The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1808-05-28 00:00:00

Int ) the tbs Intl, that Jrttl. 1,11114 tbat i!htd ituel, V4.lti- as to 1:16 of tply evea ca:• Inks rnu , ws of 0.1. - " malt ohm 6100 ; ousts num- re Re U am ea- powr r ton- .cl, rt a tLe Lib .2X. ictioa ply to L I ell.' ,f the ,f oar • few U I 1114 Ii C 'll xith re 01:it lht. floe withont the smallest mischief arising. Nay, the history. of this country itself, for a century back, demonstrates that no evils have arisen }from Catholics existing amongst us. Even in Ireland, where the restrictions were most grievous, and the system adopted against them was most calculated to aggravate those grievances, yet Parlianseut was led to a solemn declaration, as will appear from the records in 1678, that it was right to relax the penal code, becuuse of their long-continued good conduct. I know that since that period evils have arisen there--evils and ani mosities, which I wish to be buried in oblivion, .as it would be for the interest and honour of all par ties. The question now is, whether by u mild and conciliating conduct,* you can so firmly attach the Catholics of Ireland to a connection with this country, and to the Government, as to unite in op posing one front to resist the attacks of our invete rate enemy ? That such ought to be your desire, .1 think I may infer, from what has already been - shewn to have been year real opinion. It is a system that we have been acting upon already, is a fact that cannot be fOrgotten by the Catholics themselves. During a period of thirty years, they have experienced the 'benefit of your Mild government and your conciliation. That you then adopted a happy policy for your selves, as well as them, is a fact that cannot be denied. That policy was directly the reverse of what was formerly adopted. Instead of depres sing them, you ought to raise them to wealth and to power, and to give them the enjoyment of civil rights as far as you could; because you believe that, by so doing, you are most effectually coatributiug to create in their minds the same attachment to the Constitutior of their country, which has conciliated the minds of other subjects. 1 do not defend those concessions, because they were gradual. The sys tem, in all its parts, I certainly defend ; but I mu convinced, that when the state of the country is to be changed, you have seen, by the liberality of such a system, that country, as if by a magic wand, start from a complete depr:esion and deprivation, into wealth and power. With that consequence you have imparted a power which is not theirs ex elusively, but which in an equal degree has proved en addition and accession to your ON U. You have the glorious reflection, that now when you are called upon to contend for the existence of your empire, you made those concessions thirty years ago, which, if you bad not made, would have de prided you - of a great accession of ttrength for your defence against a foreign foe. You now de rive immense advantages from those benefits you gave thesis. It is owing to your having opened to them the advantages of commerce, that your own commerce is increased ; and the navigation which you imparted to them, is now so much in ad dition to your maritime strength. In the same manner you hare thought it fit to give to the inhabitants of Ireland that right to their soil, • which barbarous laws formerly prevented. This is the true way of giving secant) , to the country, to give them an interest in the soil, and to enable them to derive advantris,-es from the country which they assist in defending, and create an anxiety for the prosperity mad stability of that Government under which they live. In proportion es your liberality extended towards them, in the same proportion your advantages increased. You conferred on them a share of the constituent power of the country, which is one of the most important rights that can be exercised under the British Constitution, as upon it all the others are founded; unless you mean to say that them who were to be the representatives of the people were to be chosen by these who are the mast anxious for the subversion of the Government. Now, by such concessions, you have already said that those prejudices which formerly existed arc enmpletely eradicated. The people of Ireland, as t hey are rising in wealth, become the more capable of enjoying greater privileges. They hare gradually acquired that attachment to the. Government of the country, which such advantages inspire. —Those privileges we formerly withheld from them, we now grant them with pleasure, and we have conciliated their affection and regard to the Government of the country, by creating in them an interest in its prosperity.—Upon what policy was all this done ? —Did you not grant them all those privi lege., because you did riot any longer distrust them, or think that they were adverse to your Government? What I a.k of vou, therefore, is, to pursue your own system, and free the Irish Catho lics from those few eaclitions that remain.—Art consistently with your own principle!, and upon that presumption upon which your former lima sures were founded.—.lf that presumption be wrong, and the Catholics are really hostile to the British Government, then have you been doing too oa the contrary, it be true, then rely with confidence upon the effects of your measures. You have already derived beneficial consequences, and you have still reason to hope for more, as far as ;belie principles can bear you out. That little remains to be granted is true— that that little may, w ith p er f ect sa f ety , b e granted, ' is also a truth; the more re, as it is so small an com parison to whet you have already granted them.— The beneficial operation of those honours you grant is not canfin to the individuals alone to whom they are granted. They extend their be neficial influence to all around them, in the same prop ortion as their privati on o f t h em ren ders objects of disrespect. It is not the remuneration granted to an Ensign or a Mid shipman that repays the hardships and dangers they endure; but it is the pleasing prospect of their being thereby enabled to rise to higher and more beneficial situations. It is not only in the military and naval, but in all the ether res peetable situations in life, except that of a merchant, that a young man is, by the prin ciples of exclusion, and the footing upon which these are founded, placed in the disagreeable situ ation of being deemed unworthy to be entrusted with them. This caste upon them • stigma diffi cult to be borne, and it is not the oppression they feel in their own minds alone that they have to complain of, but they feel it more particularly and more severely in their intercourse with society.— Every person who meets theni, knows them to be persons of Out description which the Legislature thinks proper to oppress with such stigmas.— But although they feel those stigmas. they have not the effect of weakening their attaeliment for the Constitution and Government of their country. If they did net ?eel this daeply, they could not hare the natural feelings of men. You are daily calling upon them for great sacrifices, adequate undoubt edly to the great objects in view—the support and maintenance of tie country from oppression by the coati neut. You call upon them to adopt those means which promote your own prosperity. Can they bare those feelings by which sueli sacrifices can be sup ported, unless they cherish _in their hearts an at-' tachnieut to the constitution, and enjoy that proud sensation that ought to be common to every subject of the Uritisli empire, that every man is equal in the eye of the law I trust, my Lords, I have not argued with any forced or exaggerated repro remotions, as if I conceived that the situation of such persons was such as to make them 'undutiful. It is now to the United. -iiatuent that they, apple . ' for support and redress of their grievances. If it, be your pleasure to confer tins boon.• you will, in my judgment, do that thing which of all otherii is the best calculated to unite the hearts of all against the common enemy. If the whole extent of their de mands be too much, let us, in a Committee, see what we Call with safety grant them. Let us main fest a wish to do all that can be done, to attach to the state and saleation of the country all that portion of society which otherwise (mina be so strongly attached to the cause of our national defence. have alre a dy said, that if the discussion of this que:- titan be maintained with that tone and temper which have formerly Let II (*Vltava, much good may, in my opinion, be created, even although nothing should be granted. I eagerly exhort you to confirm to that mass of the population, the expee tations• they may hare formed, that whatever may he the opinion, or the decision of this !louse, the time is rapidly advancing. when those maces pions will not 'he distant from them. (Hear! hear! hoar!) Much as I wish they may attain their ob ject, by this application to your Lordships, yet still more would I wish, that they would refrain from attempting it by one odor means. They would thereby undoubtedly bring upon their country vast calamities. i would represent to those in Ireland, any ways disaffected, the situation of all the other nations upon the Continent of Europe, to whom France has uni formly promised the removal - of their grievances, but who, instead of obtaining that redress, have been crushed into one common masa of oppression, and deluded by their conquerors in their hopes an.l expectations. Those nations hare brought upou th?niselves a more galling yoke there were" tlio:e grievances they formerly complained of; and yet it is in truth not to be doubted, that their situation is light in comparison to what would be that of Ireland, were France to take it under her protection, and completely get the better of them." The Noble Lord then concluded a speech of nearly three hours length, by moving, c. That the House do go into a Committee, to consider the petition of the Irish Catholics." Lord St DMOCTII-.." From the views I (MI in cliued to entertain of the rinbte Baron's speech, I am compelled to say, that Ls talents have unfor tunately been misemployed this evening. Nor Maki that Noble Baron have initiated move Nunb eim:l4ly on any one topic, than on that which has oc cupied the greater part of his speech ; namely, the time and circimistumes under which the pre sent petition is introduced into Parliarneilt. Upon this head, he and I. are decidedly nit issue; for I am clearly of opinion, that is point of prudence and sound jud,„.mieut, this petition should no t Alive been submitt e d - to Parliament at present. I sin sorry also to add, that the loyalty, patriotism, and public spirit of the Catholic body hrive, by the pressing of this measure, been pl a ced rashly iu a situation of some suspicion and incertitnde. What ever might have been the conduct of that body hitherto, this one eet of theirs has placed them in a very questionable shape, and this I feel it my duty to state rouudly and explicitly. Though it may lead us to lona •just opinion of the real views of the Catholics, yet I lainent that they have impru dently overlooked their interest, and laid them telvea open to seridiuy. At this dangerous mid critical period of time, when difiicultier oppose themselves at every step we proceed, such a eond net needs no comment ; its well might the sailor refuse to heave the anchor, anoint the perils of tine storni,or the soldier refuse to march to battle, without au increase of mend allowances, as the Catholics hold out their claims, as in terrurem to the rest of bieir fel low-subjects, •o obtain from them, iii the hour of affliction, that boon, which they despaired of entity iag on the just merits of their cause. The 7 objerts of the petitioners' request are great and manifold. They are no less than an eligibility to all ofileto, military, legal, and those of state. Yet, though the petition comprehends so many important ob jects, still must I say, the hope of the petition, as it refers to the Irish notiou, is narrow, circum scribed, and selfish. It has not touched upon those points which call swot loudly for reformation and improvement. And let me say to Parliament, if a boon is to be given to tine Irish Catholics, let it be such as may reach also to the Pro testant, and all the lower classes of the Irish community. Let its- basis be education ; in form the mass of the Irish people,. and the bless ing will be felt in the cottage and the cabin, where hitherto neither comfort nor happiness has deigned for a moment to fix its abode. Though the be nefits required by this petition a r e said to h e ex tended to a population of three millions nominally, vet it altogether passes by those whose first object it ought to be to redress. To grant the prayer of this petition is only calculated to disappoint the mass of that body, and gratify a few individuals. The lower order of the population of Ireland are only to be affected by this measure, us they are in timately connected with the higher orders by some what of a feudatory bend, as existed until lute years in Scotland. The extent of this influence we have hail not long since an opportunity of dis covering in the rebellion in Ireland ; and this imflu ente it is rntlicr our duty to correct than to enlarge. It is rather our duty to inuintain the arum' bond of union in society, than to feed the ostentatious pomp of the few at the expense of the many.— Look to the history of the temporary triumph of popery, when, in the reign of James the Second, arbitrary power, aed Popery, her constant hand maid, proceeded in their progress through thecuun try, pulling down all constituted authority, rind tine Established Chord,. —Our aucestons improved upon the lesson, and it was a part of their oise policy to exclude persons of that profession front places of public trust and confidence. These dis abilities, it has beeu said, were made against the House of Stuart—they were made, I answer, againel the principles of the Stuarts. On this view of the dangerous tendency of conflicting loyalties, - the restrictive laws were miacted, and on these principles alone shall we be able to stand against the waste and lapse of ars. Great danger, it is said, is to be apprehended, if we do nut admit them to the full eujoyinent of British liber ty—but this I answer, by observing, that this was rather to be apprehended from concession thou de nial. Lord Clare, in his speech in the Irish House of Lards, stated, that he had ascertained u body of Cethrilic elergyinee, three 1:, number, had been appointee' by the Pope for the regitlation of the Iteinisli Church iii 'related; untidier. at Rome there existed a Comisistorial Court of Cardinuls for the siereinatesalunce and coutroul of the Irish Catho lic Church. This information was fouuded on the test 'irony of one of their own -Bishops, Doctor Troy. On the piesent question, I admit, they are entitled to our attention by their loyalty and public spirit ; but when a question is agitated, whether we shall give them power, then, indeed, the House is called ou by the country to deliberate and review. Let us look to the periodwof history most calcu lated to instruct us--to the year 1641 turd Wee; see what ' haver - dill power in the hands of the Catholics make, in those days, to which the libe ral minds and opinions of.some will not permit them to revert ; hut I cannot clime my eyes to the open page of history, from which England may learn on this subject ills best and most useful lesson. We are told of theopposite consequences of granting and refusing. In the first instance. we are pro iiiised union amid harmony, in the lust, commotion and revolution. I deny both, let these assertions collie from whence they may. Have not they, for 3u yenta, progressively been obtaining additi ona l privileges, and shall their promised allegiance cease the moment we cease to giant ? If the latter be true, what use would they make of power? 'Tis too evident ; and under the present circumstances it would be madness to break down those bounds which the legislatnre has judiciously marked out in our defence. The experience of Poland, at the period when that monarchy became elective, may apprise us of the dangerous situation we are placed in. I have beard the Pope is merely a spiritual superior, lust I could never yet conceive spiritual distinct from temporal power. Here is my grand objection, and let me tell the House we are here' playing in the dark, we know not how 'widely we open the door to danger. Catholics are influenced by, and obedient to, their Priests, mid- they are di rectly connected with a foreign power ; and though the Catholic himself might be disposed to prey. serve bis oath of allegiance, yet as fie is sub ject to another power, he may not be able to do that which perchance he might be inclined. Of this James the lid, was an extraordinary instance, who, though solemnly sworn to permit the Protest ants to remain in undisturbed possession of their legitimate privileges, was compelled by Priests to attempt to *obvert the whole establishment.. It is well known the great concession was originally made to the Irish Catholics, in order to unite them for ever to the constituted authorities. Every See lion was succeeded by a fresh demand, yet they still remain dissatisfied ; and that they expect an establishment of their church,. systematically, will speedily appear, should the prayer of the present petition be granted. The penal 'code, which has since beets repealed, had been found extremely ne cessary is the reign of Queen Anne, to preserve the privileges rind ascendancy of the Protestant 'pro portion of the community. This necessity et d. exists, according to the opinion of the late Egli of Clare, in his speech, the argument and reiwoninit of which, it will be found very difficult. to refine. The race and security of the Statertiust be pr.v wryer. by established laws; since we must despair of supporting them by the uative benevolence of mankind. DO I understand the question rightly, when I conclude, that it is now intended to give full and complete capacity to Catholics to till all public stations in every department? And may it not Ise even extended so far, as to choose from the Catholic body that man who is to dispense even the situations and places in the established church ? Give to them so much as is consistent with our own safety, and they will be dissatisfied ; give theta all they require, and our ruin is inevitable. The grand object of legislatite care should be the hotly of the Irish population, who are in the haiiit of looking ex!:tisively to their priests, from u hoot they - derive scarcely uny information, and whole interest it is to detach them from their allegi ance to the country and King.—This is at once the cause of their ignorance a n d &affection. Priests are dependent no the people for support, and the _people on Priests for instruc tion. Henc e it i s the duty of a liriti.h to free the poor from the evils under which they now labour by this reciprocal dependence. This may he most effectually done by re-establishine through Ireland those glebe-houses now asieulder leg in the dust. This was sneceaefully tried tinder the Government of Lord Hertford ; and since, iu my own time, and while I issesclf took a part in the administration of public i;flairs, a sum of I i rty thousand pounds was granted for that dr. irahle purpose. The necessity of this measure will ap pear from the statement of the Noble Lord respect ing the number of parishes and glebe-howler so extremely disproportionate. The Protestant Church must he maintained in all its dignity and privileges, if we expect to make proselytes.— Without persecution we should make no Protest nuts in Ireland—without persecution the esta blished church would he overwhelmed.—/H ear hear! from the Opposition Benehea)—l repent, it is our policy to make the established church re spectable. even at the expense of the Catholic, amid to increase its privileges and power is the just and worthy occupation of art enlightened arid liberal British Protestant Pe:lame:it. Such is tuv pro position respecting the whole of the Irish popirla non--respecting the Catholics, in particidar, I leave some propositions *leo to make to the House, should &convenient opportnnity arrive. The ti..- wailer on ordinations proposed to be bestowed by the Catholic church in hated on His Majesty, seems to me perfectly migutory, us I bare le tent ively considered and rellected iutorna tinn ou thii head, and sin well iufertned, that it intended only to give the King the Niglio' leges of selecting from three perions nominated Isr the Bishop, one to fill the vat ant Bishopric, and should two be rejected, the third shall directly be recommended to the Pope for ordination. It is absurd to suppose such a concession can obviate our objections, or cooe.liate all porde,: It should not escape thHouse, that all the Canons once issued remain iu force until alt:Ted or repealed by a general Council. Most of the violent and in flammatory Canons. still reinsin in full force and effect. This, if there were no other, i 3 a terrifying consideration. My objectious, nay Lords, are all founded ou those principles, itnerweven with the interests and liberties of the people; they are finiuded on the principles of the reformation, the revolution, the elevation of the House of Hanover to the Throne ; and die Establishment of the Church in its present state, of which I, my Lomb, feel,.and daily analyze the blessings. from these considerations, I could not have :odd less than I have done, mull trust the judgment of this House will this night uhew it was altogether unnecessary L should Innis said more. ' The Earl of Motaa—" I candot, my Lerds,concur in the sentiments expressed by the NoLleViscouut, particularly in that part of his remar k s w h ere h e has au unfairly censured and harshly treated the pe titioners, as deficient in loyalty or allegiance to the Conatitutioa and Govertinteat of the realm. The petition . came under the sanction of names of the greatest reopectability. When my Noble Friend, not twig since, proposed this mutter for diatars.sion, and appointed a rimy, I then appre. headed his motion would be of a much more exten sive nature than I since find it to be, and would have proceeded a step further : in this 1 have felt some disappointment and more regret I have heard it objected, there is now nothing remaining to authorise this appeal to the legislature. Ott the contrary, I wish to state they are very little better for the partial repeal already made in their fa vour. It would be unworthy of them srmen,who have tasted of the sweets of a partial liberty, should they untcontiuue to preas their suit, and it will he equally unworthy of au enlightetied British Parliauteet, should that application prove unsuccessful. They should seder desist until they have obtained every thing ; and it must be the wish of all liberal and ' eulighteued men,. that they should succeed to the uttennust. extent of their wishes. They would be unworthy of being incorporated amongst Unicorn, who should consent to relinquish the birth-right of Britous. Suppose even that a Catholic should become a Chancellor, the guard of the King's coaseitace, there was nothing to be apprehended from his iuilueuce ' as he was not eve n one o f th e first Officers in the Council, admitting his religiou rendered him altogether unfit. for the situanno. The case of the Catholic at present Le consi dered altogether distressing and afflicting; his grievances consisted in personal stifferitig and private indignity ; la g i a liti ee insults and continued oppreabiew-ecteprivaition of propert y 'sad humilia thin in the opini o n of tits fe ;anbjecta. The Protestant is mined by the legirlittere against his feilow-Cbriatials—sit poinivelheallsesens satires/ of suspicion; it of suspitioo. fear; if of bar, hate.-- The first principle of the eunetitution is to imeart equal liberty to all within its influence. •As a friend to the Church I will advise its supporters to beware of e conduct derogatolv ao its -character, and injurious to iteperniseent interest's." The No ble Earl coact mild an eloquent . rpeech with sup porting the motio n o f hie Nroblerriefid. • • - The Bialiop of Noaltirq ably stip/tented -the muse of the Catholics. .Their tenets, Lie coutentla ed, did not disqualify them • from holding official 'situations,. for w e shriek) • tile their tenets tram . their own prof ess i on , as they snrelr know best their own principles and doctrines. Sitnatiirnein the difa &departments rent of rew, army, nary, and the rervicos, were not; or at least should not be mattes of farimr, ?ether than of deiert. Hence all should Le admitted as candidates who would solemnly absolve thtteselvei on oath Gam eutet taining nny tenets or principles prrjudicial.te the interests of the estattlid Government. Such was the conduct of less libetal and enlightened nations. and why should not that beadopted m Greet Britain The time, he thought, had arrived. prophetically spoken of by that great li.wyer, Sir . Paxton, for removing all shadosrof the Penal Laws. There now existed no temporal power to which the Catholics were aulsiect, and no Pretender to the Throne.— We owed this tneasure of redress to them for their cmdttet in assisting to effect the union of the two couatries. The oath of Ilia Majesty. he would not ste l a- nu ., placed any bar. against the admission of th 4 '41101k% into the Constitution ; at least, if it did, it hud been otteu. ou less pressing occasions, broken and neglected. The principles of the Reforruation, and those of the Revolution, both rea sulttne front the growth of information, and the extension of human knowledge, were inimical to every system of exclusion, and hence he should feel little credit Hato the Garb he had the honour to wear, should lie be arrayed ageism the cause of liberty, philanthropy, and justice. The Archbishop of YORK said. that he was per snarled their Lordships would crews him for say ing a few words upon the subject then before the House, which the Noble Lartnt (Grenville) had, with so much ability. brought under their cone.. dcration. No man could be more sensible than he ear of the public character of the Revereed Prelate who spoke last in the debate. So fur he must express himself friendly , to the cause of the Catholics. that if their petition had desired the it-rentest dtazree of toleration and protection, then Le would have been found amongst the ferrintat to support the prayer of the petition. -God forbid that lie should he uta enemy to the freedom of public worship, but still he felt rot inclined to eountenattee the introduction of,those principles into the Coustitutinte which might create destruc tion. The Petitioners did nut allege that there was ally objection in their mind in respect to the liberty of puhhe worship. No ex. isted ugainst the perlbrinanre of their tarenir. mutts ditties. It had ',CCU inquire -I, how could the State be in danger, or rem the Chtirch, by the free admission of the Catholics to places of profit anti Irt , At riiik in the Covernifient of this ontittry Thar reitsen ioi his opinion Wits. the !)-cti:isr id' the ('hut. h of Rome. At the vin tine h..t l A: tea thensed to (-arr. : so far his Jafereuce in reTeet to the Catholics, but to,