The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1825-02-28 00:00:00

1 .., v ele of human tight, and offered to come forward and prove a n-. Inee; and it wis this petition whi c h h a d b een spurned from the itish House of Commons. They had now to appeal to the peo pled England for the opportunity to make that vindi cat i o n w hi c h stir Representatives (some actual, some virtual) had disallowed. gnus placed, he would first attempt to show the people of England we pecesAity of the proceedings of the Catholics of Ireland.• Se condly, he would explain the nature of the course which they had ta ken. In the third place, he would meet and repel the assertions •hich had been uttered against them ; and fourthly, he Would can vass t h e measure which was levelled at them, while yet there was ,j opportunity, at the bar of public opinion in England, and appeal t o Englishmen through the means of that press, which was destined obese on the wings of truth the triumph of liberty over despotism amo ng die nations of tbe weritl. This appeal he made to the jus. see, the honour, the honesty, nay, the generosity, of the English p pie. (Hear, hear, hear.) Toiustify the necessity of the ern- L o b e d action of the Irish Oitholics, the Learned Gentleman went t hrough to detail the prominent parts of Irish history, and the long o angue of proacriptions and caclnsions that deformed its pages, et winch the Cathofim were always the victims, and the empire at large the soMoer—not for any purpose of Englishmen, either in tss promoting of their policy or their law, but for the support of a &Terme and profligate faction in Ireland, which wished to main tain itself dishonourably upon the spoils of the Eublie. (Hear, b et el From the invasion of Ireland in the year II ‘2, down to the year ifil2, the terma Irish, subject and British enemy were eynoni- Inoue ; and the native Irish, who had for centuries petitioned to be pat under the protection of British law, were hunted down and ex terminated like the beasts of the forest. 'fo murder one of theme Irishmen was nocrime at law except the payment of a sm a ll fl ue ; sa a Sir John Davis, the Irish , Attorney-General of King James the Fist, reported the cases which occurred in the Courts of law, where the validity of these brutal laws were admitted to be in full fem. Sir John Davis reported the ease of the murder of a rims Mined William Thompson ; and what was the defence of Me mur derer ? not that he had not reddened his hands with the blood of the deceased man, but that William Thompson wae not his right name, that it was Timothy O'lledrireoll, who was a native Irish- Marl, and, therefore, out of the pale of the law. (Hear, hear.) But what said the prosecutor ? Did he demur to this plea ? No; be admitted such to be the law, but he took a collateral issue on fact, and said it was true that the deceased was named Timothy O'Huirisnall at his baptism, but he afterwards came within the allegiance of the King—was admitted within the pale--and that he ceased to be mere, Harr odors, and became 1 atbrenicurr Dement Regis. But the prisoner was sound guilty of the murder, and what said she Judge on the occasion ? he said, " You shall not go scot free, but you shell be sentenced to pay a tine of two marks to the King." This case is reported by Sir John Davis, the Irish Atiorney.General in the reign of Junta the First. lam not talk ing of things that are only to be tound in works of fancy, I am talking of matter of fact, for this conviction and this puniehment you will find recorded in a book which, though it be a dull book, is good and substantial authority—a law book. It was unfortunate fOr the worthy prisoner that the fact had been proved that O'He &neon had actually been admitted within the King's allegiance. If this fact hod not been brought before the Court, he would have been sr:milled of the crime—as it was, he was not permitted to go soar free, but was forced to pay a line of two marks to the King, and was doubtless confined in prison swill these two marks were faithfully paid. And this was the sta:e of Ireland down to 1612, worcely two hundred and thirteen years ago. But anew ingredient was mixed in the cup of Ireland's wretchealness--a poisonous ingre diem was throws into that chalice, out of which every nation should have drank peace and loving kindness. The distinction between Irish rebel and English subject, had been put an end to by the Act dthe bth of James 1. chap. fi, I believe it is; but that other bane ful ingredient was mixed in the poisonous cup, and was still offered to the lips of Irishmen, and still perpetuated the miseries of their country—that other ingredient was religious dissension. Gahm. linty had been long the ruling religion of the land. But Ki ng ! Berry destroyed all those splendid buildings—those beautiful abbeys and monasteries, which in Ireland had been raised by the devotion of her people and her priests. How much we lament this, we who see the wretched architects who have succeeded those men— architects who do not deserve the name—how must we regret the loom we have suffered —we, who behold the places of those noble specimens of architecture supplied by buildings that resemble nothingpo much as a pig-sty ctowned by a sentry -box ! Lag Henry, and afterwards Elisabeth, made the Protestant reli gion the religion of those realms; but they carried it in the spirit sf persecution, and in that spit it only, to Ireland. The Plunkett', the Desmond', and many other noble families adhered with a desperate resolution to the religion—the persecuted religion of their sires--adhered to it although their princely honours were struck to the ground, soul although they daily beheld hundreds of martyred countrymen perishing to give testimony to the sincerity of their belief. Those persecutions continued with unabated fury from the period of the Reformation until Mary ascended the British throne. 'lhe persecuted Catholic religion, the religion that had been so long trampled on and kept down, bec ame in turn predoniinant. The re• collections of their persecutions were then fresh in memory of every Catholic in Ireland—every man remembered that but very lately he had been scouted and bunted down by his Protestant neighbours. What was then the conduct of those Catholics ? Did they return persecution for persecution ? Did they plunge the sinned into the bosoms of those whom they remembered only as open and declared enemies ? I, as a Catholic, thank my God that I am able to say their conduct was eery ditferent—to say that, although armed with power, although vividly recollecting what they had recently isibmitted to and stalFered, and although able, if they had pleased, to deluge the land frith Protestant blood, there did not occur a single instance which could in any degree tarnish the character of the Catholics. or make Christianity blush for them. I do not ask any one to take for granted what 1 have said on my Authority only. Let him consult the 36th page of Sir Henry Parnelli History of Ireland, and he will find recorded there the truths I hare stated. He will find that the Catholics not only did not return evil for evil, persecution for persecution—not only that they did net take advantage of their power to retaliate, but that they embraced the Irish Protestant as the brother of the Irish Ca tholic. However, times changed, and Elizabeth and her courtiers devastated Ireland. She was frugal and thrifty at home, but in that hapless country the wasteful sword of war was let loose—car. nage and confiscation followed. The great Fitzgerald, although a Protestant Nobleman, wan toe rich and powerful is be left un. touched, and his fate was soon rendered equally certain with that of his Catholic neighbour, O'Neil, of Clandaboy. I will not recite to you the innumerable instances of ruthless cruelty which then occurred in Deland. I will not quote for you the names of the many thousands, who, surrendering on the faith of treaties, met the death of felons. 1 will pass oven this melancholy subject; it dwells deeply in my mind, not, God forbid ! for the purpose of cresting any feeling of hatred towards this country; but it is nearly associated with the principle of the measure that excites in Ireland such universal hatred. Afterwarda came the government of Cromwell, and involved dm country 3Feir in a state of national hosti lity. " The sword of the bard and of Gideon" smote the wild Irish in their dens, rimmed the land with the blood of fellow creature., and spread ruin and desolation through the land. But fortune gave again the throne to him who was its hereditary pastime. In the lottery of life, she mice more threw to him the prise, and deprived lawless ambition of its hopes of suprime rower. But see th e ev ent s by which this change w a s foll o wed. the Duke .of York, afterwards King James the First, took no less than 80.000 forfeited acres—forfeited by those very Catholics who had warred for his tither as long as lie lived, and had bled to restore to his brother the crown of his ancestors. But James the First came to the throne of England, and lie continued to keep those 80,000 acres which were so justly and so truly the property of his Irish subjects. At length the English rejected bum but fee was not rejected by the Irish. The Irish did not make that distinctioa between hereditary right when the pos sessor of the Crown was capable of welLgoverning, and here ditary right when the 51one-eh was incapable, when the people were be in breaking through these ties which could not then be called "sacred." Iti not making this distinction, the Irish committed a grievous error : but James the Second fled to them—they rallied in hi. cause—in his cause they drew the sword—they conquered, and the Catholics of Ireland became again triumphant. What was then their conduct? Did they then persecute the Protestants because of their religiousereeds ? No; they were the descendants of the men who had before been possessed of power—in the reign of Queen Mary; and now that they had it a second time, they never stained that power with one particle of persecution. But James the Second fled the field—he quitted the contest, and left a French fleet to be the protectors of Ireland. But did the Irish approve of this act ? did they enter heartily into this unnatural union? No—the French flag was waving over the walls of Athlone, when Irish hearts were its principal opponents. Then was fought the field of Aughrim—and there, partly by treachery, but partly, I am willing to admit, by British valour, the Irish Catholics were defeated. Limerick was then surrounded, King William and his troops were beaten off—they returned to the siege, and were again defeated. That city, with 20,000 men, could have been defended for centuries against the attacks of congregated millions. But fair terms were offered to that city, and offered by King lVilliam, whore word at that time stood high inahe estimation even of Isis enemies. King William offered the inhabitants of Limerick fair terns. He said to them :—" Your King bas fled the field ; he has left you to fight your own battles. He does not deserve that brave men should shed their blood for him—for he fled when brave men fought." The Irish, who knew the justice of this ap peal, listened to it. They replied that they were willing to give hits the title for which besought, to call him their King; and all they allied for in return was for liberty of conscience. %Fell, a consultation was held—the Eldons, the Liverpool', and the Peels, who were in tee Cabinet of that day (cheers), took the subject into their most wise consideration. The horror of this liberty of con science made theiu pause, until the good sense of King William interfered, and overcame the difficulties that lay in their way. He told the Irish that they should have what they asked for—that they should have this liberty of conscience—and it was determined upon accordingly by his wise councillors. The decision was hastened by the knowledge that a French fleet had doubled Cape Clear, and were on the seas towards Limerick. Of this, however, the Irish were in ignorance. The treaty was agreed to—we entered into a promise. which was, of course, made, and the terms were accepted. A meeting was appointed for the purpose of drawing up this treaty ! And Sir Stephen Rice, the ancestor of the present Alm bee for Limerick, was the person fixed upon to act on the part of the Irish. At that moment the French fleet arrived its the Shan non, and a message was immediately sent to tine city to say that succour was at hand. There were many among the Irish Corn :menders who were men of fiery spirit, and they said, " We have not yet signed the treaty. We have now arms in our hands, and we have assi.tance—let us drive King William back to his noun. try." W'mat said the Irish General ?—s• No," said he, "we leave its honour signed the treaty; and it is a sacred point to ke:p our promise.' He instantly sent a messenger to say to ' the French General—" Retrain to your King, for we have elected oars." The treaty was signed, wan ratified be Royalty— and that very treaty now remains in the Tcwer of London, a record of If sh fidelity, anti, I hope I shall n o t b e accuse d o f bi gotry w h en I add, of shame. I came to England for the purpose of presenting a petition at the Bar of the Etiglish House of Cow -1 Moue, ,to give to my country the benefit of this treaty. It wan ' tseaehery to break it ; it is crime to continue to break it (hews hear, hear); but that treaty was violated by degr e e s . Even a Goteenment of Ireland could rot then plunge into guilt suddenly. It was violated, when it was safe to violate it, when the yin - dries df the Duke of Marlborough had placed England on the " pinnacle of glory," as it was then called, and as it is called no w . 14 hen the Britlish Ministry wire secure from foreign foes, they turned their attention and their kindliness ti wards Ireland, and they ensued that penal code which was the subject of the brilliant pie.' ture of the Grattan over whom we still weep, and which was de scribed by Montemuieu as " traced in letters of blood ;" a code which divided the husband from the wife--a code which set the son egainst clip parent--• code which stript of pro perty every man who had ,attained it—a code which reversed the command that a husband should Ise united to his wife—a code which reversed the sacred commandment that was delivered by the Almighty in thunder, that the sem should hannur the father and the mother; far it rewarded the child dr moment he dared to violate the commands of God. lam not an leish Agitator, but I hope it will not be imputed to meal a crime that I charge England with this atrocity—an atrocity that was perpetrated wider the English Go vernment. I am, however, ready to forgive it ; I have forgiven it ; and I sin at this moment ready to en-operate with England—yes, ready to co-operate with her in sincer:ty of heart, in order to pre vent my country from being any longat trampled on, in order to free it from those false calumnies which have been hurled against it by those who shrink from a statement of facts, and from the pub. lication of truth. Year after year, during the reign, o f t h e two first Princes of the House of Brunswick, new fetters were forged for my country. The Goulbtirns of the day went over to Ireland, where no noxious reptile can have existence, but where vnnemous bipeds thrive and fatten ; and they were followed by penal enact. meats after enactments, until a third reign commenced, and opened to the Irish Catholics a prospect of better times. The memory of George is entitled to the etern a l gra ti tu d e o f Ireland. Oyer his declining years the Irish wept the tear of grateful affection, and over his grave they still hang with the fond recollection they have of a father and a friend. George 111. ascended the Throne of Great Britain, and then, for the first time, a Catholic Association was formed. Not by that name certainly—but then " The rose by any oth er n a m e would smell as sweet." It was called the Catholic Committee, and it was, like the present Catholic Association, exposed to the greatest dangers from the false friends of the day, who said. •` Oh, we are anxious for the success of your cause, but, for God's sake, put down your Catholic Com mittee!" In enmity I consider there are three degrees: the positive, the comparative, and the snperlative. Our avowed enemies are the positive, our bitter enemies the comparative, and our fen friends the superlative. But on the secession of George the Third to the Throne, the Catholics had actually the audacity to congratulate their Sovereign on the event ; and they said, in their address on that occasion, that after a lapse of more than half a century since an English-born man had ascended the English throne, it was with most heartfelt pleasure they welcomed his Majesty to it, for it gave them a kind of promise, that a Sovereign, whose birth, whose educa tion, and whose feelings were genuine English, would not keep from them their rights. This larguage was actually construed into misprision of treason, and those who drew up the address narrowly escaped confinement in the prisons of Dublin for professing their loyalty and attachment to their beloved Sovereign—a crime which it was hardly possible to forgive. I. do not niean to enter into the discussion of American rights, but surely every man will rejoice, as I do rejoice, that there are ten millions of men preserving and im proving English institutions on the other side of the Atlantic, — where freemen might find a resting.plree,—where the foot might stand firmly.—when they might defy the principles of the tyran nical Holy Alliance, and laugh to scorn their Cossacks, and their Croats, and their other hundred slavee,—where the unnatural sys tem of warfare that was founded on civil and religious differences had for ever ceased to exist—and wove the mind delights to dwell upon these blessings with satisfaction and triumph. America re sisted oppression the moment that oppression was offered ; but even with respect to that country, n hill of pair.s and penalties was not enacted without an inquiry into the reasons for such enactment. The Americans applied to be beard at the bar of the floffite of Com mons, and I will do the then Administration of George the Third the justice to say, that before they struck they heard. I am not employed by my countrymen to threaten, nor am 1 disposed so to do: I came over to this country as the implorer of a favour, and not as a threatener ;—I came for the purpose of conciliating, and I came to solicit to be heard at the Bar of the English House of Commons in behalf of seven millions of my countrymen—for they are seven millions—and the English House of Commons refused to hear me. Well, America became a powerful enemy, and the ban ner of England fell before her undisciplined legion. ; France joined her, and the chivalry of that country. aided by the romantic La Fayette, passed over to the New World. The war corn. menced—the war in which any thing but victory crowned the British arms. The Catholic Committee was then sitting, and how did they meet the necessity that then existed ? They said " you want men to carry on this war ; here are the Irish people for you, choose from among them." flow was this proposition met? It was met by this insulting answer "We will not accept your offer, because you refuse to take the Oath of Allegiance." The Committee replied, that they did not refuse to take any oath that did not inter fere with their religious tenets, and that they ought not to be re. quirts! to take any oath that Sid. They seated their readiness to take all oaths that did not trench on their belief, and particularly all oaths that could in any way testify their allegiance to their Sovereign. There lived at that time a Protestant Irish Bishop, resembling in virtue the venerable Bishop of Norwich, whom I yesterday heard preach, and who is the model of what a Christian Prelate should be : I care rot to what communion he may belong, no matter whether he be Protestant of Catholic; show me such a man as the Bishop of Norwich, and I will show you a Priest of God—a Priest fit to be charged with a mission of peace and loving kindness to his fellow men. The Irish Bishop, of whom I have spoken, the Bishop of Deny, the Earl ofßristowe, rose in his seat in I the House of Lords, and stated, that he was instructed to declare to their Lordships the perfect willingness of the Roman Catholics of Ireland to take the Oath of Allegiance. This was denied ; it was asserted that they would not take it, and all the ribaldry of the back benches was called forth to prevent the Noble and Verrerable Bishop from proceeding in the task he had undertaken. He met them, and rebutted the charge against the Catholics. He said he would bring them to the test, and would immediately intro duce into the Dottie an Act of Parliatnent, merely to enable the Catholics to take the Oath of Allegiance, and to receive nothing for it. This Act was brought in, and the Catholics got nothing by it—it was no benefit to them. Oh I yes, fam in error; it was the beat of all benefits—it enabled us to meet and rebut the calumnies that had been uttered against us. The ancestor of the Noble Lord Lord Killeen) who has just addressed you was at that period at the bead of the Irish Nobility, and the idol of the Irish people. The station he then occupied has been well filled ever since. and I hope it will continue so. That Nobleman, accompanied by crowds of the Irish people, immediately went to the Court-house of Trim, and there took the Oath of Allegiance. His exaniple was followed by thousands of his countrymen. Those oaths we have since kept, and, by God's help, we will ever keep them. This was the first service effected by the Catholic Committee. At that period there were many weights pressing upon the British Parliament—America lin particular—A menca was on the very eve of being lost, and Ireland might have shaken off' her yoke—for tt then was a yoke. The Bri tish Parliament then passed the Act of 1778 : and If England lost Atnerica, England, by this Act, preserved Ireland. Now mark the effects that followed this conduct. England was immediately enabled to dispense with her military establishment in Ireland—a brave and efficient yeomanry supplied their place, and preserved the peace of the country ; and from Cape Clear to the Giant's I Causeway, there was not a single soldier to be found. Ireland was never in so tranquil a state, nor was the attachment of Ireland to England ever so great. For the concessions that were then made, I Ireland was indebted to the exertions of the Catholic Committee— the names of the Plunkett', the O'Connors, the Currys, and the 81•Dertuotts, were enrolled among them —names, which, though they may have faded from English memory, I shall never forget. Those men were at the head of the Catholics at that period, and to that Catholic Committee England was indebted for her preservation, because, by their means, she was enabled to bring her whole force into the held, and to stop the progress of that revolutionary lava which was fast pouring over Europe. The Committee pursued their course, and the Act of 1782 followed that of 1778, but not un. tit this country was threatened in the most fearful manner by the combined fleets of France, Spain, and Holland , which swept her Channel with a broom at the mast.head, and appeared like the meteor which bore with it destruction. At that period the second concession was made ; and what did Ireland do on the occasion ? pier first act was to vote 32,1100 seamen to man the British fleet, one thousand for every county in Ireland. The flag of England again rose tri umphant, and front my heart I hope that it will never sink till na ture has decayed, and man's existence has for ever ceased. The Catholic Committee continued their exertions, and were sitting when the French Revolution commenced, when commenced the reign of the Jacobins. In using that word, I mean to refer to those who subverted the altar to reach the throne, and who left both bathed with the blood of their victims. The French armies had already broken into the Netherlands, and were proceeding further in their course, when the good sense of England awoke :—to her sons liberty is always dear—it is their birthright and their charter , but they know how to distinguish between the name and the thing, and they in this instance made that propitious choice, to which the present comparatively free and flourishing state of Europe is per haps attributable. The Catholic Committee did then step forward, did then endeavour to set things in their real light, and they suc ceeded in showing the people, how preferable was a real and sub stantial liberty to that ephemeral and intoxicating draught of licentiousness which was then poisoning France. Conventions were not then illegal in Ireland, and the delegates of 1792 were elected ; those delegates met together, but not for traitorous objects; they met for the purpose of arresting treason. The delegates then can e to this country, and came under better auspices than we have done, but they did not come with greater sincerity or more heartfelt de votion to the cause they were defending. They appealed to the Sovereign on his throne, and the intellects of George 111, were then in their greatest vigour ; he received them, heard their peti tion, and recommended their claims to the consideration of Parlia ment. The Catholic Association commenced its exertions at a period when Oeangeism spread its baneful influence over Ireland. I would have proved, it' I had been allowed to prove, at the bar of the House of Commons, the nature of those Orange Insti tutions. At the time of the formation of the Catholic Asso ciation, those Orangemen filled every responsible office in the country :—in the Post.office—the Castle—the Castormhouse— the magistracy—the bench—in some instances, the grand juries—the THE BRITISH PRESS. petty juries--thesheriffs--the hailfra, were almost ail Orator went I would have proved the creed oC the Orangemen to have been one of rancour, and one that must naturally lead to - deeds of blood. I would have proved their oe:h to be taken from the 88th Psalm, and 29d verse—" That thy feet may be dipped in the bleed &thine enemies; and that the tongue , of thy dogs may be red through the same." Their Deputy Grand Muter was sot long ago examited at the bar of the House of Commons. and instead cf replying to the sifting questions that were then put to him, he sheltered him self under his oath. How different is the conduct of the Catholic Association I we came prepared to lay before the House of Com mons every paper and every document connected with ; all our proceedings should have been as open as day. I need not state the many instances of Orange barbarity and outrage that have oc curred. But one instance I cannot help referring to ; it is that of a young man, the only son of an aged lather, who was shot to death at a place called Creevekeenagh, in the county of Armagh ; the man's name was James Gourley. The young man's sister was with him at the time; she fled from the murderers—they pursued her, although a woman and called by an additional name to that of papist, but which, perhaps, in their estimation was not half so bad. She escaped, and she saved her life, bat she lost her senses ; and my informant says, if she is still alive, she is still a maniac. The Orangemen were headed on that occasion by two sons of the Rev. Mr. Smith, a Magistrate ; they were• tried for the murder, and very properly acquitted. But although they made several at. tempts to check the progress of the murderers, they did not er deavour to seize one of them. The murderers were tried, and, as my informant states, of course acquitted--acquitted, because the Sheriff, the Jury, and the witnesses were all Orangemen. If this maniac sister should ever awake from the visions of her dis ordered fancy to the horrors of reality, what must be her feeling, ? But she is still a maniac, and her disordered cries, her heart-rend ing prayers, her insane shrieks, are heard by God, and will plead powerfully against the murderers. There was no murder in the county of Armagh from the 12th July, 1822, to the 12th of July, 1823. Upon the 12th July, 1823, (on which day there was as usual an Orange. procession,) a Catholic was shot by a person named Hamilton, at a place called Crosiolovile, in the pariah of Dernagoose. The Orangemen marched how to their lodge.room after the murder, and passed the night in festivity—the blood of the Catholic fell to the ground unrequited acdunrevenged. It was said he was killed, but that nobody had dose the deed (a laugh). There was another murder by the Orangemen, in March, 18'23, when aritholic, named Patrick Hueco, sea shot dead coming from th e'flir of Uade, without even the peewee of having giveu offence. The Orange murderer lay under's hedge, and his com panion cried one, " There goes old Might*, shoot him." The murderer wax tried, but of courge he was acquitted. These are not the ereatisni Cl.' imagination—they are unvarnished facts, which I should have proved at the bar of the House of Com mons, if 1 had been heard; but I was refused a hearing, and condemned with the eithedltion of a Turkish Csdi. Tne murders to which I have called The attention of the Meeting were per petrated by Orange yebeden, with the King's arms and ammu nition in their possession. The King's, did I say? but Oh ! it was not thus the King would hare treated his Irish subjects. When he came amongst his Irish people—this people, remarkable for their wildness, their savageness, their turpitude, for in those terms were they characterised by the base press of both countries—when he came amongst them, I repeat, without a soldier, a guard, or a policeman, they received hi m with acclamations , with enthusiastic joy. I am sure this reception has made as impression upon his Majesty. I was stationed near him often lie was de parting from Ireland. About two hundred thousand persons were assembled to behold his embarkation ; every heart was ready to pour forth its best blood, in gratitude to the Monarch, who had bravely and generously thrown himself amongst the calumniated peasantry of Ireland. This mighty multitude was bound to the King by the enthusiastic rivets of affection fikich will ever bind Irishmen to those who confide in their generts:ty. At that moment I saw est manly tear of sensibility glistening in the 3lonarc i's eye; I shall carry to my grave the recollec tion of that tear; and if the service of that King required it, I ahouli volunteer to enter that grave within the next hour. My loyalty has been impeached, but it is true and sincere. It is in the reign of such a King that a new penal enactment is made against the Catholics. To Irishmen this will be a grievous aggravation—that the name of George IT. should be appended, that he should give his sanction to this abominable measure of his Ministers. I shall now call the attention of the meeting to the period when the Catholic Association was formed. It was a period when the peasantry were oppressed and goaded into violence. Eleven counties were disturbed; the standing army was increased to thirty thousand men ; an armed police was este blished upon the plan of the French genes-d'armerie, at which the ancestors of Englishmen would have trembled with indignation. The Insurrection Act was strictly enforced on any of the poor pea. sentry who were found indulging in gazing on the moon and stars ; they actually were driven to madness, and sought transportation as a refuge—the gaol they considered i necessary transit to death. At this moment the Catholic Association was formed, to interpose the shield of the law between the oppression of the magistrates and the cruelty of the Orangemen. It was the duty of the Association to interfere, and not the opinion of all the Judges or of third and fourth rate barristers wafted into Parliament, shall in duce me to alter my opinion. It was very well for those third and fourth rate barristers to min the administration of justice ; it was like servants praising their masters, which no doubt is very magnanimous. The Association told the people, who were too poor to gain admittance, that they should open the portals of justice to them. We asked them for a farthing a week, or a penny a month, or a shilling a year, and pesumesad to justice—to give them a filial affection for the laws by 'MT; that the laws afforded paternal protection. The Association also promised to detail the injuries of the Irish, and to appeal to the Legislature for redress : at this time they esteemed the Legislature more highly than they could possibly do at present. The Associa tion were also to appeal to the universal English people, who were now indifferent to the cause of the Irish, because they were unacquainted with their sufferings and their merits. The English people I am sure would pour petitions on the table of the House of Coat. mons, complaining of the injustice under which the Catholics are suffering, if the English knew the baseness and cruelty of the I Orange faction. The Catholic Association knew that the Irish were always fond of justice. This attachment was proclaimed so long ago as the days of Sir John Davies : it was recorded by Lord Coke. The Association promised that its formation would produce I tranquilli. Had they not kept their word ? AU wat tranquil in Irelan d: from Cape Clear to the Giants Causeway, from the Hill of Howth to sir. Martin's wide domains at Cunnemara, perfect tranquillity was restored and preserved through the agency of the Catholic Association ; but yet it must be put down—it was unanimous—lreland was unanimous for the first time, and the Feels, and the Eldon', and the Liverpools were shocked. The Catholics were always divided before ; division was accounted I necessary to the good government of Ireland. Each particular hair of Lord Eldon's wig stood on end—lard Liverpool was disturbed from his domestic care—the dignity of Mr. Peel wu affrighted, and all because the Association was unanimous. Let us hear the I alleged grounds upon which we are to be put down. The first is intempetance of speech; the next, the fear that the Catholics would ' seize upon the tithes, interfere with the administration of justice, and the language of the address to the people, in which the word "hate" has been introduced. „ The potent, wise, and reverend" Senators have been for four nights employed debating on a Popish adjective, or I confess myself utterly astonished when I re. I fleet into what magnitude I have grown. The Meeting will now suffer me to go through the charges to which I have alluded. As to iptemperate language, is it the age of school-boys or old women ? There are old women of both sexes ; but is it the in. fancy or the dotage of legislation that a penal law should be founded upon intemperate language? But the law was already sufficient; it gives an adequate remedy, and when I had the mis fortune to speak of that principle which placed the House of Ha nover on the throne, and but for which I might now go through Sardinia, or Savoy seeking for the legitimate monarch of those islands—when I chanced to mention that principle, that a time may come when oppression would no longer be endured, but when resistance would become justifiable--a principle which I am proud to repeat in the presence of Englishmen. (Hear, hear.) I Was dragged to trial before a jury. supposed to be Orange —every man of whom, I rejoice to say, was a Protestant ; but they were Protestants who respected their oaths and their judgments, and scouted out of Court this ridiculous charge. The prosecution de. monstrated that a system of perpetual vigilance was kept up, and that if I or any other member of the Association said worse, it would have been noted : if any decent ptetest for other prosecu tion. had arisen, it would certainly have bun embraced. There were spies and informers sitting at the table With the members of the Associatioe. This was known to every member of it. A young gentleman of education and respectability called upon me, and informed me, that he had been offered liberal payment by the police, if he would go and report the proceeding of the Association with a view to prosecution, if any thing should fall from the speakers which admitted of it. This gentleman had so great a regard for my private friendship, that lie told me he would forego the advantages derivable front such an employment if I thought it derogatory, or that it was disagreeable to my private feelings. I knew that men who were estimable in private life, and would do honour to any rank or station, had filled the situation of re porters, and I told this gentleman by all means to accept the em. ployment, and to demand from his employers an increased remune ration ; for that I would get him access to every document which should be in the possession of the Association, and full time to copy any he desired. As to the second objection, we can declare, that Roman Catholics never once entertained the notion of taking any tithes. I will be ready at once to give up the cause of , Emancipation, if such a thought has ever found a place amongst them. The Address to the Catholic people was prepared by me, and if there is any thing objectionable in it, that may be a good reason I for suppressing me, but it is a very poor one for suppressing the Association. But have any of those who have spoken of the ad dress with such sickly affectation and maudlin sentiment denied that its object was peace ? Have any of them dared to deny that it has attained that object ' (Hear, hear.) I addressed the reason, the feelings, and passions of the people, and conjured them by all they hoped or feared to abstain from acts of violence. I appealed also to their strong sense of the wrongs they had suffered : and if I had omitted to appeal to that vest motive, how should I be taunted ? It would be said, you are an advocate : if you were sin cere in the cause of your client—the peace pf the country--would you leave the principal witness uncalled, and his testimony without comment? (Hear, hear.) I did not excite to hatred-1 did nut justify it ; and yet, was it not legitimate after all to hate the rubber, the oppressor, and the murderer ? I should have proved that such were the Orangemen. I hate the robber, not pervnally,—(lad for bid that 1 should have any other feeling but perfect and universal charity towards any man or body of men ; but I hate their pauses. plea. I will refer to a Book which we alt equally respect to show that there the term " hate," was DOI used in the ladylike manner contended for in ;he House of Commons. Its the la uguage of pat. etry. or rather of rhyme s in Hopkins and Sternhold'a translation of the 245:h Psalm, it was thus used : . " I much abhor the frisked sort, their deeds I do deapist, I do not once to them resort thar hurtful things devise. 0 shut riot up toy soul with them, in sin that take.their fril, Nor put my life among those men that sack touch blood to spill. For in their hands much mischief is, their lives thertiritil %anon& And nothing else in their right bandibut bribes see en be found." Perhaps it was the fray that hatred might be attended to those in whose right hands bribes were to be found, that made some Hon. Gentlemen have such an abhorrence of the exprrshion. (Hear. hear.) In the 139th Psalm, 21st and 22a verses, the Prdmist says. " Du not I hate them, 0 Lord, that hate thee ; and am not I grieved with those that rise up against thee ? Yea, I hate them right sore, even as though they were mine enemies." If even the language of Inspiration used the expression hatred, what becomes of the affectation that would condemn its use, not for a purpose of mischief but of peace ? and whatsovereign contempt do I feel for those who are horrified at the mention of the word hatred, .and yet continue to itdulge in practical comity.—men. who tarnish Chris tianity by a sickly affectation of sentiment ! I now come to the question of the Catholic Rent. The Catholic Rent has been con demned ; and it is said there are two books kept, a red and a black. and that those who did not subscribe are put in the black book. The r.xl book is pretty well known to the members of a certain llnuae,and I suppose there is something like a black book kept under the Minister's table, and many an illustrious H'hig name is to be found in the title page. The statement as to the black book belonging to the Catholic Association Is a barefaced falsehood-.-an utter, total, shameless, unsupported falsehood. The men Lem whose lips this untruth issued ought to go back and brand with infamy their false informers. There is no real ground for oppres sing the Association ; it was sought to he put down, only on poor, paltry, miserable sophistications like that which I have mentioned. I ask, have we been guilty of any real crime ? if we had, would these poor paltry charges have been had recourse to ? We are charged with having made speeches having p tendency to produce a breath ef the peace. Nothing else was imputed to me—no breach of the peace was charged. Upon the pretence of this tendency we are to be put down. Calumniated itobespierre I how a living Minister, and many a dead one laughed, when you were charged with prosecuting under the pretext that parsons wercluspected of being suspicious ! We are now prosecuted and put down for haring made speeches having a tendency*. to commit a bieath of the peace. (A laugh.) There is Ogg additional ground upon which I feel that the Catholic Association cannot be shaken. In the entire series of ditftossions, no Man Mulled the criminal audacity to charts e any nacoilpr. of the Association ' with uttering a single word injurious to the sacred principle of religious liberty, or refitting on the religious tenets of other accts. This proved that there was no rancour or ill-will town& our Protestant fellow subjects ; if there was, it must have floated to the surface. It showed more; we are charged with courting popu larity : —that popularity which arises from serving the people is consolatory, and is not despised by any man, but one who does not deserve it. If we were looking for popularity, the absence of any expression of ill-feeling towards the professors Of other sects, proves at least that popularity is not to be bought from Irish Catholics by speaking ill of Protestants. (Cheers.) I have served my coun try faithfully twenty-one yeanq but I am confident, that if I ventured to infringe on this awed principle—if I spoke with disrespect of the religious feelings of any sect, my twenty-one years service would not protect me from the just indignation of my countrymen. (Hear, hear.) This has ever been, this still is, the living principle of Irishmen— For happy homes and altars free, with a readiness to extend the same humane and charitable dispen sation to all mankind. (Continued cheers.) This Act of Parlia ment, which is now intended to put down the Association, is a yin lation of the Constitution, an additional violation of the Treety of Limerick. My immediate ancestor signed the Treaty of Limerick, by which it was agreed that the Catholic" should enjoy libtrty of conscience. I call upon England to ratify this treaty, to realise to me the treaty made with my ancestor, and for which a valuable con sideration was given. This new Act is a violation beyond the letter, and beyond the spirit of the law. We met in a small number peace fully ; it was against the wisdom of our ancestors to permit tu multuous assemblies for petitioning; now we can have no corres pondence, and thousands, and hundreds of thousands must meet whenever it shall be found necessary to petition the Legislature. There was. an Act of Charles the Second, which proliitsits the meeting of more than twenty persons to petition for the redress of pretended grievances; but this did not prevent or impede the right of Petitioning for the repeal of real grievances. This Act was lint so unconstitutional as that of the present day, which prevents us from meeting for the repeal of real and serious grievances. It was falsely said that the Convention Act had been passed in Ireland, in 1793, to put down the Catholic Committee. ! The Convention Act of 1793, of which so much has been said, was not passed to put down the Catholic Committee ; it was in. tended to stop the progress of Jacobinical Conventions. The Ca tholica formed no part of its object; they were, at the very moment of the passing of that Act,employed in endeavouring to soothe and tranquillize the excited feelings of the people at large, and, true to their King and their purpose, When the flame did burst forth, and rebellion stalked through the land, the Catholics lent their assist ance to oppose its progress ; and the head of the Catholic Nobility, my Lord Fingal, met the enemies of the country at the head of his regiment. (Gear.) That Act (the 311 of (leo. III.) was one against public meetings calculated to excite riotous proceedings, and assembling under the pretence of petitioning Parliament. But there is an especial clause, permitting and authorising the existence sif meetings for the purpose of petitioning. It is only tits pretence that is rendered illegal by that enactment. But what has been done under the pretended sanction of this very statute ? 1 will inform the Meeting. In the year 1811 the Catholics of Ireland appointep delegates, for the purpose of petitioning the Legislature for the restitution of their rights, and the removal of the disabilities under which they laboured. This delegation gave offence to the Law Authorities of that day. We were brought before die Court of King's Bench in Ireland. The Court of King's Bench was then differently constituted from the present t but doubtless it too had been lauded as a paragon of perfection by Senators who were not advocates, and advocates who ought not to have been Senators. It certainly was also praised by the low fry of third and fourth rate barristers, perhaps as much praised as at present, with only this difference, that it did not deserve it. Well, we appealed to the Court. We stated that we had assembled for the purpose, and not under the pretence, of petitioning. We appealed to the (*.met, I say—we appealed to the law—we episoded to common sense—we appealed to the dictionary; but we might have spared ourselves the trouble : the pious Lord Chief Jusuee Downes decided that we were—that we had mistaken the use of words—that, in short, pre tence and purpose were synonimous terms. This was the mode in which an Irish Court of King's Bench interpreted the law. I will advert a little to the then constitution of that Court. Judge Downes—the pious bible-distributing Judge Downes—has since retired to the °firm corn digoitate of a Peerage. Judge Day, the second in command, is a most worthy and respectable individual in private lite. No man can be more ready to admit it than I ; but he is not now on the Bench, and I am sincerelyglad of it. Well, there was Sir George Daly—the third—who had voted himself from a barrister into a Judge, by voting for the Union. All I shall say of him is, that he was of opinion purpose was pretence, at least in common law if not in common sense. The list was ,Mr. Justice Osborne; he has since gone to his own account before another tri bunal, and I shall pass lightly over his grave. My Lord Duke, the reasoning was with us—the decision was against us; the Catholic Board was put down, and we were decided to be absurd blockheads for appealing to common sense. (Loud cheers and laughter.) But the Ministers of the present day have gone further than the Administration of 1793—they have pro fited by their predecessors mission, and grown wiser on the sug. gestion of the Court of King's Bench of 1811. In their present Act against Illegal Associations, they have left no loop-bola—pre tence of petitioning and purpose of petitioning are declared equally unlawful—and what does this caution of theirs prove, say Lord ? It proves, that in the interpretation of the Act of 1793, we were right, and the King's Bench wrong; and that that Court in 1811, instead of expounding and administering the law, took upon Wagf an set of direct legislation. Now, my Lord Duke, for a single observation on the present enactment 2—After making every meet ing, even in a private house, if we but talk of politics and petiti oning, and see one another CtiOn the space of a fortnight, and discuss the subject again—after making every such meeting with a man's own friends illegal; nay more, such a meeting at my own table, among my own family, if we discuss the forbidden subjects, may be construed halo an illegal association under this Algerine Act. What is the very next clause? It provides, that any mayor, magistrate, &C. may disperse such meeting by force; and If he has reason to believe the existence of such a meeting, he may demand admisaion into the supposed place of its existence, and if admis- 1 sion be refused he is at liberty to enter by force. My Lord, what species of legislation is this in England? (Hear, hear, hear.) I repeat it—in England? for let Englishmen know, that though the law be only made now for Ireland, it affords a precious precedent for future legislation in England itself. (Loud cheers.) What, I my Lord Duke, in the City of Dublin—in the very bosom of my family, returning from Court after a day spent in the discharge of the fatiguing duties of my profession, with it may be alt the vanity ' of successful exertion in my heart—(pardon me for so speaking of myself)—if at such a time I should pity my situation, and indulge in the natural complaints consequent upon seeing third and fourth. rate barristers, my companions, plated over me, on account of my religion being Catholic—if I should pour cut my heart to my family, and we should talk of our political situation and petition. ing fur redress (and they are the only things we talk of)--if I re mind my son, while his heart is burning and bursting with his own and his country's wrongs, of his duty to his King end his God— Graciotim Heaven ! is the Orange Magistnue at such a time to conic, armed with the authiwity of this Act, and rap at my door? (bond and continued cheering.) Is he, I repeat, to invade the' sacred privacy of my fondly ? Is site whom I have chosen as the partner of niy life and fortunes—is my wife—are ni7 daughters to see the ruffian Orangeman, surrounded by his satellites, and bear ing the badge of his office, enter niy habitation, and insult usi with this Act of Parliament ? Is it in England or Algiers this ! atrocious Act has beets framed? Ant I in Constantinople, or the free and polished capital of England, that 1 see such a statute put forth by Orange atrocity ? (Loud cheers.) And what are the con. (Mimi' under which an Orange Magistrate may avail himself of this power to insult toy family and outrage my feelings? Is u necessary there should be any information laid respecting the alleged illegal meeting? No; he has only to suspect us of an on. lawful intention. What a mockery is this! my protection is to lie in an Orange 31agiNtrate's belief! But we sill suppose he has overstepped his power, ample as it is; what is my redress tor the injury ? To take my case before a jury composed of Protestants. perhaps of Orangemen, stumnoned by a Sheriff whose tide-deed to his office consists in a pledge to give the Orange toast—the signal of tattion, insult, and discord in Ireland. And these be they who are at liberty, with this A.; in thet: hands, to stagger :c my house, outrage the feelings of my wife and daughters, and 1 must bow to the eaeth before them. My Lord Duke, I &mania sider existence worth havieg• under such circumntancm(ehears); but I will endure it will sutler in patience, and preach to shy family that Christen charity lerrards oqr oppressors which is mit practised towards us. 1 have told the Meeting in what mitioneriMs law had pmeectled, and was 11,kelly to pass. It is the offspring el' ~ maudlin affectation and sickly sentiment. We were deemed int • ou crime, aid this is our reward. The only breach of the pewees have committed, consists in our attempt to tranouilluie oureenn try (laughter), and we are met by an Act of Parliament. I will tell you for what object we associated. It was not to bindloto Eqdierohl interests the Catholic peers and men of fortune ; their layaltyJed newt been for a moirent queetional ; but seeing. or ,thinking win saw, the presages of a gathering storm in the Ennerreree weeld. • looking. , at political appearenees, we &I think we could pseeriesin • their ii7lent progress, tranquil as it seemed, the tokens of sto. imo proaching storm. We made our preparations acconlingly, to eeo cure the peasantry of Ireland ao the side of Englisb interests, io the event of a contest--and were our preparations ill-riveted? Does the experienced navigator prepare his vessel to meet the rage of the coming tempest but in the moment of tranquillity ? In this manner we acted—the critical moment had arrived—we saw it—and asked admission to the temple of the,British Constitution— offering on our parts to solemnise a sacred contract. and make o • holy alliance between the English and the Irish people. (Load cheers.) Is not the consummation of such an alliance what Lug land should most desire ? I may have a propensity to become s. boaster, and 1 confess it is with consideaable pride I point to tho Catholic State of Maryland tolerating the Protestant—the Catholic State of Hungary tolerating the. Protestant--and the Oat olio Stool of Bavaria also tolerating the Protestant—all in the fulleii, frets; manner, and admitting him to the enjoyment of all State prteileme. One more grievance, my Lord Duke, end I hate done. Are we put down by men of talent ? Have we the melancholy satisfactior, of falling under the unjust sharks of Statesmen possessing a cha racter for ability and genius ? Who are our task-roasters ? • The money-making Eldun—the domestic Livcrpoul—the getithel Pee.— the sincere Canning ; and the seal is to be put to the Ate: by Goal born, whose brother was Cannel unfit for Botany Bar. 0 that Mere were a vacancy in the Secretaryship, and that he hit/telt were foewarded to that colony ! (A Lugli.) I shall return to ma country, my Lord, with another link added to my fetters, and with only one consolation for my friends--one hope to hold ino to my children. That consolation cones, in the gracicroa prods merlon oti his Majesty to his Ilar.overian subjects. My children', hope shall. ee in the knowledge' that the great .and generoaa people of tlngland will not penitent in their apathy towande Ireland. or continue parties to its oppressinn. I will tell them tat the public mind of England is awakening to a venne of thelr in juries —a days:min has already arisen, that the same sun of justice will shortly appeai, slid shine equally upon oil : and that soda, Its influence Catholics and Protestants, combined in mutual affection, will exhibit the magnificent example of a conntry..noired end,- equal lawn, and capable of bidding neflanee.to the. reel& The Learned Gentleman sat down.aniid loud applause. Mr. O'Hiaxior said, he would ail the attention of the meeting to one or two cases of injustice in Defend, of which he had profes. aional knowledge, and in relation to wdielt his name bad been men tioned in the House of Commons. Mr. EIL then addressed the Meeting to the following effect : "My Lord Duke—l rise under somewhat inauspicious circum stances, illy friend, Mr. O'Connell. who has engaged so much of your attention, and who has so strongly elucidated the misfortune,' of his country, has exhausted the subject—he hat nearly exhausted himself, but has not at ail exhausted you. The hour adrconlalics me to be brief; and, without any preliminary expatiation, I shall a: once proceed to the landing feature of that important 3:Orion by which the attention of the people of En g land i s engreorea. What, me hard Duke, is the Catholic AMociation ? It is a great incorporation of the Catholic Clergy, the Catholic Nobnity, the Catholic Gentry, the Cathelic Merchants, and of the Ca tholic Bar, who have associated themselves together, in order to abolish that Aristocracy in Religion which generate; the black est animosities, arrests the progress of nations) improvement, in verts the natural order of society, deprives wealth of its influence, rank of its authority, and genius of its honours. In tits promotion of this object a considerable expenditure became necessary. The Rent was established, and by the protnptn to with which it was collected, has refuted the charge that the Roman Catholic pea santry are indifferent to the liberties of Ireland. This contribution was essentially voluntary. The allegation, that the two books wero kept, including the names of those oho did and who did not sub • scribe, is a preposterous fabrication ; the simple truth is, that is, names were recorded, but those of the persons who transmitted the gross amount of subscriptions from their respective districts What were the objects to which this money was applicable? it was applicable to the education of the Catholic poor. Nearly mac hundred thousand pounds are annually granted for the education of the Protestant poor; the Chance Schools alone (and they ate mere numerics of apostacy) receive 190,000/. a year. The Forensic Theologians, to whom the funds of the Kildare-street Societe are entrusted, attach conditions precedent to its distribution which to. wholly incompatible with the genius of the Catholic Another object of the Rent was, the building of chapels for the poor. In England, the Protestant is compelled to repair the Protestant Church ; in Ireland, the Catholic nor mile re pairs, but builds the Protestant Church. It is observed by Ammianus Marcellinus. that Julian, the Apostate. persecuted the Christians, whom he celled Gallileans (sec are called Papis s). by excluding them front all oflices of emolument, by depriving then. of the benefits of education, and which, although a Pagan, Amnia anus pronounces to be most unjust, by obliging these to build the Pagan Temples at their expense. Putting the coitsideration oC tloo grievance aside, it will be admitted that the Association wore ru very culpable in desiring to obtain the means of raisin e chapels fc 7 the Catholic poor. I conic to the chief object of the Rent—the at tainment of justice for the Irish peasantry. The interference rim the administration of justice is urged as the chief ground of im peachment. Is the administration of justice in Ireland pert ? The whole question resolves itself into that single point. If it be not pure, it will not be contended that an effort to correct its abuses, and shield the Catholic population front the dominion which the Orange faction exercise in its inferior departments, is deserving of reprehension. The administration of justice is not pure; and I um dertake to prove it—first by a necessary inference from the state of the law itself ; secondly, by the authority and densest:ions of the Judges of the hind ; and, thirdly, by clear end indisputable facts. It will not be denied that religions are as embittering as tuitional animosities. Upon that principle has the Legislature acted in the cases of Aliens ? By the 29th of George die Second, in all se nors between a Papist and a Protestant, the whole Jury must le Protestants. In this particular the law has been mitigated--a par ' tial relaxation has taken place —our chains have been struck oft; but, as Peter Plymnley observes, our gaol jackets are left on : the 'pint of the penal code remains behind. In all politicsl cases the whole Jury are uniformly Protestant, and, as the Isw stands, no Ca tholic can be a Judge, an Attorney-Getteral, a Solicitor. Gen eral, a Sergeant-at-haw, a King's Counsel, a Chair:ban for the county of Dublin, a Sheriff; or a Vicar-General. The Protestant Bishops appoint all the Judges of the Courts where wills are fo be proved, and where questions of tithe are peculiarly cognisable. Is not justice in Deland, then, completely Protesteniscd ? Is not justice stamped with the character of sect ? Does not the law pat: every man eetrusted with a Ministerial office in the administration of justice, in mind of the prerogatives of his creed ? It is in the Corporation of the City of DubEn that this systen, is found to ge nerate the worst results. The Corporation appoint the Sheriff.— the Sheriffi appointtheJurors—and if the Corporation, the Sheriffs. and the Jurors are Orange, what chance can a Catholic upon los trial have amongst them ? The constitution of the Dublin Cal potation d particular attention. It Is composed of a Boar.l of Aldermen, a nd of a common Council, into which Catholics are not admissible by law. The Catholics are, by the Act passed in 1;113, capable of being free of the city of Dublin, but a bye-law of the Corporation excludes them. So far is this principle carried. that every freeman 'wens that ht will not take a Catholic ap prentice. Is it then poasible—it it in the nature of things, that the administration of justice should not be vitiated under circum stances such as these ? YOf are not ignorant of the ferocious orgies in which the Corporator, of Dublin give sent to their constitutioeal detestation of Popery. I now proceed to the statement of facts, atot you will observe, that in complaining of the administration of justice, the Catholic Association complained not merely of the religious, but of the aristocratic spirit by which hlagintrates are influenced, and of which their proceedings furnish abut - dant proof. I shall meetion the examples of this fatal pante - lily without distinction. In the first place, then, I should be solicitous to know if the Attorney-General for England conceives that the !Menai of the Cite of Dublin are perfectly impartial in their selection of Juries ? What was his defence when he instituta his ea-officio proceedings? He alleged, that the Jury led been packed by Sheriff Thorpe. Ile proved it at the bar of the House of Commons; he justified hitnailf; and now, after the enderice furnished in that case, and in the succeeding examples which have been recently a*brded, the Govemmerit puts down the Assoeis tion, and leaves the Corporation unavailed. In the ccurse of that most important investigation, it way stated by ail Attorney,et the bar of the House of Commons, that he had hinvell_ packed Juries, witO the assistance of the Sub-Sheriff of the city of DOAN. In the case of " the King against Kirwan." during Mr. Swindle Administration, it was proved that the Jury had been tactually selected at the Castle. A political sympathy existed between Mt. Saurin and the Corporation, and every abject of that Uinta Gentleman acts readily accomplished. T he meotitio of th s Officer of the Crown lends me to his celebrated letter. AP At tornev-tieneral he tampered with the Chief Justice, and di rected him to infuse Ilia own political prejudices into the naiads of the Grand Jury—to take them into his ehainber, and poem* their mina's against their feline-citizens. What wringer proof do you require titan this ? Was it ever denied that the knee was written ? No, it was not attempted. Mr. Peel, with all his ctipidity, could not escape from ft. Is not this eannustve. an irresistible, a daunting tact? I 'hail rot. my Lord. eaten into any minute enumeration of the instance* in which Orono Junes have acquitted their confederates in the North. 'rhea broad assertion may be made with perfoet troto :—The Ca tholics have no asms, the Orangemen have—from ten to tweets Catholics are massacred. The tharigemen are tried al* DOW • found guilty ; but it a Catholic Is round guilty , how is lie dealt with ? book at the case of the Priest of Moot. A eta_ thulic Priest adinsaist.red the Sacrament rat hat Church to the wire of • Protestant, ono smelted him to do se. H e en , u „di cta , for this offence. The wife was tin: allowed to give evidence, Imo lie was sentoiced to s vest's iiiinanonment by the 31agnireatia. The Barrister who erronnenly reteeted :he testimony, and wee v • eclat on to Mr. Plunkett. disapproved of the sentence. 'l'ha pram, to Lord "%rethink?* credit be it laid, was discharged by the Crows. But it illustrates the megis«oial stint. A ' , At:email In the comity .b e ce,4 a ed t uct li u, k gpo t j il nad est mgeo an :dsise u i n . f jortmeouLti:ttesif,ut,uora:dnes,gusuillantdytanNocodeimZilielin.:tut:ztenCl. csadwerrilti,: & - M I ;i' w