The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1825-05-11 00:00:00

p p in the lobby who could give seldom of Ms Mining ..ter wends of bays brought up to sir it. The Bight Mom Weadomen mli it was signed by 12 Maglemotes. Those who how dist An ma itiotraree had looe been taikavarriss to isteedosethe law Memthester would not be veer Weere se lad desk te web a petition. The His. Oentiorma then allothill7.767 — A tics having 331•13 rejected by the Baptises. Calvinists, Ind every other sect Immo the Methodist', who allowed it to he plaited ter airwaves io their Meeting-house. Them was ausider petlion boomer which expressed the true opinion af-Ibo awl wheal bad been carried in a public Meeting by a ef is_those one. That petition would be preeetteth see pir alatmegor. W (Lord Stanley) wbo Tormented the weettr et . . petition from alancheanr agreed to at the petite woesbrai hool, sn a icy days. obtained ten thoomesdidiostares. aid, hod See pr >al tea number would ham belnifeegimasm Me. TBEL rid, that in prosenelog tee peddle tee th UT hi did wit suggest anything = the fact=4 . .• iii tog thew et tbe undersigned in ts of .111 was not deeded by the Honourable Member. Thee Om ell de m bad sasetted. As the meeting conventicle' the Bridgewater was we sethand by the Iloroughreeve. it was but 'Wit to pM Med stolowent with the reason of it. The troth ii woo applied to—as he had hi _ . 4 . mei aoha t err s razote . ie h n e ed at Man t g r e:Tter fret , a , *lila le the bet leaueete wee, tbedeferenae of the sielm= r tf der lieroarbreeve. (Hear, hear.) It was VIM ebst cp. ge BON boys bed bees ettethed A the poslidlot t bet they wee owlpirmay withdraws. d they sire thieheth A lit I lethataW bthethe by as she !hose. eil ale psalm le mole ea us. • - ble the thy T. 11/IS said, that ha woo mehlied the &thug Oft miaow and Minnow town of thier was mimeo Ite 111111 lIINNINNO et 111Millet0oatkie 3 this was tat by the neither end tirlay of the petitioners. b ri:WILBRA HAM could ' undertake to es, that tit* opinions of the Magistrates of the county of LIM4IOII/10 OM WIWI to the memo" at wthaeipatioo. Lord AJIBIASY wield pet it to the esadid enielderollth oriel Men Ilenewelde fletawaty Ar the Ilene Depletion*, slither On wreathe' , et toinhoent mania theowth a Plhad a.. wee not *re Leaming of attention Om the ea the own. Meer, hear.) 99/ tr il "" fl. ' . Mr. PEEL, explained, sod without gi to elfilillikkgew thot subject, said, that be had merely repres the MOM ill MI N We dadertigned inhsbitsnts of Manchester. Lord STANLEY admitted the right of the hl a Oil es toy other moons., *sign petitions ; but on the OSOldis• they birthed not indiwidliak only, but Judicially , as theriebien wee banded to them, as he had 'heard with pain awnwitel, when diet charging their judicial duties On the brudh. Ilit ezele bear tietimotty to a thanks et _opinion is lintathi t wen Stowable to the Mhos etito7tie r sle Catholics. A Message from the Cords signified that tie Royal Assent was green to aesersl public mid private Bills. Lord STANLEY presented a petition from Manchester, in fa. veer of the Roman Catholics. The petition wasagmed to at a pub lic meeting. Mr. PHILLIPS, ie reply to an observation from IL I& Honourable Secretary fat the Honie Department, that the reeve iiid advised these who signed a petition against th7n= Ea•bol es not to convene a meeting only in his Individual capacity. a . he was wotapplied to in his magisterial amenity, said he had only given a-private advice, and the advice was, in his opinion, a very 000 d ore, which those who signed the petition would have acted wisely if they had followed. • After a few words from dlr. Oascoyxx, the petition was , To be printed. Sir F. BURDETT pretested a petition front the Protestant arid Roman Catholic inhabitants of the pariah of Ardcronin, in the Ba- ' rosy of Lower Ormond. The petition was accompanied by a letter to him, intimating that a unanimous feeling prevailed upon this subject throughout the parish. Theo thought the measure of tot rneipation wooed produce conciliation, which would have the *further result of consolidating the energies of the empire. Al toough other petitions may be more numerously signed, yet this wall deserving of particular attention, as it was signed by every Pro testant inhabitant of the perish. CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL. Mr. CURWEN moved the order of the day for the third reading of the Catholic Relief Bill. He contended that the country was dot hostile to the principle of the proposed measure, although an Attempt was made to promulgate such an opinion. In the county which he had the honour of representing (Cumberland) no feeling prevailed adverse to the claims of the Catholics. The restrictions which affected the Catholics were imposed at a period very different from the present. They had been imposed for the purpose of secu ring the throne of a Prince, who had been placed on it under very peculiar earcumstences, and ate period when the Protestant religion was ricked, assailed. The circumstances had entirely changed, and the grounds upon which the restrictions were formerly imposed no longer oilseed. The throne was now secure, the established reli gion of the country unamailed, and there MU no period when the Protestant clergy were more respected. He regretted that this en lishtered body of men had arrayed themselves against the Irish Imtbolies. Ile was entry that the feelings and character of the Irish people was not better known in England. If the Irish cha racter was better known it would create e.tee,n and respect. He (Mr- Custom) went to Ireland full of prejudices against that country, brat he was happy to say, that before his visit terminated these prejudices hod been completely removed. There was no people amongst whom the social feelings were more powerful than amongst the Irish, and he had no doubt that by kind treatment this country might insure the eternal gratitude of Ireland.and by so doing incense in power and add to its resources. lt was vain to suppose, however, that a high-minded people like . the Irish could ever be content in a state of abject degradation. Ile should re. quest the indulgence of the House whilst he adverted to a circum stance, which demonstrated the salutary effect of kindness upon the Irish Omfatter. In the town where he (Mr. Curwen) resided there were a great many Irish people chiefly of the lowest class. Some years ago a strong prejudice existed amongst the inhabitants of the town against them, and this prejudice was in some degree counten an ced by the irreeular conduct of the Irish, and especially by the manner in which they employed themselves on Sundays. When other persons were engaged in the exercise of de. ninon, the Irish were son loitering on the highways, or drinking at the ale-house. At I -teeth the townspeople got together, and built a chapel for the Irish, at the same time assisting them to educate their children; and the consequence has been, that their' subsequent conduct was quite the reverse of their former conduct, , and the inhabitants and the Irish were now so closely united, that if one of the " No Popery" chalkers, who are so busy about the j metropolis, entered this town, he would be quickly hooted out by the united voices of Protestants and Catholic's Whatever might I have been theiarevailing sentiment some years ago, he believed that the people of England were now strongly in favour of concession to the Catholics. He was certain that a contrary feeling did not exist, except in those places where efforts were mode to excite it ; and he I gave his full concurrence to the measure, because he conceived it calculated to odd to the security of England, whilst it would ensure the tranquillity of Ireland. Sir R. INOLIS was opposed to the measure before the House for the relief of the Catholics, because he conceived that the Roman Catholic religion was not only unchanged, but uachangeahle. The Roman Catholic religion at different periods had proscribed all the master minds which appeared in Europe for several centuries. He held in his hand a large book, containing the list of proscriptions which bad taken place during the reigns of various Popes. The works of Room Locke on the Human Understanding, Milton's Paradise Lost, and Alberoni's famous work on the Newtonian Philosophy, were amongst the proscribed books. He asked, was this an evidence of liberality amongst the professors of the Roman Catholic faith ? Urotius and Puffendorff were also prohibited. In ertiert, a good library may be selected from the books proscribed by the Roman Catholic Church. (Hear.) The names of Fenelon and Pascal had been alluded to, and the advocates for concession to the (*holies have asked, is it necessary to look with the eyes of jealousy and suspicion upon a religion of which such men are the repre sents:lyre ? He (Sir ft. Inglis) denied that Fenelon and Pascal were the representatives of the Roman Catholic religion. NVhat ever other religion they represented, he contended that they did not represent the Roman Catholic; for their writiags . had been pro scribed by the Roman Catholic Church. The spirit of the Roman Catholic Church had not altered. The late Pope was a man of s , tliarly mild manrers, and particularly well tnclined towards and. Yet, when 'the English at Rome applied for leave to t d a plane of worship for themselves, the Pope declined granting. rt. It was true the English were permitted to hear Divine Service In the drawing-room of one of their countrymen ; but this practice was rather cuter.itred at that, recognised. Had he (Sir R. Inglis) seen the Secretary for Foreign Affairs (Mr. Canning, in his place, he would appeal to him *heftier an application had trot been made ' to Government, requesting its interference to prevail upon the Papal Goveminerit to grant a burial-place to the English residing in Rome. IVllen he (Sir R. Inglis) was in Rotne, the English were not only debarred from having a burial-place, but they were not allowed even to erect a fence round the spot where the dead lay. Yet the late Pope was known to possess more liberal prin ciples than, perhaps, arty of his eredecessors. He would refer to another circumstance connected with the late Pope: about fourteen years ago, when he was a prisoner in France, the then Emperor of the French applied to him for his concurrence respecting some arrangements connected with the internal gnyeniment of Franee. Urie of the principles co which the French Emperor naked his concurrence was, that- fall toleration should be extended to all religions. The answer of the Pope ought never to be forgotten byProtestants. Ile 11.1030 to the Cardinals in a circular—" lie (mean. ing the French Emperor) demands that the exercise of all systems of religious worship should be free and undisturbed, a de mand which I 'tooted a: contrary to the Canons of the Church, to the Roman C.tholis religion, and to the welfare of the State." In teacher letter to the Cardin als. alluding to some proposal for the uhrort of religiout faiths, the late Pope said. We may a. well attempt to unite ('brist with Belie], as the Roly Roman Catholic religion with soy other system of religion.' In truth, the spirit of the Catholic Church had undergone no rncerial change. Its temporal power was less, but it still exercised a spiritual tyranny user the minds of men, as strong and not lean dangerous than its surmer power. True, we had bound the strong man. but it we loosened his bonds, and brought him amongst us with his feelings unchstrgeti, we should take care that he did not pull down the temple of our greatness, and bury himself and us under the ruins. t Bear. hear.) We should look to the conduct of modern Roman Cstholie goyernmenot. What was the first act of the Constitutional Cortes of Spain ? They declared that the only religion of the State WOO the Roman Cathelies—that the State supported and de *dad that religion, and prohibited the exercise of any other. The New Mates Ad Venevuela and Mexico had been equally in- MEE - I AIL ..• 'Y _ S . '. . ig. 111 . 6 4. 102 0W.4 611111. will . 1111.4 agu lf"attat eat erthllndloba The lbw men or the se lf Bualissres, le mown isselkweet amnia. which fuel ass soul apse tor oemeoyinee bob= Wake all these circumehhees ha =aid iseemad, ISO ib etwar =aj?! . _ llollll ,_ religion was maw changed as= jastifh • ****l* be the securities which we now held. Noe Mit see= deer thee the Proposed concession would satisfy the Omilmilles. Ilio raw= so the evidence of Doyle helot. the Commlttes„ and to his pam phlets, which were in his opinion inandowet and inwesnleilis. He referred also to the speeches of ilte.Creonnell, eel be said the House whiten" teith suers their ocknowledged senthisete k tees secure to admit Basque Catholics to a ohm -in the Gersrassese. But there weemeeeldence that the Irish Citiolks weld be smelled with emancip_adme. In 1798. Dr. 111•Neein bed WM ohm the LAW Vona did est value emandoetistn. ar. Ibiglotat ii .was considered geed authority. said, the mese elf W don't awe • foil foe einancipatioo. nee be telblin, stetiMilt Illteuld kW to the abolition of tit he s. Oliver Best ist his meal entism, said, that the United Irishmen were eetablldted to ranee , a refone, and that emancipation was • mere wept When asked ettlether the mass of the people cared ihr eleamoirehoo, the owl, of Alm Bond was--" Those who think Ike IMO do:" (Hem, beep) It was easy tor men to raise a storm, thew. deep had wet O=W to allay it ; but, in his opinion, du tessewit norild on the people of Ireland if it she e t be yew= Iminerrow. Wiennidered that protection was du right of illen,.bet pewee et no men; and in many Oat via ' mak up of netimoions of particular laeli med Thew weneelmes woo view ty withhi the were sa d or *4 l idos einedtetis and Mere could Opt no .dsebt ihn ad' week Mit se n a g by the pedieebs =WW Of _, lon- Ana toriekneg nem into sho alms! In. Pis vileges of the dune. as they AM N into their age, wo wry, fed other ciratustanoes. If the nosature now la enocan- . plosion were se pass late • law, three rem would not have slaps= tie it would be found inadequ ate to rte 'Wert. If he eieshined the milieu see required by ***time 4 the =no be we l& **P- Pon k; bet se the wronged sognament k Ws sew WINI Wu et vs poliony. he w 011 weld est now 110111 le a= the mottled whine hie bed Mew= ei rat peararkh liillisined a re: last Ihrome. .. Y.T. I. TWIS--ft lilla i r ta te u z ~ .. 1 a on I 11 4 alien Slit 'measure bean. that . ne etereiteently with the spilt the ' .. posed relazatin• (It was neldis. dew* Mai Isnot or that Constieutiesk ; answer to this objection he . idiesnon of thd House to the cones of • view of the case ' which, as far as be • ' ' noticed. It would save time and • V ' * '''' ...„, ~ their inquiles to dip ' of . et; . Parliament, . . improper w mint chum Iwo , an we • tit Pet they ahauh be *elude/ *see caw ellowle Medi= mu net his wish to bed she Homeliest le Ileinielneerpelledmor English History, beam they mom eilltailloewiltditioneteeme if certain penal statutes warm the Remo dichellecclecdons * the Bever. lotion. Whew is the odeloonso 11. the seewiellesiesions which afft cud dbQereliw waiwiehlished, omit mews were assigned tor shoe weineeset,whish. if they were speseg ie slid now, he would ado* proved Me weeosity of statutes in the same mass still. Bet if, oo the maj otb il = it could be shown that those reasons cow reader= veld and i , noperative by the operation of time, it thee bowies isepoweive se the advo cates of exclusion either to milemess id= Nona fat the conti nuance of these tests, or else eialt Obit neellimelte antleap plicability to the present postures( mica In Illosimiga of Mules Papists had been excluded from gees end Parliliint; but that regulation was by no means one of a sebsimmere eltirecter, but adopted as a "help to titers good Liws" all** in existence. -And what were those divers good laws which Whoa in question were intended to confirm ? What but the &awe= Of Pains and Penalties against the Catholics—that nuieenee kid& had been abolished by the Act passed in 1721. He tie =oared to assert' that the maintenance of the present restrictions, Which were ori ginally only subservient to that code, was a positive injustice. One reason, among others, for the enactment of the '• divers goon laws" he had mentioned was the apprehensions entertitined let the period from the Popish plots said to be in agitation. He thought it unnecessary to trouble the House upon the subject of Popish plots in the present day; for if Titus Oates himself were alive, he would fail to excite apprehensions on that score. Than reason was wholly removed, and inapplicable at present. But, said the Hon. and Learned Gentleman (the Solicitor-General) on a former occasion, the exclusion of Roman Catholics at tee Revolution should be decisive, for that was for the preservation If the Protestant ascendancy. He (Mr. Twins) thaeght k wit he the purpose of strengthening and confirming the sew and se yet unfixed authority of William and Mary. The modern mistehe consisted in not distinguishing between a permanent principle and a temporary expedient. He thought every subject entitled to MI large a share of rights and privileges as he could enjoy consist ently with the safety of the Constitution. He acknowledged that it would be as impossible to establish an exact equality of Ova rights as an exact equality of property, but it was well to sews es near the accomplishment of that principle as possible; end it was because the Constitution of England made the closest approach to that state of things, that it was the first and best Constitution in the world. Those who had talked of exclusion as a prin. ciple of the Constitution were entirely mistaken ; it was not the rule but the exception that it constituted. The mambo of Roman Catholics from the offices of the State regahtded hi. if an occurrence that took place when the Duke dr ailcilashia Regent in France. On that occasion the Duke had aided • deal of alarm, by taking • person into his establishment saspeetid ef Jansenism. Louis XIV., quite shocked at the imputation, made inquiries as to the tact, but was pacified on learning that the obnoxious person was not a Jansenist„ but only an Atheist. Sued) seemed to be the course pursued towards the Roman Catholics- wip were in a woreesituation than infidels. At the period of the Rev* Intim the relative numbers of the Protestants and Catholics were very different nom what they were at the present time. The Papists then consisted of about a million and a half, and the Pro w' ants amounted to about eight hundred thousand. A law which might be applicable then could not but be inapplicable now, when the former class amounted to fire millions, and the latter to only one. If they were disposed to visit the sins of his fathers upon the Catholic., even to the third and fourth generation, they would be only acting justly to allow him the benefit of their services to the State on many other occasions. What would have been the feelings of the armed Barons who laid the foundation of our constitutional liberties, if they had been aware that the day would come when their descendant.% should be shut Nut from the Con stitution on accottnt of their religious faith ? (Hear, hear.) He considered the advocates of the existing tests and restrictions in precisely the same situation as if those teats had expired ; they had been proved to be useless, and lie had heard no arguments used that would at all justify the re-enactment of those restrirtions, sup. posing they had been permitted to expire. They could not now be told of the dangers to be apprehended from a Popish Sovereign, Ike restitution of forfeited !ands. or the authority of the Pope. The very instance of a Popish Parliament sitting and allow. ing a tew Protestants (seven or eight, as had been stated) to possess mats in common with them, proved that they at least were capable of same degree of toleration. if we were not. When the opponents of the Catholics charged them with the perpe. nation of cruelties and excesses, and attributed them all to the spirit of their religion, he would ask them, was it Popery which urged Creamer to bum Papists in Smithfield? (Hear, hear.) When the Roman Emperor broke down the aqueduct, that he might deluge the unfortunate Christiana, was it Popish bigotry that in. litigated him ? (Hear, hear.) Or were Apollo and Jupiter in league with the Pope? (Hear, hear, and laughter.) It was merely poli tical. and not religious feeling; religion wag on the surface, and at most but a pretext. Many Honourable Members contended that the present was not a proper period for making coneessiona—that granting a boon now would appear to have been extorted by threats; it would look as if obtained through menace, if relief were given so soon after the existence of certain unconstitutional bodies in Ire. land. The frlonse had hitherto recognised the necessity of giving to the Catholics certain rights formerly withheld from them; Bill after Bill had passed for that purpose ; then there were no threats. Why not then pursue the course hitherto pointed out, rather than atop short ? Ile put it to the majority of that House, which so often sanctioned by their votes the claims of the Catholics, whether they were not called on to preserve their consistency rather than upset the good hitherto done, be following a different line of con duet ? They might now say, "We won't be frightened out of our vote." 11" hat will they say when Ireland will, in case of a war, be ready with her weapon either fur the common defence or tor the dismemberment of the tvm countries? Then they would relieve her; lie knew they 'multi (Loud cheers.) V. he asked, when they had ihr broad-swords to their throats, and granted concession, weal& they escape the charge of cowardice ? (Cheers.) Leland war for a long time peaceable, and not for many years, until in the late Speech from the Throne, was she carried to the credit side of the account. After some further uhservatione, the Hon. Member said, the fables of their youth pointed out to them the most wise policy. The wayfaring man, when the wind blew and the cold affected him, gathered his garments around him ; but when the heat came, when he came into a kindlier atmosphere, he threw them open to the genial warmth. As to the question of Emancipation, it welt every day gaining ground, and he was sure the general opinion was favourable to it, founded on a persuasion, whether founcitel on fact he would not pretend to say. that it' the Bill passed through that I House it would also pass through another place. Some persons who formerly talked of wars abroad and clamour at home, as a reason for not granting emancipation, row urged the existence of peace as • reason for the seine exclasiou. After some further ob. serrations, the llon.lember expremed his hope that the existence of severe laws at a former period would not be urged as an argu. ment for their continuance. Mr. 11. DAVIS would continue his former ooptritinn, because he considered the Constitution essentially Protestant, and that if Catholics would conititne to complain. great chat they tuay, was it decent or just that the King should be compelled ro con tinue Protestant, whilst his advisers might be Catholics ? He con sidered that by increasing the pOwer of the Roman Catholics the House would hut ensures perpetual struggle between them and the Protestants in Ireland. - The spirit of the Catholic religion was un changed; it possessed the same intolerance which always distin. imbibed it. Under these circumstances he felt himself LJund to oppose the Bill. . Mr. CHARLES GRANT said he wished not to argue the' present question then ; it WAR one on which the House must feel already exhausted, and which, from its frequent discussion, left ' nothing new to be said on it. He was anxious, however, to de. liver his sentiments on it, as one necessary for the tranquillity •of Ireland. He regretted much that he was not present during the speech of the Hum Bart, behind him (Sir H. Inglis); he regretted -- . • - Ms Ames, beams he eseesseed the H. Baseasy In a meet ' ass pandleale bits,l igaatf qesesite ea am wawa 2 mese af linkmd--as en Magnets►gent Megginienstafas pawned the maw esswee..mer tvisla &I win seaeldueska, " what eis tie wenillip 6 williger . gnaw, bear.) Her his own part, maker he r‘uudeblll &IN* aid gismos sane et thee emery, fr waseasts- ' Owed ens he of themmessaie af hie spieled'. blind SO then teeny"' t ail *aims, ell einimisam bed searsd • • mixtbgthuc- MOM In Visiones mai dieivalhanse i bat it beear;ve the Heuer to eras der whether k was net da eleNkiel min, the result of intense Inskty t whether it did est pared diem the deep interest the =lreland seek in thi l li=b w i:j the g forward—a meekest maws were to decide fete. •Me h Van* smoonvoir ts the debates in that 4 1 1 the prism sled am a aintiliFnent of Emu. =6*hat to estnewity, boa his view, on 1;:fdli ' the state el' 'lifebeed. asked, " weat 11 ! 1 a, 5 !"_ , Prillitelleaeleg the tratheniffitty of that eeuntry ?" he wammeeramor awswaa, end alwayskinad seem shun a di-ect reply. liters IMAM ligariewe of die 11111110 n, end weu hi-Always give k .if as olass rows Mt bemuse be looked on it as tsteapeesMy teawilmill wish the meet sill kitereess—ate eatery and kelpies* of Mimed; and ekes Hosentrabk Masobets met the +purism serather monads than. ohms. they trued with it 4--Yeeir Owens ales a Imre assakery of a selhjett involving such mashy is- NOM ltilucc.) ?thin even this view, whit Hun. Memben beadle to liamanpadsa prebend le P_lta, and leaking on it as • riesp d mientititimial question, be *men ark them, had their system toga kitty ? Inland hes hem' At centuries under the Bad ▪ ef fti, and boa that asenimise predated eiviyrotion ? 1 the, a Mean mamas of gomeenteas—bad they treated I seiction sad owsignity wick laafikakilb, then might thoy have reposed as dm of that wartinhearted people. How diarist would seer be bee rate? TIN primal hesility to the Cathdis Maims was sins a sand Wawa a the pal jar chr in whisk* Ana SEIM 118. 1 1 11 ,___Mlitilre.d that i ci t l it gai rZest• *MN Wei" M Wallill s e t .... " Wu l ing .f thew eqpimass while she mistlepws if Imeuelpetisa were saki se le arena,. flear.) Wlpt nee lie Ise of argrause pyramid by these Ilea. ? Miley seemed se have one rah. If he sad his Mee. gipped a loomono it was Ogees and „ k in -dais a pommies of amis. C iv r i el ies, ll 4olll l6 Os wows, loorke the Mlle .., ,,,Is sir sea ihmewri sit the reeks. el soot disk . ea them "15 (= ses los ist ar i ent i =l l % imi ata vai l i f thil liseT .Pri Tsq M InAseeed .weld ow Mmillaffi de i Reis the ate ree r i aliecT i lleimbere to *boil he ale to argue, that ttf 'Wool the duty would proosobitemtiggliog. Yet suclia line of argument was lately pur sued, when it was proposed, from the prevalence at Illicit distilla tion, to modify the distillery laws, and lower the duty on spirits. It was declar..W that the consequences of the reduction would be ruinous—that the contraband trade must be promoted, "lima do not, therefore," said they, " reduce the duty." His Hon. Friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), however, was daring enough to pro ceed, and the result justified his anticipations. Such 4iis the true made of Imialatiou, not to tamper with the symptoms, net to reek to remedy some of the effects, but at once remove the main rause of the evil. (Hear, hear, hear.) If disturbance prevail, they take the ground of disturbance for continuing its cause; if they drive the country to violence—if they goad on its inhabitants to lawless proceedings, they merely observe that the people are predlspos to commit crime—that from Stature they are turbulent and ferocious—that concession cannot quiet them, but rather tend to give an increased exorbitance to their demands;— and yet they never condescend to look to the causes of this dis turbance—causes which they appear anxious to perpetuate, ut terly regardless of the consequences. (Hear.) After sonic further observadons, the Right Hon. Member proceeded to say that his Hon. Friend (Mr. H. Davies) was shocked at the gnevous dif ficulties in which the Monarch of these realms would be placed by passing the Bill then before the House. His lion. Friend looked ' on it as an anomaly that the King should continue Protestant whilst all his advisers might be Catholics. If it were anomalous that such should be the ease, a no less extraordinary anomaly existed at the present moment ; for the King must be Protestant though surrounded by Presbyterien adviser,. Olean hear.) Another ground of opposition to the Bill was, that it recognised a spiritual jurisdiction in the Pope. When such an objection was made it seemed to have been forgotten that the Pope's power was already acknowledged by the 18th Geo. 111. So that the Peie's authority was not only recognised, but a seminary had been esta blished in Ireland for the education of Catholic Priests. (blear, hear.) Not only was the seminary established, but the education regulated by Visitors; and the House should recollect that the dis cipline of the seminary, and all matters immediately connected with education, should be under the control of the Catholic visitors only. With regard to die objections which had been raised as to the oath taken by Honourable Members at the table of this House, he should be glad to know whether any Gentleman veer took that oath under any other sense than that it was a voluntary submission on the part of the Catholics to a spiritual power, not legal nor re. cognised by the Constitution of this country ; and upon no other ground could the oath be taken after this Bill was passed. We bad been told that every species of evil would ensue from the en. aoment of this measure; that the spirit of religious rivalry would be excited; that contests for power would continually occur; and intestine divisions be for ever agitating Ireland. But he would ask those who prognosticated these ills to prove to him that all the dangers of which they thus spoke did not exist at this moment, (hear, hear) that the feelings of religious animosity were not already generated, and that the struggles for a fair parti cipation in the benefits of the Constitution were not now as much ID be apprehended as they could possibly be should this measure be peeked. We seemed to have forgotten, when legislating for the Catholic of Ireland, that the Irish were fraught with the strongest feelings, were beings of sentiment, warm-hearted, and enthusiastic, and.susceetible of the greatest gratitude. When laws were made on behalf of the people of this country, it was said we were legislating ler men who would be grateful, and would cling with a firmer devotion to the Constitution. Let this principal be ap. plied to Ireland ; it had not yet been done, and until it was ad mitted to its fullest extent, he would contend that this House had not done justice to that country. He confessed he felt almost as great regret for this country as for Ireland at the present measure still remaining to be accomplished, when he tetnembered that the disgrace which attached to i's non-performance was not confined to this country, but was made known to ell Europe. Foreigners looked towards Ireland as a proof of our want of liberality and our insincerity to the principles of freedom ; and there too, they would look for a means of annoying us whenever it should be their in terest to do so. Whether, therefore, we consulted merely the safety and peace of Ireland, or whether we sought to clear our selves from the stigma which the degraded condition of that country reflected on us, it became us to emancipate, not the Irish people only, but by doing so, to emancipate Englishmen from the shame of having bound down that people for so many years under the cruel code of penal enactments. But the spirit of the Catholics had been represented as dangerous, and the writings of their leaders were referred to in confirmation of that position. He would not stand up in this Howie to defend the writings of Dr. Doyle. Ile would admit thee hecertainly could not approveof the writings of tha Gentleman, under the signature of" J. K. L ' " and he regretted that such en eminent and learned prelate should have allowed himself to write under the influence of such feelings as those letters exhibit. He could have wished that for the sake of his own good fame he had united with his learning and ability and real somewhat of the meek ness and charity of a Fenelon. Much, however, as he disapproved of time temper and spirit of that book, it would be as well to see whether all the asperity which it betrayed was gratuitous and un provoked. We witnessed in this country almost every day some thing teeming from the press, the pulpit, and at public meetings, of the most virulent and personal nature against the Catholics. Accusations of the basest and falsest kind were continually brought against them, and they were boldly and unhesitatingly charged with espousing principles, and promoting a line of conduct, which they at the same time detested as warmly and as sincerely as weskit!. We beheld all this, and yet, astonishing as was the fact, Protes tants were loud in the expression of their indignation at the writings of Dr. Doyle. W h at ! was the language of Doyle more than private calumny ? Was it more than personal abuse ? NVas it more than that legislative calumny, he must cell it, which had expelled them from the rights of freemen, and had declared, that even six millions of our subjects, bec ause they were Roman Catholics, were not worthy of being admitted to those rights and privileges to which all the other subjects of the State were eligible ? (Hear, hear, hear.) it was a maxim of the British Constists tion, that the highest offices of the State were open to time lowest subject belonging to it. lie would ask his Honourable Friend (Mr. H. Davis) whether he had forgotten this fundamental maxim? It was this to which we owed the greatness of our country—it WIS this which excited a generous emulation, that -ienerrtsted men tint* madden *edema that caused that greet spread of ineriioriotts talent which pervaded every class, and which had raised this country to the highest pinnacle of human greatness. (Cheers.) Such was the influence of this maxim when operating among a free people; and he would ask whether the converse of all this was not the case with Ireland? Whether there, instead of talent being stimulated to action, and industry instilled by the prospect of attaining an honourable station in society, every groat. roue and aspiring feeling was not on the contrary chilled, and the best energies of the mind exposed to the perverting influence of despair? But :le would advert to the objection which had been made against the testimony of Mr. O'Connell and Dr. Doyle,- and would ask if Mr. Mnitie and Mr.— wee worthy of belief why should not Dr. Doyle sod 31r. O'Connell be also worthy of belief ? The warmth of their language ought not to be urged against them, for every man who spoke upon the enhject fait warmly ; and was it astonishing that if the feelings of the higher classes were thus operated up in, that those feelings should, in some degree, overflow and work upon those of the lower classes ? Sup. posing it were true, that although living amongst the Catholics of Ireland, and observing their conduct, and listening to their conk plaints, they should still be totally misinformed as to their wiah and their dispositions, and that the Honourable Baronet (Sir T. Lethbridge) living in England should be able to correct them, yet the testimony of those Gentlemen ought not to be slightly' rejected, for who were they who represented these facts? They were some of the highest men among the Catholics of Ireland, and were the representatives of that body ; they were those to whom their grievances were made known, and their cause confided. He should presume to transgress upon the House fort few moments more, to declare his own individual opinion upon the necessity of this measure. Certainly ever since he was called upon to vote on this question he had entertained but one opinion as to its necessity ; but when he entered upon his duties he was told by his friends that age and ex perience would correct his opinions, that they were the effects of warm feelings and a young and ardent imagir.ation, and that time would moderate, and in the result completely change them. These . - _ T warnings were so often repeated, that he began at length to appre hend there was some mistake in his first view of things, and it occa sioned him to investigate the question with a dqgyer of earnest 'scru tiny, and to observe the manners of the people of Ireland in a closer degree than he otherwise, perhaps, would have been Induced to do. But he was bound now to say, that so far from experience and ob. nervation having shaken his opinion, they had confirmed it ; time might, indeed, have mellowed his feelings, but it had only merited to impress them the move deeply with a sense of theoital looting, tanee of this measure to the welfare and happiness of Ireland. He was now speaking only the opinion of an individual ; but from the time that his attention had been drawn to the state of the Catholics „allreland, he could not but consider that the country was placed in a peculiar situation ; that between the governors and the go veined there was a strong barrier (hear, hear) ; that no medium of I intercourse, no sympathy of feeling, existed between six millions of subjects and their governors ; that unlike the people of this country. where a reciprocal feeling existed between all classes__ where the people and their governors harmonised together, and where• sentiment of,outuatunity linked them together ; where every man " Feels in each dread, and lives along the line." But in Ireland there was a dread charm dividing the people from the constituted authorities,and fear and terror alternately prevailing. There WY an unnatural tidiness which was prophetic of what Burke celled the activity of its inertness t and in addition to all this there were the seeds of dissatiafaction nurtured and nourished up by the law itself. He could not help seeing, that although a grew portion of the penal laws hue been abolished, yet there remained sufficient not merely to insult, but to harass, oppress, and injure ; for these purposes they were quite omnipotent. ( Hear, hear.) He could .not but feel that these remaining laws were autfimently poWterful to tear the people away from their proper influence, and expose them to that power which in its extent was most pernicious to the safety of the country. By those laws property, rank, wealth. and all the genial influences under which a well-governed people ought to act, were entirely deprived of their proper power, and the people were subjected to the sole guidance and dictation of their clergy, which, irexereived in a degree, was most salutary, but ilex. elusively exercised over them, he would repeat must be moat per nicious and would lead them in the end to execute a vague and m •.ii species • of justice upon the laws by which they were oppres sed. (Hear, heard He could not but see that in the his**, of his country, for some reason or colter, in every ast of the wield. here had been a maxim adopted and acted upon, that the powiloof runts Constitution were not fit for the enjoyment of the rights essi l:lii Constitution of England. This maxim had been uniform o from the earliest period, and it had at length brought a state of things Si showed its utter falsehood, and the • lor. cessity of its being repudiated for ever. He alluded to the lion Act, and the Convention Act ; upon these he mode his Midi in justification of the conduct he now pursued, in maintaining the necessity of this measure, by which these false principles of legbi. lotion would be entirely destroyed. In proportion as those prin. elides were carried into elect, in that proportion were the Catholics placed in a relatively worse situation. But the country was, at the time to which he referred, in an invariable state of reetrictiss. Every thing was under the moat pernicious restraint. Arts, selsoiss, trade, and commence, were all evempesl and fettered, and the while concluded by the degradation of t..e Catholic himself. But mire those restraints were removed, and nothing remained save throw emancipates' Catholic. What must he feel when: Ch! sae every thing melting away around him, the shackle falling off ooe by one froin all that had borne the marks of arbitrary power is coos.l mon with himself, and nothing but himself mown Os • lone • monument of that cruel and mistaken maxim from shame and degradation had originated ? But did the 1 Ireland deserve this ? Were they not worthy to share the of the British Constitution ? As far as his knowledge extended he would say they were worthy. lie had found persons beloogiog to the Catholic Church who indeed were desirous of pushing their principles to a great extreme, but there were others of that large body whom we might not be ashamed to see in any society, whose virtues and talents entitled them to the respect of every man. Anti now that he was upon this subject, he would take the liberty of paying a just tribute of respect to the memory of one who was adorned with every virtue, and whosclife exemplified the truest disciple'of the Catholic, united witt the most liberal and enlightened opinions, he meant Dr. Everani, the late titular Archbishop of Cashel. That Right Reverend Prelate, so far from being a model of bigotry and su perstition, was of the most tolerant principles. He lived in terms of the closest intimacy with the Protestant Archbishop of Cashel, and yet neither of them were indifferent to their religion. *Both were attached to their Church, with zeal for its welfare; but still they both found, it consistent with that religion they so warmly espoused to live together in the closest union, to reside under the same roof, eat at the same table, and each at the atone time en gaged in the full performance of his religious duties. such was the character of Dr. Everett', and loch, he had no doubt, would more generally prevail, were the restrictions now existing, and which separated the members of the different churches, to be done away by the Bill under discussion. History showed that the Catholic religion did not prevent those who professed it from holding allegiance with Protestant Princes. Ile would not trouble I the House by going back to further instances. than to one which was very prominent in the page of the history of France: lie meant the wars of Henry I%'. ' to whom was opposed the Duke of Guise. On the part of Guise there was certainly every species of cruelty and bigotry exemplified, but as if to show us that it was not impossible, even in that period of the world, that the Roman Catholics could produce men of an opposite character, for although the Duke of Guise belonged to the Catholic religion, yet almost all France supported Henry IV. who was a Protestant prince; and in doing so exhibited all those characteristics of chivalry which we were wont to appropriate exclusively to ourselves. A Catholic historian, in giving an account of this adherence to Henry, said, that the people of France did this became they felt that lie was their rightful sovereign, and ought to ascend the throne. In further illustration of the good feeling of the Roman Catholics, and of their desire not to use fire and sword to propagate their religion, he would quxe a passage from Thuanus, a Catholic writer of an early age. The Right Honourable Gentleman then read a long extract from a Latin publication of that author, in which the spirit of forbearance was strongly insisted upon. He drew front dime instances this inference—that the charges of cruelty and bigotry against the Catholics were unfounded and absurd, and that under good laws, and in good society, the Roman Catholics had been as good and amiable as any class of men. He would then exhort the !louse to take care that they sur rounded the Catholic portion of the community with good and salu tary laws, and those genial influence% which form the characters of virtuous men anti good subjects. When he thus supported this cause it was not that he was ignorant of the differences between the Catholic and the Protestant religion, nor that he would depreciate those differences, He had heard it said, indeed, that we could not show a mild forbearance, or be tolerant towards members of otber religions, witlimit being sceptical in our own. (Hear.) But he detested such a nlexim ; he would maintain that it was the very spirit of Christianity to be tolerant, and that the man who was without any religion was oftener the enemy than the friend of any class of Christians. He felt certainly very sanguine that this measure would pass. They might delay it fur's year or two, but that it must pass, he presumed, was the conviction of every man. He saw its success in the whole progress of recent events; he saw it in the spirit of enlightenment that was spreading over the peo ple of this country ; he saw it in the light that was breaking in upon Ireland through a thousa;:d avenues; in the anxiety that was testified by the English people to see their fellow-countrymen placed generally upon an equal footing with themselves; lie saw its float success in every step of liberality that had been recently taken by the Right Honourable Gentlemen (31r. Huskimon and the Chancellor of the Exchequer), all which convinced his mind that the time was not remote when Emancipation must be granted to the Roman l'atholics of Ireland. Ile would put it, then, to throe who opposed this measure, to consider whether it would not be better to make that which was inevitable both delightful and ac ceptable, rather than delay it to a time when they would be corn. pellet to grant it, without even having the thanks of the Catholics for the benefit which they should have so reluctantly yielded to them. (Hear, hear hear.) The SOLICITCHCOENERAL rope immediately after Mr. Grant had concluded his speech, but the noise in the body of the House and the gallery for some time prevented us front herring the lion. and Learned Member. When order was restored, the Learned Gentleman wax observing that he was compelled, with reluctance, to say, that instead of the evidence having changed his opinion upon this measure , it had only tended to confirm it.. If Dr. Doyle wrote one thing under the title of " J K. L." and gave an extem poraneous opinion, in the form of evidence, of another description, he thought himself bound to adopt the deliberate opinion of the author, rather than the evidence that had been given, under circumstances that certainly led the same individual to soften down the answers he had to make to the questions put to him, as much as In fairness he could do. He confessed that he read with I regret the testimony of the person alluded to, who, when asked whether the Catholics did or did not mean to invade the property of the Church, he said tbat they did not. Now, lie would beg of the House to look at the testimony of the author ; and he could not help here observing, that he could nor believe a witness when his deliberate opinion as a witness was diametrically opposed to his evidence. The author said, in all times and in all countries tithes and church lands might pans away and become secularized, and a proscription of 40 years would detach them ; and he went on to Ray that a period of 100 years would annul even the property of the Church of Rome; so that, according to this doctrine of the author, whatever loss of property the Church might sustain, it could not recover after 40 years' alienation. It might remonstrate, but it must still sit down with the loss; for this gentleman's writings went to show that 40 years was a good title against any parson whatever. The House would perceive, that by following up :he evidence of Dr. Doyle they would legalize the spoliation of Church property, for his evidence would tend to lull them into security, and his wnt. logs proved that he was of opinion that 10 years would deprive the Church of all right and title. These were toe means by which the Church would be bereft of its property, and, after 40 years had passel away, it might remonstrate in vain; and he entreated the House to consider that Dr. Doyle's tenets went to show tlito an alienation of Church property, after 40 years, was no robbery. The Bill before the House was only one of the component parts of the measure proposed to he adopted. To disfranchise the freeholders of Ireland was the most unconstitutional measure that he could, under any circumstauces, imagine. The object of the measure was to conciliate the people of Ireland, by which ?Jr. O'Connell was to be allowed to sit in Parliament, by which the Duke of Norfolk was to be allowed to sit in Parliament, by which Lord Fingall was to tie allowed to sit in Parliament, and Mr. O'Connell was to have a silk gown. It was a measure for emancipating the patrician and equestrian orders of Ireland, without rendering any advantage to the plebeians. lie was confident that the people of Ireland would not be satisfied with it; for, in effect, it went to deprive the ma's of the people of Ireland of what they bad. to enable the Mgt n... 1 to obtain that which they .Itd nut previously p s ,. -.offs take the liberty of askinir the Hon. te,, e , nur i a le . 0 . 44 sc , candidly and temperately introduced Ibis Bin, d erect"' who necessary tor the repreoentat ion of Westminster, whether he do well e a d r i e e, by we, of conciliating the pennle tele, w ere -- that measure, to have the tailors and nobler and en ter "ta'' the men who lived in alleys, disfranchised, and the eleed7, l , l ,n t no allowed only to the opulent shopkeepers of Regentstreer and places of that description ? would that, he wouldiren' people of Westminster? He knew the answer mar l ethe and yet the Samantan oil was proposed us b e pow tt e a d hl Mo s; wounded feelings of the people of t Ireland by Pasted into man of lief people. It was robbing one clan art* eenm m r 2 ut the give honours to another. iVhen Mr. O'Connell wen t o ne in it r land, he could easily conceive Nome such amyereation as this — n a il : place between him and some individuals of the Catholic A la sesea- tion—mot now as members of that Association. He raj them asking each other what they had got? One would u ppsse he had got a silk gown, another a seat in Parliament —h ut r b; plebeians could only ssy that they had got well robbed th en , b - ft He reorettel that his Honourable and Lamed Friend the Ar en t "for IV incflelsea was not then in his place, because he went with hien completely Speakers chair, question. (Mr. Brogh ton , ~b 0 -; *Aind the ame to his place a' the m2 I A booed to the Solicitor -Oeneral amidst burets of laughter f it ' — o3 sides of the House.) The Solicitor-Oeneral, in continuatio , unwed, that he was not aware that his H onourable end Iriee' Veined was in the House when he alluded to him, b ut " i n: TO* lielicitor.Gencrol) was glad to see him in his po en . itinegweouo tlhderecopeanst:,tu.tain,riiiti)fiitheetpint lentar ed with his . Honourande and Learned Friend mo s - r n MI eh measure, and he hoped to have his support in h . Dew,- full y ,„,„ In it. He believed it to be a Bill of confiscatton, r and e a itio - o esestitutional measure had never been contemplated once th e' an ' I.liofl of tip charters by Charles I. A partial measu re e e t : i ; - feature had indeed taken Plate in recent times, in the e r th e gerporation of Nottingham. but that arm fears evidence that reie :omen), and its jurisdiction was opened to the alagistraterof the maw, at large; but this partienler Act did not apply to the d dion viole n n o e w e h in ad ag eles test unconstitutional measure that had ever be en a to taken Pl ace, neit pleasure connected with the one now before the Hosetwa, dee establiahment one Papal Church, with all the immueities of fiat Church attaching to it. According to the (lamb i , of Beedilh Chuvash, the rite of marriage, the rite of baptiser, r 0„,,.• of sepulture, the rite of attendance at church, the rite of sweriy estoollation, were citil and temporal rites ; but did Gentlemen re. &Alen that _every one of these rites, according to the doctrine of the Church Of Rome, might be given or withheld? By the dictum of the Romish Priests, he were spiritual rites. The Bishop of the lenaigh Church in freGnd were now only so by courtesy ; b ut die matter this measure was to legalize them as Bishops. A large ppm, we according to the doctrine of the Church of England tip seism with the laws of England. was granted to these &drop s b y fhb measure, for since the Reformation a churchman could not held the rites be had mentioned. The Romish priests, foe instance, might prevent marriages that were legal according to the law of England.. In addnion to this should be cernaidered the oath to be taken by the Catholic Bishops, to which some gentlemen did not attoch much importance ; but he would beg ta remind those gen tlemen, that in countries where the Catholic religion was the state religion, the priests would swear to the reality of the state, which they would not swear to here. In Spain, for instance, they yenta swear that the state had the reality of temporal power nide. pet dent of the Papal. The Learned Gentleman then read the oath of the priests of Spain in -illustration of his argument. This did rot look like the uncontrolled communieatino that had been spoken of in that Hosea. Ile would row beg leave to call their attention to the presarieres nature, he bad almost said rude state, of this law for Catholic Emancipation. There was no State in Europe that did not exert the whole of the Poems that were here denied to the English Government. This Bill wo u ld o g e e th e effect on establishing an irresponsible Church, for there was no security that the Bishops would exercise the power that was con fided to nhem constitutionally. With regard to the ieturity that was said to be provided against this, it was, in his opinion, no security at all. He would suppose, for an temple, that his Right Honourable Friend the President of the Board of Trade should become an ecclesiastic of the Roman Church (a laugh), and that it should become necessary to hale security for his loaalty, would the House appoint four Catholic Bishops to examine him ? Sup. pose, again, that it should be nectssnry to examine into the accounts of his /tight Honourable Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, would they appoint four Lords of tbE Treasury to do it? The peesent Bill provided no better security, for it was four Catholic Bishops that were to examine and overlook the behaviour of the Roman Catholic Clergy. (Hear.) In ehOrt, the security that was offered was not worthy o a brave, prn's argument, but was to be treated with ridicule; a brave man would not throw away the powder and shot of en argument Open it. (Loud laughter.) The principle of the law on that su"ilect was, that every amused !tarnish Priest should name his oarn judoes. (Hear.) The former Bills that hid been brought leeward on this subject were free from suet, absurdities. That of Mr. Grattan had nothing like it. That eminent man would not have lent name to such an ab surd law. The inspectors that he proposed were not the Komish priests themselves, but the Chancellors of England and Ireland, and others worthy of trust. The Bill of his Right Hon. Friend, the Attorney-General for Ireland, wa s equally free from such ridiculous clauses. In his Bill, the Secretary of State for Ireland was there named the inspector. la both these the princi. pie of security was good. It was true that he had heard that this Catholic religion would not admit of such an inspection of reseed to ant documents by lay hands ; but what was the ease in Freon ? There, from the time of Henry IV. downward, the resonant hail always exercised ibis ionmeting power. This power was also ac. kn.iwledged in Spain, and indeed all over Catholic and Protestant Evrope. It was a power exercised b the House of Bourban, and that was by this measure to be the House of Brurfstrice. At nearly the commencement aide Revolution, is 1791, the National Assembly insisted Up= Ibilight of inspection, and it it was accordingly conceded to thaw b, aesecordof with the Pope. A concordat of a similar nature ins nada by Napoleon with the Pope. And yet, notwithstanding all these examples, we woe not to have the same powers and privileges. With respect to the adjuncts, or wings as they were termed; of this measure, he amid only gay that he was equally averse to them both. They had beets told that they must not look to the old legendary tales of the Romish Church, but to its present carriage. He would then, since all reference to their history was interdicted, turn to the present state of their principles. His Honourable and Learned Friend (Mr. Brougham) he had almost said Right Reverend (a laugh) had brought forward a letter to prove the cue. dilatory disposition of the Catholics. Ile (the Solicitre-Oneran now held in his hand a circular letter, addressed in Latin to the Roman Catholic Clergy in Ireland, in which the Bible Society and other Institutions of that sect were ridiculed and desired to be counteracted. With respect to what had been said as being the general feeling of' the people of England being is favour of the measure, lie must deny it. They need only look to the number of petitions that were presented against it, nod then to those in its favour, and they would perceive that the proportion mu as four to one against it. His opinion was founded on this fact, and he should adhere to it, " so help him God." (Laughter.) He thought he should forfeit his character as a Cons itutional Lawyer if he consented either to the Disfranchisement or the Ecc lesiastical Relief Bill. Under the influence of these opinions be thought it his duty to move that the Bill be read that day six months. Upon the amendment being put, Mr. HUSKISSON ruse to impale it. After the powerful and entertaining speech from his Honourable and Learned Fried, he should nut deem it necessary to give the House much trouble. lie supported this measure from a conscientious conviction that it 716 founded in justice. From what he had heard argued to-night. at he had been a stranger to the question, and had beard no deb ve upon it, he should have concluded, instead of its being a qua a tion of Catholic Emancipation, that it was whether the Itemised/ should be established in this country. With rearm to the opined_ 1 tenets of the Roman Catholic,, he, for his part, could not see who 1 business we had to meddle with them. (Hear.) Certainly he felt any thing but admiration at the pretensions of the Roman Conn.: hierarchy as affecting the maintenance and security of civil liberty. The point with him was, whether he did not owe it to justice to vote forth' remorse of the difficulties which exposed so large a portion of his Majesty's subjects to disqualifications and disabilities which were only imposed from as idea of the danger that waeld ac crue to the Protestant interest if not so protected. The dangers which these disqualifications were to guard against, were now vanished, and it was but a matter of justice to remove these dis qualifications. lie however owed his vote to his country upon other considerations. To withhold it would tend to keep alive dangerous diounctions; (hear, hear t) it would retard that prosperity which was the Once of the present pftro t to render that peace morels secure, and when war ebould arda, would impair our resouees, and divide the energies of the empire at a period when seer ought to be united and eoneentreted against the public ene my. (Hear, hear, hear ) It was upon these general prin ciples that ie had uniformly supported Catholic Emancipolgith He would therefore apply himself shortly to a practical review of the question, and confine that view to Ireland, because whatever claims the English Roman Catholics might have, sunk into coo: porative unimportance, when compared with those of tie Dish He wax free to admit that he considered the existence of Pelage • body of Roman Catholics in a Protestarn State, as an evil of great_ magnitude; but t a ki ng int o cons ideration all the circumstances o f way in which the reformed religion was introduced Into that country—the rich endowments of the Protestant Church by lands transferred to them, without a transfer of the affections of the people, and other circumstances of equal moment—he was con vinced of the peculiar difficulty of managing this question with respect to Ireland. The transfer of the Church property was irrevocable—it had been declared to be so by the Union—and he was sure that every nfember of the liaise would say, that the Church property should be as inviolable as other property, and that to endeavour to unsettle or disturb any description of pretreat! , would be an endeavour to unsettle all, and to disturb what formed the best security for freedom and tranquillity. Now, t bequestioo lie would put to the House, was the question he bad always asked . himself when he was called upon to give his vote upon !Itislt jeet—What were we to consider were th e evils of Ireland Wer e they of such a nature as we might hope would weir out, or wore . a they every day gaining greater latitude, and foul they not erne at a height sufficient to alarm every thinking man io the cou ntry, it they were not speedily dealt with? If this question could e ll only answered in one way, lie would ask, was it fit to let .n el matter take its course, and goon year aßer year without pratlig a remedy. It was a good old diction of Parliament, that no thi n g h was beyond entrench, at least it was a good old principle of Par u • ment that no evil could exist in the state, for which Parliament w no: bound, and was not able to provide a remedy. 11 thee it wen • 1 ' • Wriegy,*Waft.t. , ••