The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1825-05-24 00:00:00

PURITY OP ELECTION. 'inc Eighteenth Anniversary Dinner, to celebrate the Purity of lose:ion and Triumph of Westminster, was held yesterday at the „ m an and Anchor Tavern. Sir F. Butt DET T in the Chair. The'llonourable Baronet was supported by John C. Hobhouse, E A . Lord Nugent, Lord Ebrinoton, John Smith, Esq. M.P. jafilhatns, Esq. M.P., Sir R. Wilson, 111. p., S. Rice, Esq. 31. P., Lk. hushington, M.P., lion. C. Hutchineon, 51. P., J. G. Lemb o, Esq. M. P.. flon. F. B. Pei:tie, hI.P., lion. George Pon why, Hon: F. Poneonby, Mr. Whitbread, M P., the Knight of Kerry. M•P., lino. F. Dundee, hI.P., Mr. G. Robinson, hI.P.„ Sirs Coke, 31. P., Mr. O'Connell, 31r. 0. 0. 31ohon, 31r. Bruce Sr.C. Sheridan. The dinner was served up in the usual style, &c. at six o'clock. Sir F. Burdett, ott entering the mom, wu received with very general applause by the company, which consisted of three hundred peon. and upwards, Sir F. By !MIT T, on the removal of the cloth, gave— `• The People, the only source of legitimate power."—Three times three. Much merriment was excited by the Toast-master in repeating the toast after Sir F. Burdett, by announcing it, " The People— the only mint of legitimate power." The next toast was - Th! King—may he always remember his own declaration, that the crown is held in trust for the goodlof the people." (Loud cheers.) Mr. ST OUCH said that he was entrusted 'with the proposal of the next toast. He attended the present Meeting not as an elector I Snit as a visitor ' • yet although he was but a visitor he could not direst himself of the recollection that he had been formerly en. gaged with the electors of Westminster in the furtherance of those principles, to which his present attachment was as strong as ever at any former period it had been. Ile would, with equal pleasure that he had felt on former occasions in proposing a similar toast, give— " The great advocate of the rights and liberties of the whoa able,- diaiuterested, and consistent public conduct has= useful to his country as honourable to himself—our distinguished Representative, Sir F. Burdett."- (Imniense cheering.) -ft tens now eighteen years ago since he hut first engaged in the *pelt of that illustrious individual, and each succeeding year act only contioued him in a determination to support, but gave him renewed and augmented confidence in the rectitude of the recom mendation, which, together with others. he gave to the electors of SS eatminster. Ile took a personal pride to himself in being one of the first of those who solicited (it was not a thing of his seeking) the Hon. Baronet to become their representative, and every day end rear confirmed him in the propriety of their choice, and to the expectation then formed of him—that he would prove himself the steady and inalienable friend of freedom. (Applause.) Of all his public services he WAR least disposed to except those of the present Session (cheers); in introducing and successtiilly carrying through Parliament the great measure of Emancipation ' he had acted in consistency with those principles of freedom which he had always professed, and which first recommended hint as the Representative of the free electors of Westminster. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. S.) did not, not did their great advocate, regard the question as one whereby to try the test of which was, or which was not, the best religion, but as one that contained a recognition of the fundamental principle of the Constitution, that every . person burn under the Bri tub Constitution was entitled to the enjoyment of equal rights, and the protection of equal laws. (Applause.) His conduct upon that occasion was eminently useful; it was consistent with the past political conduct of their illustrious Representative, and was such as entitled hint to their continued confidence and increased grati ' hoie. (A p clause. Sir I'. Bu 'MET r, after the applause with which the announce. went of his health was received had somewhat subsided, rose tore turn thanks. He felt peculiar satisfaction in the manner in which his friend %Mr. Stench) had readied to his recollection the period of the first commencement of his connexion with the electors of West. Minster. To the long "tries of years with which he had been con. ruled with them tie reverted with feelings of pride ; lie became connected with the electors hf NVeetminster at a critical period of life ; towards them he should ever feel sentiments of deep grati tude ; and the principles which recommended him first to their no tice, he should maintain to the close of his public life, with the same earnestness that he engaged in them at its commencement. (Applause.) The duties that had devolved upon him had been rendered light by their indulgence and liberality ; but he bad never fseei in discharging them to the utmost of his power. lie had, ever since his connexion with then), endeavoured to promote those principles of freedom which had of late years greatly advanced in the public mind of England, and in the advancement of which the electors of Westminster had always honourably taken the lead. It was to him a happiness to have sit opportunity of addressing his constituents on an occasion like the present--an assembly con trolled by no other influence than that which was imposed by their attachment to the principles of liberty, which, as freemen, they were united, and interested in supporting. (Hear, hear.) It was Blare gratifying to address such a meeting, and it was done often with more useful effect than in another assembly, to which, though men might be returned as Representatives, opportunities acre sel dom aflorded of indulging in topics and in principles, such as were sanctioned and approved of in an assembly like the present. His (Sir F. B.'s) pnnciples and feelings were known to them ; it was oat now accessary for him to repeat them ; he would ony avail himself of the opportunity afforded him o f congratulating the friends of freedoin on the progress of freedom throughout the world. Notwithstanding the d:scomfi.ure of the cause of freedom Is Spain and Italy—notwithstanding the disastrous aspect she presents in other parts of the world—yet there were parts in which she had prospered : in Greece—in that country which was the nurse of liberty, the immortal land of freedom- they saw the pro gress of those principles which they were pledged and united to support. In another hemisphere, in South America, they saw also those principles established in the progress and the advance ment of which they were so deeply interested. And although in unfortunate Spain those principles may for a time be smo thered, let us hope that she may, ere long, enjoy a participation of them. (Applause.) But from a contemplation of the state of free.: dom in other countries, let us look to that which was nearer and dearer to us—let us direct our attention to our own country. His friend Mr. Stench had said, and said justly, that the Bill which he (Sir F. Burdett) had the honour to introduce into Parliament, was "imported by talents, by virtue, and by pure public principle, such perhaps as no cause had been before supported by in the Houseof Commons. (Hear, hear.) And here he must do those who differed from him, and those with whom he acted on other subjems the justice to say, that the Bill which he had the honour to introduce met with the support of persons of all parties without regard to political distinctions or political differences. They had nut supported the question as a religious one, butts one fur the good of the empire by the consolidation of all classes of the corn. =silty. (Applause.) As to religion, a particular religion was rot, in his opinion, necessary to human happiness ; all religions were good that inculcated benignant principles, but a particular form of religion ought not to deprive men of those rights to which they were born and to which they were entitled. (Applause.) If the principles of any particular sect of religion were at variance with the dictates and suggestions of humanity, the feeling of man kind would revolt front it ; and it was his opinion, therefore, that throughout the world, all religions were formed on the principles of be iignity. They had only to direct their eyes towards America, where they would see all members of religious persuasions, whether Presbyterian or any other creed, living on terms of reciprocal kind. ens and mutual good-fellowship. No matter what might be their respective creeds or tenets, they met and associated together asgood fiends and . good subjects. (Applause.) That there were some who enterta ined an opinion, and a conscientious one ton. different Irons his, he was prepared to believe, but he uniformly found that those opinions were, fur the most part, owing to early prejudice, to youthful instruction, and to early habits of reading and of thinking; half those persons would examine into the foundation of their t'e'ndons—if they would inquire into and investigate the propriety sees force of their early modes of thinking—if they would not form their judgment by reading what is past, as by contemplating the present situation of the'age in which they live—if they would nosed `• the world not Ito much by what it has been as by what it is"—if they would use their eyes, as it was manifestly intended by nature that they should, by placing them in the front, not die bark of their heads—(much laughter and applause)--they would ob serve the advancement of those principles, the progress of which was irresistible, and the success of which was certain. 'f hey would find in the progress that had been made b y the advancement of kn o w. ledge since the Revolution, the certa inty of still greater progress, and of the final triumph of die principles of civil and religious freedom. At that time toleration was supposed to be a great boon, but toleration was now looked upon to be as a thing itself scarcely tolerable. (Applause.) Toleration way not the contrary of irtilerence, but was intolerance in a less degree. (Cheers.) A min may be subjected to torture in a variety of ways. You may torture him by fire and faggot, or you may torture him by ex• elusion from emolument, front the blessings of the Constitution under which he lived, and by shutting him out from all those rights to which reason, the good of the community, and every honourable motive that can actuate mankind sanctions and proclaims him to be justly entitled to. To to!eration, therefore, he was not par. Lie!. because it admitted the existence of a power which ought not to exist—the interference of a human control between man and his Maker. (Applause.) Let it be remembered, that et the same time that you tell a man that he shall not address his Maker in the mode which his conscience tells him to be the best and most ac ceptable to God, it was the same thing as addressing the Deity, and saving to him, `• you shall not receive the worship of that 0521-" (Immense cheering.) It had been well said by Mr. Breigham in the House of Commons, respecting the opposition which had been given to this measure of emancipation, that religion was not at the bottom of all this. It was something more; the natural and first duty of all sects of religion MRS " to do unto others as we would be done by." (Applause.) This was the first principle of religion—but this principle was lost sight of when reli gion Caine in contact with power in the priesthood. (Applause.) In the union of the priest with power, and in the connection of religion with the State, WAS to be found the poison that embittered the fruit which true religion was naturally calculated to produce. lie would beg to call this attention of the company to the great ins. portance that it wart to the principle they had so much at heart— the principle of reform—to have the question relating to six miL lions of their fellow-subjects in Ireland set at rest. It was es<en- OM to their civil and political freedom to have this measure accom- Phshed, which was now thrown as an apple of diseord to distract the attention and divide the opinion of the people of this country. (Hear, hear.) The stage should be cleared of this impediment be fore they could arrive at die full enjoyment of those civil rights a!'t.er which they were in long and anxious pursuit, and in the our- Dui: of which he would be as steadfast to the last day of his public Lee as he was at the fleet. (Applause.) He woo not induced to despocd of uleimate success,opposal as he and they were by persons' THE BRITISH • who, if not of high authority. were at least high is authority (ap plause); the more particularly as the reasons on which these persons supported their opinions were in themselves futile a.al contradictory. They should not be discomfited' by a majority of thirty Bishops and a new Ih-chamber Lords. These persons knew that the carry ing of this question would carry with it in its conseeiuences a disii nution of that monopoly of power, and of that insolence and arro gance which they enjoyed and assumed. He (Sir F. Buniett) wished to call their attention to the contradictory mamma adduced by the opponents of the measure of emancipation. One Noble Lord said, that religious freedom might be well Puked to America; that that country was so free she night admit this principle with safety. He (Sir F. Burden) hoped that England ere long would be sufficiently free to admit it also. (Applause.) Another Noble opponent of theirs said, " Oh ! England was too free for the ad iniasion of this priociple, but it was well suited, and might with perfect safety be adopted and acted upon in the despotic stags of Germany." (Hear, hear.) Such was the contradiction of reasons ' advanced by the opponents of this measure. Now as to the ques tion itself—he must be excused if he was not so liberal as to give credit to those who opposed it for sincerity in doing so. These op ponents consisted fur the most part of monopolists in power. They accused the Roman Catholics of a spirit of proselytiz. ing. They themselves acted not so much upon this prin ciple at on the well-known maxim of " the fewer the better cheer," and thought that by being few they would have a greater monopoly, and that the individual share in the distribution of good things would be augmented. Honest opinion, although an erroneous one, he could respect, hut he could not extend the credit for conscientious opinion to insolent monopoly and selfish hypocrisy. He could not give credit of conscientious opinion to those who, themselves enjoying all the advantages and emolumen a of office, would exclude others front a participation in those rights of which they sought to continue a monopoly, and who would, on a ground of difference of opinion in religious matters injure and insult a whole nation, and even urge them to madness. On a fair estimate of the votes in the House of Lords, it would be found that the real aristocracy of the country was in favour of the measure of Emancipation. It was supported by the ancient No bility of the land, by • majority of the wealth, talent, and honour of that Houle,whilst the majority againrt it were interested Bishops and the skip-jack Nobility, who were the offipring of corruption. who were placed there for any thing but their merit, and who, in the opinion of the people. ought not to be there at all. A golden opportunity had been lost by the rejection of this inea snre--by refuallig to unite the people of Ireland with the people of this country in a bond of honour, of wealth, and of glory--and this, too, merely by a simple act of justice, and by the timely con. ' cession of a measure that it was impossible could long be windield. It was folly--aye, folly amounting to insanity, to continue a sys tem whereby the people of this country were taxed to the amount of four millions and upwards, and fur what purpose ? To disgrace ourselves—to weaken the empire, and to prevent Ireland from being what she ought to be—the source of our wealth, and the right hand of our strength. (Cheers.) All this might preserve a few mono polists in power, but it must at the same time, be it recollected, make • nation miserable. The security of the Church was the ground principally alleged for the opposition to the just claims of their Roman Catholic fellow subjects; but that security was more endangered, he would contend,by keeping six millions discontented, by excluding them from civil rights, than if they were made happy and contented by admitting them to a participation in them. lie augured favourably to the measure on some future occasion, from j the sentiments manifested throughout the country upon it at public meetings and on ether occasions. He augured favourably to it too, from the increased knowledge that was daily spreading through the country ; and lie would here take the opportunity of mention. ing the delight with which lie had read the speech of an operative of Manchester (Mr. Hodgson), whose speech, which did not treat the subject as a religious one, displayed the noblest courage—the courage of the mind. It was a powerful specimen of the expression of manly sentiments, dictated by a sound head, aided by a good English heart. (Cheers.) Ile felt a pride in belonging to a country that could boast of such native produce. (Hear, hear.) So far fur the sentiments of the people, and he would venture to say that the independent sense of the virtuous portion of both houses of Parliament were favourable to this question, and with the favour able disposition of all that was disinterested both in Parliament and out of it. he hoped the Roman Catholics of Ireland would not despond, but that they would bear their wrongs, which they had al ready borne so long and so honourably, a little longer,and that they would seek no other means for their redress than those permitted to thereby the Constitution, and a reliance on the justice of Eng. land. (Hear, hear.) It had been said that the Rotnan Catholics were holed' to freedom, but this he would deny ; our Constitution, it should be recollected by those who made this assertion, was won for us, and handed down to us by Roman Catholics. Ile was sure, frown personal observation, that this assertion was not true of the Roman Catholics of lteland. It hisl been said by Dean Swift, " that what was true every where elite was not true in Ire land." (A laugh.) But this he would say, that if it were true that other Roman Catholics were not friendly to freedom, yet it would not be true of the Irish Roman Catholics. (Hear, hear.) As to danger, he saw no danger but what was to be apprehended from the exclusion of six millions of people from their just rights. The other dangers which had been conjured up were antiquated and stale, and like the stories of ghosts and aitehea, in the present day there were found few to place ant faith in than. Let them rather look to the danger which was to be found in the ex ample of America ; he regretted the loss of our colonies to this Memel as the lopping off of a great limb of our strength ; but lie could not regret equally that the descendants of Eng lishmen, when it became a question whether they should assert their independence or remain connected with this coun try as slaves, nobly vindicated the principles of freedom, though so dearly to the cost of their mother country. Every mea sure that was recumetteuded at that day to conciliate her was re jected, for the purpose of putting twopence into the Exchequer. This question was one which he owned lie had much at heart, tbr he had visited Ireland ; he hail therefore an opportunity of judging of the misrepresentation that had been spread there respecting them. They were a quiet, intelligent, active, warm-hearted, industrious people, and he was therefore most anxious to see them linked, as they were worthy of being linked, in the indissoluble bonds of affection and interest with the people of England. (Applause.) Ile must do the members of all parties in the House of Commons the justice of having supported the Bill which he had the honour this Session of having introduced into Par liament. Sonic Ministers had supported it—but the: support was in a great degree rendered ineffeceual, as the Cabinet was a disgointed and ill-assorted one. It resembled the beautiful face which the poet assigns to Sin, with a filthy and ser pentine termination, dragging " its slow length along." The li beral language of Mr. Robinson and Mr. lluskisson was grateful to the people to hear, but they could not carry their plans to any beneficial extent, unless the people were peaceful and contented. Free trade could not exist without a free people. (Cheeri.) There was not the excuse for not carrying this question that might be pleaded on other questions—that the people were not prepared for it ; but he (Sir F. Burdett) would say, that they were ready fur it ; the people were now enlightened and liberal, and were full a cen tury before the Government. The Honourable Baronet then ad verted to the conduct of the Bar, whose conduct was highly ho nourable to that body, and evinced a higher degree of liberality than they at any former period manifested. In conclusion, he said that his advocacy of the measure of Emancipation was prompted by his attachment to those principles of Reform which tint con nected hint with the electors of Westminster. Although, like the ',stemma whilst he was rowing one was looking another way, yet Reform was the object which, in bis support of maimed every other question, he constantly kept in view. On the same principle lie supported a principle of free trade, hut be would repeat that narrow monopoly to which he bail adverted was inconsistent with fi.cdom of trade and freedom of every description. (Loud cheers.) He concluded by proposing "•The only remedy of all grievances ; a full, fair, and free representation in the Commons' House of Par liament."—:Three times three.) The Hon. CHAIRMAN, in promising the next toast, thought he should meet the approbation of every liberal-minded man, who was inclined to give praise to conduct which was enlightened and bene ficial, let it conic from what quarter it might. Mr. Peel had intro duced • Bill, which, it' carried through both Houses, would confer upon the country one of the greatest benefits that it had received since the time of the Revolution. He therefore begged to propose " The Purity of Trial by Jury ; and thanks to Mr. Peel for intro. during the Bill now berme Parliament for the improvement of that I valuable institution." _ The toast vas then drunk with three timeg three. Mr. emu then proposed the health of Mr. Ilobhourre. ID pro posing this tout he begged to make a few observations. The pri mary requisite at present was Parliamentary reform, and he was convinced that great measure had not a more firm supporter than the Honourable Member whose health he now proposed. Should it at any time happen that he Mr. flobhouse) should meet with opposition, he C'slr. Coke) would be the first to support him ; and ' he had no doubt, that baying been their representative so long, he would meet with as great support as had the Honourable Baronet. For his own part, he had always advocated civil and religious liberty, from the American war downwards to the present time. It was not the truly independent Members of either House who who were against it; but, as had been observed, the created Peers and dependents on the Ministry.. The general feeling of the coun try was for emancipation, and indeed liberty of all kinds; and if they were otherwise, lie himself, " So help him Bad I" would not represent them. ((rem applause.) 51r. Hoawocse then rose to return thanks. It was seven years ' since he had offered himself as a candidate for their favour. Hp I would no: speak to theni of what he could do, fur lie was conscious it was but little, but he would express to them what he was willing to do. It was impossible for any politician, be he whom he might, Of let him possess what talents he might, to carry every thing by mere will ; was only by knowing when to seize Om fitting .eptar tunity to do that which may be beneficial for the liberty ut the people. It was, he was sure. in perfect unison with their semi. menu, that he had supported the Bill for the alteration of the Jury Laws as proposed by Mr. Peel. A great deal had been said by his Hon. Colleague upon the question of the present prosperity of liberty in general, it would therefore b. presumptuous in him to go over the sainc ground. IVrth respect, however, to the great question which hail lately been determined, he mast say that it had received his support on account of its being favourable, In his eyinion, to civil and religious liberty. (Applause.) It had been hinted that there might be some who did not think on this subject as themselves, but lie was sure that the great body of the people was In its favour. The present moment was peculiarly auspicious to liberty in other parts of the world. A great alteration for the better had taken plate since their meeting last . year. Breece was in a manner con fi rmed in her freedom ; let themlook around to other regions ; there they would find the most heroic achievements. They might congratulate themselves that they were contemporaries of the great and illustrious men who at present liourished, and who bad stood forward as the abettors isad chanipious of freedom to the PR New World, and which would in time extend to those countries shich had nut been so favoured. They might congratulate them selves as being contemporaries of a man who excelled in the chaise. :era of citizen, soldier, legislator, and magistrate, and why was adorned with all those qualities which ennoble man, and that could rend:r his name illustrious to posterity•—a man who was not the competitor but the rival of the greatest names of antiquity. I"ais man was the President Bolivar, who had deposited the harvest of the fella of victory on the altar of liberty. It was not to the man but tie cause that he (Mr. flobhouse) paid this tribute of applause. It was not only his (Bolivar's) cause, but the cause of all mankind —that cause, which, lie was grieved to say, had been templed upon in this country. But it was still that cause which ought to be upheld here and 'elsewhere with their whole might, and which, he was glad to say, the electors of Westminster had thane their best to support. (Hear.) Long might they live to enjoy the prospects which were in a manner forced upon them by the natural progreas of events which had been alluded to by his Hon. Colleague. and which had made one portion of the world free, in spite of the efforts of bigotry and tyranny. (Applause.) Mr. Sri:actr proposed the next toast, which was—" The cause of civil alai religious liberty throughout the world ; and thanks to the majority of the House of Commons who voted for the Bill for the removal of religious diubilities, and may the impolitic rejrctiun of that Bill by the House of Lords nut eudwoger the teat:- quillity of Ireland." This toast was received with great npplause. The Honourable CHAIRMAN then gave Lord John Russell, and the Reformers of iluntingdotrthire. His LORDSHIP then returned thanks. Ile had come to do homage to the noble character of their Representative, sho was fearless for himself, but anxious for the welfare of his country. In the next place he came to do homage to the purity of election by which their Representatives were chosen. The merit of their Re presentatives was great, but had they been ordinary men th. it manner of choosing them would have raised them to importance; whilst, had they even been chosen according to the borough system. such were their merits that they could have excused the mode of election. (Hear.) His health had been drank in conjunction with that of the reformers of Huntingdon, and lie should take that op• portunity of saying a few words oil that subject, which the name of reformer never, even if it were absent, Could fail to call to mind. lie bad always a great anxiety in his mind fur the cause of reform. ar.d would have brought forward a motion on It this Session had lie not been advised by sincere friends to the cause not to do so on account of the absorbing interest of the Catholic question. One of the common arguments against reformation was, by asking why the people did not reform themselves ? This was easily an swered, for they had reformed themselves. and they would see that wherever large bodies of the people had the real freedom of election, there its purity was preserved entire. Ile need for illustration go no farther than the elector, of Westminster to rebut so slan derous a charge. (Ileat) The elective franchise was wrongly regulated ; instead of extending to the great body of the people, it , was immersed. if he might so say, in the puddle and dirt of bo rough, instead of the pure stream that flowed before their eyes. Ile considered it as a principle of reform that nobody aught to be excluded from stating their grievances to Parliament, or having taxes imposed upon them by laws which they had no participation in framing. This, however, was the manner in which we acted at present towards the Catholics, au the ground of their religious belief. They could at present perhaps better than at any former ' period, compare slavery with liberty. as they had examples of both before their eyes. In railways and other improvements they always made an experimental trial. So in South America they now had the experiment of liberty before them, and in Spain that of slavery. The latter indeed, was a kind of experimental farm to the Sove reigns of Europe, and in which they slowed the nations ander their government. the benefits they would reap if they would be quiet and obedient children, and did as they were bid. (Laughter.) They showed them what they should gain by listening to their dignias ; they should become as wealthy, as contented as Spain. Tney should have a King. too, as endowed with every noble quality that adorns man-113 Ferdinand. It was true that it might be a difficult matter to find exactly such another, but, at any rate, they should have one as nearly like as was possible. (Cheers and laughter.) Ott the other hand, if they were not good children, the nations of Europe had pointed oat to them the evils of establishing such governments as prevailed In America, where civil and reli. gious liberty flourished in all their horrors. (Applause.) All he, for hit part, could say was, that it must be from a total want of sense if the people of the world, having their choice, did not choose the best. (Hear, hear.) Ile would only detain them one moment longer. His political creed might besummed up in three words, which were—free representation to England, emancipation to Ire land, and freedom to all the world. (Great applause.) The Honourable CHAIRMAN then proposed the health of Lord Ehrington, and the Reformers of Devonshire. His Loarssittr, in a short speech, returned thanks. He ex pressed his gra itutle to Sir F. Burdett for his invariably patriotic conduct, but especially for his exertions in the cause of civil and religioua liberty during t':is session of Parliament. Lord NUGENT said it was not his intention to return at any time evil for good," and on the present occasion he was most unwilling to do Re by a long speech. For his esteemed consti tuents he begged to return thanks ; tie attended dila Meeting now, ant he had done before, to testify his respect to Sir Francis Burdett, in whose principles he concurred, and for whose integrity lie had the utmost regard and veneration. Since he became a public man he always thought Reform a measure of most beneficial practical policy, and one that daily became more urgent. The period was not far distant when the question of Reform would be in the power of the people to decide, and fie hoped that the people would testify by their returns to Parliament their sincerity to the principle of Reform. For his own part lie was determined not to spend a shit. ling at an election. Ile had never sold a vote, and it would be had economy to purchase one. (Loud applause and a laugh.) The twin stars by which be should direct his conduct, should be Parli amentary Reform and Religious Liberty. (Applause.) If he could not devote himself usefully to promote these objects, and if his Constituents did not approve of his promotion of them he would be stultified to withdraw from public life into the retirement of private life. (Applause.) •• Mr. S. Whitbread, and the Electors of Middlesex." Mr. S. WHITBREAD returned thanks. " Sir Robert Wilson."—(M uch applause.) Sir ROBERT WILSON returned thanks. Ile eulogised the conduct and character of Bolivar in South America, and begged in conclusion to propose his health, ea the " Emancipator of South America, and the Benefactor of mankind." The lion. Citataxast then proposed the health of " Mr. Lambton, and the Reformers of Durham." On this toast being proposed, considerable applause, mingled with a few hisses, was manifested. The confusion continued for some minutes, after which LAuJDTON said, that he perceived that there was some symptom of disapprobation expressed at his rising, and as it SIBS what he wan totally unaccustomed to, lie called upon the individual who had so expressed himself, to come forward and say why he had received him with disapprobation. Mr. FEARON upon this rose upon his chair, but the confusion was for some minutes so great, caused by the dispute of whether he should be heard or not, that we did not catch his first sentences. We understood him to say that it was the last thing lie lied ex pected to be called upon to give a reason for the exercise of that expression of opinion which every man there claimed as his right. lle had come there to join the number of those who felt an affee tion for liberty, and abuve all for consistency. (Ilear, and a few hisses.) When the health of Sir F. Burdett was given, he felt enraptured with the toast, as he traced his history, and found no Haw in his consistency. He felt the same for the succeed ing toasts that were drunk, and he expressed it, but when he heard the name of a man, who, if Newspaper reports were to be believed, had thought' fit to run riot upon the grand question which had been decided, be must confess it mule him express his opinion in the manner he had done. lie should with great pressure hear the Member for Durham contradict the state. ment he had alluded to, and he thought this a favourable oppor. tunity : and also he should add to this reason for expressing his dis approbation, the fact that the Member for Durham (Mr. Lattibion) had an illustrious person, high in authority, and opposed to the Catholic question, at his table on Sunday night. (Hear, hear, and hisses.) They had now bis reasons, and he should be glad to hear the explanation. (Mingled applause and disapprobation.) Mr. LAIIBTON then rose. It was a matter of great regret to him to have say kind of controversial feelings roused upon such an occasion as the present, but he had no doubt that the explanation of his conduct he was about to offer would prove satisfactory. From what lie could collect of the speech he had just heard, he be lieved there were two charges brought ngainst him. The first charge alluded, he believed, was that of taking an independent line of conduct, and opposition to a measure which had been taken up by his Hon. Friend near him (Sir F. Burdett). Ile had conscientiously given his support to the principal measure of . Emancipation, but he could not sanction the principle of the Elective Disfranchisemest Bill. He believed it to be fraught with evil to civil and religions toleration. Entertaining these sentiments, was he to be blamed for expressing them in his seat in Parliament ? He had merely withdrawn his individual support from the measure, and had used no persuasions with any persons to do the Annie. Be had done no more than explain his reasnns, which lie thought his constituents and his country had a right to. (Hear, bear.) Ile gave his support to the extension of the Elective Franchise in England, and surely had an equal right to maintain it in Ireland. With regard to the other charge, ac cusing him of having a distinguished opponent of the Catholic question at his house, this Was hardly worth talking about : for lie thought that Englishmen would not wish to carry their politi cal opinions into their private society. Certainly a distinguished individual, the Duke of York, had done him the honour to accept of what his hospitality could furnish, but the meeting was totally unconnected with politica. Doff ring as lie did front that illustrious individual, he could not blame him for the honest and open avowal of his sentiments. Under these considerations he had acted; and as he had answered both the charges brought against him he should dismiss the subject altogether. (Oreat ap plause.) With regard to the individual who had made this attack, he only knew him as having published a book whose sole object was to libel and traduce the liberal institutions of his own country. To return to the object of the assembly, he begged to say that as en clean. of Westminster he should always attend this anniversary, because it was the anniversary of a great exanipk which had been set to the people of England, and shewn them how the questiou of reform was to be carried. Mitch support could not be expected from the present constitution of the House of Commons, because it was to extend the right of suffrage. Ile begged to join his spin , bailor' to that which had been already paid to the Jury Bill, bat even when it passed the Commons they must remember that there was a House of horde, and in that of Lords two Peerr, who were certain to oppose it, the Lord Chancellor and Lord Laa derdale ; for whatever was new and promised to be an improvement was sure to mitet with opposition on that account. With regard to ' the Judges' Salary Bill, he was not at all averse to the increase if it WAS necessary, hut he thought it might be paid out of the ernoll ments of that office in which there was the liirgest revenues and the least to do. lie meant the Lord Chancellor.—[A voice frern the crowd, " The Bishop of Durltim."l—A neighbour of his called out the Bishop of Durham. He was well awape of the revenues of that see, and he was also aware of the many charitable purposes to which they were put, but they might generally conclude that where there was the least to do there was the largest salaries. (Hear.) After a few more observations the Hon. Gerzlernan sat down amidst considerable applause. " Mr. lloneywood, and the Electors of Rent.." Mr. Howl: rwoon, in returning thanks, begged to itslure the Electors of Westminster, that his principles with respect to Re form were unchanged, and he trusted unchangeable. Sir F. IlunDevr• neat proposed the healths of the lion. M. Fitzgerald, S. Rice, Esq. M.P., D. O'Connell, Esq. and the Hon. Members of Parliament present, who were friends to the principles of Reform. Mr. M. FITZC £11•1.1) returned thanks. He CATe there to . tee. tify his gratitude ( as an Irishman) to Si r F. B ur d ett , f or lira ser vices to Ireland ; and it was impossible, he would add, to say whether the constituents or their Representative reflected greater honour or each nther. Mr. O'Conser.u. on being loudly called by the company, came forward ; he was wannly applauded on presenting himself to the Meeting. He commenced by assuring the company that he had attended that Meeting with a determination of not trespassing on their attention, and of simply giving, by his presence, a silent ex pression (as an Irishman he might be permitted to use that phrase) (a laugh) of his esteem and respect towards their distinguished re presentative. Sir F. Burdett. Ills unwillingness to trespass on their attention was increased by his inability—by the impossibility which he felt of giving adequate utterance to the sentiment of gratitude that penetrated his soul, and to the sense of high obligations which he, in common with his countrymen, felt towards that illustrious man. There was not—there could not be found in the British Empire a purer representative; and never was he more delighted than with the ability and eloquence with which he illustrated the first prin. ciple and precept of Christianity that :tiglit—" the doing unto others as we would be done by ourselves." He would take some pride and vanity to himself for being the person who first tug grated, and who was instrumental in obtaining for his country's:l2n, Sir Francis Burdett as their leading advocate : and in the petition which lie (Mr. O'Connell) prepared, that participation of equal rights was solicited on the principle laid down by Sir Francis Burdett that night--01/ a desire of sharing liberty in common with other Dissenters and on the ground of religious liberty being a civil right. (Loud cheers.) If in the struggle to obtain this object, difficulties beset us; if violence was manifested—if aught of obstacle or unpleasantness occurred, let it be borne in mind the object of the prize for which we contend is, the becoming the bro thers of Britons. (Great applause.) The Learned Gentleman pronounced an eloquent eulogy on Sir Francis Burdett, whose name would serve as a spell.word in his native country to sustain them in their present disappointment, and to cheer them to future exertions for the recovery of their rights ; and the respect they bore him would also actuate them in following his counsel, and to seek redress for long and unmerited wrong, by those means, and those means only, which the Constitution sanctioned. The Learned Gentleman added a few more eloquent observations, and sat down amid loud cheering. On the health of Mr. John Williams and the prosperity of the Bar being drank, that Gentleman returned thanks. He would trouble them but little at that late hour. The cause which they were at present met to celebrate was, the cause of freedom in general, and he hoped it would shame the rest of England to imitate their conduct. (Hear, hear.) He also was of opinion, that their mere choosing them upon the principles of tree election would have ennobled any representatives. It was to their senior Member, without disparagement to the junior. It was to the longer tried person that the present compliment was due. lle bad borne his principles untainted, through good report—through bad report— through sufferings in private and in public—he had not maintained the consistency of his opinints. It was his (Mr. Williams's) testimony to this which had driven him here. He joined in approval of the Jury Bill, and was convinced that it would conduce to the purity of the administration ofjustice. The L arned Gentleman sat down amidst considerable applause. The health of Mr. J. Smith, and the other independent Mem bers of Parliament. After which, that of Lord Cochrane. Mr. 'farEtwatr. then proposed the liberty of the press in a short speech. The toast was d.tr.k with great enthusiasm. Sir Francis Itunlett then left the Chair, and the Meeting broke up at eleven o'clock. PIR.I7'ES. In the National Journal of .3aturday, we find several official ro nmun kat ion% from Lieut.-Commandant John 1). Sloat, of the United States schooner Grampus. together with copies of various documents on the subject of the destruction and capture of a bawl of pirates in the Island of Porto Rico. The principal fa:ut are already in the possession of the public; we shall therefore confine ourselves to a general view of these papers. The first is a letter from Lieut. Stoat, to the Secretary of the Navy, dated at St. Thomas, the 12.11 of March, in which he states that he was pro sided with two sloops, free of expense, by the Governor of St. Thomas, with which lie proceeded to Ponce, where he arrived on the 3d, after examining all the south coast of the island without success. The next morning a suspicious sloop was seen beating to the eastward, when one of the sloops was manned under the coin. mand of Lieut. Prendergast, Acting Lieutenant Macgruder, Dr. Biddle, and Midshipman Stone, with twenty-three men, whn sailed in pursuit the next day. They had the good fortune to fall in with her id the harbour of " llcica del Infierno," which is very large, and has many lilding.places, where an action comm e nced, which lasted forty-five minutes, when the pirates ran their slog.) ashore, and jumped overboard ; two of them were found killed, and ten of those which escaped to the shore were taken by the Spanish soldiers, five or six of whom were wounded. and ammget them the famous piratical chief Cofrecinas, who has long been the terror of the coast s ond the rallying point of the pirates in the vicinity. As near as could be ascertained, none of our men received any tnjuty. Ile had fifteen or sixteen men on board, armed with one four pounder, and muskets, pistols, cutlasses, and knives, for his men. The second is a letter from the Alcalde and Military Com mandant of Ponce to Lieut. Prendergast, returning him thanks fur the important service rendered them by the capture of the pira tical vessel under Cofrecinas. Letter third is another communication from Lieut. Sloat to the Secretary of the Navy, offering sundry documents connected with this subject, and informing him of the great importance the cap ture of Cofrecinas was to the Governments of Porto Rico, St. Croix, and St. Thomas, as he had been the terror of that city for a number of years, owing to his horrible murders sad piracies. Letter fourth is from the same to the Captain• General of Porto I Rico, informing him of the capture, and offering the testimony of the Officers of the Grampus in briuging the pirates to justice, if it should be necessary. Letter live is a reply from the Captain-General to Lieut. Slam, returning his most grateful thanks for the services rend( red in the pursuit and capture of these wicked wretches; aid declining the offer of testimony front our officers, as the pirates did not deny the principal facts, and had already confessed sufficient to convict them. The next paper is a general order of the Captain-General to the Military Commandants, &c. on the coasts of Porto Rico, directing then) to atlind Lieutenant Sloat all the necessary aid in discover ing the pirates, as also to co-operate with him both by sea and land. The seventh is a letter from Lieut. Sloat to the Governor of St. Thomas, returning the sloops loaned fur the occasion, together with the captured sloop to he restored to her owners. who lived in St. Thomas's, with his warmest thanks for the aid af forded. The next it a reply from Governor Von &holten, congratulating him on the successful reault of the expedition, and returning his individual thanks, as well as those of the community, fur the assistance au readily afforded that island on every occasion. GREENWICH FAIR. We feared from what we had heat d that the holiday foils would have been deprived of the amusements generally afforded them at the famed resort, " Greenwich Fair ;" but oo attending there yesterday we were agreeably sur prised at finding scarcely any diminution in the fund of amusement. Every thing had a very gay appearance, and owing to the auspicious state of the day, the roads leading from the metropolis to the scene of mirth were thronged with company. As early as one o'clock the town of Greenwich was full of visitors, and the victual ling houses on the road presented a very animated appearance, as they were crowded the whole of the day. The large space leading to Deptford Creek was the prin cipal place of attraction, where the booths of accommoda tion, exhibitions, &c. were in great number, and tastefully arranged ; the proprietors seemed to outvie each other in koeping good order amongst the company assembled. The Crown and Anchor Tavern was very well displayed. The ball-room iu the rear of the refreshment room was most spacious; it was upwards of 300 feet in depth and 80 wide, and at one period of the evening there were 4,000 persons dancing at one time. The booth was one blaze of light, being illuminated with upwards of 10,000 party coloured buckets, d i sp layed in diff e rent d ev i ces . Th e rnp orchestra was co of musicians ot' some celebrity, and consisted of 21 members. Quadrilles and country dances were the order of the evening ; and the proprietor, in order to give satisfaction to the Magian ates of the district, clearid the establishment before twelve o'clock. We regret to learn that, in regard to the claim of the Magistrates for the unmarried ladies of Montrose anti vi cinity, in the case of Mr. Mill's legacy, there are yeteighty fiue causes in the Hall of Chancery before it can be heard and decided on; a poor prospect fir those ladies who are advanced in life, even supposing the issue to be favourable. —lnverness Paper. P I PRIVY C0T1.VC1L.—.417E.11.. letrCirridllAlf, •PPELLANT € THE Hplf. I'VE EAST Mira COMPANY, RESPONDENTS. • Yesterday his Majesty's Privy Guano!, aitsing as a Court 4 Appeal, proceeded to consider the appeal of James Silk Boc h iqg- barn, Esq. again s t certain rules, ordinance', and regulatione, otaste and issued by the Governor.Getteral and Cuenca cd Rat . tiS'illiasi e in Bengal. The COSMO], SERGEANT and Mr. JOHN WILI.I4II4 WeII Counsel for the appellant, and Mt. Sergeant Boeser, (attar, )L. Sergeant Seerete, Mr. Bittetetueat, end Mr. TINDAL, tart reepondenta. MY DENMAN was first herod on behelf of the apperlane.. .Tl. i. Learned Sergeant stated that the individual :or whom be appeatyt before their Lordships had been deprived, by the regulation ec which he complained, of a convict - stable property, aced had been dnced from a state of comparative affluence to one of eoaileu e si e s poverty. The case before their Lordship* was one of peculiar ii. . tercet. Mr. Buckingham did not cura.ider himself only as ae. grieved, b u t t h at a large class of his Majesty's su bj eca were Irv,: vented by the regulatinn against which he appealed from enjayeeg the great privileges of the English Constitution, Their Lorceuipe would remember that they had a duty to perform, as sulorati and as Important as they had ever yet performed, because it L.volvsst the peace, and the interest., and the liberties of so owl smiler), r of their fellow subjects. The regulation of the 4th of Aped • the regulation against which Mr. Buckingham appealed. was li , t the act of any Govern or -G enere l o f I ndia who had been mitt - 0.4 •:* from this country ; it was not the act of that inustsi.wa. sublet:ter. the course of whose reign in India was moat herieticad and motet glorious. No, Lord listings bad Lye:seed that the pressshou:d , • be free; that all restriction* tepon it should be removed; that it should be governed or.ly by the laws, and that the strong band of power should not be stretched over it. Nor was it the act of me Lord Wellesley, nor that of any Governor whose long acquaintance with the country had enabled him to knew hoe India ought to Le governed. But soon after Lord - 11aetings had retired from otllce, during the abort interval between that perimi and the arrival of his successor, Mr. Adam, who was invested with a temporary power,. thought proper to issue an order which aas equally at variance with the interests of India and of this country. He (Mr. Dennean) had not then to contend with a great authority, but simple with one who was vested with power, as it were by accident, and wto had been guided by a policy irreconeileable with precadingand pre- , sent regulations. Sir Francis 111•Naughten had stated that he had taken no part in framing the resolutions complained of, but that when they were framed and he was asked to look at them, he twice refused so to do, although when a third time asked be consented. Now Sir Francis 31•Naughten was at that time the only Judge it. Calcutta, When he was • third time shown the regulations, he looked at them and then said he would approve of them. It was to be regretted that he bad so done, because after so doi ng h e cou ld not come so free into CoU rt as he ought to have been, to the cote:- deration of a question of such vital importance. So that in feet his Lordship bad given his judgment before he came into Court, and consequently the able arguments of Mr. Ferguson and Mr. Turton, who argued against the resolution, were in a great degree thrown away. But Sir Francis 111‘Naughten bad said that there was no intention to prevent the licence of any paper, and that every paper should be licensed ; yet the licence was withheld front the Calcutta Journal, notwithstand ing that that paper had been previously licensed. And although this revocation of bin licence had ruined Mr. Buckingham, Sir F. 111`Naughten did not step forward toatate his complaint with teal or energy, or to object to this abuse of a regulation which be had sanctioned. But it had appeared that the East India Company itself had sanctioned those regulations, and itt the paper their Com pany had sent in to their 'amidships, a complete history of the charters of the East India Company, that of William 111., that of George 1., and that of George IL, was given, in order to prove that by those charters they were empowered to make such regula tions. But by all charters a power was given to make regulations. provided that such regulations were not repugnant to the isw of England. The regulation of which Mr. Buckingham complained, and against which he appealed, that of the 4th of A ptil, 1823, stated, that " no paper shall be published in Bengal without a licence from the Governor. and that the Governor in Council shall '-e empowered to resume and recal any licence so granted, whenever Ire shall think tit so to do." Ile would now proceed to canvass the reasons which had produced the regulation in question, as those reasons were stated in the paper laid before their Lordships. The Court of Directors say, in the first place. that this " rule, ordinance, and regulation of the 14th March, 1823, ought not to be set aside, because it was made by competent authority." This was , not denied, but the paper proceeded to state that it was " rendered necessary by the abuses to which the unrestrained liberty of printing had given rise in Calcutta." Now one would naturally expect that some facts would have been stated in support of this assertion, and that it would have been explained what those abuses really were. Such, however, was not the case; and lie, (Mr. D.) was instructed to state, that against the Calcutta Journal, which appeared to be the object especially attacked by the regulation, only two actions bad ever been brought. In one of them the proprietor had beers acquitted, and in the second case, judgment was suspended, and at the present moment remains hanging over the proprietor's head ;so - that the Calcutta Journal, at least, had not been guilty of abuses, nor was it imagined that other papers had been any more so. The very preamble of the regulation states— " The preamble of the said rule, ordinaace, and regutation, states, that matters tending to bring the Government o f Bengal, ae by law established, into hatred and contempt, and to disturb the peace, harmony, and good order of society, had recently, before the making thereof, been printed and circulated in newspapers and other papers published in Calcutta. The effect of such publica tions, in a country where the British rule con:essedly depends upon the opinion entertained by the (rehires of its power, is too obvious to require any comment : prevention alone can obviate the evil punishment by process of law comes too late," But we question the matter of fact of the preamble, as we do the justice of the regulation. " Prevention alone can obviate the evil, and punishment by process of law conies too late." lie would say that such a regulation did not prevent the evil; but certainly prevented all the good that might arise from the press. Was it just, was it wise, to say that because it had, been abused, they were warranted in the prevention —to say that because the branches had become too luxurirnt, the tree should be rooted up ? Was it not against all the principles of justice and of policy ? V.'here could such a system end, but in preventing printing altogether? The second reason of the Court of Directors, why this regulation of the 14th 3larch, 1823, should not be set aside, was a somewhat singular one:— " Because the nature and circumstances of the British Estab. lishmenta in India have required, and the Royal Charters and Acts of Parliament, under which they have been regulated, have sanctioned a control over the conduct, and a restraint of the free. dote of British subjects while resident in the territories subject to die government of the East India Company, unknown to any other foreign dependencies of this country. Even the resort of British subjects to India, and their right to reside there, have with.few exceptions been placed in the discretion of the East Indict:oNa , panty :, ' he paper then proceeds to state— " That the restrictions imposed by the rale, ordinance,'and re gulation, which is the eubject of appeal, were called fur by the state of affairs in the settlement of Bengal, and wcre adapted to the exigency of the case, and that they were not injurious to hialMa. jesty's subjects in the acid settlement, is to be inferred from the concurrent judgment of the Supreme Government of the •Eart India Company and of the Supreme Court of his alajerg. is incumbent upon the appellant who impeaches the regulatirs to manifest the impolicy or injustice of then., to the satisfaction of Ins .31ajeety in Council. Ile thought the burthen of proof was improperly and unjustly cast upon the appellant, who was thus called upon to prase a nega tive; and lie apprehended that their Lordships would rather tea upon the respondents to prove what the abuses were and the cilia produced by their). Ile would contend that the regulations which were recommended by Mr. Adam. and his two or three coadjutor. in counsel were not necessary, or they would have been adopted by the Marquis of Beatings, who was quite as good a judge of what Vial fit and politic for India, as those who made the regulations the moment his back was turned. The third reason as stated-was— " Because the said rule, ordinance, and regulation bad become more particularly necessary to the good order and civil goverpment of the Presidency of Fort-William, in Bengal, in consequhnce of the removal of the practical security against the systematic abuse and licentiousness of the press, which had existed while printing was exercised only by British subjects of hie Majesty, residing itt India by permission of the East India Compnny and its Ookere ments, and by the censorship to which the publication oh news papers hail been subject. Thirst security ceased, when Wren des • covered that the ostensible conduct an d legal responsibility of such publications might be transferred to persons of a different dercrip. tion, natives or others, not liable to the restraints imposed by law upon the British subjects of his 31ajesty in India." The fourth and last reason was one that called for more length. coed comments. It ran o.us— “ Because the restrictions in question are not repugnant to acv law of the realm upon the subject. The Legislature of England has often interfered, by imposing restraints noon printing, more Sc less rigid. Some are now in existence : and by virtue of the sta. totes empowering the Indian Governments to make regulations, they may provide for cases unprovided for by the laws of England, as the welfare of the settlement may require. ."Fhey may make ordinances praicr, but riot contra lrgern, provided they be reasonable ; and then reasonable:tees must depend upon the circumstances and situation of the country to which they are applied. " J. B. BOS.ANQUET, " R. SPANKIE, " 11. BROUGHAM, " N. C. TINDAL." Now certainly, in England laws did once exist, which prod re straints over printing—laws against which Milton raised pow erful and eloquent voice; but they became al i n e lostiopi:lri sthe x e during reign of King Charles Ile and were sefre but it was strange that of William 111. No doubt they . equal are reasoning ot o erhic od w h e nu that i.ur oia:potirnhti r e gu la ti o ne: t hi s mighto e ct o rwyi u ; n p‘ ri t b,. o ,o t wr h .. ar proclamation ni was i ;■ shameful.) i k . etoe follow, cwrnoswa from t h etc: o tr u iti voe ; fe rpoiopu b trt:fi e g:::E: e seirlen nf : les je a t nb d idales . : force of an Act of Parliament. f rsl was ve laws e ivil came f o o tf r y w a a mbn rd lit z t re t s c st: Oe hohueeph r r f l:'PMed i Vr v res: e ! snhi : eennt r ae"e i tCliii e.nairn3:edYito•C without NUCaCthnliealYrB( s u ch l:°awr tmaleseAar the pretence. ai:rnt e-"hUtsteru:Peectrposi Allusio n had been a re grievousre- peatedly made to certain acts mooed in the reign of his late Ma. testy, and which were said to be perfectly analogous to the tat regulation in India. These Acts were passed white tumults J .p ++~~ ~~