The Statesman. — London, England, 1810-04-17 00:00:00

)9t Can say that the merely retaining such an opi. Mon, bit not * acting upon such as opinion, is an offence of greater magnitude than that which he has committed, and for which 'a few weeks im.. prisonment has been already generally acknow ledged to be sufficient ; that fur this omission to resent a petition he shall be imprisoned as lnng us this House has power to imprison, fur he must he enlarged on the prorogation, and cannot be imprisoned any more, at least until the Ilouse meets again. Now, supposing him to be incorri gible in his opinion, would the Blouse insist on keeping him in Newgato, without the power . of obtaining his writ of Habeas Corpus, and without hail, on that account ? I ask, is this such an pf.• fence as to call for the severest punishment which this House has the power of inflicting; for the present question is, not whether he shall be di,. charged now or not ; but whether he shall remain in Newgitte as lung as this Please has the power of keeping him there? Must the right of the House of Uointnons to imprison any body depend upon the valuable pledge of the assurance of ..). G., Jones, that he is of that opinion ? pear, hear, hear !] lam sure that no further argument that 1 can Adams*, either to the common sense or to the humanity of this How, can be necessary ; and, therefore, I now move you, Sir, ~ ti r~~: ■r . e- d. 64 That John Gale Jones he brought to-morrow to the Bar of thh House to he d6char;ed." Mr. Secretary ItY111:11.-141 - uch as ho admired the speech of the Hun. Member who had just spo. len, he must dissent from him on the main qucs. lion. if it had been necessary for the offending person to deny his opinion at the Bar, he (Mr. 11.)(1...r) might admit the reasoning of his Hon.. Friend. (Sir S. Romilly) ; but it was now common place ; and as it did not touch the point, must pass away with other eloquent effusions of the same kind. The only thing required was a petition, praying fur release, and ezpressing contrition for baying incurred the displeasure of the House. The present question was merely, if there was any thing in Mr. Jones's case to authorize a deviation from the custom of requiring a submission before the House. He might retain his opinions ► but he was only asked todo now what he did when he was already at the Bar [llcar, hear from the Opposition.] Aullon. Gentleman had been ap- Plied to to present a petition in his behalf. [Hear, hear !] This circumstance did not materially al ter the case. Mr. Jones might hare been let out a snout!' ago ; but he remained in prison, to brave the House, and after proving them wrong, force them to deviate from their usual practice, and dismiss him without the proper submission at their liar. Lord A. HAMILTON felt peculiarly anxious that no doubt of his sentiments should be left on this occasion. The doctrines of the Right Hon. Secretary were not of an order-to heal the breach that was between the House and the Country.— The person whose case was now under considera tion hail done nothing deroOory to the priiileges of tire House. Breach of privilege was a general cry / and undefined cant / which never struck his ears without raising a suspicion of those frpm whom it came. Reporting the debates of the [louse h4l been idly coostrued into a breach of privilege, *xsnd at length it was peaceably acqui esced in as an advantage. But he was glad to find that no appendage had been hung to the question of the rnlease. He (Lord A. Hamilton) had stated his opinion when thee question first came before the House ; he then thought that the [louse wandered strangely from its due course when it condescend. ed to take up a private quarrel—the offence was given by Mr. Jones to Mr. Yorke—an individual against !an individual. As the quarrel was private, it oughi4 to have been determined between private persons. The House, occupied as it should be in the great concerns of the Empire, should not have stooped from its dignity, to pour the weight of its vcitio.atice on a man, of whom they knew nothing more than that he had turned Mr. Yorke, the Teller of the Exchequer, to ridicule. By the un fortunate notice which the House was led to take of that quarrel, a train of circumstances, some dis graceful, some most disastrous, were drawn on, till the pilvileges of the House begat) to be looked on by the people as instruments of danger, and questioned by even themselves as rights of usurpa tion. Perhaps the circumstances under which Mr. Jones's irritation arose, were such as might justify no slight popular discontent. A great ex pedition, the greatest that ever left a British port, lead failed—the Officers threw the blame on each other— the Ministry came to open violence upon it—the people demanded an inquiry into the causes of that most dreadful calamity—the !louse promised it—public expectation was awakened, and waiting to see justice done. The trial began, and instantly the gates of that great temple of na tional justice were shot. Was it nut natural that the excluded people should at least express their surprise ? that wandering round the courts of that Temple, they should be dissatisfied with hearing only the broken and scattered responses that might be periodically issued from the shrine, to feed and to elude.popular anxiety ? Admitting that such a feeling was wrong, it was natural-; and Mr. Jones was only i,ne, among many, who felt displeased at the act and its author—but his offence was not le velled at the House. in what predicament would the House be - placed by the doctrines of the Right Bon. Secretary ? Ile admitted that the petition was proposed [hear, hear !] ; and did he actu. silly think it becoming the dignity of that House, to ineasura its punishment not by the quantity of the effence, not by the natural principles of jus tice, bat the power of the offcader to held out Opinion—thus making the- wisdom of the Mate tete the idle combatant of the folly of an individual, and forcing their good sense to depend upon Mr. Jones's obstinacy. An adjournment might be so managed as to confine the prisoner for any indefinite time ; and was this to be called only a tit punislitnents for want of facility in the acces ed person ? With respect to Parliamentary privi leges, he (Lord A. Hamilton) revered them, as they ought to be Fevered, in the mild exercise of their power but if that power was strong, its use ought to be delicate—and to make their privi lege! 1 1.4 t they ought to be in poiut of vigour, THE. STATESMAN. they must be used in that form, from which they should never have been diverted in point of princi. pie. They should be used for the protection of the rights of the people. Mr. FULLER thought the question lay within a narrow compass. To his mind it appeared to be only whether the prisoner had been sufficientiy pu. nished or not. - if he had been sufficiently pu.: %tidied,. why were they to have him called to their bar to acknow lege his offence ? That House had nobly cut up the prerogatives 'of the Crown, which had been previously undefined : it now be. came their duty to reduce to some definite state its own privileges, which even the Right Hon. Mem ber in the Chair would find di ffi cult to understand. '1 They were bound to define their privileges, and not continue to commit during the session. It was no matter whether a party were committed for three clays or three months; as nothing could be more absurd than to commit without any cer. tain rule to go by. The subject had a tight to have some measure of offences and punishment es. tablished. They ought to enact a Magna Charta of Parliament, as they had the great charter of their civil liberties and rights. " tEquam memento, " Rebus in arduis, " Servare mentem." • As it was admitted on all hinds that Gale Jones had been sufficiently punished, he ought to be discharged. If they should enact some statute on the subject, he was determined, whenever a question arose for a commitment, to vote for the commitment for a certain period. If their privileges should be left in their present vague and ' undefined state, no inatt's house could bo safe. But as he had been already very severely repri. mended for a breach of these privileges, in order to avoid being led too far by irritation, he should read from a paper what undefined privilege could do. The Hon. Member then read, that such pri. vilcge could put it in the power of a nervous Chairman of a Committee to call upon the. Spea ker fur protection : it could give the Speaker the power to order a person to withdraw, and to the House that of ordering him into custody, without allowing him the opportunity of hearing the charge against him : it could give the power of keeping him in confinement, to the great affliction of his family, and so as nearly to cause the death of some of his connections ; and then it could give the power of reprimanding the person for an offence, which at Common Law would not be pu. nished by a fine of five shillings. If that repri. mend should go down to posterity upon the Jour. nals, it would be more injurious to the House than to the individual, in the minds of the people. Lord FOLKESTONE wished to set the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Secretary Ryder) right, as to what he had stated to be the practice of the House respecting petitions. That Right Hon. Gent. had said that it was not necessary for Mr. Gale Jones to acknowledge his' offence, or retract any opinion in his petition, in order to his being discharged, but merely to state his regret for having incurred the displeasure of the House. To show that the Right lion. Gentleman was not correct in this statement, he had only to refer to a petition which he remembered to have presented * few years since, from a Mr. Drake, who had been ordered into custody for prevarication in his evidence at the Bar, for having told lies and incre dible stories, respecting himself, during his exa. initiation us a witness before that House. That petition he had brought up, and when it had been read, he moved that it be laid on the table; but was then informed by the Speaker, that it was contrary to the established practice of the House to place any such petition on its table, unless the petitioner submitted to the authority, and craved the mercy of the House, at the• same time acknow ledging the justice of the sentence. Some days after he had presented this petition., however, it was found that all that Mr. Drake had said was perfectly correct. The consequence was, that Mr. Drake having been committed for supposed lies and prevarication, was suffered to remain in confinement because he would not acknowledge that to be false which was afterwards found to be true. Though he had not remained long in such confinement, the Parliament having been dissolved in three or four days after, yet that did not alter the nature of the case.. Having stated this case, and the decision of the Chair upon it, he was au: thorised to assume it to be the invariable practice of the House to require a petitioner to submit to the mercy of the House, and acknowledge the justice of his sentence. As the Right Hon. Gentle. mau (Mr. Ryder) therefore had stated, if that were the practice of the House, he should vote that Mr. Jonekbe discharged, he had a right to expect that the Right Houourable Gentleman would be as good as his word, anti 'vote for the motion of his Honourable and Learbed Friend, whose.commina.places, as represented by-the Right Honourable Gentleman, appeared to him to con sist of most able, eloquent, and conclusive allot ments. Upon the whole, he was convinced that Mr. , Jones ought to be discharged, and should therefore vote for the motion. Mr. CUILWEN observed, that the able speech of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman who brought forward this motion, was in itself sufficient to recommend this important question to •the most serious consideration of the House. The' case of Gale Jones at present seemed to him to be not that lie should bo continued in -confinement for a contempt, but fur the obstinacy and pertina. city with which he persisted in'ilecliiiing to submit himself, by petition, to the .mercy of the House. Though he had not been present on the occa. sion, he was well informed that M. Jones had re. spectfully submitted to the authority of the House, when first brought to the Bar: That having been the case, then, lie would ask, whether the House would punish him for that obstinacy to which lie might have been worked up by others, in abstain ing from applying for his release by petition. The House on this occasion should leave out of its con sideratiou every thing concerning Mr. Jones, or the circumstances which might have prevented hillt from petitioning. In that it would do ' what be. came its oon dignity; and he was .persuaded that it would be .more honourable to them, as well as gain them more fespect from the public, to dis. charge this man than to continuo his imptison. ment. There might, and he had no doubt there wore persons who would attribute such an act to motives dishonourable and base. But were they to regard such feelings? Were they to neglect to m do a ditty, because wicked men might ascribe bad' motives to them ? He concurred in all the senti-, men ts of the Honourable and Learned Member who brought forward this question : lie was persuaded that it would be cruel to call upon a man to re. tract or renounce opinions, the truth of which he might conscientiously believe. Such a principle seas unknown to the laws of this free country ; at least, he knew of no law that called fur such a renunciation. If the dignity of that House required that such a principle should be acted upon, he should be the last man that would vote for the discharge of Mr. John Gale Junes without corn. plying with the established forms. Whatever might have been his opinion as to the nature of the offence, as the House had decided it eo be a breach of its privileg es , it was not for him to dispute the propriety of such decision. But the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Secretary Ryder). argued the propriety of requiring a petition, on the ground of precedent. Could not that Right lion. Gentleman weave, that if there were any. value in that argument, he might on the same ground refuse his assent to the discharge of Gale Jones, if he did not appear.at the Bar on his knees, as in the -case of Murray, alluded to by the Hon. and Learn ed Gentleman on the floor ? Whatever might be the course, of precedents heretofore, this was a time when he was of opinion the House ought to make a different precedent. He was determined , to stand by the House in every thing that was necessary to its dignity ; but he did not think that would be best consulted by protracting the punishment of an individual, because lie would not apply for his enlargement, by sub mitting to acknowledge the justice of his sentence, and craving the mercy of the House. —At this critical and awful period, it was his opinion that the House should not shut its eyes to the real state of the country. He was one of those, who, so far from thinking, as had been some time since stated within their walls, that that House, in point of reputation, had not a leg to stand on, he was fully and satisfactorily pef. 'waded that such an aspersion was absolutely false. He was bound, nevertheless, to admit that they did not possess that high degree of public confi dence which ought to belong to them, If by for. bearing to discuss their real difficulties, they could, remove them, that might be a reason why they should pass them over without notice. But in his opinion, the only true way of averting danger was to look it in the face; and these were times which imperiously called upon them to meet every diffi. ' culty with fortitude and spirit. The great bulk of the nation, he was convinced, was firmly at. tached to the Constitution and the Government, and ready to make all the sacrifices which the cir. cumstances of the times might require. He was bound, however, to admit, that the country had many grievances to complain of; and these that House was most particularly... Gelded upon to attend to and redress. Under this impression, it was with considerable satisfaction he learn. ed that an Honourable Member (Mr. Brand) had that evening given notice of a motion for a Parliamentary Reform. It was impossible for any Honourable Member to listen to the sen. tiinents expressed out of doors, and not to be convinced of the necessity of some reform of the representation in Parliament. In order to show how the feelings of the House and of the country pointed out the expediency of adopting some mea sure for that purpose, he had only to advert to the attention which was uniformly paid to every thing that fell from the Honourable Member for Yorkshire (Mr. Wilberforce). This mark of re spect that Honourable Member received in a much higher degree than many other Honourable Members, who, without meaning any thing of. Pensive to that Hononrable Member, might justly compare with him in every other respect. To what was this owing but to the natural weight which must naturally belong to any thing coming from the Representative of 50,000 consti. thents?' This showed how necessary a Reform was, which would give to the Members of that. House the representative respectability of the collective number of their constituents. When he talked of Reform, he did not mean any of those wild and visionary theories which had so frequently been recommended in latter times. His wish was to infuse into that House a greater portion than it contained in its present constitution of the landedl interest. Feeling as he, did upon this head, he I could not but condemn that prodigality of the ho nours of nobility, which had robbed that House of so much respectability, without adding any thing to the consideration of the other House of Parliament. --There was another point al so, upon which he must express his most. decided regret and disapprobation ; namely, of that list whiff!), upon the motion of the No. ble Lord, the Member for Westminster, had been laid upon their table. In that list of persons he was sorry to find the names of persons without merits; to perceive that pensions were granted to the relatives of persons who would and ought to be ashamed to take such paltry sums from the public purse. It was by no means his opinion, that if the whole of such pensions were dime away, they would in any material degree contribute to relieve the public burthens ; but when it was found that such grants were taken by persons connected with the highest classes, the circumstance would tend greatly to excite and continue that distrust of pub lic men, which had unfortunately risen to a greater height of late than ever. There was another circumstance, more immediately connected with their proceedings ) which was likewise an object of regret in the present situation of the country ; he meant that practice of personal erimination and recrimination which had too often likely disgraced their proceedings. The chair, heewas convinced, had never been more ably filled, oe its duties performed with more dignity and satisfac tion than by the present Speaker : yet be must oh. eerve, that a great laxity had crept in of late which brought public men into discredit. Though he wa persuaded that there were much integrity and te. • s •;. F pmts on COW . ire' of tlieHonse, he mus t e ce lowrid to say, that the personal i altercalions to which ha hod alluded had a dkrect tendency to lower them in the public estimations His only wish was, that , the ,11.10 use should . be :tendered respectable; and though he thought every, item of saving of importance les it was nut by subordinate retrenchments, both,. the country reduction we t f btehesagyrcledat. establishmcuts, k i V il h i c i snheZril n) minor come, .it would Pokterions question how far s a i t , reduction temling tb could a t cquestion b t f t o effected ct weree tl o ; n b l y u t t to. thoughth b difficulties iffi c it l ti removedcs could, ty. a strong, fi`em, and e ffi cient Administration, scorL bining all the talents in the House. For the p ro . priety of forming such an Administration, he could appeal to the House whether they under any circumstances of difficulty, he driven from its bias to tlu; public interest by any considerations. Such an Administration could nut be formed from either side of the House. I t was the duty of the Members of that House to attend to this great subject ; and of all those who had high characters in that House, and great weight as woll as stake in the country, to unite for tiiat -important purpose. If such a body sh ou ld de. Clare themselves, the country would soon rally round them ; and then their privileges would h e cheerfully acquiesced in, as privileges given solely for the interest of the people. The Bill he had the honour to bring forward la st Ilitei•enanr,otplipoousgithe abused by some, and ridiculed by othe rs , h ad yet, he trusted, prriduced some good, and would 'lead to that gradual and temperate Reform which was the most di f f i cult to be ac com . pushed. Of the Right Hon. G (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) be was always disposed to speak handsomely ; but he could not look upon him as possessed of force and vigour enough fur times like these. The hopes of the country, he should repeat, depended altogether upon a combination of all the talents and respect. ability in that house. Having stated thus much upon the general situation of the country, he should revert to the question before the !louse; and on this he should only say that he would veto for the liberation of Gale Jones, conceiving that such a measure would not compromise the honour, the dignity, or the character of that House. Sir T. TURTON was of opinion, that the iadi. vidual to whom the motion referred, had suffered punishment enough. If he had, he would ask whether it was consistent with their dignity not to put an end to the punishment? The offence for which he had been imprisoned had existed fur sere. ral years, and might have been borne either by the House or any individual Member, These de. bating Societies had been held for several years without having been taken notice of; and Gentlemen might recollect to have seen the names of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, men great in mittd, and great in cha. ratter, placarded in the same manner as it; the in. stance which had been complained of. He had had no doubt that the placard was a libel ; but he thought that it was unworthy of the Hoo. Member to notice it. But when it had been . oC:J!:gitt under the. observation of the house, it must have ecru punishes!, though not severely. When Jones had expressed contrition for his offence at the bar, it was his opinion that it would have been most consistent with the dignity of the House to have discharged him. As a difference of opinion prevailed upon the subject, both in and out of the House, it would have well become that House not to ap, pear to punish the offence vindictively. It was scarcely to be expected, that a man convinced that he was right, could be brought to acknowledge himself wrong. When he had last year moved for the release of General Clavering, he was told that his application would be fruitless, unless Ge. neral Clavering should, by petition, acknoeledge his error, and submit himself to the mercy of thp House. But General Clavering would have spb. mitted to rot in prison rather than admit, what he was convinced he was incapable of, that he had been guilty of prevarication. Then it was said that it was enough that the person should say ho was sorry for having incurred the displeasure of the House. But could any one suppose that he was not sorry for it ? As to the obstinacy that Was imputed to him, would not persecution or rose. cution be likely to make way man obstinate ? But by keeping Mr. Gale Jones• in confinement, would he be likely to come out either a better subject or with fewer partizans ? This was a case in which they ought to make a precedent, if they had none to go by. Why keep the man in prison ? WIS there any thing in the temper of the times to in duce the House to that course ? lie could wish . that the Learned Gentleman had not brought fors ward this question at this time. Though he thought that they should not act under the apprehension of being thought afraid ; yet he would rather be sus. peeled of fear than convicted of injustice. Ile should, therefore, perform an act of justice to the individual, by voting for the motion of the Honourable and Learned *Meruber who had so ably and eloquently recommended it to the House. The MASTER of the ROLLS stated, that ac• cording to his view of the motion under considers. tion, it might be reduced to two questions: first, whether the individual had suffered sufficient pit. nishmetst ; and then, whether, such being the cases he ought to he discharged ? He could wish that he had been better acquainted with the practice of the House, in such cases; whether it was founded on established law or on wage; autl again, if upon usage whether that asap had been unbroken from tim e 'immemorial. lie should always be against break' g in upon long-continued usage, because the prowl' tion in such a case would bc, that it had been fon" cd on wise atid convenient grounds ; and hoshoulti: 'therefore, he inclined to abide by the tow, whorl, , it did nut lead to palpable injustice. if 1s usage were, as he must presume it to be, such ~.t the party offmtling was not to be diichargeilin r!ti he should petition and acknowledge his of once., e w i o te ll i l i d eo h f e i n t:l 7l l , i e lea w d u t u f t ) ; b o e n st u l it ts , e , titicheisigtototlie full fo it. lie agreed that>i man must.be taktn fur A u ' t ' ;. ' ; when the H o use hait'cleclar'ed his gut! , by a ". as but then the individual May not thiek his d c . offence, and in ..that cake it Wotild be er ne insist upon his admitting it, But the . ffi e I 1101.10"6141C PCl . ltietaali (Mr. Ity ,i -er) the tQ think. that such ecknowledoescut 01 g ihtece. could, at, ht c reduction of th e e ff g e r c e t a e t d;butthedim establishments, that n) " untry was to be saved. 'Whenever peace may ume, it would beekterions question how far e r i a ductiou cot k 1 nding that question were only to be removed he nittg all the talents in the House. Fur the p ro . strong, f fi t ;t e n tnii , i n a og n u d ss u c ecfnh whether caine l it t ey Administration,t Administration,ou i r ) i p e e ty ai o t f o nder any circumstances of di ffi culty, he driven !tem its bias to the public interest by any ansiderations. Such an Administration could not' e formed from either side of the House. e t was he duty of the Members of that House to attend a this great subject ; and of all those who had igh characters its that House, and great weight s well as stake its the country, to unite for that esportant purpose. If such a body sh ou ld de. dare themselves, the country would soon rally ound them ; and then their privileges would h e :heerfully acquiesced in, as privileges given solely or the interest of the people. The Bill he had he honour to bring forward last year th ou g h •. 'bused by some, and ridiculed by others, b e d rat, he trusted, prriduced some good, and w o uld ead to that gradual and temperate Ra ma which was the most dif f icult to be accom. dished. Of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposit e 'the Chancellor of the Exchequer) be was always iisposed to speak handsomely ; but he could not ook upon him as possessed of force and vigour nough fur times like these. The hopes of the :loutitry, he should repeat, depended altogether upon a combination of all the talents amid respect. ability in that Ilouse. Having stated thus much upon the general situation of the country, h e should revert to the question before the House; and on this he should only say that he would vote for the liberation of Gale Jones, conceiving that such a measure would not compromise the tumour, the dignity, or the character of that House. Sir T. TURTON was of opinion, that the iedi. 'ideal to whom the motion referred, had suffered punishment enough. If he had, he would ask whether it was consistent with their dignity not to put an end to the punishment? The offence for Which he had been imprisoned had existed fur sere. ral years, and might have been borne either by the House or any individual Member, These de. bating Societies had beets held for several years without having beets taken notice of; and Gentlemen might recollect to have sects the names of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, men great in mind, and great in cha. racter, placarded in the same manner as in the in. stance which had been complained of. He had had no doubt that the placard was a libel ; but he thought that it was unworthy of the Hoe. Member to notice it. But when it had _been 'ocehgult ender the. observation of the House, it must have wee punished, though not severely. When Jones had expressed contrition for his offence at the bar, it was his opinion that it would have been most consistent with the dignity of the House to haie diseherged him. As a difference of opinion prevailed upon the subject, both in and out of the House, it would have well become that house not to ap, pear to punish the offence vindictively. it was • scarcely to be expected, that a man convinced that 'he was right, could be brought to acknowledge himself wrong. When he had last year moved for the release of General Clavering, he was told that his application would be fruitless, unless Ge. neral Clavering should, by petition, acknowledge his error, and submit himself to the mercy of the House. But General Clavering would hare sob. mitted to rot in prison rather than admit, what he was convinced he was incapable of, that he had been guilty of prevarication. Then it was said that it was enough that the person should say ho was sorry for having incurred the displeasure of the House. Butt could any one suppose that he was not sorry for it ? As to the obstinacy that Was imputed to him, would not persecution or prose- cutiun be likely to make any man obstinate ? But by keeping Mr. Gale Jones• in confinement, would he be likely to come out either a better subject or with fewer partizans ? This was a case' in which they ought to make a precedent, if they had none to go by. Why keep the man in prison ? Was there any thing in the temper of the times to in- duce the House to that course ? He could wish . that the Learned Gentleman had not brought fort ward this question at this time. Though he thought that they should not act under the apprehension of being thought afraid ; yet he would rather be sus. pected of fear than convicted of injustice. Us should, therefore, perform an act of justice to the individual, by voting for the motion of the Honourable and Learned 'Member who had so ably and eloquently recommended it to the House. The MASTER of the ROLLS stated, that ac• cording to his view of the motion under considera- tion, it might be reduced to two questions: first, whether the individual had suffered sufficient pit. nieltment ; and then, whether, such being the easel he ought to be discharged ? He could wish that he had been better acquainted with the practice of the House, in such cases; whether it was founded on established law or on usage; autl again, if upon usage whether that usage had been unbroken from time 'immemorial. He should always be against breakthe in upon long-continued usage, because the pres"'"P: tion in such a case would bc, that it had been feu"! • ed on wise awl convenient grounds ; and he show, 'therefore, he inclined to abide by the usige, wlteei it did nut lead to palpable injustice. i f I' s usage were, as he must presume it to be, s u ch that the party offending was not to be disehargethilliq he should petition and acknowledge his olleocer, ' lull would, he owned, lead to consequences to the lot extant of which lie would be unwilliug to I it. lie agreed that ai man must.bc takes fur Au' when the House havi'declar'ed his gui!t by a rots;. ad but then the individual nee) , not ti Ilia 14 . , offence, and in:that cake it would be erne . insist upon his admitting it, But th e I ifueoltersble GCl . ltietaall (Mr. Ryder) stelae - to think. that such ecknowledeelsot f the •