The Statesman. — London, England, 1823-02-06 00:00:00

Pr ,- venerable au! solid claims which this junto of Sore reigns, and: the Sovereign of Austria, had to command the Spanish nation to take a better Hoveret went than that which they themselves thought the most powerful apd the most perfect. He would not go into the whole of the bearings of these Powers and their Manifestoes, but there was one fallacy which be could not pass over,'and that was, that these Potentates were .-- Matfett to smite war e'b a Constitution to which they had on squat at hiessa,—that, in short, while they were thus ,jealous and forward to keep their neighbours right, they had the most matchless indifference with regard to •ittemselves. What, he would ask, was the Government of Austria or Prussia, and especially of Rosalie, in com parison with that which they were seeking to destroy to Spain ? Russia was a power but half civilized, and ' hot half European. No doubt it was a Colossus of pby •sical strength; but in point of intellect, it was any thing but a model. In its principles it was more than half, it was, wholly despotic and oriental; and we have 'only to look to any of its interferences with the affairs of other nations, to discover that its practice is altoge ther of the.same character. It was difficult, no doubt , to get at the express meaning of those documents; there eras in them all a great number of words, wrapping up ideas which were not always very clear in themselves; 'hot when these ideas were expressed in such a manner 'as to be clearly understood, that only placed them in a -more detestable light. The meaning was. indeed, plain 'enough; the spoke but one language noon the whole, 'and they spo ti that one language to all Europe, os well as to Spain. t was in substance this—" We have bun :deeds of thousands of armed mercenaries, and we will not stoop to reason on points of law or of equity wit i t those nations or individuals, who may not act or th 'in thatatray, which we consider most consistent with oar :policy." And fie could not but admire the unparalleled frankness with which the Spaniards had met that de 'claration. 'lt was, indeed, as (rack and plain as it was accordant with the best feelings of men. It was this,— '" We hare millions of freemen, and we will not stoop to the dictation of tyrants." Yes, this was the answer they butted back upon the enemies of their liberties.—(loth, :or Hun, or Kalmuck. meeting with the boldnees and the firmneis of freemen, the subtle craft of the Boneman. 'and the enrage ferocity of the Tartar. In thus repelling the audacity of these tyrants, wil there was a free man to be found, whether in England or in France— excepting in the law country, that miserable band,who, 'to the shame of a Mara people that had been wading 'through wars to enjoy a peace, to which they were well 'entitled—excepting that small and miserable band — wherever civilization fires a heart, the Spaniards will find a Meta—(lfeer.) As for him, he conld not but 'admire the forbearance, as well as the firmness of the •Soaniards, in respect of their manifestos. The Monarchs :bad been pleased to signify a constant interference—a 'tort of minute criticism of the whole internal policy of Spain Now, under all this watchfulness. it would not have been too muds if Spain had followed their own ex amples, and in answer to their manifestoes, had retorted on them a few of their own doings—called upon them, 'as it were, to explain a few little matters in their 'own conduct. They might, for instance (and they could hare done it with the utmost propriety), have requested his Pennine Majesty to remember the pro mises he had made to Lis own subjects.—They might have suggested to him, that to fulfil these promises. and concede to the wish-', and promote the interests of 'Ms people at home, would be better than keeping up _Lege standingarnais fur the sole purpose of ha ing his or ighbuurs. They might have done this with per fect fairness, considering how mock his Majesty of Prussia owes to the Spaniards. For his Majesty can ' not have forgotten that it was as much owing to the es esdipog of !boor very Spaniards, their exertions for the eetablishisint of that constitution of which he now menaced the destruction, though he himself was any thing bet the serest!' of another. With regard to Aus tria again, they might ask whether before he was gene. rent to Ferdinand he ought not in some measure to be ' just to George? .They might ask why be might not spare some small portion of the cost which his interfer ence with them would incur, in order to pay part of the principal, or at any rate part of the interest of the to enty millions which he was owing to this country.— Whs., too, would be more natural than to ask him what WAS the state of his own dungeons in the Milanese; to Inquire into the blood of Italian patriots which had been shed, and into the iron hearted policy by which men, women, and children were, without discrimination, im mured in dungeons for 10 years, for 20 years, or for life, without even • being able to know what charge was against them ?—Even Alexander himself might have been asked why Ise had been affected by so very sensi tive a feeling 'even upon the sight, the monstrous, the appalling eight, of drops of blood being seen in the Palace?- (Hear, hear, hear.) No doubt the Emperor was pore himself, not in his own person only, but its all ' his agents. It was known, however, that his fathers had been dethroned and slaughtered. Clod forbid that be (Mr. Brosighatss) should impute this to the immediate 'ancestors of t hee magnanimous Emperor of Russia. and God forbid that he should impute it to the fathers or 'mothers, or sisters or orothers, or nns les or aunts, of the olefin's ; hut still it mould not he denied that these things had been done—and, somehow or other, these kind relations never filled to derive the auvantage, and always failed in detecting and punishing the perpetrators. it lie (Mr. Brougham) had had the honour of the confi dence of this Emperor, and could hare ventured to offer an advice... be would have most humbly implored his Imperial Majesty not to touch upon so tender a subject , .as that of " t.rops of blood shed in a Palace." He would have rather had him talk about Turkey, about Greece, i 'shout alinantit, or in short about any thing, rather than the revolting subject of these drops of blood. There was • another sobjewt to which Ise ooul•I not hut allude—it .was the meaner in which these despots talked of a per etnnege, whir, whatever might be Isis other talents, had at leisaf r a oosinaanding genius. It was rather amusing (if amusement rook! arise out of such a subject) to see how they could talk about that great person now, when be • wss no 'Agee on a throne, at liberty, or even in life. When tit this had happened, they have found out that lie was andritissus•-•-that he was a tyrant—that, in short. •he wee every thing ;let for a throne; discoveries which they 'never happened to make so long as lie was in power. Solar were. these accusations from being their , former language.th at the very persons by whom they were made had all been his accomplices. They bad all fol. Jawed him after the preparation of a sound beating. Possia followed his footsteps after she bad been beaten and defeated in ISOG ; and her Ring, ere he had well recovered,the upright position of a man after the wholesome beating that he had received, was prostrate io the dust, licking the bloody hand of the,sanqueror of his country, and jailp / loring . as a is . boo.' e territory of Hanover . whieSiblionged in legitiwit ght to our must must gracious Sovereign. Russia, havibt also first un dergane the peeper• of a beating, received at hig )sandste sl'us AO ambition,..anti when there hip rev& ' not t . n astich %ego* fatten, wet gAd ,1 up b E o n - filch idol - 4'l'74'oot of get -lig sot:lmagist, by it e acquisiti iof . a.rritqay either 4 1 141 1 3 114 3T,. ° in Asia. Site. , in iraereilEst sight - 7 wiles , •:ittiligualt • principle; to- ro`.:ikthe spoil; ••:-.0 'aid When Wothing else could ha.: ad, tofien she bad . ....a • • no pretext for war, and of course none:tor aggran disement, either in Europe or inAsis. she set up a claim In America, and even condescended to take a few square miles of territory, containing a handful of serfs. The tender heart of the grandmother had overflowed as well for the increase as for the comforts of her children; and the grandson. equally feeling, had, as soon as cirsaum ' • / . t. a m . d ., ==l " THE STATESMAN stances allowed him, taken a corresponding slice. The case of Austria would have been one which would have borne to be retorted with the greatest force. Austria has not only followed like the others, but had in many instances been an accomplice. In the noted one, fur example, of Venice, Austria had been the ultimate re- Myer ; a character which, by the laws of this country, is held, if not worse. to he at least as bad as the thief. While he was in his power, Austria had not only fol lowed him, and derived territory from her set vility ; hut she had accepted, if not courted his alliance ;—an when yet she had taken an active part in driving him into exile. Her conduct had, in short, been a series of alternate truckling and bullying. After the genius of Bonaparte had yielded to his own restlessness, to the desertion and disagreement of his Allies, to the rigours of the northern winter, and to that, with• out which even the winter would `welt have been sufficient,—the arms, skill and gallantry' of Eng lish forces, these Monarchs did not abandon the symein of him against whom they had been warring'. They wanted some of the splendours of his government,. but they imitated all its worst features, as was amply proved from the cases of Norway, Saxony, Genoa and Ragusa. nit very men wire had submitted to beg an alliance with the man they now reviled, were now following the very worst part of his policy. If such were the only enemies against whom the people had to contend he would rejoice. It would be matter of joy to see freedom attacked by only such men as these. No doubt there was a di&rence between the militia and tensible forces of a country and the niercenaries of their invaders, but still that would not be touch against the spirit of liberty, He was truly sorry to find among the• enemies, of the Spanish people a potentate of another description.— Loris, the respectable Monarch of France, had even gone beyond the manifestoes of this junto. He (Mr. 14.) hoped that this wis the result only of a casual alienation of the Royal mind, or rather, a production of that small and illiberal party by which the King of France is at present sarronniled, and which he hoped would be speedily ejected. This Monarch had in one respect been so far acted upon by these parasites, as to say in effect that a Constitution c in e m orate only front a tyrant. How different was this from one of the greatest scholars and philosophers of antiquity ? That philosopher lived in times of the greatest national diffi culty, and had to contend with a conspiracy of the most serious and alarming nature. But still, amid all this, he threw himself upon his country ; he never thought of calling in the Allobroaes, the Teotones, or the Seythi ans: and, if Louis hell call in the modern Scythian,— if he shall permit them once to cross the Rhine, judg. went shall have gone forth against his throne and the dynasty, and the prosperity of Gaul shall have ceased. —(Near, heart.) Why should they find fault with the •Constitution of Spain ? Why should Revolution which was merely an attempt to preserve that Government which had been fought fur and obtain. ed, and which wee disturbed by the mutiny of the sol diers of Ferdinand himself To call it a rebellion is an abuse of words. It is not, however, this or that par ticular country whirls these Sovereigns dislike; they do not hate the Spaniards or the Portuguese as such— ' they war not with freedom en the Ebro or the Minho.— No ; they war against freedom generally and in the abstract, by whatever nation, or ander whatever form it may be professed. Freedom is the object of their haired. 'nary dread its power,they detest its spirit,• hey are in alarm on account of the vigour ahick it inspires, and therefore theygo about to wage war with all ira institutions, and seek the destruction of all its monuments. They fear— they quiver at its very name ; and while England boasts and p •es the freedom which she enjoys, they cannot but be her enemies. Hr (Mr. B.) was as ready as any man to admit her faults—to call for the correction of her abuses, and to seek the improvement oilier institutions; but still, notwithstanding all these, we Ik4eeo mach in dependence left for e:t!ter bowing or submitting to tyrants. No doubt we should be the object of their machinations. Indeed, no land was safe from them. The arms of these crusaders were not directed to one particular place or people, provided that the ultimate object were to be a favourite one. Suppose, for instance, that Turkey should be so peculiarly suited to the views of the Emperor of Russia, as that lie should feel a wish that it were his, would there be any secnrity for the family of the Sultan, even in the pleas I.f the antiquity, the perfection, and the legitimacy of their dynasty? If he should once raise a doubt upon the subject, and require the Ulema to send to his Consistory of Kings a Deputation of Mufti, in vain would he their pleadings that their form of Government was of the most venerable antiquity—that it was per fectly legitimate, being founded upon the truths of the Holy Koran—that it involved nothing dangerous to des potism, and that their interest was powerful in paradise. In vain would they plead that they had no visionary theories about individ,ial rights—that they were misled by no speculations in philosophy, and that they had no dreams of liberty. They would have to turn away from the Three Gentlemen of Verona without the slight est hope that there was any hope there from their faith, however legitimate, or from their practice, howeier des potic. In a few months the army of Russia would he at Constantinople, or Morocco, or wherever it happened, and Prussia might come in for whatever remains to us on the Continent. It was plain, therefore, that there was danger in this holy combination, not to free States only, but also to Despots—to all Despots except the short sighted Members of this Holy Junto.—(Near, hear, hear.) Our coarse was plain—we should not rashly interfere, but we should consider that there would be in the success of the armies of the Junto dangers which world one day fall upon ourselves. There was b possi bility that we, by virtue of the treaties by which we were now bound, might he involved in it. If Spain were overrun, would not Portugal be overrun also?— He would ask if Portugal had any natural protecting bonnelary ? No, her only defence was in the Pyrenees, and these once passed by an overpowering army, she was involved in a war for her existence, and we stand bound for her defence. He did not say that we ought to send an army to Portugal to .vetch the motions of the French ; bitt surely it would nob, under all the circumstances, be too much to equip and send a fleet. Yes, he would sot, in the mean time, recommend send. ing a land force to take part in the war; but lie would certainly recommend a naval armament to watch its progress. In the few observations which lie bad made, lie hail not looked back at the blunders ;which we had committed. Indeed be had no wish to look back to blunders, but forward to that unanimity, which should on such an occasion as this be undisturbed. We should not waste our time in blame and recrimination against each other, but turn our attention to those foreigners whom we all hate and despise. lie hoped some servant of the Crown, equally renowned for his talents and his learning. wallet lie found at the present crisis to do his duty to his King, to his country, to Europe, to mankind. He trusted that some such servant of the Crown would ebeifoefid, who world speak in the bold, manly, and ra tional language of a British subject ; who would advise tb keep aloof from the plots, the meetings, and the ma chinations of despots, and who would inculcate the sane and wholesome doctrine that free states alone can be our safe allies ; that would endeavour to keep us from going to war ; but when war, in the cause of freedom and jus tice, became unavoidable, who would prepare us for the issue, in such a manner as to support alike the dignity of the Cron n, the independence of the country, and those principles which are considered as the most sacred by all enlightened nations.—[The Honourable and Learned Gentleman, who had been frequently interrupted by cheering, sat down amid loud and continued cheering from all pens of the House.] ARR. Sir FRANCIS BURDETT prevent d himself to the !louse, but was not heard for soute s time i ► consequence of the cheering Which followed the speec h of Mr. Brougham, T he sentences, which were not audible in the gallery, appeared, however, from the strain of what followed, to have been complimentary to Mr. Brougham, whose speech the Hon. Baronet described as being as able anti as independent in its principles as was ever delivered in the House. It was, indeed, one of the best that had ever been heard in the House, and it went to support the true principles of national honour and independence. With regard to the Go vernment of this country, they had certainly not done their duty in many instances, but his hopes that they would do so in this were so strong, that he would make no allusion to any thing which could in the least tend to di3turb that unanimity which he was glad to see prevailing in the House. In the great work of pre ' Reeving the liberties of mankind which they would have to undertake, they would have to overlook all inferior matters—to 'put aside the consideration of all agricul tural and other distress, and attend to that which was of vital importance to man. With regard to the man ner in which the importance of the subject had been enforced by the Honourable and Learned Gentleman (Mr. Brougham), he would say, ".Tit *on lowland:lm end :omit cut dizit." He had treated it fully, parti cularly, admirably ; and he (Sir F. B.) did not know which most to admire; the wisdom, the reason, the virtue, or the patriotism which it evinced. There was no English heart, hut would fully understand the Speech, and feel as the Honourable and Learned (len tletnen felt. He (Sir Francis) had also heard with sa tisfaction the opening Speech, and he trusted they would not only have an unanimous vote, but also, what had not appeared for a long time—an unanimous detestation of the unwarranted interference of tyran ny, and love of the best interests of mankind. MAILS. Dm •RR. I Dublin - 0 0 Holland • 5 Waterford 0 0 Hambro' G. & Jersey - 0 I France 0 Lisbon 0 4 Flanders - 0 Gottenbarg - I 0 Brasil - DVI. . - i PRICE OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Hank Stock. .2391 • India Stock . 1601 II per Ct. Red Y3 f ! Ditto Bonds .. 33s 36s . pin. 31,er Ct. Cons itS 7476 05 i South Sea Stock ... ...... 31. per Ct SS ' South Sea Old Ann I per Cents - J spm• New Fours 94 I 10001. S 6 per Ct. 1107 l--.5601. 14s 16s. pm. Long Ann. Imp. 3 per Ct.... Irish 3 per Cents. LotteryTicksts ......1. ..s Vut *tatcoman. L 0 N I) 0 N : TIVINDAT 171CNI ?Ili. FIIIIIITART 6, 1823. PROCE EDI NOS IN PARLIAMENT. UOVSS OW LORDI.-.-1 , 11. 4. in our commentary of yesterday we were obliged to (unit what tool: place in the House of Lords with re gard to Agricultural Distress. Lord Stanhope, as we observed yesterdayrinede a motion for an inquiry into the State of the Agricultural community. But that the motion was negatived by a very large majority. In the course of his speech, we find the following passage, which we insert, in order to show ►►hat are the real sentiments of his Lordship upon this subject. When, we have inserted it, we shall offer a comment or to o of and Loan s t E vib Mir; Alrellug. to ye omit at a rataw..; for he&ays, that mg to re;lner the intereit of the Alt, and to continue to pay in goltLis more like a highteni robbery than a legislative proceeding. flis•Lordship denies that Parliament has a right to ',hinder one part of the community, jitr the benefit gi anot h er. --We desire Loan SOPPIRLD to say what hr thinks of the doctrines of LORD STANHoPE but, by no means, to say it in a Barnt—Lo: D Livaitroci. gave the go.6y to this part of Lord STANIIoPE's sp eec h , but, the Marquess of L.tysnowxn, hav'n; recou:: mended a standard of silver inst 'ad of gold, Lord L. vsuPoot. said that it would be a parlial iautioaattemk - - - - - • `rupley, and would throw the whole kingdom into eon_ fusion. Yet, let it he observed, this very measure is recommended by Sir John Sinclair, and prayed for hi the Sem]) Petitioners,as the most just,eritable, and wise thing in the world. In the House of Connum, on the same subject, a man by the name of WurruAN; and whom we never heard of before, who seconded the address, and who may, therefore, be supposed to know something of the sentiments of our pretty gentlemen at Whitehall, appears to havea curious kind of remedy in his mind. Like the last paragraph in the Seamy, he augurs an improvement in the affairS of Agriew. tare, from the improvement which he asserta.to have taken place in commerce and inanufactnres. Th e i n . comparable foolishness of this notice we demonstrated so folly yesterday, that we need say nothing alum it to-day. lint it is the remedy of this man to which we wish to call the attention of our renders and particularly of our readers uLa are engaged in Agricultuse. • Now mark Lim; "if tenants were to abandon " the deatructive system of produring an enormous " quail:oy of wheat in preference to other corn, it " would teed to their bei4efit"!!! Reader! This gentleman's name is WILDMAN. That is alt we know of him. Another part of his remedy was. "It would . _ " he also desirable; if tenants were to remur to those " &Aire of economy, which theirfatAcetproctised is " the management of their favours, with so beech cre• " (lit" ! This was really said in the House' of Cow wow. These are Mr. WiLost N s ren►ediei. New, one part of economy, practised by the fathers of the present farmers was, the payinlr of very fill,: reht; . another branch of their econ,nny wag, very little: taxes. If Mr. WILDMAN will tell the farmers how to recur to these loedu of their fithers, they will be very much obliged to him. Mr. Bum:on:Am time .. ged in, we do not very well know how, whether head foremost or heels foremost, sonwthing about the Nos- FOLK PETITION. He made itse of it 01 00, instance to show that the Distresses of the Ag tiroltural People had driven them somewhat out of their senses. He viewed their " Errors" with kiwi " nest and fcr:"earance." Ah I a ki lid soul he is, that we will be sworn for hi: ! And so, this kind soul speaks of the Norfolk P. notion, in particular, as proposing to break faith with the publ:c ' creditor, and of the " monstrous atten;pt to keep the In,.dlord out of his rest for a year." lie the it goes on to talk about monstrous Illreticus of yenta:acts, bat :. says, that this was no mo than the Hover; mint did in the case of Lord King, (Incept that the g• o:erninent had sanctioned the cheating the creditor to t 1 st-amoitnt of one third of his claim ; and the Norfolk. Matting had extended the same principle to the 'Mee two thirds. Mr. finoucnam, we have been Cr edibly in t...ruled, did not say this. We .can I teli upon our informant. Otherwise, we should hay t charged ' him with the grossest of ignorance or the gros. • seat of misrepresentation. The trading n e.vspapers have put these words into his mouth, as the means of hostility against the exposer of their infamy. fns tratF.ck. We should like to hear Mr. BROUGHAM ea, r we should like, for once, to have a little plain del ding front hint upon this subject of the national Debt. SCE-should like to hear him say, in plain English words, land with• out any Scotch mistification, whether he be for been for a reduction V the dell ands rectify), g of twit harts. We do not like this sort of suspentli. a 3. at say rate. Let us have hint at 011 Ce, for us or age lion us.— As to the monstrous attempts, as it is millet' 1, to cheat the landlord out of his rent, MIS there ever a greater falsehood uttered by human lips. The pro position is ' to suspend, for one year, the severe prom is a BM. TRAIN'''. That is all; and a devil of a h. ryer Mr. HAM must be, if he dues nut know that the land- - lord has still left him the means of recoverin r his rent - by law : aye, just as go.A. means as the b 'ocher or the baker has to to recover a debt from the landlord! It is only proposed to put the landlord upon the seem finding as the farmers, other creditors, for one year. And this is what Mr. BROUCUAM is, by the iatansons London press, made to call cheating the las allord eta of his rem ! Such foul misrepresentation's ; such da ring falsehoods, put into the mouths of Mi webers of Parliament, do them very little credit ; and weepy Ito means envy the feelings of the man that can 'Se proud of the praises of the traditig wretches that deal its these falsehoods. However, all was not false ; and we have yet to learn how it can be decorous for airy Wm ber of Parliament to refer to, and to pretend to die cuss the- merits of any Poition which is not y e t before the House. We have yet to learn that the Fri vilege of any Member is ill !war him out in this ; and we say plainly, as Mr. MENZIES said, in the case vf Mr. Aokutnaoainte, if Mr. Baonausx did utter the words attributed to him by the trading press, he has foully misrepresented a docament, which it would bare been his business to have discussed with impartiality when it came before the Haase. Before we quit Mr. Ittiouniiam, we must again express our decided dhap T probation of his speech. A rattle-rousing, clap-trot ping, it is : and will give, until Saturday night, or thereabouts, exquisite delight to the pot-house polid chins : hut, dead as a door nail will it be by Motpdays leaving- nothing- behind it but ..embarrassmeit to the Speaker. One part of it calls for reduction of tuxes, and the sercrest economy of expenditure. Th is is for the farmers and landloidf. Another part of it. seems to say, that Mr. Bum:Guam deprecates:4l tratch. offil:th with the prelolic creditor : this is for the ha eaters and fund.,oldcro. Another part of it cells fur?. Naval .le.,.ament : this is for all the goodie/Area ;. all the true English hearts, that damn the F.tenithapii the Holy Alliance! Another part of it cosaplituents • Mr. CANNING, and trusts that a " servant the " Crown, equally renow;sed for his talents and his " learning, will be found at the present eriasto, to do " his duty to his King, to his Country, t a lteciocw , " and . 1 / a nkiad"! This last, is for the o.d devilish Anti-Jacob7ns : So that, he has the ti all in one universal clap and bravos. W: ~~.~,. ~7a; our own. " Why, he would ask, were low prices to be considered " an evil now, when they were considered a mark of pros .' parity before the period of the French Revelation? It " was because we how felt the pressure of an enormous '• taxation, and the depreciation in the value of money.— " Landlords at present would be satisfied with the rents of " 1792, if they had only the taxes of 1792 to contend with; " but bertheoed as they were, be could take upon himself to " state, that in the county of Essex it wag not unusual for a " tenant to rcceire half the amount of the taxes from the " landlord, as an iudiieement to cultivate the land. They '• had heard much of the faith to be ►ept with the public " creditor, but if they chose to persevere in the measures " with which they bad commenced, and to regulate all pay " ments by a gold standard, they would glad that a reduc " tion of the dividends would be necessary for the public safety. The question between Parliament and the public " creditor was like an agreement between two private indi " victuals, and the Noble Lord on the Woolsack, who had so " long administered justice with an ability which rendered " him an ornament not only to the Horse and the country, •' but to the age in which 1w lived, with all his disposition to " pause for the sake of doing justice, could not hesitate a '• moment In deciding such a case between individuals.— "The question was, whether if they increased the value "of the currency, they were not bound to diminish the " hurthens of the people in proportion? Bat it the Noble " Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government did not " consent to reduce the taxes in a cons:derabie degree, the " tuxes would soon reduce themselves ; the unfortunate " people would soon be unable to pay them. Ile had no " hesitation in expressing an opinion, that if they persever e• ed in the system in which they were now proceeding, a " notional banAraptcy must at no distant period be the •• consequence. Their Lordships remembered the own:ors " ble resolution of the house of Commons, which declared '• that a pound note and a shilling were equal to a guinea in " gold, when it was known that guineas sold at that time " for 28s. This was a specimen of the delusion practised " upon the country, and the consequences were, in some in " stances, known to amount almost to a confiscation of pro " !wily. He was filled with indignation and horror when '• lie heard of the transfer of property which lied taken place •' under the change of currency; a transfer so violent, that " it reminded him more of a highway robbery than a legis " Wire proceeding. Ile had heard of cases in which the '• mortgagee foreclosed and took possession of a property, " not mortgaged originally for half its value. Parliament " was vested with great discretionary powers, which it held " for the benefit of the people, with whom these powers " originated ; but he would ask, whether any Parliament " had a right to plunder one portion of the community for " the benefit of another ? Again, he would ask, what right " the people had to resist such impositions? Surely they " had the right to follow the example of their ancestors, " and refuse the supplies until the grievances under which " they laboured were redressed." The fact stated here by his Lordship, of farmers be ing actually paid by the landlords as an inducement to theta to cultivate the land is unquestionably true, and is by no means confined to the County of Essex. Is not that man, therefore, a fool or a knave, who pre tends to say that a reduction of the interest of the Debt is not necessary? Lord Stanhope says that, if the Ministers' persevere with rEEL's ntia., a reduction if the Dirideads most take place. Ile declares that a national bankruptcy must be the consequence ; he de clares that the present mode of proceeding is a confis cation of property. He fairly turns the tables upon Mr. Cons's hole-and-corner Meeting, at Walsingham, -.`7o6,riere.o.fr .90 ,- """:"! , • '• 1 1 4 7 A) mal.•1••••=. somir r ~.r'a~'~ii■ ~.. r- • tga s:s - 1r - nNPW V t '