The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1807-02-05 00:00:00

hr VII iet to J. g I )3 I $ A neutral; as our enemies may s ewer to wares . d e . It may be said, that there is a danger o f our t eas offending neutrals ; b u t I a pp rehend this is net a principle upon which the present Government Ca defend themselves. They have already sided se en that principle. The condud of this country suss diegraceful during the late Negotiation w ith meried, at tee very moment when the Non-lm iodation Ad of that country was hanging over our bea ds. Nn nation in the world could have made our cot-lta a ground of sourrel, even had we A a dopted she measures I propose, as to the trade car ried on by neutrals, when they see that it is our en my who imposes upon us the hard necessity if eie have a right to exclude the trade of neutrals „ r olls., we have an equal right to exclude it alto obese We have a right to say to the enemy, you earl hsve no trade with other nations, till their ve s s els have touched previeusly at our ports. We might requite neutral nations to make an entry at our Custom-House. All that I shall now add upon .be s uejed is, that as I conceive the measure absent by His Majesty's Government is wholly in • adieuite to the object in view, and that therefore tee Order of Council ou g ht to be produced to this Hare, in order that I may be enabled to propose a resoletion to that purpose. I would be contented to leave that resolutien upon the table of the House, in order th it Ministers, in consequence of such opi- nion being expressed, might adopt crime measure mere ad-route. I Cull now, therefore, coedit to with moving—" That an humble Address be oi e meted to Hie hlejaaty, praying that he will he gee- cloudy pleased to order a Copy of the Grier of Council of the 7th of January last, relative to Neutral Vessels trading from Port to Port, helong ieg to the Enemy, to he laid beforo the House." Sir J NICHOLLS" Sir, Feeling as I do, that a conoderehle part of what has Open said by the Learned Gentleman who has made this Motion, relates to the ituetion I held in His Majesty's Go. vernment, I shall merely offer a few observations upon the subject of the order alluded to, withont at ail toddle% upon the personalities which he lies made towaris others, with whom I am connected. It was with regret that I heard him state the grounds of his Munson. as I .hick it would have been more for the poetic interest, that such a question should sot have been thus publi:ly discussed, as tire very i discuoion of it may tend to defeat the o jea in view. A Motion for tha production ' 1 a paper is on, which generally meets with a favourable reception in th s House ; hut then it must be consilered whet the nature of that paper is. It is an Order or Coun• e;1 to regulete the cenduel of our cruisers. Does he find any precedent fur such a produdlion being called for? There is none, and the reason is or s vious. III: 1 do not mean to r i e that a possible case might ! not be made out to :tastily it. Toxic has, however, been none. By these rood:46mm to our cruisers being circulated, a.: the Right Hon Gent observes, in every Coffee-house, de. it is evident the' the Nohle Lord, who brought it forward, was ne d— eiroesto suppress its contents, nor wield he have any wish towards edging the discussion, from persoaai motives, or any other than that of the public 'merest. As to the propriety of the measure itself, I shell pro (wed to consider it as it the paper was adeelly be fore the House, the contents of it being already in our possession. The condud of the French Goye•ro roe •it mur, n. doubt, be considered -s a ve i4SIOO of the low of nations, the usages of war, and um rieho of indisendence and sovereignty. 1t is also a leo 1 assertion of the enemy, to &dare our o. its in a state of blockade, without having it In their power to pla:e ships before them. This country, it will be ad mitted, bee a just right to retaliate. 'Thus far we go together. Tnese may bee question, however, whether we ought to go to the u most stretch of retaliation, or so tee estrentit, of which the enemy may set us an esemp:e. I believe the House will not go to that grim which the Right lion. Gentleman wishes, when they consider the real policy of the less vigor els me roues already adored, and find that they wilt afford a reasonable hope of producing the wished-for effect ;enl, at the same time, are least oilculeted to eisteess neutral nations, which may be involved in the it justice if the enemy. lam sure a - 1 lease will jeoly concur with what is laid down in the Order of C. tined, expressing His [sta. jestv's unwillingness to proceed to such extremities, or fellew the example of our enemies. His Ma jesty, in consequence of these measures of the corny, was called upon to adopt some steps, in or derer) retort upon them the evils of their own injustice. Had we gone farther, we might have given cease of cemplaint to all neutral nations, and particularly to Portugal, Turkey, and America. The great object of the Right Honourable Gentleman's mo tion, seems to he to display his Anti-American principles. Besides being extremely distressing to these countries, we should find, that if we shut the door against neutrals, we would be shutting the door ag a in st ourselves We ought, on the contrary, to encourege the trade of neutrals. If America had 1.-o the opportunity of carrying colonial produce to several parts of Europe, how could the United Stmt.* purchase so largely tram this country. The exports from America to Europe, consist also consi derehle of the commodities of the country. Our -le:nu:enures, commerce, and agriculture, all re eeere, thin such st Trade of Neutrals should not be entirely suppressed. In return, we have the silk of Italy, the wool of Spain, the wines of Portugal, and even the wines and brandy of France, for our comfort. Tbe suppression of such a trade would, therefore, not only be distressing to Neutrals, as well AS our enemy, but also exceedingly inconvenient towards ourselves. If, however, neural nations were to abstain from all Oven's terse with this coun try, in consequence of the French Decree (of whith there is no danger at present, AS Prance has not sufficient naval force to compel them) it might then he necessary and proper to resort to the extremity of retaliation, now recommended. It appears to me to be a very commendable feature in the conduct of this country, that she is not resorting to rigorous rat:asures towards neutrals, at the vet y moment when tee enemy is proceeding to the utmost extremity. —1 submit whether it will not give a very great degree of fecility to our own trade, that very trade Iftsieh Bonaparte wishes to annihilate ; at the same time thee, by its operation, the whole coasting trade of tha enemy w.ll be entirely cut off. The advantages arising from the measure will be best appreciated by a due consideration of the great 1 , importaace of the coasting trade to the enem y, so I ;ft" • • which, not less than one htmdred thmand yokels are so employed t and, with all the efforts and be nefits of our maritime superiority, from the mouth of the Elbe to the Adriatic, the prostration, and merchandize of France, and her allies, are carried in perfed confidence and security. But, by the operation of the system lately adopted by His Ma jeity's Government, all ships sailing to and from the Atlantic ports of France, from Holland, to Bre men, North, and the ports et the 'Mediterranean, will be liable to capture. an 1 their cargoes subject to confiscation. Thus, although the experience of the past has enabled us to ascert sin the nature of the impression made nn the Military Marine of France, by the maritime superitnity of this country ; yet we will now have it in our paver to commence a direct attack against her commerce, and completely to destroy all these powerful resources, whicn con stituted the springs of her exertions, and were the sinews of her nazi vial greatness. But was these a further necessity to comment nn the numerous ad vantages which must aurally arise from the ado!). tion of the present system, with reaped. to Neutrals, or to put in a more conspicuous view the benefits which France did enjoy by its tea ring trade and which now most totally cease ; I have only to refer to the opieion of that able and learned Judge, who, with so much ability and wisdom, presides in that Court where prize causes are adju.iicated in speaking of the coasting trate, he has said, that mere cannot be a mote effedive accommodation to a power at wn • than to have the produce either of his domestic or ftneien possessions, carried from pots to port, during his own disability, in the most undisturbed security. Suppose France (said I.e), had a decided ancendaticy,lnd by means of her ma ritime superiority was enabled to restrict the com munication between the Northern and Southern quarters of Great Britaie, was a neutral bottom to be employed in supplying rbt s metropohs with ti.e rce.cary produCtions nr Jiff-rent pits of the Island, what more effect 441 auxiliary could ;here be, short if military assist v.ce r' Is then, I ask, a measure. calculated to deprive the enemy of those advantares, t a restrain him in :tn• prng• est t f his ageressioes, and to retort opts henself the .its of his own viol- -e, to be called an i ladl:pate, imbecile, and impralt'cable measure ? On t e con trary, it appears folly competent to the end for which it was designed ; strong aeainst the ene my, and not that case of extremity, which would in its on,i-annn greatly distress the trade of Neutrals, and eventually Injure British commerce. The Learned Gentleman opposite has alluded to the cond.ot of to, •, Administrations, and has endea voured to contrite th- vigorous system pursue.t by them, with thz inefficient and impralticable mea sure ',Mel) be has Ise m pleased to disapprove.— !teeny, I cantor subscribe tp the inference he has drawn, oartt.!ilarly, when I recollect, that mea sures were a s speed by the enemy, in former pi. riods.of a nature nitre hostile to the commercial in terest* of this cnarttv, 0 ais the present decli ratina of Blarpal and yer no one ad was devised, or ream* worsened, by the Government, for the Purlscw tit letter ding - aganat , he mischievous effeds likely to erase front the conduct os the enemy. It must be is dm recolaatinn of the !louse, and of the Learned Gentleman tnnsosite, that in the year 1797, when peace seas concluded between France and snstria, an Ote-r of tn. most rigorous and hostile nature was issued by t e French Government against the trade and eenimerce of Great Britain. It was dated the styli year of the French Republic, the re mei, ; or, to uae Christian Language, Ja nuary, 1798; and insiated, that the nature of the cargo should determine the right of seisure, and that she discovery of even elle single bale of British merchandise was auffizient eidence the the con demeans n of every vessel so taken, under such cir. cumstances. Elms, a merchant at Copenhagen. who had there purchased, in open market, goods and merchandise, the growth and maned/duns of this country, for the purpose of re shipping them to Franquebar, or a merchant buying at Lis bon, for the purpose of export to the Brazils, were, by the operation of this decree, deprived of their property, and debarred of those rights and privileges which had heretef-re uniformly attached to the subjects of neutral countries. This was not a decree, issued one day only to he revoked ripen the next, but was strictly and literally acted upon ; and, nn the Bth of December 17911, in. stead of it, being rescinded, we find the Chief Ma gistrate of the United States of America, declaring it, in an official document, unquestionably an at of war, and that in the condud of the French Govern ment there was a spirit of encroachment and aggres sion upon the commercial interests and independ ence of Neutral States, which nothing but a firm resistance and unshaken determination cuuld with stand. When, therefore, the spirit manifested by America on this occasion is rem-mine-est, and the indignant feelings of its Govermarnt, at this attempt upon their essential rights, is justly appreciated, is it net fair to concede, that a similar sentiment will &duet* them on the present occasion ? And, therefore, it is, in my opinion s one of the strongest reasons, why nn extreme measure should be adopted by His Majesty's Ministers, until the views and feel ings of the Neutral Pow.trs are fully ascertained, and the principles upon which they are determined to ad, with the sense and construction they entertain of the declaration of the French Chief, are unequi vocally developed. Reverting to this order of the French Government, I find it continued in force for two years; and yet there teas nothing in the system of this country, to meet, with a propor tionate vigour, toe hostility which was declined and ailed upon. I charge not the Government of this country, at the time, with any breach of duty in not adopting measures calculated to provide against the aggressions tf the enemy on the interests of Com mercial States; Inn I cannot refrain from cap.. .ong my surprise, that the same Learned Gentleman who has, on this night, accused His Majesty's Govern ment of a want of vigour and vigiltince. en the pre sent occasion, was one of that Administration. which, under such an hostile order as that :alluded to, did not then con:eive it necessary for this country to resort to any measures of retalia tion. Since the breaking out of the present war, this order has not been acted upon; but France has exerted every means iu her power to exclude articles, either the growth or manirfac sure of this country, from the Continent of Europe. It is true, this exclusion hat cwt been efactcd, auJ :---~ Itritish mercharuflibhas Aland its way to tbet Coast. nent, by stratagems and underhand evasions. In deed, from all neutral states, from Portugal. Den. mark, &c. no ship could eater any port of France, or these countries under her subjugation, without an order of the French Consuls, at the respective , neutral ports, called a Cettitisate of Oiigin, and under the cover of this Certificate, the British ma nufactures have been circulated through tle whole of the Continent of Europe. In considering the proposed substitutes of the Honourable and Learred Gentleman opposite, I shall advert to the ex clusion of neutrals from a trade in celonial produce of France and her allies, and Ostg 1 tatre to observe, that such an exclusion would not T2;ST the peice of Brititli colonial produce, aid rosy I.ave the eTeft of lessening the amount of British expo, leviers], under every view of the Case. these has nothing faller. from the Li :Pried Gentleman, there is nothing in th- merits of the proceedings to which he has adverted, vrtocii in any degree justifies a Par liametitity hiterpositien We pnsse.sed an en - questonable right cf retaliation, and, upon that reend, we have taken toe means of totally cutiin off the coasting trade. In fad, the measure whic't has been adopted, possesses the quality of lessening and expanding itself, so as to embrace every pos sible emergency which may arise. Neutral nations are equally beneficial to France as to Great Britain, and therclire there is a strong reason to believe. that when the bad Jeffs of her present policy are made vie b!e, 'tie may be induced to change her system, and again open the ports of Hamburgit, Totuangen, and Venice, to the trade of neutral states. Bur, on the other hand. should she ad vance its list schemes of injustice, and should the neutaal pow.rs be ieclined to surrender their *wand rights, and to all in a destruffive subser viency to her y.ews, the system which His Majesty's Minisies s have thought proper to adopt, possesses a ;sower of expansion proportion t- to th • injustice which may Le pradtired. Moder ation and firmness in the supp..ruing the great max ims of policy, are the sluties ea great empire. To insist upon extre mities, in the first Install:a, is rarely attended with beneficisl cons -quences ; and to rested and lower pretensions, seldom troves c editaqe to the na ienal char:refer, the unsullied p. eservatinn of which is national strength. The Under f Cou, cil is com petent to every present measure of security, a-d the right of any further or more severe measure of p. - licy, is by nn means restrieted. Under every cir cumstance of the case, I therefore conceive it my duty to oppose the Moiion of the Honourable and Learneil Gentleman." NIT. JACOBI wished to remind the House, that a very material daference existed between the claim mg of certain rights, and the potcy of exercising them. The tight to adopt the prop< sed measures of the Learned Gentleman was certainly in our p•iwer, but he could not conceive it expedient to inflAt an injury on the commerce of the enemy, at a vet y great expeace to our own i• teas s, and par. ticulirfy to the nterests of a de cription of men already grievously embarrassed, he meant the West India Flirter% and Vlerchanir. Lord C ASTLERIAG.I could not find, in what had falien from his Honourable and Learned Friend opposite (Sir J. Nicholll, any argument or weighty considerations, sufficient to overthrow or combat the strong and cogent rounds upon which hr; Honourable Friel d, near him, had rested his motion. Indeed, he ceurif not anticipate any just reason for refusing to lay before the House a dom. Ment, which was no secret, and which was in the hands of every person, unless the one to which his Hon. Friend had so pointedly adv.:. eJ. The House certainly could no: assume any right to question the prerogative of the Crown in making war, but it wool I be a dereliction o: its duty, to surrender its powers of controul. His Hon Friend admitted, that it Was a question of importance, not to be lightly discussed, but that, from its prima farie ina dequacy, it was incumbent on the House to investi gate its merits; and, from parliamentary forms, the necessary inqu.ry could n it take place, until the do cument was produced. It .vas not contended, that no practical effect would follow from its adoption ; but the objection is, that it was not sufficiently ex tensive. it went too far, or not far enough—too tar in the principle, and too deficient in the policy. With respect to America, in judging by past expe rience, he saw nu ground to c aiclude, that any spirit of resistance to the aggressions of France, would be mini ested by that power. On the f-rmer occasimi alluded to, the American Government wasted the time in fruitless negotiations with France, or in bribing with its money the persons exercising the executive power. Whetirer the measure now adopted was wise or unwise, adequate or inadequate, the only criterion by which to judge, was to look to the situation of this country, in respell to its malitims rights, and clearly to ascertain how the two systems mutually assisted each other. In former periods of our history, the maritime rights of the country were supported with manliness; comparing, with the circumstances of those periods, the difficulties of the present time, the claim has become larger, and the necessity more pressing. The Armed Neu trality contended only for two specific rights ; but the claims and demands of Fiance go to the de ans:iron of that cade, which, for so many years, supported the matitime greatness and commercial splendour of the British empire. It can, there foie, be no futile claim. uaaet the avowal of France, to demand, by the fullest information, how far France is served by the Government of this country either countenancing. or rather not effeetually counterafting,the views and objets of that powee. In the relations in which this country stood with Europe, at the former period alluded to by the I lon. and Learned Gentleman opposite, as con trasted with its present state of connexion, there can be nn parallel. France had certainly then, as well as now, a considerable extent of the Continent sub jeet to her yoke; but Hatribtagb and the Hanse Towns were not in the possession of the French Chief. neither had he any influence on the inters/: of Germany, or the condoet of Denmark. Though the North of Italy was subject to his domination, Naples. and the command of the Adriatic, were not comprehended within hi. sway. Portugal was then an independent and substantive power. She was not then. as et the present time. forced to pay to France a subsidy, imposed upon British guardian dibe, and which may be considered as a tribute more • •♦ tellidir and besegeisl thin any procured from the pin: of let arms, or the spoliation/ of her sub jogat-d A•lies. Therefore, it ;s idle .o consider the present hostility of that rower, as in any degree poralle: w:th the former petioal- ••• our history. At , hit mome. not)vithr • !ing the unenet-.ted mad iocontestin sune.ri-nity of s" British Navy, 5' . 11111501 has the power of impo-tiog alltthe ci oettrOuc• of herself and Alliea aid this focuity she will not . only cnntin ew a „ bat odual'y to no iserve ,hat toitatiorentalmonopoly, which, to the mire exclusion of British trade, sh- has in t• e ,iiiJsr of war so sue ce..tolly established. To state the extent ot 'his evil, in the abo nee rf lie necessory en Laments, is impossible; bat haviiig taken the re-esort oleic f America a s to • enterin: , o very strihroo pr..et cur kabenr.i. voitsle. Out ,evenly-6 re millions of dollars, the gross amount r. 4 the Omo oicon import, twenty-eight minion, have beon rualiy re-'spotted, whin' . either in produce • value, must have Intimately teac:ied the France Ea chequ. r. As a question of insurance, it would t • found, that, wits. all our super .urity at br.4 • an r . surance on an enemy's property would be addled in the city of London, at a premions 410.1 to that f a British merchant insuring a cargo from the isla: d of Jamaica In the communicating) between the G . vernmerts of France and America, and in the pat. trial relaxation of the decree in lay, ur of the la.trr power. the Noble Lord saw much to deprecate.— When he calculated on the nature of the represent ations the American Governmeot wer. enabled to make to France, and the little portion of mari time force the latter, however, could employ in enforcing its Decree, as applying to the trade cf America, he was convinced, that there existed be tween these two Govetaments, an underhand agreement. The motives which irfluenced the *midriff of Bonaparte to the deputation from the Manse Towns, lost all Influence. when applied to Americo. In the one case, with that spirit which belonged to him, he could steep in oblivion every argument, or even 'partial interest, which, in its operation, tended to impede his rooted and un deviating designs against independent Europe •But wi h America tnere WAS no ulterior or favourite *Ned to retires. him from a..y cot - currenca calco. toted to increase the mums of commercial wealth, and the improvement of colonial possessions. Ohs Noble Lord concluded by oh eyeing, it wa . the su .perintendino duty tit P_•rlion sot to guard egaiort the Mir ngement of our mareinse tights ; ono olds that view or the suhj 41, he thought it L:s duty to support c: motion co sits Hon. Frierd. kaarl TENIeLE cootet•digal. that he `elution of thelion.Gentlen.on was unconsitnotional and unprs- A•derted. The niou.e bad cerrainiy a eiglii to tom. Moll s but, until the present occas•on, he nevcrboard of toe HMse adualsy proposing to His Majesty as art ut warfare, and that at a moment when a meat sure of policy was pending between this country and the neutral states. He wished Inc Learneu Gentle. man had, previous to his attack upon Wooers for the non: paoJuOt ion of papers, carried his recoliention further back, when, at the Treaty of Amiens. a treoty actually concluded, tat Learned Gent. most san guinely and ditedly refused to comply with a Motion tor documents, which those who opposed that Troop ty thought necessary to have produced to the House's The Learoed Gentieman has not only condemna4 the inefficacy of the present measure, but pro„ need, as a substitute, to prevent the importation of French colonial produce entirely, as the means of roisins the price of our own. It may so oiorate, bus would it not - In its 'fads considerably lessen the amount of the Briti.h export trade f The British merchandise had found its way. under all the restridiour, to every part of the Continent and of the colonies ; acid it was principally in Arnericao bottoms this trade was carried on. In the year of the peace this export trade suffered a considerable diminution, in consequence of the opportunity Fronce and her Allies had to import site produce of their own a ilonies. In fad, was the trade of Ame rica to be restricted, and French colonial produce not promoted to be conveyed sired to France. the consequence would be, that it would be brought into foreign markets, in competition with the pro duce of the British colonies, and our merchants would he undersold. Further. was the proposal of the Learned Gen:lee:lan, to limit France o ith re. Sera to colonial produce, unle.s received though British ports, and liable to Britt. h Cunt., to be aelvd upon. nor wareho Wei would Le stockr f w iih such produce, and :he growth (tithe &Oa Is C.‘lonie. we idd suffer even in ,rte home market, by the competition. But the Learned Gent. appeared to labour un.'er a snarge roireonception, when he thought that the who, of the cow:rll produce brought to Etoopo in A tn , rican bottoms, was the growth of the French or Spanish Colonies. The amount of the French solonial produce never exceeded four millions; whet cal, the amount re-exported by America, was averaged at cloven millions ; and the inference sod fad was, that atter suotrading the amount of the French Colonies, the reinatnoer must hare been the growth of the British. Under all the circum stances of the case, it was the duty of the House to support the commercial intent-is of the world, at a time when the avowed and determined object of Bo naparte was to destroy the conimercial *relations of civilized states. and to bring back mankinl to the condition of the fourth century. Sir T. TURTON begged leave to assure the Ilouse, that he should only trespass a few momenta upon their time. He nought the refusal of Minis ters to lay the paper called f r bl his Right form and Learned Friend, before the House, was a moot extraordinasy proceeding; and he wished to ask Ministers, whether, in any instance, or at any time. where poprrs of this name were moved for, they had ever been refused t He couni net help ob. serving, that t!ais me'astire of His Majo. y's Minis ters bore, on the face of it, a want of vigour, and a wain of energy ; and was by no tneo,o, anal in no derte. a pr. per measure of retaliation. He could not well re in what manner it could affect out commercial eel t ion with neutrals, or how it tended to thr injury of suit neutrals. Let it be recolleded h. w we Atit:il at present, is re sped to those po'nt., and how we are a:laded i p I acts. France soy s that America wall be enemy s. ed from the ot ..er }ate deer e, for the bl-ck. ae of this country She 5h..4 Lociunie the only e artier helot _in the several nations of Europa. sad she shall derive o'l the ' , Avon/ages:or which we are deprived—(Coagbrog). He would ask Miaiaters ~i c 4, ,