The Statesman. — London, England, 1823-05-16 00:00:00

THE STATP.SMAN. lean styled them. About thirty years ago Now York was visited by some of those convulsions to which all slave countries were subject. It was then determined to com mence a systeip 'similar to that which he was pronging, and the conseruleacat was that slavery was extinguished, went out of thkg goeket, and melted away. The same sys tem was applied tolhe state of New Jersey, to the state of PrellUtyttenia, and thus It was that slavery to those states hall gose'cint, and was entirely forgotten. He contended that there tees no person connected with that part of the world who did not say that the abolition of Slavery was not more conducive to the happiness of the blacks, than 1: was useful in securing the prosperity of their late mas ters. White slavery was extinguished in some parts, Slaves were still in other parts working in irons. It was sail that the system that was adopted was working vio lently. He would ask those who said so, to show in what part of the Bri , ish dominions the system so ore eamd. He contended that it operated quietly without vio knee or turbulence, and unless his opponents showed the contrary, he would take it for granted that hawse ad. nutted' to be right. The principle of Ms propositions was put into operation in Ceylon, in 1816, under Governor Johnstone, and then it had the best effect. It was also carried into effect at Bencoolen, where it produced simi lar results. Its operation in St. Helena also told in his favour. The curiosity of the world was attracted to St. Helena for the last six year.. Every thing that was ' , said or done there under the government of Sir Hudson Lowe was s;roken Ind published. One.fast, however, was allowed to pass in silence, and %ISM not mentioned in any of triose books or pamphlets which lie had seen. The fact be meant was, that Sir Huils•n Lowe gave a death-blow to .Sravery in the island of St. Helens. He then adverted to the state of Colombia. where slavery did prevail to as enor mous extent. There it was completely extinguished by the application of the system which he was proposing. Mr. Re venge authorized him to say, that the change wrought by those measures was a perfect docility in the blacks, and a arc' rily to the white population, both which kept the country io a slate of quiet. lie would next come to the application t•f the principle to ourselves. He showed, from the exam ple of other States, that Slavery could be abolished with sdety. He now put it on the groan lof right, and he put it to the Roast, what right had we to say that a child not yet born was to eat the bitter bread of slavery Toe answer of his opponent► might be, that the tether was the property of' his master, so was the mother, therefore the child also. There might be some excuse to continue a father a slave, because he had but a small portion of his life to wear out ; bat nothing could he more cruel than to doom the child to slavery for its entire life. Was it a crime to rob a man, and pot a child? Was It a crime to murder a man, and not to murder a child? And was not the saute morality to be ex tended to slavery of men as the children of slaves? The ad vocates at his side did not ask the House to retrace it. steps; they did not ask it to give redress for all thr wrong the nation had committed but they only asked that more wrong should not be committed, and that more children should not, by inheritance, be deprived of their inestimable rights. No nation could have a more dreadful catalogue of crimes to account for than that with which I'm Slate Trade had loaded the British name. He was quite Blear that the people of this country—that very few of the Honourable Gentlemen of the House—were acquaint- ei with the greatness of the atrocity of the crime—Of that national disgrace—the first part of which was the Slave Trade, and the last part slavery Itself. Even at the day wlien all should be disclosed, among the list of crimes, the most prominent would be that of slavery. No nation under Heaven had been guilty of that worst of crimes more than the British nation; and when he and the friends to homanity did not wish to visit it with re. proacheo, or ask for a compensation to those who had so long and so cruelly suffered, they were entitled to demand some attention fur the future condition of the oppressed. There was the point to which he called the House. Commit no more crimes—let there be a ter mination to this state of misery and degradation, and when the last slave then alive finds refuge in the grave, let him say that they have done with slavery for ever— (Hear, hear.) That was the point on which they were agreed. His object was to look forward to some future day for the eventual abolition of the degraded state of slavery. He did not in the slightest degree attempt to propose that the slave of today should become a feeman on the morrow. No, he did not think that pos sible, for if he did—or if he thought it possible that the slave could burst abruptly his bends asunder, and start at once into life, vigour, and freedom, with safety to the Colonies, he would not hesitate at once to propose tbeir immediate emancipation. It was, however, impos sible that arch justice could be done. Unhappily the afery censures which he cast upon slavery—the fact that it degraded the slave to the level of the brute, was the only protection to those who made him, and wished to keep him still a slave. It was too true that a state of mental degradation unfitted the wretched being for the immediate condition of a freeman. Such was one of the melancholy consequences of the system, and which lie one of its strongest opponents was forced to admit. •He was forced to admit the power of the r -rimming thus drawn from a vicious circle. There were some of the advocates of slavery who said that the planters had an honest and sub stantial title to the body of the slave. That assertion lie I wished to fathom—and, for illustration, he would say, here is a valuable commodity to which a white man and a tdark man lay equal claim—that commodity is the body of a black man; the black man says the body is his—the white man contends that he has the better right. What then was the claim of the black man to his body. Nettie gave it to hitn—it was the gift of the A tat loam ; that at least was unquestionable. He begged pardon for arguing the point, but he contended that the black man limit a fair and free title. What was the claim of the white nian? He eer:ved it from his father, who bought it hem a planter, who bought it at a market from a dealer in human Mesh —from a man-merchant. How did that dialer come by it ? He stole it, so that the very origin of the whi.e man's title began in the worst of crimes. He felt extremely reluctant to enumerate and eshirge upon the horrors of the Slave Trade, but lie could not help saying, that the title of the planer amounted exactly to nothing at all. That the planter would have a claim for the remuneration of the House, in case the service of the slave was taken from him, lie would not deny, but that while it saved hiM from pecuniary 103', it dissolved his degrading authority. With a view to give the House the fullest explanation of his sentiments, he would take the liberty of reading an extract from a letter which he addressed to Earl Bathurst on the 15th of April last. He said in it— The subject divides itself into two—the condition of t h e * existing slave, and the condition of their children. With regard to the former, 1 wish the following improve- atents : - I. That the slave ssould he attached to the island, and un der modifications to the soil. ft.—That they cesqe to be chatties in the eye of the law. G.—That their testimony be received quantum vnleat. 4.—That when any One lays in lila claim to the services of 6 Negro. the onus should rest on the claimant. 6.--ThaGolistructiou to manumissionsshould be removed. G.—That the provislcns of the Spanish law (being by com atent authority the value of the slave. and allowiug !dm to p i erehase a day.,at a time) shout l be introdared. 7.—That no Governor, Judge, or A ttorney-General,should be a slave owner. & That an effectual provisioa shall be made for the tell• Skins instruction of the slave, 9:—That maariage should be enforced and sanctioned. 10.—That the Sunday should be devoted by the slave to repose and religious instruction; and that other time should be allotted for the ceitivetton of his provisloa grounds. 11: That some (but whet I cannot say) measnrea should be take° to rostrata the authority of the master in punishing his untried-slam aadthat some substitute should be found 41,111e.drivietteriten4 thi e up,use ena propeive‘iptelifi-atinns re the exiqting Ms srfp. 1105 1s at sir au( re autlol4l, vent ..pou the est notice of slavery altogether. By readining all the Negro children. .bons after a certain day, free. For them it will be owes- eery to provtde education. . GOD grant that his Majesty's Ministers may be disposed tp necomplist these objects, or to permit others to accom plish them I Believe me, my dear Sir, your's very truly. Spring Garden Motel. April lb, 1903. T. F. R. And he would conclude by . saying, that they owed that amelioration to every principle which should actuate an hose's and generous nation—by every feeling dear to fin manity—by the respect due to the character of the British nation, ad, above all, as the last justice to the African race, which they had so cruelly oppressed; for an atone ment for all the blood which hid been spilled ; for those intestine wars which mere cruelly fomented with British gold: for all the villages burnt and consumed ; for the miseries of being roused from their rest by the yell's of blood-bunters; as a compensation for the arts of ci vilization ; for the blessings of Christianity kept from them for two centuries; as an atonement for the tens of tens of thousands slaughtered in domestic quarrels; for the tens and lens of thousands perished by disease and confinement in slave ships ; for the tens of tens of thou sands thrown on the coast to perish of want as refuse men; and for all those who have survived in slavery; mi sery, and in every species of calamity; for all these be asked one large and liberal measure of atonement. — (Hear.) The country hail it in its power to give some thing like redress for former injuries, by a protection from their repetition ; by giving •him the benefit of the law; awl giving the interveatioo of &Jury between giro and the cotninands of his master's servant: and above all, full and complete religious instruction to his children. 001) grant that his Majesty's Ministers would feel the claim which the character of the country and humanity had on them v. He then concluded by reading and mov ing the following Resolution— . That the state of slavery Is repugnant to the principles of the British Constitution, and of the Christian Religion, and I that It ought to he abolished gradually throughout the Bri tish Colonies, with es much expedition as may ne found eon alstent with a due regard io the well being of the parties can corned. On the Resolution being read by the Speaker, . Mr. CANNING rose, and said that the appeal with which the Hon. Gent. had concluded his speech made him feel that it was incumbent on him to address the House at that early part of the debate, and to state, without reserve, the opinions entertained by himself and his colleagues on that important —and which he could not he:ii calling fearful, questios.— Ile confessed that he never applied himself to any question under feelings of greater embarrassment—not so meth a iv' respect to principles or to practical conclusions, as on ac count of the danger which attended a discussion. in which one word or inconsiderate expression might raise a flume diMcult indeed to'be extinguished. lie stated that, not for the purpose of preventing a free deliberation, but he took the liberty of examining closely the plan which the Nor. Member had sketched with no slight hand, and which might certainly lead to no slight good, bat with uummal hazard.— What, he would ask, bad the latter part of the Hon. Gent.'s speech to do with the qeestion ? or why should we have re ferred to a traffic of the country which had been put an end to? Why refer to toe condition of the slaves in the West ladies, which has been so long since ameliorated I Why call to the recollection of the House ell the horror§ of a trade which has been the disgrace of humanity, at a moment when' he Is nit :ling a question of so delicate a astern? Why does he come to the question with arguments, which, from the experience of many years, he (Mr. t".) could say, were never placed in juxta position with it? It never been contemplated to contract for the abolition of the Sieve Trade, with the indefinite existence of slavery itself. The question should be met on its own grounds, and with a view to its own peculia:ities. it was unwise to rake up all the horrors and calamities of the former British Slave Trade. He did think that what Parlianseut feed done was a suffi cient proof of the intention of the nation, and the Honour able Gentleman should have been satisfied with it, and ermined his motion to more limited topics than he had done. He (Mr. C.) would not follow him in that coarse; he would view shy Slave Trade as a thing forgotten *ad gone by. The Hon. Gentleman declared that he would deal with the question, not in the spirit of Legislation but of atonement. Ile (Mr. C.) would say, that it was not fair to call on Senators to act as mere moralists, or Parliament to decide nn sentiments and feedings. The question was one requiring greater management ; it was one of prudence ra ther than one of feeling. He looked at a state of society where a large population of blacks were subservient to a much smaller proportion of whites, and the question then arose how the largest degree of moral improvement can be given with the least danger to the whites, who as our own fellow subjects demanded protection. Those who spoke on the subject without due consideration, who recommended emancipation as an atonement for all former injuries, might make an eloquent declamation, hut he was certain that Par liament would not allow itself to be run away with and forget the necessary deliberation. Was it possible that those who looked upon the question, as members of a British Senate, can hesitate to siy that there is not an in tricate subject for their consideration, and that there was • knot which should be disentangled, but could not be cut asunder. The honourable Gentleman began his resolution with a proposition which he confessed embarrassed him not a little. He stated slavery to be repugnant to the British Constitution, and repugnant to the Christian re. ligion. lion forbid Olathe should be obliged to offer a contradiction to either statement, or that lie should be forced to say that a state of slavery was consonant to the British Cot.stitution or the Christian religion. He must nevertheless say • that the proposition in the sense ..rith which he has coepled it is not practicable. The proposi tion was true, in fact, but it made nothing for its object. The Hon. Gentleman mast admit that he here stated a proposition nothistorically true, and how, therefore, can l'eritainent make a distinction between what was morally true and historically false. With regard to the allusion to Christianity in the resolution, he confessed that he al ways had a decided objection to the introduction of the !name of Christianity in the debates of the House.— Let Christianity have its full and due influence on their decisions; but let it not be put forward to serve only a particular principle. If it be mean, that in the Christian religion there was spirit under which slavery could not continue, that was also historically false. The character of Christianity was that it was adapted to all stages and situations of life. It was true that it was the glory of freemen, and as well was it the glory of slaves—it was not for one class, but for all gradations of society. It was true that there was no permission in the Chrishicn doc trine for the infliction of slavery: but it was not true that there was any direct prohibition of it—Nun mica hie :emu. These were nut his opinions alone, but they were taken from one whom the House would consider as a good authority. (fhe lion. Gentleman read a long ex tract from the works of Dr. Paley.) It was not for Par t liament to put forth the name of Christianity to act by its spirit. lf the state of slave:y be repugnant to the British Constitution, and if still it has been interwoven with it in its colonies for such a time, it would be well for the Hon. Member to seek its gradual abolition. It was because he kit that slavery was contrary to the spi rit of the Constitution, that lie would agree to a safe and gradual amelioration. If none was deinainled,he must contend that as certain property was protected by law, it should continue to receive that same security. If it be asked whether be would consent that the progeny of slaves, should be slaves, he would answer—No. To that point he was as hostile as the. Honourable Member. In fact, the greater part of what the Hon. Gentleman wished to do abruptiy tend rashly, he (Mc. C.) was dis posed to effect gradually, without danger or injury. His opinion was made up, with his colleagues that if any progress could be made, it could only be effectually done by the hands of tut Executive Government. With that clew, he had prepared Resolutions which he would take the liberty of uttering to the House in place of the Hoe. Gentleman's. The difference which he had wit's the Hon. Gentleman was, that be had only laid down the same principles, but with more caution, and with the itt linden of making them work Frailtuilly : He hedno oh jection to explain partieular points; for instance, he wish ed to abolish field-whipping, the whipping of females, end to allow greater relaxation, anda more strict religiows ob servance of the Sabbath. [We had much dilissulty in taking notes of the greater part of this speech from the want of light, the candles not being lighted until eight o'clock J He had shred the three points in which he wog! agree with the lion. Member. He would now state those to which he demised it dangerous to give any pledge for, the present. These were for the security of private property, which nothing should induce the House to infringe—the power of bequest, which should not be abridged ; and the means of receiving evidence, any alteration in which would he attended with the greatest dilficul lei. Upon these last points he wished to decline giving any opinion for a time ; bat the lion. Member wield rest assured that Government would keep their attention fixed upon the subject, not only with a determination to investigate it thoroughly, but with a leaning to the side of the qitestion which he had taken.—(Hear) More at present he did not %slab to pledge himself to. Let it not be understood, however, that the difficulties arose out of any hesltstion on • the part of Ministers in a moral point of view, for they were as willing to concede that the practice was objectionable as • say one else; but the difficulties were more of a legal and technical nature. Perhaps, so far as the satisfaction by the writ of veadilioee erpostas went, there would be no great indisposition on the part of Government to make coneess sions. He wished again to repeat. that the poiuts which lie last mentioned were under the consideration of Govern ment ; but as to the ultimate result, he could say nu more than that there was. on the part of those connected with the colonies, a disposition to give the subject the most fair, li beral, and candid consideration. Under these cireumsta. era then, he would put it to Coe Hon. Mealier, whether it would not be better to accept of the concessions wide:* Govern ment had made, ant postpone the discussion to a f.aure period, when it might be considered—when the mind was unembittered by retrospect, and all angry allusions might be avoided. Expressions might be used here innocently ettough, which being carried to another, might create hopes, which must end in disappointment and pro ucc irritation. His Majesty's Government were willing to give a pledge that they would hike the subject into their most serious con sideration ; and he put it to the Hon. Member whether he would nut rather accept that, than trust to the result of the discussion, if the question, as it was now framed, was put to the House. lu one other poitt he wished to say, he differed from the Hon. Member speculatively, for he was unwi,ling to pledge himself to auy definitive opinion. He had na ned a certain day. in which he proposed, that all slaves should be set free. Tale period ue understood to have been fixed prospectively — Mr. BUXTON.—" Eutrospectively.“ Mr. CANN NO.—His objection arose to give an opi nion upon an abstract question. He was averse to giving any definite opinion, front an apprehension of the con struction which would be put upon it in another quarter. It might be a'teadeil uith danger to lay down any prin ciple, which being submitted to those who were awake to this subject, might be open to the construction, that because this House admitted that the Slave Trade was opposed to Christianity and the Constitution, it ought to follow, that complete emancipation should take pl see.— By that wr ens, hopes would be raised; and when tite slaves had bet,: led to expect their liberty, it would then be too late to come in with any qualifications. if any qualifications were to be introduced at all, as they neces sarily should be, it was better that they should be stated from the begitin'ng, and the hopes -hauld he mice! up itli the doubts and difficulties which must accompany their fulfilment. The Rigid lion. Gent. then moved the following Resolutions: — I. That it Is expedient to adopt effectual and decisive measures for ameliorating the condition of the Slave popus laden of his Sulsiesty's Colonies. 2. That to the temperate am :persevering,but firm enforce ment of such measures, the House looked torwaru for such a progressive Improvement in the condition of the Sieves, as would prepare them far the enjoyment of all rights and pri vileges. which are open to other classes of his Majesty's subjects. S. That this House is most anxious to accomplish such measures at the earliest opportunity, as are compatible with the well-being of the Slaves themselves, the safety of tue Colonies, and a due regard to the riglds of those whose pro-- perties were implicated. If these itesolotions were agreed to, he meant to pro pose another to the effect, that they should lie upon the table, and be communicated teeertain quarters, which were most interested in the question. The next consider ation was as to the mode in which these measures were to be carried into execution. It was known that the Crown had a direct influence over some of the colonies, unconnected with the colonial legislature. In these cases, of course. little difficulty would be felt, and it was hoped the example of those colonies would go far in bringing over the others to follow them. The House had, however, a right to expect the strongest co-operation from the le gislatures of the different colonies. (Rear.) It was not impossible that resistance would be wade ; but if a case occurred in which it would he necessary to resort to cum pulsion,the House might rely,thatMinisters would come to the House fur counsel and assistance. But, for the present. he wished rather to confine the limits of the discussion than to extend them. The lion. Member himself, should confess, that Government were bound to view the ques tion in a different light from hint, more deliberately, as they were more responsible. Whatever would be the re sult, the Hon. Member might rest assured, that Govern ment were more anxious to redeem the character of the country, from the stain which it suffered by its treatment of the colonies. They however, thought themselves bound in justice to guard the rights of those who through no fault of theirs, but by inherifatuce or some accidental cir cumstance hail acquired property in the colonies, which was sinctioneslby repeated Acts of Parliament,and which ought to be, therefore considered sacred. Upon all these grounds, he wished that time motion should not be pressed, hut that time liononrable Member would he content with the concessions which the Government were disposed to make. The first Resolution having been read from the Chair, Mr. WILBERFORCE said , that he was at a loss to conceive how a proposition which was so much in-the true spirit of Christianity and the British Constitution, should have met with any opposition. That unfortunate class of men who were the objects of this motion were British subjects, and to what tribunal could he appeal for relief more properly, than the British Parliament? And it was impossible to state that case correctly, without going into details. He rejoiced, however, that his Hon. Friend had not laboured totally in vain. for it was an important concession which the Right Hue. Gentleman haul made of abolishing the punishment of women, the abolition of time Sunday slave-market, and the dispen-ing with the working of slaves on Sundays. Hut it was a duty incumbent upon his Majesty's Govern ment, to observe the practical effects of tioverument in the colonies, and apply such remedies to it as might be necessary ; un these grounds tha discussion of the question was at all times proper, and as to the danger which might be apprehended from it to the colunies former experience had disproved the probability of it. far reports of former discussion, of this question had been published in the colonial newsvapers, and yet no insurrectioa folloved. rhe condition of the *laves was ultimately cononted with the Government of the West India Colonies. There were upon the table te torus of tee population of the Wrest India Islands, from which it appeared that a great decrease was still yearly taking place 'Tads decrease had been attributed to the excessive labour imposed upon the slaves. It was idle to calculate that the prohibition to import slaves would be elPetual, whilst slavery was suffered to exist in the West Indies. He admitted, that it would be better if the slaves were prepared gradually for the enjoyment of freedom,' hut unless the legislature interfered, no beneficial improvement could take place. Certainly, if they were so converted, it would he as much for the benefit of the planers as the slaves themselves. Surely the legislature might sanction some of the preliminary steps ; a proposition was us tile 30 years ago, by Lord Melville, fur bortowitig upon them, partially, some of the bl• ssings of freedom, which if it 11;0 been adopted, there would not be a slave In the West Indies. But the qnestion way, whether the changes were to be mode by the British Parliament, or the Colonial Le!rislature. He had no hesitation in saying, that if then* Idler took up the mater, he would prefer them. But ho.v was that to be expected? Hod the House no experience on the subkct ? It was a fart, that the colonial legislatures had always opposed every proposition for setting the slaves free. He Ih.pell thr Right Hon. Cleo. would feel the necessity of elfectire k , su:ne reform in the state of the col shies, and that he wonli f•el himself responsible for wing the Reform put into eff-ct, as these person~ ha I no idler protectiuu to claim, hut that of the British Par!ittrient. lie hoped. however, the mstter would he instilled in o^c say or other. In one part of his Hon. Friend's statement. Im differed from him, naniely, that in which he compare t the slave, of the West Indies to the Helots of old. Its the condition of the two classes, there was this b•mot distinction in favour of the latter; that when they di— tingnishel themselves by any particular good conduct, they were generally rewarded with their manumission. which was rarely done in nvolern times. It was not enough that the changes should be ree•tnim • tided to the colonial legislature, het the Government should see theta efEmted. It was their duty to tlo so, and it was quite cotiaisteot with the spirit of the Constitution, that they should insist upon having those chatters csrried itsto. elfect.(Hear.) He rouge/stunted his 110 Feettal upon num he bad gained by his mmion. He was in a much better situation than when he came into.th.ll:mee. He hoped, therefore, after Vie pledge given by Govern ment, that his Hon. Friend woul l not press his to Ilion, but confide in that pledge, that dm sut.ject should he taken into the earliest and fullest co isideration. Mr. CHARLES ROSE ELLIS said, as a West todia planter, he did not h himself responsible for the slave system. The Government of this country who bad •o long encouraged it, were alone responsible. All that to the planters to do, was to soften the condition of ere slave.. The planters had inherited this property, and trusted for i s safety to the good faith of the British Par liament. The Slave Trade seas originally established, tot for the bench. , 1.1 . the planters, hut to sr:ve the Bsit;st, commerce, of reuderin.t, as the Navigation Act state?, " his 51aje ? ty's plantations beyond se a ben•fi. Ed, and of advantage to this kin .lout, Sie." The sr:co then had no reference to the planters, for there were ins an. et ..f slave voyages before the settlement of the Cot .utcs. Fer a century Mid a half, the syst ern h d !teen encouraged by Parlainent, and never tple-tioned ui.t.l the H oe. Memtete for Braniber (.Ir. Wilhet brie) first broti k h: the sulaje before the Hesse. If the planters had engaged is i:, they had been seduced into the measure by the niothe.• country, abicb was alone responsible. All that he now ask-d was a security that the prom se that the interest of the planters would not be injured might be WPM. He expatiated on Ahe contingent evils that might swine from an • . &are enframenisruieut of the negroes The du y of that House was to communicate to there people by gradual means their civil rights,—to them progressively to form habits of et eilix ition, until they were matured into a praerehle bud honest s witty. To this course the House was urged by justice, ;and in ordar to expiate the crime of the slave trade. The original Resolutions woithl not effect this; they world I be attended with a mischievous molt ; they would inspire the negroes prematurely with a sense of indeirndenre, and entice them to de:igns that would tend to cheek their improve ment. He most next beg leave to deny the charge apind the Local Legisfatere of neglect and iiadisposition to carry into effect tne intention of the British Parliament. This Hon. Member who just sat down bad referred to an al - which he (Mr. Ellis) had the honour of moving ia that House, for the regulation of the Colonial Legislature_ In ten years aft..rwards—namely, in ISO 7, that boil) , passed an Act, founded on that report, for the religions instruc tion of the ne7oes. In the years ISOI, 1807, and 1516, con• sulidatel slave laws were passe I. Before theselau s passed. tie Assembly appointed a Committee cf Ing.tiry, and after due investigation, that Committee drew up an elabt rate Report in which they recommended a vat iety of le gulations. There was one with r sped to the sale of slaves. The other respecting the attaching of negro, s the soil, which the Legislative married intoeffect. Among other regulations which were p seei by the Legislator., at the recominerelation of the Counraittee,therewas one - _ . . for the increase of the salaries of the clergy. Siam He tone that he lied visited these islands, the state of the negroes was improved toe consider ible extent. Throngl:e out the island of Jamaica, all the negroes had been bar tized, and in the different towns attended Divine service in a manner that edified tie other inhabitants. It a. as also a material f .ct that insrriagrs became feeirent amongst them. He was, therefore, justified in stet:tee that a progressive eatr of improvement oas going on in the West India Colonies under the raperintentienee the Colonial Legislature. He was prepared to say that the proprietors would give their ready assent to many of the improvements popused by the advocates for the ehe 4ition of slavery. He begged the House to consider that on the subject of the " driving system," inuelt exaegere , Oott had gone alirrail. lie did not believe that the whip was used as a stimulus to the negra. It aas - atstel as a symbol of authority; but however that might be, the planters could have no objection that the use of tee whip should be prohibited by law. There was also ne objection to giving negroes another day for workicie for themselves. Much hail been said of the inattention of the Legislature to the religious cohdition of the ne grors. He was not the apologist of the state of anarelly in which the negroes had eoaictimes been found. het he desired it mi get not be forgotten that amongst o•der powers reserved by the British Partiam-nt, was therigil of superintending the religious condhion of the negroes. The Government nits to send English Bish me. en t' o appoint to all the livings by its oiiieers. The C o lie , ea Legislature was to provide salaries for the eke-gleam This part of their duty they fulfilled in • mintier line was liberal beyond all reproach. The lion. MeMeee praised the conduct of the Governor and the Bitter. who at present was at the head of the erelesiastical cite pertinent of the Colonies, for their attenion to the red gimes welfare of the negroce. But if the moral rendi tion of the negroes was such as to excite disappointment. he would say that the remedy was not to be found in the plan proposed by the Hoecetrable Gentlemen opposite. 115 feared that tile project of the Honourable toienilem , n would only aggrave the evil. The best remedy in his opinion fee the present state of the negroes eas 'tube. died in the Resolutions of the. Right Iluitaurable Seen tary, whose eloquent and statesman-like view of this sot• jest was entitled to the approbation of tie }l o ose, lfe trusted that the proposition of the Right lionooraide tien:leman would receive the hearty co-op-ration of all those who had the power to assist him in carrying it in to effect. He lieu expected at one time that le promne• tiOli fur the gradual amelioration of the condition ui slaves would he made. The Hon. Member read as ee• tract front • we k on Negro Slavery, written. tat Said. by one who was considered as the organ of the Aholitioa- MM. The effect of the extract was, that the Ateebeice lets required a gradual enfranchisement of tbe Ne groes. Mr. W. SMITH said he agreed le mush Ott Led been stated by the lion. Lieut. and particularly in the ..pOll4 fist . the emancipation of the negroes should be grade Out de differed front the Hon, Gest. ie this—that %Will Le trisixd to s radua. he would also provide that it tote The only ground of ofejeetion that suggested tete to }us .. ~. ' a a t I 1 'it