The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1821-02-22 00:00:00

object to investigation al • proper lime; bat whets dm gob ject was adverted to ou a recent oettesimo, Om Noble Lord asked why they did not briug forward a motion for an in quiry? Fur the Noble Lord to call upon them on that (the Opposition) side of the House, to bring forward such a westion, was the merest mockery. The Noble Lord well knew what would be its fate, and his toundence In the ready acquiescence of the majority of that Hoee in his wishes, was what led him to give the challenge. He believed in his ecorseience, that if a motion fur such •n inquiry were made from that aide of the House, and the Noble Lord should move an Amendment, declaring " the witeesaes immaculate, ■nd the Milan Commission the must jest, bonest,snd upright that ever existed," his Amendment would be carried by as large • majority as any of those they bad lately witnessed. It would, said the gallant General, he fully under such circumstances to attempt any motion, while the majority of that House continued to vote iu oppositiou to the united opinions of the whole people. Mr. MANSFIELD rose to order. Sir R. FERGUSON hoped he had said nothing disor de►ly. He would give the Honciershle Gentleman credit for having spuken the sentiments of his eighteen consti tuents of Leicester.—(Loud laughter.) The Petition was then read. Sir J MACKINTOSH approved of the 'media of the Gallant General ice declining to bring forward any motion on the subject after the recent divisions in that House, on whirls he would make no observation, to which he would apply no epithet, on which he would cast nu reflection, leaving them entirely to the jedgment of the elision and pos terity —(Clicere )—He should only offer one observation WI the Milan Commission. He knew nothing of the persons composing it, and should say walling of their coedits-8 ; bet after the opiates, which had been so generally expressed, after the manner iu which they had been spoke's of in both Houses of Parliament, he could not hut feel surprised that the respectable persons who composed that Commission bed not come forward to insist on an investigation, in order to vindicate themselves from the reflections which had been east upon them; and be could not but feel still more astonished that his hlajesty's Ministers should make any objection to the inquiry on the ground of expense. The honour of • go. verument was cheaply purchased eves at the highest mice. He found that Government hail expended much in the pur chase of dialmoour, and be thought they might well spare the small sum which would have been required fur the pur pose of viudicatin the Commission from the cheers which had been made against it. Lord CASTLF.REAGH thought the speeches of the gal. hut General sod of the Hun. and Learned Gentleman were quite uncalled for on the present occasion. The gallant General might have refrained from reflection on the respectable individuals who composed the Milan Commis. sloe. He could assure the Hun. and Learned Gentleman that the persons engaged in that Commissiou were most anxious fur an opportunity to clear themselves from the aspersions which had been cast us them. But he thought that the case was nut one which required that they should be called upon fo► such explanation any more than that of the She' iffehose couduct was before the House last night. He deprecated the opinion that every individual upon whose character aspersions were cast out of doors, should be re quired to come to that House to justify his conduct. Mr. H. G. BENNETT begged to observe, that there was Ito comparison between the two cases of the Milan Com menter, and the Sheriff of Cheshire. The Noble Lord 'mood to have forgotten, that during the proceedings in another place, it had appeased in evidence, that the leading Italian agent of the Commission had been guilty of subornation of perjury. He thought that the English persona engaged in the Commission ought to feel anxious for their own honour to have the conduct of their agnate strictly isquired into. With respect to the Noble Lord's objectioo to inquiry, un the ground of the a-epeeist, he thought the Noble Lord should rather have taken t►at taro consideration before ha sent out his roving Commissio• of subornation and perjury.—(User, Aeon) The Petition wait ordered to be printed. Sir R. FERGUSON presented a Petition from the Berl Burgh of Dysart, expressing their loyally, deprecating nay farther proceeding against Ilso Queers, wrier for the re moval of Ministers, and fur economy and retrenchment.— Ordered to be printed. Mr. TIERNEY, on the part of Dr. LUSHINGTON, postponed, to the ht of March, the motion of which the Hobourable and Learned Doctor had given notice, for the retrieval of Mr. Ellis from the office of Master in Chancery in Irelsed. The SPEAKER then called upon Sir Jame Mackintosh, but Mr. C. W. WYNN requested the Hon. slid Learned Member would suffer a mo►ioo of his (Mr. Wynn'.) to take pi credence. (This application was received with a general cry of " no !" and a call fur Sir J. Mackintosh from ail purls vf the Houte.l NAPLES. Sir James MacilNToss rose to bring forward hi promised motion. He had been requested by some to withdraw his motion, but so strongly wee he impressed with the great importance and ur gel.cy of the case, that be could not be induced to do an. From late accounts which he had heard, sad from the knowledge that an egression the most unprovoked and wanton in the annals of the most ambitious Governments had been attempted, the question assumed an importance fur greeter than at env precedisig stage. Since he ‘,41 given ineice of this motion, a war had actually been com menced against Naples; bet he could not be de terred from his purpose. Though Naples had been overrun by the hordes from the North, though the whole country had been occupied by a foreign foe, trampling on their liberties, he 'timid not alter his intuition with respect to his present motion. The more the independence of any our nation is attack ed by another, the more does it believe us to guard our own ; and still more does it behove us to be sure that our own Guvernment has no share io such a transaction. If an unjust and cruel win is conitneuc ed, likely to involve all Europe in civil war, the more does it behove us to exitinme whether ottr own Go vernment have done any thing to prevent the con flagration. Whatever merit the Neupohitaus might deserve for their cmtluct or their bravery, he would not now consider; a formidable band of diaciplined armies is arrayed against them, and although the history of Europe affords iustances of the suc cess of nations against emirs, yet they have too good reason to supeent that Naples would soon be overpowered. 1V !tether the Neapolitans, having motat-d ti costitution, would also Imitate her iik h er military discipline, was a `flitter should not hazard no opinme. lie W""?Kalater of fortune ; be had been always engage., a struggle against the efforts of power to oppress the weak, and he would not now desert his purpose, though the Austrian army had erected their standout on the extremities of the kingdom of Naples. The motion which he had to propose referred principally to u Circular, which originated trout the... Chino ref Truppau. That Circular armed him a good deal of argument, for it evinced so strougly the &mnition of the Allied Powers, that it was iltilieCeSsarV fur Lim to say much on that subject; era it plainly dessonstmted th.it those perso.is who set themselves up us 'dictators of Europe, proceed teeSertive their assumed power monist the Nee patrons, because tilt,' refuse. to acknowledge their "OW, fo*suoths, their new, their uhistatt authority. +4 filer , hear. —Fur what are' the proiciiiies oft which they act, and ou which they endeavour to re plete Europe, by the influence of their creatures. whether hip, Prince', or Potentates, or whatever 7iliether -7 11,14., Ifruieer, or Potentates, Or whatever g 1001MOL hy to a reputwic, www . w uww Iwo u, imam, iu „my si asemegin, . • - else you may please to call them ? The system of government pursued by this hierarchy consists in' rendering all their subjects slaves; they acknow ledge no law but superior force ; with them might is right; and this is the only argument, the only basis on which they found their pretensions to die. tare to every Sovereign and nation in the world. Heor.)—But there is one merit due to them, one crime from which they were exempt on the present occasion—the crime of hypocrisy ; in that document they have not concealed their sentiments, they have *hewn sufficient to hold them up to the execration of mankind; they hive 'Merril to Europe and to the world the odious, flagitious, owl tyrannical sentiments at these candidates for the dictator- ship of Europe.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—The No ble Lord (Castlereagh) has .hewn the principles no which lie intended to set towards Naplea— principles which were repugnant to the laws of nations, and contrary to the eritablished Coustitto non of England. Bat there was a charge made by the Noble Lord against his late Allies and friends at Viei,na which required some explanation. The Allied Powers of Russia, Austria, and Prus sia, are said to hare made a proposition which was quite repugnant to the principles of the British Constitution, and no proper answer had as vet been given on that subject. If he was rightly inform e.l, Prince Metternich hail made a proposition, which, if adopted, would call on the King of England to admit foreign troops into his do minions without the consent of Parliament. — He would wish to know front the Noble Lord whe ther this be the ease or not ? If the Noble Lord would not favour hiinwith same answer, he should proceed with the impression that his abatement woo correct. The Noble Lord would not favour hint, then he supposed he put the right construction on it. This, lie contended, was a direct infriugement of a very trivial instrument now a days, the Bill of Rights. Had the proposition of Prince Metternich been accepted, any set of Ministers who might happen to govern this country would be enabled, without the knowledge of Parliament, to inundate the nation with foreign troops, and establish a gar rison of cos►acks in Hyde Park, and, lie supposed, of hussars on Blackheath.—(.4 laugh.)— Let him entreat the solemn consideration of the House ►o this subject. For the first time since the rrigit of Charles 11. • proposition is made to intrude fo reigu troops into this country, without •ny limit or restraint, and without the knowledge or con sent of Parliament. He should be ashamed of himself, and of the persons whom he had the ho noncour of addressing, if he thought there was.. single man who heard him, no matter what his poli tics or his part♦ might be, whose blood would not boil at the idea of admitting one single foreign soldier to interfere iu our domestic concerns.— ( Mach eheering.j-11 this, then, be the sentiment of the highest advocate fur prerogative, in what language can we express our indignation when we hear that Sovereigns tell the world that they have no doubt of the asses' of the British Cover 1111 l erut ? W hat, Sir ! reduce the once powerful nation of Great Britain to a miserable province, to • state of de graded dependance on the Powers of the Continent ! They say, forsooth, that utter being for six years close Allies, after this comfortable abosehement des Iteis." that they had rearms to expect the Bri— tish Government would consent to admit a troop of cossacks at Dover. But when Gentlemen enter iuto a confederacy, and afterwards fall out, their neighbours profit by their quarrels ; and so it was on the present occasion. Nor could the spirit of Christian charity, which prevailed so strongly io the Holy Alliance, drive away these feuds ; and that was one of the chief objects which he hoped to accomplish by the ;present motion. Now he could produce Prince Metternich, and others with very hard names, and they perhaps could give the House some information, a commodity of which, he was sorry to say. there was a most woful scarcity. The Noble Lord opposite has, up to the 19th of January, kept them in • state of the most per fect ignorance, and has even given foreign notions reason to believe that he could not only betray the interests, and liberties, and independence of Ins own country, but also violate the laws of na tions, and even go so far as to admit a troop of cossacks into the county of Middlesex.—(Cheers.) But this was not his language, " Non mess Mc some," it was the language of his colleagues, for he would not call them accomplices. He would ask, whether a solemn public declaration were nut a ground for inquiry ? Does the Noble Lord deny the fact ? Either lie and his colleagues have given rise to the charge, or his former friends and allies have uttered the foulest calumnies. He could not say it was not a calumny. There were bat two ways of considering the question : Either the Ministers of the Crown have committed the greatest of ull crimes, or the Allied Powers have pronounced the foulest of all calumnies. In con sit)ering this question, it was worth seeing whe ther there Were not some circumstances that taught warrant the Allied Powers in forming this °Mutton ; for justice should be atom to those individuals in tow absence, and the House should know whether the Government had not gives them some reason to expect they should get seine cousitetiauce, some degree of toleration, nut to say co 111 l ironer. If the Allied Powers had oh-ervetl towards the regene rated Government of Naples an unfavourable line of conduct, we had reason to suppose that the conduct of the British Government was tint quite dissimilar. Was not Cinsitelli, the Ambassador of the hew Government, refused to be acknowledged here, and was not the seine system pursued by Aus tria and Russia.? What then was the iiibretice which he, who was a plain man, not acquainted with the art* of diplomacy or the secrets of Government, was to draw from this ? Surely no other than that which all Euterpe already drawn. that the British Government countenanced in some manner their in terference--that we were willing to wound, hut could trot afford to strike—(Hear, hear. hear) — that we were ready to give what was called w the language lately introduced n.to diplomacy—mural suecour or moral aid. He railed it immoral iod— ic/Imo—Was not Chativelio received here es !'reach Ambassador, idler Louis the Sixteenth hod protested against the proceeding+ of the Constituent Aseesobly, and by those very persona, whose prin ciples the gentlemen opposite inherit and profess to practise ? There should have been no objection to an Ambassador, unless moue great change had occurred, such as. for instance, in a cliatige from monarchy to a republic, or republic to monarchy, or an entire change of the Soteseign. lie would not ipeak of the Allied Monarchs. nor would he state how he abhorred their principles. principlessubversive of the hopes and progress of the human race. he should conteut hims•lf with looking to their -acts, which sheeted ■ complete disposition ,to oppose all countries that received as frac constitution from their Sovereign. But how did this country act ? Did she 'fringe to receive. an Ambassador flow Gus tavo*, king of Swedrii, when he subverted the Conatituttusi by a military force? No—no ob jection was made, except when the change was in favour of the cause of liberty. The two grounds of objection are the adoption of the Spanish Cuir stittiti ((((( and the conduct of the Neapolitans to wards Sicily. tie was not prepared to defend their conduct towards Sicily, he thought it would re nin' an eternal disgrace to them. But surely that could not, with any justice, be urged as an anio n:rot against the Revolution. It was a subsequent act, and should nut be coofounded with the Rrvo- Suppn•c the Erniwror of Russia were guilty of n flagrant act of opprestiou on some of lips subject► in Arid, were we, when we for warded our next dispatches, to complai n in the language of indignation of the treatment they received ? There c.ould be no end to intorfer- essee. Ile should like to know what the Govern ment of this country would have 'nought, if ►oute foreign Power had remonstrated with this coon try for our treatment towards 'the Catholics of he land ? Whist would hate been the feelings of this country if some foreign nation should have felt inclined to inrestiguie the causes that led to the Irish rebellion, mid should charge u► with havi ng irritated and harassed the feelings of that unfortu nate nod much-injured country, until we stirred them up to a rebellion, mud then suppressed it, for the purpose of carrying the measure of the Union, and annihilating their Parliament ?—(Hear, hear.) —Just as reasonably does the Noble Lord übject to the subsequent conduct of the Neapulltmue, and make it a ground of objection to the revolution. The next ground of objection was the adoption of the Spanish Constitution. It was quite evident from the suddenness with which at was done, that they we r e principally desirous to have sonic bond, some link of union and connexion, some test of siir,erity. There was no time to be lost in reading paper con stitutions, and they adopted that with which they were most•fmmiliar. But whose fault was it that the Spanish Constitution was the model they selected ? What was the cry, the universal cry in 1807 It was for the English Constitution. It was at that time the universal admiration of all Italy, and their most ardent hope was to see it established amongst them. Whose fault was it that these opi nions of the English Constitution should be now altered ? Let the various acts that have taken pl ace s i nc e that pe r iod answer. Pargn had not then been surrendered with her interesting people into the hands of • barbariau Minister.—( Hear, hear.)—lt was the crime of Ministers that the afl • ections of other nations have been alienated from England, and that in forming their coustitu• tions they adopted other models. —(Hear, hear.) —They have ►tripped it of all these glorious ad.i vantages which it possessed, and which rendeseiC it au object of envy and adintratiou in the eyes of the wield, And they have gained nothing but the arraignment and conviction 011 n m -detestable der• puts whose approbation they sought. He now came to another part of the subject, and that led him naturally to another charge against the brave Neapolitans for •baking off their bondage. It was objected to theta that it was effected by a sect that did not belong to them. But General Murat was extremely tolerant to the Carbonari. He merely wished them to conspire in public, and that whenever they intended to march on his frontiers, to have the goodness to let him kites, and that if they did this, he was one of the most open, the fairest, and most tolerant meu in the world. He sincerely trust ed, that if there we►e any set of men in England who couspired for •ny purposes—if there were men in this country who wished to keep alive the recol lection of •what every good man would like to bury in oblivion—if there were still a set of men in Ire land who loved to cherish the seeds of discord, and who were leagued together for the purpose of pew persisting that memorable victory, a victory in which he rejoiced, but which should not be record ed as au insult to that country—if there still exist ed in that persecuted island any met of mesa who an nually protaued sad prostituted the name of that im mortal hero, the champion of civil and religious free dom, and made it subservient to their own base awl higotted purposes, he hoped aid trusted that they would take warning by the fate of the unfortunate Neapolitan+, against whiise liberation the existence of secret societies is urged us an ■rgumeut by the Government of England.--( Laud and continued cheers.)--in 181.2, alien the sect of the Carbonari was formed, uu univer,al wish prevailed all over the Continent to shake off• the French yoke. These associations were found calculating, and justly and legitimately calculating, on assistance from the Eis A lish unison. The Carbenari were thus cherished, and considered as persons anxious and zealous topromote the objects of liberty ; and surely if the Carbonari are not a Neapolitan sect they are not to be blamed ; they did not form them. Nothing could be more ridiculous than to argue this way. But it seemed to hint that there was no other way to go to war with them, and the Noble Lord put a brief into the baud• of Austri,t, just as an experienced old barrister would tutu the hands of a beginner. " Oh ! the Judges are timid —you moot Slot take it on such extensive grounds." So says the Noble Lord : " You must not consider the matter on such au extensive scale; the people of England won't like the admission of troops, nor to have the cowiseks stationed at Hyde Pink ; but I can give you a good reason—the Carbonari are Slot a sect of Italy, and there. fore sliould be put dawn." 'this was a mere pre tence to give Austria a good ground of quarrel with Naples, and the cruses alleged for going to war, were now s'offereirt lout what were at first tiltewied. They were mere pretences, they were the complaints of despot sna drunk, of power rim hear.)—.lll justification of the War with France in MO, eau ious ehasges were urged. The +evolution of the Netherlands, the °lreton of the Scheldt, die siege of Jura, all three overt acts, were urged to justification ; and the Hawbu►gh Ueclaratiou iu 179 i declared. that France would auterfere in the dolomitic arrange ments of other nations. The Decree of Troppau did Abe lame; they assume to themselves the lordship paramount of all Europe, and really it was far from .:utiumusing to look to the wording of that docu ment. He had heard it observed 7hat if a persau were to look et the tables of prescription, and tier orders cooler which the people were nut to death during the triumvirate of witopitty, if rot were to judge from the preamble of those prductioio, you would be induced to think that Merlins was a Vacher of ethics, anti Scylla a professor of moudity. I . Now, in his opinion, if you were to examine the moral sentences which the document to which lie allotted cont•thed, thee would be Unloved to form just as favourable,an opinion of the Holy Alliance; but there svas a curious contlilion annexed to this -Circular, that there should be no teiritivial aggran dizem,lit. What security had we for • that ? Would the Emperor of 13u•rir remaia indifferent at the couples's of A mortis ? Where was the i"de° 3- nity to be loon(' ? Pelham in Germany—perleaps iu hi- Mejesty's por . • I dominion'. The Holt. and Learned Gentleman then proceeded to coin intent on the Lillian press, and read tome pa,sages from the Austrian Observer. Arnoogst the persons Cuillitetrd with that press was M. Gents, a Gentle. inao„ whose talents he respected, but whose prin. ciplrs he could nut approve. The s o le principle which seems to govern these Royal Gentlemen who set up for the dict4torship of Europe is, that no revolution, nor 110 change that dors not proceed from themselves can be recognised, and consequently those High Constables of Europe, three Lords paramount, stigmatise every slow effort to regene rate a noble nation frolle slavery tli,d thraldom as an act of open rebellion. Ile implored the House, if they had any regard for their national honour, not to sitatetton such accusations; if they did so, they might justly stigmatise that glorious epoch 111 the history of our uwu country, which has raised ua iii the sstitnattoti of Europe, us ate act of foul rebellion, that happy and proud period, when England's ancient and hardy Barons, clad in ar mour, with their stern arms, extorted from their King their just rights.—( Laud cheers.)—And the next event in •ur history would be also brand ed with that dishonoured name, the Petition of Bights, which our ancestors were not content with extorting from the King, but entered on their public iecurds that it was not the voluntary act of the King, but had hero extorted from luau by the Parliament. But that was a Parliament that really consulted for the interests of the people. Before he sat down he would make one observation to that unmeaning rhapsody the Holy Alliance. Those %minted Monarchs make it a principle of their union to regulate their conduct according to the tenets of the Gospel. But he could tell these royal prulessuiS of theology, that the Chritttion religion is not the religion of slavery. It was established as a model of perfection fur all classes of mankind ; and that mild and venerable *poem which liberated mankind, could nut be made a fit instrument to enslave theta.—(Hear, hear, heur.)--At the enlightened period of the itefurruation, when the human understanding shook off the yoke of supersti boo, three great persons placid themselves at the bead of that great work—Elisabeth, Henry IV. and William, Prime. of Orange. He was not the man that would compare the glorious era of the Revolution with that of any country; but be could adduce arguments just as specious against it, as those opposed to the revolution of Naples. He could not woke to these period' without alluding to those secret socie ties that then existed, and to those noble exertions the people of this country were iudcbted fur all the happiness they pos sessed; suit he felt a pride and satisfaction of the highest degree, when lie looked round and saw the deiseeodaut• of these illustrious men, treadiug its the steps of their fathers. He should conclude, by ibaukioc the House fur their atten tion, sod assuriog them, that whatever might be the fate of his wiution, and whether it be lust or out, be was sure be spoke the sentiments of the majority more fully than us stalluther occasion on which be had the humour of addressing them ; stud that hes poke the sentiments of the enlightened AIM intelligent people of England ; sad that despots may -Ilts*w that their arts are looked upon with abhorrence and detestaiims, he had almost said universally ; mad be was spite sure, that eves those who shoold vote against him to-sight, sod opposed the motion, did it more from official .111fielleoce than sincerity. The Hun. and Learsed Gentleman ei•eluded his powerful speech amidst the cheers of the noose, by moving, certaia papers referred to iu the Circular Dispatch conceruing the affairs of Naples should be laid befOre the Howse." Lord CASTLEREAGH then rose. He would not follow the Hum. and Legnica Gentleman through all the details into which he had gone, be should consume the time of the House unoecessarlly if he did so. To the general panegyrics on liberty, mid particularly the liberties of England, even if he were opposed io principle, his voice would produce a feeble effect. He appreheoded his duty would be best per formed by confining himself strictly to the question before them, suit directing the attention of the House to these poi's.' in the edge, by which abut they should regulate their declaims.; mid be apprehended that the House could Dot at the present time vote for the production of these paper', which were quite unnecessary, milers from the general appearance of Europe, and Naples in particular, some ground should appear to warrant our taterferesier. He should cad to strip the question of all these ornaments io which the brilliant tektite of the Hos. sod Learned Gentleman had en veloped it, and be certainly could not help remarking on the whimsical politicos in which he found himself placed He was coufideat that if • day should come when tbe Gn seromat would be called upon to vindicate the honour or the country by force of aims, it would be found that they were oast destitute of reiseurces, nor of the means necessary . for supporting such a contest. lint it was too much fur ' Government to be told, when they were called upon to re duce the naval and military force of tbacisrutry to the lowest. scale cuusisteut with its safety, it was too much, be said, to be told that they ought to interpose Ia • quarrel with foreign Powers, who come:rived themselves called upon to take up arms against say sober slate, for the purpose of defending themselves from the influence of revolutionary principles. He must beg leave to say, that though be, in conjunction with his eating's', bad found stemma to differ iw their coostruction of the terms of the alliance with the Powers assembled at the Congress, yet there was not the soialkat apprehension ores) , serious misuudersteinling,or of any thin which could lead to a dirt Gehapt, of the harmony subsisting between all the Powers comprehended in those Treaties. He did not feel at all surprised that such a pros pect should have excited the angry (reline of the lieu. soil Learned Geniteassa and his friends. It was perhaps too much for harm' mature to bear, that after all the pro. phecies oa the other side, of the evils whieb.would flow (ruin that alliauce, after all the denunciators of the dan gers which it threatened, mid all the gloomy warnings against the pernicious consequences to be apprehended from it—it was, be said, too much to bear that the (Sien) Alliance should triumph over all their prophetic forebodings. But he felt confident that the maims which hail -served ih• arm of Goverouseist, and etiatiledsit to cssoperaisseittla that AlilanCS in the accomplisbeamst of these alarsuo• results, which the Honourable Geutlrusen opposite had constantly foretold never could came to pass, would not suffer itself to be misled by the manses in which this question had bees brought fireweed, to misinterpret the mistier*, or to witilariti their euufidessee from that Alliswee which hail bees au ef fectual in securing the peace of Canape, amid la the pratee tection of the public liberties of watious. He was eosin abet that iso mows of territorial srirraodiattusirsit were, or could be eutertaimed. Was tberooay 'biog. in. the midi two of affairs iu Italy at Ibis momest, • wtatli meld lead to • supposiiida of any one+ views , Aa(u•• the e•pi•o•liM1 07 the intentions of Austria Welli.ehty "tele eapresatialwavvwed. Indeed it was itaipisarib!e that any such augrassdiaenseat should be attempted by say of the Allied Footers, al4sal nteinisig in the orrati.,us of the alliance itself, the (Sitleat enwut on of sit its impuritits. What species of terri torial axicraudisenseid was it that would awl, she views of all the Allied Powers t HOW was Russia ur Plusista to .derire any benefit fnun any peciiiien to the Neapolitan terlitury! Whimsy, use acquairted with : the fist rii- Almeida of the bAtauce of power is Borope emild ant ' but see at outs' 11,41 it was utterly tuitinsadile that Austria sli .uld advance her armlet iota A why, with soy parpose of territorial aegraisilizentrol. Slit would riot fail of being checked in any such attempt, gni* only fvy Russia and Prossla,brit by. Srrdinort and the usher Italian Motes It was absar d, therefore, to auppuse that the ireuerrif inns of the Allies, in that Tiro ter, could be fouritlril on any scheme of trrritoriel a ygrainhaeracist. or a lion any o.lseir flews than those of She general Interests of the European A iltruer. With respect to the principles plopunuded i.t the pare.- which hal beets alluded to, as justifying ihr inteilei core a foreign Pore's to the asteroid concerns of States, it certainly assist he considree.l dist the pap., ques.ion society proposed it as a subj.-et fur cousidnati and wits try 'so means intended as a no:derailing of the lisca decision of the illustrious persous from shoes It preceesh.d. anti he thought it sae an injustice to the three guest pour i• to suppose that th. hat !soured any iutentioils of the assure of those which had been imported to them. The Noble Lord then eutried into a defence of hie eireular,io answer to the paper before alluded to; ileiqiug the inferrucra wind) been . . , drawn frutin it ut the intentiiiiis uf the Allied Powers; iirpre riming the doctrine that schturvir a difficult case 1110048 I. European polities the Government of Ibis coontly ought to rush forward like a divioity to solve the Goidisn knot; sad ridicutiug the expeetatiou that the moral lectures of Ibis country %geoid be received bythe £real MillaryPoweis of the CO01111;111 Mill that powerful eff.ct whicio curl) at uuee urrr rule thew settled deougus. No truth, he said, woe snore ulmutht thou holt this country utt¢ht to thoth twice heft r. the turn tnitted herself iu any represenlanun ur lemonsts•ree whirs sne was nut prepared to suprus t +Ws ber anus if squired. It hatlhers askerwhy the dmapprobaun f this Gue,,runieut ti. of the proceedings at Naples had been commuitieated to she Allies, and out to the Government of Naples ? lu putut of fact, Missisteis had nut failed to exposes that dikapprisba lion to persons connected with she Neapolitan Goveromint, and in such a way as gave them reason lu suppose that it had reached the Government itself. A consmouicatiou of that stature was made iu the first instance to Count Lu.lulf; •ml although Ps ince Cimitelli had nut been received livre public character, yet Ile hail nut failed to cisioniunicate attL hum, and had not aithheld from him an e•pre.sion of the opinion of the Government of this country, that it could trot approve of the changes at Naples, or recoguise the newly established authorities in that country, uut.l more was known of the nature of that proceeding. The comma •ication to the Allies declared, that this country cools, siot interfere in the affairs of Naples, but at the saute time did nut undertake to decide the question, how far Austria might be justified by her situatiuu sat snub; interference. It only answered this question as to Bri tish interests, leaving the Austrian question onionehtd„ as one which it was not fur this Government to deride. He could assure the Hon. and Learned Gentleman that be. did great injustice to the Allied Sovereigns, in impniieg to them ally interested motives of conquest or aggraudizement in what they felt to be a painful discharge of a great public duty.—(Near.)—Assuming, fora moment, that Austria had • justifiable cause of hostility against Naples, tee could not have taken upon himself for a moment the responsibility of advisinz leer to such a course as even of encouraging ter to undertake it, but be assured the Howse that the question had been left entirely in she hands of Austria; the British nation was not at all implicated in it; this country, indeed, was so entirely separated front the whole transaction as Ilot to be at all a party to it. But although he would nut tate upon himself to affirm that the transaction was such as afforded an Austrian Minister a justifiable ground of war, yet, on the other. hand, lie must say, that on tire first view of the case, there were circumstances which would prevent him from coming to the cuoclueiusi which bad been formed by the Honourable and Learned Gen. demist'. The Noble Lord then proceeded to draw the line of distinction between the revoluflott of Naples mid that of Spain, conteodmg that the former was brought about by a mutinous and discontented soldiery, and the latter by the general opinion of the nation; that Naples bad before been possessed of • representative Constii nliun, lost that the latter bad enjoyed such a Cusetitution of which it had been deprived by the act of the King. The Noble Lord then entered, iu a low tom of voice,into a lengthened narra tive (lithe origin, establishmesit, and duration of the Spanish Coustitution, and of its overthrow on the return of the Kong from captivity. He could not assent to the priiiciple that the mere ciresusatame of theahamsteof a representative Cos stitation was to be admitted as • justification of the over throw of ass established Government by she troops. The lit. ble Lord then proceeded to read extracts frogs two tenon , . addressed to him by a person residing at Naples, by way if . Mating more concisely than he could in words ales owe, the ! imporsaiou by which he regulated his conduct sad opinions this caoe. The first letter was dated on the 31st of Mareh. • lost, sod eolugised the wisdom earl liberality of the 'lira ! existing Goveensiest, under which it stated, that the peo ple enjoyed w greater degree of liberty than at any former period. la its desire of improvement it bad done much, which would be hereafter properly appreciated. A ',part hod bees presented in etiosequiessee of au inquiry which bist allialattederected into the means of imposttott Use emidities of •Alltomosple, which recommended such a reform as the Neble tided thought must eves equal the desires of some of-Ibis ifilloo. Gentlemen opposite. It recommended, first, she total mbelitiou of the feudal system; seat, the readmits( of alt men equal in the eye of the law; sod, lolly , tbe establish ing of • new code of laws, and remodelling the tribsuisti : . sad these it stated to he merely preliminary steps to a great jaded general improvement. The mewed letter mordated !a iJely, three days after the revolution; it stated that the i sKsaolamation which hint Woo Mired by General Pepe, 'soff t the change, cast rat a abides of blame oo the prevtois , which it Mated 10 be more liberal sad mem ••••1 thou had ever been koown So that country, 'sit tgo be must popular, siotsetthstandiag retest wrists. with the great mass of the people. he support isimi the opinsus of these betters of the excelleact of. the 'Ammer Goveenosent, his Lordship cited ,he densousitni taus of joy on therttorn of old family liter the ow.- Omer of Moral. se alio stilted, that when at the elate of the war our Coserammut bad the eatisfatilima of •ith - Inswing it. troops from Sicily, and giving op the toenaiy to its lawful feovereiga, it assured his Goversisnewtithollit felt it to be also occemary to withold advice as •to the moons on which that asmary should thereafter be roserweV. But this declaration was qoal.fied by two cooditiomi Mot, that the Sicilia,. ehootd aot be deprived of aoy of the tri lunges they tajoyod whets out Government brad entered the • islaud, atheistic It would , feel humid to 'warfare; soil the sealed +egotist daisy indivialoalsbuoW be at all inulw4srt us t the sable ut say political opinaMis, rev conduct eapromed or adopted during the. time that we betel possession of Cl • country, we should equally feel hessod ts tommerr. it. • stood faith and knot .stare of tb• King's &kowtows's' air . such, that front the petted of that tel4lTie, whteh lotik phu .• is Mlle, op to the premed mouser, .ow • sisogls ~.e bed • Atecurred of . s reomplasot .to 1s frees rosy Sir '- AIM &abject which. called for toe istmhmece of oor (,:o vernesent. The Noble Lord then remedied to Ernsceitse•M late rt v..lotioo as the molt of the secret asoehermstioses ui the Carbunari ; and to bloody the iaterfereuce of Aetna by • case elocb he pot bypath/Oddly at lino, of a a..c. Ishotsorc it. bead sposteds is Norm, sail extr..,li‘ic .es. If th.oo / Itoot the Austtsast domtutoya 1116 Italy, sad -iserog toe its ouject the overthrow stud eapolarou of. the Asetraso tsoverumeat from Italy. This, he controlled, osiedd be a soficieut just of the inseams cif Naples ,hEdeaptraa foe the. parrs's. of rain,* down. that sect. He theo pro ceeded to 11411C11 that the. late revolidiessia Node/ bad Iwo effected by that sett ; that is ratethen _ore spool *sound themeelees &lettere*, sad overawed the coodortt the Par. " 11 0 4 . 1 .1 •6164 CMS OVOWlritiallt ih411:146C110. IP.* WO only tb .establishostot of trepeerseeitatrao evoetstetiorks,, b o the Awe' caldiositesol.ef Alm :Avatars sletroosed ia. lest% He aftereptede realer' to .setemelvort au. dal ealutwo, 05 Ike aeoly-esiablis Government bf Nitres towards the .~