The Statesman. — London, England, 1823-04-29 00:00:00

dklikw. •••,. • -1 1 1 . g r" 7 . -• • . . * ICSP- • .• A sr • • s Aho, • NiA itme).9lo .„ • • • LONDON; TUESDAY; APRIL 29, 1823. NUMBER 5638 " The Cause fbr which HAMPDEN fell is the Field, and SYDNEY died ox the Seitpld."' PRICE SEVEN PENCE, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.-MONDAY. T.ordGOSiiitiipresenteciiieiftioWirOinitiffolk against the Insolvent Debtors' Act. The Marquess of BUTE presented a petition from the Uni tarians of Neith, in Glemorganshire, praying for au amend mrnt in the Marriage Act. Earl BATHURST presented a petition from certain agri culturalists in Gloucestersbire,praying for protecting duties stalest the importation of foreign corn. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a petition from certain linen manufacturers of the neighbourhood of Belfast against the Transit Duty Bill. his Lordship also presented a petition from several Clergymen in Yorkshire, in favour of the Catholic claims. GAME LAWS. Lord CALTHORPE observed that a Bill was now be fore the other House of Parliament for legalizing the sale of game, and as he thought it was of importance that their Lordships should be in possession of every information that could be obtained on a subject of so much interest to the agricultural community, be should move that a mes sage he sent to the House of Commons, requesting them to send a copy of their report on this subject.—Ordered. BANK FORGERIES. Lord KING saitllieWist;e:llickn;rvbether any planhad been adopted by the Bank of England, or by the Govern ment, to prevent the forgery of Bank of England notes. lie found that no alteration whatever had been made in the form of the note. . . . The Earl of LIVERPOOL assured the Noble Lord that every possible contrivance, and all that the art of chemistry could do, had been resorted to, in order to discover some mode of improving the form of notes, so as to prevent for genies ; and after an expenditure of twenty or thirty thou sand pounds in experiments, no -effectual plan could be adopted ; for whatever form of note might be engraved, it was discovered that the same could be imitated in twenty four hours. Therefore, unless some very great and extra ordinary improvement could be hit upon, it was considered altogether inexpedient to make any alteration in the notes that already existed. Lord BANG observed that the country bank-notes possess ed sue% a superiority over those of the Bank of England, that it was very ditilcult to imitate them. .NA .; V:Krtili ...- / - 11.ii'ARY PENSIONS' BILL. On the Order of the Day for the third reading of this Bill, Lord KING rose and declared it as his opinion that it was one of the most foolish Bills that ever came before Parliament. The object seemed to be, to complete the system adopted last year, which was not understood at the time. Ile wished to know why a bargain had been made with the Batik of England, at a time when the funds were considerably lower than at present, end when his Majesty's Ministers must have known that the funds would recover from, the depression they then experienced ; for if they had resolved to observe a system of neutrality, they knew the funds would rise; and therefore he asked Irby they did not wait fur that molt before they made suet an improvident bargain ? Indeed, whether the couetry was to be in a state of peace or war, this measure ought not to have been adopted, for nothing could be snare ahs'tr.l than the act of keeping up a fund for reliev ing posterity from future burdens, and ,at the sane Aline mfopting another measure Which went &Wel in to implote a burden on posterity. This was a piece of gerdema more worlly of conjurors than of Ministerl - of State. For these rcasons he would move, as an am* dment, to insert the following words:—" Whereas lb ge neration and posterity may derive great advantage from keeping tip a Sinking Fund, to be counterbalanced by laws : be it. enacted that the Lords Commissioners of the • Trevory, in order to increase the revenue, may have power to raise from the Bank of England any sum not 4 exc cling ten millions, for 100 years to come, the same to be paid he deferred stock." Lord BEXLEY defended the present measure on the same gooot i s which he had advanced while Chancellor of the Exchequer. The object of it was to relieve the country from its present pressure, by equalizing certain payments for the space of forty-five years, after which they were wholly to cease, and by that means.the country would experience a present relief of two millions annu ally. He contended that the bargain had been made on the most advantageous terms. Lord ELLENBOROUGH said the present appeared to him a most complicated transaction, in which the Bank of England had completely overreached the Noble Lord opposif.e. fhe Earl of LIVERPOOL said the only question then for their Lordships now to consider was, whether, in the long war the country was not likely to derive consider able advantage from this measure, and whether the terms made by Government with the Bank were not such as ought to have been made. The bargain had been con cluded on the same terms that had been proposed last year, and he was sure their Lordships would be of opi nion that 4 per cent. was a pretty fair average of per ventage in time of peace. The only question then was, whether it had been vise to conclude the bargain at all. Of that their Lordships would be able to judge when they considered that the measure produced au immediate say ia;; of two millions a-year. Ile Marquess of LANSDOWNE conceived the pre sent to be a case in whici. the bargain could not be belle ticiJl to either party; and he did not conceive that that which went to throw a burden on posterity could operate as a relief to the country. It was, besides, doing away the , effects intended to be produced by the Sinking 1 und, which imposed a much greater burden than the relief proposed by tl:e present measure. It deprived the finan cial system of the country of all its simplicity, and, in conjunction with the Sinking Fund, went tc introduce an artificial system of the most inconvenient and objec tionable nature. Therefore be could not consider the present Bill as entitled to the approbation of their Lord ships. As to the probability of our being engaged in war, or continuing in peace, it was so far as regarded the present measure, quite immaterial, after we had, as appeared by papers lately laid on•the table, completely lost that ascendancy in the councils of Europe winch we ought to have maintained. The Bill was then read a third time and passed. The other Bills on the table being read in their stages, the House adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.--..MONDAY. Mr. ANDERSON PELHAM presented a petition from persons interested in the Trade of the Humber against the Insolvent Decors' Act.—Laid on the table. General GASCOYNE postponed his motion relative to Half-pay Officers, to the 6th of May. The second reading of the Combination of Workmen' Bill was postponed to Thursday next. The Quorum Magistrites' Bill went through a Com mittee.—Report on Friday next. Sir NICHOLAS COLTHURST presented a petition from the Merchants of Cork, praying a total repeal of the Leather Tax. After some words from Mr. HUTCHINSON, in sup port of the petition, it was laid upon the table, and order ed to be printed. ORANGEMEN; Mr. HINE said, it having gone abroad that a motion of his respecting the discontinuance of the office of Lord Lieutenant for Ireland, which stood fur this day, was dir►cted afainst the Nobleman who at present 611 ed that office, and In support of the Society of Orangemen ; as lie (Mr. IL) entirely disapproved of that Society, and as he would rather uphold than otherwise the Lord Lints. itant against such a faction, he wished to postpone the motion until the proceedings which were about to come before the House were disposed of. He therefore post poned his motion to Friday the 27th of May. Mr. HUME al.* gave notice that on the 14th of May he would make a motion relative to the Navy. The Hon. Member also moved for Returns of the number and Ton nage of Vessels engaged in the Whale Fishery for the last ten years. Also for specifications of the expenditure of 22,0561. charged as " Extraordinaries" by the Lord, Chamberlain, as faring repaid to Foreign Ambassadors. He wished to have the names of the Ambassadors so paid, with the sums paid to each for the year 1;i22. Ordered. Mr. JAMES GRAHAM presented a petition from the Grand Jury of the county of Wicklow, praying that the Mail Coach Roads of Ireland might be put under the care of Commissioners.—Laid on the table. The Sheriff's Court of Scotland Bill, and the Scotch Cymmissary Courts' Bill went through Committees. Re ports received, and ordered to be taked into further con sideration on the 9th of May. Mr. GOUL BURN presented a petition from the Dean and Chapter of Peterborough, against any further conces sion to the Roman Catholies.—baid on the Table. a :1 r: „ k w r F r fr ?i t LYA. • 'IA . 16y itle fis- eat ni / r ton. ' ' t 5• Ai • • r 43 / 4 * Maki 1 I 11 SHERIFF THORPE. ____ Colonel BARRY moved that George Arthur and George Nugent, two other witnesses, be ordered to attend the House on Monday next.—Ordered. Mr. W. BANKS presented a petition from Borough bridge against the Catholic Claims.—Ordered to be printed. Mr. TULL presented a petition from the Magistrates and Inhabitants of ,Sodbury, in Suffolk, complaining that vestiges of slavery were still suffered to exist in the British West India Colonies. Sir ISAAC COFFIN said, if the petitioners were se rious, the true way to abolish slavery would be to get the West Indies into their hands by buying the mer chants out, and so abolish slavery altogether.—(A laugh.) The petition was ordered to lie upon the table. IRISH MILITIA. Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET brought up the Re port on the Irish Militia Reduction Bill. Mr. HUME said, if this was the proper stage. lie would wish to propose an Amendment to this Bill. The amendment would relate to the employment of the Staffs of the Militia. It was a matter of complaint that, after this country had laid out a million of money in raising the Militia in Ireland, no use whatever had been made of the Staffs of the different corps. His amendment was intended to remove these Staffs into the disturbed dis tricts, or whenever their services would be mostavailable, at the pleasure of the Lord Lieutenant. He wished to know whether the Right lion. Gentleman bad any inten tion of giving the Lord Lieutenant a power of dismissing these Staffs altogether. Mr. GOULBURN said he did not feel himself called upon to say why he had not proposed the reduction of the Irish Militia. It was the constitutional farce of the country. As to removing the Staffs front one town to another, that would defeat the object of the Militia altogether, it being Intend ed that the Stan's should remain in their own counties, in order to be a rallying paint for the corps when their services became necessary. Ile was bound, however, to say that the Irish Militia had ever shown the best disposition to enter upon any service in which they might be most useful. —(Hear). Mr. HUME complained that the Staffs were lodged in country villages, near the residences of the Colonels, which produced a heavy charge for barracks. He thought, if it was only to secure their stores, that they ought to be sent into barracks. The refusal to dismiss the Staffs, or make them available to the public service; showed that the Irish Government had no serious notions of economy. The amendment was then withdrawn, and the Bill ordered for a third reading to-morrow. Sir M. RIDLEY presented a petition from the Colliers of Newcastle, against the Coal Duty. Mr. HUME presehted a petition from an individual of the name of George Mite, who had been a confidential servant of Mr. Pitt, for nine years, and then a Surveyor of Taxes at Kensington, complaining of being dismissed from his situa tion by the Hoard of Taxes, on anonymous information, without any inquiry into his case. A conversation took place on this petition between Mr. HUME and Mr. LUSH INGTON, which terminated by Mr. Hume giving notice that he wtrild to-morrow more for the production of the Correspondence between the indivi dual, the Board of Taxes, and the Commissioners of the Treasury. Mr. UURWEN presented a petition from Captain Manby, praying for a remuneration of serv ices, Sir ISAAC COFFIN Said a few words in support of the petition. The petition was ordered to be laid on the table. On the motion of Mr. Sergeant ONSLOW, the Usury Bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on that day se'nnight. FOREIGN RELATIONS. Mr. MACDONALD rose, conformable to notice, to move an Address on the papers laid on the table relating to the late negotiations, and said, that be was not sur prised that no notice had yet been taken of a communi cation of so momentous a character as the papers on the table were likely to prove to them; and which. he trust ed, had found their way into the hands of all Isis Ma jesty's subjects, through a press which was not yet en slaved, and which reasons would be found in the papers to induce them to cling to it wi Is a redoubled zeal and attachment. It might have been well that the commu nication had to remain until the British public had at tentively considered the nature of the measures which were pursued, and until the house had recovered in some degree from the surprise—from the emotions of sorrow and disgust with which the perusal of them was at tended. If they were to lay there, covered with dust, until the feeling which they had produced on the British nation bad subsided, it would be immaterial. Ilowever, a time had elapsed, and there he stood, in default of a better, though many better he saw around him qualified to speak out on behalf of the people of this country, their character and their honour. They were arrived at one of those eras which called upon them to review their past conduct and their present intentions ; to see what errors they bad fallen into; to inquire whether their influence and consideration as a nation stood where it had ever stood, and where it ought to stand. The House would give him leave briefly to recall to it the si tuation in which the country and its foreign relations stood at present. The war which commenced in 1793, and did not terminate until ISIS, produced a material alteration in their international situation. It brought them more into contact with the despotic Governments of Europe. Ile would not enter into the propriety or impropriety of that war ; it might have been avoided ; but, in either case, it was impossible fur him to concur in the false analogy instituted by Chateaubriand between it and the aggression on Spain. When be heard the speeds of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning) on presenting the papers, he war reminded of a passage which he had read of a speech relative to the proceed inirs of the former period. An lion. Gentleman then said, that he feared the enemy much less than the Allies. for he saw the country was engaged against the pos sible excesses of liberty, but the Allies waged war against liberty itself. In the progress of that war the first attempt of French tyranny against Spain began, and 1 the people of this country cried out against it. They did so, indifferent, whether it was a Bonaparte or a Bourbon that the neck of the free Spanish nation should be made a footstool of ambition. When that war ter minated to the discomfiture of France, they all knew that British isi l / 4 yonets replaced the fallen itourbon on the throne of France. The scramble that then took place; the cutting and carving of states and provinces that then took place w o uld no t b e f orgotten . it was to ' make way for the European family of monarchs against the liberties of mankind, anti with which this country was so mixed up, that so long as Naples, Parma, and Genoa, are not forgotten, so long will they be a re proach to English history. The object was said to be, to , keep the country from a conflict ; vet in all their measures the foundation for future wars were laid. A military ca valry was introduced, in which this country participated. — The spolistion of Poland was in the same spirit as those or ISIS. The character of the country was so much in volved, that it had, like Cresar's wife, some necessity of maintaining some caution and circumspection. One word only as to Spain. Spain in 1812 received its ancient and honourable Constitution—the old and limited Monarchy of Castile was revived: And one reguiati-on was made, that no alteration should be attempted, until Rini Constitution had received the test of eight years. The Allied Powers then seemed to vie with each other in congratulations to Spain and Its Monarch. The Autocrat of Russia then ap plied to the bionarcky that emphatic word, for which so much has been contended, called legitimacy. • Notwith standing all this, Ferdinand was the first to overthrow the system of things, which had in view only the salvation of his people, and to incarcerate and execute those who were most forward iu establishing that bulwark to the li berties of the country. In 1820 the worst of tyrants fell, and at his fall the Peninsula became free. It was not to be wondered at, that a nation labouring under the eon trout of priesteraft, should be exposed to some convul sions upon being restored to perfect and rational liberty.— To this consummation, however, France was herself a party, and she had the effrontery now to impute that tO' Spain as a crime, that she herself had suggested. In 1820. the Emperor of Russia, distant almost from Spain as pole is from pole, bethought himself for the first time, that to his Interference alone, the Spaniards could look for perfection of their Constitution. Ile did interfere—shed ding upon it all the results of the collocted wisdom of his free and civilized predecessors fur ages—(hear); but Goo defend us from this Northern light,—(Bear and laugning)— did him great credit. In this, England distinctly disclaimed. The late Lord Londonderry then presented a note, the greater part of which, lie (Mr. M'D.) was ready to admit, all international interference. It might be as well to say a few words upon the dissensions which now and then ere I said to prevail in Spain, and which had received some thing like a malignant exaggeration, in a quarter where it might have been spared. Differences, indeed, in a country where a revolution had taken place; was there ever a country In which such convulsions had not taken place, unaccompanied by differences of opinions amongst the people? Of the two halves into which it is said the Spanish nation is divided, they may be thus described ; on one hand, were the numerous body of proprietors of land, nerchants, men of literature and scieoce; and out the other, a few bigottcd Nobles, the graat body of the Clergy, and a small part of the lewest.classes of the people. The Bloat lion. Ovetlaniata in his speech seem ed to anticipate opposition front certain pognacioas indi viduals, and from those who were discontented, without fuming the country to a war. Fortunate for the Go vernment if no other adversaries appeared. But did he know of the great authority and power of Great Britain? Did he never hear of the dignified and manly appeal which it was within its power to have made— could lie imagine nothing of a decided tone which it should have assumed—or nothingshort of an open declaration of war. It was to these points that he was then directing- his at tention. The charge which lie brought against his Ma jesty's Government was, not that they did not proceed to tear, but that they did nut take such steps as would save the country from the necessity of it. They hail given way to some chimerical fears, that if they had assumed another tone, war might have been made on us, but they have not saved the country from the apprehension of being yet hourly dragged into it. The question naturally di% hied itself into three parts. The first, the proceedings at Paris—the negociations at Verona—and the negocia tions at Madrid. It was not a little remarkable, that for two years and a half the Government was in a state of total ignorance of what was passing between France and Spain. IVas it also ignorant of what was going on between France and Russia? The former igno rance remained, even at the moment when it was commu nicating to France all that took place between itself and Spain. These were facts at present avowed, and to him they appeared almost a libel on the late Marquess of Lon -1 dooderry. The Duke of Wellington arrived at Paris, and when he reached there was infoCmed by Mole Villele, that certain questions were to be put to the representatives of the Sovereigns at Verona. The Duke said, that lie could not answ.r hypothetical questions. Ile said lie should write home for instructions ; and not only did his Grace write as to what line he should pursue, but for what arguments lie should use. The Right llononrable (gentleman gave an answer, and he must do him the jus tice to say, that he did not affect to misunderstand the meaning of M. de Villele. No. ll.—Mr. SECRETARY CANNING TO TILE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. (Extract.) For.?lgn 001 r e, Sept. 27, 1922. If there he a determined' project to interfere by force or by menace in the present struggle in Spain, so convinced are his Majesty's Government of the uselessness and dan ger of any such interference—so objectionable does it op pear to them in principl.., as well as utterly impracticable in execution, that when the necessity arises, or (I would rather say) when the opportunity oilers, I am to instruct your Grace at once frankly and peremptorily to declare, that to any such interference, come what may, his Majesty will not be a party. From this IIIIS.11(er of the Right Iron. Gentleman, be (Mr. M.) confessed ti, sit his grief and indignation began. The Right lion. Gentlemen should have declared any attempt to be a gross violation of international law, and of the first principles of good faith and justice. Ile should have looked upon it as a scheme to which he would not be a par ty, nor connive at. He should have instructed the Duke of Wellington to negociate at Paris, where he had the French Minister alone to deal with. It appeared to Itim that the chief error was that of neglecting to negociate at Paris, and the next that of goi ,g to Verona. They had then to approach the august Congress at Verona with awe and pro found respect. lie would de so when he saw the Monarchs of Europe feel they were but men. When they feel that their subjects are men, not things; and when he saw them promoting their happiness and welfare, then and then only would he (a Member of an English Parliament) approach to kiss the border of their Imperial Purple. But until that change took place, he would use that word, which they might still near. at least in au English Douse of Commons, and he would call them Tyrants. (Hear, hear.) On the for mer evening the Right lion. Gentleman thought it right to vindicate the appointment of Sir William A'Court to Ma drid, for what reason he knew not. But one strange fact came out, that the Ministers of those Sovereigns did call •• the of of a British Secretary of State. to remonstrate with him on the appointment of an. Ambassadr,r of the country. He believed, however, their object was not to prevent Sir W. A'Court being sent, but to try to prevent any appointment. With regard to the choict of the Duke of Wellingt4n, as the negociator at Verona, there were some who entertained different opinions. In one case he bore is his own person the proof of what had been done, and sight be done, for Spain and Spanish recline. The Bight Hon: GentJenne bad taken great pains to show that diplomatic fact was nst to be expected from the correspondence of me Noble Duke. No such thing was wanted : plain and frisk statements were all that were required on the part of tau British representative. Was it that the coldness of the British Cabinet paralysed his Grace; that there was no ran who could think what goodmight have been done, if he had brought one tithe of that decision of character to Verona which had distinguished him in the field. It would have. been natural for the British Government to licve said, it we are to try Spain, she should be celled to appear in tier own defence. Tire provisions of the Treaty of Aix-la-Cite; pelle required it. The ignorance of the Duke of We:ling; ton on some occasions was to be wondered at, as he was found at another making very accurately the distinction between internal and external relations. The Right Ho nourable Gentleman, in speaking of these qaestiocs, called them hypothetical; but the meaning could be seen, though conveyed in that manner. How would such an hypothesis have been received in the days of F:lixabrth ? Would Burleigh have shaken his head, or riot, emphatic as that was supposed to be? The next sten was, that forth came the Declaration of the Holy Alliance. Ott that his lion. and Learned Friend near Lim hid CM:- mented so ably, had dissected with such a masterly Land, that he would not touch upon it. He would malle only one remark—that the same point was strained at in all— that of legitimacy. In one of the declarations Spain is promised the high honour of getting a place in the European family of nations. The Right Honourable Gentleman had said that the tone of the Duke of Wel lington was the same on the last day as well as the first. That was the very thing be complained of. There was, however, one difference—the compliments' to the Sove reign were renewed. His deference to them was ac knowledged. What could • that he for ? Was it tlefe:.: ence for having kept him in the dark so long? On the minds of those who moved in the hest informed circles throughout Europe, there was the s'rongest conviction, that if this country had acted with firmness and decision. the war which now desolates the Peninsula, would never have been undertaken. The conduct of the Bourbons had certainly exposed the weakness of this country. — Possibly any increase of our military and naval esta blishments might have been inconvenient ; but the re sources of the country were not so pressed that we could not act an independent part. The (tight Hon. Secretary for Foreign Affairs, in a speech which he bad made on a late occasion in that Home, said to those who believed that we should enrage in a war sooner or later. "then let it be later." But be (Mr. M.) would say that the Right HOll. Gent. and his colleagues preferred the chance of bringing the war on this country sooner—(hear, hear) —by the pusillanimous conduct which they pursued all through those negociations. It was no easy matter to ob serve clearly and conscientiously on the papers laid on the table, for the Right lion. Gent. gave them to the House rather sparingly. la one of his despatches to the Duke of Wellington, to be found in page 12, of those papers, the Right Hon. Gent. said, that " all those of his Ma jesty's servants whom I have been able to consult, are of opinion that it is highly material for the clear and perfect discharge of the duty of the Drlthh in a question so deeply affecting the interests, not only of the Powers immediately concerned, but of the world, that your Grace should not leave Paris without having placed in the hands of the. French Government the eventual offer of his Majesty's mediation." In the first place, then, it was clear that the British Government occupied themselves in proposing a mediation between , France and Spain. Supposing, then, that it was pm sible, by a decided and prompt intervention, to explain away the differences between those Powers, have we not lost the best opportunity ? the had not vet made any observation on M. de Villele's offer of sending to Verona an order to have the transmission of the several notes snspended, in orJer to give time for further deliberation. Perhaps such a proposal, wa.r no more than a it-Hi to hold wit the appearance of moderation. 'fhe Duke do Montmorency, in his note to the Duke of Wellington, at Paris, sta'ed that to which it was material to call on the House to bear in mind. That Minister said " his Ma jesty has appreciated the sentiment's which have induced the Kitrg of England to offer his mediation to iris Majes ty, in order to prevent a rupture between him and the Spanish Government. But his Majesty could not bet feel that the situation of France with retard to Spain was not of a nature to call far a mediation between the two Courts. In fact, there exists no difference between them—no specific point of discussion, by the arrangement of which the relations in'ght be placed on the footing in which they might to stand. Spain, by the nature of her revolution, and by the circumstances with which it has been attended, has excited the apprehensions of several great Pacers. England participated in these apprehen sions; for even in the year MO, she foresaw cases in which it would be impossible to preserve with Spain relations of peace and good understanding." Subse quently to the receipt of that despatch, the negociations were opened at Madrid. The Right llonourable Gen tleman, when his intervention sr as refused by the French Minister, turned to Spain. A special messen ger was accordingly, some days after, dispatched to Ma drid with the Duke of Wellington's compliineets—(a laugh)—to his old friends and companions in arms in that country. The Noble Duke did not hesitate to re commend to them that it would be better for them to give up every thing for the purpose of averting the war. To that note his Grace appended some of his abstract notions of what a King ought to he, and with what portion of power he ought to he contented ; with other minute d!- tinition of the Royal power and the rights of the people, all which notions his Gracejvished to be disseminated in the Courts of Europe withlis attestation. On the 23d of January, M. Chateaubriand, in his note to the Right lion. Gentlernin (Mr. Canning), used much stronger language. Ile said that " his Most Christian Majesty demands that his Catholic Majesty should of himself, and by his own authority, apply the necessary modifications to the institutions whicti have been imposed on the Crown of Spain by the revolt of a few soldiers." in two or three days afterwards tire Right lion. Gentleman sent a despatch to Sir William A'Court, recommending to him the course he should pursue in his friendly iniuence a itlk the Spanish Minister. Li that despa'elt there was not one word about alterations of the new institutions. Then came the King of France's speech, which was the mast important of all. Of that speech he would not attempt to give any character. The Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning) had admitted that it struck at the root of the British Constitution. That part of the King of France's speech was no isolated sentence to be . contradicted or explained away by the construction of any other passe ;i•. It was a conarmation of all that was previously written and communicated to the Right lion. Gentleman. M. Be Marcelltfls brought to the Right lion. Secretary of Foreign Affairs a copy of the answer of M. Chateaubri and to a former note, transmitted by the Right Hue. Gentleman. What would the House think that answer was? A contradiction to the King's speech. No ; but a formal demand after all that happened, of our direct intervention with Spain. Did the Right Hon. Gentl, wan demand an explanation of the King of I'r3nrA