The Statesman. — London, England, 1823-01-20 00:00:00

'1 these razes they will not have in contemplation the giving of any relief to landlords or farmers, having suf• fieently relieved them in the last Session of Parliament. Such then were the intentions of Ministers; he would now state the basis of the error on which Minsters prt ceeded ; he did net mean to accuse them of the crime of evil intention ; he was satisfied that those by whom they were opposed in Parliament would do the same; t h e • evil was occasioned by Mr. Ricardo and• some others, who bad taken it into their heads, and nothing could boat it out of them, that the landlords and the farmers were doing very well: that matters would find their level, and things would come about if left alone. "The ' • landlords and farmers are all wrong (said Mr. Courte nay) io assuming that they pay all the taxes; they are . not paid by them, but by the consumer." Now that ap- Loared to him to be a fatal rd Liverpool and of the Chance llor of the Exchequer ; it was their postukttum, that every trade was carried on with benefit to the persons engaged in it, otherwise it would not be carried on at all. Such also was the notion of Mr. Ricardo, Adam Smith, and the Scotch Philo sophers. It might be true with respect to trade and , traffic, and the little concerns of life, but it was not . true with respect to the great affairs of agriculture, and to what related to real property. It was said that taxes fell not upon thiagriculturist, bat upon the consumer ; • be begged of them to mark the fallacy of that notion. • laid down as it was as a general principle. He would suppose himself to be a maker of candles, he sold them a' 6d. per pound, but Government thought fit to put a duty of Is. per pound on the article. Well, it said, you are not worse off than before, because the consumers pay the duty and all; bat world he sell as many candles after the duty was put on as before? No, the con sumers would not buy so many, and he would he ttlti. timately obliged to sell them at less than They cost him. That was an exact illustration of the point id tinestion. )(the landlord received a fair rent for his lind; and the tenaat a fair profit on his capital, then 'the consumers paid; but if the landlord received no rent, and the farmer bad so profit. they pay, and not theconsunter.—(Applause.) —Small as the point appeared, and gross as was the error 'when expose I. yet out of that very error sprang the ruin which desolated the country. Slinisters had proceeded on that error, and they appeared now resolved not to alter the • currency—they were resolved not to make Bank Notes a legal tender—they were determined to push the thing along —they did not believe, he had no doubt that they were bringing down ruin upon the landlords—they did not think that their measures would ultimately bring every landlord in the country to the work-house. • Nevertheless, such would be the result of their measoree, unless the Landholders and Farmers vindicated them selves. And here, lie could not help observing, that what shore all astonished him in these astonishing times, was the conduct of the Landholders. Hs would • tot say that the Landholders of this Country were the most ignorant of men, but they were the least informed on questions deeply affecting their interests. He would not call them the greatest cowards, but they were the most submissive of mankind. Did anyone suppose that if he had an estate from his ancestors, that he would allow the Jews and Jobbers to take it away? The pro cess by which the mortgages took three times more than be ought to take—by which the tax collector carried away to the landholder three times more than be ought, was acted on every hour; was it possible, then, for the landholders, under such a state of things, to preserve tl.eir estates? Well, then, what was to be done ? Why, the evil must be put a stop to, and imme diately. It was not necessary to talk much abont it, it nits necessary to act. One of the propositions of those who prepared the Resolutions was an alteration in the poor laws ; hut do what they would, the poor rates must come out of the land. lithe poor werepaid by the monied men,thechain that so long connected the poor and the rich would be broken—the natural source for the poor was the land—the number of the poor ought to be less, and would be less, were it not for those measures which for a number of years, and often under discouraging cir einnstances, he had opposed. To the land the poor always looked for relief; it would be impossible to tura their eves towards any other quarter ; the very attempt would lead to cenfusioo. Hut, what was proposed to be done ? Ile was sorry the Wort by Baronet was sot more explicit ; it was his estate he wanted to preserve—he wanted the Lamers to be able to pay the rent; for an estate without rent was like an egg-shell after the meat was taken out.—(A laugh.) The resolutions were not explicit—they talked of p ing national faith. Mr. Western very properly sail of Ministers, that they were ready to preserve faith with every one save the Land lords and the Farmers. Only a year ago the Worthy Gentleman who brought forward these Resolutions would Lave been sorry to have proposed any thing like them — they would he sorry to do any thing that might tend to 1: pset the system then going en ; he begged of the meet it g to mark the progress of information and the change of opinion. Mr. PaTsinne—Mr. Cobbett, I request you may say rotting personal to me; recollect what lead passed last right. —('vinch confusion, murmurs, and cheers.) Al r.Conuerr.—l will not interrupt the business of the steeling by telling what passed last night, after the meeting is over we can talk of that--(Applause.) lie etas not conscious of having said any thing to cause so strong an interruption ; he had not used personal or of. fensiee language; he had only said, that twelve months a.:n, those worthy gentlemen would have advocated very different measures front those of that day. Was not the tferfitig convinced of that:—(Twelve months ago they would have supported the system of finance and taxa tion ; again, he would say, mark the progress and the cl.ange. He was not for delay, he was for taking time by the forelock, and becould assure them, that if they arted firmly, their voice would be heard ; the counties should stand by each other, should clearly explain their wants, and forcibly express their opinions. They should hater themselves to no party, but adhere to principle. The resolutions submitted to the meeting were tot worthy of its adoption. they were not intelligible, they were inconsistent. One part of them WAS so ridiculous, sod another part so impracticable, that they .woald, if adopted, only weaken their cause, and bring discredit on their county. T hey should be explicit in their lan guage. and their objects should he defined. If they were to act on such resolutions, what would be the answor of Alinisters ? Would they not say, ‘. We cannot under stand the petitioners, they don't tell us all they want; it is therefore likely that they really want nothing at all ?" He (Mr. Cobbett) would tell them what the people wanted, and lie would do so in very intelligible lan guage. He held ill his hand a petition, which he would real to the meeting. It met with the approbati.to of a gentleman of the county, who sat on his left, a gentle...l man of blab respectability and intelligence. The peti tion was in substance the same as that recently adopted by the county of Norfolk; aud here he would obsrrve, that if the people wished to carry the point, they must see the necessity of backing one another. If two per sons preferred the same claim, they would be naturally doubted if they did not tell the same story. T The Noble Lord in the Chair admonished thent—he called for unanimity—nothing could be more wise—nothing more wholesome, than this advice. Let the counties work together and they would be sure to prevail. Norfolk took the lead ;if Hereford followed there would be two; the two would soon swell to two sod twenty, and what they prayed for would be granted, It bad been said that Mint/tors ought not to be atteckeeln he did not attack them, be did not want to do wit • list , was convinced that the Opposition. if they bad b4r power, would have done the very same thing tiler et tea bad done. It was not attackiog Ministeraii. ' their acts, their declared opinions and their tins. it ~ "~ THE STATESMAN was ns-ieussity fie the people to 'rupee* their — ollintass irsily,blearlv—be wed not how respectful the lairiage used.. The Petition he intended to, submit set out by declaiming all party views, it appealed to Parliament, re.great, and.seeing that Ministers, lahourtng under error, did nut intend to relieve the agricusturista. It wisi said that the Petition from Not ion( rerotan3eatied a reduction of the debt; it was not absolutely a reduction that the County of Norfolk prayed for, but an equitable reduction of the public siebt. And what did the Reenlutions ? They re commended a repeal of Mr. Peel's Bill—that was the ob ject of Mr. Western—and what would be the effect of a measure of that kind? why it would take two-thirds of the interest of the debt away without a reason—it would do great injustice and effect no good—it would plunge a new set of persons into misery and ruin. He could tell them whit will be the event of Mr. Western's proposi tion. When Parliament meet Mr. Western will submit that proposition to the house. It wilt give rise to a great contest, and a most animated discussion. The Landlords, as indeed they ought, will feel ansious to reduce the debt. Mr. Western's motion, however, will ' be lost—it will be defeated by a great majority; but during the discussion many Members will declare themselves really, when a proposition is brought for e ard to reduce the interest of the debt, dirsctly to vote for The lattet point, however, was cootingeut. I f the County Members shall find themselves backed ty the errantry, they will speak out as they onght to do—they will demand a redue,ion of the debt—a reform of abuses, in a voice, that must be obeyed. Tile consequence, mustile. the going out of office of the present Mioisters —bad news, he believed, for those Gentlemen by whom l the Resolutions of that day were proposed—but oat they should go, and another set of men would come is, who would shortly put all to rights. With that motive, and fur the reasons be bed stated, lie would submit his Petitiun to the consideration of the Meeting, and he• would reserve himself to reply to any observations that might be offered against him. One part of the Petition prayed for a suspension of the power of distraint. Another past prayed for a suspension of the pro cess of enforcing tithe for one year. To re strain the rower of distraint was not intended, and in deed could not affect the landlords of that county ; it was intended only to protect from ruin those who bad to conteud against oppression; it was intended only to affect unjust end cruel landlords apd mortgagees • it would be nugatory as far as concerned the Noble mortgagees; in e `the Chair, and the greater part of the landlords of the county. It would indeed he useful Mike to landlord and tenant ; for before the expiratino of the year, n adjustment could take place useful and satisfactory to both parties. Where then was. Cue violence of the measure ; and as to precedent, war there not in Act to suspend cells payments? Nay, mpre, without any Act at all—without the sanction of. arliament, but merely by Orders inCouncil,the Bank, which was in debt to all the country, was authorised to refuse the payment of its deists in cash. Did not the Parliament last year, with out consideration, without inquiry, and in the course of eight and forty hours, suspend the laws, such as they were, which gave protection to the people of Ireland ? laws which, compelled the farmers to remain within doors from sun set to sup rise, under the penalty of being' transported without judge or jury. —(Loud murmurs.) —The Act was recorded, and what was the EXCUSE ? Why, that the safety of the country imperiously demaqd ed it. Was the re nothing imperious, he syJnid ask, is the necessity of the present time? Was the farmer under no apprehensions? Many of 'them now looked in his f tee who would consider themselves happy if. they were satisfied that they could remain in safety tor, oils year. 'llse proposition might do acts of injustice, here I and there, it might do souse harm; bat where was the I , tar that was perfect? There was nothing absolutely per- feet in human affeirs.To do great good,meo must submit to souse evil, but here the good so much pendoloinated shove the evil, that he was persuaded, the proposition, if dilly considered, would meet with approbation. For the landlords themselves, he contended it was a shield of protection. He would have been glad some years azo to have been protected, but his mortgage was fore ' closed, and be lost 13,0001. He lost his property, but it happened to hiss, Olathe did not consider it a matter of ' greot consequence, but from a blow of that kind there were not many men whose circumstances and situation would enable them to recover; what could be more • efilicting,and yet what more frequent titan the case of a son inheriting from his father an estate, long the pride ' and support of his family—the estate saddled with a mortgage—the mortgage foreclosed—the son pat in gaol, and the estate for ever alienated [Applause]. The • Noble Lord had compared the landlords and tenants to ' mariners at sea, but there was some danger in the figure. The agriculturalists suffered, but they did not suffer from shipwreck—they did not suffer by the act of God, but by the perverseness of pan—they did not suffer by • accident, bat by the acts of the Government and the Paliament[applausel. There was no evil of which the country complained, which might not be directly traced to an Act of Parliament. It was wrong, therefore, to impute the distress and the grievances of the people s to tied or to accident. It was in the power of the Par s Bement to apply a remedy, and that remedy was set . forth in the Petition which he was about to read. Ile s would not detain the meeting by detailing all the argu meats which he might urge in favour of that document, s he would only observe that there were not wanting those who accused him and others of terrible re . volutionary designs—when words were used it was right to uuderstand distinctly their meaning. What s was Revolution? Revolution was change. After all, what did the landlord care about Revolution more than s to preserve Isis estate; lie dreaded Revolution, because the poor and the strong might take away the money and i the land from the tick The Government at the present moment were carrying on a Revolution as complete and as absolute as was ever effected. On that assertion he would pledge his reputation. Mr. Western celled it con fiscation, and Lord Stourton said the same ; he (Mr. Cob • bets) called it a Revolution, and he would say before that meeting and before the country. that it was a Revolution which produced a greater transfer of property—more confis cation—more plunder—more public robbery—than were produced from the beginning to the end of the French Re volution. To put a stop to that Revolution, he would submit the Petition !le held in his hand. It was impos sible to go on without a decided reduction of the debt, but it was impossible to accomplish that unless all sinecures were abolished—unless all unworthy and sinnecsury places shared the same - fate. It was impossi ble to interfere with the Fundholder, unless the Church. —the rich Church—contributed to the public necessity a part of what it really did not want. The Crown Lands might also he applied to liquidate the debt; lie was atisfied (having deeply considered the subject) that the Crown Lands would go, if properly applied, to liquidate one hundred millions of the debt. If those things were done—lf the Church and the Army were reduced—if all others wade sacrifices, then might the people at large come forward with a good face, and say to the Fund holders, " Yon must reduce also."—[When Mr.Cobbett concluded, Ise was greeted with loud cheers from one part of the meeting, and with strong marks of disap probation from another part.] The NOBLE Loan in the Choir, said he wished to know, whether Mr. Cohbott intended to read his Petition as a part of Isis speech Mr. Coarsen M ai d It was his intention to read his Petition' ant then propose a Revelation by way of amenditamt, tha It be adopted as the Petition of the Meeting. • Mr. Coaesserr then proceeded to read his Petition; Wins r ls substance the some as that adopted by the County of NOP folk, except that It tisetainca in addition the following intro ductory paragevh:— la . That veer Petiners, casting from them all party maxim, and care- I fall? avoidiag all party ermtests, most o il y approach pow Ito Pourable llouse with an explicit avowal o r f e Z:rr l opinions, as W the ca.as of that state of things, which dimities to make the exchange for the poorhouse the 11111.8001111 and heassistimat of their fathers—with se "mare tjokjtas explicit as SO the best means of saving them and their 'Mollies aft a ehapge so unthecited—with as expression of their appreitensto?s 11 , 1 to the awful constvihhies wilkh must result f a perseverance in the attempt-1a 011•Iiik• the whole of the agrimilleral ',amenity to the unjust claims of the receivers of taxes; and this expression they think s t this moment the more necessary, as It appears M the. that his Mnje-t' 's Ministers hate resolved, notwithstanding the notoriety of the 'offerings of yonr Petitioners. to persevere In the present oppressive, ruinous, and. re volutionary course." Mr. Conover observed, that no man could he blind not ugh not to see that a revolution was going on—one German 4 ew carried of two or three estates; if that was not runlet ion, he did not know what revolution meant. He called for no thing new ; he would not recapitulate the wrongs of the people, nor dwell at length on the acts of those who cs used those wrongs. Ile did not call for vengeance on any man or thing; he would wish, if possible, that the past niir,ht be no longer remembered; but he felt it was necessary fur the people to speak out, because if they were either sit tilt or timid, they would get no remedy. Ile would as six -n con sent to hive his arms taken off, as under present circa instan ces to have a single shilling of the fends taken away. He was not for interfering with the claims of the widow, or of any body else; no, not even with the Jews, cordial!, as he detested them. He felt, he confessed, a timid caudal as to the modes of relief he should point oat, but finding the Gen tleman who proposed the Resolutions had proposed me ans of relief, be proceeded to suggest moans also; and he hoped the Meeting felt that those means were more Just aid raile rpi than those pointed out by the Gentleman at the other side If the Meeting would do what was done at Norfolk, I maYeiy thing would come round. On the question of Reform, II wee Bald by Gentlemen in Parliament, that if the people were left to themselves, they would-select low, vulgar, and rant persons. Now that observation was certainly pay lag ao very high compliment to the people [a laugh]. Nor was it paying a very extraordinary compliment to those Gen tiegten who sat in Parliament, and who were seat there by thepeople [a laugh]. He (Mr. Cobbett) did not care about any particular scheme of Reform. Ile knew that the Noble Lord hail strong objections to Universal Suffrage. Well, he (Mr. Cobbett) did not care about Universal Suffrage. All he wanted was a Parliament that would substantially repre sent the people, and that would be a real cheek upon the Ministers—(epplause). He wanted nothing but what the illustrious ancestor of the Noble Lord so ably contended for and accomplished—[vehement applause]. As to what had been said oboist preventing ignorant persons from getting into Parliament, really he thought that at that time of day, and after what had passed, in point of common modesty no such observation ought to have bees made in the House of Com mons—[' laugh]. lie recollected saying, whilit the Six Acts were passing, that he would catch at random, by the legs, any morning, 6.58 fellows going into the Leaden mar ket, as well informed on the effete% of the country as certain Gentlemen of high name who sat in a place he would not mention. He said so then—he would say no more now. But whatever might he time information and the pretensions of a certain assembly, be would not hesitate to say that it would he impossible to pass laws more destructive to agri culturists than had been passed for the last five or six years. "%Oat astonished hen was the forbearance of Noble Lords end Country Gentlemen ; they suffer their estates to be taken away bit by bit. They allowed a million of Money to be taken away, for what ?—to build churches. lie would ask those present, did the land want churches ? Were not their churches big enough for the farmers? Oh, bat they wanted churchea.for large eitiese—for Bristol, Liverpool and London ; those 'places grew populous, and how f. Why by the beggary of the villages and the cottages to be sure. Then the fundholders came forward and said.in elect, the landlords have given their rents and the tenants their capital to us, we live togethet in large cities to spend your money ; we are too thick ; we want more churches, for we are very pious people ; pray do build bigger churches for as [a laugh]. Well the vote was proposed, and strange to say it was car ried by acclamation. Another vote was for another million to build penitentiares—a penitentiary is a place for females not remarkable for a very stoat and resisting elhpoiltion [a laugh], and for their companions, bullies and thieves of the male kind [a laugh]. Now, he begged of them to mark the fully—no—he would call it the want of information and clear sightedness of 1 indhulders in Parliament; they had to take care of their own thieves in the country, but they should exercise their humanity by in fact adding to the number of strumpets and thieves in London [a laugh]. The vote for one million was proposed, it wan carried. SirJesepit Yorke ridiculed the monstrous proposition. Such acts must be ye. panted unless the people be allowed to choose their own Members ; be therefore prayed for Reform—he also prayed for a repeal of various taxes. There was nothing novel in his propositions—it was a cause of right or wrung, not of old or new. There was a law at that moment iu existence, preventing Lord King from &straining his tenants. Lord King deprecated the depreciation of money ; he required gold from his tenants, most of whom paid low rents, hut to the luting disgrace of the Legislature, an Act was passed to prevent Lord King from distraining, and that Art would remain in force till the Ist of next May. The Petition, therefore, only asked for an Act for the purposes of justice, which had been formerly passed for the purpose of injust ice [applause]. The CRAIRMAR—Mr. Cohbett, what is your motion? Mr. Conuirrr —My Lord, haring read the Petition, I propose as an Amendment, to leave out all the words in the Resolutions save the first word " Reeolved," [a Inuit] and to insert these words—" That the Petition now read be the Petition of this Meeting?" Mr. PALMER seconded the Amendment. He did so from a conviction that the causes of the distress were clearly stated In the Petition. He was convinced that If landlords lowered their rents and the proprietors of tithes lowered their charges, the poor fanner would have some chance of getting a main tenance. They ought to be reduced to the standard of in. When the agriculturists asked for relief, they were desired to have patience. If any man were to preach patience to him under such distress, by 0— he would sacrifice him— [laughter and strong disapprobation.] Why, Gentleman continued the Speaker), if I had the jawbone of an 115 ,, ,. a laugh], by G— [loud murmurs] I would serve him as ampson served the Philistines—[uch lauiliter, and disap probation]. After some observations on points of order, The Rev. Mr. SMYTHIss rose amid said, that he saw no rea son why the Resolutions should be thus got rid of. Surround ed as he wags by most of the rank and respectability of the county, he did not see why he should sit silent to listen to a man who had no interest in the county, and no fe-ling in common with them. (Applause and hisses.) They had heard Mr. Cobbctt with patit nce, lie trusted they would hear every man. Ile had no feeling but in common with them. He was one of the largest occupiers of land in the comity, and he wns convinced that nothing could be ac complished without union. (Applause.) Ile knew that he undertook a difficult task to reply to the practised eloquence of Mr. Cobbett. and to his specious arguments. lie was not in time habit of public speaking, but he could not sit silent and hear a Petition such as was read brought forward by an iti nerant political tinker. (Loud hisses enswered by cheers.) Had he only known Mr. Cobbctt for the first time that day, lie would like many present have been captivated by his elo quence, and by time singular ingenuity of his arguments ; but whets he knew that those great abilities had been prostituted to every party (loud hisses and applause)—when he knew that Mr. Cobbett commenced his political life the servile writer for the Government, and its tool—when he knew that Mr. Cobbett went out to America to put down the rising spi rit of independence there. and when his seta ices were no longer useful he was dismisised by the Government, and then he took tip a new set of principles, and turned upon his for mer employers. (Disapprobation, and crises of answer his arguments from one side, cheers from the other.) Ile turn ed Whig—he became the associate of Sir Francis Burdett— he never was time friend of any Mall ; —he then became a Ra dical, and he came before the county that day with his Peti tion, to prevent, as he was gond enough to say, a revolution, We do not want (said the Speaker) Mr. Cobbett to state our own sufferings, and to tell iis of the measures necessary to be adopted. He would adopt a Petition, brought forward by whom it might, if it were likely to lend to a redress of grievances; but he was convinced that Mr. Cobbett's Pea don would not avail. He agreed with Mr. C. that every thing short of an interference with the debt was nugatory' With that mill-shoe around the neck of the country, it w a s Impossible that she weld be over prosperous ; but be thought that the ResalMloua, if acted on, would accomplish that mea. sun to a tiO7 Ides oletulie to the fuodhokters. The grand A t( - -~ _~ source of the distress of the country was the Act 'of lila: that Art onsbled Government to borrow without limits. If there bad been all along a metallic currency, the debt w m' not be half its amount. Was it ir4ustice, he would ask, t o pay the landholder in the same sort of money that he lent lit Ute country ? There was no greater political economist in England than Mr. Cobbett—no man studied it so well ; tun yet he did not hesitate to say before him, that it would be Impossible for.the Government to go on paying the interest of the debt in gold. If he were right, was it not clear that the evil would work its owu ruin? lie could have wise. ad that a proposition had come from somebody connected with the county. He thought that the county would he di,_ graced it some one could nett be found intelligible enough to state its grievances. (Applause !) Mr. Cobbett soente I himself aware that it was rather extraordinary for a ntLit not connected with the county, having no interest is it. to come forward with an important propositiontecollrctiog the adage,t" Cry fool first to prevent others from crying it at you," he came forward with an apology for the apparent im pudence of his proceeding ; be had not an acre of land In ti.e County. Mr. PALMER—I deny it, Mr. Cobbett has as inlePen e t freehold. Mr. SmrritrEs—Well, he has just as much as entitles him to come here ; he hoped a proposition would be brought for ward by some one of the county, if not he would bring for ward one himself. Having said so much in reply to the great political hero, he would now submit a Petition as an Amend ment. Mr. Smythies then proceeded to read his Petitiur , which is as follows : " The Petition of the Nnitiliti, Clergy, Gentry, and plea'. of Cu. Con^t of kfetaturd, In Cuuuty Meeting &metaled, this Mil day of Januar., " N maid y Showell,.--That your Petitioners can no longerbear the ore 7 . - wheludtm Pressrire of the times; that in consequence of the heavy to‘s. lion upon landed property, together with the e ttrentelow price of produce, the bent land will .carrels reluthurot the cultivator his expense; and tin. footr.ffths of the land in this country. are at present yielding no rent at al:. And your Petitioners Minty believe, that the principal can •e of their di..- trefe urines from the facility of horniveing which wan ',Corded to the vernoiest liv the Art ..1 1797.eonsmouly culled the Bank itentrietise, AT, which Poittle.l them to accuimilatb a mass of debt which never would Iva-.e been inlurred In metallic rtimnsey, and the Interest of whirls, debt we arc now milted upon to pay in specie, which, (min raising the value of re rrane y, has in fret doubted the burden airezdy too grievous to be torn.. This. together with the enormous importations of foreign earn, on ti,e e e f a very productivc har :est of our own, and the large 15,04 aunnal._ drained from the titles nod !andel revenue of this kineilleat to be spe, abroad by sheenteee, are consider ei by your Petitioner. to he autumn the !radio, canoes of tint distresua. They therefore prey that your sty_ nourabie House, at the earnest moment after your assembling, to adopt such Measures as shelf allord them not only speedy, but perm:mein, reUel. • Among the measures most 'likely to effect this desirable end, vont Peti tionem nowt humbly low to recommend that yen shoold again restrain the Bank from paying its notes in cash, till the National Debt shall he reduced by the operation of the Sinking Fund to its extent previous to the year 1797; Ind in order to &reek' ate the arrival of that w;ntital.fut perW, vonrPetitioners Peg humbly to recommend that you would lay a tole mom fowled property equivalent,to those now borne sokety by the landed pea. twiriegioncli as tithe, poor-rates, ehorels•roten, highway-rateNand r i te. and that you would also lay a tat upon the property of alsoutetn: the dome raised lor tinsttrrse means world enable the Hoeernment to tate off all the imeeneed taxes, and such other taxes as press more twentieth , in on the landed and working classes; your Petitioner,. log leave forth. r to roc...mown& that eomuterrial treaties be entered into with other 'tate., on the principle of admitting alt soeh pm lan a, cannot he grown sauna; these kingdoms dots fee, on modifies that thoseotates reseire our pri• du , e and inanuf.ictures oa the same terms; and that prohibitory duties t • laid on all such prance RA the soil amid elimete of thee resdrus is latent to rain... It throw measures ate adopted, your Petitioners wit—Jain on doubt that prosperity and comfort will again revisit them, ate' GP , : Britain will minion' that rank rumong the nations of Europe, which tor deeds have so well entitled her to claim." Mr. 8111/THIZS then proceeded to observe, that unless bite freeholders laid aside their party feelings they could not ex pect that the Parliament would lay aside theirs. It could not be denied, that in a very great measure the distress of the country grew oat of the mistakes of Mr. Ricard O's politics; economy, and out of the cold-blooded, policy of Mr. 'f . Couttenay. If the fatal measure of the currency were acted on every acre attend would slide out of the Intr.& of the pre sent possessers into those of Jews, Stock-jobbers and Mo oey-leeders. What was at present the situalioo of the Cout, try ? he . " Would ask ; did they any longer exercise the hospi tality for which their ancestors were famed—or if any of them did, so, were they able to discharge the tradesmen's bills who fyruishedthe chtet? (cries of no, from scum very di-ci.ntented looting persons in the crowd)? Mr. Courtenay, indeed, de clared that it was no 'ruler whether the estates were taken from their present owners--breaase, if MIN they would get into the heads of money leaders or other persons, nod tbos, in poSsessiou would be forced to pay the taxes. But it was a matter of some consequence to the Gentlemen now alines, him, whether they should maintain the situation which their ancestors maintained, or be reduced to pauperism [cheers . . lie hoped the Country Gentlemen would speak out, and that with force and firmness. Ile di I not object to the proposi tion of Mr. Cobbett on principle, but if the Meeting adopted a Measure brodght forward by h'm, it would tot hare th , d weight and interest In Parliament which were necessary fur its success. Seeing about him Gentlemen of great weight and interest in the County, he hoped they would d-liver tiv:r sentimeats and opinions, as doubtless they could, in amen better language than he could nor [applause]. Mr. Davis next stood forward.—The Meeting, he said, would disgrace itself, and tie County at large, if they adopt ed the proposition of Mr. Ceibhett. lie knew it was a fear fill thing to oppose the liononrable Gentleman, het still h, would say that he could not admire his taste in travelling from town to town, the apostle of discontent and straulion. Mr. (!onerrr—lio, no! Mr. D. , o ,„— T h e it onoti ,etsie Gentleman knew as well as any man that his plan, if acted on, would inrr -ace the dis tress ten-fold. Ile would at once break faith with the public creditor. - • " - • ... . Mr. Connerr—Oh ! hear this from a man who proposes to ' re la e the debt. Mr. Davit said h' contended that if the plan of Mr. Cob bett were acted on, every Landlord would he ruined. With out meaning any personal disrespect, he would say that t h e Honourable tientleirin. with all his tilents, had veered to every point of the political compass. Mr. Connerr—Yon'll veer any where but to the subject [a laugh.] Mr. Davis—ln 1502 he was the friend oft r.Pitt and Lord Grenville. Ile had since repeatedly insulted the memory of the one, and attacked and opposed the other. Ile was the friend of Sir F. Burdett, and he afterwards attacked him in a manner the iubst virulent. The farmers, too, he treated with every species of insult. I have, (said Mr. 9.) one afhis books in my band ; a pretty little book [a laugh] in which he calk you all rascals [laughter,' and cries of read ! cries of answer his arguments !J. lie called the farmers the basest race of men—that they were supporting the rich ruffians, and shooting at the poor by their command. Mr. Count:Tr—No, no ; hand over the book to me. Mr. Davis—lle called you the base dogs who were slirlinz off; he called you fat jowled fellows [laughter] in order to ill the climax [a laugh]. Such a man, lie contended, 'ought to shrink out of the room would the execrations of the people [lead hisses, and applause]. That the distress was great, no one denied—it had its source in the tills-government of 2.5 year-. During[that time live hundred millions of debt were contracted. Taxation rose train sixteen to fifty :Minim.; ; in the three last years of the war, no less than four hundred millions of money were expended, end as much of that sum as was spent out of the country was as completely lust to it as kit had been buried in the sea. No branch suffered so much from taxation ES agriculture. It appeared from Parliamentary papers, not three weeks published, that ten Willow; add sixty-six thousat.il pounds had been raised in the shape of taxes from the WO tta preceding year [murmurs]. If these taxes were got rid ef, would it not relieve the farmer; would not a market be opened for that produce which Lord Liverpool declared to be the cal:. cause of distress? Ministers might take off five millions of taxes, and reduce the establishimmts to the s andard of 1792. They might suspend the Sinsing Fund, hut if they did that they would disoblige their friends, the Jews and jobbers; and if they rednerd the establishments to the standard of I:01, they would cat tip that influence which a Member of the Cabinet h a d declared last Session, was necessary, in order to carry on the Government. He agreed with Mr. Stnythies s that the Act of 1797 was the first cause of the present distress ; from that time to about three years since the currency was demi - elated. All contracts entered into in the mean Save, and all rents, were made and assumed, with reference to a depreciated currency—thing• went on well, but the moment the measure of Cash Payments was passed, iinini'lgated distress commenced and proceeded. The Ministers deserved the heaviest censure for passing Peel's Bill. He read over the evidence before tla Committee, and it appeared to him that none of them knew any thing of thesubject, save an honest Quaker, whotold them that if they did not reduce the debt, that they weld not with safety revert to Cash Payments. There was soothes point hi the Parliamentary Reform—he wished to see the People (mei) , represented in Porliament—be would wish to see the Ineaeocc of the Crown diminished, and the dunning of Parlianseats oborteued—he wookl wish to rise the right of Election Winded -.--- t ; . ~~