The Statesman. — London, England, 1812-08-06 00:00:00

t j 1 .i ~~:~ ~- ~ r 1.~ l portends. 4p , ex• con- sudden, 15. Wht. _ hereditary privileges and htlative authority uninterrupted tied undisturbed, the Pea for whose benefit it is said those Privileges and that euthos Shy are only held is trust—the People have undoing of political liberty or legislative authority 'left; for instead of those " un doubted rights and liberties" which in the Bin of Rights it ancestors declared, but did not establish, they sirid Is place the direscourge of " Taxation without Rearresentatims," instead of a free Commons /louse of Parliament, an Assemb ly in which they scarcely know where to find an independent 'ltemiser truly identified with them and their constitutional La. betties. When it is publicly known that a wet in poor Rormacablo lEibsse for Wooon Basset made on Item in the „Accolade of s BankrupC(Mr Benjamin AValsh) as a Commodity saleable fee the begat b( km tar/floors; when it has been openly avowed is mar Honourable House itself, that a sale of its seam otadit eat be • because it was become as notorious as the Son al agentsweseveral of the Nabob of g Arc w ot k by w ia t ea ha n t s of -Asiat i r i g g lor g became Hew len of your Hon. Moose ; %best *e have grounds for beljelisi oat; on another occasion, a French Kiaga Concablue (Madamerompodourl, purchased for her liaglish Arm a Sea' in your lion. House in a time of War with France; and when from such *mate of things it of course follows, that at a General Llectioa the Emperor Napoleon may, by means of French gold, place is your Hon. Moser , " under doe mask amid character of Represen intives of English Boroughs," a ausriesous Band of his Peasion ers in the French interest;—when sucb things have been, and Slay again he, it is, as your Petitioners humbly thiak, high time fur radical Reform. 17. Although nineteen years ago, in a Fetid" entered oa Vor Journalson the 6th May, 1793, it was averred that your Htiaourable House did not represent the Sationitberebyagremeg with Sir George Saville, who, in his place in Parliament eleven years before, on the 7th May 17k, had solemnly delivered it as his well-weighed opinion, that your Honourable-House " might tae well call itself the Representative of France as of the Pros& of England," yet, from that day to this, now fell thirty years, your Honourable House has bee's content rather to acquiesce in em reproach, than to attempt a denial of the fact. 18. Here your Petitioners trust they cannot offend by advert fag to the claim of your I lononrable House to be, in respect of the etsetive and legislative Rights of the People, a Court of Jaidire iligre ; nor can be thought deficient in respec t, by endeavouring to skew the utter inconsistency in the practice of your Honourable House with the principle of that claim, and the obligation it imposes. 19. In the Invariable postponements, or rather denials of Jos. tiee, which, on all applications for a substantial Reform in the legislative Representation of the People, has been the Invari able practice, your Petitioners with deference contend, that your Honourable House therein aniformar disregarded a distinc- ; {ion which it could not legally, or morally, overlook ; and de- j parted from a straight course of juridical proceeding, from tibia, as a Court of Judicature, it was not at liberty to de part. ?O. Your Petitioners know that your Honourable House in its I functions of legislation, although limited by the Constitution sad the liberties of the Nation, must necessarily be free, within I those bounds, to exercise on all occasions a sound discretion ; I Sot when your Honourable Home, as a Court of .ludireiture, is appealed to for JUSTICC, It hath not, in the humble judgment of your Petitioners, any discretion at all; hut, by a ditty as ob vious as it is sacred—a duty owing both to Goo and to our coun try, it i, bound promptly to enquire, and forthwith to decide. Kl. Oa the principle of law, that " There is nit wrong without a retnaly," we believe a e may, without fear of contradiction, affirm, that if, touching the eleetios and legislative Rights of the People, yonr llonounible House be indeed a Court of Ju dicature with exclusive jurisdiction, and as such be petitioned for re3ress of the greatest of all a rongs, it cannot in such case 'become a question, whether it shall, or shall not. try the Witte and render justice; for, to the apprrhewaion of your Petition ers it is manifest, that is such case there can be no alternative ; that the judicial functions of your Honourable House must be performed ; that it must both hear and determine; and a ith out delay, according to law, and to the sacred Rights of the Illation, recognized and declared in Magna Charts. 22. The Argument of your Petitioner; has the powerful sup port of' Lord Chief Justice Ellenixwougla—The late Lord Chan crllorofireland, and the present Lord High Chancellor of Eag land, having, on the 24th of June last, stated in Parliament, that the interference of the business ef-Chancery with the Judi cial business of the Lords having caused a vast arrear in the dis patch of Appeal Causes, to the extreme itteouvenienceand vexa tion of the Suitors, whence it was ohs iously necessary the Chan cellor should have as istance in Ms iron Court, " Lord Elleobo rough cone erred in opinion, that some prompt arraegement woe absolutely nereAutry, with a view to the more expeditiously bearing of Appeals; otherwise there would he a oestaa nr josses: to the public, and THII CILIRACTLit or Tan HousE went,n sa DISGEIACKD." D. For a pretension so monstmus, as that of DENYING JCS ONCE, or of indefinitely postponing it according to will and pleasure, your 1 4 etitioners doubt it any example could be found on Ibis side of Algiers or Morocco. 21. Thio dm of vont tloa. House to an exclusive jurisdic tion over tae Elecilse and Legislative Rights of the Nation wholly rests on a presumed (bigger to public liberty: should causes loathing those Rights be decidable in the Courts of Law; because those c.wse might then, it is argued, be removable by appeal into the House of Lords, and so that House might ac. quire over the iudepeudeuce of your lion. !louse an improper influence. . . 25. After noticing how easily a statute might cut off that dun rleeby barring the appeal ! It only remains to calculate the danger en; should the taw continue as it now stands, and a radical orm in the Representation take place. Lnder such circum stance, it may,lbrough the aid of history, he believed, that an election appeal to the House of Lords must be a prodigy not likely to be seen once is seven centuries; and, therefore, in re- *ect of danger, a most extraordinary plea in the mouths of men who have a certain kunst ledge that usurping Peers are at this I moment absolute masters of seats in your Honourable House by 1 hundreds; and that in their hands those seats are a source of I Sought but rank faction, jobbing. barter, sale for to much hard 1 money, and all that is politically corrupt and profligate. • 25. On a point so supremely important, as that of the Nation basting been by Intruders disinherited of its Constitution and for cibly kept out of posses,ion, despoiled of those sacred Rights, Liberties, and Properties, which distinguish freemen from Slaves, it is not possible agreeably to law or reason that any Court of .111(We:sire can to ENGLAND lv , allowed a dist-mitre, either to render, or not to render, Justice at its more kill and pleasure. 27. Wherefore the Undersigned, not soliciting a favour, but Claiming semen. now confidently trust, that an kale in the case itouiraoa to themselves, to the whole nation, and to their poste rity, will at length be tried without further denial or postpone ment. 28. Your Hon. !louse is entreated to reflect on the natural coo tequences that mostiollow, if a Court of Atiteature were openly to break down the Carriers he•vieeo Right and Wrong, in • a we wherein its own self-interest could neither be hidden nor disguised;• if, against the universal sense of mankind, and in de twee of shame,—whea l in the face of day, in a matter v it a l t o every interest of the Community, it should flagrantly deal out )njustice itatead of justice, tyranny instead of proteetims, awl weer; in the same persons the People should see their oppressors and their judges. 29. Yourilononrable Horse is therefore exhorted to consider linw, in its present unreformed state j it can be a coMpet e nt gnardian of u s e People's share in the Constitution; seein g that ih breach of that Constitution, a; does not represent th e Nation; and that, moreover, a certain part of its Members are in the vi- : sihle receipt of money from the Crown—certainly not given them to protect the Rights of that Natiota—aad to au amount of nearly 200,030 t. a year. 30. lf, with Mr. 1114,1.4, we look on a frame of Caata t aas I as, ~ in the higher part of gosernme a t w h a t a J ury i s in 114 • " lower," and if we madder how transcendently more loped I ant it is, that no suspicion should fall on a Vote affecting a ! whole kingdom, than ono Verdict, merely affecting au indsvis j deal, it certainly cannot be reconciled to justice, to coussmq I sense, or to decency, that any Member of your Hos. House who is a servant la the pay of the Crown, or thodepeadent of a Close-Boroughs Patrols, gotta be allowed to vote on any (met- , Mon touching the Pr o p e t t y or the Legislative Rights of the ' People. • 31. In the compo s i ng of a ,t urn far a cause between moo and j eau, no servant is the pity of one St the parties could be put an the panne, ; but should be, surreptit iously get there, and then give a verdict for his i , paymaster , an indelible infamy would . attend him to his gran. '32. When a charge is exhibited against any particular meas lier of your Honourable House, usage requires that be refrain from voting in his own cause, as serf-intarevied. On behalf of sitirselses and fellow countrymen, the People of England, we, your Petitioners, claim the bmilit of this wholesome usage. SS. lu trying the issue which this Petition brings before your Boa. House, we, therefore, pray that neither Crowe, nor pensioners, nor sinecurists in the pas , of th e Crowe, nor the timainea, sot any person in the pay of any close-borough Pa tina, be allowed to vote. 94. Other causes of disqualifieation being likewise notoriously known to the nation, we also pray that It may be required of fiery remaining Umbers to declare apou his honour as a geu damn, that, to the best of his knowledge and belief, he owed • hiteltglioa wholly to thalkear.lioice of wax sacorritpted by me , - , • • • T ij"I"17111111111"."Ill""Millill t " 14. Praftliltiltag lath teemed with its disaiters; its crimes, and its calamities, until at length the countlers way portends if the proper remedy be not without further procowtmation ap. plied, to sweep before it the but reinitaat of our freedom, ex. Posing, at the same time, our much injured country to dire cod stablest, bloodshed, andanarely. 15. While the Peers enjoy all their hereditary priyileges lantianwitv .Im.st•rra.ntodi Asti utidisturbed, the Pea. 0, •, • . 'I I IIE S'ritTEIIAIAN. ==:;z1r ,...........--..T-:: N.• " -- tkiui ,,„ ni ,,. v o ice from Me cro wd ' — The Honourable Gentle ______ kind. i man again approve d sentiments like this, and men doe b y threats o, """ sittutionit • convulsion or blood- Petitioners, for averting . . „ in most ; capable of u axi i ipt:eo„4 o . r .i t ot io w n r ed a f ia c at : 1. {ark) ..•[f -- - - he l uttering them were worthy of that li despotleat of indawrY fin braro 4 shed, anarchy, or the hale aa pEagi d e a l ea aiTi ai ng. w o e n li be as ha t h il s i r :pes zreedi t i ti t t en iF a r ain t.Ar gr . c a cri t e lUl T . berty which it was the object of the Meeting to ob.. wassioeuftdparliamentt the ep c e r pu r r e t v e a s resent n ni, rather i at eh( i tirf .r. resentation, co-extensive w . yr Woo prayt h a t best mode o f tendering we g Government—but afraid i — e d m T i b t e h embers of wa rm, "iv: "eufera"be°lfr or artriehlvtiseinsrteactir:frenrt;liiire r co M' in a io n t y rolltnt i 'amnia of a , &ratios n ot may tiemcare to eul ; tba . _. , c p: m rl s e ta n u t ces of , these aguntioubltd itattsti: hill of Rights was left imperfect and ' burthensome to the country. The Honourable Geh -1 ti b n y i l ris' tired, ant hz .blirta o(!„ . w Peel dontwea KIP" and 1 d established ; and , the ° i ll be at length foils? complete. and w i t h , tieman ct er carl i. . -91 12 caiitit o ho a•• v oce rise from its own as h es, " I ogtli e e Ntiac:iaonn tahcosetualnelyeasinioo•oac.seanslyonie. than thanked the Meeting fat tOo- stereos rem — 4 for the benefit, the ra - : with which they had heard him. He. would tres rneuce life age improve energy , pass on it but a very short time longer, and it spiffily, i would be to recommend milder measures than those et time. , proposed ' to their consideration, as more likely to g cl io u r d y e o d f our the c r o e u ed atr i y egi to t e he f t e heu nd .. , attain the object they had in view.—C/Warnsurs.l— T au . Il ti 7us . Pinhia st :viiatiguoductdbo:actia ma lace, he again addressed them : . :He would recommend to petition Parliament, first in now read to you the _ ,to enquire into the State of General Representation. 4 11° G ns en o tl f e t m le enr h P ay. w to lu o ch ble w r w e r tha opo t se i ' submittingl—[lfarmurs.]—Differiag, as he did, from them in to Parliament, pe l ti h ti a o v n e do not think petitioning will have the effect which' many Instances, he would not, however, give his blot* C ar twright thinks it will have, althoug h cer.. vote against the proposition. He thought that the of : right of deciding on questions of that nature, be tgre o ieva n n ly constitutional ien i ti f t o u r t mth a node is l opiio we nfr hve o a mthe ; longed more properly to the Inhabitants of this part s ta ta lu ti l ig it ouri the circumstances of my having been present at a debate, l o f th e Empire._[&-evell....The Hon. Gentleman erten our worthy and honourable Member, Sir Fran- i then withdrew, after again thanking the Meeting for cis Burdett, moved au Address to his Roya l Highness 1 the patient hearing with which they bad favoured the Prince Regent, and did, not find one Member to hi m. , seceud his motion. When we have seen such conduct Sir FRANCIS %Rani then came forward to the as this, and witnessed such squabbles about who front of the hustings, amid the loud cheers and ac should have places and command, when his Royal clamations of the crowd and uestaddressed them.— Highness the Prince Regent applied to different per.. Gentlemen, said he, after the very able speech you sons in the state to till the office of Chancellor of the have heard at the opening of this business, from my Exchequer, what have we have to expect from such friend near me, the valuable and constant patronlzer men ? We have found that those very men, who were of all attempts to , obtain Reform In Parliametit, deemed by his Royal Highness as fit to till that and I F Major Cartwright; and under the circumstances of other situations in the Government, would not come f the unfavourable 'weather, which are exceedingly in fornard to assist their country in its present danger-1 convenient to yourselves, it was not my iutekiou ens predicament, any otherwise than being the ito trouble you with any speech of mine upon's sub leaders of the whole. They have denied their assist- • ject with which you are too well acquainted, to reli ance, merely because they themselves could not be 1 i der it necessary upon' this occasiou, had it not been placed at the head of their parties. When we have for the observations which have just now been made seen that the Prince Regent has been under the ne- I . by an Honourable Member from the neighbouring cmsity of referring to those very' Ministers who were ' eoep t r -- y 1 used who, I am happy to observe, we alt declared by both Houses of Parliament incapable of . listened to with ,that attention he deserves. As to managing the affairs of the nation, and that they ' that' Gentleman, I must say, I feel a particular have come forward again, backed by the borough- , degree of gratitude for his coming manfully forward mongering faction, declaring those men to be caPa- • before the public of England, and acknowledging ble who were formerly voted incapable, what benefit ' those opinions and sentiments which he honestly en is likely to result from petitioning such a House of tertains, and which, with great propriety, undoubt- Commons? I did not intend to trespass upon your edly, he may maintain and' did maintain. It is a time ; but my only wish is to impress upon your compliment to the English public—that Gentlemen minds, notwithstanding these obstacles, the necessity . from the Sister Kingdom, Ireland, a part of his Ma of petitioning, from all quarters, to protect your-. 'jesty's dominions, so important and interesting to us selves front tke oligarchic faction within, and that all, on a variety of accounts, should thps come forward deadly enemy abroad, Bonaparte. If we have not before the English public, to diseass that great and Parliamentary Reform, we must submit to the con ., important question of public right and liberty; and, temptible Borough-faction , or consent to be the I although Ido not agree with that Gentleman, yet I slaves of the Foreign Enemy. Upon these grounds I 1 mast say, he seems to come to the discussion before I second the Petition. you with that degree of candour, and honesty of mind, • Colonel MARTIN (Member of. Parliament for the County of Galway) nest addressed the Meeting.' Ile was a friend to the cause of Reform, although he did not altogethei approve the means by which it i was intended to be brought forward. In one thing, however, he did perfectly agree ; and that was, in , the censure passed on those public men, who, in times of danger, had refused to rally round their King and their Constitution. Ile was happy to submit his opi nions en that subject to a Meeting so enlightened, and so characterized for their good sense ; for he ' was sure that no popular assembly, in the British Empire, could boast of so mach sense and so much knowledge.—[Bravo]—He was sure, in conse quence, that they would livo him an impartial hear ing ; for although he might disapprove of some of the menus, still he was friendly to the aim they had in view. [Bravo.]—The lion. Gent. then adverted to the la., mentable want of public spirit in public men, which had been so justly condemned by the Gentleman who had addressed them before. In that case, he thought the Ins and Outs were equally blameable, as both parties had refused to sacrifice their private animosi ties to the welfare of the State ; not thinking of the praises to which the party first making such a sacri fice, would be entitled to from a grateful country.— Ile adverted to that celebrated answer of a Grecian General, who, threatened with a blow by his poli cal antagonist, whose arm was already raised to strike him, calmly answered, " Strike, but hear I me." That Grecian General, thus threatened with ! an ignominious and dangerous blow, seemed to have forgotten all personal considerations in the in. I terest of this country. His laconic apostrophe clear ly implied—" Let us first think how we shall resist I the common enemy, and we shall afterwards think of our private wrongs."—Such was not the conduct of ; public men in the present day. Such was, for in stance, the conduct of Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning. lie did not say that either of those Gen-1 tlemen should yield to the other—but he was sure, that both should have yielded to the interests of their country. But supposing the Petition was adopted, what would be the consequence? There had been a general and too true complaint of the want of public I virtue in public men, but it had not been shewn that the radical Reform proposed would make public men' more virtuous. If it was shewn to him, not to a de-1 monstration, but with some degree of probability, he should then vote for the proposed radical Reform, — [Murmurs and groans.]—He hoped the meeting would hear him to the last ; and the disposition they had already manifested, in this respect, entitled them to the highest credit ; for they well knew, that, al- I though they differed with him in some points, he was ready to swim or float with them. laugh.] As to the mode of annual elections, which was submitted I to the consideration of the meeting, he thought that it would only make them lose more of the time which on those occasions they took from their usual avoca. tjons, and increase the anarchy too prevalent at ge. neral elections.—[Seine murmurs.]—lie had voted! for Parliameutary Reform in Ireland—bat in that country grievances had come to a height, to which ' , nothing existing in England could surely be com pared—for it was calculaled, that the right of re turning more than two-thirds of the Members of the Irish Parliament, was the patrimony of a few' families. Notwithstanding the annual elections, still men of opaleace would be returned.--(4 voice front the erocad, 46 Aye, but honest our."} — The Ron. Gentleman approved the seutiments . the person who jail spoken from the - vd—but such , were the constant and arduous Membei of Parliament, that no man , take to fulfil them, unless he Aid an fes!,une.r—t" Welt give *kg sopetieing, • - as should entitle Mm not only to that handsome re ception you gave him, but to the thanks of the pub tic at large. [Loud appleuses.] Wben I consider this subject, 1 cannot help taking a melancholy view of the circumstances attending it, seeing that there are men who form, as I may say, a direct contrast to the opinion of those who entertain real feelings of public liberty, and who are sodead to all thoie feel ings of such liberty which animate Gentlemen who come hero, that they actually seem to abandon their natural position in society, and to become as it were the tools of that system of corruption, which I (net agreeing with him) think will be and can be only re medied by a Reform of the Representation of the People in Parliament. Some Gentlemen of England seem as if they took no interest in the land, and for ought I see, that consequence may well ensue, as was stated by Major Cartwr;ght, that they will some day or another, sit at home and suffer their estates to be taken from under their noses, withoutvaising their voices against that system of taxation, net as it exists at the present day, but as it will exist when carried to that extent' which is now threatened; namely, a taxation upon Capital as it is called, together with the sale of taxes, Which is the last resort of a profli gate Government; 1 suppose that/ notwithstanding that profligacy, we would find such persons sitting at home and seeing their estates sold under their noses, without the smallest exertion to investigate the propriety of such a system of taxation, and ac quiescing in it rather than opposing it, lest the people of the country should resume their rights and their consequence in the kingdom, rights for AV Itich,in former times, the Gentlemen of landed property in England were disposed to sacrifice their blood to support. I cannot agree with the sentiments of the Hon. Gentleman who lately addressed you, .when he stated, that if Parliamentary Reform would tend to make public men more honest, lie should then raise his. voice for that kleform, that Constitutional Re form, that Reform which is consistent with,the old Laws of England. Wedo not contend that that Re form will render such men more honest, but we con tend,' that, whether it rendered them more honest or not, it will at least render it more dangerous to, knaves, and that Is flas only security the people cast, have for their rights and liberties. Whoever tram pies upon them, after such Reform, does it nt the risk of his own neck. He supposed that which was natural, namely, that men of property would be the most likely to be returned as Members to Parlia ment. I presume that it is thereby interred Chet-that Ilouse is at present composed of men of properCy, and therefore you would get nothing in that respect by reforthing it • I contend that that is not the case, but that, on the contrary, they came into the House , to get the property of the public, and then to insult the' people of the country with their ill-nrquie. ed wealth.—[,duels 'applause.] It is amongst other things to stop that system, that we desire Parliamen tary Reform. There would be, after that was ac quired, no occasion to give any man property who came into Parliament, but the people would find that these who are %turned by the great balk of the voices of the country, would not only not be look ing after those modes of making fortunes, nor stu dying Parliamentary tactics, but that they would be rendering short accounts, which is what may he called a homely way of doing.—[More Applanset Agaiust those Who have entrusted them with their purses, they would not only net make these attempts, but if col • Yom'•' . W~ a •...L. point of view, a system underetwiutthiticrh3in,tihsitemrs7ineoficnia:biliit; poneiwtheerropfrapotepcotiinotninfgoranytheeirffipeiropertm; Ministers bare for their rights and liberties ; nor his thed theo totsh et stances sp p c people conduct po slgueac nhttiohy prerogatives, only t r eoi fianott the hwee t h h ii e csi uic protectors n o i tabisi i t We hyi: see bj uujudgment, g t it hmaaetl this is to as s I f p le rm r r t s i o e e n r s l s , y a w n p d h la o e ce r d a e re PQ . deprives e e ceyli s 'lt t soro f fev d a neti;:isla p men te i ir d rahl tg l e o htel c ti''' a .ur:° r in r i: y l on the affairs of the country ,and enj of the people at large, by which cou7id in e g nc t e l the c r ou l t ty ' r would be best able to carry on the contest ' leeo i n ir we aro engaged with success. These Gentle nea call themselves, or rather m i sca ll th emselven, ;h, guardians of the public purse—the purse keepe r ,. they should rather be called the cut-purses of th' t public. It would be better for us to bare o person to hold the parse open to every thief than to have any sash guardians at all [Applauscs]. lye hear a great deal of foreign dangers from the aggr ar , dieing power of France, dangers which I own are great; but I am one of those who entertain much more apprehension of danger from the inroads m a d e upon the Constitution at home, than any likely arise from foreign foes, however formidable those foes may appear. Shall we then, under these cit. comstauces, not guard against those dangers pressin, uponus ? Shall we only lodk to the extremities, and apply no shield upon our hearts ? Shall we allow th e Vital part to corrupt, while we are attending only to ..arose parts which surround it ? Shall we permit the vital principles of the country to fall into decay, or to become deranged, and turn our eyes only to fo. reign dangers ? Or can we be So absurd as to think, that by so doing we are to render ourselves secure .egainst the destruction of the country ? By country I mean the liberty of the country, not the mere homes, (or the land, nor the people; nor that the people are merely to crawl upon the face of the earth like worms, and not even allowed to turn, or if tney do, it is only to find additional apprehensions ofgri.e. ances which they must tolerate without redress. Triers are those, however, who attach to the word country& different signification. If Napoleon himself were here iu this square, if he were to conquer us, the argument of these Gentlemen would still prevail, as the coon. try would still exist, and they themselves would mill by fattening their pigs, or attending to their enjoy. ments without paying any regard to the conduct of those under whose care, or rather mismanagement, the country had fallen. This town, might be as pros. porous, perhaps, as it is uow under such circiim. stances as those I have noticed, but that would not alter the propriety of my construction of the word country; that which I call country, that which every Englishman considers his country, is liberty, without which his country would be a country of weeds, producing nothing profitable to man. If then ea see that the country, or rather that the liberty of tks ' country, is more likely to be destroyed by men usurping the power of the people, and assumiug the prerogatives of the King, traffickers upon the nation, who equally trade upon the Crown and the People, I than by a foreign foe, what ought to be more desirable than toput an end to such an unjustifiable traffic, which is so likely to involve us in therein of our rights and li berties ? This does not appear paradoxical ; for it has been rendered palpable to every man since we found that Parliament put what restraint they pleased upon the hands of the Executive Govern. , I ment, till they found that the Executive Power vos fit to be worked upon for their, purposes, aiti ascertained what inclinations the Personage who tie to occupy it might have, they kept him in a state of restriction till they thought fit to loosen his hands. These things are fresh in the minds of every one present, so that I need not enlarge upon that port lof the subject. Every Minister, in the present state of things, as soon as a new Parliament assembles, may address it as Joseph does the Egyplians: " lie holl, I have both you and your land" this day for l_Pharoah." The only difference is, that that Prime IMinister gave bread to the People for their freedom; but, in our day, the Ministers take the bread and I. deprive the people of their freedom into the bar gain.--(Much applause.]—The People are bought by • l their twit money. How long that system will con tinue I cannot pretend to determine; but I can as• sure you that, whatever means are in my power shall be used in hostility to it, to the destrue , tion of it, and to the consequent revival of the I ancient laws of the country, which Y hope and trust will be revived ; towards the accomplishment of this end, no effort of mine shall at any time be wanting. [More upplauses.]—Before I conclude, I may men tion this circumstance, that my Honourable Col league, Lord Cochrane, would have been present last day in the House of Commons to second the Address I proposed, for the purpose of laying the affairs of the nation, and the grievances we labour under, before the Prince Regent, but wan, prevented from attending through indisposition ; and I have to add, 'Mat if that illness did not still continue, he would have been present upon this occasion. leV not aware that any thing else was mentioned by the Honourable Member who addressed you, against the ptan of Parliamentary Reform, which calls for par. ticular notice, except that observation he made as to Annual Parliaments ; and his saying, that even a Sr:Ptehnial Parliament threw the country , into a state of confusion, thereby inferring, that if Parliamen ts were annual the confusion would, by being more frequent, become an intolerable grievance. Noir, Gentlemen, my opinion upon this point e the very reverse—l am persuaded that it is not oning to the election, but to the circumstance of no elec.. tion taking place, that the confusion complained of arises. It was the contest occasioned by the eager desire of candidates to represent places in which there was still some freedom of election ; and the eishes of the borough-mongering faction to usurp even these seats which created the contests. But when once the noMination should be vested, as it ought to be, ill the people at large, there could be no contest, for the majority against the faction was so great, that they would have nothing left worth contending fer. Besides, what could prevent the votes from being received at the respective parishes, instead of drat the voters to a greater distance from home ; and would obviate every apprehended issconve thnienesecyejectfeepoustheZeistaunrnbean anneal , I See no reasoningel w h yectiiots weld net bit taken in pariilies witheut .:~ r , - , • . • t v c Ab • - -.•••••• Ad, sentiments of they did attempt to make that beastly and corrupt reoeiv crowd—but interest which.at presentsubsistibetWeen Members of ging t duties of Parliament and the Treasury Bench (i do not men- this could under. lion Ministers merely, .ns they are like•straws which niencj independent float aims the streams, bet do not slireot its course); diesel kings" tad 41 the wilds. VW" itaid4olAgetiletkiifft 4a , Vtieff retil .` • . •