The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser. — London, England, 1821-04-17 00:00:00

language of legislation could speak it, they told the Catholics—es We have taken from you the benefit of the laws and the privileges of the Con stitution, because you are governed by a di•af f!ded clergy." He undertook to prove the fal lacy of this assumption, and lie would plead his owa knowledge of the peculiar part of the united tiagdaat iw labia :to resided: foe Th. would , be obuilesg their Lordships for hito to say, that he could witness the imi ition of - shackles 1110811 , any I. 1.- Catholics as- the- Price dye • terneeesiont propepea. - He felt too much for the intellect and ref those who introduced the measure to Parliament; not to feel persuaded that the securities were not sought fog their sattsfootions The able per.. oea who had adrocated the Bill in the other House, • and the Noble Lords who were prepared to do the oimein this, were perfectly convinced that a more ' .o.pectafile body of men than that of the British Rs uuau Catholic Clergy did not exist. The se corities then were not added from any real fear of danger to the Protestant succession, which must be perfectly secure as to any thing likely to he dnue to its disadvantage by the Catholic Clergy. The Bill was a measure of great favour and grace to a part of the Catholic body, but it war too soorh to sacrifice the character of a most respectable body of clergymen to compensate ti e advantages surrendered by such a sneasure. —He would not injure the originators of the Bill trod their Loodships as to suppose. that the let ter part of the Bill was a wanton stigma on that most deserving body of clergymen. Perhaps, therefore, it might be more proper for him to pp/t -oms* that which Ise woe about to say until a sub sequent stage of the Bill. If he could have re ceived any intimation from the Noble Lords to, whom he had before alluded that they were dis poaed us let the Bill he read a second time, he would not have troubled the House at this junc ture ; but he was anxious that it should, be col . derstoed that he was not the advocate of the Bill • in lee present shape. He would he unworthy of a seat in that House if he professed to be the unqualified advocate of a Bill so constructed.— There were many of Isis Noble Friends who were of the 'tune opinion with himself, who would grout. the conditions of the first part of the Bill without looking for soy securities. He spoke the °proton of those Noble persons as much as his own, in my . i rig that modifications might take place which would lessee no objections to the Bill remaining, and yet would do away none of the essential eecuritirs. If securities tfiey could be called. In the first place, the latter part of the Bill began by pro posiog a compulsory oath to be taken by the clergy, which was• to be enforced under the pe eithies of misdemeanor. He never liked . the tont eiple of compoleory oaths. There were some winch bad been enacted which eireurnstences had mode .opperresitly reasonable. Of this kind was the oath required to be taken Iry the clergy. in cousequeuce • of the disasters of the French war. But on whom were the present mitts so he enforced ? Not on any ohs were to be benefited by the first tent of the liill. 'Else clergy wire to derive, they asked no heuefir from it. He odmitredi that there was iw tt,iag in the proposed oath which an honest man treed scruple to tube ; but he objected to the prin ciple of comptilsory rotate. As •far as the present $4l was cumartiesl; he was couvinned that the.corn poleory vat h could ireeento tjle %&H front bet og cor ned into complete sheen. - I ft irao:sie answer. to say thee the Doman Cetholie elergyouti ought to be. content w;tit the oath ; the Leg-I...haute itself was not contented by his. taking the oath. The Bill did oese treat lain. After meowing Irina thao he would reeomniend no one to' the office of Dean or Bishop, who wasonot of appnrved Loyalty, and se on ; after nil, it wile to be left to the Secretary of State to sp. lose the nomination. Surely the oath ought to ton teat them, or it saute useless to take it. Titer which . was sewn siteotly-wao to he carried into effect by . the chm •es w hit* followed. This was Ro am s i ot o., • snarl required correction. There watt another port of the Sill whirls required moddicatioit, bath .14 kin opinion and that of his Noble Friends. Two llgkeminisisioners were to be appointed to receive re.- aitipty mud other documents, which might he sent feels the See of Rome; one here and one in Ireland. lie had are objection to the establishment of Com missioners its this country, end in the seat of Go vernreent ; but iii 'reboot, these Commissioners would not have so much to do. They would have nenretime to indulge in partialities mid animosities. Mow the Board would be easily aseisfieds They *UM receive the nornmatOm of a Bishop, midst obi/ knew nothing ogainit him, they stotilif giare. theorielves no officious trouble to find something our. 'But in Ireland such a Board would be like a Poo Office system. They would find out the connexions, civil mid political, of the per. son proposed. slot deal• with him according to their mew of his infitiemite and importauce. The Clergy miuld never endure this* In • short iiinethey sorsookl forget that there was any Board at all.— They ovoid go en at they hod done for the last fifty years. There would be no improper tecumintit. /tattoos ; seething of an improper outare would tooopire between the Clergy sad the Roman See; bat mill there were great objections to this part of the memoir. Represented as• Ireland was in the other house of Parliamem, he thought this a di n . gerou. Isomer to trust In a Board of Ceowniessoliers &otiose in Ireland. He 1n...1ett...1, as II counter we, rutty for the conduct of the Board of COMMIS. • b oat:, that it should uniformly consist of these servants of die Crown *lO held certain offices to • lie hereof:ler named; hut parity feelings were - venial to a. pent re trot or Ireland. %Volt rid the leisure, °ppm:sooty, and iticheetion which then existed * , ho feared that surds s pow e r . would be eiterrised with considerable sninin s oy and pintielity. if the Bill went nee t;trinnottee, he would, eforefore, have to *shoot mad.ficotions to the elieet of the observations winch Pie had jest sessile. The Hilt costained another port which soma uhjectioirable. It was eaffireent for the unfor lonely Bishop or Dean proposed to the Ssate for opprobrium, so be rejected. This was misfortune enueglt ; but it was rued, worse by the Bill, which required the 'ejection to be verstered. misfire. trine was .to be • posied—seurered On th e so u s o f ensiseerv, and the wirortisetate • riest was to be marked for a black sheep--or go down frees se. attrition to generation, as a person whom the (so. swournent did suit dank trust-wolthy. This chime eisild require alteration. He hail one more obser. yahoo to make, and only one. As the latlf now stood, all documents whstsoeser recei•. See of Rouse ingot be referred to the Commissioners. A west snail documents relate to private confessions, sod illusions °ureic them* relented• to the detision of th See. It was impossible for s Catholic clergyk comply with this contlitioo conscientiously. No r►ne of Private confession, nor commune with any being upon it, the Head of the Church, excepted. They weak} net surely force the- Catlinhe clergyman to do that which was directly contrary to 'ell clerical duty. The noble persons to.* whom he had alluded were of opinion that the clergyman should be required to take the oath upon the re ceipt of documents relating to private confessionals, but that he should he exempted from all further inquiry and consequences. Witb these he was prep aied to receive tke' Bill. Batit would be of no worth, in his estimation, encumbered with all the dairies which as present hung to it. He assured their Lordships , that his task was one of considerable difficulty. For the sake of the laity he swished to see the Bill passed and earned into effect. But he felt that he was the advocate of the Clergy us well as of the Laity. The Clergy sought and expected no benefit from the present Bill ; they only asked to be able to he allowed to exercise their rights as heretofore, and to be left, even as to their income and daily bread, entirely independent of the Goer anent. To thyme to whom the Bill did not apply in the shape of benefit it should not apply terrorem, ani still less as a measure of degendstioli and of jealousy. So far had he accomplished his purpose of +stetting his views and those of the Catholics of Ireland which he had to represent. They were ant treating with the Government fur soy collet". sons. A. it was in time power of the latter to riposte them, it ought to be in the power of the former to receive or reject them ac cording to-the valise of the conditions. Ha did net wish to outlet-value what wise proffered. There vote: some other parts of the Hill to which he had ob ject i ots% He could not oppose the cosistitutiois of. Board of Cotiennaioners, to which all papal docu• ments and reectipto should be referred: Whether the Catholics approved of it or not, he would fol low his owu opioiuti, which went in favour of it. lie din not wind it fur himself, but be thought it 'necessary to satisfy the House. lie did not like, as lie load no auspicious feelings himself, to go out of his way to civil with suite feeling* in others. He Iseuld be glad, however, if the Catho. lies had may thief; lett to give up for the intliti genci. a proposed ; if they hall any thing left, • Ise would be sorry to see the Bill puss without Solliio eqaiirelent dieing granted to the Protestant M. mitten to makeup fir it. He would not undertake' to sty how far the Catholic Clergy were satisfied' with the Bill. He considered the 5-entities absurd as unnecessary, and so far objected to them, be. she rod esking Roman aaisse cause he would not•lturt their Celitigs by denim:dug them. Ile was !persuaded that Government would never be disturbed through the nomination of a Catholic Bishop. He did tint, nu the other,hinid, suppose that Government would go' out of their way to oppose a nomination, to indulge potty ca price end animosity. He believed that the very saute uteri as at present• would he Bishops and. D•titis in the Catholic Church. Ile had troubled' ; their Lordships at greater length than he intended. He thanked them far their patient attention to Isim. lie had endeavoured to trace the origin and mettle of the Bill through sr far it had liithetto gone. In' advocating the Catholic interests, lie trusted that he had said nothing in the least injurious to the . feelings of any man. He had endeavoured to adopt the tone of forbearance- and moderation mid tit paining the Btli through the other Hong,. Per haps no man' had ever been so anxious to do his duty fully and convoetitioosty. lie would deeply lament it if he had in the cattier of that duty wounded the feeling* cf ally party. fie begged leave to repeat his assurances of gratitude for the . patient attention lie had rantlitesteiti v and conclud ed by moving that the Bill be now rest) a second time. such a massacre as that of St. Barihnlionew. But when- htdrike eve+ Cori-drained each a upessaCie ? Had ii okected to thertvocation 400111411E1kt of Nantes ?AN Lordship went on to prcare that not. withstanding all' that thighrfie eirgetahatit . the • cltatige in the disposition of the' . Roman Church, there could be no truiting to Catholics, because all good Ones were obedient to au alien authority. The Head of the Church and his Clergy- were entitled to 119 more con fi dence. They could atone time stigmatise the ambition of an •• usurping con queror, and at another legalise all his • acts.— They enjoined obedience on the subjects of an he. retical State, *lnch they were afterwards as ready to annul. The duties of their priesthood were devoted entirely to the extension of the property arid politics, power of the Church. They knew best how to employ spiritual influence as a great state engine—it one time ittfuttieg calmness and obedience into the minds of their communion, at another moulding their opinions to any other purpo.e they might have in view. He remarked on the great power they possessed over the minds of dying persons who required absolution from them. As a proof of their sedulous industry in overcoming übotacles, lie reminded the House that sit the restoration of the Bourbon. • priest could scarcely *alb the streets in safety. The case was altered now; they abounded in every putt of the country ; they were busied in arrow* the 'reotoration of the church property, and an one • port they had actually prevailed on the people to resume the payment of tithes. He sad that hr had conversed with a very good Catholic upon the probability of the present Bull passing. lie was a foreigner disiioction, and was candid enough to rickoursdedge, that however much lie might rejoice at the passing of the Bill us a Ca a• a Member of the British Parliament it • would grieve him. His Lordship then commented severally on tht exclusions proposed by the Bill. He thought its fifer to trust a Catholic Monarch on the throoe, than trust to the influence of a Catholic Council or a Catholic Prime Minister. He did nut Itemw how they could contrive it, if they admitted a Catholic to the Privy Council, to prevent him from deciding on ecclesiastical af fairs. Catholics were excluded frosts all the offices in the- Universities. but they were out prevented by the Bill from becoming teachers or instructors to the Heir Apparent. He point ed ant the probable danger which might arise from such a connexion. Ile saw a similar danger in admitting Catholic. to be Secretaries to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; but chiefly he dreaded the influence of • Catholic Minister on a Several Peers rose at once. The cry W4B in turn for Lord Me!ville, Lord Grenville, the Lord Chaiieellor, acid Lord Mansfield. Lord MANSFIELD retained the attention of the House, and begged to he allowed to offer the reit suns which would induce him to move that the Hill should be read a second time that day six month.. He remarked generally that collects seemed to set no bound,. to the claims of the Roman Catholics, and be expressed his apprehension that they would go on uutit they demanded the restitution of the estates which bad beets taken from them on and before the Reformation. He apologised for offering his opinion against so strong a current of authority, but he thought that there was but little wisdom, policy, or foresight, in the i•..rodnetion of the present Bell into Parliament. lie dreaded lest by and by it should he contended that as the Pres byterian reli. ' eimi had been established in Scotland, so ought the Catholic religion in he established in Ireland. Concession, by uniting the political power of the Catholics, would faintish the machine by which that purpose would lw operated. He thought it impossible to deprive the Cuustitu han its Anti-Catholic eh:ow:ter without de stroyilig its balances. It might he said that the time of danger from the power of the Pape hail gone by, a n d that there was no necessity for such securities. lie considered, hoary' r, that the oily Daftly they enjoyed on that score was owing to the inferior numbers of the Catholics. lie thought iambi rig of the securit;es of die Hi 11, nor of the excep- 11u11S as to cerium offices. These were only calcu lated to lull the smthinking. It was said the Catho lic religion was no longer a subject ofipprehension. lie reminded the house of the pliancy and assiduity of the Roinish Priesthood, as it loud been exhibited in all Clirtatian countries. lie hail r.tines.ed their behaviour in tvany comitries. lie had been ant. prised at thegrossitiess of their indolgeocies in woos countries where they felt themselves 'it liberty. lie recounted the case of one place where he had seen married clergymen officiating in this saint dillies as theme who retained their ' , moo of celi linty • unbroken. 011 eXpOBB.4lll g his 'signior to one of' the former, he one answered by the other, saying that - tuarrinr,-,e was an affair of riiiicirture and not of dor"- lie would hive' the Hoare eecollect the tore which had been inade,st the Papal authority bpfpre the Reformabon.• He cited the conduct of that Church in the alfairs between Spain amid the the minds of the generulity of the Catholic poptea. ton ofireland ; but lie law no such prospect in thot Bill. Whew the influence of the Clergy upon the generality of their congregations was considered, he could argue but little good from this measure; con cession was made to the laity lolly, while the c thdi tioos of that COIIICeObIOII I 111 polso riseknaiwa upon the Clergy. - Thus the measure Imre& to irritate that clam which it wu• most desirable to propitiate from their influence over their tsommustim The reairats [anted •weie•sucli as could hardly afford s•tislLehon to the Protestants. The sectititir provided by this" Bill' might be efkCroal fitiy danger Grim rebellion in Ireland; ;joined' to the influence of an evil-disposed Pope at the tonne time. The danger of the prient concesion did not •tisr from the fear of open rebellion, but from the influence and power which the Catholics might *cootie in the Legislature; ogsiust winch he conceived it was imputoible to devise any effec tual check. With respect to the supremacy of the Pope, hr could not feel satisfied of its being free froin danger, until he learned the precise nature of the power claimed by the Pope, particularly with respect to marriages, the obligations of oaths, and other matters of a similar kind. His view of this. subject would be best explained in the words of Lord Clarendon, from whom the Learned Prelate proceeded to reed an extract, urging the necessity of those who acknowledged the spiritual power of the Pope, and yet mailltuilied that their loyalty remained unimpsired, d. finicg what that power was. 'Die ftiemls of this tuilittile seenied to admit that the claims of ilie could not be conceded without the tmposition of re straiut• which the Catholics themselves were un williug toagrre to; they were therefore r • tag u risk of making concessions on terra• which they might •frewards be called mom to rescind. The constitittion was settled by their forefathers on the basis of a pure religion, and the soundness of its principles had been proved by the bltssiog of God upon its results; he trusted their Lordships would not be induced by any ingenious argument to con sent to • measure which thresteurd danger to both. The Duke of Susscx raid, he felt g'eatrr dif ficulty in rising to speak on this question on the present occasion than he had before cxpirituced, because Ike was anxious to argue it coolly unit dis passionately, as the subject required ; but he felt that he could not prevent a considerable portion of the warmth of his feelings from entering into his urguitteot. If he was to be told that to support a measure of this kind was to ente r t a i n principl es hostile to the Comtitution in Church and State, he mnat say, that in loyalty and attachment to the Constituttoo he would yield to no mail. In refer ring to the laws of exclusion, it coull not he de nied that some cause existed for their enactment at the period of their introduction; but it must also be allowed that they had been carried further Pas!lament where any Catholics should Is returned. than the circumstances - warranted. The +twi lit thought the opportunity of creating Peers, with mints of the Noble Eitil, and of the Learned Pie the upplication of three or four millions of money late opposite, concerning the power of the Pope, annually, would go a great way in Ow hands of a seemed to have proceeded upon a misuoder wilyMiciister to subvert the Protestant establishment, steoding of terms, which it was necessary to The Noble Earl cuitchideil by calling upon their define, in order that his meaning might be Lordships to protect that glorious Constitution clearly onder.toad. By way of explaining the on. which was the admiration of the world, from the tune of the 'lower alluded to, its Royal High ' danger with which it win threatelied by this liiil, a sifts read the 37th article of the Church of Eng danger which was not the less to be directed and to laud, which he believed to contain nothing to winch be guarded against, because it approached iu et- airy Catholic would refuse his assent. lie was sorry eresy and concealment, under the guise of con- to say that in England he bud never found it de • &won and security, fined in any book what was meant by ecclesiastical The Bishop of LONDON said, he walsensible of pewee. The only clearly-drawn distinction lie had the disadvantages he laboured under in tivieg to seen iu any book on the subject, between the civil address their Lordships slier the very eloquent and the ecele-iasticel power in the affairs or religion, speech of the Noble Earl who had just se down ; was in a work of his tutor—a professor of the Um but strongly i.iipressed as be was with the import- 'emits. of Gottingen, whose opinions were re mit effects of the Bill before their Lordships, he cetera with respect throughout ereemany,onsublects could not reconcile it to his semi(' of duly to puss connected with the cation law. His Royal High. it by wholly in bile nee. and he therefore threw him- ness then proceeded to quote several relieve id self upon their Lordships' indulgence. Ile pro- Latin from the works of the Professor alluded to, ! seed I • self the friend of religious toleration iii defining ecclesiastical authority to mean the power its widest sense ; lie was willing to allow to the of regulating the sacramental duties and offices of members of every religious persuasion, without ex- religion, which was what Queen Elizabeth ception, the free exercise of their ieliginn, when ed, aud, the civil jurisdiction to apply to the distil there was nothing in its principles inimical to social billion of the temporalities of the Church, which in order and civil government ; mid he would go to• all countries was vested in the government. Ile the fullest extent in giving to the Catholics the next proceeded to shew that even in Catholic cot'''. benefit of toleration, and in admitting them to the tries the Pope possessed no power of a civil nature, enjoyment and participation of the same protection that he could not even promulgate a bull, except and liberty of perdu Red ',repents which the under the authority of the reigning Sovereign, Constitution afforded to their other fellow-subjects; illustrating his position by the circumstance of but he must object to their admission into airy a bull seta by Pope - Pius IV. to Margaret greater share of political power than they now pm- of Anjou, when Regent in the Low Countries, seined. The ground of his objection was their re. being rejected by the civil authorities, until Philip ligious principles, as members of a church claiming of Spnin issued a inundate for its being received and a supremacy of jurisdiction, exacting of its votaries complied with. Thet beiag the doctrine of CA - their utmost exertions for the advancement cif its tholics in countries where the principles of civil li power and its interest, and claiming it power of dis- herty were so little understood, what danger was pewit% from the obligations of oaths which ope- there of his possessing greater influence is these rated in nuy manner as a check or restraint upon kingdoms? There might he reason to view with jea either ; for no oath taken by a Catholic was to be lousy the influence of the See of Rome at the undertood as taken without a re-ervittion in favour period of the Revolution, when a Catholic King of his church.— (Hear, hear.)-111 saying this he was recently expelled 1: the throne; the been %Wile) neither intruded, nor did he speak any calumny jealousy might not have be l mewasseirshle dur upon the Catholics. A Protestant, in taking sit Mg the existence or the successive Pretenders oath, considered it as binding, except only when to the throne, who descended loom the exiled epetr ar y to the will or God ; but a Catholic cites family ; but that family was now extinct, mud the sirlereri also the will of his church. If he took an Pope had, in his opinion, been reduced to the situ. oath derogatory from the rights of the church, it was intim which Blackstone described as the proper pe. conseleted a grievous sin, and to fulfil such an math rind for considering h o w far it might be udvisible was held to he an aggravation of his -rime. The to relax the severity of the laws excluding the Ca. abuse of this principle had given rise to much hail Melte* from )soster. faith, and hind been followed by match evil in prat:- The Alerquis of BUCKINGHAM said, it struck tics.. This principle weighed much on It s mind ; him that the arguments of the Learned Prelate and • and be believed it had also weighed on the minds of the Noble Earl opposite applied not at all in the of those enlightened statesmen who flourished tit the questiou before their Lordships, but to the question period of the Revolution. Those wise soil exalted whether the Catholic religion ought to exist, which characters excluded the Catholics from all polrical I was one they were nut now called on to eassider. power, because power held by persons under the That which their Lordships were now to deride eilltierice of such a prenriple was ineonsietent•with was, whether the Called's-5 should be admitted In the surely of existing establishments. The Leerned OM equal i itritcipaiiim of political jeisteiples with Poelute than proceeded to nlises ve intim the incon- time stet of their fellowesulij e cts ; and sine of the grotty of the provisions of the Bill, »hie!) excepted strongest 1 9 umlauts of the justice s.f their chime terrain offices while it admitted Catholics to ethers. wife tier COtiBl 11 lit leiddlegiNt uh the ittellidi of than lie saw in the 1111 l alous provisiuus of the Bill the argument lay their alinements en every successive • seeds of discord arid jealousy, if not of dissolution. occasion of time subject being brooglit under discus. He could not are without trepidation so large a sion. The Noble Aterquis entered into a review of transfer of power to a party ',deem to the esiefing I the successive stiges el the question loom 1773 to establishments. He could not but rear fur tha :the present period, slid described the existing rendi consequencet, but lie would abetain from per.. non of the laws as unjust and impolitic. All that diction' which lie trusted to an over-ruling Provi- as allowed to the Catholic was to till the laud and dence to fawner. He was ready 'lO admit that ono the seed, but from all participation in the liar there would he much force in the orgutuent for vrist be was sedulously excluded. It haul been ask concession, if it could be shewn that this measure ed if concession were once made, where it was to was likely to eflict soy considerable alt.:lotion in stop ? lie would answer that they could not stop until they got within the limits of the Constitution, es laid down by the practice of the Constitution, unit guarded by the language of the law. The Noble Marquis referred to the free conference be tween the Holmes of Lords and Commons, which was massaged by several of the brightest characters anti Isruhng ornaments of the lievulution, among ivlioiu was Lord Sinners, by *horn it was laid doer ea the most unhappy condition to which a *abject could be reduced, to be deprived of Um privileges of his birth-right, which was not cotiteMplated by the law except for the greateet• political cruse, such us venality end cor ruption in public of f ices, and aposracy front Chris tianity. They had no right, ha contended, to ex ,eleade the Catholics (ruin their just share of poll tient power, front their hereditary seats in th it Hons., and eligibility av Members of Parliament. .unless upon proof of danger to the country front their admission ; otherwise they formed a system contrary to that of their vomiters, for he would Undeitake to prove that from the Revulution dowu wards they never had been excluded as Catholics, but iu consequeuce of some specific danger exist ing at the time. His Lordehip proceeded to en force this point by refereuce to the reign and con duct of Elisabeth, who, in a period of rebellion in the North, appointed as Lord IVarden of the Marches, Lord Clifford, a Catholic—/ Hear/ and when the Spanish Armada, the banners of which had been blessed by the Pope, approached to invade the shores of this kingdom, appointed to the corutusud of the defensive forces of the coat:are, Lord Howard of Effingham, a Catholic, whom site afterwards made Lord High Admiral. -...t H eae ,j— It was not till the reign of Charles 11. that Ca tholics were excluded front Parliament; and then it was done in consequence of a plot. In the reign of Charles 11. when there was a strong body of Ca tholics in both Houses of Parliament, when the Queen and the heir to the throne were Catholics, when the power of the Pope was more vigorous and extensive, the Catholics were not able to prevent their exclusion by the Protestant party in Perlis. meat ; sad were their Lordships to Le told that there was any danger now from their admission ? %I/ere the Catholics at present more numerous, or more powerful than at that period, or had the Church of England become weaker f The Noble Marquis then proceeded to observe upon the explanatiou of the Oath of Supremacy, and asked in what manner it was taken by the Pres byterians in Scotland, who refused to acknowledge any head of their church but Jesus Christ. In the sinus miniver the English Protestants did not look upou the King as head of the church in spirituals. He did toot direct their morning prayer and even ing sacrifice. But the Learned Prelate had told their Lordships, that the Catholic was not to be believed on The Bishop of LONDON assured the Noble boid, that he had na made airy such saserlion. What lie had srdd woo, that every oath taken by a Protestant was understood with a salvo of his duty to God ; and ►hat to that the Catholic always ad ded a salvo of obligation to his church. That re servation, he meintained, was understood by Ca tholics; and ihat-it was • priuciple which made it dangerous to admit them to political power. The Marquis of BUCKINGHAM resumed : it was far from his intention to mistate the argument of of the Learned Prelate; but to what had the cor rection . amounted,—that Catholics took oaths with 1 reservation of their duty to their Chu►ch. Surely those who maintained that could ever have read the oath which u Catholic took before he was admitted to vote at an election of a Member of Parliament. 11'llich oath, by the way, their Lordships hart enacted, thereby acknowledging them worthy of billet upon oath. [His Lordship here read the oath to which he had alluded.] Such was the oath which Catholics now took. What then be came of the observatioris of the Noble Earl about the interference with property ? The Catholic here snore that he contemplated no such interference, and they were bound to believe him. Was there, he would ask, one among their Lordships who could lay his hood on his heart and say he was not convinced that sooner or later this measure would be carried ? If their Lordships were convinced the Bill must pas., and pas, it would at some period or the other s where was the utility of deferring the measure ? If we were to continue at peace, and he trusted that we list' many years of peace iii store, let us spend iii in in something better than in continuing the disabilities of one part of our fellow-subjects, so tint when war unfortunately should take place, it should tied us firmly united amongst ourselves. The Bishop of CHESTER said he could assure their Lordships that the opinions he was about to utter were founded on the must patient and anxious inquiry : the result of which was that he felt as a Protestant and a Ihshop, and must vote against the second feeding of the Bill. He would briefly state the r,-asolis on which his vote was founded. It ap peared to him that the Roman Catholics were at present in complete povsession of religious tolera tion. It were a waste of time to go about to prove that the Roman Catholics were in possession of it; the doors of the Roman Catholic churches were in fact a. open as the Protestants. He disclaimed any in tention of reflecting on any individual of the Roman Catholic faith. lie believed that in the diocese of Chester individuals of that faith were more tw ine ~,,, s than in any other diocese in the k ugdorn. and the roost friendly intercourse hail ever suhsi•t eil between them. B ut it was not against bah% i ilto..ls, but egtisist the religion itself thut he ob jected : for though the individuals might wish, lie . doubted if they %%wild have the power of fulfilling the promises which they might make. The Pro testants hold that the King is the head of the Church, the Roman Catholics affirm that the Pope is in Omit situation. Human conduct being made up of religious and civil motives, (mold it be doubted in :see ef C 4.11 II et to which side the Catholics woul.l adliere ? Whilst the people might be made lo believe whateeer the Church decreed, he thought himself justified by the soundest principles of time Cliii4tiait religion, and by the truest principles of mouth., to withhold political power from the Roman Catholic. The British Constitution, as settled at the glorious Revolution, was Anti-Catholic. The King and the Members of Parliament must be Piotesiaat. Every oath or dee:titration then enacted to be taken or made were Anti-Catholic. E , "! Peer subscribed at their Lordship.' table • deck tutuou essentially Anti-Catholic. Every Protestant ived from the Nether Linda mid the contumacy with which the Board of maintainetnd amertod'ill Lwr errors as rights, talents would especially the rijght of dispensiog indulgeneira, w I aliens arising ono the immediate cause Of the Ileforinatiosi tvl of the Holy place. Objecting to the influence of the Itoi clergyman to Church, he did not believe that it could ever ci Illhii..imimiminmmimimimio . . . -- - - • - • -•. , - . . . -