The Statesman. — London, England, 1822-06-25 00:00:00

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I I 7, • i r ~,c,• ~,,,,, Si had devoted their attention to that subject, and with still less disposition to blame the people them selves for confining their efforts to the getting rid of the pressure of these enormous establishments upon them—yet, netertbeless, it appeared to him, that Ise should not be doing his duty to the people, or following the exampled the free constitutional measures of their ancestors, if he did not propose to the House to take a view of the most pereicions consequences of such jo in the establishments, and its worst possible effect upon the welfare and happiness of the coon ' try. He meant its tendency to add to the power of the Crown, and to break down the balance of the Constita tion by abridging the influence of the people. It was , with a view to supply this, the only defect whirls he bail observed in the conduct of his side of the House during the last five years, that be had taken the liberty of giving notice that be should bring the subject forward. He should have begun by requesting that there might he read the celebrated resolution of the Ifith April, 1780, did he not know that it would be present to the nand of every one as soon u-the subject was pronounced. He should therefore proceed at once to compare the state of the Constitution at the present moment to what it wet at the time when the House of Commons thought it ne cessary to declare that the influence of the Croon had increased. and ought to be diminished. Ile must first, however, advert to language which he had heard in that House, and which was repeated as often as the question was broached. It was asked whether Gentlemen on the other side. who held their seats by virtue of certain ser vices and places, would so far forget what was due to honour, as to vote differently upon any question from what they would if they did not bola such. places.— Was it possible that Gentlemen of honour could be so unconscionable, became, they happened by a concur -fence of circumstaotes—by mere accident, to bold places of honour, of power, of emolument, (all things indeed calculated to influence men's motives and actions) wasPt possible that their 'clued judgment, and its honest exercise, could be affected by such matters? To say that they could, he was told, was the 'height of extravagance and indelicacy.' " What !" it was said, "could men think of nothing but sordid wealth and ti.t. telly honours? Was there no sense of duty to them selves and to their country?" In the discharge of his parliamentary duty upon this occasion, he should not violate the regulations of the house, which forbade the attributing Improper motive to Members, very naturally Fr. -Tuning that all motive for their conduct must be' pure. With the private character and the personal con duct of no man lied he a right to interfere. But be Lail a right to maintain, and a duty to perform—that ditty he would perform, although it might least to the extravagance of asserting that Placemen would lean we' those at whose will they held their places ; that Pea. signers would look to their emolument; and those who possessed power would think of the means of retaining it;--when they had to give a vote which went to sup port or destroy their various and combined interests.— And he spoke the language of the Constitution when be orenoonred Plaremeo, as such, to beobjects of mistrust; and when be said that Parliament bad prescribed them from receiving its confidence as Placemen. This squeam• ishness at hearing the known truth only rose up within memory —aye, within his own memory. The language of Parliament had always been the very opposite of it till within the last three or four feats ; a .d he feared that it was only from the increased justness in the application of the old language, that this modern sensibility hail arisen. In the very worst times of the Constitution it Lad been said that placemen were to be watched as to their conduct, and lessened as far as possible in their numbers. He need only appeal to the resolution of 17t. 4 0, to establish his proposition as to the manner in which Parliament bad felt and expressed itself upon this topic ; but it was also desirable that the House should Lave their memories refreshed as to the manner in which it hal been trcated upon other occasions. The first one w i ns resolution which immediately followed that of 1780, declaring the necessity of having yearly accounts of the expenditure laid before the House "for the sake of preserving the purity and independence of Parliament." So as for that purity not to be corrupted, and for that independence not to be attacked by the influence of the Crown. He should then refer them to the stet& a, and there would be found a law for excluding contractors, in order to preserve the independence and freedom of Parliament. What was this but saying to every Contractor, as be would say to every Placensan— " Too do not vote as you would if you were not a Con tractor, or if yon were not a Placeman?" lie next re ferred to the Act of Settlement. which provided that as soon as the settlement 17.0u1d be established, and the secession of the House of Brunswick ensured, no place men should be allowed to sit in Parliament. He was aware that this was afterwards repealed. and that the statute of Anne was substituted in its place, by which certain placemen were admitted. There was the Ist of George, the first also which extended the admission to a certain description of pensioners. He would not weary the house by enumerating the various Ache to shew what had always been the practice of the best times of the Constitution ; hut go to the important resolution of 1693, which led to the first Place Bill. That Bill, bay ing -passed both houses of Parliament, was lost by the refusal of the Royal Assent. A resolution of the house was then carried by a very large majority, declaring that the persons who advised such a refusal were the worst enemies to their Majesties. Having thus endea voured to justify his title to impeach the conduct of Members of Parliament who were placemen, as being influenced in their support of Ministers, as well by them selves as by their friends and relations; and to say that their admission was a breach of the independence of Parliament; lie should proceed to shew the increase in the influence of the Crown since the passing of the re solution of 1780. He knew of no other means of shelv ing that increase than by a reference to the enormous increase in the expenditure of the country. He must therefore beg the House to look at what the establish• incnts were when that resolution was come to, and com pare thew to those of the present tine. The whole ex pense of the 0%11 Government in 1780, was 1,130,000 t. 'flint, it ould be receected, was a time of war, and the militM: and naval expenditure for this country end Ireland, amounted to 14 or 15 millions. The col hction and management of the Revenue cost 2,225,000/. So that including every . particle of expense which could be inn .t reed, the whole civil and military expenditure of the country amounted to no more than 18,000,000/. Now her the Wrote see bow the patronage of the Crown stood with regard to the comparative expenditure over which it exercised controul at the present period. The civil and military expenditure of the country, independ ent of the expense of the culocies, now amounted to twenty-seven millions and a half. The whole expentli tnre of the colonies could not he estimated at less than a million sterling, which made the whole expenditure at the present time 2.5.1,5011,900/. instead of eighteen mil lions as in 1780. Lot it should be remembered that this was a peace revenit • and expenditure, an i that the other was in a time of war. If, therefore, they looked to what would have been likely to he the pece esta blishment at that time, it would be found not to have exceeded, in all probability, the amount of seven mil lions. In fact, that was the permanent establishment agreed to after the close of the war io 1791. Taking, then, the permanent peace establishment at that time, and compsring it with the permanent peace establish ment of the present, the latter would be fund to have increased four-fold. They were therefore to considerthr influence of the Crown to be quadrupled in point of money. and in the number of persons holding places un der the Crown, as their employer. now ILL:Ch mar THE were they called upon, if they Weed the balance of the 1 powers of the Constitution, and if they valued the inde pendence of Parliament—how lunch more were they celled upon than their ancestors of 1780 to declare, that the increased influence of the Crown ought to be di minished. It might be c bjected to his calenlatiod, that the patronage of the same quantity of money was more valuable at that period than now. To prevent all cavil of that nature, be would say that one pound the . . was worth two now, and then the Crown would have a dou ble patronage now upon the Increased amount of re venue. If they took the number of mew employed by the Uovernment, they would find it &tablet They would find the proportion of increased indo 'nee going on in all its various branches.—(Hear.) The number of men raised in the year 1780, was 36. 1 410 English troops. He was aware that there was a sitbsi diary army of thirty thousand. But influence could only be given by the appointment of British subjects. He apprehended that it could rot for one moment he segued that paying the Landgrave of Hesse could be any source, of 'support to the Crown. The number of British officers then employed was two thousand. Now there were eight thousand - three hundred officers in the British service; and if he included the ten thousand' eight hundred upon the half-pay, the whole would amount to upwards of nineteen thousand. In 1780 the naval officers were one thousand eight hundred ; now they were right hundred; but if they took the half-pay there would be seven thousand. Would any one be pre pared to say that this was not an increase of the inflti• ence of the Crown? Aod when they had seen what bad j lately been done towards an officer ea half-pay for con- 1 duct opposed to Ministers out of the* house—and per haps to that house—be would ask whether a Governmentl possessing such a power of patronage, extending over all the principal families in the kingdom, without any control over its conduct except the vague and undefin able power of that house, where the &ceases themselves sat, and many of the officers who den at the mercy of the same beck and nod of the Minister, could be likely to preserve the balance of the Constitution? There was another head upon which be would S'Ael, the immense increase of influence which the Crown had acquired. The Colonies bad increased from the period with which he was comparing the present to the number of twenty nine. But he would say what the difference of the Co lonial establishments was since the year 1791, when the permanent establishments were fixed. Twelve Colonies had been added to our possession since that time, and merely in taking the Staff appointments is those Colo nies, it would be found that there bed ben added one hundred and fifty places to be holden at the pleasure of the Crown. The civil pieces had increased in propor tion. In six Colonies the civil places had been all added since 1791, and upon the whole they gave an increase of five hundred civil places. Since die year 1780 the in crease of civil and military offices together, exclusive of the common regimental ap pointments , amounted to eight hundred and upwards, But this was merely upon the Colonial patronage independent of all other great sources arising from the collection and management of the Re. venue. This was only an off-set from the main hank, and it placed under the unexamined control of the Crown an account of no less than eight hundred employments. He would venture to say that If this increase were com ' pared to any which had taken place in 1780, even from the year 1630, the earliest period at which we had colo nial possessions of any importance—the latter would shriek into nothing. In this calculation of the increase of Crown influence be did not Whirls any patronage of the offices under the East India Company; because the Crown certainly did not possess the full patronage of those places. But when he considered that the Company bad been brought much more under the control of the Executive, by the regnlations mildest the time of the Ame rican war, he could not consider it es being entirely inde pendent of t h e fioneratimat Steedhisteaseof places in this department was enormous. .11n the sear 1793, the whole number of appointments including Cadets and Assist. ant Surgeonctes was 123. In ISM they amounted to 527. By the arrangements which had since been made, giving the Government greater power over the depart ment, it lied obtained one-fourteenth of the patronage. Supposing this to have existed in 1791, which he believed it did not, the influence would have increased from the proportion of nine places to 33, being four-fold. This patronage of 38 places would seem very little after the WO to which he lied alluded. But when it was consi dered that these wete annual appointments, it would be seen that they were equal to 400 ordinary places. There fore in the East and West Indies the amount of the mass of new places created since the year 1780 amounted to 1200 and odd. But the grand increase undoubtedly was at home. In die management and collection of the re venue there was an increase of fourfold. In 1780 that expense was less than a million, whereas it now amount ed to four. Another circumstance to which he should allude as tending materially to extend the influence of the Crown was the Debt itself. The interest of the debt at the time he originally referred to was only six millions; and now, including the charge of manage. went, it was nearly fifty millions. The emoluments in the power of the Crown by this vast increase were made to operate in many various ways. But without going into the particulars of those laws arising out of the debt, or those arrangements which behampered and beset every branch of commerce itself, it was evident that (justify or excuse it as they would) the result was to place all traders without a single exception com pletely under the power of the Officers of the Crown. A trader might act prudently or warily in the course of his traffic, but be he ever so . prudent or wary he could not always avoid the snares laid by the legislative traps of the revenue. Whatever might be bis skill lie was most likely to come in contact with that frightful code which contained so many pits literally yawning to re ceive him. This came within the experience of many in that (louse; but to gratify the curiosity of those who might not be acquainted with the subject, Le would il. lustrate his statement by a few exanoiles. Ile might al most take them at random. Ile would begin with the rewritee laws respecting soap, and he woulriefei: to part of a section in an Act regulating the duties upon that article. It would thew the prying eye, and the skilful though somewhat rude band of the Government. And here he would remark, that the Excise Laws were generous in one respect, for they had little to do with fractions. They d ealt in penal round numbers:4A laugh.) Ile found by the section in question, that no maker of soap should, under a penalty of 5001. have any pipe or other convey ance for the removal of lees ; or use any cock, crane, syphon, or other means of conveyance of the lees from e. . e copper. Nay, the lees was forbidden to perforate.— (A lungli)—and the only means of conveyance allowed by thelaw was a pump. But by a singular regard for the soapmaker and his lees, the former was allowed the privilege of a ladle.—;Lang liter.)—There ties a penalty of 5001. imposed for making a hole in the copper for the purpose lie bad mentioned. But this legislation led ta A difficulty which was no other than tin , :—the lees, it not al:owed to escape in sonic way or .dher, would ex )dude and disappoint the imposers of the tax. And there fore by a singular degree of accuracy and of tendrtness towards the soapmaker (who Was treated just as a colt ut of fennel in aid of time Revenue,) lie was allowed to at the head of his copper. Notwithstand ne ke small holes nes 4 the previously exposed general abhorrence of holes, a• tore had successfully advanced her claim, and the scamp maker was allowed to bore small holes, one eighth of do inch each in diameter.—(d faugh.)—But this was on to prevent explosion.—(Lateghter.)—lt would be ends less to attempt adducing instances upon all subjects con nected with the Revenue, hot he could not refrain from just mentioning the tax upon Salt; in the collection of which there was more oppression exercised than had ever before been invented. The sacred -stone of the 'pipit was in laying down penalties to throw the borthen of extent; alive proof as touch as possible on the accused. An informer who, in all other countriee, was considered a suspeeted person, was, in the Court of Ex chequer received very favourably, and his evidence con sidered as a thing ut course. Another instance of the system of controul exercised by Hovernment, was to he found in the Glass Laws for there was a separate code for almost every article. That law by a singular regard for mathematics, declared that the plates atioahl be made rectangular, %nth the sides and ends perpendicular; for such was the atcheineticel areurracy of the Ex cheque r. And, under a penalty of one hundred pounds, the sides were also to be parallel with each other, in default of which the offender, who most have committed an insposeihility to respect this law, would, as he before observed, incur a penally of one hundred pounds. This provigian would be found in an Act pass ed in the 51st year of the reign of the late King. The greatest possible power was also elven over persons who had offended, or were likely to offend against the Reve- 1 nue Laws. A Bill had one morning, at two o'clock, been quietly brought into that house, giving a power to relieve offemlers against the Revenue Laws, even after conviction. This Bill heel passed into a law, and had put the finishiug hand to the sys'.'em of controul he bad alluded to. Another instance of this was to be observed in the Act against mixing ale and table beer intended for sale. He knew of the information on that Act which contained in one runt a claim fur 103 penalties of MIL each.—(Hear, bear.)—The changes had been rung five times upon twenty, and had thus threatened to over whelm the defendant. The number and amount of these penalties were such that human nature could not stand the trial; and in nine eases out of ten the defendant gave in. He by no means intended to say that it was seriously proposed to exact all these penalties; but the suing for them drove theta into submission. Thus the increase of the revenue became necessary by the increase of the debt; and the threatening of the people with the isfractien of revenue lows, which few of them under stood, made almost every trailer a suitor to the Crown, and sent many more Members of Parliament than were usual u applicants to the Treasury, and, as a conse quence, the direct influence of the Crown was increased in the worst possible way. The inflnenee, too, was much better arranged than it was formerly; the real w-igbt of the us Ras considerably increased; and the Treasury got its long arms into every public de partment. It interfered more than it had ever done before; and in support of this assertion he bad oe'y to refer to the shifting of the Excise and Customs' patronage to the Treasury; and the compensation, as it was called, to the two former in the shape of increased salary. It was perfectly true that we had come down from an expenditure of 132 millions, to the comparatively moderate, but nut insignificant, sum of seventy-seven millions. But the close of the war had not brought a reseation of its ordinary effects; for many people were still looking up to the Government, as their first " Ways and Means."—Formerly the people of this country were not accustomed to look for a part of their income from the public purse. They were accustomed to look upon their industry as the source of their in come; but they had acquired vicious habits in the pur suit of army and navy appointments, writerships, cadet ships, and situations of all kinds and irises from the highest, which were good enough to tempt the highest families, to the lowest, which were accessible to those in the lower classes. This state of dependance, he was sorry to say it, was deeply rooted in the higher classes . It had become a habit to look to the Court for the means of subsistence. Though the amount of our expenditure was a little diminished, the habit, the straggle, and the subserviency continued. When all those were taken into consideration, he thought that if Parliament had reason to pass the Resolution of 1780, it had now much stronger reason to echo it. If those who adopted that Resolution were now alive, they would not be contented with re-affirming it; but would follow it up with mea sures of a most searching and decisive nature. Mr Dunning had spoken of " the corrupt pecuniary in fluence which prevailed within those walls." He had said that " he knew fifty Members of that House who held opinions in that House opposite to those for which they voted within the House." He added, If you goad me I will name them;" hot nobody challenged him. The predecessor of the Right Honourable Gen tleman in the Chair had said, that he felt bound as an honest man to say, that the influence of the Crown had increased beyond the idea of that of a limited monarchy. There was another opi nion, and one of a man who was no vehement patriot, or one who was particularly conspicuous in obstructing the measures of Government; he meant Mr. Justice Blackstone, his opinion anterior to the American war. Blackstone stated that, in his opinion, the Bill of Rights and other advantages we had obtained since the Revolution, were more than counter-balanced by the vast force of influence derived from the Riot Act, the Standing Army, and the increased National Debt. At the present moment we bad not only the Riot Act, hut six other memorable Acts; an army, not only of 17,1110 men, which was its amount when Blackstone wrote, but of 90,000 men; and a debt of 800 millions instead of 130 millions. Could the House, therefore, possibly doubt, that if Mr. Dunning, Mr. Justice Blackstone, and Sir Fletcher Norton had to revise their opinions, they would now hesitate to re-enact their former mea sures? He now came to consider the answers usually given to those who contended that the influence of the Crown had improperly increased, 'l6e late Mr. Rose had admitted that 1,500 new places had increased, bat then he urged that 500 had been abolished. The places increased, however, averaged 300/. a year, while those abolished averaged but 50!. r.-year. Since Mr. Rose's time many augmentations had taken place in the outubm of places. The next answer was, that there were fewer placemen in that House then, than there were in 1780. At that time there were between eighty and ninety ; be would say ninety, for the benefit of the argument, to be held by the opposite side of the House; by the returns laid before the House it appeared that there were now about eighty in that House. He protested, however, against the argument to be drawn from this fact. It was not of the number of placemen actually in Perna went that he complained ; it was of the number of per son! purchased at elections and county meetings. To him it was of little matter whether the man who was corrupted held the office himself, or was influenced by one who did. The appiicatiou at the Treasury in the morning was always accatnpanieil ith an understood promise of the vote is the evening, no matter on whose personal behalf the applicatiou was nbile. TM her of placemen in Parliament had been consider ably reduced he fare they ear I 7811; but the Have did not, on that account, stop shaft when the Resolution of that dry was offered for their consideration. The Lords had souse time before the Acts limiting the number of place men, deviated that the moither of the, i n t h a t B oute was not less titan between two and 311 d. And yet t h . Howie ii , d not hesitated to resolve that the influence ot the Crown ought to be diminished. The principle wa (aril I the same, and it ought to be followed by the same remedy. He now came, and with some pleasure, to the last of the answers given to the present argument. It was the often repeated answer respecting " the right working of the system." It was said that notwiflistanding all these facts, we enjoyed as much practical liberty as was possi ble, and that Parliament was as independent as under al' the circumstances was necessary. But they had all wit nessed the corduet of Parliament. They knew that who ever was the Minister, and whatever . be proposed, ;'s . House uniformly support d the person and the measure, aid e hoipr a b v ee i or; : l i te ( v i e d w e r : 0.. Tr proposed.o,lo, i r t v i na dT ri ß i tie 4. h i s es ) i e ur n l y w h p : r u r u o s epo r e lhe r ad ; e tow w l w e o sa g c n a r e d i tv : eb i f t u r n P o u d ir n v. : (" b w t e w h i ih s e i o u t ht p c :o p o i n a ut e s st r h s :o a r ( a f n p e r P od ; s o ew r il l ac n a il a s is P il l 21 i t . t . : he f r e le : l e d e t ch :- d h e j e t,: cnl t p i e u :e. r a t o r i e dti k wye s ao e bt his iyl o y o f .e s a i fi t mlifi n l u l rotr jir. n n : n o t high z n o bf t ve h f : etia r e , o t c n e in to one; but it was said at that time that this was owing to the hireilitery greatness of his name, his own spleedid talents, and bin iiiiimpearbed personal integrity, pa n he went ont of offic-, he was sacceeded by oils who r,. senthled him in mot little circumatauce. It was that o f being Chief Minister. It was then found that this ei.. cumstanre was the greatest point in Mr. Pitt's farm: indeed, the only one es I kit rendered him desirable. Per on the very first trial of strength between hint and Mr. Addington, the Hoes. of Cuomo, a was Paddy pot t o the test. Mr. Pitt said to them—" No wore Il4;terf ;no y rades to my s the i s qi u t a e n u r s ei r i .t e s t) e .i l o U rn n. r i g a t i s s is t n n ., d i n i e Ad di ngton fa c r O b o s e i u e r n ' o O r :oll t:h et i t r e i, vote u rritava r it e t r ;i : rt e gaue o nt ad ' nraweiratiiajoiti 'Chess 31, The qnence ? Why, that 333 out of 4011 Members were free e f bu ttn k, bet to confess that they preferred Mr. Addincon.—(Chtire) Every thing was then forgotten—natne, ancestry, pope. wen anti contractors, his Honourable Baronets, his Knights of the Shire sod rotten boroughbolders. The men whom he used to feed, to command and drag to the vote from the highest to the lowest, all, yes, all of them forsook him on die tint personal question of •nanfideace between Mr. Addington and himself. The same awl enameled polpnlarity of Mr. Addington ' , site kiwi to he an over-match for all Mi. Pitt's were hut 56 faithful among the faithless; and these moos fell down to 33. A. coeliti • a was shortly formed be. tween Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, and Lot. , r. AddingtOn made head against it for upwards of a year. A change then took plan, but had his friends stood by Mr. Addington he might have been Prime Minister at that eery moment. It happened, however, that while Mr. Fox was out of office ph - ere bestowed upon him accusing him almost of actual rebellion. It wss hopeless fur Mr. Fox to attempt to make head against the Minister; butt iu teat a new light broke in upon the (Moose of Commons. Mr. Fox Cabo. into other, and a man's coining into office was a eitcnnistaoce which the house was almost must careful in observing. Nothing was viewed with more anxious errs than the conduct of a man the day before and his conduct the day after his becoming a Minister. The moment the Gazette an nolinced this fact there was a charge in tier vision led understanding of the house. In March lbll6 the hone had no objection to Mr. Fox or his principles; ash it followed him in the same numerical force in which it had followed his political opponent. The house refused to censure the appointmeut of Lae: I Ellenborongh to a seat in the Cabinet, a measure of which he haul expressed his disapprobation at the time. though he mentioned this merely to shew that he did not notice the circum stance for the mere purpose of bin argument. The house, however, was an animal of lunch foresight, and particularly celebrated for its obduracy against all mem not in the enjoyment of office. Foe the Resolution of Censure in question only sixty-fire voted against Mr. Fox, a remarkable nuteeher; for it was about that which had voted with Into just before his entry into office. His being in office turned the tables upon his adversaries; and upon this piuchiog test 2 - 22 voted with him. Ile should be much interested in hear ing any explanation of these votes ; but at present he should come to but one conclusion respecting them. Having noticed the conduct of a Parliament formed under Tory auspices, he came to consider that of the Whig Parliament of 1606. In the interim there bad been a great change ; a purgation, as it was formerly called : and confessed that he thought the latter worse than the former Parliament. A difference of opinion had been strongly expressed at the beginning of the new Whig Session, and had been strongly expressed by a Right Honourable Member (Mr. Canning), who par ticularly condemned the administration of foreign affairs.—Tbe new Opposition, however, felt themselves too weak to divide, and they would not therefore expose their weakness. The Army Estimate', Sir Samuel Romilly's Bill for reforming the Law, and other mea sures passed without any numerical trial; but in the course of the next spring, on the question of the Hemp shire Petition, ti e new Opposition thought that flesh and blood could bear it no longer, and they determined menially to come to the vote, though they knew it would e.xpose their weakness. The numbers were to 57 ; and after this they were slow at dividing. The 12th of March of that year was a critical day, and he begged the House to bear it in recollection: there had been rumours abroad, and the Members were on the look-out; they thought all was not right, and that it was much better for them to remain 9utet, and bold a snug sail, lest they should fall in with quicksands.— There had been birds of bad omed in the House. It was thought, not that something was not as it should be (for that was never cared about), but something not es it had been. The Members were plain matter-of-fart teen; and in deciding upon the conduct of others, the only question was—" Are they or are they not in o de.e In this most interesting state of speculation, Members had a tendency to absent themselves; and it was sur prising to find the many calls into the country obi, la were alleged in excuse for that absence. There were journies for health, jonreies to see near and dear rela tives, and in observance of all those ties which booed men at home when they had no wish to be abroad. M length a remarkable paragraph appeared in the t,are/te. The House immediately took observation, the 57 be came suddenly expanded to 15S ,• and upon the piestion whether the late Ministry were deserving of confidence. the House in substance declared that it never liked them, was glad they were turned out; was delighted with Lis Majesty for having turned then out; cad )et had they been restored, there oould, no doubt, bare been the same cautious observation, the same slack at tendance, and the same pouring in in scores afterwards. j a ' N l°. g h o i a c t e i eY n t d h l a j t aa u t td - i na i t e le o ' ue m r il r ro e o g a d w i n is , s t edm i ftiotisL°lisaealyr;dssahtlii'atilrtrivSi this i b n" s e d" o e u r ( x l e i t rd s e e t n o ne s r vt i v i d l' e l'el; i i i o u ll. ti : o a t t l d i e h ::Ze l e ; . was confined to the walls of that House. He ,mild pro ceed to chew its effects in other instances, and he would proceed to notice. not a low Corporation, Out a rare. venerable, and learned Body, which dispensed in a great degree, tile blessings of education. He alluded to the Learned University of Oxford. It had shewn a great alacrity in speciesof ob tion be haul.mentioned; led had long since washed &nay its polite al siem-(if any it ever had) in an attachment to the exile , ' l amily of . the Stuarts. That for which hr most admired them was, their election of lord Grenville to the Mein of l'hanrel lor of the university; but 'hist-lee:ion took place when it was thought he was about to enter office, when a COl respenelenee had taken pine-. bAweec him and Werra uncut with a view to his forming part of the Administra tion. Tile learned hotly had its eyes upon this circum stance: hot the usual course was to wait for the Gazeltc -0-11i(.111. e i v lu er Z ai h. n ) c — e. T T lie be N cO i nd e uc L4 t orfdthhiasillecLnoteir bonueodiloyuitillf reference able.. e a If a r o s . o g P e t e h r r o e c u e C v s s a u l:d i a r o s c l u i l c; measure. question.t r i i h e i wassiuver no t i s e then re remark- t r i o l p i o o o t e l ee e igeinst it. A fiame, in consequence was raised in I, -nuatry, and its peace was endangered by those, w h o' for a mere political purpose, raised an irrelieaus, tta liristian, and brutal cry of "No Popery." Yes a few