The Statesman. — London, England, 1812-01-28 00:00:00

grounds, because his Wieldy would not administer the Government. By this arrangement what would become of Mr. Burke's Bill? If the Privy Purse of his Royal Highness, for instance, was not to he sub ject to controul, then his Royal Highness would have conveyed to him a sum of 130,0001. with the full' knowledge and approbation of Parliament. Her Majesty would have 35,0001. deducted from the Privy Purse of his Majesty, the residue being re served for the payment of the Medical Establish., meat, which might perhaps amount to but a trifle,' and the balance would be conveyed to these three Commissioners. The House must see, under the proposed arrangements ' In how very extraordinary a light the matter stood,—recollecting always, that the Privy Purse did not of right belong to the sari, but to the office, and, in this case would be vested ill the person who could not administer the Govern ment. Ile might be charged with taking captious objections,--bat was this a captious objection ? He did not object to the entire sum of 170,0001., be cause, with the information before him, he did not know whether that sum was too much or toe little. Was it to be understood, that all the charges would remain on the Privy Purse to be held by her Ma jesty, because, if so, the Regent would stand with 130,0001. at his disposal, and her Majesty have a sum of 70,0001. for the Medical Attendants. With the knowledge of the enormous amount of private property ho could not consent to vote such a sum.— But suppose the fact was not so, and that only 35,0001. should remain at her Majesty's disposal for the purposes before stated, how could so large a sum be necessary ? Prove it, and no man would more readily vote it; but he could not give his consent to sucha vote while there existed the possibility of its being applied to the increase of private property. — He could not with regard to the public interests agree to provide otherwise than sufficiently and abundant ly for the maintenance of his Majesty befitting his station. Without further information he could not proceed. The disposition and arrangement of the Privy Purse formed one of the main objections which he had to the Bill. The ilou,e must recollect that in making these aria gement:, they were making them for a new Reign. It was his wish that his Royal Highness should ascend the Throne not only with the confidence, but with the bles sings of the people. The Right Honourable Gen. demon had said that the sum of 70,0001. was to he placed in the hands of the Prince " to meet eel-- tein-engagernents of honour." What did the lion. Gentleman mean ? Did he mean that his Royal High ness had certain debts to discharge, for he could • ..mean nothing else. What those engagements were, to- be sure, he did not know, unless they related to -debts. If so, and those debts were thoroughly sifted, his Royal Highness would not be found subject to any other observation than that he had not acted up -an all occasions with slue propriety • that in some in stances negligence might be imputed to his conduct, and in others the charge of profusion. Ile should not act either as the friend of his Hovel Ilighness or of the people, if he did not say these "engagements," of which the Right Honourable Gentleman talked, aught to be stated fairly, and in an open manner to the House.—(llecrr, hear!) If it was intended to repose confidence in the Prince, and hail him as the future Sovereign t let the House act liberally—pay his debts.--(Hear, - hear!) lie knew that in thus speaking out he was perhaps not seeking popularity. He cared net for the interpretation which might be put upon his conduct, or whether he offended high or low—he still must say, that unless the debts were disgracefully contracted, Parliament ought to pay them.—(Hear, hear!) There was nothing, in his opinion, more dangerous to the Monarchy, than to I have it understood in the country that his Roy al Highness bad engagements which were of such a sta ture as not proper to be laid before Parliament. It was not considered monstrous to pay the debts of his Royal Father, because they were contracted ht providing that splendour necessary to the support anal maintenance of the dignity of the Crown. The oh. jection might be taken if his Royal Highness remain ed in the station of Prince of Wales, but when he , ceased to be Prince, then the question assumed an. other aspect. Was his conduct to be held up to the country in a variety of points of view, a hich he would abstain from touching upon? In times like these it was not prudent to pursue any course which eight be dangerous to the Monarchy. Ile must call to the re collaption of the House that clause in the Bill which noticed the excess in the Civil List expenditure of 121,0001. annually, on the average, since 1804. If it was right tory that excess, and he did not question it, would it not be equally au act of justice to discharge these" engagements?" It was not dealing justly by the Prince to say that his debts bad already beef paid by the public. They were not paid by the public, but by reserving for that purpose a part of his Royal' Highness's income, which was regularly paid up to 1 1804, wanting about two years of the time of corn. plating payment otall the demands. The Itlght lion. Gentleman recommended to the House the necessity of placing the establishment upon some footing with respect to arrangement, which might conduce to the honour sued satisfaction of those who gave, and of those who received. With respect to the proposition for the care of the Princesses, namely, that in town his Royal Highness was to provide the establishment for them, and in the country, her Majesty ; that was • proposition which met his decided disapprobation: An Establishment ought to be formed separate for the Princesses ; they were arrived at an age when it be- came necessary ; but the whole of the arrangements carried with them the air of suspicion. It was not a little extraordinary that the Right Hon. Gentle man refused to come forward with a permanent regu. latiort, especially when all were ready to bear the burtheits which must be imposed, - with cheerfulness. 'Mutt other object could the Right Hon. Gentleman lave iu view, in thus legislating from year to year, but this: to keep his Royal Highness every year under restrictions, in order that he might be induced to give something to his Ministers.—[llear, hear !]— But he (Mr. Tierney) wished to 'see bins relieved from hie embarrassments, not by proposing any lavish rants, but by giving to hisßoyal Highness what this House ought to give, and which, when given li berally, might settle his embarrassments effectually. Was it too muck to say, that he was mistrusted who was not allowed the management of the servants ne cessary to his ' il Father ? W ou ld no t an y s o n i n the humble dons of life suppose so ?—Would *ow .~... 01 1 1 , • • '• • • • • *. • . • .4 • 4 t i'' • , -••• N. 4 4 i k ' i k PS't i!, %.! 1 • FI S t t • 0 ! ; ; 1 1 t 1 • , ; ,1 1 • ..' 4 . . , . • I. t I , . i A 1 01 r . . \ 1 1 ; i \ ' I . k • I r .1 , _ . :-.STATESMAN. . .. .ia he not consider himself ill-treated by the adoption of ,the subject, and he should follow his example ; such unnecessary and suspicious arrangements ? But at the same time he should observe, upon one or was there any advantage likely to accrue to his Mae two cases, in which he hoped he should not be ac jolty from it ?-Assuming the fact that his Majesty cured of entertaining any narrow or mean views. did require a Lord of the Bed - c ham be r, a G room of —He was disposed to think, that making pro -the Stole„and the Equerrfes fornwily in attendance, per allowances for the alteration in the value of what was there to prevent the Queen from ask- money, the exponces in various departments of the tng those OffiCirs from the Prince agent ? — Could Civil List wonyi not be found to have exceede d t h a t * any one cuppOse that ' ha would refuse them . 7 Was of the best times of our history ; but when, in them any dif f iculty .• In aee Majesty's demanding 1801, they were ca lled upon to vote an excess of ilhic altindance of those servants who were known 101,0001 he would venture to state, that if there was to be most in the favour or his° Majesty ?—l'he not such a fund as the Droits of Admiralty, the ex- Queen had the whole management of the Household cess would not have taken place : Ministers fee the last yeir, but where was the advautegt of would have economised better. This was enough to that ? what was the fact/ Up to July last, a few prove the impolicy and the improvidence of not ad- Lords in waiting, a few Equerries, lac. were deemed bering to the custom of our ancestors, by limitingthe , necessary, but since that period the opinions of the !amount of the Civil List, without admitting the sup.; Physicians went entirely to shew that they were no j ply of an y contin g ent funds. He made no char g e ! longer wanting. But where, he would ask, was ; against any one, for the practice had obtained in all the necessity for a separate Court? ['fear, hear!]. administrations, in that of Mr. Pitt, in that of Lord j For a Court not responsible; for a Court whose ex-IGrenville, and in that of his Right lion. Friend (the peaces were not cognizable by the Treasury ;, aadiChancellor of the Exchequer); but that was no was not such a'Court created by this Bill ? By,it the 1 reason why it should be permitted, now that it ! sum of 110,0001 was put under the controal of the I was brought before the House.—With respect Queen. Four Lords of the Bed-chamber were granf- to the Droits of Admiralty, some persons con- . ed to her, a Groom of the Stole, and, altogether, 11'1 tended, that they belonged to his Majesty, upon , officers weve at her disposal for the maintenance of the same grounds that a l l h isother p ro p ert y did ; but, ; the dignity of the King. It ought to be recollected, even if that were the c as e , itfurnished no reason why 1 in the mean time, that under the former arrange- , they should not be regulated by Parliament. He j ment, when his Majesty was, happily enabled to , conceived that, even if his Majesty were in perfect ; perform the duties of a Monarch, ueea's esta. ; health, It would be competent to them to debate upon! ; blishment reflected a spleedout on t f the King ; all his revenues. If not, they had taken an en war. I , t o . short, the operation of each was reciprocal ; but, rentable liberty indeed, in voting for Mr. Burkehil ander the arrangement now proposed, the Queen's Bill. They had also taken a great liberty in regn.l Establishment was separated from that of the Prince latirg the amount of Pensions to be granted out of ; Regent. He had no hesitation to call it a different the Scotch Hereditary Revenue. If it was said, that 1 Court ; for, with all the differettt Officers included in this competency was restricted to emergencies only, the Bill, with the Pages of the back stairs and the t e he would answer, that this emergency had now , Pages of the front stairs, it was utterly impossible occurred, so that the only question was, whether it to consider it in any other point of view. ~if this , became them to take a narrow and limited view or a was not a separate Court, he would wish to know ' large one. There was great force in what the Right I what was. iris objections to such a system were lion. Gentleman who spoke last had said, as to the strong in every view of it :—for, supposing the Prince power and authority granted to the Queen. It was , and that Court to pull together, it would operate es known that there were six persons under her in-' agreat increase of the influence of the Crown. The • !(Hence in the House of Peers, and four in the House , Prince would of necessity supply all those places for Commons, and he thought it a necessary Step to pro. himself which were already tilled for his Majesty.— vide, that those Gentlemen who were appointed , Supposing, on the other ham!, that political differ- to the different offices described in the Bill, should enoes should arise, and he was sure no others could not have seats in Parliament. The importance of I (ere!) that supposition was highly int cobable), to settling a specific sum for the Civi l List, was great what a situation would the Prince be re duced: with a in point of economy, and if they legislated with- Court in oppnsition.—[Henr, hear, hearn—The out a view to it, they would not do their duty.— only ground that he could see for all this vas, a Much more might he said on the subject of disburse wish for continuing the system of the last year, a i merits, but it was disagreeable. He should only men- ; system of distrust. 'He was warranted in calling it tion one or two instances which would show the ; a system of distrust'; for it was evident, though his mischief of departing from the principle to which he Royal Highness was not in a situation to speak his had alluded. One instance was, that of Sir Sidney , mind, except through the medium of Mtaisters, that Smith, to whom the public were indebted as much as he thought so. , The object of the Bill was to to any man, but they would find that in the year make her Majesty a substantive and separate cha- 1810, seven thousand pounds were granted to him for racter, and to invest her Majesty wits a power services performed twelve years preceding. He knew which he thought she ought not to have.--[ Hear!]— that his merits were great, and that the good he had He was sure that if her Majesty were present to hear done, by negotiating with the French in Egypt, was him she would think the better of him for this decla- I eminently great • but if the Civil List was limited, ration; she could have no wish for tee creation of this would not ;eve happened; nay, his Right Hon. such a power, but there were others, he thought, Friend himself was so convinced of the necessity of who might wish it in the present uncertain state of such limitation in future, that he had brought in a things. The Queen could not wish for such a rein- Bill to edect It, which, however, would not have so laden as was recommended, and it was impossible good at' effect, as if a limited sum was granted to the that his Royal Highness the Prince Reemt should, Administration, for which it should be accountable. Tor his opinion was expressed to the coetrar:.. The He concluded with expressing a hope, that the Bill Bill was intended to hand over the Monarcny into would be so extentled as to embrace the different ob the hands of the Prince of Wales, bet was it a pro- jects to which he had called their attention. per one for that purpose? If he were asked here in Mr. MATTHEW MONTAGU, in explanation, what manner would he provide for the rust dy of said, that, in point of fact, Sig Sidney Smith had had his Majesty's person, or to whom would he entrust but a small part of a sum which he paid out of his it? undoubtedly, he would Wins' it to her who own pocket for the service of the country. It ought could have no ether feeling, and scat. ely any other I not to be believed that the grant alluded to by his duty, than to attend to his wants and wishes. He lion. Friend was given as a remunetation or reward,, wound entrust it to the Qvaen ; but at me scme time for the public were yet indebted to him for convey- nett he adopted this siap, he would have a sum ; iug the Court of Lisbon to the Brazils. He thought granted in the Civil List to the erittce Regent for the ; it but fair that this noble and generous person should , Miorprse of meeting the necessary provisions for his ! have the advantage of an explanation on this subject, Majesty.. These who recommended a contrary i that it might be seen there was nothing like a surrep course acted from suspicion, and recommended a titious grant connected with his name. course improper at all times , but more particularly 1 Mr. GEORGE JOHNSTONE said, he did not ,so after the experience of the last it years. He would ' state that the sum granted to Sir Sidney Smith was ask, could any son behave with more filial and dutiful out of the Droits of Admiralty, but out of the fund consideration ror a parent, could any son have ac- ,of Extraordinary Disbursements. Ile found that the quitted himself better or more feelingly ? then he : claim was of twelve years standing, and concluded if would say this Bill ought not to pass. The up-Ithat claim were just, that Government must be wrong shot of the whole was, that some general regulation in withholding it. • ought to be come to, though nothing could be more! Mr. MATTHEW MONTAGU assured his Hon. improper than that which formed the subject of dis- : Friend that he had stated the fact correctly, and that cussion. If it was said that the undertaking of a so far from that gallant Officer being repaid, part of different one would drive them on the period when his pay as Captelo was withheld, while absent on ano the restrictions would of course expire, he would tber service. answer, that if ever there was a Bill which ought ; Sir THOMAS TURTON said, he should not ob not to be brought forward before the restrictions : ject to the principle of the Bill from delicacy, as it were removed, he would say that was the one. It must was intended to make provision for his Majesty in be' obvious, that any concession would come with his present calamitous situation. There were items) . greater grace from his Royal Highness whey he was in the accounts upon kite table which might perhaps ; entirely free, than white it could bear the appearance i tender, the grant of the 70,0001. enaeceiteary._ /lel of a sort Of bargain to get rid of the restrictions.-Ishould not enter into those items specifically himself, I Did any body think that any thing improper could ; but he hoped the House would not go into a Com- j take place on the part of the Prince in the course of ! mittee without appointingaCommittee above stairs for f one fortnight? It would be satisfactory to the coun- I the purpofe of investigating them. On the subject of try, that a proper confidence should be reposed i n extraordinary disbursements, he dwelt particularly on the Prince Regent, and that proper means should bel those which came under the head of Diplomacy, in I taken for placing him with su ffi cient dignity on the ' which there was an excess, since the year 1804, of throne. The Parliament was itself responsible for ninety-six thousand pounds. He alluded also to the the manner in which that was performed, and was mission of the Margin Wellesly to Spain, for which', bound to take care that he should be freed from any there was a grant of 16,0001. He did not say that I incumbrances which could, in the slightest manner, these grants were wrong, but he wished to know that interfere with the splendour of the monarchy. He they were not, and on that account he was anxionh had confined himself in what he had said to the prin. for the appointment of a Committee. The ground ciple of the Bill. If he were to act merely from his on which he opposed the Speaker's leaving the Chair, own opinions, be would oppose the Speaker's kw- was coupled with this intention. The papers on the Jug the Chair altogether, in order to get rid of the table did not afford sttfficient materials for judging,' Bill ; but lest he should subject himself to miscon. but if they were to add a single shilling to the bur ception or misrepresentation on a subject of that dens of the people, they should examine the details kind, he opposed it conditionally, with a view to the which constituted the foundation of the claims. He future appointment of a Committee for the purpose was glad that they were met to settle, he hoped deft of considering the various points connected with the nitively, an arrangement on those subjects, and ea establishment of the Royal Family. I pressed his approbation of that clause in the Bill.l Mr. GEORGE JOHNSTONE said he was of which provided, that whenever the Minister was opinion, that they would not discharge their duty to obliged to eacrease the Civil List, he should come to the public if they agreed to the arrangement in the' Parliament. - manner proposed by the Bill, and did not provide Mr. WHITBREAD said / that there could be no for the independence of the Prince Regent by an treetionlut that the claims of Sir Sidney Smith de. adequate Civil List. They were a l so b oun d to take I , *wed the highest regard, and that his services were those wholesome: precautions recommended Constitution for securing responsibility in thesapen by the ,I keyind all miss which It was in his power to be. diture. ' The Right Honourable Gentleman Wise.) s ato d W fsi p r ea llSeq fr uall oca y io x v iez ue but io it ur a a ppea ble Ge red i;i f twown rom what to spoke last, . had Dot entered into the 'details of night, that jhe Ileitis bail au imperious duty to dis- ! IPM , 4•0•• charge with respect to th a t gallant 0 fice r ; it owed to the Hero of Acre (whose name ied 'meted n e epithet) an opportunity to explaio the I. ern to which wens hat reward, it a hic q h u w es o t u lo w n h w i li s e i t ia tie ni r e h w is a s s er a v al ice e s il m : er it r ite ‘ tl the be careed, were P put, by acclamatin'e; bit it w a a debt due to him to allow him, before a Committee of the House, to justify or explein,that claim which h l a r d Arbuthnot), W ( w ‘l e i tli be r i e i a7) h appeared in the decumeats produced. Not less was (r. explanation due to the lion. G en tl eman sitting next to he Chancellor foi o f whom the Exchequer he much privateregard, than it was to iir Arthur Paget and Marquis Wellesley, whose names were likewise inserted. Why some of those items ead remained so long on the Civil Lict, and why debts so long due had not . been before iemitherat ' d, was an en . quiry, a reply to which the public had a right to de mend: they **a a right to know, in the first trice, whether the sums stated to have been disceerged, we r e in reality paid ; end whether in the second OtteP h •ng so paid, they were due for services performed or debts incurred. What was the fact with regard to Marquis Wellesley ? After his Lordship had received his ap. pointmeut on a mission to Spain, he lingered several months in this country under circumstances peculiarly suspicious, every expence was gone to suited to the dignity of an Ambassador from Great Britain; and yet when thefaccounteunder the Civil List were produced, no less alum than 16,0001. was charged in addition t o the alionstalready incurred [hear, Rear, hear!]. Ile was (barging nothing whist any individuals; no doubt upon investigition 't would turn out that the payments had been properly and necessarily made, but the coon. try, the House, and the individuals themselves de manded, that, before a Committee, the fullest expla. nation should be given. Before he could suffer the Speaker to quit the chair, for the purpose of going into a Committee on the Bill new depending, he required the Chancellor of the Exchequer to assign some reasons, if any such existed, why the examine, tion required should not be made. Hitherto he had sat in perfect silence, not condescending to make any reply, and the House was required, hood. winked and blindfold, to declare by this Bill that the excess of 124,0001. ought to be incurred. The last enactment scarcely contemplated the pos sibility of such an increase, but it provided, that if it should ever occur, application was to he made to Parliament. Had that application ever been made? No; and the reason was obvious; Ministers had had recourse toes contingent fund, out of welch they dis. charged tee arrears, of which contingent fund Par liament had not, at the time when the fotmer Bill passed, the remotest conception. Woeld it at that time have been believed, that the arrear would amount, during nine years, to the enormous sum, annually, of 121,0001.? flow did it come out that such was the fact ? Not hi any regular official war, but by a side wind when the present Bill was brought forward. [IL ar, hear!] Parliament now, with out the least information, was called to vote thst this arrear of 124,0001. was absolutely necessary ; and the House would remember, that if it did not amount to that sum, legislative interferenee was unne. cessary—Ministers insisted that it must be incurred, but no provision was made for it : hitherto the Droits of Admiralty, Escheats of the Crown, and Proceeds of the Duchy of Lancaster had paid it; but bow could the country be at all certain that it would he able to do so in future ? They were sew insisting I that a new debt must inevitably be incurred, and jet not the slightest hint had been given of any provi. siou for its payment. Some Hon. Members felt a reluctance in voting against the Bill, because the prin ciple of it was, they said, to provide for the care of his Majesty's person. He denied that such was the principle—[Hear, hear !]—it was the title of the Bill it was true, but toe title and the contents were as much at variance as the two sides of the House. If he were asked, whether there was any necessity for the mea sure, for the purpose of providing fitly for the mike ed Sovereign, undoubtedly he should reply •direfelf in the negative. Were the anxiety and s >fete 'of the Prince Regent not to be confided in ?-1)14r, mar!] If he were fit to assume the reins of ;eve verument, surely it would not be denied that ie as competent to the care of his father. If ineetu he were asked, what the real principle of the Bill were, be should say that it was a Bill to create and sup port a separate influence—[Hear, hear, hear !]-- which might be employed in a manner insulting to the Regent, ane injurious to the country — but upon this his Right Honourable Friend (Mr. Tierney) had dwelt with se much ability, and had placed the sebjeet in so strong and clear a light, that he could scarcely add a wood without wettest'. ins what had been said. It was truly observed, that if the two Courts that would be thus esta blished, drew together, the i .flunice would be oa great ; and if they drew in opposite directions, the public business would be menially impeded. Ills Royol-Higheow weesonfortimatelf new - ' tithe tion lis which he could not speak for himself, but only through his Ministers. In the last Session of Parliament he had not laboured under the same mie fortune, and then he complained that the restrictions imposed upon him were extremely galling, for he would gladly have accepted those offices of kindness for a beloved parent, which, as a son, it was his duty to perform. Now, indeed, - the Prince was compelled to silence, and his Ministers, who alone were his organs, maintained a total silence ; but he (Mr. Whitbread) could not doubt that if before the restrictions under which he was eilacsd, were irk some, after the experience that had been had of his :Royal Highness's conduct, they would Le doubly oppressive.—[Hear, herb., hear 11 —Where, he enquired, was the necessity of all this ma chinery ? Why were the claims to be imposed so un necessarily numerous ? Why, if the Regent were i n want of advances, did not his Ministers advise his Royal Highness to send a message to the House whlch might disclose the most reasonable grounds for making a liberal grant? It did not seem, however, to be the fashion with the Right Honourable Gentle men to offer any advice to the Prince which should lead to such an o ffi cial communication, but Parlia ment was called upon instantur, without a single reason being assigned, to pass a cote for 100,0001. Ought the House to take it for granted, on the word an of a Minister, that it woold not be m isa pp lied . ,d how was it to be known how limey yews this are putty of '70,000i. was to be paid before the debts of , the Prince of Wales were eatingaished The moues ~' , : e t il to : i t t ha ‘ t v g a a s lla n n o t t O no fi w cer a ; q it ne o s w tl ed on re (whose name treated no unity to espial. ) th e tern to w rich e merited the reefed, Which would put, by acclamatin e; bet it was to allow him, before a Committee piggy or explein,thet claim which scumeats produced. Not less was ) the lion. Gentleman sitting next of the Exchequer (we believe Mr, whom he (Mr. Weitbrea.l) had rd, than it was to iir Arthur Paget leaky, whose names were likewise ome of those items had remained ivil fist, and why debts so long before remufterat was an en. which the public had a right to de. right to know, in the brit trice, stated to have been discenrged, we re rd whether in the second h • place being due for services performed or debts was the fact with regard to Marqui s r his Lordship had received his ap. nission to Spain, he lingered several ntry under circumstances peculiarly expence was gone to suited to the fssador from Great Britain; and yet under the Civil List were produced, 16,0001. was charged in addition to y incurred [hear, Rear, hear!]. He ng savviest any individuals; no doubt 't, would turn out that the payments and necessarily made, but the coun. and the individuals themselves de. fore a Committee, the fullest expla. given. Before he could suffer the le chair, for the purpose of going s on the Bill new depending, he icellor of the Exchequer to assigu ny such existed, why the examine. uld not be made. Hitherto he had ence not condescending to make the House was required, hood. (fold, to declare by this Bill that 124,0001. ought to be incurred. ent scarcely contemplated the pos. an increase, but it provided, that recur, application was to he made to d that application ever been made? ton was obvious; Ministers had had ingent fund, out of wi.ich they dis. rs, of which contingent fund Par. at the time when the former Bill test conception. Woeld it at that believed, that the arrear would nine years, to the enormous sum, 1,000 I.? How did it come out that ? Not in any regular official way, when the present Bill was brought ', hear !] Parliament now, with. irmation, was called to vote that 4,0001. was absolutely necessary ; ould remember, that if it did not m, legislative interferenee was wine. TS insisted that it most be incurred, was made for it : hitherto the Droits 'cheats of the Crown, and Proceeds f Lancaster had paid it; but bow be at all certain that it would he future ? They were new insisting nust inevitably be incurred, and }et hint had been given of any provi. ,ent. Some Hon. Members felt a ing against the Bill, because the prin. hey said, to provide for the care of irson. He denied that such was the r, hear !]—it was the title of the Bill 0 title and the contents were as much two sides of the House. If he were here was any necessity for the mea- pose of providing fitly for the millet- idoubtedly he should reply •direcily Were the anxiety and s of at not to be confided in ?—f !! err, were fit to assume the reins of ;4: it would not be denied the as e care of his father. If intieru he t the real prin c iple of the Bill were, tat it was a Bill to create and sup. influence—[Hear, hear, hear !]— employed in a manner insulting an:i injurious to the country — is Right Honourable Friend (Mr. elt with sit much ability, and had et in so strong and clear a light, rcely add a weed without weaken. een said. It was truly observed, Courts that would be thus esta- gether, the i .flueoce would be oo sy drew in opposite directions, the rould he meterially impeded. Ills waseetefortumatelf new - ' sftua. could not speak for himself, but Ministers. In the last Session of d not laboured under the same ml , - 1 he complained that the restrictions im were extremely galling, for he .e accepted those offices of kindness rent, which, as a son, it was his Now, indeed, - the Prince was nee, and his Ministers, who alone maintained a total silence ; but he I could not doubt that if before the e which he was placed, were irk. experience that had been had of ;hness's conduct, they would Le re.—[Hear, hem% hear 11 —Where, as the necessity of all this ma- vere the claims to be imposed so tin- Tolls ? 'Why, if the Regent were in s, did not his Ministers advise his to send a message to the House lose the most reasonable grounds for g • rant' It did not seem, howeve r, with the Right Honourable Gentle. • advice to the Prince which should official communication, but Parlia. upon instantur, without a single gned, to pass a cote for 100,0001. s to take it for granted, on the word sat it woold not be misapplied, and known how limey years this ar- r. was to be paid before the debts of 'ales were extingaislied The money la 4P 0 y l~ ~~