The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1807-06-27 00:00:00

I I Secander have both concluded their speeches ( e s flis Majesty's Speech has concluded) in a manner Ilea forces me, once for all, to free us from such im patations, to consider it as the speech of his Minis ters and nisi-ere and not flowing fro m H i s MA j,•cty, but contrary to that d'Alene which they have a lways held out, who are alone responsible. Hew teer severe, therefore, may be the expresenns I may n ee, I have only to beg that they may not be con veered as derogating in any degree from that re ;crew and respea, which, as a faithful end loyal s,theee. i owe to the King, and which, convinced as I a m of his numerous virtues, I am bound to pay. 1 say. that as edering this Speech as the Speech not of His Majesty alone, but of his M in i s t fee. hepc I shell be allowed a tree comment upon a The Mover and Secneder of this motion for an Ad dress have both ended their speeches by making a call for unenimity, as the Speech itself has done; , e ‘,l I am happy to suite to you. that I most car ,.,1;,• agree with them, that there never was A es . more aveul than the present, or one wherein • ereater -e threatened the country. and more ,perioutly called upon us for unanimity and co :ration. At the very moment, however, when .L.:v are following the example of this Speech, they, welt the word unanimiry upon their lips, do intrc duce topics which must necessarily lead to divisions and animosities. They have both begun, as might na turally ire ripefeed, by calling the attention of _the 11-'use to the circumstances which led to the late disselueen ot Parliament ; they have bath cen ts:mecca, that to sessolve the Parliament is the hide. pue6e prerogative of the Crown; but I think Tiede.' of them have gone the length of stating, that the prerogative, undisputed as it is, is not like otner erreogreves, to be considered in re'erence to the utility of its application, by an independent House of Commons. The Noble Lord said, he would net advert to the ssibjeas of difference which existed preri , odr to the adopting hen measure ; lett he, forgerine himself, did introduce those very measure; which created those differences he wished to arcid. He has told you, that those measures which me lereMinisiry introduee•l here, calkd up o n M ;yew) , to riet m d- fence of tee Pr event Establishment. as having been introduced for a very different purpose Sir, I will not now go agliti irto all the circumstanc e+ and argememts connected with that question, and indeed I do not think it necessary upon the present nccesinn ; it is not enough for them to stare, that a meastire h is been proposed, which, in their opinion, was liable to such .and such consequences; it was their duty to show, that the state of things called for the adoption of tech a step. I think it will require something more ti he stated by them, to satisfy the Home and toe century, that that exercise of the prerogative' was wise a..d just. I confess, thet even now I termer[ recover from the astonishment which that measure ince +stoned. Had it been adopted even by persons other than those now in the Government, it could cot have been accounted for, consistent with prin ciples of common mese, or regard to the security of the country ; bus coming as it dries from the Right Hcnoteable. Gcrekman opposite to me, it excites a tenfied degree of astonishment. It was not long belore that time, that Parliament was dissolved, arid then heard a great deal of ohjeCtions seated by those very Gertleman on the other side. who now erapport the principle. I do think, that if the I - 1u1u...1t u...It imaginevon been tortured to suggest 05- i.ninns to the exercee of that prerogative, there conld be none fount more strange and extrein di nary, than those which they formerly urged against giving advice to the Crown to dissolve :he Parlia ment. They (Milled to the di solution of a Par hement of four years duration, hut do not rite .•et to dissolving a Parliament which has only con thmed its sitttings tour months. They found great fault to the dissolution of P element at a time of the year when no interruptiou was oc casioned to the public bueness, while they them selves dissolve it in the meddle of the session. Whey complained cf the influence that had been used in assembling the former Parliament, while they them selves have used it.fluence as it were by wholesele, and in such an unexampled manner that they must be ashamed of it when it comes to be canvassed in the House. At the time when the Late Pasha neat was dissolved, I believe there existed as little real ohjeaion to the adoption of that mea sure. as eye!' did or could possibly occur upon any occasion, unless they mean to say that the Kir:g must be restrained in his prerogative, or thet Parliament must nee. warily exist for seven years. The former dissolution, it must be reculleacd, took place at the end of a negoeeitice, in com,equence of which a new period of the war was opened, which led us to form bet faint hopes of the restoration of peace, during a considerable space of time. It was at a period when we had to look to a vigorous pro secution of war, in order to avert that destruaion which threatened the remaining liberties of Europe. Under such circumstances it was at that time thought advisable to shew both to our enemy and our al lies upon the Continent, that by the Maitre of that negotiation, the Kieg, his Parliament, and the pec plh, were all firmly united in sentiment, and deter. mined to uphold the dignity and power of Great hi i• din, against the threats and power of an unre t rag and implacable enemy. Such was the cause dissoituion, when the greatest unanimity • use throughout the country. That dissolution produced, differences arising from local stir . is maces, and such as every general Eleetion • id produce. It was then thought expedient that ieiment should be rendered more durable, so as to remove to a due distance the possibility of its breaking up at a time when some great public mee sore, either connected with war or peace, might be deemed advisable But what have the present &liaise tees new done t They have net scrupled to interrupt the business of the nation. In the middle of a ses sion, shall I say ? Nay, even exately at that period when they could rant .have produces! more public and private inconveniences, or created more division of sentiment and animosities in the most inflamed de. glee, they have, by their ill-judged and ill-timed measures, exhibited us, both to our allies and to our enemies, as a pzist osi divided in religious ani mosities. I hey have vowed to set man against man, and brother against brother to separate the two Kingdoms, which it was our wish to see in separably united by the closest of unions, and to teach the people of Ireland that the people of log hod are tiefavourabM to then happiness and their Interests. To inflame s eluniery threatened with external dangers from its enemie , , would have been at any time bed enough, but it was still worse, when we consider the effect such a procedure was likely to produce amongst our allies, when our interest consisted in keeping them firm and amicable to.: wards us, and in eecnuraeing them to unite with us in our exertions to prosecute the war with vigour and energy against our common enemy. Such, however, has been their conduet. Is it denied ? Let any Gentleman look at the business, which W/4. ac tuelly depending at the time, when leeeiament was &sleeved. In the first place, there was a greater Lumber of private Bills, relating to the Agriculture, inanufeetures, and commerce of the to must, dte pending. than ever did deoend, durine any former Session of Pareernent. Those Bills, by a IreittllAtMn which I propose I, us ler an ailsece and suggestion proceding . from the highest authority, the success and colivenietice of which have been universally acknew ledged, were all brought with more than usual ex. pedition to their last stages. Parliament wasdisselved upon the 27th of April; while. upon the Ist of MA y, the reports of those Bills were to have been made consequently the whole, or the greater part of the expenses, had been already incurred. A greater in convenience than this could not well lave arisen during any period of a Session. I, certainly, for one, shail be Anxious to relieve the in tividuals concerned in these Bills, from the great inconvenience which they have suffered ; but, Sir, we must be cateful at the time of remedying private incni veniences, that we do not open a doer against the interests of the country, by ieterrupting the punlie business of the House, or leaving it to an unseasonable time to he managed by other Ministers, not so regardless of the general adveritage, and prospetity of the nation. But oveileeking the justice that is due to private in divetuals, we rind, upon viewing the public (nee sures, then in dependence, a much stronger necessity to condemn this rash step it Ml nirers as a most nnnei eesery exercise of the prerng What was the state of the public hu sines% ? elany useful reeesures ware depending, some of svhich nets or resumed, and some may be hrough: to a ter itheation but I am afraid the gt eater pot ma cell, it he I , ..VlTru • 'during this Sessicoo. The Reversion Bill will, I hope, he brought in to adieu:- cage, as also a Noble Friend's plan of keeping good faith with the pnbiic editnr. The Finance Bill has bet n she Jed to by the beagle Mover, anal he seemed mice esethished than any insinuation served have been terawn out, that Pathan:lent was dissolved In the purpose of pirting an end to the then existing Committees of Inquiry. This point shall not now attempt to determine ; but of thie am sure, that the dissolution of Parliament had the erre& of interrupting Close inquiries which had been so diligetaly prorecuted, and which, I am afraid, cannot he brought to any satisfaftnry conclusion derMe this present Session. It is impossible that new Members can undertake this, the ho :nes' of the Cummittee ot Inquiry, without entering into a new examinetion. 1 his I hope will, as far as posit:le, reinedied by our making that Cernmittee to con ' cat as nearly as possible, 'of the farther Members, of whom it was compased, that their mimes wee be openly announced, so that if they consist generally e. the same in iivi Juals , that they may be able to pro secute some o: the most important points.. At all events, i: is impossible they can make the same 1 erngress they would have done, had these not been this interruption. Fs is have lately come out, in conseque;ce of the Military Inquily, which are ct tee utmost consequence ; and I nue, that amosigst other sulsjoits, the cnntras.9 enter ed into by Government with Sir Fleury Mild , may, will seen be further investigeted. ( Hear ! 4eur !) On the 2401 of April, an account was laid upon the T tele, riving a mete melancholy and alarming pietere indeed, of tee state of the !tidier) finances and c. edit of this country. What measures Minister. are shout to propose upon this head I do not kitow, but I AM ready to admit, that it was in our conrempteron to suggest some expedient with out suejeeting, the public to any new arrange. meat. phis was only postponed till an ample opportunity shoule occur of discuss ng it ; but it is bore:slab. net to sly, that great detriment has otiginetrd from the delay, and the change that he, taken place. If, previous to the 27th of April, any measure could have been proposed as to the East Initie Company, there was surely then more time to have gone into such inquiry and ex amination. than now, when we are reduced to that situation, either to adopt whatever measure may be proposed, or to pestpnne it altngether, on account of this being time of year, when it is hardly possible that Members can attend, from their other avocations in the country. But this is not all: the state of the supplies of the year, as far as it relates to the military service, which my Noble Friend had proposed. were, in a great degree. complete ; but teere remained a branch. belonging to the Sister Kings] an. which was not accomplished. The Irish Customs' Bill. and certain annual bills, relative to that part of the United Kingdom, are in such a state, that there is not time to pass theta within the necessary period. consistent with those forms which the Legislature has provided for the good of the country ; forms and usages which have uever yet been depleted from. The con sequence is, that either the colle&ion of certain duties, composing a part of the revenue, must for a time be suspended, or we must sacrifice those forms which have been always regarded as necessary, or Government must come to the daring alternative of eollefling duties lam the subjects of Zeeland, with. out an existing law. Neither do I know what they are intending to propose upon this head; but were I allowed to hazard an opinion. I should rather ad vise as adherence to general principles, thatia mere temporary convenience. Another circumstance, not to be overlooked. is this, that none of the sums voted far the service bad been regularly appropriated, or devoted to those particular services. for which they were intended. a solemn resolution of this House be ing yet necessary to make the application of those sums eel faly constitutional and legal. While I say this. I am aware that there are situations in which Ministers may be placed, where they should not suffer the efforts of the country to be impeded, ur its operations to be thrown into confusion, but take upon themselves to apply the money voted by Parliament to particular services, that could net, without danger, be suspended, till ti further application to Parliament could be erne:led ; but then there arises a question, wriat'll dose situations be unforeseen or inevitable, t;r pro duced by their own negligence? if they have placed the country in such a situation that ee are endangered, or that the law mast be broken, end the safety , of the p-ople exposed? Su!') an exercise of their pre , ogetive is one :nit! calls for the m - .st stria consideration of Parliament, s.nd it %sill he most painful to find that those Ministers have dated to trifle with their duty, so as t , ) enda:i v er the inte rest and welfare of the r country. Ail this has been done ; and here I must again allede to the speeches that have hten made this day. Tne Se conder if this Address hay state l that an att-tr.pt had heetr for:e the conscience n: • h.- Ki ig ; an atlrrtion as unfoui e.-d, in 140, as it is in i boas lion. ( War! heer! hear!) H., again recur, t , , that dangerous d .!,rive, that tnere are aces of Oir for which His Majesty alone must be responeek, in that he has brought the Rine before the H .use..osce the public, and is suiting that we have arraigned his conduit. As lone as I can protest against a doc trine so big with ;eeceirei, and so destructive of the liberties of the eeeele, I will raise try voice swatter it in Parliemeer. If, when anyat" is adapted byGovern ment affeeli .g life interests ot the peeele, ev e are to he stopeed by being teld that that is an an ea. which as Mireerrs are respoesible, but that it is said to be the King alone, there is an end to the Parlia ment, and the rree.loin of debate in this H.iuse, and even the pet-56nel security of the Kieg. This, it must be evi.'ert, is a meet dangerous &eerie, (11t.r ! Haar! Hear!) Sir, I therefore protesting against such a doetrine, state, that na su .h case of necessity eset. a. as the Hon. Gentleman ha , as stewed. In UN, I God an ( - pinion given by Lord &Alters, stating that the Kng had not the prero gative of dissolving Parliament during the Session. I tee great diffidence in dissenting firm that tee nien ; but, I ma say, that I maintain a diretily contrary one, beCAU.e [lied cast rat reeePity, WI ith is the Ernie:. st fur the bissoiution of Parla mem( suddenly, is such a on^ as can only arise du ring the Bes:inn of Parliament ; but tat opinion of my Lord So tiers tortiees tae so far in regard to what I war station, that it convinces me cf the ex treme inconvenience that may bt occasioned by siis solviag Parliament in the middle of a Session, with rut absolute necessity. Without pushing it the length which than greet authority did, I think I may fairly conclude, that it is a prerogative whit':, duting the Session of Parliament, ought not to be exercised without the greatest necessity.. • The Hon. Sccnndsr, while he says that we urged a measure dangerous to the Protestant Religion, appeals to the core duet and sentiesents of the departed Mr. Pitt, and then adds, that Ministers were very properly lathed out. I admit, for the sake of necessity, that the interruption of public Laziness orioinated from necessity. What are we told now ? Why, thee we aft called together for a msa;ih to wind sae site bosiness, and b: sent hence again in the month of July or August. If that be the Case, then, a month mote w6&d have been stilficient to have accom plished the business during lest Parliament ; why then did they do it ? They did it in order that the appeal miget be made to the people, as stated in the-King's Speech, while recent events re in their treadle/lien, so as to influence the 1.1.-elione. I defy any man to construe their motives oteerwise, tris a i.e co . eda rs a , . has eaten -i[ten and puelished in newsp were It has 'seen c hid, that nor measure, as to the Ca: testier te Ireland, was the beginning of aeysternatic attack aeamst the PPliettallt Iteli;;u-n, and in the •Kie,%'s Speech, we are call.: :i upon to support him and his people in tee Protestant Religion, cotitermebly to the sacred obligations under which the Preenga eves of the Crow are held. I say, that this pas sage in the King's Speece, as explained by the con duet of Ministers, and much more by their publicati ons, is calculated fur nes other purrs..., teen to issaarne those Divisions, which we wish so much to avoid and if their Melee has riot been already, tilt aed, it lias not 'seen owing to their conduee but to the good sense of the people. Is it not tot the propose of pen:wading the people, that the late Ministers teem endeavour ing to make His Majesty violate the coronation oath? I do not think it is necessary to impress this upon Any man who has a mind above the sense of a chill. Does the. Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Per ceval) mean to sae. that :Ley nakessuie in favour of the Roman Catholics is contrary to the Cc:trona:ion Oath ?—( Hear ! hear ! hear!) Dees he mean to say that the King. being sworn by that oath to maintain the Protestant Religion, as by law esta blished, is excluded :tom the power of doing away any disqualitying statutes existing as to Roman Catholics and tuner dissenters, whenever these dis qualifications appear contrary to the interests of the religion of the counts y ? Does he infer that it would he contrary to his oath for His Majesty to re peal such statutes ? No man can in sound reason mai:to:in such an abominable doctrine ; but if he do, I must refer him to that string of concessions alluded to in that same speech. What was the effect of the repeal of all the Teat Laws in Ireland ? If they are to renounce such an abominable doctrine as this, why was that passage introduced into the King's Speech ? It was far no other purpose than that of making did people take alarm. and risking, fur per sonal interests, the safety of the country. But, even supposing our measure to have had such a danger ous tendency, how can they justify the exercise of the prerogative, at such a season. after the Bill complained of was actually withdrawn ? Let me put a ward or two further to the Honour able Secretaries of State, and auk them how that measure could possibly give to the Roman Ca tholics the power of the sword ? Have the Protestants the power of the sword 1 I thought the King alone had that power. Tnen what saall we say of men who use such phases, as to appre hensions of danger, which it is impossible to recon cile with common sense. Let use Auk my successor in the Foreign Department, if that favour which was intended to be conferred upon the Irish Roman Catholics, was one which could possibly endanger either the King or the Constitution? 1 wish the Hon. Seconder had consulted a little the feelings of those who sit under him. and Ahoy,• all the regard they have an all occasions expressed for that person to" whom he alluded (Mr. Pitt), and I wish I.e would consider a little more the character of that great Statesman, before he censures himos he has done by saying that any person proposing indulgences to the Roman Catholics, is envasege'rer, the Constitutive of .....IN"."'"" 7 - 71 , this country. Tappeal to the mesioryof dsit Mustrious This was one of &hi...points upon whiob hi agreed with his illustriou. rival Mr. Fox and Mr. Peirke, as great an assemblage of talent, political wis dom, experience, end knowledge of history', air ever existed is C.is or any other country. Mr. Pitt pro posed that measure, and mush mine. Therefore, to the living, as well as the dead, he has direffed a severe censure. Is it passible that they have abandoned their revered Szotetinan I If they have not, then to join in such a measure, and to en. coat ags and f.meet it cry of such a nature, makes me ve.nder Coy can present themselves before us •• cnuntenAnc , s so blanched." loarnot einem i:ft to His Vl.,jeiry's present Administrerion for their sincerity as to the alarm they have spread. This is tie zra in whoil we must come to plain dealing. In 181;1 this defender of the C;,:o ( %Ir. Perceval) never said one word upon, or stated one objeaien to groeting concessions even to Foreign Catholics. If ,they were sn bound to him, by honour and by duty. I shouisl have Els ught they could not have aced at they have, nor ccuOl they have retained their situa tivas. I recoils ft of a Nebie Lind opposite (Lord Castlereagh) making specific declarations, that he could not ceinduct the affoits of Ireland. without making some cos:cessions to the Roman Catholics, and he had even received a valuable Consideration. upon ca"YilO the woich he hal often said, he could not hove carried without making such to o mises. Such men br inging About a .Uissolution of Parliament, with-ut any necessity, show them. selves to be moo u' principled. most undeserv ing of favour, and most wcrtby of censure."— ' Viscount Howick then alluded to the hand-hills circulated at Northampton, stating that the people were called upon, to decide between the King per senelly, and Ms late servants; this was 'Plating the freedom r f elation, by using the King's name for the most unconstitutional purposes. He was sorry to see it stated in some of the newspaperko as well as its their speeches, that whoever voted upon this Address against the wash of Ministers, voted against His Majesty. He objeded 'to such a principle of diseltrion. as being dangeroes to the King himself. foe indeence of Goverotneat bad been exercised in a way. of which there w as no ex ample in P.oliamentary history. He had beard of many instances of it in this Kingdom, but those id The Sioer Kingdom were the most barefaced and unblnshine. He had heard, that at an Klee- Lion in Ireland, the Crown Solicitor alloally went to the County of Wexford, and bad promised a re-assignment of the forfeited Estate of Cornelius Grogan to his brother John Grogan, p-ovided he would support the Minis. serial Candidve. He sheuld vatic.; another (4- v:instance.. which'edmisted 'of no doubt epos this teed. InShe lefteiof Lord Hewkesbnry, of 25:1t to the Lords Lieuterant of Counties. it spe..aino the. Wheteers, it seas stated, that it was (he intension of His MajoitY's . Governs m-nt'to propose to* Parliament an alteretion in the system •alfopted by thislote Administretion, by the restetation of pay to . those in the service upon Jun; 11Ni. and :he app ointment of Inspect.. log Field Officers. This wes only two days pre vious to the di.solOtinn of and dusio ) fer' chic purpose of creating blinisterial irfluence and sintment was rneit ionteraptible,as oe*lnsoeictine . Field Oilicers hsai ns power, aeitho eity, or controul over the Volunteers. They squid not even force them out to an inspellion against their inclination, and far less couli they do so, oho - 4d aa eiem'r Ford. This, arid other appointmehts, Were evi lenge fur the purpose of creating great . petrain. age. and at a great expense tiothe county. witbput aoy.utility. Yet such was but a small beginarg Et om those who professed themselves enemies to the• creation of patronage. feel,ng, therefore, that eare late dissolatioe et Parlionscat could net be ja.tillid or defended.upon any ground or principle whatever, it was impossible fur him not to see a tuscessity To pr pose an arnendm tat to the Address, expressive of their disapprobation of such a measure, us der taken at such a time, and under such circumstaaces. After making several other very appropriate obser vations upon the subsequent parts of His Mojesty's Speech, as to our Continental alliances, the late milks:to:les in Egypt, the present state of theVolon teer and the Recruiting Systems, the s:ate ofoleee land, and some further aliusions to tip weakness and the unjustifiable condaa of the present Ministry, which, we regret, our limits will not admit our is • sorting. Viscount Howick concluded with moving an Amendment, similar to that moved in the House of Lords. I he CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER : " I am happy, Sir. to bear, that whatever opposi tion the Noble Lcrd, who has just concluded, has avowed his determination to make to the measures of the present Administration, still he has declared his purpose olLsupporung the Executive Govern. meat in these measures which should appear u him to be right. But notwithstanding this candid avowal, I cannot at the same time avoid remarking, from some intimations of the Noble Lord, both to the opening of his speech att , d in the manner in which he afterwards handied the debate. that let the Speech read from the Chair have been what it might, or let the seconding or moving of the Address been what it might, nothing would have qualified vie attack of the Nol,le Lord cn His Ma jesty's Governureot, but that they must at all events have had the traisiortuqe of incurring the Noble Lord's oppoilsion. The principal topic on which the Noble .Lord had indulged his inveaives, was that which regarded the dissolution of the late Par liament, at the sari* time that the Noble Lord began his speeche scy denyirg that by any shim he had said, be meatit to call in question His Majesty's prerogative. The N.a . hle Lord had candidly ac• knowledgcd, that then was no qnesti.n as to the King's right, and thinhe legal exercise of his pie. rogative, in dissolving %Parliament, was not to be disputed I at the same tin* that he had referred to Lord Somers's authority for a contrary cloarina ; whilst he denied its legality, he bad attempted to engraft open it some opiniortillat might bear in its tendency upon the suhjei of the/preseht discus - • Undoubtedly. Sir, upon the prikent, as Opel other similar occasions, the propriety of set measure must be judged of by circuoistancet according to the occa,tan that gave rile ta the sure. When the former Parliament therche the was dissolved, the Noble Lord thought every was right which was tbea dvae ; but on Use 1. r ~1• .d i s • , • e., imateseht discussion. ptikent, as upon all wopriety of sach • circu , ,,stances. sad ;dye rile t.) the asses sent (tsefo the lest) thought every thing t ; but sa the resent •