ; I seo no good that can come of it 'but I am persuaded it may be produiliVe of material evil; I therefore, Sir, move the krevious question. Mr. FOX Said . a very feet words in explanation, the nature,. of which sv4• did not distintc.n.y under stand. Mt, PITT." I should think it very u,nnecen. sary to detain the House with many observations on the present question, as there are only one or two topics to which I mean shortly to refer. The Noble Lord was certainly right, according to the best of my judgment, in his explanation of the right of Parliament to interfere with a subje& of so import ant and essential a prerogative of the Crown ; but we may go a little farther, and on a more liberal construdion, utul admit, that Parliament has on many, occasions a right and duty to address His Stajeuty on, such subjeds, whenever bit may think necessary to interpose With its advice, though even this right should he exercised with great guard, and only in cases of the entertainment of suspicions, such as the Noble Lord alluded. In all or most of the great general principles of policy laid down by the Hon. Gent. opposite me (Mr. Fox) I most hear tilv concur. I heard them with much satisfadion, and that satisfa&ion was enhanced by the manner in which they sy,ere received and approved of by my Noble Friend • as from this circumstance we may safely infilVtlial s'ldiukran opportunity ocean of this courtrryavaißtg itself of a powerful conti nental medlatit4 the confidential advisers of his Majesty are determined that opportunity shall nct be lost. lam extremely happy to find that we are all now agreed in the geotral principle adopted and aaed upon in the best of times, and never more ardently struggled for than during the late—aprin ciple which has established the security, increased the fame, and consolidated the truest and best. in terests of this country ; viz. that the real policy'of Eneland is to avail itself of all the assistance it can derive from the other powers of Europe, in guard . ing and maintaining the rights and independence of the whole, and particularly of the minor powers, who must be incapable of making anyeffedual resistance ofthems•Aves to oppose resistance to the encroachments of the more powerful and ambitious; not direding our views particularly against France, though on ac count of our freqoent wars, she has constantly been regarded as our natural enemy ; but, on a more liberal and manly scale, against any other nation that should be pursuing. such objeds, that, without :Arty peculiar jealousy or partiality, we would en deavour :to draw the attention of others, as well •as watch ourselves, not which was the • power of fending, but whose were the ambition and aggrff , slim, and that on all such occasions, the aggrieved might confidently look_ for protedion • from Great , Britain, though itself . out of':ile. reach of -those • wounds .to which others' are eiiposed. I 'do. not deny that there may be countries so distant, or so circprostanced as not to be British objeds, in such 0 degree ,as that we should at all times risk .a war for diem, though, the oppressed must :ever .be en titled 'at leact to our compassion. L: ;it,rejoiceHonourable this general' G b e a n d t r eni admission, and nl a ix ndchiefl ,. ! r fiom the : because, at a time when an administration, which I had the honour to be it Memb..--, 'was making an application a this principle, I had the misfortune to find myself zealously opposed by that Hon. Gentleman, with the fall force of those nd h c t r i3cA o ciam d:: : i e s t :p i( l )be . a n 4 r , ?a a n t a n al i t ss e t i - mt hi pe c s w h w h ra i l i c tht . havehe isg good always re a s s o o n we ll ever able tis p sp le ee as:a h re .o l f ob tb se is rv ..e e v i el lis lie d g e , - stritily arid 'wisely limited 'to their objeLrl, amount a cn il tina . no c ye o fnta n aen v is ic tseat i ri o ani I was afting . upon almost. to a conrradidion of his former sentiments. f i n n a ge one fromneiety :e [hat aptbnryo.epsei Coill I. n tinent, of c s ° p n a j g t e n d": b r e ' t t a b h i f n o pa granted tedt o negotiation foreign fo r p p o e: e c r e s . a l n n d the evt:n ast to wa s r Om I some who that great and 'unprecedented subsidies had been afterwards abused 'them, and that great sacrifices were made Tor • diatpilrpose by this; • - country ; but it was all with an adherence to [this true add 4. proved principle. It was only when we had np ~ .