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fr ... original basis, -although no dire& words were used. Can there be any dispute of the fact ? Cannot those, who do dispute it, refer to Mr. Fox's letter of the 96th of June ? In that letter our lamented statesman shows all the indignation which he felt at their re traition of a basis of :Ili pouidetis, proposed by the French themselves, at the outset of the Negociation, and alludes to Lord Yarmouth being sent to Paris, upon that basis alone ; and states too, that it had made the greater impression upon him, because the same words had been used in a letter to himself. I certainly have to apologize to the House, for an apparent omission here, of what is important to no tice It refers to a passage which is published in some one of the Holt letters amongst these Papers, wherein the French say, " they have nothing to de sire of what England possesses " It was remarked to me, that these English words were not so corn prehensive as the French expression used in some of the letters, where it is said, " News ne rows de setnidons rien." I have to refer to another letter, in which it is stated, "that the Emperor finds himself in a situation in which he has nothing to demand of England, for that he believes the greatness of France compatible with the greatness of England." In short, Sir, the offer originally made by Talley rand was distinct, and such was the offer on which we aced. If then such be the foe, I should like to know from the Right Hon. Gentlemen op posite, what we ought to have done ? Do they mean to say, that after receiving such an offer to treat upon the basis of actual possession, it being desirable to open a Negnciation for Peace, we should have rejected such proposition, because it was not strialy given in writing ? One Noble Lord in this House (Lord Castlereagh), and ano ther in the other House (Lord Hawkesbuty), have stased, that it was not loose and vague as sertions, but writings, we ought to have lock -d to I would ask them, whether it is in the nature of the world, that negociations should commence in an; other mode than this one has done ? Are not such treat es commenced by something in an unofficed er indite& manner, both na,ions being unwilling to take the first steps towards an amicable a. c 31111710- dation, or of making concessions the one to the other, till such time as they know that their honour will not be commisted ? All negotiations have been experienced to be so begun ; and if these di plomatists, who argue otherwise, be right, there would be many more difficulties thrown in the way of an accommodation of differences between belli gerent powers, than were ever supposed to exist. Is there not something then that would justify a verbal communication ? Is it net the first, the preliminary • step, towards opening a communication for peace? Is it not also the practice, even at that solemn period when two natioas are about to go to war with each other, when one of them is wishing to produce an eition.ttete If If that verbal proposal is not to be conceded, then what are the consequences? The consequences of the one case are much more dread ful than the other ; and, therefore, of the two, I should think, that the communications for Peace should not, of necessity, be in wilting, at the very econmencement of a Negotiation. I hold in my band a document relative to the Negotiation which preceded this present War. The Noble Lord op. polite. to whom I have alluded, was then a Member of the Cabinet (Lord Castlereagh), and the Right Hun. Gentleman opposite, was then Attorney- General (Mt. Perceval), neither of whom would be guilty of allowing any thing irregular to pass ander their Administration ; and, therefore, I would ask them, if they thought themselves blame able for any omission in the general issue of the Ne gociation to which I allude Another Right Hon Gentleman opposite (Mr. Rose), did also support that former Negociation, and did not pass any se verescriticism upon the details thereof; but, inched, he was less implicated thao the others. In that Ne gociation, 1 find that Lord Whitworth spoke of three auricles, stating. that if no concession was made, he had orders to return to England ; on which Talleyrand wished his Lordship to give in his proposals, formally, in writing ; but his Lord ship expressly declared, that his instrations for bad his giving in any written noti'e. if we are to take these privileges, are we to deny the French the same ? If we do not, it would be saying to . ther more nor less than that we think them such, that we will not to list them ; but that they must take concessions verbally from us, while we must de mand writing. Lord Hawkesbnry, indeed, went so far as to authorise Lord Whitworth to deliver a note in writing, if he was much p 1; but if not so pressed, he was to condua it verbally, and it so happened that this latter mode was adopted. In the present instance, however, to the written letter of M. Talleyrand, Mr. Fos sends a written answer, discussing the points in controversy. Lord Yar mouth's instructions were merely to ascertain the basi , . and, nn that being acknnwledged,ht was an thori‘ed to produce his powers, but not till then. The very first step in this Negotiation must necessarily produce written acknowledgments s and, as I have stated, such an acknowledgment was first made by the French Government. Lord Yarmouth, indeed. was tent back to Paris, wish instructions not to pro duce his powers till the hays was more formally ac knowledged. Undtitilitedly his powers were produced without any such a c knowledgment being obtained; but that step must have been taken from the peculiar circumeeances at the time, and from a reliance of the basis having been formerly expressed. I cannot comptehend where any real objedions can be stated against making such acknowledgments. both ex pressed and implied. the basis of commencing a .Negociation. When Lord Yarmouth ariived in Parts, be found things much altered, as I have stated ; and M. D'Ouhril arriving soon after wards, and making representations to France, caused a restriction of former offers mole to us. This placed Lord Yarmouth, undoubte lly, in a very difficult situation; after he perteiv ed that D'Oebril bad signed the Treaty, he naturally conceived that there was no other plan left of affording an opportunity for Peace with this country and France, than by producing his powers. • I am far, indeed, from disputing that Noble Lord's motives, or that he aced any other wise than with an earnest wish for the good of the • country ; but at the same time, 1 must say, that it was contrary to the wish or expectations of His Ma jasty's Governmen', that he should do so, unless he I r y received a tornial written acknowledgmentof the leeie. tlas his Lordsh:p died iaUsc beyoad his Instrnetioos. The next step was, to send Lord Lan- dentate to Paris, as being one who had had an op- portunity of receiving mole full instruillions, in this country, of the real views of Government, in ma naging this Negociation. The first thing he did was to present a note, distiatly requiring a formal acknowledgment of the basis on which it was t o proceed; for, without that, he must come away. There was even then something like. an admission, as France says. tt Shall we sacrifice every thing to England, and France have, nothing in return ? but the case may be different, it vou mean that we shall have an equivalent " There was one thing worthy of remark, as to this note which Lord Lau- , der dale received, there were certain erasures, seem ingly from a golden pen, no doubt a pen suited to en Imperial hand. Coupling it, however, with the former proceedings of the French Government, and referring to former explanations with Lord Lauder dale himself, it amounted to an admission of the original basis ; but still the former acknowledg. ment WAS withheld, and his Lo.dsltip accordingly continued to demand his passports, till the 11th of August, and then there came an i• vitetion to a rew conference. These further conferences, how ever, proved equally unfortunate, and his Lord ship agaiq found it necessary to declare, that he must terminate the Negociation and his Mission. — The non-ratification of the Treaty of D'Otilmil, led to another offer, apploaching mote nearly to what was formerly proposed; but still far otherwise than what His Majesty's Government had a right 'a irsist upon. Lord Lauderdale renewed fits demand fi r pass- I ports in a more peremptory manner ; aid they were • at last granted. Such then, Sir, is the shot t instil yof the late Negotiation. I have abstained at present Ifrom any patticular discussion of the terms that were offered, as I should like to know what it is that Gentlemen can find fault with at the close of it. It was stated on the first day of the Session, that whatever was the conduit of Ministers, it was at least aridly honourable. lam interested, Sir, for the cause of my country ; and it it shall be found, that His Majesty's Ministers should be deem ed censurable for negled or omission, althcugb I should feel deeply any mark of censure of this House, I must say, that it would be freed of much cf its virulence, and much of the criminality attachable to the fault, by the cheeriiig reflation, that neither the honour nor tie interest of the country ha.' been basely compromised The Right lion. Gentlemen opposite, while they say that the causeof die country is clear, add, that there was muse, artifice radioing upon credulity. Let them, however, make out such an assertion by proof—it is one much mire easily made than proved. Let us refer to the venous stages of it. Do they mean to say, that the offer of Talleyrand, previous to the 20th of April, should not have received any answer to its propositions ? or that Mr. Fox, in his answer showed credulity ? or do they mean to allege, Coe he was making concessions detrimental to the country? The we ale of his ceodutt showed a tan.fords refusal, on the part of His Majesty's Goverament, to carry tie Neaoco ation upon any terms that might prove inimical to Russia, our taithful ally. If not in that first part at the transatinn. then I should he glad to know where the credulity exists. Whatever dispute or cavil they may choose to meats, I defy them to say where any such thing is so bet found. 4 know of no other credal that could have been pursued. But, it is said, that the offers of the French were false and insincere, and ought not to have been listened to. That they were so I certainly shall ad mit, as read ly as any of these Right Hon. Gen tlemen ; but granting that they were so, could thit excuse us for no. listening to their offers? •Suppoeing that we had had at that time the strongest and best founded suspicion, what should have been our con duet ? If the enemy does exhibit a conciliatory eiis pasition. and if we had refused it, what would have been the opinion of Europe, where so much depends upon the fate of war ? What would have been the opinion of our countrymen ? I say that I should not have been thought to have done my duty —( Lear hilt, hear hem !)—t say, Sir, that whethet sincere or not sincere, when the enemy came to manifest an inclination to treat for peace, it would have been quite inconsistent in Ministers to advise His Majesty not to listen to such overtures, and to pursue the discussion till brntight to a point. This was the only method by which this country could show to the world a desire for peace. I say too, that had the Negociation been drawn out to a greater length, it might have proved injurious. We have by our con dud, maintained still a suite adherence with Russia." —Here the Noble Viscount entered into an able and minute detail of the various stages of the sego elation, and gave a comparative vies of the various offers made to us by the enemy, during the course thereof, 'hewing that they occasionally adhered to the original basis, and sometimes overturned it. " The King of Sicily," continued Viscount Howick, 4 , was to be dethroned by the French, for the pur pose of his son being elated, by the Emperor, King of the Balearic islands in the Mediterranean. which could scarcely afford subsistence to him. I cannot think that any man, having the heart and feel ings of an Eeglishman, could have overlooked the interests of the unfortunate King of Sicily, so much as to hive surrendered that island to the enemy, after having undertaken to proted it . for him, and the more especially upon such terms as were offered—(Near him i bear bus 1)-1'o these terms they adhered till the 30th of August, when they thought roper to relax, aid came forward with more advantageous proposals. On the 4th of Sept. they chewed a disposition to make greater concessions. Hanover, with its dependencies, was to be granted to its lawful Sovereign. France was to interfere with Holland, to confirm to us the pas- ' session of the Cape. Malta, Poodicherry, Chamfer. incise, Tobago, and other places, were aloe to be ceded to the Crown of Great Britain. These were terms much more advantageous than at fit sr off. reds but still they were short of what might have been acquired, by regular exchaages, upon the looting of the original agreement. These were the terms of fered as the price of our abandoning Russia and the King of Sicily, and therefore were quite inadmissi ble. Bonapatte left Paris on the '.: ith of Septem ber, and it was after he had set off to take the com mand of his army against Prussia, that these terms were offered. lam aware that these might all be said to be very fine offers ; but are they eqeivalent to our abandoning our honour and good faith? Tiory are, 110 dcuot, acquititions of great come- quence to this country ; but my opinion of Russia is, th at if there he yet a h o p e of retrieving the at fairs of Europe, from its present . state, it must be ow ing to the onion of sentiment which yet remains be twixt the Emperor of Russia and the King of Great Britain. Ido not entertain a doubt that our united efforts, for that purpose, will be successful. Sicily we are bound to defend, not from any positive treaty, but from our having espoused the cause of the unfortunate King ; and we could only agree to con cede it, upon some proper equivalent being offered to him. Now, what was our state as to Dalmatia, a possession which our enemy aimed at acquiring and retaining. Without it, France does not come into contaft with Russia; and, therefore, the latter WAS not under the present influence of the former. Russia had therefore a right to demand some concession; even that demand was advantageous to us ; and therefore we were bound to en force it. It likewise afforded a passage into the Turkish territories, and would afford the French a constant opportunity of aggression in Hungary and! Austria. In short, it is even more formidable in the time of peace than in war, and it was therefore. of vast importance that France should not possess rt. If the enemy could have succeeded in holding us up to Europe as the disturbers of the peace of tatrope, or in inducing us to desert the cause of our allies, he would have gained a great point, and we should have gained Peace At too dear a rate, at the very time that he was marching an enemy again's; Prussia, and attempting to shut the ports of the Baltic against our commerce. In the present circumstances there can be bat one opinion; which is, that if Europe is to be preserved, it must he by a firm conduCt ; for nothing, it is evi dent from the experience of other powers, can be gained by abjea submission. Whether, Sir , the severe chastisement, which is in the hand .of Providence, is to be continued, or the enemy. is to be checked in his ambitious career, is not for me to pronounce; but still I trust, that, bye firm perse verance, on the pan of ourselves and our Allies, the object of sersrity to the powers of. Europe will be obtained, the balance of power will be best secured, and the interests of this country most effeaually pro moted. I must now, Sir, advert to the note of M. Talleyrand to Lord Lauderdale, of the 4th of Sep tember, as it appears in the publication of the French Correspondence ; a note which certainly contains expressions personally insulting to his Lordship. But, Sir, it ought to be made known, that this in sulting note was never a&ually deliyered to my Lord Lauderdale; it it bad, I must acknowledge 'that blame would have been justly imputable to his Lordship, to have rem tined a day longer in Paris. But what could have been the motive of the French G ,vernment inserting this note, as if aaually deli vered, in their official publication, I know not. It is sufficient far me to say, that. as the expressions used in that note, with respeCt to Lord Lauderdale, were insulting in their nature, so there can be no thing more false than the insinuation contained in it. that, after the death of Mr. Fox, .h. war-party in the cabinet of this country had prevailed, and that they had indulged a disposition to break off the Ne gociation of peace. Equally false is that unhand some insinuation, that Lord Lauderdale had inlist el himself under the banners of one political leador. all that atter bit death, he was equally willing to give bowelt up to the guidance of another. All this is none other than a gross insult to his Lordship. whose talents, firmness, and zeal, throu,ghout the whole of this Negotiation, appear to have rendered. him an objea of dislike to M. l'alleyrand and the Chief of the French Government. This, Sir, I will take upon me confidently to assert. its the face of there unmerited insinuations, that an difference of opin on vi,:atever subsisted amongst His Majesty's Ministers throughout the whole of this Negotiation. From the frequent communications which I had with; thereat man (Mr. Fox) whom this coun try has lost. and doting his last illness, after he was disabled from taking an aaive part in condua ing the Correspondence, 1 am warranted in assuring the House, that his sentiments, during the anions concluding stages of this Negociation, were in cor dial union with the rest of His Majesty's Ministers. In the very last official letter which this able States. man wrote, we find him expressing his indignation at the shifting and tergiversation of the French Mi nisters, on the subjeft of the raj pusiddis; and when I last conversed with him, on the 7th of September, which was the Sunday before his death, he expressly stated, that anxious as he was for obtaining peace, he had insisted on such a peace only as should be found, first of all, consistent with the honour and interests of this country: secondly, with our eon neOion with Russia: thirdly, with the preservation of Sicily to its legitimate Sovereign, or such an equivalent as he would be willing to accept of. In that affeBing interview, this great man stated the ardent wish of his heart, and the two great (Netts whiclr, had it pleased the Divine Disposer of all things, he could have wished to have lived to have been an instrument of accomplishing; namely, the Itxstar.stian of Peace, and the Abolition of the Slave Trade." Viscount Howick recapitulated the leading points on which he had dilated, and then conclud ing with moving, "That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, assuring His Majesty that his faithful Commons had taken into their serious consideration the papers that had been submitted to their perusal, relative to the late Nogociation with France; that they acknowledged with, grati tude, the beneficent efforts of His Majesty to secure and restore the blessings of peace, on terms con sistent with the honour of his Crown, the interest of his subjefts, the welfare and tranquillity of En. rope. and good faith towards his Allies; and that , whilst His Majesty's House of Commons lamented that these efforts had proved ineffeaual, they were at the same time convinced, that the failure of the Negotiation was owing to the insincerity of t h e French Government; and that the objeB of that Government, in carrying on the war, was, if pas sible, to destroy the prosperity of the British Em pire; and that His Majesty might rely on the zeal of his taithful Commons, to stand by His Majesty in his endeavouts to bring this contest to an honour able it, minntion." The Earl of YARMOUTH began by apolo gising for offering himself to the notice of the house; but that be felt anxious, in this early part Of the Debate, to state the share which he had had in the late Negotiation, more especially as he trusted he should be able to &hew, that the degree • of blame shich haidcwhenejned.lt had thrown nrul appe h ar inl e a in to some of the papers now before the House , was, in a it z , from eatmeasure, considering u the orieinal grounds of th e present War, and the present situation of this cnun try, and other powers of Europa, with eloped to Fiat*, that every thing combined to Negotiate Peace, at the time that the late Negociation corn. menced. Tly War originally broke out on the ga b. jea of *Malta w , He thought, therefore, that if, in a Treaty for Peace, Malta should he secured tr England, a great nbje& was thereby obtained There was another strong inducement for beginning the war, from the growing spirit which discove re d itself throughout Europe, to resist the farther en. croachments of France. The two teat Cord:. nental Powers, Russia and Austria, were thewere saiTZcdf, but to insure success to their efforts , it became ne cessary that Great Britain should give resistance, which was soon followed by the Coaliti. r , of these two Powers, although the °Neff in VIM WAS defeated through the crooked policy of Prussia. Owing to this, in a great measure, th, encouraging proepel o f succe ss vanished ; th e Coalition was dissolved, and Austria was l e i s . prostrate at the font of France. Prussia, inst. ad of corn erg to the aid of the other Powers, was Neared in a Treaty of Alliance with France. Under :hoe circumstances, there remained no more proap o o resisting the increasing pots er and encroachreoes of the enemy, or of re:netting by war, the losses which hsd boen sustained. I: was by Peace aloes that Austria could recruit her national srrength sod vigour, and that the bonds between France ;Ed Prussia cr , uld be dissolved. Under t' esa cheers. stances, the Correspondence which led to a N•grsio ation for Peace began. On • whichever side this Negotiation may be said to have commenced, erss comparatively immaterial, for it was certainly re dishonour to either country t r make firs fi:st nor. tore. Bat here, at the very outset, pleat difficulti s arose; one of these respelled His Majesty', Gertno dominions. France well knew that ate should seers any peace that did not stipulate for the restruatFe of Hanover ; hut France had, at the same time, ie A great measure, guaranteed Hanover to Pr..via. 'With a view then of getting over this difficulty, without giving an alarm and cause of umbrage's Prussia, a verbal communication hid been sstde te him on this subjea by M. Talleyrand, and which was intended to facilitate the restoration of perm It was begun in secrecy, that it the issue should be unsuccessful, the subsisting connedlion 'semen' France and Prussia might not be dissolved. This communication, by the particular desire of M. Td. leyrand, he had not commuted to writing, at least so as to submit any paper on the subjea to the British Cabinet. In any other view, M. Talley. rand..exPies.ed no dislike to his making Wie3lsr remittals of what had passed in conversation. It was afterwards stated by the French Gt.'s • ment, that a Russian Minister was expelled Paris, in the full expeaation of his meeting sloe a British Plenipotentiary. Upon his return to Poi; he carried with him letters from Mr. Fox to Talky rand, and he also repeated to the latter, the sobs stance of the conversations he had hell with him. par. titularly respeaing the restoration of Hanover, a:d the basis of the ncgociation, which M. Talleyrtsd agreed to be coma ; but, at the same time, road, its a fair and manly way, that circumstances IA altered, which would produce an alteration of wan. However, when he then stated to bol Talley ani else understood basis of actual possession, oo slack His Majesty's Ministers were willing to MA:. obj •aion was made to that statement, nor did It believe that any would have been made. had a. the French Cabinet discovered a great jealousy c ours, when they learned the death :4 Mr. Fox. I Was that jealousy which produced the fi'4 note Lord Laudet dale, denying the basis of shawl pr session, and.which discovered the tergiversatioa the French •Gevernment.. It was confessedly easy matter to make even a private gentkmae e his words, and still more to a public char • at the head of five hundred thousand ern hence arose the substitution of the word are At that time M. D'Oubril appeared at PAM. Whether he was a vitim to the cis singe of the if Mary of Russia, or that he aced from his judgment, was to him unknown; however, fro communications he had with him, it afterwards a peered to His Majesty's Ministers, that a sep Negociation, ha point of form, might be carried " Here," said Lord Yarmouth, " began the di ' mines of my situation." He bad read in a New paper, last Saturday morning, as a count of eh had passed in another ;I see, where a Noble Lord is presented to have said, that If so precise were if tens on that point (the WI pa i leis) that Lord 't mouth was instrutied not to produce his full pit - without this basis being committed to writing" far from this statement being eorrea, he decla he had never seceived any su h institutions recolleaed a circumstance that occurr d during communications with M. Talleyraed. A copy the Address of that Flouse to His Majosty had be seat to Isom, and which he had been deored to p sent to the French Minister. M. l'alleyrand fused to receive it from him, as not c oming.frr an accredited Minister, at the same time he quested him t. go home and c spy it, after w 1 he (Talleyrand) proposed to give him the timents of the French Government. but only is light of a private communication. With regard the sentiment of disapprobation which bad • expressed on his co.tdua in producing his power, had first of all to remark, that he had no idea ct tension, at the time, that his dispatch on that jea should have come before the public eye; • so. he might have stated, that he had no echo' to produce his full powers, except in the case of city being demanded from its legitimate vereigo. He was assured, at the tinsel I the dispute between France and Prussia I come to the last extremity, and that no alterne remained, but either the guarantee ef Hanovii Great Britain. at the espence of a war bete France and Prussia, or else of his dismissal tree office of Negociator. His Mat s y'l Ministers well aware of the probability of D'Oubril's sig! a separate Treaty with France ; and yet, he rear ao instruaions from them how lie was to coo himself in case of that event taking place, h desirous he felt that in his situation he migh ing the Negotiation, Lord Laud erdale airiee airstmepar juratui. Under these circumsta nces at' roil, and be I eertained too g talents, even to nor should he 1 Negociator at silent been, les an increased by the Frene tentions of Hi sidered the to ber last, to Whilst no one to ma i nt ain tl a llies, he wa seasona ble at peace should Ru s sia must I tr y took resp fended by thi ce , iarYi W ith riFort, to Wit or to secure been eschang tention of tb Ruuia as or legitimate S, tempt might for him, in a part of Fran ness to give Austria or t Lord HO' and Lord Y Lordship h, _ . struelions; - were sent i to produee smut, on th poSlidfai ; a WAS iristru.! until Fraic Mr. MO thi; Neizoci lit". Th . which he namely, M (peat, and tam this sy that Fran( truce, as against the this Negoc it to the d able Pilot condua, He imagir on his con attempting to court it Te, Pa Inp ,ti !herb. Via!! I Aluat Pone C. eg How ai loan may Cui ♦i+ Mena • hnorsl Jt•lear Et col Ira, that an nbje& of araenl giving of • subjs.& as a politici; ever stn time of ing of o Mr. Fox mencerai tginly led to th ings in it disliked mister, France; gallicga this two Illu when N country Fox wai flimsy evident Peace ? of her cerelv turn, In in , in allies, ; the,e r French ter of it to t tetsbui of the to [hi iusinua Rossi& it hsp . c Rusiia earidehl has pu 4141 e, twn g is it ill Mr. F 1 positio It is throug %is dc well thwu policy Prussi. dared Prutai lantho wally hunt p aatl b