The Statesman. — London, England, 1818-04-16 00:00:00

- _ y , . r . drawn into a precedent, because they had in a great measure arisen from the union with the Court of Prussia, and the Treaty with Prussia was at the same time referred to the Committee that was to consider the proposed provision. The Noble Lord, after a few observations to the same effect, moved an amend inent, that to the Address should be added the words-- " Tbe.liosse at the same rinse expresses its eantidentinoe that such prosisloi may be mate willoontereadolc It hlir of laving nay additional hardens a : 1111 l the People. - The Marquis of BUCKINGHAM ruse with.coo! siderable pain, not trim the duty he hid to perform, but from the manner in which the House had been, called upon to perform its duty. He should.. bile had no objection to the words of the .oat Address, but for certain circumstances of general notoriety which bad lately transpired, : It was un derstood that the original, intentievwes to ropose to Parliament a much greater demand. , The.ifouse should therefore look to the circurnetaticep thet caused the change In that determinations an with jealousy to the present ,plan. The Noble Meyquis . observed, that with respect to the alleged, necessity of supporting the splendour of the Throne, that mould never be attained. more effectually then by promoting the comforts and happiness of the People. er--[ifeetr, heurq . . The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, it was im possible for him to let the question go to the vote with out expressing a few words on the measure before their Lordships. He perfectly assented to the opt %ions contained in the Address, sad as the splendour of the Crown was necessarily associated with the wel fere of the People, Parliament was bound to main tain it. But in considering the amount of the sum proposed to he granted, theilouse should not forget what was due to the welfare of the People .and should endeavour to conciliate those good feelings and opinions of the People, from which the tie scull lug the People to the House of Brunswick derived their consistency, end the continuance of which he uo less ardently desired than any of the Prince Re gent's most confidential advisers. As the Nobli Earl who had moved the Address had not stated his rest..., sons for altering his original opinion upon this sub,. ject, he should be extremely unwilling to press that point further; but the objection he had to make re specting the mode of bringing the subject before Par. liament, and uniting the two marriages• in one Mes- melte, had been obviated by what had fallen from the Noble Earl, namely, that it had been dune for the pur pose of ascertaining the general prlucipie, and that the individual cases were still open for the consideration of the House. Raving stated that he assented to the principles contained in the Address, he thought it ne cessary to say, be should also vote for the amendment. lie allowed that arrangements should be made, but he trusted he could show that sufficient provision could be made for the Royal Dukes without increasing the hoidens of the People. Ile alluded to the utt. necessary escort of the establishment at Windsor, which lied been originally granted in the hope, as was expressed by Mr. Perceval, that his Majesty might recover from his lamented indisposition, if not suf f iciently to resume the reins of authority, at least so as to enjoy every comfort which it was possible to bestow upon him. While that hope lasted, nothing should be detracted from the establishmeist, but he thought some deductions might be effected, if that hope were now felt to be altogether illusory. The recurrence to every means of reducing the. public ex penditure was the more to he desired, inasmuch as there was passing through Parliament A measure of eitreme severity, which nothing could justify but the sense of estivate .suffering on the part of the People—he meant a Rill for depriving the widows of officers of their pensions, in case it was found that they drew a pittance for their support from any other source whatever. Lord ERSKINE said, he should trouble their Lordships with a very few words on the present occasion. It was his wish and his belief that such provisions as the Noble Lord proposed to make, might be effected without any addition to the public hardens, but though this was his opinion, he did not feel himself, therefore, bound to agree in the amend. •ment. It appeared to him, and, indeed, was to be inferred from the arguments of those who went be fore him in the debate, that there might be a better season for the discussion of that itnportant subject, to which the amendment referred.—[!leer, !]— He the present moment improper and incon venient. No man could lament more deeply than lie did, the unfortunate situation of the count ry ; no matt could be more conscious of its distress, or more deeply impressed with, those feelings, which the contempia. lion of that distress was calculated to inspire, nor could any one be moreative to the impolicy arol injus slice of adding to the burdens of the People. But this was not the time to take any measure, or express any opinion on the subject, it was not at the very moment when they were providing for the branches of the Royal Family, that they should pledge themselves by a Resolution to prosecute economy.—Ulear 1 1— lt the words of the Address bound him to any thing beyond an expression of respect, and a pledge to con cur in granting a suitable provision for those Mem. bets of the Royal Family, he would have felt it his duty to resist it ; but the Address contained nothing more than an assurance of their isms iahle attach ment to the Illustrious House, and a prnntise to agree in such arrangements as were consistent with the dignity and honour of the country. It was the otitity of the other House of Parliament. to make those provisions, without adding to the burdens of the People, if it , was possible. If, the Noble Lord should lteresfter ineve Au:Address to the Crown upon . the subj. , cvlsow under trinsideration, and should embody in mat - A-areas & proposition, which tended to its., cresse the burdens of the People, thetas would be the time for ltis Ni;bieleriend to move an amendment such as the present, but this stab not the occasion on which it would be proper to agree to P.—[l./car 1] The Duke of . ATIIOL said, that if the sum tie tlicated to the paymentot the Prince of Wales's debts . ts es e inteuded.to meet the proposed arrangements, it ought to hate hee4s i delaytd until these debts had been paid, end the fundi h - ad become available. With re spect to the establishment at Windsor, it, Wii, as the Noble Marquis had said, founded on a hope of our revered Monalch's recovery, but w hirls if the country %sere polled from the Land's' Red to ,lohe-o!-Croars house, there would, lor believed., be found no inii vidtral willing to resign it. lie had stoOd:by.his So. NPreizn in Isis provperity, and should not diesel, him it. his 4dVersity, nor should he ever unseat to nith- THE STA . TF•SMAN • (leis la thir mil; its . 4 ' 44 •colitbriFibit , t iislcittatesi to sooitto billseuanegt. itOisLE, in l a las.it tOise of voice, expressed that if the prisposed airanilments could be td. "alma iteposiscAey . addition!' Asatrdpis ?loge, nteaus Might not be negrette - Tar obtaining so desirahte an object. Lord 1)1‘; DU.NSTANV ELLE remarked, that even if bill son) dedileVedTtii — RiOng off the Niece of Wales's debts were 'to 'bectitne available to the pro potitid *TIM - be no less a burden upon the People. Lord HOLLAND said , he should hardly hive felt it necessary to address their Lordships, but for whit bad fallen from some Noble Friends of his: Their objection against the amendment was not to the principle it atserted; but to the season in which it was brought forward. But the time at which they thought proper to press the question, coincided with the hpirtion delivered by the Noble Lord at the head of the Treasury, in the commencement of his speech. It had been stated that the Address contained no pledge to which any reasonable man could object. That was perfectly true. It. was also true of the ainendment; but it had been urged iii objection, that this was nut the time to press such a subject forward. The Noble Lord who spoke first in the debate, seemed to think that he (Lord Holland) was bound 'in consistency to support the motion, because he had said that he would not object to a general Address, without hearing the intentions of tee Government Stated. But he was prepared to show that the state. tent of those intentions materially attend the case, for the statement disclosed the principle of the plan upon which Government proposed to act, and to which he felt it his duty to object. If the Address was proposed alone he should hare given it nu opposition, but accompanied as it was with the statement of the Noble Lord, he thought that in cen•lour to the Crown any man who objected to the plan was bound not to let the Address go up to the Throne, without stating the principles that modified his roncue rence.— The amendment was not the mere repetition of an unnecessary treks's. When those w hts asked the Heise to concur in • itt s e Address, explained the des tails in such a way ai dust prepare them to expect .an addition to the burdens of the People it was better to state their objection in the first instance, than to shield themielves afterwards under the particular provisions with which they were ac quainted before. The Noble Earl who introduced the subject had divided it into three distinct heads. — The course of proceeding, the intentions which he once had, and the intent ous to which he had since mitered them, without any change in his own opi nions. As to the course of proiseeding he should not say any more, but he thought it not a little re markable that the speech of the Noble Earl was rather directed to explain and boast the merits of his original plan the., to develop that which kid been substituted. Supposing then, least his in igiiial plan was at any future period to be proposed, would it not be more candid so to form the Address that the Crown should not entertain soy hopes of its adoption. —(llear!)—At the same time 'that he concurred in the Amendment, he felt as strong an attachment to the dignity and splendour of the Crown as any of thistle who thougot themselves bound to resist it. He concurred in much of the original Address, but was anxious to show for what reason he agreed in some points, and why he differed as to others. It was almost unnecessary for him to avow his attachment to the Family on the Throne. They were endeared to the Country by the nature of the title on which they held the Crown, a title founded in the attachment of the People, and not upon those absurd doctrines, which, though happily exploded in England, were lately revised in other placei.-(ficar 1 .) -He would also admit that the marriages of the Members of that Family were fit subjects for the congratulation of Parlia ment. He did not confine himself in this opinion to approve only of such marriages as the present, con tracted with foreign Princesses; for, if they had chosen to unite with Ladies of rank and character in their own country, and were permitted by law to do so, lie should look upon such al. Lances as equally fit subjects of congratulation. Ile did not know that he should be prevented (two saying so merely be cause there was an Act of Parliament against it. That Act was an extraordinary inroad ui the Constitution of the country, which, of course, uld have no objection to see repealed. Ile would admit also, that additional provision should he made on those occasions. and was happy to bear the Noble Lord say. tont in making vetch „rov igloos lacy should he guided by general prin. ipler, without any refer , lice to individuals, or to the po lities which they might have suppose ted. Even private character if it was objectionable, should be excluded from any induence on such decisions. lie knew of none for whom this plea was neer** try to he male in the present instance. No Prince of the House of Bemis% ick was eh rg -able with views con trary to the vt elfare of the Constitution in Church and S _ ate, they were therefore snare in the allections of the People. Blot while the Noble Lord disclaimed tor Wooed - the existence of any political hies in such matters, be hoped he would give others credit for the same fiberlily.-[:tear, hear!] -flee Noble Lord had re,rrred to the large a.uopat voted on the Marriage of the Duke of 1 ork. Ile would allow that any foreigr possessions, that the produce of any German Princi palities, ought not to be takeu into account, but here he was dune with admis-ions. When allowances were to he made which could not he said to he in the nature of it debt, there were two things to be considered hat it would he proper for the one to have, and what it would be convenient tor the other to give.-On recurring to the case of die Duke of It ork, they would nod that the magnitude of the sum granted by Parlia ment w.,s owing in some respect to the great , ess of Prussia, tee country with which he became connected by his marriage. Be sides, on looking to the situation of our 05511 country then and bow, they would find ample cause for making route dillerence in the provisions. Ihe People were now trampled down by oppressive Statutes, unit their property was comumed Icy oppres sive taxes; iu short, there was every thing to woke them inure parsimonious in 1818 than they were in li9l. The Noble Lord said the Amendment war useless-he would say, if the Ameod meat was not agreed to, they would leave the cuuutry in sus ' pease. The genniiie object of the Amendment was to guard the House against cuncurtitig in any endeavour to iurrease the pub lic burdens. It was right to consider what was necesssary to the dignity and spleildour of die Crown, but it was also right to consider what sacrifices die People ha d already made for the rmaintetance of that dignity and splendour. After dismissing the sums required to inert the interest of the National Debt, ! and illtl6C which O err applicable to the civil, the military, the naval, nod political establishments of the country, they would 1-find that the euorntotts SIM of one million of money was appropriated yearly to the mere support of the splendour it tile Ciown. -(dear, hear, hear !)-Ile remembered that whet tar French Mvembly voted one inolionn-year to theirSoverelgill,l they were ridiculed in England as having mistaken the nature of our Civil List, by which they professed to be guided. That wa. the case, for at that iime litany of the ;welter's connected with the Civil Gioserioneut, and the Administration of Justice, were uelud i ski . in out Civil List. But now the money applicable to maimain the spiv:4o.lr or the Monarchy, without reference to any otter source to eNpetire, did amount to that sons. A Noble Lord, allotting to the Estatlisraen; at wina i .or,oo:..erted, , that he had stood by tits Socerign in prosperity, and would not desert tutu iu adversity. Ntehing had here proposed to Ore filtinse-whlch.cailed fur such, a display of his fidelity. The ex pellees alluded to did not coetrinuie to the comforts of his Majesty. Those who tosprived that they did, might still retain their opinion, hot they must an impute to those who dilTered front them, a well to a!iridg , -Si. monforis. Stich an accusation • would be resisted atat tic:al-It 'night be said, draw migh 10 a toi i‘aith"o4;id 4 soLderive a sudirient tin !role tharrood, but it shoold rtfellected.titat at the time of the •Regeticy, sixty thoseead poi Ms a.yearr oonstitetted the Privy Puree. It %489 theearht ley solise , thot A! would be proper te - tlaager it froarthe Illilstrimis Perwiii - whove affliction they all deplored, to him who was inv. tied with the functions of Government. The 01=......9=.1 Wai11..11.416 aaar+.4...= chargeable ! , ilii.the N fondywhich could nisi be explained, butought to be provileitfon. The liberaiity . of Parliament induced them to leave Piewbole untouched,and to vote an addit iunal 60,C001.t0 the Prince - Regent. Ai there was' asi - demasid on feet orlghent, 6000 i. for Ree hellfire years, with she exception of the charges of Phyisitiaticthe sums so doe mast have been, in all probabi lity, sheee-di-eliserged. As to the 50.41101. for the pa-yasetit of she itegent's.dehts it would appear from the way in a hick that subject was treate d, as if a vote mice *made was always to be continued—as if, in fact, the doing it away when it was no longer necereary. was a matter of favour to the. People. This was well worth rhe• consideraticui 4 Parliame t. He was ;fur pri4ed that the Noble Earl (Liverpool) had said solifttt in favour of the pieseitts osettsatie. kit had declared his tardier project to have been defeated in some. other place. A great man had once said, that there wait " something behind she Throne greaser than the Throne Itself." it would appear. frolat the Noble Cores admission, that there was something behind the Speaker's Citair greater than the H of t oniastsns.— Having beets thus frustrated in a litt'e Parliament of his awls. he abandoned his plan, rejected as it had been by this sort uI unauthoriied Government; and he stated that rejection to the Parliament of the country at a reason why he did not persevere. Af.rr briefly recapitulating his leading orgstavents. and dwelling as swap letigth on toe absurd pageantry, by which the Crown Nil , rather degraded titan sustained, he concluded with upress ing his determination to seaport the Amendnieist. as the*unrse whit , most sincere towards the Illipariatis Family, stud most beneficial to the colairy at large.—[hear, bear!) The Eirl of LAUDERDALE . deseribed the Amendment as absurd and nonsensical. It was possible, he maintained, for Parliament to role an increase ttf expence, without adding to the burdens of the People. The proposition was, in fact, int• passible to be undetstood, and for that mien he Should oppose it. Earl GROSVENOR was of opinion, that if the Amendment was rejected, it would have a bad effect on the minds of the People. The object of it was to prevent an addition to their burdens, and that object should not hideclined. He gave the Amendment his decided assent. The Amendment was then negatived without a . di. • vision, the original Address was carried, and the House adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. An Account was presented of the Total Weekly Amnon! of Bank of England Notes and Post Bills is•ned by the Bank of England between the:id March and 7th April, 1818 ; a; also an Account of the Total Number of Sovereigns and Half Sove reigns, and Silver Co:n issued by the Bank in the course of 1817. A Petition was presented trout Great laculouth against the Lit Outies. The LORD ADVOCATE presented a Peti.ion from the Faculty of Advocates in Edinburgh, praying that the Bill for the repeal of the Copyright Act might not pass into a law. Sir It. PELL presented a Petition from a number of :Bann facturers in the towns of Great and Link Bolton, in the origit• bOurlinod of Manchester, in favour of the Cotton I'ataory La• bour Regulation Bill. floe Cil.,ss Doty hill was read a second time. ST. PANCRAS POOR BILL. Mr. MELLISH mosed the second reading of the St. Pancras Poor Bill. The SOLICITOII•GENERAL said, the present Bill was quite uncalled for and unnecessary. The conduct of the Gentlemen who were vested by an Act passed in 181)6 1 with the management of the Poor in the parish:of St. Pancras, so far from being improper was most esetisplary. These persons were, from their property and their rank in life, the most interested its the proper management and application of the Poors' Rates. If the plan proposed by the i. present Bill were to be carried into effect, they would have every year a repetition of the most dis graceful scenes w holt the Bill of 1805 put an end to. The list election of Churchwardens lasted two days, when the most disgraceful scenes took place. He concluded with moving, as an Amendment, that the Bill be read a second time this day six months. Sir E. BRYIN; Eti contended, that the objections which had been made to the present Bill were alto gether groundless. It was not the wish of those who advocated this Bill, to gise 'soy thing like a univer sality of suffrage; on the contrary, they proposed a high assessment to the Ponta' Rates as a - qualification to vote. Was it to be endured, that those who bad the raising and disposing of such immense sums as the roots' Rates of the parish of St. Pancras amount ed to, should have the passing of their own accounts, and be subject to no controul whatever from the parish? The provisious of the Bill of 1805, gave a certain number of individuals, who had the power of filling up vacancies in their number, the complete disposal of the 'mills of the parish, without being subject to any controul whatever. The part of the parish who supported the present Bill were mail of them most respectable persons, and the attetsipt, therefore, to throw upon them the odium of being supporters of Democracy and Universal Suffrage was most reprehensible. Mr. P. 1100 RE subscribed to every word stated by the lion. and Lerrned Gentleman who moved the Amendment. It waswith the greatest struggle that the tranquillity which now existed could be maintained in the parish of SI. Pancras. He was well ac quainted with the affairs of that [wish, and he could confidently say that the Cuticertis of no parish cauld 1w in the hands of more honourable men. Mr. BYNG opposed Ilse Bill, and stated that the accounts were (vett to inspection. Sit J. GRAHAM said, the. Bill of 1805 was al most an exact copy of the Mary-le-bootie Poor Bill. The affairs of no pariah could be better managed. The Bill of ISO 3 was imperiously called for. It was a dizgrace to the neighbourboid of Lowlier to see the state of that parish at every annual election. Igo Gentleman, for some days before end during the election, could pass along the road. He hid made enquiries, and he wes convinced that all the most respectable persons in the pariah were satisfied with the present managetnent, as the most economical that could be adopted. Alter a few words from Mr. BENSON and Mr. FORBES, which from the Boise in the House we could not distinctly hear, the Amendment was car ried, anti the Bill was accerdingly thrown out. COTTON FACTORIES. Lord STANLEY presented a Petition from eerain indivi duals in Lanett-hire, who conducted a Cotton•spioning Enmity, but whose statutes stud place of residence, front the noise which prevailed iu the Ilmoie, we cnold not learn, cone:limo:: of false statements with regard to the condition of Inc penplcen gaged in their Fi.cio•y, in the evidence taken by a C. tomitiee of the Mohr, stud prayiag to he allowed to prudes.' evidence/ to disprove these tan.e.61 , 14,.. His Lordship reset at the:moor time certificates trout brow Medical Gentlemen. fr which it rip peared, that out of 1112 persons engaged iu the Factor., the sick amounted only so 12, a: ()that the r. tit:titling I,d Arre nen and :olive, The Petitioners 'seabed to know if they could bring their evidence forward in any vhape. Ater the Penton, wa.% read. Lord STAN LEY moved that ithould he laid oath? table, in order lobe referred to the Com mitter an the Comm Factory /teem Bill. Sir ROBERT PELL raid a few words abnchi were inaeditile la the lialicry, ._ ..t~ 1 A were chjrd stisli I by the Home vol oyi:t h ei t rsoi r .r . oßti F iitil l tißhi N yiEs l i . i A tt.:l l br l ierrni.i sa oleserseg 4.. i ild i glii t cues h t: e atie r ifdh e p s :lfwbe . : . in . chltellysif.),::art. ,i,inivedi jilaarthe tare,y4.4 to facts, and they desired tube intim spriirs, and froo si Lo r. rd iis S N TIN N L . E t T oti V o l' t r t rz oloit : 4 f take m iln rA Y .ft p m Fr e i e r :a sL o os tAp i n s v t i o e : h i c i o ' bwr : ordered to lie on the table and to he printed. -444+1(4-i r ft-A-RRIA-GIA. . . Lord CASTLIM Ii:AG II mined the near p o f d i , Day forgoing into a Committee for the cuusideratift of the Royal Areis - a - ge. . : -- l ----- The Muse went into 'i Cighimitlg i lellitia46 . House, and the Message was read. tothe attendee a 4 use 14 4 ,4 doLyord* callCA ST I.l4.tttAo . IVei the id'lrit , , f t ilt k gi d . jest, which was of the grOtoottiesporiance ON country. He wit* sere the , . .10 lest *mild feel what had already been _shosenl on Oda subject otg forme( debate, that it was a poinfuialWty to this' sants of the 'Crown; anat osal/ iiihrlibly attea t ki with greetditficulties, to chit the House 'totimers t ; iangements Of the Civil beat for supplying ink* ciencies, and 0611'1004 wiles! :they had 104 t e l specific provisions. Indeed, beseaver groat wasegg loyalty and attachment orthe Heine' and the try to the illustrious Family nth the Throne'of t realms, and the deiire to uphold. Uttar digaiWits splendour, yet there was, he admitted, a pritteligg et work in all free Constitution(, and partjaudyg a Constitution such as our own, of jealousy eiihnu sped to any thing that appeared to have a tendelet to increase the power and inllueuce of the Croita o ' whether that jealousy might be well or 111-fouudee l This imposed on those who had to propose additions( burdens on the Public an arduous duty, though a s proposition might he in favour of the most valuable interests of the station. This dory had become more necessary, in a great degree, from a great change which had taken place•in the operalionsof tbeCon. stitotion of the country, by which 01l the indepeh dent sources of revenue which the Crown possessed had been surrendered to 'the 'management of tit* House. The Crown was, therefore, obliged by the change to Paliament for any provisions the were wanted. It was true, that formerly such ap; i plications were not so usual, for there was not tbea the same necessity for making them. The Crowe formerly bed the means and power of making Jo* grants to the Royal Family as the ',agency of ilia case seemed to require, without being compelled le come to come to Parliament. If the applicatioutte the House had in modern times been of frequent re• curreoce, they were nut to be attributed to any its. providence of the reigning Family since their acces sion to the Throne, but to the measure which was agreeahle to Patti: metal to take the sources of the ancient Crown revenues into their own hands. oa. that ground he thought Gentlemen would see tbst Parliament should discharge its duty faithfully to nerds the Crow ti, on a subject of sucb great import, ance as the present. He trusted the House would ogree with his opinion, that in voting on such a mes. sure, they wets. n e t, while they considered the pale lic interests, to he deterred by any sort of public clamour from doing justice to the dignity and spiels. dour of the Crown. In other views of the sots • jest, he hoped to he excused for taking up the time of the House a little longer. He cooed not consider, that any thing that had already occurred had yet so far foreclosed the subject with any Member, so as to make him feel himself pledged against the consideration of the pro position lie bad to offer—[Hear n—oe a matter so important. It was for the interests of die Public to see that the state of the Monarchy was well provided fur, hut it was also necessary to See It proper provl. sins , for a line of Princes in sac es•ion, and who well horn and lived in the country. lie believed that the Committee would feel, that at the meeting of Parfise meet, after the calamity that hefel us by the lament ed death of the Princess Charlotte. no feeling wis more strongly engraver% on on the minds of the Houle and the Public, or more combined with that melan choly event, than the wish for a continuance of the • line of the illustrious Family who had long worn the Crown in this country. At the present time it was true that there were many illustrious individuals liv ing, who were in due line of succession ; hut with their decease the scents would close. Out of twelve sons and daughters of the King, being seven Princes and five Princesses, not one had a child to promise a successor to the Throne. He might Observe, that the ages of all the children of the Crown were so for advanced in life as to render it fitting not to ocrasioe any unnecessary delay in the case of their desiring If marry. It could not he maintained, under all the circumstances, that it was nut right to escite the members of the Royal Family to a disposition to marriage, if it was not contrary to their own viers/ of comfort and happiness; but then it was neeess..ary that the state of mu-liege should be tendered con' fortable to them. A single marriage might not lairitA satisfactory expectations. His Royal Highness the Prince Regent had shown no preference to any of tes Royal Brothers, but had affectionately expressed les wish that they should feet what was due to the ill . terests of t!ie Crown cud of the country. Such ergo the grounds local for a measure of so touch tweeted importance. Gentlemen might look at the yr". vi,ion made for she Princess Charlotte on her marriage with Prince Leopold, though I cbeel that might not he taken as a standard. A large Ile !lenient was not refused in that instance. These Nat the ease of the nimble of the Duke of York *IN the Prirscoss of Prussia, when the settlement et made in 179.! ; but he scarcely felt it necessary to call gentlemen to compare the difference between tim et penres of the times then and now. The provieeo thee was tint a standard for • provision flaw. Wilk re.rct to toe arrangements for the Dut:e of Y-tk 'i was. to be observed, he was at the that time trigs ly a,•• tittsguished by his propinquity to the Crown; but Li' itos al Highness eill not then stand nearer, unde r 4.1 circumsturics-s, to the Throne, than en illustrious !,$: dividual who had entered into a marriage contract 04 , at present. At the time of the Duke of Vetk . .. j marriage, the Patter. of Wules Mai ursmarried44.7,:• thinly, hut lie rent under 21) years ia .ag e. The irtO . ; •i vision for the Duke of York was i e depeetleitt ‘..,,,. 3,0001. a year in his military capacity-, which k . 1 ,7• not know ought to he taken into c alc u ktiost.....W n° this it made up 40,0001, a-year: Now, Daus voroststift - * the Prince Regent had lost his daughter, ate. t e e Duke and Duchess of York had no chiiiireir. ..' .seeding to all human calcu!...f.lets, is vies ...e. to.i.ste