The Statesman. — London, England, 1810-03-29 00:00:00

t i er ib on the piper in question, as being a libel; e we, at the same time, they were ender a cum. F loe misapprehension of the meaning of Thi s n n which their opinion was founded. , pges imsubulitted, was a sufficient ground on which to po tpuee the disrivision of the question. It was I m possible to say that a fair oppoitunity had al. "dy been afforded for considering the paper in w i o n. It would be useless in him to polite out til e ill consequences of precipitation in such a w;eas this; and, notwitlistantliiig the c o ur age o f to e a the Gentiontes who had sp o k e n on t h e „ rI s ide, he hoped the House would take some I , t ie dine to deliberate before they came to a dcci. on a question of such inipor4ance. Th e CHANG E LOR of the EXCtIEQUER ta w h a conceive. how any one prwioseil of the st are and information of his ii•viunirable and I . ,.. t rietl Friend roan doubt that the paper in question was distinctly a libel. Although lie mi . l ht nut have selected the passage quoted by his moot rabic Frioud under the Gallery as the irrigest in that production, still that passage wee right to look a itli confidenee foe *Notify; to throe laws the individual now imprisoned has through me applied for redress, in vain. Thot.e who have imprisoned him 'have re fused to list, a my voice, weakly expressing the strong prin ciples of the law, the undeniable claims of this I;naliatisman's ' birth-HAW.' Your voice may come with more force; may command great respect; and 1 am not without hope that ft may prove irresistible, if it proclaim to this House of Com o:ions, in the. saute tone as the tongues of our ancestors pro l'elaimed in tho K irgs of old—'Noltonas kges 411114 nattori:' or in our own more clear, and not less forcible language, The loos of Enghtailsaall not k , chenged.'" As far as he had _ gene, was this the proper mode of treating such a subject? But what followed? " The principles, fellow citizer.s, for which we are now contend*: is the MUSIC principle foe which the people of England had contended front the earliest ages, and their glo rious success inswhich contests are now upon re ta rd it the greats Charter of our Rights and Liberties, mad is divers tither subsequent statutes of scarcely less importance. It was this same great principle which was again attacked by Charles I. in the measure of ship-money, wheisogain the people of England, and au uncorrupted House of Commons, renewed the contest—a contest which ended in the imprison ment, the trial, the condemnation, and the execution of that ill-advised King. The self-same principle it was that was so darintly violated by his son, James it." And again, towards the conclusion of t h e same paragraph, op , re siiiniably a libel on the House of Com Mono.; 1„ t the inference from the .asserlian that Mr. y o ke, in argstiug•foom the Bill of - Rights, had co:Jetted it jots) a Bill of Wrongs, by which argil. 11 .„ t th e Howse bad Wen induced to art, was that i s,. atone had done wrong, and v i o l ate d the p,l. slotcs of the People. All.seented to agree that 4 4 !fa % a highly hitiew• of 'question. Some in it.4 eight think that the intiniry ,nto Opt applica. putt which his Majesty's M Waters hail made of gie forces of the country at W.llelleren was of aill greater importance ; but altoniigh he WAS WH IN to admit that this imptiry was of great impor. w ee, he did not believe that the (louse would (edit to be of such importance as the investigation if a charge against them, that they had been guilty „ 1t .0.0, viol:16011 of the law of the land. VA. tvm , G•litl:•iiion had called cio some i n a ;1 , :il scone Pi 3 hie:tile tone, not 141 r‘lloSe Ai,a,ra to the imputation of interposing the present to divert tho public attention from the " V.,lumes have been written by fareignem, as well as by our own countrymen, in praise of that pan of our law, which in so admirable a matmer provides for our personal safety against any attacks of men in power. This has indeed Wien in all ages the pride of our country t and it is the main tenance if tais principle which enabted us to escape that bondage in which alt the States and Kingdoms in Europe were enthralled, by abandoning and yielding it lip; mid we may be assured, that if be now abandon it, the bright day of England's glory will s.t in the night of her disgrace." Could any thing be -awe distinct than the mode of resistance Imre recommended by the lion. Itironet to the decision of the House of Ctrmnions ? Was it not evident that.he wished the people of England to resist in the same manner as they did in the instances n hich he had quoted ? But to set this matter in 4 clearer light, the lion. Baronet proceeded " But I ►could fain believe that such is not to he our fate. Our forefathers made stem grim-visaged Prerogative hide his head i they broke in pieces his situp and massy sword. And shall we, their soos, tie afraid to enter the lists with unde fined l'rivilege assuming the powers of prerogative ?" Was it possible, after bearing these passages, ulaeles.ea to divert ti.' public 61 t lelll 60.6 , _ . . - wal.,acien Ingoirv. Fur the imciiioscs of . dec i . , _ {. that any tote could refuse assent to his proposi mown, oc.or eistiiiitetlittin on musistiico, duck an ! lion, that the Honourable Baronet had called on his constituents to resist .the doctrine .by which insinuation might he very conveniOnt —but 'naval ~.., • .. • ionossible that any one •coold- roaacinably believe 41 , 1r. , .s ones had been committed by the . House of out the wiettestt i on of d dar b e c nee : the deehnen .Lernationa,,as the only entitle by which 'they could preserve thsiir'' liberties ; that he showed them how do t e Inquiry was a matter of personal import. a.ietoi) tie M em b ert i orbit 111 x, 'sty's their forefathers had fought for those liberties, and an ilonsaterable &verbalist; haul said that he (the that he theatitsked them if they were now afraid to enter the B rits the Honourable Baronet ob., aag rap ts to a similar contest? 'ln a sue- Coneeltur of the Eschequer) ctalrulated upon g phk sae such eireumithettm; in ihe Chapter of Acci. ceedin dents as that which hap.pened to the es:Hideout's el' terwed t 4 . ;: ki T it. i . it o l a t t e os p . n in wr e s o u .l e o h ig n: d t i hi i s b s i lir ie ui .i d , . exist t !a l t . :ri ft ro o lzi, b i e t 'ribber in the retreait.ean I that with a italfi.r about his lira he lettietal around for same sroltl rune •t to exist,and that its existence should he open!y and tantalite mates the-perbent tli,eusion, to averc even binialully aveeed in a Country whose chief glory has 1 hero its free Cointitution of Government, is something ton 64 i 3 .1 ) e n di"lf fate- Its lii.assertion lie e"l'i."" t ; inoostriins tube believed, if the proof were nut before our PPM(' that the Hotosorable Gentleman was se- i eyes." rims. For Ins'part he was as anxious fur the 1 The Hon. Baronet concluded by telling his Con. malt of the imptiry into 'the Expedition to the i stitueota, . sio,.kh as any ata tt . Aniteloatiug that result as 1 6l The acrinent by which I have endeavoured to con km „oh fist 41.$t perfect 4. 0 ,,6j e1l r e , ka.toolgod i since e ar Gentl-men of the House of Commons tom their acts te" 1114 ' 1 ' 1444 " i'ff d"i e ht 4 " 4 'Y / 4 " s * rah.' h it " 1 roa th i e narno u r t e i rii r li j a:l conne cted we"e ! way in: s o h : l i l t n c o n w ulr Y potis he it r ; pessiues which' had prevailed with reapeet ; to 0 ratdotelsy the Is iritimentoorneporters ; ant in thong. this , . . sessant, the eisdoris and policy of wyleb t , he eas 1 t or shall s. l: o i ly:a: i t . now i re d i e n r a n i i ns is in ntitilpeoler enormous ard bu s se the te fr ill/lin k 4. !!! 4041 - a i v ir, f ...... 8 . I .V" ' ei . ii ie n . Sir the e poW ie er c .utt. i i must /sTerruets qt all . easrottclun m enta ' the, onrellie ',leaven , 'Welt was *examined. ' Likor, I rights and lalwrties of Faiglishinen." bar, hear I] Ills honourable and Learned I Hai put it to the House whether any thing could 1 friend had very jeritly add, that in considering a have bz.en written to Englishmen more calculated kW, adistinclieto 0114111 to be : merle between the i to excite their resistance to the authority of Par. matter and the manner. Now both the lust- ;ha nett!, and tis bring the character of that House er and the manger of the paper in ritteltion i into disrespect and contumely ? Could any thing sere as tibellows as it was possible to ima. I have been written that bore completely the chat. pie. He allowed that ally individual was 1 reeler of a libel on the rights and privileges of the perfectly at liberty to canvass any act of an- 1 ',seise of Commons? Lflear, hear, hear!] Could fanrity ; but he haul no right to decry the deci- 1 his Honourable and Learned Friend, after his M ina of the House of Cetninolts, and to appeal I tention had been thus directed to those passages, leen that decision to his Constituents... The matt- 1 have any doubts on the subject? If he haul, he wr of the document was most offensive, and with (the Chancellor or. the Exchequer) was persuaded metal to the matter, it was Nei' her more HA' less tnat an adjournment of the discussion fur a week, thane call by Cie Hon o urable Baronet on the peo- 1 or fur any longer period, would toot remove them. pie to resist the authority of P,trliatnent. if he With respect to the objectionable passages in t.nattl pr.ere this proposition by a mere reference the 46 Argument," they had so frequently been te the leiter of the lion. Barents:l (without say- quoted in the course of the debate, that he iag any thing of the argument by which it was would not enter into them minutely. The House, followed), lie should skew a case of libel, which were in possession of passages in which the it would become the house not to pass imptinish- Honourable Baronet distinctly stated that the el. The letter of the Honourable Baronet be.: proceedings of the /lons. of Commons were 'sp. gin as fi/lIIIKS : titutatically against the laws, and in complete.sub. "The mime of Commons having passed a vote which version of the Constitution of the country. lame amount. tit a declaration, that no Order of theirs is to he of of the-lionourabbssOentlemen who had spoken, mree,i4hu than Magna Cherta and the laws of the laud, I thiut it ley t h tt.s ,„ l ay my ~.m i m , .,g„ thereon tw e„,.. t . my C„r) had no dell bt that the paper was a libel, but wish• ffirtients, wh:oe character as frcetnen, and even whose per. ed to know something about the law ; others •ditl rail safety, depends ins' groat a degree upon the decision n a thir euestioa-a que-tint! Or MI fess importauce than this nut dispute the law, but wished to k n ow Name 11%retrt oar liberty he still to he secured by the Mks -of our thing about the libel. He was anxious to satisfy Winters, or 1w to lie at lit.! :istillate mercy of a part of both parties. As iv the fact, he trusted that What sor fellow subleuts. collected together by means which it i he had already Aced was sufficient ; and with re. M memory fu me to describe." • . :' speet to the libel, if a public, reflection out the pro. After a few sentences the letter proceeded thus ceedings of that House was not a libe l , he did not "It is therefore now the time 'to resist the doctrine urn ceedings 'hick Mr. ) ones MS been sent to Nessea K ue, as it is high time now *hat was. Let the House Consider the fol.. ewe al o l p atners retensions after In those lihertst its e m acq y sa uire lowing passage in the i Argument" : . or our fret ski many rug4les and s which were o an d Mires." • . " They (the House of Commons) have become the pro prietors by barge/cc imam of the whole Representation; Thestatement of the Hon. Baronet therefore, sa d, i i i alert ra p ac ity, are inflated with, their eigtobtown began by an all e gation that the House of Coinmons fanoi l fuf ideas k of Il i testy. and tr t i e c e k t e in d n o: e t ne in a t t h is e t : l r e tti g its it t y lf had set up an Order of their own against Maoism • 1 ... u ri m% o'int. roy alt y . s n w.! l rd it of 1 prerogari r v n e, and lord it equally over the Charta and the laws of the laud ; that personal King aialtiw People. . ~ - 'tidy was thereby endangered, and that now was His lionottrable and Learned Friend declared fltetaane to resist the doctrines upon which they had scut Mr. J ones t o Newgate. But, perhaps, h that lie slid not understand this , an d t helefore .ht by contended, that by resistance ~, wos that it could not he libellous. T hi s m uch how. it mi ever ' was perfectty intelligible, that it declared meant resistance by argument. What said the f , the House of Commons had ass umed ,s luster which succeeding paragraphs ? -. by the Constitution it was not allo we d to pus " Ehher the House of Commons is authorised to dhpense sus t h e l aw o f the l an d or i r i s not ." sess. • The main business of the " Aig n me nt" was, to prove that the !louse had not a right to A passage in which it was clearly inferred, that ' commit a stranger fur a Breach .of Privilege; fur il the instance complained of, the laws of the . thd lion. Baronet admitttal that they haul a right heal haul been so dispoused with. _ ." Ir t h e Constitution he of so delicate a textace-so weak to commit a Member for, such olfeoce. Now this as a case of doubt , oat wide,' the lion. Baronet iievrte-so fragile in substance. that it Is to be only spoke" w • • ai u tt‘. l4 l , of admiration. and In be viewed merely nu it had a right to argue as ful l y ,as he chose in the tr ., of curious .hut uoprofitabte workmanship t if Magna China and all the wholesome law* of England be a dead let- t house; but it behoved luitnau take care in what Is; ill atiat (sew the affirmative of the proposition ma y i x . I manner he spoke or wrote on the subject. It did :::"_ 4( lerl; but if the Coostitution Isles, and is applicable to nut follow that that wh i ch it was la w ful to say li d's 'lamely, the happiness of the community, the per sZ. r seettrllv of life, liberty, and property of each mem- tut the Homes before a decision, it was law. 'cr. awl all the members of the society, et the then theaffirmative fit' to say out of the House, after a decision ;—and tree Proposition can never be admitted ; theta mast We he . wen, Stir ue need no better security ;no more powerfu l still less lawful was it to tecommend a resist. t r uiretan fur our rights and liberties than the lans.and ante to that decision. Supposing that he con-1 "wlitutaise. we seek for , lend we heed seek fur stothine tittered the conduct of the house bt the case .of ties : wrea k iiii,lii for 110 more than what our forefathers insisted as the ir own: we ask for too more than what they be-. Mr. Gate Junes as illegal, the Honourable Ba. "ealliedllll. 111 ; we ask for no nave taan siausa.shey, n t toilet had a right to endeavour .to induce the ‘CTeSlattient Which some of theta had sealed, teasel which i p „ ro rt, of them were ready to seat, .wish their phial ; . ress•; 6B , , f a il e a i s House to rescind their proceedings ; but when that attempt ) he bad no tight. to iy declared lobe the birth-right of the patriot/ft Enalandt . To ape Isere toe NM a call upon the people to radii thcir authori!y. ' - :~. # , - - THK voicro . M AN. . • He would , ' now addrehs himself to 'remove lay doubts with respect to the law of the case.— The debt of the House to commit strangers ootild be traced as.far back as the reign of Queen .Elizabeth,ln whith Mr. flatland Mr Trolope were se committed (on further consideration the Chan. of the 'Exchequer observed, that Mr.. Hall, was a Member, s not a Stranger). Selden bad decidedly as. 'sorted that privilege. The reign of Chutes I. corn. pdsed an accumulated mass of autkeritles to that purpose. In one particular instance, the Kentish Petition, a Committee resolved, that to deny the right of the House of Commons to commit stran. gers was a gross violalion of their rights and pri. vileges. Between the years 1701 led 1774 there were no less than thirty instances of such commit. ments. In the cases of Oliver and Gin:hie, the Court of Common Pleas and the Court of Exche. quer both decreed that the House of Commons had a right to commit a stranger for a breach of privilege. There was also the authority, of the Court of King's Bench for the existence of an analogous privilege in the House of Lords. Lord Kenyon observed, on a motion of Habeas Corpus, to bring up the body of Mr. er, Who had been committed by the House of Lords, " that if ever a time should come :when factious men would attempt to overturn the Government, they would begin by calumni. . I sting. the Courts of Justice and both Houses of .Parliament."—[lkar I hear! hear fl " I so. eolinn sise.House," added the Right Hon. Gentleman, 46 to consider whether that time'has not arrived."...[llear I hear! Heart] Where would be the impartiality of the House, if, after commiting Mr. Jones for a breach of privilege, they should treat a Member who, with a better knowledge of those privileges, had violated them with more indulgence ? If they adjourned that on , which it was impossible to have any doubt, he did not conceive that they would support their dignity or evince their impartiality and justice. The House was called upon by an imperious duty: If they hesihited to pronounce that against the Honourable Baronet, which they had not hesitated to pronounce against a less distinguished offender, they would sink low indeed in the public estimation. Let the offences .efi the two individuals be compared. Grossly libellous as the proceedings of Mr. Gale Jones had been, it was trilling and contemptible coin. pared with that of the Hon. Baronet. If the House, from an apprehension of doing that which , the Hon. Baronet might iierhaps with, and in which he might perhaps triumph, were to abstain from doing their duty, they would indeed afford him cause of triumph, and would indeed deserve to be triumphed over and trod upon. In assert ing their own rights, they were asserting the rights of the people of England. The only way to main. taie their dignity, was to do their duty—to do it temperately-but to *do it firmly and impartially. It appeared to him that the Housecould not hesi tate in concurring the motion of his Hououra ble Friend, and lie was perseaded that they woold net hesitate. its doing so. . Lord FOLK ESTON E contended, that the pre. cedcuts referred to by the Right Honourable Gen. tleman (the 'Chancellor ar - thit'ExcheCeser) were either misunderstood 'or misrepresented by him.. Indeed the course he recommended that night for the consideration , art the House, was both extra ordinary and inconsistent. In an affectation of candour, he (Mr. Perceval) appealed to the grave, the serious, the solemn deliberation of .that House. But how did his practice square with his profes. s sions? By endeavouring to obtain this sober and solemn determination in the most premature and precipitate wanner. [hear, hear!) An Ho. nourable Baronet (Sir J. Itotnilly) entitled to , every deference for his deep constitutional know. lege, had declared that night, that he entertained many doubts upon the nature and tendency of the publication then ander discussion. . When such a chewier donbted, were the majority of that House prepared to assert that their mindsorere satisfied— that their conviction was decided [Mar, hear!] The Right Honourable Gentlenian - (Mr. Pelee. -vat) had gone but shortly into the subject ; but even in the short excursion that he took, be pro. ceeded every step tinder the most mistaken views. It was contended by him, that' because the House had committed Mr. Jones, that therefore there could be no doubt of the right pf the House of Com. mons, and there being no doubt of the right, that therefore the publication of Sir Francis Burdett was a gross violation of its privileges. What said his. Learned Friend near him (Mr. Cruker) ? He told the house that .the case of Gale Jones I had nothing to do with the present question, and should nut be admitted into the contemplation which the House was bound to give to that particular question. But he (Lord Folkestone) begged to say, that the question at present before them not only comprehended the propriety or im. propriety of Sir Frauds Burdett's coaduct, but the truth or falsehood of his doctrine. [Hear ! hear.!] Upon those points he would aik, was the House conscientiously prepared to say, that they were free from doubts ? Were their minds NO fully convinced by the arguments and prece dents of th. Right Houourable Gentleman eke Chancellor of the Exchequer ? As to his precis. dents, he (Lord Folkestone) could easily illus. trate their. total• misapplication to the inference which he wished. to ((Mom Indeed, the Right 'Honourable Gentleman was so wholly ignorant of the precise facts, of the case he stated with re.:l pert -to Hall,. that at first he contended that Halt was e Member of Parliament, and is a few see. tenders afterwards ho contended that be was not. [Hear; hear !] There were othercasee referred to by that Right Honourable Gentleman which were rather extraordinary, drawn sett .were from periods of our history, which he trusted even that Right Hon. Gentleman would've propose for con, s ideratiou. There vas the case of the -Kentish Gentlemen, who, for the language of their peti tion, were sent to .prison by the order of that House. Was there a man to be found in the present times who would recommend such a pu. iiishmeat foe the expressions introduced into that Petitiow—nor rather e was it not such, as in those times, would beniore a subject to be approved,' than reprobated? It was, however, referred to a • Committee of that Howse to make their Report on. Upon the adoption of suck a Resolution, Lord Hartingion moved that the Rights and Pei. • vilegcs of the People should be considered by the Committee, as well *stk. Privileges of that House. It was to be recollected, that the period Muni those events occurred, was meet great political heat. and public agitation. The consult's** was, that itr the Committee to which these .considerations were referred, great division and jarring send. ments prevailed. Such a state of things, there. fore, led to a report from that Committee, which could now be only considered as a mere comp*. miss between , the conflicting parties. But the his. tory of the transaction proved, that at the time when Lord Hartington mooted that point, the la - gat)! of that House to imprison for a breach of its privileges was considered in an extensive degree doubtful. Numerous able and well.written tracts were published in support of the doctrine which pronounced such a power illegal, and bad even in that period considerable effect' in corroborating the assumption, that the exercise•of that right was considered by many an usurpation. But the Right - 'Hon. Gent. not satisfied with his precedetits from a more remote period of our history, has thought proper to allude on the present occasion to that , • assertion of Lord Kenyon, namely, that when fac. Htious men wished to subvert the Government, their first effort was to calumniate the Courts of Justice, '• end to entrench upon the Privileges of Parliament s Really (said Lord Folkestone), above all men 1( , • did not expect to hear sects an-athision, much less such anppplication, from that Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Percent). Does he, or can he, • believe, that because he conceives this House to have the power of restraining the communication of the popular opini4n, upon the conduct pursued within its walls, that he therefore can deprive the people of these kingdoms of the faculty of thinking. • .or of recollecting? Does lie believe, when he cites the violation of our privileges, as a proof of disaf. fection and of treason, that the people of Eitgtand Bova forgotten the transactions of the two last Sessions of Parliament ? Can they forget the spec. tack exhibited to their view, of two Cabinet Mi nisters, charged, and I will say morally convict• ed, of a gross and heinous attack upon the Privi. vileges of this House—Privileges, for which, forsooth, one of them now affects to feel such sincere solicitude? Can the people of England for• get, that though such violations were not ,deitied, still that the conduct of the accused was not only not censured, but almost not questioned by it Bri tish House of Commons ? [Loud/ries of hear I hear !] When then the country recollects such events, and when this House cannot forget them, what confidence, what attention can ha paid t• such application relative to its Privileges, prows& ; ing from that very man who was a few Short mouths past arraigned before that very Homes& culprit for their violation, and who, though rescued . from punishment, has still no claim to soquittal ? [Hear, hear] It is idle to say that the people of this country have no very ermines feelings upon; the present subject. I, for oneiCr .ef ean wish that their voice should he sti fl ed. ore it is AM. I appeal to this house for that postponement of its `Jecition, which allow die Fah( of this ghost important question, end which mist ultimately settle the legality or illegality of this power. ,There temains one observation of the , Right lion. Gentleman Mr. Percent), upon which • I wish to remark. He has in his general con. denmatioe of the paper published by my Hon. Friend, Sir F. Burdett, laid no inconsiderable stress upon that sentence, w tech he assumes tends to invite the people to a resistance of the decision of. the House of Commons. He cannot have read the paper fully when. he ventures to draw such inference. Had he taken the context into his contemplation...had he reverted to preceding pas. sages, he would have fund that the term resist •• once was coupled with the word legal. It was conveyed in such a manner as must convince oven • impartial Mind that such was the fair and candid interpretation of the passage. If, therefore, suck • a difference of opinion existed as to the nature and*, to the iuterpretation of the publication, it is, with, ' many others,a very strong reason with me to vote' for the adjournment. . .. • Mr. ADAM observed, that in that House there... was not an individual more sincerely anxioucto uphold its constitutional and recognized privilessot than he was. Actuated by a desire to support them, he ventured to trespass upon its attention. When, therefore, a question was brought before it, complaining of a violation of these rights, he nowt esteem it as most consonant with the chem. der of • that House to hare, upon such an occasion, its.proccedings regulated by the principles observed in these places where justice was best administer. ed. With such feelings . " he had to imprese ups* the House, that in all judicial proceedings, it was ; a main ingredimit, not only that the Court ofJuris. diction should deliver its verdict, but that, in such delivery, it should Mate satisfactory reasons for such verdict. It was upon that principle that he felt itbie duty to request the. House, not only to declare its decision upon the publication of the Hon. Baronet, bet that it should also impress upon the people of the country the propriety of , that decision [ llsar, /marl] In order, therefore, . to produce such impel:mina, it was net alone ne• cessary that the Reese should decide justly, but it was bound, in regard to the 'wishes of the coon. , try, .to declare , that decision in the most satisfac. tery and intelligible manner. How then could it be expected that such a consequence cosrldhe ob. . disked from- the precipitaney with which thirj igaris . called upon to act that night? The .• be aware, that the accusation brought Oak Honourable Baronet was one not receatlyAgE4 • tated. It was now Dear thitti yearssithea s.l4ssai ber had bees called upon to answer inithei Hein* . for misconduct, entrenching upon its privileges...6.* That was the case of Major-Statt, in the yO4.- 177 g .- -W tut course' did the House of Camomile"' • ••• pursue upon that occasion ? Did it hurry acid • :almost compel NlOllllOl- to the declaration of as opinion, withoet 'being 'able Pity to Intesti• its the merits of' the •case ? The House outdone . MIMI improper exaction: Wallowed' an adjourn. • tient fur a work, to-enable:its lemberefiLly to to 4 - detstand that upon whlik they . were called hide. .• 1. • K' , • 4 : r I'- 'II if"