The Statesman. — London, England, 1823-02-10 00:00:00

MgETFGEG COUNTY MEETING. through Louden, and being asked 'where are your M. jesty's Guards, she pointed to her people. and sake these are my guards.—(Applause.) —The same Princess on enrolee. occasion had made use of this expression—g , shell not have my people taxed; the money of the people had hest remain in their pockets." Tense principlrs were worthy of so great a Princess, but thee were not the principles of the present day. Numerous Acme of Parliament hail been passed against County Meetings, and against the liberty of the press. Even the scant was used to put down those who met only for the pur pose of obtaining a redress of grievances. The affair of Manchester could never be forgotten, Lot now Provi dence had so ordered it, that the very men oho heir.' upon that day, who on that day eat down their country. men for expressing their grievances, now held emee me n i,, to inquire into the causes of their own distress, and to thermion for relief.—(Applanse.) The root of all evil in the country was the state of the representation, and of what avail was it to talk of any.particoler grievance— to endeavour to lop off a rough branch, whilst the roots of corruption remained firm in the earth; Reform 8104 could save the country How was the House of Cone 'Dens composed ? Of Pensioners and Plecemen.Offierts in the Army and in the Navy, dependants uptin the Minister, who sat there with the greatest eomphicenev, overpowering upon every question those few who were elected by the people, supporting every mearsure or 'the !Minister, taking the money of the peopl e out of the pockets of the people inetle to pet it into their own.—(Applause.) It would never he forgotten that in the Petition of the People presented by Lord Grey, it was stated, and offered to be proved at the Bar of time House that a few Peers and other persons returte ed a majority of Members, to that House. Old Sarum, as had been stated, had no inhabitants—there was no thing there save a few brambles an.l stumps of trees, and these' actually had two Members to represent them in Parliament (a laugh). Appleby had no hotiois—there were a few pig-styes there—the pigs of Appleby, me. r' important it would appear .in the eyes of the Anti lie formers, than the inhabitants of Leeds or of Manches ter, had actually two Members to represent them in the (louse of Commons (continued laughter). Thus, se the system worked, for some places Gentlemen repre sented stumps of trees, fur other places Getitleesen re , presented pigs ; some represented, as they were pleased to say, their own consciences, but they meant their own interests, against the wishes, the interests, and the liber ties of the people of England (hear, hear !). The Honourable Gentleman next toilette., on the dura tion ot Parliament, and on the general character of that wetubly. Sir George Saville had truly sail that the House of Commons might as well be said to represent the people of France as the people of England ; and the great Mr. Fox described them in the follow nag %lards: They have (whatever might have been their v i ews amid intentions) heen the cause of spending more of the treasure of Great Britain, and shedm:ing more of the blood of hnuran brings in every part of this world than any other Government than ever precede! them. With the word humanity in their mouths, they have filled every quarter of the earth with more misery, and with religion in their professions, they. have Spilled MO , Christian blood than any King, Prince or Emperor did in the annals of ti.e world. They have peen the came. of destroying more of God's creatures than the greattet conqueror in ancient or modern history, and have lest more at the same time than any of those eeneeterers ever gained," With respect to the kind of Reform that was wanted, he would say, without going in'o particudir details, that the interest and security of the people required a state of representation oeposite to the pre. sent—required that all placemen and pensioners, this all those who received the public money should cease to sit in Parliament, and required that representation should be co-extensive with taxvion. Was it right that men who fought the battles of their country, and who contributed their mite to the public exigence, sheds' he denied the privilege of voting at an election ? The du ration of Parliament ought, in his opinion, to he annual, in order that the people might have power over their Representatives. Of all abuses, the existence of sine cures is the greatest; nothing could he mere moostreits than persons receiving thousands upon thousands ofite puhlic money for doing flotilla:re What would they think of labourers, who remaining idle all the week. should demand their wages as a matter of right? Yet there was no difference between such persons and sine curists, save this, that the sinecnrists received a [root deal at than the labourers could possibly demand. The pension list was one of the most curious sights its the world—the names of men, women, and little chil dren appeared on the face of that list who never loot done, and who never intended to do any good for the country. These things ought to be put an end to, limit retrenehment ought to go a great deal farther—the sala ries of those who performed duties ought to be reduced ; they were raised when corn was high, they ought to be reduced now because corn is low. But even if all these timings were accomplished, he feared that taxes wetthl not be reduced so as to give any sensible relief; it was his opinion that recourse should be had to the sale of public property; of Crown Lands and of Church Property also. No men could f oie' y object to the sale of Crown lands, and has tithes were established by law, they might also be mo dified by law. Some seemed to think that religion would be injured by the abolition of tithes ; but there was nothing about bishops—about Vicars, and, above all, there was nothing about tithes in the New Testa ment. The Church was established by the law of the land, and was open to legislative alterations. There were some who would say that Reform, beautifel in theory, was in practice dangerous;—but America had certainly a free Representative Government, and there was no confusion or disorder in that country. The taxes in America amounted to two millions and a half; the taxes of this country amounted to sixty millions; the King, as he might be called, of that country had hat 6,000/. a year; the Speaker of the house of Commons received the same sum ; there were no Bishops in Ameri ca, but there was a Clergy free from reproach, and a people who venerated religion. France also was free from taxes and front tithes ; her improved sheath's could be traced to the reform of her government. lie hoped that the progress of Reform in this cuastry would be marked by the same result, and that the im provement of the constitution might lead to an ameliora tion of the condition of the people. The llon. Gentle. man concluded by moving that the following lewd , should be added to the Petition : " Your Petitioners therefore humbly pray that your Honourable House will immediately proceed to pass se Act for a Reform, upon time Constitutional priaciples el Representation being coequal with Taxation, and of Par. Lament being annual, in order that time reformed Perlis went may adopt the following measure ;—lst. A total abolition of all sinecures and unmer ited p ensions. -24. A reduction of all salaries, and a reduction of the stead ing army to a scale of expence as low as that which existed before the last war ; and, 3 4. Snell a sale of the public property, of whatever it consists, and such an ate plication of the proceed., as will effectually relieve the distresses of the people." Mr. FORDHAM rose to second the motion. lie 0114 that Reform was absolutely necessary in order to save time people from absolute ruin. The eistresses of the limes pressed much more heavily upon the tenants than the landlords, and they at least were called upon to demee'l ,hat Reform which ought to have been long since brought about ; which would have been accomplished 31) year* ago, it it had not been for that political swindler and. apostate, William Pitt. (Applause, %tit!' some We. Ir. of disapprobatiot.). The worthy lieuticumn, after Wads THE STATESMAN. The High Sheriff havingsconvened a meeting of the Freeholders of this county for the purpose of address ing the Houses of Parliament on the subject of Reform, a numerous and highly respectable assembly filled the Town Hall on Saturday, soon after 12 o'clock, thehour appointed. At half past twelve, the Sheriff took the chair, and .proceeded to read the sequisition, which was signed by Lords Estee and Darre, Mr. Calvert, and other free holder". The requisition called upon him to convene a meeting of the freeholders and inhabitants of the county, for the purpose of considering the state of the House of Commons, and the necessity of a reform thereof. He had, however, thought it better to deviate from the terms of this requisition, and to follow the usual course of proceedings in the county, by calling a meeting of the nobility, clergy, gentlemen, and freeholders, in which classes were included, those persons who were qualified to pronounce an opinion upon the matters proposed to be discussed. He then re9uested that the meeting would listen with an impartiality, a decorum, and a propriety, suitable to the importance of the sub ject, to whatever sentiments should be expressed. 31r. Hats then addressed the meeting. He felt it his duty to apologize for the imperfect manner in which the subject was to be introduced by him, and regretted that. the task had not been confided to more worthy hands. It was now some years since lie had stood in that place as a humble advocate, but a sincere friend to Parlia mentary Reform. He had then, as he now proposed to hes e, the honour of submitting resolutions earreesive of his own sentiments and of those of the majority of the meeting, as to the necessity of endeavouring at least to effect a change in the present system of representation. At that period the meeting had been called by the etre the constitutional, and powerful exertions of his noble friend (Lord Deere), whom be was glad to see once more in this place. It was impossible on the pre sent occasion to overlook his services in the cause of reform ; and although he was removed at a greater dia. tance from them, lie trusted and believed that the same hopes, the same feelings, and the same anxiety for re form, actuated him .whom he scan proud to acknowledge one of its most effective friends. It was long since they hal last met in that place.: he could say for himself that the time which had gone by had ugly served to strength en his conviction of the necessity of reform. No session of Parliament, he would boldly say, had passed since the period to which he alluded, which had not given birth to some act or other injurious to the best interests of the country, and had been brought about, as be con ceived, by improper and undue influence. Since that period the Habeas Corpus Act had been, in his poor judgment, unnecessarily suspended, since that period the Six Acts had passed —(Applause)— arts which were utterly subversive of the liberties of Englishmen. What had they gained ? They had met in that place for the purpose of expressing their griev ances, and praying some relief from that overwhelming taxation which bore so heavily upon all of them. They had seen, by way of answer to their prayer, that • minister of the Crown got up, and in the face of their din a unequivocally expressed, unfeelingly asserted (lie would not use harsh language, since that minister was no more), that taxation was not an evil, and more over that it was indespensably necessary. Till then he had honed that the country gentlemen, as they were called In the House of Commons, had some influence there, and that they had power to procure the relief which was sought ; he was at once sorry and disappoiat ed to find their inflame's° entirely impaired He was there, then, firmly and explicitly to state his opinion that no means short of an effectual reform would suffice to restore this wretched country to the condition she for merly enjoyed: nothing less than a House of Commons less alienated from the people than was the present—a l House of Commons more controlling, and less controll ed. He was aware that to enter upon an explanation of the theory of the House of Commons would be a waste of his own words and of the time of the meeting. lie was confident there were few, if any, Englishmen who did not understand so much of the constitution at least, as that no man ought to pay taxes unless he was properly represented. (Applause.) He was to.xions now to draw their attention more imme diately to the subject of the meeting. He knew that re formers were looked upon in the light of disturbers of the public repose, and that those who advocated the doctrines of reform had been characterised, as the advo cates of improper innovation. Nothing could he more false than such imputations ; nothing more foolish than the policy which prompted them. With respect to a strict public public economy, he took it for granted that in asking for that, it was allowed on all hands, they ' a 'lced for nothing more than what was due to them. — This, at least, was due to a brave and generous people, whose sacrifices had been great, and who had struggled cheerfully and fearlessly under the pressure of their difficulties, until they bad become too great to be longer horne.—(Applause.) With respect to a reform in Par liament, it would he well they should satisfy themselves, C at in asking for it they did not ask for that which they Lid no right to expect, and which was not warranted by precedrets. Upon this point, the most satisfactory in fortuation was to be gained. It had ever been one of the principles of the constitution, to amend the various branches of it as often as occasion should require. From • the earliest periods of the history of Parliaments—that l's, from the reign of Edw. I.—the system of representa tion bad always been subject to variation. This was a matter of history open to all, incapable of misrepresents. Lion. and no more to be doubted than the very existence of Parliaments. He could, if it were neceswy, or con sistent with the object of that meeting. cite acts of arliament, to show that these were not slight variations holt that they were considerable, and that they deeply Involved the rights of the people. Were tl.ey then to be told, that to reform the Commons House of Pediatrics' would be to violate the Constitution of the country; when the proof was obvious.that it was perfectly conformable to the practice of other days ? He wished not to be misunderstood, though indeed there was now less chance of it than heretofore, because where there. had been one reformer fifteen years ago. there were many hundreds now. It was true they had lost, and he deeply lamented, many able leaders, but the troops were still numerous, and fresh recruits were daily pouring in on . every side. Alen who had hitherto reposed in fancied security, began now to see the danger which threatened• them and to arm themselves for the purpose of opposipg its farther strides. His object in endeavouring to bring about a reform was by every constitutional miens to' "assimilate the feelings of the people. lie would take the representation from individuals, mid give it to popu lation. Ile would shorten the duration of Parliaments by lawful means, so as to make the House of Commons whet Air. Pitt said, and what every man knew it ought ' be—an image of the riation ; and he would promote the tlosest onion and mast perfect sympathy between that aseesubly and the people of F.ngland. I f this state of 'things did exist, let ,ratters retuftin as they were : hut it it did not, it was their duty, as reasonable men, and as . lavers-of their e.ountry, to apply tbe legitimate means of establishing that which they knew to be right. These, be said, were his °pinkish; be silted no man to adopt them; lie sished rather that those who heard him should act froaftbeir own discretion and goad joolgusent. He %mild only ask whether the Hone of Cottunons, as it was now cunstii ut-d, was likely to protect, as it ought, the rights and liberties of the people? He then con cluded by moving;that a petition from that meeting he presented to Parliament, praying for an effectual and speedy reform. Mr. Warin rose to second the motion. He felt there was no question, the principles of which it warless ne- I cessary to detail than, that of Parliamentary .Reform,' when he was addressing an assembly constituted like that he had the honor of then meeting. All the dis tinguished statesmen whom our country had produced in latter times, had at some period or other of their lives been seen to advocate the principles of Reform. Many of them, it was true, had fallen off; they had changed their opinions, when sonic powerful inducement had tempted them, and they had ceased to advocate the cause; but still it might be claimed for reform, and scarcely any distinguished statesman had liven who had not, at some period or other, seen and felt its truth and expediency. Frequently as the subject had been consi dered, it was impossible on the present occasion to re, train from urging some points for the purpose of show ing the necessity of again, and at this time particularly, addressing the House of Commons. When the ques tion had formerly been discussed, he had found that the comparatively few persons who contended that Reform Was not necessary, intrinsically, and of itself had gene rally met the question with some sirgament of postpone ment. They said the subject, whatever might be its merits, was not fit then to be entertained ; there was something in the peculiar situation of the times which rendered it either unsafe or unadvisable to carry up their petitions as they ought. They said that foreign wars, or domestic troubles, threatened even the social instituti °snot the county, and asked if time could be atiOrded to discuss the evils of their parliamentary representation, if evils it had. These objections, however, did not apply to the present time I no dangers threatened us now; there was ample time and opportunity to give the , most serious attention to the defects of the legislative Constitution. Another reason struck him forcibly, why this was, of all others, a most fitting time, It had formerly been said, with a certain degree of triumph, that however true the objections made by the reformers might be in theory, yet, when the system came into practice, it worked well for the prosperity of the king dom, and for the happiness of individuals. He only regretted that this could not be said now ; be wished very . sincerely, that what lie had to address to the ' meeting could he met by that argument now. But let the meeting look at the various divisions into which society was broken down, and they would find none is which the system was working well. Let them look at the peasantry, once the glory of England, the bold and free -4efenders of their country , and the cu ltivators of its soil, and they would find them degraded into servile dependents upon parochial assistance. (Hear.) Let them look at the farmers, who were the cultivators of the land, and at every man who, like them, was engaged in agricultural laws; he knew that a voice wuuld echo from every corner of that hall, proclaiming loudly that the system did not work well. (Loud and continued applause.) They had wasted their capital upon the land ; they were suffering privations and dis tress which broke down their spirits ; and the future seemed more gloomy, if possible, than the present state of their affairs—there was no prospect of their being restored to that situation in the country which they were born to fill, or of receiving again the capital they had upended upon the land (Applause.) Let them look then to the country gentlemen, the owners of the soil, and they would be seen also suffering under privations and distress peculiar to this period. Thus the argument that the system worked well, which it was at least always pleasant to hear, was no longer applica ble. This, then, was the time when of all others it was most necessary for them to express their opinions and detail their sufferings to Parliament; this was the period at which it could not be denied that reform was neces sary to the salvation of the state. Ile begged to call their attention to some particulars respecting the repre sentation of the people of England in Parliament: 4119 members were returned ; of these the 40 counties, send ing two each, made up SO, thecities 50, the Universities 4, the Cinque Ports 16, live boroughs sent 5, and 167 other boroughs returning the remaining 334. They must immediately perceive the immense and overwhelm ing preponderance of the borough representation. It was an great, that if every county, and city, and other place not a borough, in this kingdom, were to endeavour to procure the adoption t.f any measure by Parliament, and the members returned for the boroughs should think fit to oppose it, it would he negatived in the House of Commons by a majority of nearly two to one. Putting this aside, he would come to the manner in which the influence was shared among counties by the boroughs , which happened to be within them, Cornwall had 21 boroughs, and with the county it returned 44 members to Parliament. The counties of Derby, Warwick, Chester, Huntingdon, and Rutland, returned only four members each, In Cornwall there were, as appeared from the returns, 250,000 persons, and the amount of taxes collected in the county was 1,300,0001. War wick contained 275,000 souls, and paid in taxes, 1,901,0001. Thus the population of Warwick was great er than that of Cornwall by twenty five thousand, and its revenue exceeded it by 600,0001. ; and yet it possessed only one-eleventh part of the influence claimed and ex 'reified by the secondary and inferior county. He de dined to enter into a detail of the County of Chester, where the proportions were even greater, and where the representative influence would remain one-eleventh as before. For the manner in which the elective franchise was distributed, it was necessary only to look at the example of the borough of Steyning, and that immediately adjoining it in the same street, both of which returned two weathers to Parliament. There were others, consisting of two hamlets, but both in the same parish, each of which returned as many members to Parliament as the whole County of Middlesex, the wealth and importance of which was represented only by two members. The borough of Dunwicli in Suffolk bad formerly been a place of considerable importance, an emporium of trade, and containing eight parishes, and a large population; vow it was submerged and swept into the sea, one parish alone and a few inhabit ants remained; and this miserable remnant from the desolation exercised the same privileges which had been granted to the city in its most important condition. There were other boroughs where not a single inhabit ant dwelt; such were Old Sarum, and Alidhurst, in the county of Sussex. If it was asked who were the members representing the towns where there actually were houses and inhabitants, the answer would be, they were persons returned by the will of individuals ; those individuals were mostly peers, who ought by the laws to have no voice in the election of members of Parlia ment ; and justly were they debarred, because they had another and most important privilege of sitting else where. But the evil was nut confined to these boroughs. Bath was a city which for its importance ought to have • share in the representation. instead, however, of the nnmeruus and respectable persons who lived in that city having any thing to do with the return to Parliament, it was managed by a few corpuratars and self elected aldermen. The town of Bury, in Sulfide, was in the saute condition ; the member was not returned by the choice of the inhabitants, hut by self elected corporators. It was, however, not necessary to go so far for an illus tration. The members for the borough of Cambridge were returned, not by the 10,000 inhabitants of the town, but by 150 peculiar freemen and corporator'. Even these freeholders and eurporators owed their freedom to a gift, and resided at Cheveley, near the property of a noble duke who was supposed to have a great interest in 'the return for Cauibriuge. There here others still worse than these, which were private property; he meant those in which toe elective franchise was vested in the Lands of persons unqualified by their rank in life and their education to exercise it properly, and wh therefot4 &Lytle sell it. The consequence was, that this abuse had been carried to so high a pitch, that more than 711 acts had been pitied to prevent bribery a nd corrUption. and yet it appeared by late investigations i d Parliament that they existed now in a greater degree than had been known before. If the origin of the elective fran chise were investigated, it would be seen that it furnish ed a pa/ireful argument in favour of parliatrentary reform. From the reign of Edward 1., until eoinpara tively modern times, it bad been the practice not to summon members for sonic of the boroughs; others had been compelled by the will of the Monarch to return such members as were nominated to them ; and Whets had been suspertied, and their privileges never restored. lie could only attribute the favour they ex: perienced to their political subserviency, and the neglect to summon them to their sturdiness and disinterested ness. The town ef Berl( iminstead,of which he knew nothing and that of Bishop's Stortfurd, of which he did know something, had been so disfranchised ; if that inhabitants I of the latter town had always been as remarkable for their love of freedom as those of the present day, he could not wonder at their being out of favour. The borough of Hertford had been summoned by Edward the First, discontinned by Edward the Third, and restored in the 20th of James the First. Among the towns which hail been disfranchised and never restored Leeds and been Ilalifax,in Yerkshire,and Chelinsford,in Essex. These instances of arbitrary power would serve to show that there was no solid foundation for the man ner in which the elective franchise was distributed : it had not even antiquity or consistency (if they were any arguments at all) in its favour, to sanctify it or to shut out the reform a hich was now so loudly called for. — They were told that reform was a panscea, a sovereign remedy fur all the evils of the state: he did not say it was so ; hut he maintained that it would go far to cure most of the disorders and grievances, by restoring the empire of : public opinion. This was all he asked by the reform for which he sought. By the restoration ui the empire of public opinion, every vote a member gave, every speech he uttered in Parliament, would be subject to that wholesome controul which was likely to lead to the most beneficial results. He bad been accustomed early to venerate the principlesof reform, sad he thought it would be to the country at larg e, and to each indivi dna!, the greatest of those blessings which terminate with the present life. He then sat down amidst loud lapplause. Some confusioo ensiled as to the mode of putting the question. Sir J. Senattanz spoke to order; after which the High Sheriff put the question, whether a petition for Reform should be presented, which was immediately carried by acclamation,—four hands only being held up to the contrary. Mr. WEBB again ri ao, and said that the meeting having decided upon presenting a petition, it was to be considered of what nature it should be. He belt' one in Lis hand which was consonant to that agreed to at York. It was desirable that the Reformers who were actuated by the same motives should adopt the same means for accomplishing their object, and act together as much as possible. 1 t was fur this reason he had brought it forward, and he now moved that it be read and adopted. Mr. WILTSHIRE seconded the motion. The following Petitionwas then read: "TO THE HONOURABLE THE COMMONS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN, IN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED. /IThe humble Petition of the Nobi lit y. Cler gy , and Freeholders, of the county of Hertford. " Showeth—That your petitioners have upon former oc casions submitted to your Honourable House their opinions, that, as at present constituted. your Honourable House did not adequately represent the people of these realms ; and the recent proceedings of your Honourable House, which has in each successive session given fresh proofs of a de viation from public opinion, hale confirmed your petitioners In the conviction, that neither their interest) nor their wishes are duly attended to in your Honourable House. Instead of a determined resistance to the encroachments of power, a tender care for the rights of the people, a jea lous eye over the executory and judicial magistracy, and a vigilant watch over the public treasure, it has been tee mis fortune of your petitioners to witness too ready a compliance with the wishes of whatever Minister may have dispensed the favours of the Crown. " Of this unconstitutional tendency in your Honourable House your petitioners feel the fatal effects in the wantou and profligate expenditure of their resources, in the mainte nance of a military force dangerous to their liberties, in the enactmeat of laws inconsistent with the spirit of the consti tution, and in the frequent neglect with which the petitions of the people have been treated in that quarter where they ought to have experienced the readiest and most anxious attention. The evils of an inadequate representation have been complained of by eminent Statesmes of all parties, and at different periods ; but to your petitioners these evils appear greatly aggravated by the additional power and influence over your Hon. llouse, which are derived from the present large collection.of taxes, and the unprecedented amount of our civil, military, and colonial peace establishment. " Your petitioners beg leave to represent, that if the state of your Honourable House, and the circumstances which affect its independence, are at all times subjects of great public interest, they are more particularly so at a time when the absolute Monarchs of Europe, not content with arbitrarily governing their own dominions, are leagued together in an alliance, the avowed object of which is to check the progress of liberty, and to prevent the establish ment of Representative Governments —an object which they have bat too successfully carried into execution by the military occupation of those countries to which they have power to dictate " Your petitioners apprehend no such immediate violence to the British Constitution, but they are fearful lest a perni cious influence should destroy the basis of their liberties, and ultimately convert the forms of a free constitution into the convenient instruments of an arbitrary Government. " Your petitioners, anxious that Parliament avail itself of the present period of peace and tranquillity to enter into a full consideration of the state of the House of Commons, respectfully but earnestly entreat your Honourable Itehse to inquire seriously into the causes of a state of thisgselin jurious to themselves, and dangerous to their posterity, and by a speedy and effectual reform of your Honourable House to adopt the measure which alone can remedy the evils of wnich they complain, and restore that good agreement and perfect synipathy which ought ever to prevail between the House of Commons and the people." The HIGH SHERIFF then put the question, whether this petition should be adopted as the petition of the meeting, when Mr. G. FOEDHAIM said that he had some additions which, he submitted to the Meeting, ought to be made to the Pe tition. His opinions on Reform were, if possible, srronger tban they ever were before. The evils that grew out of the present system were so numerous, that it would take at least a week to enumerate.—( latigh.)—He would confine himself to the most prominent of the public abuses. First, the great and original source of all abuses was the state of the representation—that system produced the enormous taxation under which the country laboured. Before the war the taxes amounted to 16 millions; they now amounted to 60 millions. That fact alone might well account for the pie sent distress. The taxes were the cause of that debt which was contracted, to carry on a war against France—to put down in that country that very cause of Reform which they met that day to support. France, at the commencement of the war, stood iu the situation of Spain at present, threatened, as she is, by a combination of despots, who wish to put down the spirit of liberty in that noble nation. — The standing army was another great source of taxstion— a standing army which was most unnecessary. When Queen Elizabeth, accompanied by the Spanish Ambassador, passel , ' ~' :~