The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1807-03-27 00:00:00

have been mistaken (though I think we vreeeneit) k In what may he tie real interests of our country ; but let us, my Lords, stand clear of the foulest imputation, that the foulest calumny can impure to any puhlic men, when they are unjustly accused of being capable of exercising towards their Sove feign, a species of deception, which, even if prac tised in the common intercourse of life, from one should. on every principle of ;city, consign them to indelible ,eprobation. I have now, my a part of my statement. wl ich painful. I have to touch upon '1 the first appearance of a settled opinion and determination of enifested to Lis late Servants ; and my duty to stare the line of con ile rtiend and Colleague of mine immediately to adopt. When I my Lord Howie'', it is Imre comment on the high, disinterea -6 sense of honrur. which has the private conduit and the that respeded charader.7 disapprobation of thi s Catholic me , sol i mind of that Illustrious Perso cited an audience With his unii, that a difference of inspems eetween the person of whom it mos. person by whom it was asked. Bit he came away from that conference, fully con& 'dent that he had the actual consent of His Majesty for submitting the Bill for the Relief of the Catho lics to the ornsideration of the Legislature. I my self had anrously waived at the door. where this conference was held, for the purp •set of ascertain ing the limit, as upon that result would depend 'the Hie of duty which my judgment and feel ings would have alone warranted Die to pursue, In the audience. ta which I was to have the ?moue of beiog immediately afterwards ad - emitted. When informed by that Noble Lord ' (Howick), of the result. I difedly ahstamed from • introducing a eubjed, which, I am free to ado it. wag always repugeata to the conscientious fe hogs of His Majesty ; at the same time I can assure your Lor,b,hips, that in place of any objection either to the principle 4.r petey of the measure about to be submitted to Parliament, His Majesty evinced an equal forbearance, and a determined silence on ilia snbjed. lids assurance lam induced to impress upon your Lordships, not in the language of idle complim.nt, or in the vain hope of exciting a trio ' meow) impression. was not that impression autho rised by the fang which I hare plainly, and, I trust, perspicuously stated. Tee next stage of the trans. &diem to which I trquest the attention of your Lord ships, was, when, in alt Cher place, my Noble Friend and Celle-v.4c, in his wonted eloquent and ;repressive reanit •r, submitted the Repeal of those Catholic restridions to that branch of the I.e. March. It occurred on either the 3d or 4th of March. It is well known to the House, that the • debates of Parleaneent. by some means or other. fad their wee to the public; and yet, until Thursday, the 11th of March, no symptom of disapprobalien was manifested to the adoption of that ineeeure of legislative milky. It was then, for the filet time, that His ltlepsty's late Ministers distinftly knew that the proposition was positively disapproved by the Crown. We knew that there existed te that concession a repugnance frosts the hegi-sriog, but we also knew that a con seat was given by His Majesty, and that consent never ass, at any prior period, recalled. (Hear! Fn. 1 . 1 And, here, my Lords, I have to request the aueniiort of your Loicishlps to the coodutt which the late Servants of the Crcwn thought it their immediate duty to adopt—a condtid which should have, at least, protefted them from the gross and un`crandlld calumny of baying first deceived the Royal judgment, and then attempted to insult the dignity, and force the conscience of our Snve eeign. With such a charge circulated tbmugh the country, with all the means which calumny could invent, and misrepresentation could devise, it was natural for those who were so unjustly calumni ated, to seek the most immediate opportunity for entering lain that explanetien which wit due to their own characters—due to the. Parliament with whose support they were so peculiarly honoured—and, above all, to the feelings of that Sovereign, whose name and interest acre so unwarrantably made the pretext of attack on the integrity sod attachment of his late Ministers. It was the mere necessary to seek tint, as men, appa r4roly ading tender his most gracious ceunte nence and support. had charged us with 4,ff•nces, from which we bore been by him most posi. tively acquitted. for, my Lords. wish the feel ings of the most fervent gratitude. and conscious interi"l. I do assort* this Hume-, th it our am. reign, in contradielion to the numeteris false-homes citetileted to di ceive and d.-hide the public opinion, • Old state, nn the streeerneerfer Me - remedive dates; with the sentiments of his char aftoistic goodness aid justice, that the difference between him and his l a w servants, was a dlffercTlC , .• on principle, and a difference perfeetly honourable to both parties.— Such an expressian of the Royal opinion is at all • times valriAtrle, but particularly at a moment when it comes to assist aspersed and libelled in tegrity, in silencing the base and unfounded sug restions of oersooal and interested virulence.—. ( Sear ! AMP . 1 ) l': this state of the qiiestion, Mi oiseers found it itnpoaeihle to emarece all that good s which, in theo- view of the sublet?, as connetted with the interests of the Empire, they were berme ilicliaed to anticipat:. They perched that it was impaaihla to coanh:ne ilul respea for the sine la feelings of their S•ivere , grt, with their own individual 4i.ici:74 en the pr.licy of the Catholic c)nestion ; or.if the hich was deeortd most aiiiisahle to take, .v.is to 'educe the carrot of 11:e con • cession, to the on , visior.s of the AR ni the Irisli Parliament. in the yca: 1793. And here, my Lnrds, if Lietc a .ts atiy part otLhe cunJul of the late S.:I-wants of the Cr:;%;ll,.which, ttpon the stet n and rigid prie:iples (if' moral and political consist. *my, ought to be condemned, it certainly was this -itneessioa inns the convini•.n of th e i r o w n i t: 4 v virtu, end from the strung And condos:yr %Anion they emervinted of the great And ultimate al vautAge the empit• would Arrive from the ndlptioh. oF what they conceived 2 most saletszy aQ et te sultive uisdnm ati : pul!:•. lint, my Lords, when ((. ree 4 insnorrAbto ob'etlitedsliht, impeding.' individual to another, rellitude and iittegcii abXrne and tep Lot di, to advert tr. a to me iS out a little pi that period, at which t afiseatisfaeloo in the ea l .!sty was manil - ;Sim I conceive it my dust which a Noble bad determined imni mention the name of cessary for me to con e-. 1 and puaailious tintormly marked tl pub is exertions of Finding Oat a disapp Sure existed in the rn Iw immeliater solicit taign. Ile then four. Won did exist, betivs asked, and the person ri determined on recalling that extent of concession a determination whiol, I repeat, nethini but th striking knowledge . l the misapprehension that ex isted, cou•d in any manner justify. No man can blatne the feelings which operated with them on that occasion ; never was a bolder resolut ion taken up by any set of men; but it was a resolution which, on an appeal to your own bosoms, on a liberal consultation of your own feelings, your Lordships must, I am sure you will apioove— f Neer! dear!). In accordance with that risolu• tion, on the following Friday, I solicited An inter view with His Majesty, to propose the noiffificatifin • of tne Bill to the provisions of the Aft of the hob Parliament in the year 1793. The proposal was received with the accustomed and gracious conde scension of His Majesty ; bus, on more mature consideration, difficulties of no ordi. ary nature pre sented themselves. What arguments, I ask, could be adduced to support the propo itinn of opentog the avt ones of the military vervicv ra the and excluding the Dissenters? We th n perceived that a more extensive sacrifice must be maiie, as it was implafticeOle to remove the difficulties which existed, and to carry 'I in a marina ttlitaiilC to our own view • of its necessity and advantage.— We knew that we might be called upon to aiow.r questions respelling the alterations which had taken place. Our opinions on the ex *climate of Catho lic concession were known n the country ; we had no ground for changing those maintain; and here again, as dutiful servants -if the pnolic. yet anxious to support one own conviltion and consistency, ie determined on withdrawing altogether the measure, which, under a misapprehension. had been sub. witted to he attention of the Legislature. Did not such condua evince the utmost extent of desire to remove any w'easiness which might exist in the breast of His \laje,ty, most particularly as arising from a mutual misconception? Independent of this painful sacrifice, for, undoubtedly; with our im pressions of its necessity and policy, painful it must be, there remained another most important con sideration. Parliament had the measure before it ; it had received a warm and powerful support. It was impos-ible to conclude, tint t! :e measure wadi be allowed to drop ; and Ministers must pre pare for an exami .atinn why they brought it fot ward, and what were their motives for the alteration. To such interrogatories they could not remain silent ; and, therefore, it would become a necessity, imposed upon them, to state the causes of the new re-illation. To aft otherwise, would be a palpable dereliaion of the duties wOicli the Ser vants of th^ Crown owed to the country and to the Parliament. But was the measure even totally droppe.t for the present, it might and would Ise probably resumed in another shape. The great measure of Catholic Emancipation, which we hod strenuously t ndeavoured to keep of from the Throne, might, possi rly, he submitted to the din cession of Parliaments and, cutely, His Mojesty's late Ministers were bound, by every principle of good faith and consistency, to support those mai along, which recommenited the adoption of a mil.l. liberal; and conciliatory system toirasids every deicription of His Majesty's Irish subjoins: When, tometorto a demand was made on llis Majesty's late servants to give a 'written pledge 01 never bringing forward any measure in favour of Catho lic Claims, or on any sobjett connected with that question, they were called upon to give up every feeling of their hearts, every suggestion of their judgment, to sacrifice eve' y prospre of submitting to the consideration of their Sovereign, at any time, and under any circumstances, a proposition which would best provide oir the seperate interests of Ire load, and cement the general security of the em pire. And here let me impress upon the Noble Lords on the opposite side of the House. the great importance of an immediate attention to the welfare of that country. There is not, I assure them, a sukijeft of greater delicacy, nor one which will more frequently recur to their observ ance, and produce more painful sensations. It they are determined not to turn their minds to that consideration, or not to apply to it that enlarged and liberal policy, which it so imperiously requites, then do I contend that the fate of the empire is not sate in their hands. With such views as I myself and my Colleagdesentertained,could it be expeded, or could it be consistent pith any sense of duty, to bind ourselves by any positive pledge, particularly on a subje... upon which we entertotaid so decisive, and, I repro-, the most cone& opinion 1 No.— It was necessary for the faithful discherge of our engagements to our King and County, that we should preserve the same extent of disCre tion, and the same unlimited exercise of our du ties, as we possessed on our entrance into office.— Have the Noblr Lords, on the opposite Bench, ob tained their offices by entering into such stipula. Lim.? Have they bound themselves down, by a written pledge, never to submit to the Sovereign a sreation. in Whiels, under any atateoe' ashes' cm the Continent of Europe, or in Ireland, or in Great-Britain, the vital interests of his Throne and Empre might be sesiMisly involved? It they hoed so thesi s them the British Con ss i tt Moo does not exist one hour. What, I ask s is the oath of a Privy Counsellor? To state, to the best of his judgment, his opinion, without fear or apprehension; to advise die King openly and ho. needy s and to consult his interests and not his wishes—after ! Arai !) For that advice he is rr spuosible to Parliament and his country. And. my Lords, recolleCt that Ireland comprehends no small part of your interests. If invasion be the ohjed of your determined enemy, he knows where that at tempt can be best filed. Should he succeed in that attempt, ey the disaffoeion of a great proportion of the population, and that Parliament should call upon His Majesty's Ministeta, bound down by suds stipulations, sod ask them the causes which have led to this disastrous issue, and the reasons of not adopting the measures of preservation ? They answer, they were ant free ageuts; that rt soon sibility pre-supposes a freedom of will ; that this emote of the British Empire was cut out from the m a p I:Am-mittend to their care; and that, as they were not free, so they are trot responsible. Admit, tioy Lords, this doettioc, (or a moment, and you de istroe the tort of the Constitution, whicii premeds the Moisorchy. Destroy that Conwitotional maim, that" the King can do no wroog," and you int , metliately sap the security of tee Throne, and site tigoUr to tbalmonsti taus, horrible, I had sand, 1 diabolical principle, by which a King is btought to ' the bar of his subjyas. Whether 1 have Feu this subjei in a fair view, it is for your Lordships to decide; but, with the, sentiments I feel, and. the convidion I have on the subject, I would afford an instance of theblackest turpitude, &el I tint endeavour to communicate my alarms to this House. For my ' own part, I did conceive it due to toy own character, and to the character of my official Colleagues, to en. ter before your Lordships, into the fullest exemination of the causes and circumstances which have led to the late changes in His Majesty's Councils. That sense of duty which must, on all occasions, power fully operate, was, on the present occasion, particu larly increased. The anxiety we felt to forward a proposition of individual security and general hap piness, has been perv. rted by the grossest calumny. into an unjustifiabl: a tempt to impose on the judg ment and conscience of my Sovereign. Our cha racters have b•en subjected, not only to unnseri•ed slander, but the confidential Minutes of the late Ca. hinet have been published in a newspaper, in a muti lated and garbled state, for the purrs. see of giving cur rency and effea to the falsehoods and malignity of those who have libelled us. [The Noble Lord alluded to the statement made in a letter, signed " .4 P , olestani." which appeared in i 1 Morning Paper.] I Ise respes'afut language in which we re. presented to liis blej-sty our dissent to the written ' pledge that had been demanded of us, has been, in part, inserted in that print ; when we declared our tin willingness to be restrained, from time to Pin a from submitting to His Majesty ccrt. in me s6tll es fur his eiteitio* ; the three last words 1 repeat, for ;us id CI. area, as they have been porposely suppressed, to con fir m the Jeltision of our having el tempted to torte the Royal mind. IVhen, my Lords, I was caked, to the Conns:ls of my, Sovereiga, I entered into n i engagements, but those of any duties—those, I trust, to have performed faitlifuily. From the ex perience I have since had, my retiring from orfice, 1 feel, in a personal view, a release how a burden becoming every day more irkeerne; and whatever the Noble Lords on the opposite side may feel, I neither succeeded to a Jed .ef rorra, nor do I resign one to my successors. The military, financial, and commercial interests, will, I. presume, be found to have improved. Our peliticat relations, though yet extremely difficult and arduous, are consi derably ameliorated. I did fondly hope that much benefit would ensue from healing the animosities of Ireland, from allaying its., distradions, and promoting its happiness.. If a Government should be found to exist upon the principle of reviving those religious dissenjons which hove torn that loeg distraded country ; if, I say, then e exist men who have fixed their power on that basis then I pronounce it a great crime, and an extreme calamity. For, if such a system of policy should be ale,' upon, nit only in Leland, but in this country, if the reign of bigotry and intolerance should be revived. no extent of imagination can de. pia the horrors and 'navies which will inevitably ensue." The Noble Lord concluded his able and luminous speech, by a return of Isis sincere cheeks for the marked attention and indulgence he had received from their Lordships. Lord SID 'IOC l'el--" 1 should not, my Lords, have trespassed on your time, had I not beeu anxi• ous to add my testimony to that of my Noble Friend, who has, with such candour in the detail, and credit to himself, disclosed the whose transac • tions I am fully persuaded, from whatever I have been able to collet on the subjza, as well as from the well-known charaaers of the persons concerned. that the Bill, which has been the cause of the present change of affairs, would never have been brought be fore Parliament, had not the Noble Lerd and h:s Ft i:nd been in Jueed to believe, that the wishes of the Sovereign were friendly to it, or at least his permis sion was given to lay it before Parliament. I du admit, my Lords, it is highly injudicious in men entrusted with the Government. of the country, to awaken arid ex rte expeaatims, in which there is even a probability they may he deceived in the issue; and certainly this objection applies with greater force, es the ends proposed to be effeaed are momentous and important to the nation colleetively ; yet, pet mit me to state ae;aia to your Lordships, that from the statement which has been laid before the House, as well as from the general admission of all parties, we have every reason to conclude, that His Ma jesty's late Ministers concluded themselves with that caution and prudence becoming their charatteristic responsibility as Ministers of the country, and men possessing the utmost public confidence—a confi dence which they have received from their well. tried services, and of which they have, and ever will have, reason to be proud. The Noble Lord had [bought proper (though perhaps others would not have ailed a, he has done, in the same situation) to state in the most full and explicit manner to your Lordships,. every circumstance connected with the change which has taken p lace . I approve of the 1 argurneass drawn by the N oble - Baron from.his state ment of fans, and being equally anxious to preserve that sacred and fundamental maxim of our national polity, that " the Icing can do no wrung." I am glad the Noble Lord determined to refuse subscrib ing any article or agreement, which, by depriving him arid his colleagues of all tree agency, would inevitably involve the conduct and ehataeter of His Majesty in the opinion of his suhjsas." The Noble Lord proceeded in his statement to observe, that it appeared from the objedion made by His Majesty, on the subsequent representation of the affair, that there had been a misconception between the King and his Servants. " Indeed (continued he) it iservident, from the objections on the one hand, and the ex planatioa on the other, that this misconception was twofold, and existed no less ins the part of the Ministers, than on that of their Royal Master.—Yet, even front his Los dsbip's statement, some circurne stances have transpired, which, in my opinion, make this miscnocepton rather extraordinary. The dis patch, concerning which so much has been said, did, when presented to His Majesty, appear only to contain an extension of the Ad of 1791. to , Office= of the Roman Catholic persuasion, serving ; it: His Majesty's armies in England and elsewhere. And dim st had, as well at the ansiter, been sub. mitted to His Majesty, there was no of jeason whatever made by him, until this concession (which firic was presented to the House a. a clause in the Motley Bill) lecarne the subj -ft of general discus. sins. Yet. when the matter had proceeded thus tar, the maples of a certain prams are AWAL:IICti, and he perceives it impossible to mate. any inch , concession as that demanded by his Ministers. shall not, however, attempt to explain this appal l ., inconsistPncy, especially as the Noble L o w 1 4 , thought any further explanation on this rirbird dieneeessary ; but has rested it merely tin the gette..4 •if misapprehension. Thus far l will state o, c. House, that when a communication had beer. re r‘ ir to me on the subjeft, I was dechiedly of pi %,,e. that since flatters had proceeded so fat, bale w.is no alternative, but eithir to tepee! tin Aft of the Irish Par lament in. taveor cff it, Cada ilics, in the year 1793, or extend the egrets of that eel tlitcughout the erapife.-.. There seemed to rue an absolute necessity, tilit by Catholic Othcer should be universally conieesedle pr i v i leges grante d to him, locally, by the Gish Po. ,Lament t or, that he should be deprived ot all hit privileges, by a positive An ot the Legislature, pealing the Act which had so incautiously mituat him with rights, which the very nature a: his o a t. Lary duty did not permit hint to enjoy, after lie had passed horn II el crui to any other part ot th• sri 7th dumioiutls. The hr appeared to inv the fairest ard leas( el jedioriable mode of I . olloWili,g sip d u . sure , '1 last I conceived to bean aft of nisei -sit,. founded on the consi.teocy ot Parliament; for I cis v et could suppose that this House. nor tntfeed a t. branch of the Legislature, could be induced toes. courage, much less to cot:firm, the Catholics, S l u e possession of pi ivilges, which must undertuice, or eventually overturn, the barriers of nut se,. ie.:Comas tution in Church and State ; I feel .sorry, that sacra measure has been introduced at this pe•tio,t, since I have always been interested in the conti;mi:apf the present Ministry, conceiving it amply calculi:el to remedy any inconvenience under whiea the Sta. may labour, both on account of the ability and tr, tegrity of the Members who compose it 8., much es I respeft them, I cannot but say, that this transeCtion, they have at least forgottin tic principles of the Constitution, in their eAgetne , A fulfil their engaizements to the Cethalic Popula't of Ireland. However, on this heed. I feel it r. duty to state to the House. that neittler myself err the Noble Loi.4 en W ,olsadt, have the milieu rearm to attach any blame to ourcelves, as we acts not present at the d &rent interviews alluded tn the Noble Lord. Yoe, although lam as friend as any_ man in the Frptte. tot ,e ric: enmity and liberality towards our Catholic Hits. subjeEts, yet I would always discriminate bersits tokratten and pewee; and, on' this account, bad I been present at these interviews, should net mei shrunk from my ahoy, in declaring, that, it- :les ver might be ;he consequences ot such a refuoli, it was the bounJen duty of His Mejeete's teas, to repress, rather than encnorage, the e r siri.; of Catholic remonstrance and cP.-.nand. I tr:nd have observed, that it would be much easier rode,- : countenance them in the.commeneement, 0411 xi. rest them in their progress to t'ie fop/ of the I rone; and that, however we might b- inclined, through motives of Clisistien charity, t, extend, throughout all Religious Setts, the laeitr Its t t the Constitution ; yet, we should guard, avirli ear anxiety, and grateful VCIIILIOAt ton. the h. !twee sal. u arks of our established Guyana - 4E4a in Clanni and Siete." . . . Lord HAWK ESP.IIR.Y—" My Lords, thoiei I ever feel a delicacy in entering on a sung, where issue is joined between the Sovereign Ado Subic& yet, as the Noble Lord has not theut t li it his duty to be silent on this occasion, I s hoal; feel it an unpardonable violation of mine, ihoold ! not rise to answer ilia! part it die Noble Lore) speech, where he would insinuate he had been ir.i• fairly dealt with with ?vivid to t'.e pub' caeca of those conferences which lie and his Fiiend with His Majesty, on different occasions. NI Lords, I have rather to lament this topic has hen introduced, since there are ample means ti retool the accusation. Long before I had been personally acquainted with the transaCtions alluded to, I de learned, through the inediem of publications, et cause of t::e difference subsisting between NI Majesty and His Ministers; but bow strangely are widely different were those repreeentatioas trots either the statement of the Noble Iced this eveavg, or the plain trot:. I Soon after being called to de high honour of filling one of the offices of Ministry, I did request pet mission of Its Majesty to state tir the public the principles on which we had seer:. which he was graciously pleased to grant: t:1 ,1 s:atement will be found accurate. My Lords, :he conduct of the late Ministry, with resped to the Wl in question, w..s undoubtedly that which no styes merits whatever could juicily. it was a surjel upon which not only the mind of the Sovereign. id that of the whole British nation, had lung since bees made up; a subject frequently discussed, and as dos negatived by unparalleled majorities ; if there vr.it any other 'meg reason necessary to convince then that such a theature would be attended with heel defeat. they night have deduced such an argued& from the eonsithe of that late invidious meant it the Crown (though not It s so sit the people). 'cis , 1111 one occasion. found it his duty to retire trots the Councils of His Majesty, on t'Ai, very questser through a principle ol cotiseien‘e. Yet, *ken sky wards solicited to brill( the subject, so near Pt heart, again before the Legislative Assembly re iN N Won. he. at the request of His Mej•cy, and. hays, penetrated by a conviction 61 its inutility, a' 'termitud to contemns to the wishes of the fiiivatlSl. and the people, and abandoned the-Dili. I will in follow the Noble Lord's example, and enter. no Cl 0.-casion, into the great question of CatholicLmee eipatioo. Hut thus far will go. and avow, dot e we do not regard soma principles as tuadament.l and unchangeable, it will ever be the Meant of a' dug discontent and anitnosity thmoglimit the e , Aire. I have ever looked on the subjects' right of petitioning the Crown, and the indepiaalence Judges of the Land. as tundameniai prnicipid° the Constitution, and certainly not ices Ni must s• esteem the principle. thac thinCeiveitinien: of ir country, in all its branches, shall be I'm: SI•4111. In this view of the subje *. I must lickuoale 2 gei prefer, as some have even been rash enoao derwminate it, the bigotry of the year Wei, sc .. use conduA et those who supported king it Liam on the 'Fbrone of Eaglaiid,l to all te: t spun schemes of modern unitive:tom. 1 wts co.itese, anxious to hear what armaments it Noble Lord would adduce to 'nova that any ; g sod would result :rem the =assize ; but u: I.lc .11 ..el rarer • ••• y I .11 wrifi Inal . bassi Mit, soon gram utt:t 1:~! obw h'r; vie!: mat seas