The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1803-07-01 00:00:00

~R •, or • .0 , . +"'. ,_ . . . . k. • I in the Ilegutitions of Friendly Soc m►ler tl.e Aft of thessd of His present Majesty. PARISH POOl. Mr. ROSE also gave notice that he should to morrow move for kave to bring in a Bill, direaing Overseers of Parishes to deliver in an Account of the Number of Poor Persons relieved in their re &relive Parishes, together with the Amount of the Sums expended for that purpose. The Report of the Irish Salt-petre Duty Bill was speed to, and the Bill ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. The House went through a Committee on the liish Bank Note Bill, the Irish Militia Pay Bill, and "the Irish Consolidation Duty Bill, the Reports of which were severally ordered to be received to trstrrow. The Crenmittee on the Irish Revenue Regttlaticm was deferred till to-morrow. gr. CORRY gave notice, that be should to-mor move for leave to bring in a Bill for the further It.rilation of the Distilleries in Ireland. The 8 ECREIARY at WA R moved for leave •r , awing in a Bill, the objet of which would be the hctter scenting the Military Discipline of the Coun try. That part of the Bill which was new, regarded tome proviiiim to be made for the serjeants, drum rr.trc, tilers. and trumpeters of the Militia, and Yeo. minry Cavalry, in order that they should receive pay, be at all timt.s liable to be called upon, trained together, &c. which was •n anted. NATIONAL n: .FENCE. The SFCRIKTARY at WAR moved the third reading of the NU for raising -1.0,000 men as an /A r are of Reserve for that part of the United Kingdien celled England. Mr. JOHNSTONF. rose, and observed, that there was no man in or nut of that House, better disposed than himself to employ the most vigorous efforts, and make the most important sacrifices, that might be necessary for the support of the honour and independence of the country, or who would wish to use more strenuous measures, than he would, to weather the enormous and overgrown power of France. But, fully impressed, as lie was, with these sentiments, and determined, as he ever should be, in that disposition, he did not know that any exertions, however great, or any sacrifices, how everlarge, could place the country in a greater . de greeof security, than it would have been maintained in had the hoe peace been preserved. If there should aper to be any force either in what he had eaid e or at he had yet to add, it would only lead to give some effeecl to the mediation, which he un demote( to be now offered through the interference of the Court of !lassie. Whet, he would ask, were the o'ujeas which led to the war ? Ostensibly, as l.e understood it, the °Nees were these—the annexation of Piedmont, the invasion of Switzer land, the demand of the stsfrender of Malta, and some other points, which however appeared to be 4.4 a subordinate nature. But, on a due considera tion, however conspicuous these points stood in His Majesty's Declaration, he was convinced that the two first at least were not the grounds of the present tear. On the 29th -of January, it appeared, from *e papers now on the table, that the Ministers re soles:4l to conform to the stipulations of the Treaty of Amiens, argil considered the guarantee of Russia sudiclent security for Malta. Nothing hap pened to alter their minds or shake their determina tsen, from that time till the 9th of April, except the mission of Sebastiani to Egypt. He would not at present argue, whether it was or was not that single eitcuitistenee that changed their resolutions, nor should he trouble the House with pursuing the whole train of negotiation, as that was a ground which had been very much travelled over already. 'lle Ministers had asserted, in round and unquali fied terms, th it the enemy h ave them no other al tereative but the cession of Malta or war. They said, that 46 Malt:t or war," was the cry of the French Ministeis ; bu;, notwithstanding these confi de= assertions, he had no hesit.ttion to maintain, that etch was not the fan. In the French note, pre sented to our Ambassador, on the 9th or April, France offered to consent to any arrangement that would render Malta independent, both of England and the French Republic ; and, on the :td of May, it was proposed. et the part of the French Govern . meet, that the island should be placed in the hands of Russia, Austria, or Prussia. It would be seen , from lor d Whitworth'e Correspondence, that the French proposed to have this island surrendered to Russia ; but it was a mioerial and important omis sion in that commur.ication, that no paper was pro tiered avowing the reasons which we assigned for reinsing it. He did not 'indeed know, that any other reason was assigned for reje:ting t he proposal of giving the place up to Russia, than, that it would be incompatible with His Majesty's just pretensions. This incompatibility. therefore, with the just pre tensione of His Majesty , he was authorised to con sider as the real and true ground of the war. should this position be disputed, he would ask, whether, is we had offered to give it up, at that time, to Rus eia, either provisionally or in perpetuity, that ar rangement might not have been concluded, and the present ruptuie avoided? The distina offer was made ea Pais, to give up Malta to the Emperor of Russia, on the completion of which the French troops would be withdrawn from Holland. Now, tad the offer been accepted, and Holland evacuated by the French troops, nothing was more probable, . than - that things would remain in that state, at least for agate time; and, should they continue out of the country or two or three years, it was only raananatile to conclude, that the spirit of the people Would make it extremely difficult for them to re-en itaftnrwards. He would ask, what great dif fereuce it would mike, untier any circumstances, whether Malta was in our own hands, or is those of Russia ? Or, would it not be, even under every point of view, better fir this country that Russia s!it - ALId be the occupier of that Island ? The value o: the Cape of Good Hope was considered to be diminished on account of the- expence of retaining its surely the - - would apply more so is use of it, xpence. There , on that oc notice of His f Ruseie had :the affairs of , though inef- Sardinia, and re -es in the capi '_ that Bo- , himself is a ~~ • 1 * - • quarrel .so neer rneghbottr as the Russian 1 Emperor meld then he, or that so powerful a mo narch would not it Malta have been a check upon his enterprises. Nay, should Wance even renew its attempts against Egypt, Malta would be of more service to us in the hands of Russia, than in our own. If it could for a- moment be snspeted, that Russia would condescend to play an underhand game, and, after getting possession of the place,.turn a against us, there were numerous reasons, independently of the high chartaer of that Monarch, to dissipate suspicions so injurious and unfounded. If Russia was disposed to assist the views of France against our India possessions, it had it in its power to give Bonaparte a more advantageous port in the Persian Gulph, whence he could annoy us with more effea than he possibly cotild from Malta. He, however, denied, that FranCe could entertain these views on India, which had been attributed to it. There was nn part of the dominions of this country less amine-. table, and more out of the reach, than our East In dia possessions. If Ene , land itself was not less ac cessible to the attacks of France, than our Oriental territories ; if Bonaparte could succeed aeainst all the dangers and obstruCrions that we should neces sarily oppose to him, in conveying sufficient troops, stores, and ammunition, in safety, to some point of attack, what reservoir, after all, could he find against a disciplined and experienced army of 100,000 men, and a revenue of 19.,000,0001. annu ally ► To &ea all that successfully, would be bid ding defiance to all human calculation. The Ho nourable Geetlenran neet proceeded to specu late or argue on what was likely to be the. result of the present war. France would. no doubt, try all means in its power to shut us out from all the ports of the Continent, and would draw numerous and formidable bodies of troops to its coasts, threatening us vtlth invasion. Of the event of an invasion of this country, should the ene my be desperate enough to attempt it, he had not the slightest fears ; but, having lost the affections of one Fart of the people of Ireland. without conciliat ing the other, the situation of that country inay be considered as dangerous and critical. Upon that subject he should forbear to dwell, and would next call the attention of the House to what were our means of annoying France. It seemed to be agreed on all hands, that a defensive war merely would be ruinous to the nation ; and let him now ask, after we shall have taken such ships as the enemy has now at sea, and possessed of the colonies, what were our further means of offensive operations ? An Hon. (gentleman below him (Mr. Sheridan), who seemed strenuous for the war, had not proposed any. But a Noble Lord (Temple) who seemed still more san guine, pointed out three marks : Ist. A combination of the Continental Powers; 2nd, a direa attack by this country uenn France; and idly, the issuing of a declaration against the French Government. He would take the liberty of making a very few observa tions upon these three hopeful projects. As to the first, the only Powers on the Continent by which a confederecy could he formed, were Austria, Prus sia, and Russia. With regard to Austria, nothing was more plain than that she dared not enter into any such alliance. With broken and dispirited armies, demolished fortifications, and deranged finances, the consequence to her of a rupture would be, that the Empet or would quickly beheld the French in the heart of his dominions, perhaps in possession of his capital, and imposing on him a peace infallibly more galling, humiliating, and disadvantageous than that which he was last com pelled to submit to. Prussia would never unite cordially with Austria, and was as unable to con tend with France without assistance as the Emperor himself. And to allkhis, it must be added, that the dark, crooked, and covetous policy of the Court of Berlin, would rather induce it to forward than oppose the ambitious designs of the First Consul. There, then, only remained Russia which we could possibly look to as our Ally ; but supposing the Emperor of Russia ever so well disposed to co-ope rate with us, he could do but little unsupported by those other Powers of Austria and P 111651.4 whose dominions were between him and any point of con taa with France. And, after all, supposing that difficulty to be removed, what has France to fear from an army which must have 500 miles of a difficult country to march, and many intervening obstacles to surmount before it could come to the encounter ; and the same embarrassment in the way of rein forcements? Thus then were we reduced to our own military efforts against France. The lion. Secre tary at War said, that France had vulnerable points. He would ask him where were those vul nerable points ?—(A laugh from the Treasury Bench) —Gentlemen, he said, might divert themselves if they pleased, but he believed they would find themselves at a loss to describe any means we could have of a direct attack. He would even de fy die Hon Secretary at War, supposing his 50,000 disposable men to be now in readiness, to find a sin gle point where he could place these troops, and not wish immediately to have them back again. What, let him ask, would be the purpose of this war upon France, after its ships and co . - lonies were captured ? It would, perhaps, be said, that Bonaparte was unpopular. It might be so ; he would be the list to become his panegy rist ; but didit follow dint he must be unpopular in France, because he was an objea of terror to our selves ? (a universal and indi:pant* cry of No!-see!) Was he not at least an object of otir apprehension (the exclamation of Nu! no! reiterated on all sides.) He might, perhaps, he said, have gone too far—but though Bonaparte was a: least an objea of our ha tred, that did not preeeet the people of Prance from being ready to obey Lim. He may be. and proba bly was, tEsliked by many persons—but the gene rality of the people were willing to support him, to prevent the return of that anarchy, by which they were so long and so grievously alliieted. It may therefore be relied on, that the First. • Consul would endeavour to keep this country in per petual alarm, and would continue to threaten invasion, though he may never be aisle to effea it ; but we shall continue to block up his ports, thought we , may be unable Alter a while to do him any farther mischief. The :evenue of France was now `:2,0a),0001. net m0w...), all flowing from its inte rior, and out of which she received no more than 1,300,M)I. by sea.. So far from snaking any im pression on her finances, if experience had not shewn that already to have been a very bad crite rion eif success, die war would rather relieve them ; for instead of paying her troops from her own re gular resources, Bonaparte would take care as usual to quarter them upon neutrals ; with us the case was exceedingly different. This country depended on J __ '~ I . I it ; but surely the same argument. wou equally to the retention of Malta. and me deed,. for we should then have the same while .we were exonerated from the expence Naas further a principle of policy, which, ni . a.. ; casion, u&lt not to have escaped the notli Majett)':.. Ministers. The. Lmperor of R she. .1 a great dispovition to interfere in the Itftlq he had before exerted himself; thi fetaually, in behalf ef the King of Sardini gained, till very lately, a body of troops in sal of Naplc.,. It could be, he supposed, weans would gratuitously involve him ev, r 4 , h I& , r; 4 lft 1 / 1 to • • •- its cohtfaerce r emd whatever-Item/weary or uoiTerral advantages may arise, trade must eventually suffer by the war, and be inevitably followed by a propor tionate diminution of credit and of the finances. It was an error to suppose that England co uld in the end be gainers by war. The advantages we possess ed in point of trade, had arose from the destruc tion of the produce of St. Domingo, and some of the other French colonies, and the total stagnation of most or all of its manufactures. The next view heehould take, would be of the state of oar own finances, and in what manner they were calculated to support the pressure of a long and expensive war, sock :Is we should have reason to exped. The Minister expected to be able to carry on the war this year at the expense of 26,0n0,0001. out of which he calculated in a sue. plus of e,e00,0001. in contradietion to which, he would maintain, that in this year when we had five months of peace and seven months of war, the expenditure was not less than 3,390,0001 which, with other expenses since voted, would ' amount at least to 32,000,0001. and upon the whole, when all the calcuLe! and estimates were wound up, he maintained that it would be 44,000,0001. In proof of these different positions, he took a re view of all the fimmeial statements of the Supply. and Ways and Means of the year, in which we could not follow him without a repetition of a con siderable part of the Minietes last budget, a task we must beg leave to decline. He asked if it was possible for a numbee of years to continue such a course in so hoH.e, a cause ? What was then to be done ? After a length of years spent in laboripus exertions, we must return again upon the people in a worse situation than we were in a: the conclusion of the Treaty of Amione. Mr. PITT here interrupted the Hon. Member. He wished, he said, to know, wlit:::er upon a ques tion confined to the formation of an Army of Re serve, it was competent in the Hon. Gentleman to go into a range of observations, embracing the whole policy of the country, and discuss such ques tion's as whether we ought to have negotiated for peace, and whether we were now able to resist the enemy ? That surely was not the question of this day. Mr. JOHNSTONE on such a question thought himself at liberty to discuss whether it was the most advisable for us to have war or peace. The SPEAKER acquainted him, that he ap peared to him for some time past to Le taking a greater latitude than the question would warrant him in doing. Mr. JOHNSTONE then said, that after hearing such high authority against him, he should not par- sue that train of argument any further. While he exhorted the Government to avail itself of the me diation of the Emperor of Russia, he was far from recommeoding any pusillanimous measures, and only wished to reserve our strength till the powers of the Continent have so far retrived their affairs as to feel emboldened to afford us their assistance. As to the measure izself, all he had to say was, to express his hearty approbation of it [This declaration seemed at first to ot:ite surfir:ze, which was soon converted into a zeal of laughter.] He, however, maintained, that there was no inconsistency in what he said ; for though he approved of this as a defensive measure, he did not see how it would enable us to break the power of Fiance. Thi Hon. C. HUTCHINSON mentioned the present state of Ireland to be such, that in the day of danger this country might rely on a cordial co operation from it. He said that the hostile mind manifested by the despot of France, was sufficient to reconcile him to this or a much stronger mea- sure. Mr. ARCHDALE declared that he should be very unwilling to undertake so arduous a task as to follow the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last but one, through all the circuitous routes he had thought proper to traverse ; he should not, therefore, say a single word about Malta, or respeCting the late negotiation. The Hon. Gentleman to whom he 1 before alluded, had said, that we lost the affedions of one part of the people of Ireland, without con ciliating the other • but he believed that Hon. Mem- , ber did not stand t here as the Representative of the affeetions of the people of Ireland—nor was he pos sessed of the best information on that subject. He fancied, that if he had taken the trouble to institute a scrutiny into the votes of the inhabitants, he would soon find himself very much mistaken. The oppo nents of His Majesty's Ministers represented the country as not safe under the management of the present administration, though now and then they found occasion to say something uncomfortably well of them. In his opinion, the Government did as much as a Government could do—the conr.try itself must do the rest ; as all the necessary plans, or the greatest part of the plans, were already befork;. it. They endeavoured to keep peace, as long as it could be maintained—and ware not disposed, like their oppOlaClll4-- " Wooer helium, bellalidi quererc causas " Much approbation of this plan was not indeed to be expeaed from those Gentlemen who represent the Militia as children going to be, breeched, as useless, unless supported by double the number of Regulars--- that all was apathy in the nation—that when spirit and energy were most there was a pub lic abandonment of them, an. This language, to a person who talked in that manner of the failure of public spirit, would be— • • -laid rides ? " n c ti fibula narriiti ." He would ask them, would not a levy raised hi this way be as good as one raise.'_ in my other ? In what ever manner troops may be levied, they must be trained, brightened and sharpened for use, before they could le-brought into service ; and it must be acknowledged to the credit of the authors of this plan, that •they put the new levies under a descrip tion of officers capable of irstruaing and training them to discipline with the greatest expedition.— Now that I..ngland and Trcland were united, he hoped that there would 1, , .• no distinCtion in their lines of service, but that taey would be extended to the whole United Kingdom, and all parts of it in discriminately; and as to the present vote, he trusted that it would be passed with that sort of unanimity, that the general and indignant voice of England should reach the most implacable of our enemies whether in the recesses of the Thuilleries, or where ever else he may be, so as to convince him that it was the voice of the people, and not that of a war tafition. Lord DE BLAQUIRE complained of some speeches being delivered in that House, seemingly calculated to induce this country to surrender every thing worth cuLlieratioa at the feet of the Inv-- A - , s .~ ueseon:,fer3e:ar. would ' item or . 4 • . . elf ratl; er Tyrant of Franee, though undergone an accumulation injuries, any 44- h have t e ; :ffi " ei c e 'f nt til c i a s stead of this despondent tone, he expeted to hate e ch be in en tlr eem pr e 4 : i ud a it echoed throughout Europe, that. this One was not only able to cope with single handed, but able to conquer ited pull down the arroganc e of its enemies, and thought he should have heard the Honourable Gentlemen called to order, when he represented reentieer•e as an obj, a of terror to us. Ile considered the Bill as inadequate to its objects at first, and was pleased, on its coming out of the Committee, to find that it . placed these con scripts (a laugh I) these gentlemen then at the dispo sal of the Crown, to be transferred amongst the re gulars. He was however displeased with the limi tation of service to the Army of Reserve in the first instance, and should like to see it extended at least to Europe. Suppose, for instance, that Holiest(' should be impatient of its yoke, that Switzerland should be disposed to break its chains, or the Italian States to free themselves frora bondage, what might we not effect with an immediately disposable force of 50,000 men. Had e kept force in the late.war, there would have been no rebellion in Ireland ; the • British Rag might at this day be floating on the battlements of Toulon, and on the wets of Genoa, andthe fatalbattle of Marengo weraidneeer have bees fought. No man but a dastard would, in his opi nion, object to have Lis services extended to Europe in general. General GASCOIGNE spoke at considerable length in favour of the motto::, and in the course of his speech made frequent all ;ions to the opinions delivered in that "louse by Colouel CTilliford, and several other Members. Colonel CRAUFURD—g . Having never been in the habit of addressing public assemblies in any serious manner, and now undertaking to do so, for the first time in my life, I hope I may he thought entitled to claim the indulgence of the House, assuring Gentlemen, that they never bestowed that favour upon a person who stood more in need of it, as I never before had so much reason to Lament the want of talents for public speaking, or to reg:et the neglect of cultivating whatever I possess. I trust, that the reasoning and arguments which I am about to advance, will not he an swered by mere assertions; and I assure the House, that if my observations can be proved 1:0 be no more than the effusions of a desponding mind, I shall feel myself one of the happiest of mortals, and will feel more joy and satisfaction in that convic tion, than others can experience of triumph in hllr ing confuted me." The SECRETARY at WAR here observed,"tlizt as it was obvious the Hon. Officer was about to "o into military details, which may be improper for the public ear, he was under the necessity of moving that the gallery be cleared. The strangers were accordingly ordered to with- draw. The Mate continued for several hours, during which strangers were excluded—they were not ze admitted.—The Bill was read a third time. THE BRITISH PRESS. LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 1. Lord HAWRISRURY has communicated to the Foreign Ministers, His NIAJ esr it's determination to blockade the Entrance of the Elbe, in the striaest manner. This determination, we may presume, has been carried into execution. It will, we hope, open the eyes of the Continental Powers to their real interests. The little Corsican, arrogating to himself the sole dominion of the Continent, has as sumed it as a principle of his policy, that England shall have no ccnneEtion with the Continental Powers. He does not issue his mandate to that effect, as the organ of their will, but as the sovereign disposer of their destinies. He speaks of trade as if it were not founded upon reciprocity, and upon the principle of mutual benefit. The trade of England particularly, he affeas to consider a poison, knowriN and confessed to be so sure and deadly, that it is an aEt of humanity to prevent any poor lunatic power upon the Continent from swallowing it. BONA.- PARTE may be an able man in a camp, but he would be a weak man upon 'Change. He ereaed banks ever France, in expeaation that showers of gold would pour down from heaven through their roofs, as into the lap of llanac ; and he has dispersed Commercial Agents over the world, in hopes that, though every where known only as spies, they , could possibly acquire credit anb confidence. W-4121 the same commercial sagacity, he endeavours to shut us out from the trade of the Continent, neve; refleaing that, at the same time, he shuts Continent out from us. The occupation of the Elbe and the Weser by French troops, will be more injurious to the Continent than to England.-- Few continental merchants or manufacturers possess any large capitals, or can long, without loss or ruin, keep their stock of trade on their hands ; what' British patriotism and British resources are alike great, and public assistance always prevents therms of individual branches of commerce from suffering by accidental causes ; this neither is nor can be the case upon the Continent. from want of ipeans tad from want of public spirit. The short stoppage of the oommtrri ca tion with • England in 1801 produced a cotinsion in the cora. Inercial part of the Continent great beyond.belies , he prodnstions of .British is dustly from their ness, taste d aad chevani, 2re becomicairrarr miiMMIJIII arq tr) in as w2u. Ire WhcA t'ae fl prevented, ( England lose. dearer, being Lotting or ex produaicns. It is well zerland !ion' Southern Pr &c. which c; tour of the m. Switzerland norant and the only for other ratios shall LI per ary rueisuri The con point of vie some bane Continent, edrtess, n. snercial re. only a C .n was the town. Earl of Fl This e ore to he lery Gros Govern; regiments ssoNr, la The 11 College I ten ciao' finding N titular ci . opportun! adjournec The iu taken ini Week, 3u ccor , TNI A:4O to rermv eurred th his hones gross ant lion of afi As the Trance is Prussian Channel. The E; where his affairs of The ti for some tiquaries, and dep< Egypt: The S die differ Jury cat but they will not Yeste at Gull, tar,- at raised b The 1 his havi CHARLF the moc] which, right to informal The Euntaril) and ref der and mode of A C'' morrow the Mil' Yes: Sheriff,' r.cevred Consery diesex. an elev As tl mtid to I atilors— to mod followir and fore T io, the to resid resident airy, 'a dressed insignia Islam h the pul tended raded • played after a ' ty Wet, crown. tows— this n the .q ' other presen lair,. Thl 1110= every throw The ( by usl not 01 mere rivet the *ow THEATRE-ROYAL, HATMARKET. THIS EVENING will be preiented, the Play of THE ITALIAN MONK. With THE FARMER. Li a