The Statesman. — London, England, 1823-02-21 00:00:00

I.F - tlisT were to call for the charters of the boroughs, they next, and with as much justice, go to private is,- ritls and call for the title deeds of their estates.r • (Cheers on the Ministerial Benches.) It ought to be berm in ruled, that upon thre charters depended other Uhts which the Noble Lord would wish to ascertain. on the charters depended the rights of the borosibs, their • patronages, adrowsons, and all other privileges, and woakl it be fair to espose them to the gas* of the 'Wig? Would it be fair to put these charters into the sands of every attorney who, haring no Weill's, and a ghat deal of curiosity and desire of interoseddling. Might be disposed to find fault with thew.—(Cluten from the Ministers.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL, _u his not proposed to or der the boroughs to produce their charters." • Mr. Secretary CANNING reserved. Then if that was tie Noble Lord's meaning, be (Mr. Secretary Canning) Mae ate loss to know bow be was to obtain his object. ht the motion itself; as it stood recorded. the examination ett the charters was put forward as a matter of import- Meet. He would point to the Noble Lord's notice as it Isy upon the table of the house, and be was sore that in it the examination of the charters nes se much a portion ads, object as the ascertaining the number of voters; sad if the charters were not to be examined, then bow Would the information be acquired? With regard to the information as to the small number of voters in some of es boroughs, it was not required, as the facts had never leen denied. It had never been alleged by the most otreenone opposers of Reform.that they were greater than was JteurrelY supposed. There bad been no disposition to object to this, not only during the time that the Noble Lord had taken Parltamentary Reform under his protec tion, but during the last thirty or forty years, no speech, even of those who had differed the most from those principles which the Noble Lord advocated, had objected lo these number,. What then was the use of appoint leg a Committee foi• the establishment of a fact which had not been contested? He (Hr. Secretary Canning) *as ready to take the case of Old Sarum with its two voters. The number of vo'ets made no part of the case with those who had objected to the question; they made no point and founded no objection upon that. The objec tion to the reform was, that with all these the house of Commons was completely adequate to the purpose for which it was intended, and that they were contented with it to remain as it was. The object of this Com mittee could not, therefore,be the obtaining of that which was never objected to—it must have come bearing upon the greater question, and it was this which had put tom to die pain of differing from the Noble Lord. If the Noble Lord had stated fairly the object of his motion, if he bad owed fairly why he wished fur the information, lie (Mr. Secretary Canning) would not lame been put to the pain of oppo-ing him. Every thing which had been asked In that way he would have granted, but he did not see his way in the appointinent of the Committee without viol sting greater and snore sacred principles.— The Noble Lord, too, omitted to call for the same infor mation with regard to the Counties, the information with regard to which would be as important with regard to the question of Reform as that respecting the Boroughs ; be did noe if the Noble Lord was not to call for the charters see what he was to call for—would he have the returns of notices at the last Election? This would, in all cases where there had been no opposition, be null. In those which had been partially contested, it could be imperfect, and it would be correct in those only which lead been disputed to the very last vote. — In the rise of Liverpool. for instance, if the return had been male from some former Elections, it might have come near the number of voters; whereas, in the very last case, it would have sown only about two hundred. Such information would be of oo use for popular purpose. in the plan of Reform, already brought forward by the Lord—and I e had declared, that the plan of which he bad given notice for this Session was the same—he had not proposed to des•roy all the small boroughs; be was only to cut off the more percent parts of this id led/rally corrupt part of oar Constitution, and preserve. the remainder. No man bad ever argued that there to ere no clo.e Boroughs, and few had argued in favour of them as taken in themselves. It was allowed Vat they were small, limited in population and importance., but still he d:d not wish that they should be deprived of throw privileges which were secured to thorn by their charters. He did not man to deprive the Noble Lord of any in formation which would be necessary for his,purpose, and when the notice of this was first given be wished there 1.6 d been some 'tulle of obtaining it, without the den ge-s in which that proposed by the Noble Lord would inaolve even Ilia own question. He hail now stated his ground et objection to the motion of the Nob's Lord.— They were briefly these t—le, Because it would expose the charters and rights of the boroughs in a way which wee not only unrecessary, but tyrannical. 2dly. It `would ia'se a prejudice on the general question of Re f , rtd, would prevent that question from meeting with that fair and dispassionate hearing with which he was anxious that it shoull be met with every 'HT wsition to meet the motion for reform when it came f wrward; a motion which was interesting,—if but for ite magnitude only, he would oppose the present one as improper.— (Gheere.) Mr. ABERCROM BY confessed that be bad felt a contd. *treble degree of curiosity to know wh a t could possibly le the grounds npon which the Right Honourable Gen tleman would oppose the motion of his Noble Friend; as the motion was in itself so simple, the information required was eo perfectly harmless, and the motion it setf was in reality so drtatelied from all other subjects. He had thought that there could be no rational op; osi. tion ; and the result had .hewed him that this opinion sas correct. The Right Honourable Gentleman had brought forward two ohjections,—the one of which ex isted wholly in the imagination of the Right Honour. able Gentleman; and the other proceeded upon an ex aggeration, or rather, lie would say, upon a misrepre. sentation, unintentional he was. very willing to grant, but still it nay, if not a misrepresentation, at least a very gross exaggeration. The Right Honourable Gen tleman had been at some pains to persuade his Noble Friend that the information which he sought could not be obtained, and that though it could be obtained, it would not be useful; bat surely his Noble Friend aas the best judge of what information would hest suit his own purpose. The Right Hononrable Gentleman inn, gined that if this motion was acceded to the world would believe that the House was ripe for some great conces sion on the subject of Reform. lint surely if the pas sing of such a motion would impress the public, that the house were so ripe, it would only be a proof that there is, on the-part of the public, a wish that the house should be ripe for inch a concession. He would ask the Right litemeorable Gentleman, whether upon his own showing, each an lrnagirtatien could be entertained, if the public were not strongly impressed sit h the idea that it is the duty of the house? But he should like to knot- how far in the judgment of reason it would produce this effect? lie would like to know whether in consequence of its beinr carried or given up the Member for Lanai k (Lord A. Hamilton) would have a greater majority on his question of the Scottish Representation [cheers] ? The fact was, that the public were not so easily alarmed by the dread of a Reform originating in th of house; and, though the motion were carried, they would not expect to find soy great improvement in the general votes. It would make no improvement in the result on the llth of March, when his Noble Friend would bring for ward the great question of Reform. Would the people without be alarmed lest that motion should be car ried? The thing was not upon any principle of rea son, or any judgment of experience, to be believed. It was a thing of the imagination—a mere chimera—child. -..=~~ THE STATESMAN, lab, and had ao foundation. It was not only free from , those Imaginary dangers, but it was strictly cooformalsle with precedent—(hear.) Yes, there was a precedent tem act!) , in point—so much In point, that the Right Hon. i r Gentlensan had set ventrared—bed not dared to allude to I it. Yes, there was a precedent, that in order to frame • motion for the reform of any part of the representatios, it was necessary to know the number of the electors. He alluded to the return of the Scottish freeholders, which had been granted at the request of Lord Archibald Ha milton. Before any plan could be prepared for the carrying of the measure proposed by his Noble Friend —before the ground could be cleared for the opening of it, was it not 'treasury to know the numbers of the elector. ? Was it not necessary to know the changes which had taken place? Wes it not necessary to examine the Dow ' towns? Was it not necessary to compare the small towns which had many representatives, with the large ease which had none? Would any one presume to say that such information would be of no use? The Nettie Lord thought, and he agreed with him in thinking, that it F would have a very considerable effect, although they cer tainly were not prepared to believe that it would make 1 the house with one mount vote fur the question of Re form. The Right Honourable Gentleman had thus im pressed his fears, and the proof would no doubt be gives on the 11th of March. That day would pat the ripens.' of the house for receiving of questions of Reform to the proper test. He would now advert to that other objection which he considered as an exaggeration. The boo. gen tleman had described the Committee as Wit bad been to sit in judgment upon the charters of all the boroughs to collect them, and not satisfied with their own prying, should employ others is the labour of picking boles . Nat the fact was, that there would be no each Wag. it was easy to show how the information song boobtain ed without any of that prying, picking of Wee, or die dosing of bidden patronage. which had seemed on ter rible to the Right Hon. Gentleman. There are in every town returning officers, of whom the information pan be obtained. The motion therefore could do no harm to the charters. The rights of the boroughs, tlhsir privi leges, however private, and however frail, could not be in the least injured; and to say that they would was an exaggeration without the slightest foundation in reason. —'lo flame that the demands upon the Returning Officer could not be answered, was to betray ignorance of the case. Even where the Boroughs were the most numerous, there could be small difficulty in ascertaining the number of the electors. Take Cornwall fur ins'ance, the numbers in each borough might he from lb to 120. In Liverpool, the persons who were the Right Honour. able Gentleman's own electors, could, though more numerous, be easily ascertained. They were the freemen, and in every case where the freemen were the electors, there could he no difficulty (hear!). The only instances in which difficulty could of cur, would be in some of the large potwdllopiag Boroughs; and there the greatest number that had voted at any one election could be as certained, and would be sufficient. There was not, therefore, even a shadow of doubt as to the obtaining of the information, nor was there the least appear ance of danger to the Boroughs. The whole objections were therefore either mere chimeras or violent exag rgerations (cheers). The Right lion. Gentlema n's o b lections lied no foundation in reason (cheers) The question was a plain one, and the answer might be the same; but the answer o f Right bun. Gent. was one of the most inapplicable, and the most extr a ordinary that had ever been offered. Ater all it was a matter of small moment, whether the motion of his Noble Friend was granted or refused. Good would result from the agitation of the question; and by having obtained the sentiments of Ministers upon it, his Noble Friend would have attained his object. More good would indeed be done by the refusal than by the compliance. The reason of the refusal would be so plain; (hear,) would lie so much on the surface, that no man in the country could mistake it. They would look at the proposition and at the result. and they would put this plain quer tion" What could indoor the House of Comesees to refuse such a request?" What, but that the Hoye was afraid to make even owe concession to the advocates of Parliamentary . Reform ? Afraid to sanction the gTant ing of a Committee who might find out how very defect ive and bow very rotten the Representation of the bo. roughs was.—There was, as the Right Honourable Gen tleman had said, a pre-disposition to this question; but it would not, he was afraid. bare the effect upon the House, which the Right Honourable Gentleman had so much dreaded. It would. however, be seen, bow these fears of the Right Honourable Gentleman would be met when the question itself came to be discussed ; and the objections which had been made to the present question would but too well show the teepee with which the other would be met. But, it the exertiens of his Noble Friend were lost upon the Ministers, they would not be lost 9on the public. [The Honourable and Learned Gen .man sat down amid deafening cheers; and when these had subsided], Mr. PEEL rose. He thought that none of the objec tions of his Right Honourable Friend (Mr. Secretary Canning) hail been removed. The Honourable and Learned Gentlemen (Mr. Abercromhy) had said that these objections were visionary, inapplicable, and foen , "ed on exaggeration; but this be (Mr. Peel) denied. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman had begun by throw ing aside the general objection to the motion. and say ing that the Noble Lord (J. Russell) was the best judge of what information was best for his purpose; but would any one say that information which was to be afforded by that house, should be framed to answer the private purposes of any Member? If the object of the Noble Lord were obtained, it might be productive of the must shious consequences. Time objeet was to expose the charters and management of the boroughs; and if the Noble Lord meant In his plan it Reform to retain the whole or a part of these. he would ask if the exposure was prudent ?—(Laughter from all parts of the house.) The Honourable and Learned Gentleman hell denied that any part of the Noble Mover's object was to expose the charters of the towns; but then be would ask why the information could not in that case have been procured without the intervention of a Committee? But did be not follow this up by a power in the Committee to or der and examine persons, papers, and rewards, and would not the charters be comprehended among these? How was it possible to limit a question which was in its own nature so sweeping? Why, under a Committee pos sessing such ample powers, might not the charters be produced and exposed ? The charters of 'private per sons were exposed only in cases of litigation, and those of the Boroughs should be so only in cases of disputed election. Boroug hs Honourable and Learned Gent. had said that there was a precedent—in the case of the Scottish County representrtion ; but in that there was no difficulty, and nothing to disclose. The whole of the voters were enrolled in the liat of freeholders; and the information which had been obtained with regard to them, and also the Boroughs and Counties in Ireland, was not °Maned through the medium of a Committee. In the appoinment of this Committee, therefore, there must be some ulterior object—some other end in view. If this were not the case. why bad the Noble Lord, who for many years had advocated this question of Reform, never thought of the Committee till the present Session? The house ought to pause and consider that the granting of this motion would prejudice the q4estion of Perlis inentary Keform. When that question came to be dis cussed he was anxious to meet it fairly; but he was un willing th at it should be carried by a side wind, as would he the case. were the present motion to be agreed to. — If carried, the country would consider that the house was committed, and for that, as well as the other reasons to which be bad adverted, he would oppose it. Had it been merely the information tbat bid been required, be would not have objected to it, but he would aortae the Committee. Lord J. RUSSELL begged leave to say, that if the Gentlemen opposite would agree to afford the Returns for which he had moved, he would give op the Committee. — (He sr, hear.) Mr. PEEL could not pledge himself as to the opinlmm he would give upon any motion which was not before the house ; but he would meet it on its own merits when it was brought forward. Mr. CItEEVEY referred to the observations which he had felt it his duty to make on a former evening relative to the great increase of oar population, which had grown from six to ten millions, while a correspondent decrease had taken place in the number of those who possessed the elective franchise in boroughs. Ile had stiewn that the 1,900 borough voters of Cornwal returned a propor tion of Members to that house equal to one half of the County Members, and to the utter exclusion of all those great towns which had so considerably advanced in num bers, rty, and intelligence. He knew of no way by whale . house could obtain an accurate list of the electors in towns and corporations other than that pointed out in the motion of his Noble Friend. Yet the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning)opposed it, declaring at the same time that he was ready to admit that every lim t *lion of the elective franchise, to obtain an amnesia and official statement of which *as the sole intention of his Noble Friend—(hear). That was the first time that a Minister held such language ie answer to a Parliament ary demand. "I admit what you ask," said the Right Hon. " and therefore 1 oppose your propoaition— (hear, hear.) Would such an answer be justified on arty ether question with which that house exercised a el= Would the admission of the Minister be consi sufficient to supersede any other official return which the public interests required to bave accurately made? Of that nature was the return now sought. On a former night he had adverted to the capricious manner in which the Elective Franchise bad been conferred by many of our former Monarchs. From the reign of Henry the Bth to the 2ed of James inclusive, 198 Members had been added to the representation in the House of Com mons. Was it then unreasonable, now that an accurate return had been made of the population of the country, that Parliament also should require merely the dates of Charters, and the number of Electors in towns and cor porations. There was also another reason which be wished to impress upon the attention of the Members of that house. He was anxious for that attention, be. cause he hollered many very able men were not aware of the law us it long, indeed until a very recent period, ex. isted, with respect to the Elective rights of Boroughs. By the Acts of theist of Henry the sth, which Act was itself but a repetition of the Common Law, no Burgesses were entitled to vote for Members of Parliament but those who were resident. So the law continue without inter ruption until the 13th year of the reign of Elizaketh, when a Bill was brought Into that house, respecting Non resident Burgesses. He held in his hand a speech model§ that house, and which was a record in opposition to that new species of legislation. He should read it, as being most applicable to the question : " I run wholly with the pretence of the Bill, that boroughs decayed may he eased or relieved, knowing the same hotionratile for the realm, and in many respects profitable and commodious to those who do inhabit the countries adjacent to such decayed towns, that it is so 1 will not stand to disuade. how far this law may help them, I know not. To open my meaning shortly, the question is, what sort of men are to come to this court and public consultation in Parliament, whether from every quarter, country and town, there should come (as II might say) home-dwellers or otherwise men chosen by direetions, it forcetb not whom ? 1 am surely of mini, that neither for the good service of bee Majesty, safety of our country. or standing with the liberty, which, of right, we may challenge (being born subjects within the realm), this scope is to be given, or such looseness I. choice to be permitted—that they should be the very in habitants of the several countries of this kingdom, who should be here in times certain employe I, doubtless it was.the true meaning of ancient Kings and other fore. fathers, who first began and established this Court.— The old precedent of Parliament writs do teach wt. that of every conetry their own burgesses should be elected. The statute in the first Henry V., for the confirmation of the old Taos was therefore made, and not to create a new unknown law. I mean this wholly to no other end ; but since we deal universally for all sorts and all places—that there he here of all sorts and all countries, and not (seeing you list so to term it) thus to ease them of towns and boroughs, that they may Ouse at liberty whom they Us.. Mischiefs and inconve niences, there, msy crow by this liberty, but a mischief it may be to me ant inconvenience also to utter the same. I will not speak thereof, but dutifully; neither do I see any thing that is amiss at this present. What was done a hundred years since; I may safely tell, and thus it was. A duke of the trains wrote his letters to a city which I know to this effect; whereby he did signify that a Par liament was to be summoned in a short time, and that, for great causes, lie was to crave aid of all his friends, and reckoning them amongst the rest, he wished them, of four under notnina.ed, to choose two. The letter, under AN'. the Duke's seal, is still preserved ; but hear you the an swer. lie was written to with due humbleness, that they were prohibited h' law, they might choose none of them. 1 will venture a little nearer. In Qneen Diary's lime, a Council of this reahu (not the Queen's Privy Council) did write to a town, to choo-e a Bishop's brother, (and a great Bishop's bro her it was indeed), (a laugh) whom they-assured to be a great Catholic min, and welled them to cltuose the like of him, some other fit man. The Conn- cil answered with law. And if all towns in EnglAnd had done the like in their choice, tie Crown Fut I not been so wronged, hue the re.slut so robbed, with such rase at that Parliament, and truth nanishedasit wag. What bath been may be; there is no impossibility. It hill be said I mistake ; it is not meant but that ton us sh .0 beat liberty to choose whom they list. 1 say that liberty is the loss of liberty ; f r when by lair they may do n hat they will, they may n.,t will deny what shall be respired. It is toe truly said, rogando cogit qei rogat potcntior. Surely law is the only fortress of the inferior sort of peo ple, and contrary to the law the greater sort will not de sire to expect any thing." Whether it was the effect of that speech or not, be found from the Journals of that house, that the Act of Henry sth continued in force— the Bill introduced in the 13th year of Elizabeth not having proceeded far ther than the commitment. It continued in force until as late a period at the 1-Ith of George the 31. The Par liament of that day, by their repeal of the old law, which limited the right of voting in ton ns and corpora tions to resident burgesses, actually broirght the elecive franchisors, of th- people of England into the market [hear, hear !]. There was now oar longer felt any of that delicacy which heretofore existed in that notorious traffic [hear, head]. Peers of the tealtu no }olive re otricti d themselves to communications by letter to mak ing their purchases of freemen. They . made visits [hear,] inspected narrowly into all the particulars of the pur chase, and took as legal possession of their new proper. ty as they would of their estatee or their cattle [hear, hear!] The respectable and philosophical Memoer [a laugh] for Bodmin (Mr. D. Gilbert) could bear testimony as to the truth of these st.ttements ; indeed frem his manner the philosophical Member seemed to assent to it ; and therefore he believed that which was communicated in the public papers, as to such recent transfers in Corn wall, to be undeniable [hear, hear !]. Indeed, there was no concealment—Peers and purchasers now-a-days did Dot blink the subject. The common language of the . day was—" Well, wtrat's in the wark?t—what neolNik vestment hard spat made of freemen-'in what •dbunty, and at what price [hear, hear, hear!]?" All these ins*. rations—all these wounds on the purity of election, were to be attributed to the repeal in the late teign I the old common and statute law. Was it, then, so opportune time, when our population had so increased —whin so many important and intelligent towns bad grown up wholly excluded from elective rights, to ask for a Return by which Parliament might obtain an ac curate account of those who were the universal venders of the English franchises [hear, bear, hear !) Lord MILTON said he rose merely for the purpose of ascertaining on what grounds the motion of his Noble Friend was to be resisted. it was difficult to reconcile the objections of the Right Honourable Member for Har wich (Mr. I.:musing) with the objections of the Right Honourable Member for the University of Oxford (Mr. Peel). The first defended his opposition on the broad ground that such things were as they should be. The other Right Honourable Gentleman resisted; by asking was it prudent to expose the defective state of represent. ation in Boroughs? What he (Lord Milton) wished was, that they who voted on the motion would ask them selves whether they grounded their dissent on the broad ground of the Right Honourable Secretary (Mr. Can. ning), or on the expressed apprehensions, as to impru dence, of the Right Honourable Member fur the Univer sity of Oxford?—(Hear, hear) The Right Honourable Member for Harwich was willing to give further inform ation if be could devise the means; the Right Honour. able Member for the University of Oxford's opposition was not to the manner, but to the information.—(He a r, bear, hear!) According to him, you might do the same thing in Scotland as to the Boroughs in Scotland. as in England to the Freeholders, hut in England it would be impradence. It appeared to him (Lord Milton) that the motion of his Noble Friend was detective, inasmuch as it limited itself to electors and population, without includ ing that on which all admitted representation to be founded—he meant the direct taxation paid by the towns and Corporations. Mr. PEEL, in explanation, said that he bad only taken up, on his own abetting, the argument of the Noble Mover, and that as he bad declared the intention of re serving in his view of Reform some of the Boroughs, it would be imprudent to expose say deficiency in their constitution. House then divided on Lord John Russell's mo tion:— Ayes Noes . . 121—Majority 38. Mr. W. SMITH troved that there be laid before the house a return of the Atnoqiit from Januery 1821 to 1822, of the Duties on Soft and H erd Soap, together with the Amount of Drawback on the Ezportstion. The Hun. Member observed that his object was to give a romps. ratite view of the amount when the Mass were totter. —Adjourned, MAILS. BUR. i ♦RR. Dtt. __. 1.... Dublin _ 0 I -- 6: Motions:l 1 I—. Waterford.— .1 0.... Ifs m bro ti I ... .0 & Jrney....o I I .... France 0 0.... Lisboa 1 o....Flantirrs ....... I o....Gottenhorg 2 0. —Malta .l PRICE OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK, Bank Stock ............. India Stock . 236 k 3 per Ct. Red 73175 IDitto Bonds .. 30a. Ws. pm. 3 per Ct. Cons .. 744 South Sea Stook 34 per Ct. 86$ 1 South Sea Old Ann. 4 per Cents .934 I E5.13111.2d. i a 14s 16spo. New Fours 03414 100 W. b per Ct. 1797... ------Isool. a 144.161 pm. Lorg Ann l9 6-1611 Small .14s10 pin Imp. 3 per Ct.... .. .. 74e Con.for kect 7444 Irish 6 per Cents. LotteryTickets .... 221. 19e ante Sbtateontatt. FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 21, isn PARLIAMENTARY COMMENTARY. COMMENTARY. IN VIE -Lomus.—The Marquess of LANSDOWNZ gave notice that he should, on Monday next, put some pea tione to the Ministers relative to our Foreign A f fair:, and that, upon the answers would depend, whether or not he should give notice of a motion. _ IN THE COMMONS.—AORICELTURAL DIETHESS.—Lord CHARLES Marmans presented a petition of this sort from some worthy persons in Cambridgeshire, who prayed for relief, who were " satisfied with the manner in " which the House of Commons is formed," and who " threw themselves on the mercy of the House !"—May they receive such " mercy" as Peers Bill is calculated to give them! May they experience all the blessings, which the acts of this Hunse (with the formation of which they are satisfied) have yet in store for them! May they, to the last man, be doomed to drick to its dregs the last cup that those Acts have provided for them ! Mr. MAXWELL, in presenting a petition from distressed Agricultural people in Scotland, said, that the distress arose from the change in the currency; that lie thought the farmers would get relief ere long; but, that, lie feared the labourers would not get an increase of wages. The inevitable conclusion is, that Mr. Mame!' thinks, that there will, 'ere I ng, be another change in the cur rency!—Lord ARCHIHALD HAMILTON observed, that, in Scotland, the suffering was as great, and, in many res. pects, even greater, than in England ! Where, then, aro now the assertions of the Morning Chronicle, so of en and so confidently made, tl.at there is no dist•ers in Scotland, and that our distress ari es from the Pour Laws? Bans FLIRT!!! —False alarm! Mr. BROVeHAM that great anxiety and alarm had been produced thin morning, by a report, that the Brest fleet had sailed Kith sealed orders; and that he wished to know, whether any informat'on on the subject had reached the Guvernineui. He was drily answered in the negative.-114 ruse "to explain," sad this was his explanation. We give the words as they are reported in our friend, the Chronicle; " Mr. Baouuliast begge I to state in " explanation, that, when mule use of the word alarm " ing, he did t•ut mean alarming tits reference to any " thin 4 that the Brest fleet tumid do, for, God knew, that •` fleet was not an object of alarm to any man within ur witliont those welts; but he had used that expriesion •' merely because tier intelligence was calculated to put " the peace of Europe in jeop irdy."—So, so ! And. " thus, Rid and is himsey again !" And that, toe, in spite of the " three Gentlentea of Verona."—But, it ili. news gave no alarm, if " God knew" that it gave Au alarm to any titan within or without the walls of the House; if this was so, and so Mr. Brougham says it was, how could th, re be any anxiety or alarm at all? The "explanation" is any thing but an answer to dila question. To 4. tilt do turn expome themselves whim they a re too eager The Comm accuses the " Brutus" "OW I tbst the 1 *lot dill mr. fit 'Whir w pater. AiCaliA oltti 64 L or d " still peg .• that of of Mr. i• motion "Right whatlie 1 • once ti " calling PAIRL aide al is the t rattly b also upi querica those a any thii they hi namely •• adep • and t •• was.' 1 ago o a eisalli Lord J 138 ago Thom •• nut°, qui Asp Iwul 11. said, ti lion it why pa has jam said th •of his I Mn in ;led bo, be, tak Nebo(' this io Kith le a 8 good; it is " site " acts -" dam never great s'sort, t t Es e- h D e b as the to:ea To awl-cq JuOtt( aiteS.% V. flri T 1 1,41). ftrevt ti CV