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'mixt ;eerily mart e char I mer. d are F the g his me ver, frau wards ap separd arried the di Paris, anti he could assure the House, that he en tertained too great a regard for that Noble Lord's talents, even to feel a moment's pain on that ground ;- not should he have wished to remain at Paris as a Negociator any longer, had not his sole induce ment been, lest, if he had immediately withdrawn, an increased jealousy would have been entertained by the French Government, as to the pacific in tentions of His Majesty's Ministers. 11l had con sidered the terms otiered on the 25th of Septem ber last, to he advantageous to this country. — Whilst no one could be more desirous than he was to maintain the good faith of this country with its a llies, he was at the same time persuaded, that no reasonable attempt for procuring a satisfaCtory peace should be overlooked. With regard to Sicily, Russia must have seen the interest which this coun try took respetting it, that island was entirely de fended by this country) but had it been found ne wsary, with A View of making a great Continental etfort, to withdraw our troops from that country, or to secure some other conquest, which might have Peen exchanged for Sicily ; in either case, the re tention of that island could not be considered by Russia as an object of the first importance to its legitimate Sovereign ; nor did he see wiry an at tempt might not have been made to secure Dalmatia for him, in addition to the Balearic Isles. On the part of France, there appeared a greater unwiLing• nest to give Dalmatia to Russia, than either to Austria or Naples. Lord HOWICK explained; reminding the House and Lord Yarmouth that he had already stated his Lordship had retui fled to Paris, with verbal in strutlions ; and that afterwarls, when full powers - were sent to him, his Lordship was instruaed not to produee these powers without an acknowledg ment, on the part of France, of the basis r.f tie puslidras; and, in a subsequent letter, his Eor I,trip was instruCted not to proceed with the Negoc:Ation. until France returned to her Acknowledg ci has's. Mr. MON I'AGUE declared, that he only saw in this Negociat ion the triumph of artifice over CietIU IIIV. Th- policy of Fiance w..s evidently that . which he had read in the hi , tory of the 1 . 111:s ; namely, " to make short .races, to secure con• , goes's, and to make sharp wars." It was to mon _ tain this system, under the form of a negotiation, that France had enjoyed all the advantages of a truce, as a blind to cover her own macisinations against ttse liherti... of Europe. As to the origin of this Negotiation, he thought he cerild clealy race it to the death of Mr. Pitt. From the loss of this able Pilot had proceeded a change of principle and condo t, and a system of comparative weakness. He imagined that he saw that great nun recti..ing on his conch, and :he evil Genius approac; , iag, him, attempting to instil despondency into his bre.tir. and to court atcommudation with the enemy, saying, Te, P a tolive, ! retells, tlbt triNtit tolno is portant, Itiao , ti: puppique Deus consedit in Alta. rhodium& simihs, fuditque hal ore l.quel.it Vials Paqueue, ferlint %pa *wee etas:els. .Equate spirant aura, dater Mee quieti. Pone caliut fessowane oculot fulase Ipse eg paulisper pro I. too mon •ra WIN". How applicable in the mouth of that great Mates roan may we consider the reply of Paiinurus; Cui 'ix attollens Palinurus lumina t,tur ; Mena ,al3 placiii atrium 11.ictuique (metro Jelorasre jubes? Mee. butt Cutlidere illenetrOt m erert.tm quid ituirn la3acanit Austris, Et Cell tutiet deceptus frauds went' Tes, that accommodation which, to Mr. Pitt. was an nbje& of distrust, was, to his successors, an objeff of ardent desire. However much he shou.si lament giving offence to Mr. Fox's friend", yet, on such suhjeft as this, he should not scruple to say, that, as a politician, he had ever differed from him ; how ever strange this declaration may seem, at this time of alterations, and corlitions, and shift ing of opinions. lie should not debate, whether Mr. Fox s first letter may be considered as the com mencement r,f the Negotiation, although he err-. tainly considered it as that which bribe the ice, and led to the Negotiation ; and that there were glanc ings in it which M. l'alleyrand well understood. He disliked that expressos in the letter of our First Mi nister, of pet let'l attachment" to the Minister of France; it was too much for the taste of an Anti gallicaa Englishman. When, he would ask, did this " perteEt attachment" begin between these two Illustrious Statesmen ? WAS it in the year 179, when M. Talleyrand made his appearance in this country ? He allowed, that the answer of Mr. Fox was plain and manly when compared with the flimsy arguments of Talleyrand. What was the evident policy of this main? Was it to obtain Peace? No; hut it was, that under the form of a Negotiation, France might more securely carry on. her schemes of aggression against Prussia. —Talleyrand perceived that Mr. Fox was sin cerely desirous of Peace, and hence he, in his turn, became very desirous to make use of this feel in - in order to hinder the co•operation of our allies, and to diuraft our Councils. Now in all there respeels he has completely succeeded. The French Ministry, being in possession of this let ter of Mr. Fox, most probably communicated it to the French party at the Court of St. Pe • shuigh, with a view to convey a suspicion h the inclination of our Finn Minister to a4an- .n the intriests of Russia; not that he meant to .‘.;:xiate that %lr. Fox had any inclination to desert !Oasis ; but ht. TAlie r Ana's end was answered, it he Loald succeed in irlu*ing suspicions between it a.ia and Engl.and. This Minister of France has evidently not adhered to truth in other respects ; he has pulished a letter, as one sent to Lord Lauder dale, which his Lordship never received ; he has been guilty of a direct forgery in this lustiness ; and is it then 'Holy that he would scruple to represent Mr. Foz's first letter, as conveying an idea of a dis position on the pit of England to abandon Russia? It is also evident that Bonaparte's main objeet throughout this Negotiation has been to carry on his &sighs more securely against Prussia ; for he well knew that it must nave been our policy through Prussia to attack France. It was bad policy is our Govenitnent to make War upon Prussia; the cont.:ire nice being, that it ren dered it impossible ear this country to assist Prussia, and that it left us in the ridiculous point of light, of sending a Minister, as w:th a candle and lanthorn, to find out where the King of Prussia ac tually wise rho contest also about Hanover, • has !E'en produltive of a million or woes to this country ; aid by means of t!.;s, France has contsived to set 1 to Lou. d. h , 14 1 ee migh laces tCi ie *Frio Pi ugaia and this country at variance. Ministers were to blame in sending overlLord Yarmouth as a Ne gocietor. He meant nothing disrespeetful to that Noble Lord, and would say nothing but what the Noble Lnrd, in a change of circumstances, might be justly entitled to say of him. Talleyrand. who was a man of great dexterity, chose that Noble Lord, in the first instance, as Negotiator between the two countries, after keeping him for some years as a prisoner, and knowing that. he had no hope of &staining his liberty, but by toing his exertions to procure Peace. My Lord Yarmouth had not been used to diplomatic discussllens ; this was to impose a heavy burden on his shoulders. No thing, therefore, could be more impolitic nn the part af our Government, than that of employing him, in the first instance ; nor more uegenerons than when they afterwards blamed hint for his manlier lof conduaing the Negotiation. As to the wi I mo e doeo had other steps been taken, it would have been much more clear is which Government blame WAS due. He was persuaded France did not wish to bring this point to too early a chase, and that our Minister found himself somewhat in the situation of a man wooing a woman, who does not choose too steep to put the plain question, lest the door Annie be shut in his face; net could he approve of the ap pointment of the other Negotiator. He recoiled ed Lord Leutterdale's jeurney to France, in 1792, the associations he contriaaed, and the intimacies he formed with the Br •s, stifle faction of that period. He acknewle caged that our 1 1 / 4 7 .egeriator was punflual to the instruetions he receiveJ: to be patient and forbearing; he was placed in a situation extremely awkward and painful. He was sent to Paris to hear Fre, ch Ministers offering one day, and remelting another. Thus they dallied with him as long as they dared, and when they could no longer do so, they in feet made him a prisoner, almost, for a time. r Ousing him passports. It is true, France chewed him, nut xerdly, all manner of politeness; they gave him the fraternal hug, weilst they treated him al most in the same manner as Lord Malmsbury for. m e r le MtAt ; and when at last he became impatient, they treated him almost in the same manner as child ren are, with " the King is gone s-hunting." He was stuck up as a sort of nine-pin, whilst D'Oubrir was in his post chaise, lookiiig beck to see how one' Plenipotentiaries endured their " durance vile " No wonder if the indignities one knibassador under. went overcame ho petience; and that this was really the case, may be suspeted item Talleyrend's note, where he spanks of the "savage form" eur Ambassa dor was led to assume. It would appear tica Lord Lauderdale was detained at Paris to witness the fresh thunderbolts of war that were forcing ageinee this comely, as well as Press' Setieusly, how was it possiirle for us to exeea Peace with France. at the very time France was preparing to go to war with Pru•sia ? In the mean while, the langout of our expeditions, the recal ant superseding of our successful and meritorious officers, the want of ex ertions in carrying into execution our plans of na tional defence, were apparent. Was it because we were negotiating with France that we should have relaxed in our measures of security ? Let Ministers have all prothmwhen they en well ; but he, for one, could nor gore them implicit t Infidence, although he esteemed them personally; and he particularly re quested the Nobk Lek opposite (Howlett) to ac cept the assurances of his high considetatiao. Sir T 'CUACON beitan by apologising for in truling upon the tine and attention of the House,' hut feeling the importance of the question, both as to %Neste's, and the iteterest of the country, as arm; nett d with (het night's Debate, he mint say, that 1, be did not consider.the character of Ministers, nor of the country, as increased by this N -geciatietn; nor was it istereaied from the circumstance, that oar Ambassadors were sent to France, when they should 1 have eerneined in this country. and that they ten - ars.' ed at Paris, when they should have returned home. 1 Sir Marna. then pro. ceded to animadvert on tile conduct of Ministers during the various stages of the Negociation. Though adverse to the general principles of Mr. Fox, yet he considered him its pe ' culiarly well quaOtied to treat with Falleyrand ; it was simplicity set against finesse and all its wind ings. tle had no doubt that the assassin referred to in Mr. Fox's first letter, was a spy sent from France. As to the alliance with Russia, he only found the Treaty of Subsidy, in May 1805, made on a particu ' ler occasion ; so that, in tact, there was no actual Treaty subsisting between the two countries, when ' this Negotiation commenced; nor did Russia consi der that Treaty as binding upon her, to bring for. ward her forces; at the smile time. it appeared to him, that the Negociation was broken off merely upon Russian grounds ; and lie thought, had it not been for this, we should have got over ocr other difficulties with toniour. The whole proceolings of the French Minister ant Negotiators, he considered to be a tissue of trick And finesse; and that, there fore, the Negociation should have been broken on our part, much sooner than it really was. And with regard to M. D'Oubril, he bad no doubt of Lis having had authority to sign a Treaty sepa rately from this country ; and had he signed such a Treaty as the Emeeror liked, we should have been abandoned, and left alone to treat with France. 'the Hon. Member affirmed, that in the offers of France at this period, everything was conceded con sistent. with the safety, welfare, and honour of this country. Even Hanover has been comprised its the concessions of France, though he was far from con sidering England interested in her fate. lie had heard Isere, and elsewhere, Hanover denourioard the link whereby the interests of England were united to those of the Contteental Powers of Eu rope, an advanced post, lions whence we could ef fectually annoy our Continental enemies ; in fine, a lever, like that of Archimedes, whereby we could turn or overturn every thing that dared to oppose us. To these opinion. he had, notwithstanding, never substribeer and although he felt that England was in some sot bound to gratify its Sovereign, by in cluding the restoration of his Contineutal Domi nions, as a specific article of the . freety, yet he re garded it merely as a point of honour, not in the deist a paint wherein she had serious interest. He said, he could not help being surprised to hear Ministers applied the terms of the Treaty of Amiens, which gave up every thing to France, yet maintain the in espediency of assenting to the terms offered by France in this negoeiation. Wnet could they desire more? Was not .lalta offered to hr given ue, by whico they usighttsave moires' se stustusclssa die 'rota c collimated • of the Mediterranean. (4 sere not our accessions of do. minine •in India to be guaranteed to us, together with she Cape of Good Hope, Tobago. and the in territy of the °Raglan Empire. He said he felt also considerable stfrprise to .find, that even during the continuance of Ministers in Paris, we ha•l dispatched Lord Mnrpeth to the assistance •of Prus.ia, though actually at war with France, with whom we were endeavouring to conclude a Treaty of Peace. This he criuld nut help contidering rather an odd sort of inconsistency, however reconcilable to the superior intelligence of Ministers, especially when we recnlleded that Prussia had ever acted a treacherous pare to the common interest of Europe ; that she had been ever the enemy of our ancient ally, Austria, the friend of France, and the innovating spirit of French principle ; at once exhibiting a de•es:able union of rapacity and snrvility. From these disagreeable reflections, he turned with pleasure to beg- Id the en livening confilonce of the Mini sty. in the unani mity and spirit displayed by this country in every trying situation, notwithstanding the alarming Ma nifesto of Bonaparte, declaring then! Islanis in a slate of perfed blockade. Yet, even in this avowal of confidence, on the part of the Ministry, he could not help observing the some inconsistency which characterised them thy cughout their whole condua-nhe al: tided to the melancholy desponding letter of the Secretary (Viscount Howick) addressed to the citizens of London, on the late seizure of the English property at Hamburg. This strain of writing was certainly ♦ery inconsistent with that spirit of confi fence in the strength ■nd resources of this country ; especially when we reflect that the whole loss of English penperty, at that period, did not amount to mote than the yearly income of seve ral individuals in that Assembly. He could scarcely, he said, help observing, that the Minister seemed, on that occasion, it least, to be seized with the caroethes setitendi, and even his greatest ftiends could not but allow that such a letter, at such *time, was extremely improper. He begged pardon of the House for so long trespassing on their patience, a conviction of the necessity his situation imposed On him thus to offer his sentiments, would, he trust ed, be his best apology. Mr. WHITBREAD rose, and :role to the fol lowing effect:—" Mr. Speaker, Sir, it was my in tention to have offered myself to the consider ation of this House, before the Hon. Member who last addressed you had risen; in order that I might have the immediate opportunity of stibmnting a few observations in answer to the Hon. Gentle man (Mr. Montague), who had spoken the last but one. Although that Hon. Gentlem in has dealt pretty extensively in classical allusions; although he has indulged in a vein of fanciful or per haps laughable applications; yet, there were some points, in the introduction of which I must be excused in saying, he was neither appo site wit justified ; for twenty years, he has told you, he had been acquainted with that great departed statesman, Mr. Fox ; the first ten years of which he was a Member of this House, and the remaining period he has passed nut of it. That he had not only spent that remaining period out of this House, but out of this empire, one would imagine, who should hear him on this night endeavouring to re vive all those political animosities, which it was trusted were for ever laid aside, end which had been menially forgotten by those who were at one time the more immediate panics in their existence. Was the Hon Gentleman, I say, acquainted with the cir cumstances which have taken place in this count y and in this House, he would find that the great statesman (Mr. Pitt) upon whose charader he had pronounced so high an eulogitim, had not only ceased to cherish political animosities against his public opponents, but had adeally recommended to the favour and seledion of his Sovereign, as a pro per, faithful, and enlightened servant of the crown, his great political rival—that rival upon whose ge neral condud, and public principles, the Hon. Gen tleman has thought proper, with such labour, to comment. But it is not only upon this topic that I wally differ from the Hon. Gentleman; I differ from him on every principle he has advanced, and every dedudion he has attempted to draw, either as to the conduct of the late Negotiation, or to the in expediency of entering into the Correspondence with the Government of France. The Hon. Member has taken upon himself to assert, that in the progress of the Negotiation, His Majesty's Ministers were the dupes of the machinations, the duplicity, and finesse of th tt power. It would only have been his duty to have pointed out to this House, and the Ministers, in what part of the Correspondence, or upon what evidence or fad, such an assertion is either founded or proved. As to the inexpediency of entering into that discussion, lam at issuc with him most diredly upon that point. And here I cannot refrain from ex pressing my apprehension, that a similar ity of opinion, upon that heal, with that Hon. Gentle man, is too much gaining ground in this country; and is, I am sorry, too much cnuntenanctd by the conclusion of my Noble and highly valued Friend below me (Lord Howick). Are the sitpporteri of this conclusion, prep:tied to say, that between this Empire and France there no longer exists any method of coaciliation? that front the cendua of the lattor power, and the particular sys tem her Government has aeted upon for the last few years. no treaties can ever bind, nu pacific adjustment can be effected, no other hope than the fatal prospeti of eternal war Against such a prin ciple, in contradiaion to such'sin opinion, and in direa hostility to such a line of policy, I will con tinue, as I hive upon every occasion, to raise my voice, and lift up my hand. Ido mint strenu ously assert, and upon that conviction I will ever aet, that there never has occurred a time, nor can ever a time occur, at which we should not listen to over tures of honourable peace ; or, farther, that we aught not to seek to promote the happiness of the world, by an anxious endeavour to terminate the ravages of war. With such principles indelibly im pressed on my mind, I have now to advert to the question more immediately before the tlouse. And here, it were natural to suppose, that, in my deli vering my sentiments upon the merits of a trans. sia , on, commenced, and, in a great measure, conduded, by that great and enlightened states man, for whose principles, feelings, and nume• rons virtues, I had ever entertained the most err thusiastic veneration, and most ardent attachment, I shouht be Inclined to view it in the most favour. P.011.-+.10•••••-. • able light. That when this Negociation was not only commenced, and condened under such cir cumstances, but that some of my dearest connec tions are interested in the opinion of this House upon the subj-ft ; I say, so situated, it was insist-m -elte but to conclude, that I must have perused the documents presented to the consideration of Parlia ment, with an eye traria' to find our that which the Declaration of His majesty had annnu• ced to this country and to Europe ; namely, that his en deavners to eff CI a termination of the war had to tally failed, from the injustice ant ambition of the enemy. However I have coincide.' with my Horourable Friends, who compose the present administration, upon the expediency and propriety co' entering upon a pacific arrangement with France; however I apprecar: sae candour. sincerity, and manliness, which cnarafterised its origin and prior conduct ; yet, with strong emotions of repro, I must declare m) sincere opinion. that there are, in t'n progress of the N -griciali(m, some meter parts, which I clown by any means approve. And al though my Noble and valued Friend below me, has clew ly assured the House., that during the whole of this Correspondence, the slightest shade or a differ ence of opinion did not exist amongst. His let j Ministers, yet, with a full persuasion that toe roost peer& unanimity and good andesstanding did exist, with an unsh iken crinfidenc! in the st st meat of Noble Ft lend, and in the integrity of his i lonnurable Colleagues, I tin see, from the awful period w .en death closed this scene upon the enlishtened States man, who first condufird the negoCiation, chara:- ten Which distinguish one part of it teem the miser. And here, Sir. I must remark, upon the observa tion of the Hon. Gentleman oppose:, ('sir. Mon tague), "that the letter of Mr. Fox on the intended assassination, though not a diren overture, was certainly expressive of something like a wish for such an occurrence ;" that he knew hut little of the manly and generous feelings of that exalted charac ier, of the eminent humanity. and cnnspicuous bene ficence which warmed his pensions, and ennobled his nature ; who could suppose, that, on the pro posal of such a base and cowardly crime as an in. tended assassination, against any human being. of whatever rank or country, that great man would not feel the spontaneous emotions cf a generous indignation; and, therefore, it was, that Mr. Fox felt unwilling to delay, or to be pre vented, by any delicacy. in adopti: g the most im mediate method of guarding against the commission cf a crime, so detestable in its nature, and so horrific to the m irked benevolence of his disposition. To toe letter relative to the assassin, an answer was sent to Mr. Fox, expressive of the determination of France to treat for Peace, upon the basis of the Treaty of Amiens; hut the characteristic can/tont of his great mind, and The acuteness in his get.ius, refusedthe basis of the •Creaty or Amiens, as an inconvenient nem. AR 4 liable to produce a distniisition inconsistent with ine beneficial and desired objc& of his sceompUsismint. In what m inner did he therefore proceed ? His first objee was to pm to a decisive preof, sentiments, which, in moments of heat and ton am-, were al leged to have fallen tinm the Chief of the French Government. In consequence of those arnoments, a jealousy had been excited in the mint or Mr. Fria, that it wes the fixed intention of that Power to ex clude Great Britain from any interference with the _coutinent of Europe. To bring this matte - to a final and satisfactory issue, lie immediately appned himself ; and the result was not only an absolute de nial on the part of France, positively confessed, but Was actually brought into a principle, and recognised as one of the two buses agreed upon by him end the • French nliniver. The next objeft of that Statesmen was to have Russia brought into the confederacy ; and in the plain, undisgeised, rod decisive language nt an honest and cotand Minister, he asks, will trio French Governm-nt treat with Great nritain itt concert with her magnanimous ally, the Emneior of Russia. It is true, Fiance had the power of an option. If she consents to such a condition, England will negotiate with her tremorr nv. —Thus, we find that during this part of the correspondence. no such principle was once intro duced as that of actual possession, nor was the ats street proposition of the id: posed:to by any means mentioned ; however the principle may become afterward, fairly deducible. Indeed, upon this point, I have listened with considerable attention to the arguments advanced by my Noble Friend, and having fully weighed the whole of what has fallen from him, this night, and after a serious and mature consideration of the Pipers on the T ible, whether it arises from a perverseness of my judgment or not. I do declare. that I can by no moans agree in the conclusion, that the principle of actual possession WAS ever considered by Mr. Fox as the see psi sea of the Negociation. The two bases on which the Negociation was founded, were such as in my mind were most likely to produce the objee is view ; they were of a nature calculated to make the con trailing parties sincere in their professions for Peace. and therefore anxious for its speedy attainment. They were, in spirit, what they appear in language. truly honourable to the charaters of the rests, dive empires. and likely to preserve the repose of the world. From this convietion I do assume, that Peace was equally desired by 'ooth Governments; nor do I sce any jastifiable ground for the charges of duplicity. deception, and bad Wilt, which have been so libe rally and perhaps inconsiderately indulged in against toe enemy. It will be asked, what are my masons for not giving credit to such aspersions! My answer is, because they had no interest in such 4 system of aeling. My Noble Friend below me has told the House, that this country has of been in jured by the Negociation; 'nether words, that the enemy has gained nothing be the discussion This our expeditions have sailed, our naval armaments been completed. and our political Mecums preserv ed. But the Horn. Member opposite has charged the Rhenish Contederstioe, and the changes of Germany, to the inexpediency of the Neg icotion. Wia that li-,n. Gentleman, or any oth-r ‘4niher, say, that whether the Negociation com menced, or failed, or succeeded, tam measures and changes would not have taken place! Perhaps it produced the War between Freesia and France; but certainly, her this consernience, Minister" were not responsible. they wci e p.enrd between the choice of two evils, and they nosery adopted the less But, Sir, reverting to the pro. giess of the discussion between the •o.° countries, we find Lord Ya,rmauth sent beak to reuse w übtana 1 H