The Statesman. — London, England, 1812-07-02 00:00:00

THE. S'A'C,; I. • . . , ~ . • .. ... . - 1111 • , . . .. . ....., ~ f e w months might - alter - the bearingsand propriety resolution passed elsewhere ; end much, indeed ; lid 'kat! fi rst general question which went to the ame- which no Catholic could take, were passed not in of 8 measu re. Opinions bad been falsely imputed ho hope, that the decision of this night would tette !halation of Ireland. Ile thought that the'situation deliberate wisdom, but at A moment o f f erment end. 1 to him, as if he had acquiesced in certain doctrines no cause for disunion with those who pas s ed that of the lowei classes of the community in that part of confusion, such as bail never before been known.-1-4 maintained in that House on a f ormer occas i on by a resolution.. Whit then was the present state of the the United Kingdom, had long and Joudly called for Those who passed those lows, were persond who he. N, , h i e an d f,, Nir ned Lord, merely because he did at question ? It was singly and nakedly this,— legislative relief ; and he hoped, that the present lieved implicitly in all the depositions of Titus Oates; the time stand up and combat (hoc, d oe tfines. This whether th e restrictions which degraded the Catho- question would be' followed by the proposal of other ' and in those plots which were uow universally cor. uncia fair. When the Noble Marquis, arthe be. i lic below ; ,hi s Protestant fellow-snbject should now Measures fei remedying the grievances under which ceired to he fabrications. Among the tests which h e elanint of .the Session, on the ill of is- be done away ? [Loud cries of Bear!] Whether the poor of Ireland now labour. With this view, as : were at that time preposed, there .vas one, which T ,,..,v, had entered on the present subject, he ob. ' Parliament should now, by one great act of legisia. *ell as that of conciliation, he felt happy in support-' was called the Bishop's Test, by which those who sosol, th it if the Legislature were to give way, tire wisdom, and national generosity, unite all classes ' lug the motion of the Noble Marquis. took it were bound, 46 not to alter' any existing law 1 ,,,i to treat with • Enulisi Catholics, or with . ► Irish of iiis Majesty's subjects lirdefe nce o f, t h e common T he A rch b ishop of CANTERBURY thought , l either in Church or State." Against this test, L or d Cithelirs, the Legislature would then renounce rights of their common country against the common • that all thoie who were of opinion that the claims might, under ' :Shaftesbury, and other Noble Lords (who had not hi function. On that occasion the Noble Mar- 1 enemy.—Elfear, hear !]---NV -- Would this , and he put it ! s ? nom by T rj Ofi t l o i n' favour ofetilhetoPres" e o n u t ld mo br i s o t n ex p i T e s fr t a h r a m t i op; - 1 - hesitated to take the other tests), strongly protested. vi „ cited nitk him. And if circumstances had 'to the Noble lord on the woolsack, be pulling down ' deed, that it would b e generally conceived that those aho should i One Noble Lord, at that time, stated " that he was teil on the great and enlarged mind of the ' the barriers of the State ? Would it not, on the con. I rte against it, were for shutting the door againot I not for allowing a Popish man, a Popish woman, a p , p1.`13 1 lion whatever sec the subjecl.—( //earl -If the ebj a ec li a l eil d uc e a: i or a Popish cat, te he 'seer the throne." V ! ble Marquis , as in so short a time to produce the ! Crary , be the rearing up of impregnable bulwarks 1 atioa. and of securingtlie Established Religion from danger,could I P op is h dog, e t .ilitte w hi c h was then apparent, it surely became i for its Protection ?It was said that the Catholics had i be effected by any measures td be proposed, it would he au oh- 1 ---[A laqh.]-llnwever extravaga n t the elpressiou pi.. douse to pause before they agreed to the present i already got much. They did get much ; and it ' i c ec on i stra the tiou hig . h ch t pri re w ce 4e a m nd •ri t i l i e tilrd e ge o i n i I ti e : t r u v e tt tshuer fulled ti nt- I appeared at present, it was in those days extremely Apn i o .,. With respect to thepublication referred : should not be forgotten, too, that all they obtained ! re ; but those difficulties ought ant e in his opinion, to prevent , fine--. [ 4 tough]—acid was quoted as something very But in his , jog ull consideration of the . question. lie thought that the ' sublime. Were- the barriers so sacred, which this to by 11r.. Noble Duke (Norfolk), he should only ; was in the reign of his present Majesty. e would do well to bear in mind, that whether the pre-snot that it was one of the most scandalous, un- ' opinion, the concessions hitherto made wereargu- 1 wisdom of our ancestors in those times set up, that mottua was . rejected or not, stall luestioo must unavmdabf Observe. warrantattle, and indecent papers that lie had ever ; I A vita ; certainly a more criminal paper was never With respect to the measure its..ll, pro. 1 ; a3 ,.1 ivy en. Noble Marquis, what vas that measure --vos it concession? To concession, to bona ,fide cooc.tssion, he was friendly, provided it was not . P %kit daeger. But the Noble Marquis called on . t., s how, the danger apprehended. What !to show theflavi ef,tvort a riving the Protestant Establishment! [llse!] a le had read it recorded, that a Protestant itirt!om required the establishment of a Protestant re vupisart That principle had been esta blished in Ririe:, and he would ask, upon what ground or fouedation a new principle should then be erected to overturn awl confouodit It was not the reli gious opinions, hitt the political views of the Catholic gat he was inclioel to oppose, and with the opinions which ne held, the Honoured and Leatned ancestor of the Noble Lord near him (Earl Harilwicke), was in complete accord. Thkt great oracle of Law, Judge Blackstone, entertained the same sentiments and doctrine, ::,td could not admit that an Ecclesiastical subuii , sion to a foreign Power could be entertained with safety to the Constitution. He rep'ated, that ' he was a friend to moderate and reasonable conces sion, hut the present measure was all concession, and ' no consideration, and, as he could perceive no sound reason for departing front those securities by which the Constitution bad been protected during GO years which lie had lived under it ; he should, rather than vote iu favour of ihe Noble Marquis's Motion, move the previnus.question. Lord l L was of opinion ) that, had Lords Somers and Hardwicke lived now, they would i have been different in their sentiments from the Noble and Learnel Lord. From what had fallen from the Noble Lord, he seemed to think, that the door should lave been shot, from the byginning, against the Catholics, and that none of the Acts in their favour should have been passed. But the present discontents of Ireland had been owing to the relax ation of the penal code. [Hear, hear!] if history was referred to, It would be seen, that in the case of a numerous class of disaffected subjects, the only alternative was t either to conciliate or to destroy. No pledge ha been given to the Catholics at the time of the Union, but hopes held out, that, in the Imperial Parliament, their claims would meet with a. more fair and impartial consideration than pro hahly could be done 'bx the local Legislature. He could confidently state, that Lin' Cornwallis had thought it esseiktially necessary to take into consi deration the laws against the Catholics, with a view t.) a total repeal ; else, that we had sated" with ttleFe.whom we ought to have destroyed. lie ho uour,Al' Mr. Pitt for his'intehtions respecting the Ca tholics, and for his resignation when these intentions c ....fit not h. tilled." The Noble Lord (Eldon) had . cr.; ...11 his Citkern, that certain Peers had depart ed , : Ihe•opiuions of their ancestors. . lie might with propriety have contended, that because land tid: . .l4iche had been.cov . inected with that Go. veruniec.! tent had made the Assiento Treaty, his de scendant, tieesefure, .should not vote for the aboli tion of the Alive trade. -AVNear, hear • Lord CLANCANNY said, that in his opinion if the speech of the Noble Lord (Wellesley) proved any Ming, it proved too mach, for it went, as he understood it, to prove that the repeal of the laws affecting the Roman .Catholics should be uncondi tional. To a repeal of this kind he was not pre pared to tonna. The Duly of SUSSEX menta far extending them. They were additional motives to conciliation. lie said, that whatever the Roman Catholics got, was in the reign - of his present Majesty? Yt , :, in the 11th find 12th of his reign it was, that the situation of the Catho lics was first taken into consideration. Then it was, that for the first time the Cathoice were permitted, in their owe country, to be possessors of fifty acres of bog-laud for a term of 61 years, toge ther with half an acre of arable land, provided that half acre was not within a mile of a town ! This con cession was followed by that of 1778, which gave to the Catholics the power of taking leases for 999 years; and by that of 1782, which put the Catholic on the same footing with the Protestant, not in a po- Mical light, but as to the purchase and disposal of land. In 1793, the right of election was vested in the Catholics; that right, of which they had been deprived since the first or second year of George 11. Did any of their Lordships expect to keep the Catho lics stationary in •he situation, to which, by progres sive enactmet:ts, hey hail thus been raised? In his notion of this free Constitution, he uederst(!od, that under it there was a nar Ira! connection between pro perty and power. The '_athotics were permitted to ac quire property; and vwer nwt foTlow it. Any at. tempt to separate power from p.operty,or to keep th2m, when in exietonce, from uniting, would, he was con vinced, not only disturb the tranquillity, but would endanger the stability of the State. it would have been hotter never to have granted any tliiag to the Catho lics, than thus to stop short, and put up for ertr a barrier against their . Ile begged the House not to discourage the arduous and honest efforts which the Catholics were making for their freedom; which a virtuous, and, he would say, an illustrious portion of the people of this empire, were =kin for the obtainment of a most praiseworpty and glo rious object. If the House acted so unwise a part, the natural cousequenee would be, that those ardu ous efforts would beturned into another channel, and might in their effect, be as destructive to the com mon-wealth, as inimical, undoubtedly, to the Ca tholics themselves. He was led to these remarks by a paper which he held in his hand, in which it was stated, and, fie believed, fairly stated, that not less than 7000 places were by the operation of the exist-1 ing penal laws, shut up from the Catholics. When , he said that the navy and army, and bar, were al. most totally out of their reach, this assertion would not be considered groundless. The Noble Duke then I concluded his speech, with deploring that any thing like violence should have been mingled in the con duct of the Catholics. They had given expression to violent sentiments, which lie must blame, and which must injure instead of serving their good cause. Lord HA/MOWRY had originally felt much alarm at the discussion on the subject. But the opinions of great men bad induced him to reconsider his opinions, and the result had been to strengthen his doubts as to the propriety of suffering things to remain in the anomalous state in which they had been placed at the Ullillit. In former discussions of this subject obstacles had occurred, that weighed with a majority iq hal I louses of Parliament, to reject the measures proposed , - and the present Session was the only ono in which he saw any room for a practical application. At the present time, hitw ever, the Catholics had resorted to their usual mode of enforcing their Petitions, and were acting in violation of the law. Such conduct was much more likely to frustrate than to secure the objet they had in view; though it should also be recollected that the Resolutions had been eniuc to under circumstances of considerable disappointment. The Motion of the Noble Mar quis did not go to propose any specific measure, and inquiry must necessarily take place. to ti+ present state of the public mind, it was impossible that the question could remain at rest, wall the summary discussion it had hitherto received. If, after a full discussion, their Minis should be refused, the Catholics might behrolght to a c?aviction, that the refusal priii:ceded , . the it r MI .a um. be discussed again in the coarse of the next Session. It had been said, that more was intended thaw was professed. If that were the case, he would still wish to reserve bimself against those in tentions; hut, at present, he should support the motion. 'sold ELLENBOROUGH was at a loss to ac count for the new light which appeared to Piave broken in upon Parliament on this question. A very new and extraordinary illumination had lately burst open the minds of some Noble Lords in that House. The Noble Marquis (Wellesley), had nrst seen this new light,—this day-star,—since the ;"oth of last Jaanary.-.[//car!]—Until mat time, he must class himself among the perseentors. Before he was converted, he might say. as the Apostle of the Gentiles, who had been present at the martyrdom of Stephen, that though he himself had not stoned him with steeles, yet be was coast-meat to it, and took care of the young men's clothes who stoned him. The Noble Lord, how. ever, had not_ given the noise his reasons for this s u dd e n col* version. A Noble Lad tilarrowby), had also seen this new light, and wls now in favour of the motion, As fur himself, he was a titan of plain and simple hsthits, and loved cousistencv .;nd truth above all things. As to h's Noble Friends near him (lairds Grey and Grenville). they had been consistent throughont in their opinions, and had ei ineed their sincerioy :ty the stierifice if office and power. to those opinio's w hich they had .41 lolog and SO ably maintained. 'Chat for o h:eh the% went wit of office, was not an hundredth par: of what r e pre,ria motion aimed at, and yet Le could not then agree a ith them in their opinions. lie then differed with them not on the princi le, that nothing should be done for conciliation a ith the Catholics, but that he was un willing to part with the stall'of power, until he knew weedier it might no, be wanted for the defence of the Protestnin re hear, hear As to considering the laws whic i pre-sed too severely on the Catholics, he believed that au, Irmo of gobil understanding, would he able in a day, or iu slew hours, to point out what immediately required rene:.l. fieneser could, however, bring hint - elf to look upon t he i No man Catholics in the sante light as the Protestant Dissenters,. as they owned a foreign allegiance. Ile allowed, that this Wipe- tion might be something weakened by the present circuresaincei of the Pope; but it must be recollected, al4o, that it was Bo- , naparte w no had him in fetter.. Under such circumstances. he still saw great danger from ths foreign allegiance, and there fore he should oppose the present motion. Lord HOLLAND could not avoid expressing the great gratification he felt, at finding that the question had made such considerable progress, sine it had last been agitated in that House. He could not be srak fied without expressing his unqualified tuterence to those principles upon which he had before supported it. He thought the motion had been much misappre. hended by the Noble Lord on the Woolsack, who had made one of the most extraordinary speeches he had ever heard, concluding it with a motion as extraordinary. He expected that the two Noble Lords (the Lord Chancellor and Lord Ellenborough) would have thrown some new lights on the subject, and have endeavoured to sheer how the Constitution, or the Protestant religion, Would be endangered by agreeing to the motion. On the contrary, those Noble and Learned Lords chose only to deal in per sonafities upon the motives and conduct of other Noble Lords. The Noble and Learned Lord on the • Woolsack had made assertions about the barriers of the Constitution, without enabling the House i to judge what he meant by those barriers. With respect to the consistency of other Noble Lords, he had nothing to say, as he was convinced that they were sufficiently able to defend their own consistency; but he must say that the Noble Marquis had very distinctly stated' his reasons for now thinking that the enquiry ought to be gone into as soon as possible; although at a former period he did not think that the proper time forenquiry. The Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack appeared to take great credit to himself, for keeping silence when the legality of the proceedings in Ireland on the Convention Act were under discussion. From this silence it might be inferred, that he thought those pro ceedings illegal, but conceived it improper for him, in his high situation, and with his great authority, to pronounce an opinion on a case which might after ards come judicially before the House. Now, when the consistency of other Noble Lords was spoken of, he should ask, what had been the consistency of that Jp. they must not now be touched or examined ? Was the wisdom displayed by our ancestors at this parti cular period of our hiiterv, really entitled to so much admiration ? Bishop Warbuiton was, perhaps ; the very first writer who contended, that the reli. gion of the State, whatever it was, ought to be fenced with privileges, and guarded by the exclusion of all other religions. It was not now couteuded, that the Catholics held opinions contrary to the good of the State, and, therefore, there was no just ground for disqsalifyiug them. As to the danger of foreign. influence, If that should excite alarm, we had al ready' grieed aH that was dangerous. The lower classes, on whom this influence might most be et. pected to let, are admitted as soldiers and sailors, and may vote at elections for Members of Parlia ment. His Lordship then read the oaths taken at present by the Irish Catholics; and maintained, that they were sufficient pledges of their allegiance, and a sufficient refutation of the doctrines imputed to them. A. Noble and Learned Lord had mentioned the names of Somers and Ilardwicke as authorities, and asked, who would suppose themselves more li beral and enlightened than those great men ? The same kind of argument had been used in support of the Slave Trade,and the names of Locke, Ilardeirke, and Somers, were brought against the supporters of , the abolition. if fie were asked, did lie pretend to compare himself with those enlightened and liberal i men, he should say, he certainly did not. Ile i should say, however, that he had the advan. jtape of them, in the liberality of the age in which he lived ; and although those great men might have acquiesced in the opinions which were prevalent in the clays they lived in , that was no reasou why men, who lived in more enlightened. times, should be en tirely fettered by the authority of their great names. This argument was most via lir, as it went against all manner of improvement ; a;el went-to.set up bul warks and barriers, not for the Constitution and the Church, but for ienorance,—for hizotey of every kind,—and for every thin that was O.:grading to hue • man nature. Was all learning and haeaati improve. ments to stand still, because great men is former ages had not advanced as far as the present age? This argument was most unfair, but was always brought up for want of a better, to defend ancient errors. It had been often asserted, that deprivation of civil rights was no injury ; and that it was only withhold. jag political power.. He hoped, however, that the I value of their civil rights were so generally known and felt by every Englishman, that this argument would also no longer be listened to ; and ; that it would not be endured in argument, to maintain in a free country, where men knew how to value liberty, that civil rights were of no value to in dividuals ; and that they might be taken away, or withheld from them, without doing them any injury. [hear, hear!] W'hen Englishmen remem bered with pride the victories of a Marlborough, they felt a greater interest than the mere commercial benefits arising from his wars. They must feel that ; the privilege of gaining an immortal reputation was highly valuable ;And they would be now exceedingly mortified, if it could be proved, that the armies which gained those victories, or the more ancient victories of • Cressy and Agincourt, were not princi pally composed of Englishmen. la the present day, what Irishman can avoid feeling a pride in the vic tories of a Wellington—what Englishman, or Scotch. man can avoid feeling pride in reading of the ex plods of a General Bill, or a General Graham; and with what regret must that man hang hii head, shake 0. --- , n- 1 -,, Oat It ...r very' (coin no invidious orejodices or pirpossessions; but:unless se. ample detail of his opinions on this subject which he i . Furie s !: were ' , l:rid, no ne lli nT S7C that A e f o te o r ld be e p o tg e o r te: would va. had given on a former occasion, iewas not his in- h P_ .!'_ 1 tio%, tne . N v o e ule Eord conel g uded by giving bis assent to the tendon to trouble their Loalships with a repetition Notion. of that detail ; but after what hid fallen from the I The Duke of KENT said, that ho could not avoid Noble lord on the Woolsack, he found it impossi- , espressin his most anxious and warmest wishes, that Me not to male a short and conscientious e ff ort to : when this subject should come into discussion, it might counteract the tendency of those sentiments to which i not he considered so much a Catholic Question as a tht. Noble Lord had given utterance. He hoped that i conciliatory question. {near, hear!] Having been he would be believed by the country, and by their , educated in the principles of the Established Reli. Lordships, when he said be felt as great ansiety for ; gion, he naturally felt a strong pr. , dilection in its &- C, support of our establishments in Church and i your, and there was no consideration which attached State, as the Noble Lord, though he differed from him more to it, than his firm belief, that there was no him most widely in the mauner of that support. As rrligion more liberal and tolerant in its spirit.— he had just said, his opinion on the present subject [Hear !] If he really thought that there was any was long since made op; but he-should not do jus- i chance of the EstqMished Religion being subrerted, lice to the Noble Marquis, if he did net .express his . by entering into a discussion of the Catholic Claims, ; aztisfaction at the splendid exertion with which the ! ho would be the last matt to vote for the discussion. i Noble Marquis bad this night confirmed his opinion ' It appeared to him, however, generally, that those" ""vith which he had strengthened his conviction.— i civil rights which were claimed by the Catholics, were The question now came before their Lordships in rights which all the subjects living under the British somewhat of a different shape and form from those . Constitution might naturally conceive themselves en-' in which it even lately appeared. Its position, re- titled to. In granting those rights, he should cer- , Mire to external considerations, was much altered; mi n ty wish, that care tlitnuld be taken to guard j for the b e tt er . Wh en i t was last before the House, va- and protect the Established Religion . What guards , '?lons difliculties existed, and various opinions were , and securities might bc supposed necessary, would : he ld, which were now overcome or abandoned. No Ibe more properly considered, if the House re. man, with the events of the last six weeks in his; 'aired to examine the subject. While he was ready eye, could say, that a very considerable change had ito express his warmest wishes for a anacilia riot taken place in the features of the Cistbolic (dues- 1 tory arrangement, he could not avoid expressing his • l ien. 'lt' was of course in the recollection of the - sincere regret at some of the Resolutions which had 'loose, that : within the last six weeks two attempts I been Jately passed in Ireland. The leading men of bad been made at the formation of a new Adminis on,that class from which those resolutions proceeded, trati the basis of both which attempts was con-! had hitherto conducted themselves with the greatest riliatiou of the Catholics. [Hear!] One of the temperi and moderation. lie would leave it to the Noble Lords (his Noble Friend IVldira), who was '. liberality of the House, whether it was not propable, commissioned to; make one o f thos e a t tem pts, was that those Resolutions proceeded from the sudden ,c' convinced of the necessity of conciliation, that ebullition and heat•of a few wild heads, and that they I v might well conclude how favourable to the Catho- : were not the sober and deliberate expressions of 'tic,. sere 11. e sentiments of the illustrious person who I th os e men who had always before coadocted them- Sfle.his . tio,3le - Ftiend that. commission.- Another : wises with the utmost temper and moderation. He i lteratien in the t . position of the question was, the - 1 ., r ua i q abis to the piveut . quegiou, skpoiviadffling - • • - - ;aid, that after the ro -$ - Noble and Learned Lord? [llear, hear!]- lie was whose feeling is, ss 1 b e l ong to a d e ikd ed class too scrupulous to give an opinion about a question of I from whom no Marlboroughs or Wellingtons can the legality, or illegality, of proceedings that we re e v er come. I remain, like Gideon's fleece, dry and then in regular discussion before the House; but I barren, while fertilizing showers fall all around me, now (Good,' scrupulous man !) he has no scruple in I and all tip rest of the creation rejoices in their in pulling a paper out of his pocket, and prououncing I Auenre.” What poignant regret must follow those it% the most positive manner to be highly. criminal I reflections? . How must this sense of degradation --'(?fear, hear!]—lle had no scruple this night, in I tend farther to degrade them ? The great Lord giving the opinion and the authority of the Lord ! cb u th om , in speaking of the Americans at one time, Chancellor, that the paper was highly criminal. He ; said he withed that they would resist, for if after was at a loss to find any consistency in those scrn- I such provocation, they did not cut their own chains, pies; and he thought that the Noble and Learned 1 they would become in future fit instruments for en : Lord had forgotten, that every Peer in that slaving others. The Catholics would want the feel. House had a judicial, as well as legislative vote, ings which men of worth ought to have, if they did equal with his Lordship. He had then returned not feel their degradation. If they really conceived 'to his old position,—the barriers of the Constitu- it no injury, not to allow any person of their reli. tion, and the security of the Established Church.— f gion to rise to the honour that their countryman, lie must say, however, for his part, that if he really Lord Wellington, had gained, then, indeed, must I supposed the barriers of the Constitution, and the their spirit have been sunk too low to be able to I Established Religion, were in danger of being sub- produce such men. - They felt, however, as they 'peed, he should not content himself with moving ought, the disabilities under which they laboured, the previous question upon a motion which bed that and had persevered in calling the attention of Par. Itendency. The Noble Lord, however, said, that liament to their claims. He, for his part, wishes.: he was not an enemy to bona fide. concession, and 1 that those claims should be granted, without any re., bona fide conciliation. The Noble and Learned striction. Bat if it should appear to others, that Lord, perhaps, thought, that by using these Latin t any thing might be done to remove objections on the words, his meaning would not be so clearly I seen. I past of Protestants, he should have no objection to He had not, however, chosen to follow the Noble i support t h e i r da ms even w i th such restrictions.„ A fr t. all Marquis through the laws, as affecting Catholics lei events, the subject was worthy of the most .Etighutd, Ireland, and Scotland. He would With to serious discussion, and be should, therefore lige for ask the Noble and Learned Lord, what be thiseght . w ass e present metier). of the reign of Queen Elizabeth ? Was not that is The LORD CHANCELLOR, in explanation, .Protestant Government, both its England and Ire said, he was sot one of these who wished to doe the doom upon land ? And yet out of about two Hundred turd fifty4ten -Psiseiliatioa, as be had been misrepresented to have said. Members, which composed the Parlianseni. It' thig • Lort•HOLLAND made a brief explanation. Lord• MULGRAVE disapproved of conceding time, about 100 were Roman Catholics.-=-Lrieurni44 ihreielessof die Catholics by dares,. When the Gositunteitt , This circumstance however,did not prevent the Gel. , sow see it It w make any concessions, they would Ind it wise I verument and the Established Religion from bein ui v• Ili Mete them to the fullest extent of their claims. fur it ap. Protestant. There was then no laws for disqualifts that nothing len would conciliate We Catholics of Ire. • • . It was the carbon refusal or hesitating pante on one ing Catholics. The lain which now imposed eat S 4,..aad th e iparessing demands no the other,•from inch dan, to be taken at tbe 'table of each limed Parliament, ter wis to an s arehm. He was anxious to •• Nee 7' • • t 1 . 4% I 4 ti 1' .11 ` ~ l ! (~ o, I (I