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1001. He should like to know on what principle the Judge■ of the Insolvent Debtors' Court claim. ed to be placed un so much better a scale of emote lument. Mr. Mosta( said, the attendance of the Judges of Cheater was only required in their Court twice a year. while those of the Insolvent Court were in attendance *boost every day. He did not think the salaries too great. but he should have expected them to give up private practice. Mr. Serjrunt (Immo* supported the Resolution. Mr. GassiFlLL said, that as the question was to be brought before the House next Session, he hoped an inquiry would be merle into the propriety of ruining the salaries of the Police Magistrates, us vothiog in leis minima could tend so much to ensure the obtai ll i l of efficient persons. Mr. CALCRAYT said, he Pow no reason to think the salaries too large. Formerly there were in that Court but one Judge, and he hail a salary of 000/. a year ; then it was found expedient to in.. crease the 'somber, and it was thought the salary not too large to induce Gentlemen of capacity and knowledge to undertake the of f ice. It by no means followed that because the Police Als.„ostrates had too little, that the Commissioners of the losolvent Debtor.' Court had too notch. Ile thought the Police Magistrates much underpaid, and lie was turpri.ed that such efficient men could be got to till the office. Flo always considered it good economy in the administration of the affairs of a coositry to wake a liberal allowance for public, p.rticularly jothcial stations, in order to obtain proper and Oleo-sit persons. M. ARERGROMBY said, that from the interest he 11.r1 taken in the success of iliat Court, he had fre quent communication with Mr. Reynolds; and whatever might he the &Airs of Mr. Harris or Mr. Rower), he thought the time Mr. Rey n olds liad to devote to his office was wholly incompatible with general practice at the bar. Mr. H. G. BENNETT said hr should yield to the general wish of the Hott•e, and not press it to a division. The ATTORNEY GENERAL said that Mr. Rey nolds hail given up general practice at the bar. The vote wan teen passed. A message was presented from the Lords, re questing a copy or the correspondence on the extra boat. ALIEN ACT. The sum of 5,7351. I'. tiJ. wis then proposed to di hay the esherwts of the Alien and Suprran nuation Office. Sir K. Vl'll.sost said, that this vote haJ passed the Committee without any downtown, u though lie dol not kuow any one inure objection:o,lc, not iri priii4 of amount, but its application. lie eon eriv,d the Alien Act a disgrace to the country. In France, although they had the poi:er to refuse passports, y• t no foreigner could lir icuntred uadvss lie had rendered himself obnoxious in some 1111 cutler. lie had •Iso the power o r p u v e th a .,,, g nor did his property go at his death to the Government, lie had the poser to di , pose of it as be thought trooper. But now this Act existed it; E.igland, in the 7 h year of price, which re flected opprohr . and disgrace upon the coun try.—(Hour, hear, hear.)--lii Spain, under the hew Government, • Decree »as issued. stating— " that the Spanish territory should be an asylum tOr all foreign rs." The Hon. and gallant General then adverted to the ca.e of Madame Moonlit's, and others. to point out the evil consequences resulting front this oppressive Act. During the late trial, when an individual had applied to a person in Italy re specting evidence in favour of her Majesty, it ap peared that Col. Browne had threatened the father of the indisitloal (M. Marietti, a most respectable gentleman) that he should have the law put iu force. Every foreigner with whom he conversed entertained apprehensions respecting this law. The House would recollect the case of an old French Priest, 70 ycats of age, who although labouriug u.ider illness, would not be allowed to laud iu England. Upon all these grounds be should op pose the grant. Mr. HoanousE said, he agreed MO perfectly in all that had fallen from his Hun. Friend, that he cou'd not give a silent vote. He considered the Alien Act and the Forego Enlistment Bill as part s.f that system of policy which the Noble Marquis had entered into when he entertained a higher opt. Ilion of his illustrious Allies than he did at prevent, fur the Circular of the Noble Marquis and other tiantactions demonstrated that be did not think so favourably of them-- The Marquis of LONDONDERRY" No! no!" Mr. Hoationsit—This was only his deduction from the conduct of the Noble Lord, but if it were not the case he was sorry for it, for he stood almost alone in his opinion. If the House would Flow him, he should tell them an anecdote that occurred to himself at Milan, illustrative of his ar guinea :--happening to be one night at the theatre at Milan, in company with au English physician, a Captain in the grenadiers stood immediately before them, with his cap on, and prevented them from seeing well. H s friend asked him to take off his car r upoi. which the Captain said something rude. Hit friend, the Doctor, immediately beckoned to bun tO follow him out, which he did; they of course expected some kind of encounter, when, to their great surprise, the Doctor was immediately hooded over to the guard, and put into custody. Ile (Mr. ilohhouse) happening to know Count Salo, the Governor of Milan, waited upon him, and was received with great politeneas; sod lie told him the Captain found himself obliged to du so, being ou guard ; but, added he, " are you not aware the same thing could be done in England, wider the Alien Act? Lord Castlereagh would have dune pre cisely the same thing."—(Hear.)--He (Mr. H.) said he was sure his Lordship would do no such thing. Be mentioned this circumstance to chew the opinions that are entertained abroad of this Act, a::d that not by the common people, but by men ill office. This measure was so execrable that the very persons employed to carry it into effect neglect ed to do it ; and the terror entertained by foreigners respecting it was well described by his Honourable Fr.et.d (Sir R. Wilson). He therefore hoped that msuy Gentlemen would be found un both sides of the House to oppose it. Mr. CLIVE had inquired into the case of Madame Mootillon, and it was quite different front the °pi won that had gone abroad. He had a conversation with the medical gentlemen who attended her child, stud it *as nut at her request, but at the request of the Captain of the ship, who observed the child to look ill. The child did not die in two or three days, but two or three menthe after her removal, and Madame Mootilloo had eepressed herself in terms of gratitude. Sir R. WiLSON explained. Mr. BRRNAL said, as the House was now hold. ing out encouragement to other nations to establish a wide and liberal footing, we should begin by abo lishing this odious measure. Every day there were declarations and counter-declarations from different Governments, and the time might come when the Government of this country should wish to give way to the feelings of humniiii t and violate this law. Hr wished to know whether any paper had been issued by Austria on this subject. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said it was the constant practice of the Hoot. and gallant aroma (Sir R. Wilson). whenever the word " alien" was mentioned, to call for the attention of the House. But he hoped he was not serious in making this the night of contest. The Alien Act had only one sear more to go, and then the Hon. and gallant General would have an opportunity of trying the opinion of the House. With respect to the ques tam of the Hon. Gentleman (Ur. Bernal) he could only say, he heard of no such paper. He could not agree to the construction given to his conduct by the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Hohhouse) with re spect to the Allies ; he could net concur in the gene ral doctrine laid down by them, bat he acqu.tied them of ally disposition of any thing further than a desire to meet the evils they saw around them. With resspect to the general nature of this law, he must inform the House, that it was not intended for the accomrondstion of any foreign Power, nor did it deny to any stranger that asylum which be came the hospitality of Englishmen to b-stow ; nod when it could be shewn that au iiidividu it was removed on account of his previous conduct in ally other country, !hell be should admit the law was abused. But when foreigners made this cou , itry the seat of their optio•itiiiii to other Powers, this country owed it to itself to put the law in force. However, next year the Hon. and gallant General could have au opportunity to bring the whole ar tillery of his argument to bear upon the subject. At present he was wasting his fire, not upon the priticiple of the measure, but the persons employ ed in the Allen Office. Sir JANES MACKINTOSH 89141, it was now too late io the S, swims to bring f.rw.rd a specitie lion on the subject, but he viewed it vri•ti the uirelog abhorrence, and as they had tio means to crush it, the best course to pursue would be to strrse the monster to death, by withholding the memos of it. subsistence. lie was the more dis po.eil to oppose it on the statement of the Noble .Marquis. If it were intruded to be temporay on *copula of the present state of Europe, there never was a period alien it was less necessary. All the governments from which fugitives would fly ware victorious, Nal if ever thew were a time when it should be repealed, it was uow, through compas sion to these fugitives. He VI.IS rather surprised the N,ible Lord did riot adopt the construction put upon hi, feelings towards the Allied Omen', who were now disposed to put down, by force of sums, all opposittou to existing governmead..—f Hear.) The lion. 11. G. BENNETT srid it was not his intention to speak of the general policy of the pre sent measure, but there was one circumstance to which he wished the attention of the Noble Lord. Duiing the late disturbances a gentle.nsir and his sun, with whorls he was well acquainted, took re fuge in a S,anish ship, and Sir %Vm. A'Court wait ed on them, and expressed the deepest regret that they should be alarmed. He prevailed on them to come ashore, and the moment they did, they were arrested, and put into one of the worst prisons in Italy. He wished the matter to be explained, and some directions he given to Sir Win. A'Court, for no innocence or no youth could escape the ven geance of that Lazzaronian King. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said he felt him self called upon to reply to the Hon. Gentleman, lest his silence should be considered us assenting to what he should always , consider an abase of the privileges of that House, namely, u personal at. tack upon illustrious Sovereigns. With respect to the transaction alluded to lie never heard one word about it, arid no King could be more revered or esteemed by his subjects than the Kiug of Naples. Mr. BENNETT hoped the Noble Lord would make it his business to inquire. Lord LONDONDERRY said, that he always con sidered it his duty to pay every attention to any cominunication from our Ambassador. but he did not think it necessary to apply to Sir Wm. A'Court on the subject. Mr. BENNETT deprecated the slightest idea of casting the least reflection upon Sir Win. A'Court, with whom he was personally acquainted, and fur whom he entertained a high respect. He was cer tain, however, the truusactiou alluded to had occurred, Lord MILTON said, that no rebuke from the Noble Lord should ever prevent him from express. ing his opinions upon the conduct of any foreign Mciaarch. The Hon. C. HUTCHINSON agreed with the Noble Lord upon the impropriety of making an attack upon any illustrious individual, when he was sort present to make his defence. This was u principle upon which he should slways act. The principle acted upon in this country should in his opinion be acted upon with respect to foreign Kings, namely, that Ministers, and Ministers only. should be made responsible for their acts. He could not, however, close his eyes to the conduct of the King of Na ples. Have we not seen him compelled to quit his capital at the mandate of other Sovereign., amidst the greatest difficulties and the most unseasonable part of the year, and compelled by them (tor lie could not tibia it was a voluntary aci) to violate the oath be had solemnly taken to his subjects, to support the Constitution lie bud given them ? He dirt nut wish to say any thing disrespectful to this King, but it was impossible, with uil his anxiety, to visit the acts of Sovereigns upon their Ministers, sod its this feeling he knew his Hotioura. We Friend (Mr. Bennett) fully participated, to wit ness such conduct without animadversion. [Here the Hun. Gentleman was interrupted by cries of " Question 1"] He was Hot surprised that Gentle men who came down to that House determined to support the Noble Moulins upon every occasion should cry "Question I" He was nut surprised that. after they had day after day presented Petitions Iv that House, stating the distresses of their consti tuent., and having been themselves instrumental in creating this distress by supporting the Noble Lord, and after voting such exorbitant supplies in the present year, they shouid now be callous to the honour sod interests of their country.—/Hear.)— He thought his Honourable Friend (Sir R. Wil son) perfectly right in opposing this system of tyranny, for such he should call it, what was so prejudicial to the cause of liberty every where. He felt persuaded there was a combination between the Sovereigns of Europe to put down liberty wherever she made her appearance, and the Noble Lord had. by the line of argument he adopted in that House, seemed dispo.ed to favour their dispo sitions; but he hoped and believed there was in the progress of the human mind a growing resolu tion to shake off the yoke of tyranny, and although they might for a time be repressed, they would ultimately succeed in establishing, the sacred cause of lit►erty.—/l:heers.J—Flt nislied, before lie rat down, to ask the Noble Lord whet her the statement respecting the Rev. Clr rgyman were true.-for if tin ; the House should tint separate without passing a vote of censure upon the grant. He begged par don for trespassing upon the House, but he never could suffer this question to pass, without express ing his abhorrence of so odious a system.--(fkar.) The I louse then divided-- Fur the Reso •••••).•• • 44 Agaiwit it Majority TY Sever succeeding Resolution• were agreed to without di,cussiou. Sir Q. 11 . I LSO N presented • Petition from LlT bed, in support of the Cruelty to Animals Bill.— Ordered to be prune,.. DUKE OF CLARENCE. The CHANcILLoR or the EXCHEQUER moved the Order of the Day for the House resolving itself into Committee oa the grant to the Duke of Clu•ence. Mr. CREEVEY thought that it was by no means too late to appeal to the forms of the House to de feat the proposed grant, awl before he sot down he would move for the postponement of the order until some dishiest day, which would Froduce that effect. Ile thought that the subject bad been treated iu an unconstitutional manner by the advo cate* of the measure. It was a deviattoit, if not from the law, front the usage of Parliament, in attempt to annex this pooceetling to somethuog which had been dune two Parliatnents ago. it was a preposterous proposition, and in direct violation of all the rtilea of Parliament. He wished to treat this grant as he would do in the c use of any other in dividual to whom it might be proposed to make it. All that had been said iii favour of it amounted to Chia, that the Duke of Clarence was at liberty to make the application, and succeed in it if Parlisi orient should be foolish eirouo , l to accede. This course was contrary to the (betty of the Crown, igtosl Ministers ought, as iti other cases, to have brought a message down fur the occasion, that the House might have had that much more reason fur compliance. His next objection to the grant was, that of Ministers being thus converted into instru ments of favouritism to the Royal Family. The worthy Alderman near him had stated, that a pro guise male to the Queen by Moister., as to a snot fur utrolit (especially for a house for her Ma jesty to live in) had been broken. It was per kcily preposterous to suppose that Ministers could thus he allowed to act as instruments of favouritism to one part of the Royal Family, while they were at liberty to break their etsga4effieula with and endeavour to sacrifice the Queen. Her Majesty surely bad as much right to consideration as the Duke of Clarence. Hr knew of no member of the Royal Family besides her Majesty alto had ever refused a grant of money because it was too much, or more than the people ought to pay. She had proposed of herself to reduce the 50,000!. a year to 35,0001., by accepting which the public had in six years, from 1814 to 1819 (both inclusive( saved 90,0001. The Doke of Clarence refus ed the allowance offered him altogether, and on very different grounds. The Queen was tint only neglected but defrauded of that which had been promised, while it was proposed to Pay the Duke of Clarence arrears, which he had refused. This was verrhard upon the peo ple of England. It was quite enough to ask them to provide for the Duke of Clarence in future, especially when they had been called oat in the same Session of Parliament to make provision for the trial of the Queen. It was not for the pleasure of the people that the Queen was hied ; the people were entitely against the proceeding ; they coo 'Wert(' it as a most iniquitous course for Ministers to take. It was hard upon them to be required not only to pay for it, but to make provision besides for ooe who had acted so conspicuous a part iu that measure, so fatal to the character of the Crown and its advisers. The Hon. Member eulogiard the sentiments of the speech of the Noble Marquis (Titchfield) delivered the other night upon that very subject. He wished that the people of Eng laud could have been present to have heard that speech ; it was fit to be written in letters of gold, mid preserved as an eternal honour to the speaker and has family, and to chew to the Royal Family and their successors how much they must degrade themselves by embarking in te cause the object of winch was the unjust persecution of one of their uwu body. That was indeed a disgraceful trial— sod never could lie forget the ferocious manner in which the rouble person alto now cause forward to ask them for money-- The Marquis of LONDONDERRY put it to the Chair if the term " ferocious manner" was within the boundaries of discussion allowed in Parhanseot. The SIottAKER conceived that he need not inform the Hun. Member that he hail transgressed those rules which the House had always pteactibed to it self to regulate di. cassion . Mr. Cite:sere said, that he was otily speaking of the conduct of the Noble Peer now making appli cation fur money on a public measure which had been granted elsewhere-- The CHANCILI.oit of the EXCHIRQUIR spoke to order. Whit might have take.' place in another House could never be uthored as a motive for the guitlasoce of that House ; and to risertboot such a motive must be as disorderly a- to oume the king in any way so as to influence the conduct of the House, which was well known to be entirely out of order. • , Qtr. Cagrarr by no argue wislird lo go out of his *ay to say any thing against the Doke of Cla rence; but • trial had taken place in another House—the Peers had published their protests with regard to that transaction, and he had • right to re fer to them. He had beau present during the whole of that trial—he had beard the Duke say " Not Content" to the question in a tone, and with • voice and manlier fir which, considering that it was a woman and his own cousin to whom he was oppos ing himself, he must be allowed to say he had never witnessed, never heard or seen such a thiug iu civi lised society.—(Order. order.) The SPEAKER raid that there was no one more anxious than himself to defend the privileges of the House; but he put it to the Hon. Member if the privileges of the /loose could be more substantially infringed or violated than by persons elsewhere publishing their remarks on the manner in which Members of that House conveyed their sentiments on the measures under discussion. Ile said this without any reference to the Geis belonging to the case which had been mentioned, of winch he was most anxious to keep clear ; but certainly it could not he orderly fur Members to comment on the manner in winch Members of another legislative assembly thought proper to discharge their duties. Mr. CREEVEY apologized for having been carried sway by the warmth of his feelings on the occasion. He would not advert to the questionable part of his subject, but he contended that lie was perfectly justified in his observations on the expenses of the trial, and in the objections which the public enter tained both to the proceeding and those expences. Ile could not do his duly fairly to himself or them if he were to allow one farthing towards them. There was another subject to which he felt I himself compelled to advert, it was that of he Coro nation ; Ministers were going to a very great ' expense on the occasion. He knew that the Noble Lord opposite would say as he had done before, that it was a solemn and constitutional ceremonial. He did not deny but that it might be so, but it was not so regarded by the people. He was quite sure that it was not at all au object of national sympathy. Why else, as people met each other in the streets, did they so invariably in quire if the thing were to take place or tint ? This was proof that some disapprobation W.ll lurking in the public mind. He was at a loss to know himself in what way they were to consider it ; whether as the remainder cf the measure of the Queen's trial ; whether it was not rather as a triumph over the Queen than fur the sake of the coronation of the King. This was the way in which many viewed it : he could not say if they were tight or not. Again, he wished to know what part the Queen was to have in the Coronation, or what law or usage there was for depriving her of any part whatever ? He had heard, lie would not say correctly, that measures were to be taken to prevent her appearance altogether. flow this was to be done he knew not, and lie put these doubts to gait information from the Noble Lord. The Queen must certainly have • tight to be present, were it only as a member of the Royal Family.— He objected to the injustice manifested to her Ma jesty, and the more so as it stood in contrast with the grant proposed to the Duke of Clarence, iri the allowance of which lie was determined to be no party. Mr. BAKERS, jun. thought the allusion to the Queen • most unfortunate one ; he would not stop to discuss the question whether she had • right to the money which she had consented to give up. He thought her reason in giving up the money be cause it wigs too much, must be put on the same footing as the refusal of the Duke of Clarence to his allowance, because it was too little. Ile thought his Royal Highness perfectly consistent in now coining forward to ask for that allowance, having be fore refused it. The Duke had stated that as he was about to marry a Royal Lady. he would not accept of the grant, because he supposed that she would not consent to reside in this country, having to live on so small • sum. That Lady, it appeared, had generously undertaken to live iii this country with out wig , increased allowance whatever. The con duct of his Royal Highness was uo less liberal in regard to the public iti refusing a grout, because lie expected that it would be spent out of the country. It was not until he was assured of the settled resolution of his consort to remain here that he load come forward to ask for that allowance. As to the annual grant, there was but one opinion, and he would most cordially vote for granting the arrears. Mr. HABBORD said, that he had already declared that he would allow the 6,000/. a yea►, but that he would object to the arrears. He thought the Queen's Cabe pettedly in point; she might as reasonably come forward and claim the 105,0001. which she had given up. He lamented that the meats had been brought forward in any shape; the mention of claims, as applied to his Royal Highness, was equally unfortunate. lie wished to abstain both from adulation and insult; he would vote for the grant, hut he would oppose the arrears. Sir 1. COFFIN said a few words. Mr. G. BgNNKTT opposed the grant altogether, having seen nothing to induce him to alter his opt. To one topic mentioited he was compelled to advert—he meant the Corobstion. He must say that lie begrudged the expense of it altogether ; not that he would begrudge it to the Royal Person himself, whom he was not one to insult, but the ceremony was ill suited to the poverty and &greases of the country. To use the words of • great au thor, " it is not fitting that • country so sick at heart should look so well its the face." They heard from every quarter of the British kingdom complaints of distress, while they were about to waste 100,0001. on a pageant. In lormer times • coronation was considered as a solemn covenant between the King and his people, even in a stronger sense than that which lisi beets given to it by the Noble Lord on a former night. Charles 1. had adverted to his situation in relation to his subjects before end after his Coronation, but latterly the sense in which these things were looked upon was altered. A Coronation was not now to be con sidered in regard to suit and service ; it was reckoned as a mere shear. tie could not help think log that it would be considered so by the people at huge; he was likely to hear of it, but not to see it ; be would be thinking every moment of the time which it was likely to occupy, of the hundreds of fentilies which had been sold sop in the coarse of the year to pity taxes, whose musely might have been obviated by a sum no larger than the ex penes would amount to. If the condition of the country were prosperous, if the store-houses were filled, and the granaries abundantly sup plied, he could have felt no objection to this tem porary profusion ; but while there was nothing to be heard hut the voice of mourning in our streets, he could not help thinking what good effects might be produced by laying out so much money in some way or other to diminish the general distress. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY could not help protesting against the exaggerated descriptions of public distress made use of to cover attacks on a solemn and important ceremonial about to he cele brated. He professed not to understand the sync. ;lathy for the public expressed by those who, while they would not suffer one farthing to be laid out for the purpose of giving grace and honour to the Crown, were ready to plunge the country into all the trouble and expenses to which the interference with the affairs of the European States so strongly recommended by them was almost sure to lead. A coronation was not a mere pageant—it was net an idle ceremony—it was a solemn covenant between the King and his people, and Ministers would have been guilty of• very gross neglect of duty had they not promptly advised the Monarch to fulfil it. Among other ill effects which had *risen front a late measure which had been mentioned, lie reckoned one of the worst to be the postponement of this august ceremony. He thought that the feelings of the country had been wrought on at that time chiefly by the exaggerations of the gentlemen oppo site, who would do much better not to disturb and excite those feelings as they seemed so dispose to do of late, by ling to that unfortunate subject. They forsooth felt their hearts ache at the expense of 100,000/. to be spent under the regulations of the law on a coronation, while they were ready to spend millions in the support of whit they called the cause of liberty—he called it confusion in the affairs of continental States. It would be found that there was no waist of economy, hut that the whole ceremony would be ordered with a strict view to that principle throughout. He looked on the people of England in quite another light to that in which they were viewed by the llotiourable Members opposite. He saw nothing of that dis content, and that neglect of the Constitution, and the dignities which belonged to it, described by them ; he thought that there would be little dis content heard of in any quarter, if it were not raised and ken% alive by the exaggerations of those Hon. Members. It would, indeed, have. been inning. litinons and unconstitutional conduct in Ministers had they not given their Sovereign the earliest counsel to fulfil that solemn covenant which was to bind him to his people. Mr. Heise rejected the imputation of the Noble Lord ; lie threw back upon him any thing like the fire-brand character which the Noble Lord had' described, and which could only he applied to the measures of the Noble Lurd himself and his col leagues, in endeavouring to crush the Queen of England, the wife of his King, in setting them selves up above the laws and the constitution, to put down, be would say an innocent, and they themselves must admit, an uasprotei•ted woman. Under such circumstances had they attempted to crush !ter. that the feelings of resentment shewn by the people (he hoped that they would live long after the Noble Lord had run his career, and to the end of it he would speedily arrive, as he (Mr. Home) was quite assured) were such as to Aviv that they (the people) had been very much mistaken, when it was hoped that such a measure could ever be agreeable to the taste of a British public. He was one of those who had on that oc casion done his best to prevent civil war uud civil commotion. It was too much to tors off the dis cussion to a matter of interference with a foreign Power, as if the expenditure of a shilling was comprised iu the advice then given. The Noble Marquis said, that a Coronation was an august and sacred ceremony. He denied that there could be any thing sacred in a ceremony which carried with it direct injustice. Let the Queen have her rights as well us the King his coronation. The Noble Lord, there, and a Noble Earl in another place, had pledged themselves that no diminution of the Queen's rights should be attempted in future. Was this then faith ? He knew of no individuals who bad more just occasion to reproach themselves for having deviated from those principles of Chris tianity which taught the avoidance of oppress sion and injustice, or who had even shewn more anxiety to violate them. They had gone as far as they could in the dangerous course they were taking. and now he (Mr. flume) and his Hon. Friends, who would have prevented the catastrophe, who gave notice of the danger from the first. were to be told that they were to blame for it. He re commended the Noble Lord to be just to the King and the Queen also. He (Mr. Hume) wished to see the Sovereign treated as the King of a great people, but he did not wish to set his dignity de graded by the persecution of one of the Blood Royal. Once for all, he recommended the Noble Marquis to deal justly to that illustrious and un fortunate individual, whom God had placed under the protection of the British Government. Mr. F. PALMER deprecated the proposed grants as one of the most profligate ever proposed to Par liament. He was surprised to hear the Noble Marquis attribute the auger and discontent of the country to himself and his Hon. Friends. Had Ministers chosen they might have put a stop to the trial whenever they pleased by taking a firm mid decided tone. As to incurring expense by inter fering with the Continent of Europe, what was asked on the occasion alluded to ? Merely for the Noble Marquis to signify to the Allied Powers that England would be no party to the measures the) pursuing, and would never admit the principle of interlering in national arrangements. Mr. W. SMITH said, that as to agitating the public mind by what took piece on the Steal of the Queen, it had never occurred to him that the blame belonged to his side of the House. As id bringing ou a war by interfering with Austria the other day, they thought that they were rather taking measures for avoiding than provoking s war. He could not look upon a Coronation a. th, Noble Marquis did : it was not a part or Ili, Constitution, but only a constitutional cerenteo• Goverisrutut would go on with as effective strength without it. There was nothing in it which peculi arly hound the State. If the people thought that the King gave up the ceremony to save the wont!.