The Statesman. — London, England, 1824-02-04 00:00:00

THE STATESMAN f , rwar d against the libet ties of the people—waa ready at t he call, and stood forward in the crusade. Ultras an, Royal fanatics, and wicked and hail men, from the hop. o f plnnder, join, 11 in the attempt to insult the liberties of Fluor. M. Chateatiliri Intl said, that any snecess a~ gins the i n dependence of another country would he a blow to the influence of the British Government. What have these filonarebs dors ? Is there freedom in any part of their dominions ? could any man 'tang! up in any country in Enronv, and say the things which he (Lord H.) had then been uttering? (Laughter.) He did not think the Noble Lord opposite was disposed to send him to a prison for the freedom of his observations ; hut if even he were, in Eng bed he could not do so. (Cheers.) It was but to insult the nameof freedom, when a people who are not allowed to express their opinion' of the concerns of the country, for t h e y are as much their's as their rulers. In suck a situa tion there was no Constitution—no liberty—no law.— (Cheers.) Mark what the French Government had done more than Napoleon had attained even in the plenti tile of his power. They had military possession of all Spain and an influence on the conduct of Portugal. An army flushed with success, led by a Prince marked, as a Noble Lord said, by a character of firmness, manliness, a nd moderation, but which qualities were all p ted to the purposes of injnstice, and to the acquisition of false glory to France. There has been more titan all this. A General, vehement in her cause—a Legislature, with the power to lay the people at the feet of the Monarch. but without the spirit or the power to check an attempt on its liberties, with a Monarch at the head of a confederacy.— He (Lord H.) would ask the Noble Lord if inch a stare of things afforded satisfaction to Europe or to Great Britain ? _(Hear.) In that place he could not help taking notice Man argument of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord said that he deprecated the war with Spain; hut in what way did he deprecate it? be representations of the great improbabi lity of success. The whole of the despatches are full of such representations, and instead of boldly protesting against their measures, it was endeavoured to reason with them, as between confidential friends. He was certain the Noble Duke would spurn with indignation the man who would say that his real motive in using that language was to avoid going to war. He was certain he would consider it as a stigma incompatible with his character.(Hear.) The NohleLord said he deprecated the war withSpain,but his re presentation against it bad no effect. He would next advert to the congratulation of the proposer of the Address, on the distinguished situation which the country held from the happy issue of former wars, in which she acted as the champion of the independence of Europe. There was a great deal of boasting and chivalry got up for the occasion •, het if any shape was more suitable than another, that of the Knight of the Sorrowfe I Countenance was the most ap propriate. If one had considered what had been done— what a sacrifice of human blood and of treasure !—these certainly were objects for congratulation ; and the parties who could openly avow their satisfaction, should appear, like Noodle and Doodle with an universal grin; So then the occupation of Spain by France was of ao consequence at all He (Lord H.) saw these matters in a different and more serious light. It should be well considered whether there was anything affecting the interest of Great Britain in this alliance. On that point. though he might dwell long, be would abstain for the present ; but it was noto rious thatthe greater part of that combination were dispos ed to abolish a free press and a free discussion. There was no pretence left untried, and religion was attempted to be made a powerful engine. It would be a question what this country should do under such circumstances —embark at the head of a party under the equivocal title of Protestant Ascendancy r or, se parating itself from all connection with the Old World. look to the New World—to the Colonies of South America, which have separated from Spain, and all inter ference with the Holy Alliance. It was not in this place that he wished to discuss the advantages of any of these ”stems. He felt that they all had their conveniences, but they also had their inconveniences. He did contend that we were placed in a situation in which our election must be made. The time was approat hing, when some of these systems must be adopted; and, according to the best vi e w be could take, any w a s b etter than none ; for, we had to contend with a power which had steadily, uniformly, si lently, and boldly proceeded—with a power which. upon the long run, must be equal to any resources, (industrial's and patriotic as the peopl e o f t hi s country were ) w hi ch th i s country could supply. In such a situation, it was his firm conviction that the adoption of any system was better than that hitherto pursued, which was no system at all. He sin carly hoped his Majesty's Council might choose the best • but he G alled up on th em earnest l y to c h oose shortly ;. rause, if they did not. they 'soul.' be brought into conside rable degradation, and, he was ;.Roost persuaded, into utter ruin. The Address, which was an echo of the Speech, was then angtiimously agreed to. STATE OF IRELAND. Lou! DARNLEY said he felt it his duty to take the earliest opportunity of railing their Lordships' deliberate attention to the state of Ireland. We had not yet got to the bottom of the evil. He pledged himself to what he stated last year, and was determined not to shrink from it. He should lie able to prove this was the most fitting time to take the whole subject into consideration, and he therefore moved the House should be summoned for that purpose on the 2d of March. leinl HOLLAND asked, if it was the intention "f his Majesty's Government to lay any paper before the House relative to the negociations with Turkey and Russia? • Lord LIVERPOOL said he was not aware of any at present. The House adjourned at half-past nine• HOUSE OF COMMONS, TUESDAY, Fen. S. This being the day to which Parliament was prorogued for the dispatch of business, the House met accordingly. The SPEAKER took the chair at • quarter before three o'clock ; soon after which Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt, Usher of the Black Rod, summoned the house to the House of Lords, to hear the Commission from his Majesty for opening the session read. Afterhaving been absent for about a quarter of an hour, the Speaker returned, and passed through the house to his pd. /ate room. He resumed the Chair at • few minutes before four o'clock, at which hour there was rather a full attendance of members. The SPEAKER informed the house, that he had, pursuant to act of Parliament, issued writs for the return of new mem• beta —for Lincolnshire, in the room of the Hon. Charles An. derson Pelham, now Lord Yarborough ; an d f or th e B oroug h o f Llskeard, in the room of the Hoe. Wm. Eliot, now Earl of St. Germain.. Th e new members then took the oaths and their seats. Mr. LUSH INGTON mewed for new writs for the return of alemhers—for the borough of Eye, In the room of Sir Robert Gifford, who had accepted the office of Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas; for the borough of Ashburton, the room of Sir John Singleton Copley, who had accepted the office of his Majesty's Attorney General ; for the city of %ford, in the room of Charles Wetherell, Esq., who had tic' eepted thecae. of his Majesty's Solicitor General - for Wig' lao, in th e room of Sir John Osborn ; forflandwich, in the room Of Joseph Marryet,•Esq.. deceased ; for the county of Cavan, to the room of the Right lion.Joho Mozwell Barry, mow Earl of Far nham ; and for Dumf r i es , i n t h e room o f W m. R o b ert Keith Dos bas Esq. who had socept e d the office of one of the Lords of the.Adn'sireity. Lord WILLIAM FITZGERALD moved for a new writ for the return of a member for the county of Louth, in the roa m of the Right Hon. Thothas Henry SkeMnston, now a Peer. The Clandestine Outlawry Bill passed through the usual form. t, The SPEAKER then said, that the house had attended in ," Woar haute of Lord s t o h ear t h e Royal Speech delivered by Com* o ; copy of whiCh he would t h en rea d . (S ee t h e Pro . " ( Hags In the House of Lords.) Mr. R. HILL rose to move the address. In consequence of the low and faltering tone of voice in which the lion. Membt r (who was dressed in military uniform) delivered his speech. •mly a few occasional words reached the gallery. After es oressing a full sense of his inability to discharge the duty which had devolved upon him, anti bespeaking. therefore, the indul• once of the House, he glanced hastily at the various topics which the Royal Speech embraced, and conCludcd by moving the address. which was, as usual, an echo of It. Mr. DAI;Y, although he was Conscious of his inability to do justiee to the topics of the address, yet, recollecting how often he bad received the indulgence of the House under similar cir eurostanees, thought that he thrmlel hest consult their conveni• dime by entering at once upon the task which he had undertaken instead of offering an apology for haviqg undertaken it. He had been induced to second the address which had just been moved, from a consideration of the various topics which it contained, because, also, he approved of the tone of the speech by which it had been introduced, and from a firm belief that it would be adopted with very little or no opposition.—(Hear.) When he considered the situation of the country, either with reaping to its internal economy or its foreign relations, he thought that it afforded ground for general satisfaction. But a few years ago the commerce of this country was excluded from almost every part of the Continent, and the Powers of the Cote tineat were arrayed against us under the guidance of one of the ablest andmost extraordinary men that the world overproduced. —We had entered into the contest, not for any purpose of sr grandizement and ambition, but because it was then a question whether we should suffer ourselves to be conquered - like the rest of Europe, or remain a free nation. (Hear.)At the congress which immediately followed the termination of the war, the moderate and liberal policy of the Ministers of this coun try was strikingly displayed. They made many sacrifices to pl Ice the whole of Europe in such a situation as would afford no grounds for a future contest. In the course of last year a war broke out in the South of Europe, which created the most serious apprehensions in the minds of many persons, lest it might involve this country in a fresh contest. The war had now ceased. He did nut pretend to say that the manner in which it terminated was such as to give pleasure to any British subject. (Cheers.) There was no lover of liberty who most not regret the extinction of even one of Its slightest sparks in any part of Europe. He must, however, state that the slight struggle which was made on time part of the Spaniards in the late contest afforded the strongest proof of the good policy which Ministers had pursued. Ministers deserved credit for the manliness with which they hul opposed themselves to the feeling of the country, for it could not be denied that the feeling of the English nation was decidedly in favour of the Spaniards. After the tremendous struggle in which this country had been engaged for so,many years, it was impossible that its various interests should not suffer in some degree at the conclusion of a peace. But it was gratifying to find that Ministers were right, when they stated that the distresses of the country would be only temporary. Amongst the various interests of the country, none was of more importance than that of agriculture,and none bad stiffered more by the transition from war to peace. It was satisfactory to find that such an important interest was at present in a state of increasing prosperity, which had been caused alone by the general flourishing state of the rest of the community, which enabled them to create and satisfy new wants. (Hear.) During the last eight years, Parliament had remitted an enormous amount of taxation, and that reduction had taken place without the credit of the country being in the least de gree impaired. Other countries had also effected some al terations of their financial systems, which, however, they were only enabled to do by having recourse to British capital. He was convinced that Austria now consented to pay the eighth part of what she owed this Government, only because she wished to avail herself of British capital. It had been said that Great Britain had fallen front the high station which she had held among nations; but in Isis opi nion she never stood more pre-eminent than at the present moment. He looked to the South American states as the source of an increase of commerce to this country, hut lie also considered them in a more important point of view. It was always gratifying to a free nation to watch the pro gress of liberty in any part of the world—to behold men throwing off the yoke of the most odious slavery, and taking their stand amongst the free countries of she world. (Hear.) He hailed the appointment of the Consuls to the states of South America as the first step towards their ac knowledgment as independent powers. (Hear.) With respect to one of the topics of the address, namely, the stale of the West Indies, he was extremely sorry to find that there had been some m inifestations of intemperance on the part of the inhabitants of our islands. Al though the West India proprietors had expressed themselves warmly, lie thought that their com plaints ought, notwithstanding, to meet with the attention of Parliament. It was a subject which required to be treated with great delicacy ; but it ought not to he forgotten that the Negroes were as much private property as any gentleman's estate in England, and that they were mortgaged as the security for debts in this coun try. Parliament should weigh well every circumstance connected with the qnestion, before it attempted to over throw a system which had endured for so long a perio..t. Another subject which had been alluded to in his Alajesty's speech, was one upon which the house obvert felt deeply-- he meant the situation of his own country. It had been painful to observe, that for many years past, Ireland had been kept, by misgovernment, in a constant state of dis turbince. Much had been done for that country by the li berality of Parliament, in affording the means of employing and educating the poor. He was happy to hoar it stated in his Majesty's speech, that the condition of Ireland was improved. This happy change was, in some degree to be at tributed to the measures of the L a.,1 Lieutenant, and par ticularly to the revision of the magistracy, by which that body had been prevented from any longer doing justice, or perhaps ioju-tice, in their own houses. Ile (Mr. Daly) knew that within the last six months, large masses of English capital had been introduced into Ireland. This was a circumstance which gave him great pleasure; because he believed that more advantage would result to Ireland from the residence of one Englieli capitalist in that country. than from the passing of whole volumes of laws. (Hirer.) If it should appear that property could lie pro perly secured in Ireland, be hoped and believed that English capitalists would be tempted to proceed thither. The cause of the happy state of the people of England, as compared with the people of the rest of Europe, was, that they were in the full enjoyment of all the blessings of the constitution. It was. in his opinion, vain to expect that the measures which were proposed for their advantage could produce the desired effect, whilst the people of that country:were divided amongst themselves. In Eng• land, the people knew the blessings of the constitntios. In Ireland, the great majority of the people knew it only through the bars which excluded them from its enjoyment. (Hear, hear.) After apologizing for having detained the house so long, the hon. member concluded by expressing the pleasure which he felt in seconding the address. The SPEAKER then read the Address from the Chair. Mr. BROUGHAM said he rose chiefly in consequence of some observations which bad fallen from the Hon. Se conder, having had no means of informing himlelf of the contents of the Speech, except so frr as they had been col lected by anticipation in some Alorning- Papers, and a Fe reign Paper, which bad made a very correct conjecture as to the substance of the Ki ng ' s Sp eec h.—(A laugh.) Cee-: sidering the magnitude of the topics discosaed, be wished . the old practice of better times bad been followed; but ss he knew it would be violently opposed If be were to pro pose postponing the consideration of the Speech till they had examined it, he should go on to remark on some of those topics which had, coming from the lips of the Hon. Seconder, given him unfeigned pleasure and delight. He meant the latter part of that Hoe. Gentleman's speech, from§ which it appeared that at length Govtrement had deter mined to rule Ireland on some intelligible and consistent principle, not raising Up and abetting one party to , thwart the other in its endeavours to possess itself o" those constitutional rights which the Honourable Se conder had so truly and so eloquently said they knew not even the existence of, except by the bars which shut them out from their enjoyment. Such a line of policy alone could insure the tranquillity of that country, or indeed could be safely or honestly patronised. He saw no reason why this country should felicitate herself. ; or utter congratulations to the Crown on the other events alluded to by the Hon. Gentleman who seconded the Ad dress. Spain, it was true, had been unsuccessful in her struggle; hut were they for that to congratulate the Sove reign on the line of policy his Ministers had advised him to pursue? Their interference might have been successful or it might not—the same might have been the result—the Spaniards might have been unable to maintain the Consti tution; but because they were now only one degree better than they could have been in the worst conceivable state of things, was that a subject for congratulation? He did not now argue whether or not they followed the line of policy that ought to have been adopted; bust was it a time to congratulate the Crown that matters were no worse?— What was it that did really happen? The conquest of Spain by France. (Hear, hear 1) That was the event they suffered to take place almost without the slightest expression of dis approbation—without protest or remonstrance; an event to avert which, in former times, the greatest and most ex- I pensive wars ever undertaken by this country had been waged, and victoriously waged. As to ex ample and immediate consequences, it would be needless to remind the House of the wretched effects that followed from the policy pursued. Whether they could avert the war or not was another question. at - least, was clear, that the present state of the Continent offered most serious ground of alarm. He could not admit the force of the argument so eloquently advanc ed by the Honourable Gentleman who seconded the al - The little resistance offered by Spain was, he said. a proof that this country would have been premature in interfering otherwise than she had. This was an argu ment that cut two ways. He should like to know if Spain were not averse from the restored Government, if the body of the people did not entertain sentiments favourable to the Constitution, what was the motive for retaining in that unfortunate country a force of 50 or 60,000 men ? Either the Spaniards were friendly to the Constitution, or France was now the conqueror of Spain ; and holding possession of it as a conquered country, notwithstanding her former protestations to the credulous Ministry of Eng land. One or other branch of the dilemma was inevitable, and the last was that incalculably most injurious to the interests of England. France, however, up to the very last moment de nied any views of aggrandisement. I f the latter alternative was not admitted, the necessary conclusion was, that Spain was attached to the Constitution—that she wanted but the counte• nance of other Governments—that she stool in need of fleets and armies, and pecuniary resources—an 1 that these wants alone prevented her from a successful struggle. His belief was, that Spain was *Meted to the Constitution ; that though unsuccessful from want of leaders or resources, she did what she omild under all the circumstances, and was now only kept down by a French force, by the terror of those armies which had almost unwarrantably trodden down her rights and liber es. He should be told, perhaps, that the fears he entertained from the conduct of France were chimerical—that no danger could result to this country. The Hnn. Gentleman who second• ed the Address said, that England never stood in a more corn• mending attitude than now—that her influence was never greater—that she never more completely held the balance of power in Europe. Where were the proofs of this ? Eiher they possessed the influence without exerting It; or holding , the balance they allowed it to incline entirely to one side, or they looked upon themselves as having nothing at all to do, no in• terest of any kind in the conduct of the other Powers. The fact appeared to be, that they were entirely shut out from the deliberations of the other Powers; they had no voice in the oonclaveof Sovereigns, and were called upon only as brokers to contribute their money in support of the war, to lend their aid when the hills became due—(4. Laugh.)--Ile be' tiered, however, that the case did not present so much of a dilemma as might be supposed; and that in fact the Al lies did not look upon them as a Power that ought to in terfere. I t was the coarnon talk in some of the saloons of Paris, that England in future must content herself with the situation of a Secondary Power, with that in which na ture, and, he would add, her own choice placed her. He should be told that the dangers he apprehended were either very distant, or quite chimerical ; that there was nothing to he apprehended from those conspirators against the li berties of Europe. who went tinder the appellation of th e Holy Allies. This was the name they gave themselves. These conspirators were wise in their generation. He did nut apprehend that they would immediately proceed to out rage the feelings of this country—that they would attempt it this year or time next. Though they were hound to keep the peace under a recognisance of 800,01N1,0001. still there were outrages under which the Holy Alliance well knew they would forfeit even a recognisance so great, and say to the authors of such outrage, let the debt go as it might, we will submit to this no longer. hieing conscious of this, the Allies wool(' not make any sudden attempt to excite op position; they would undertake nothing outrageous, natal after slow encroachments, submitted to one after the other,as of no great importance, they would attempt some decisive step, that must at length drive this coun try into an unsuccessful, because unequal struggle. Look at their conduct to other countries. He recollected that last Session he was treated with something approaching to derision by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, in consequence of some allusion lie made to the conduct which it was then reported the Allies were pursuing with respect to the Swiss Cantons. The Right Hon. Gentleman said, that if the least part of the little he (Mr. H.) then stated were true, it was mush too much. It was thus he answered, with something of an epigram matic turn, in place of communicating any accurate Infor mation, of meeting the statement with a denial, or saying no such information hail reached Government. It was the singularity of the Right lion. Gentleman's expiessions that fixed the matter in his recollection. It turned out, however, that the greater part of what he (Mr. II.) stated was ,true ; and that they, without any Minister with a Lupe salary at the Swiss Cantons, were more correct in their information titan His Majesty's Government. It was true that' there had issued a tequisition• to put down the free press of Switzerland, to turn out all emigrants, all who took refuge there from the persecutions and tyranny of their own country. Switserland, that 'had been illustrious for ages for affording an asylum to those who fled from religious or political persecution, was Gins ordered by Imperial mandate to turn out those who took refuge in her bosom. These unfortu nate men, too, were driven away with unnecessary violence; and a violence equally unnecessary was employed in put- 1 ling down the free press. Not content with suppressing the common vehicles of political intelligence and passing events, they suppressed even Journals which were merely the depositaries of scientific discussion; not from any politi cal offences committed by them, but because they had the savour of discussion ; and the Allies feared that any thing like a spirit of discussion upon any subject might turn out unfavourable to themselves. A country might be allowed to enjoy tranquillity ; it might not be overrun by iwvading armies; it might seem to prosper; but be must call that an unhappy country that was. thus obliged to act nailer the dictatiou of despotic Goverment'. It might be allowed for a time to wear the appearance of a separate State, but sooner or later it mast be swallowed by the despotic Power that thus interfered io its internal concerns. The same was the case all through Germany. There the Al lies acted like a sort of armed police. They met, concerted their plans, and appointed each other to carry them into execution. At one time Italy was the country to be over- MO, at another, Spain: Austria was appointed to do Gael business at one time, and France at another. Without • -.el .• a single wi ( t i t s. n o n e f is w t o : R :t rwti her princ iples respect i t e i° a or t t t ri n i her i o n e s ;f j o t n r h e t t r . r i l r i ,o n n n e i n: tr u a t n s e y: 6 1.1 1 % e:f e c e r f r e - ; concluded o n oslulg a t t ei l i d to c ft a ot r i r nb i aat i l i l i sp ti eb t jt m ei e rn c t ti t for i t t i i e o n n ec . eo nt A ehr r e i a d ten t oi h tat i tn s i ho o (' n. s that ry had reached; this was holoino the balance between the Powers of Europe. If any man doubted that the same conspirators who put down the free press of Switzer land was pursuing the same course with respect to tier many, let him only look at the case of Wattemburg. ('here was not a sing who would now dare to I r e n t a e l o i d o i ng e t r o i n ß a i n v y e umbrage, not merely to the Sovereign of the State in which it was . published, and who might be supposed to possess some right of interference, but to the Czar of Muscovy, the King of France, or the Emperor of Austria. It was the same with respect to Italy, in the southern parts of which a force of 30,000 Austrians still remained ; and in the north, scenes of cruelty atsd oppression were now going on, that made the blood cr e ep. F or very ob viols reasons he did not mean to enter deeply into this subject; but it was impossible not to observe that now, after undergoing the torture of imprisonment fur three years, many were lately put to death in that unhappy country. There was one instance of peculiar atrocity, and most wanton cruelty. It was that of a remit.. who had gone a considerable distance to visit a relation in prison, thinking that he was to suffer death. On her arrival, though the sentence had been commuted for im prisonment, the fact was not coinmnnlcateil to her. She was allowed to return in a state of painful uncertainty, and thus to continne unnecessarily in a state o f mental torture during the whole interval that elapse I till her ar rival at home. This was a sample of what was doing in Italy under the paternal and tender cares of the Hot/ Allies. According to the laws of that country torture haa heen abolished ; hut the Judge of Police, if the victim re fused to answer, had the power of confining him to a dark dungeon, and ordering that it should be made more dark or more damp, and therefore mare unwholesome. Thus the wretched man might he treated until an avowal of guilt . . t o, was extracted from hiin, though not guilty at all. In some ".• cases, when the health and mind sunk under continued op pression and imprison:nenr, it was known that some, to rescue themselves from their miseries, inculpated even their - own innocent relations. There was no occasion to say that a similar state of things existed in Spain, since it was cons-as ip !flitted to the charge of him who was a worthy representa* . tier of the Holy Allies—the beloved Ferdinard—(A laugh) —who, he had no hesitation in saying, was an object of 11 1 more contempt, abhorrence, and disgust, than any other man now living. There he was, after breaking through everyobligation that should bind hini as a Monarch or private inert, torturing innocent women, with th blood of the gallant but unfortunate Itiegm's murder on his head. It was impomihle that there could exist either in that House or out of it, hut one feeling of hor ror and execration for the armed despots. There was not one who must not detest the whole conduct and principles of those Royal Conspirators, who were now filling Europe with blood and misery. Whatever might be the feelings with respect to 0:d Spain, he found there were many per sons, he did not allude to his M ij-.sty's Ministers, extreme ly sensitive as to any thing that regarded New Spain, any interference of the French, or any other Power in that quarter. Let the whole coast of Spain be under the rule of a country from which Iretend might be advantageously • invaded; let that country take rosseesion of her harbours and her arsenals now in decay, and make preparations for putting them into a state fit to receive and equip her fleets ; let all this he done, these persons say we mind it not, for who is afraid of France ? We beat her before, and can again. What though we run up 'a hill of 100,000,0001. ? But let no one coins near the Spanish Colonies. or attempt to interfere with them, as our trade and commerce is deeply interested in their independence. —The instant any attempt of that kind is made, theu.say they, go to war. flow these persons thought, after permitting the inva3ion of Spain, that they could make out a case against any policy France might think fit to pursue with regard to South America, he knew not.—Ferdinand had just as good a right now to Mexico, as he had some time back to Madrid. lie was out of possession of one as well as the other. The Colonies were his de jure, but it might he said that now de furto they were separated from the Nlother Country. The Right lion. Gent. (Ir. Canning) said last year, that time and the course of events had settled the I pestion with respect to South Arne rice ; hut had not time also settled the question with respect to the Constitution of Spain Two years back there Rai no indi cation of disobedience to the now system introduced there. It was recognised by this country, inasmuch as a Minister then resident at Siedrid from the Court of London. It was recognised four or five years previously by the Em peror of Russia. These were inconsistencies he co ild not reconcile. 11- trusted that South America would never return under the do•ninion of the Mother Country, what ever might be ti:e form of Government there, whether Constitutional, or. as it now was, completely despotic ; lie trusted those Colonies would retain the freedom they had purchased with their blood ; and that if the necessity should arise, this country would d • I er duty. Happily this important question was now nearly disposed of. lie spoke it with pride and exultation, that an event had lately oc curred which must be a source of pride to every nation that cherished any idea of freedom, and fill with gratitude' every bosom that regarded the rights and liberties of man kind. He alluded to a declaration in the speech of the President of the United States. (llear.)--It was open, manly, and intelligible, site') as beceine a free nation ; and be trusted they would nut Le deterred by any mean cal culations of prudence (ruin any aperehensimi of giving offence to the Holy Allies, from following the noble ex ample. and joining our efforts to those of the free people of America, to set bounds to the encroachments of a despo tic alliance, which, if once it could bring the Old World un der subjugation, would no doubt endeavour to extend its tyranny to the New. That such was their wish he had nut the least doubt. They had clear proof of it from the letjer of Ferdinand, in which he expressed a hope that the Emperor of Russia would assist him in the subjugation of South America. His Imperial Ally would not perhaps attempt this openly. But he might send ships to the Spaniels ports to be afterwards employed in a war against the Colo nies—he might transmit treasure, arms, and ammunition. Titus asssisted, intriguers, armed with money, could he dispatched into South America, as they had been into Spain previous to the late contest, to sow dissension, and to:buy over a party. The Priests would no doubt exert themselves in the unholy cause, as they were always the ready Allies of despotic power. With such aids, sooner or later South America must be reduced, unless she received th e e a rly and decisive support of this country, unless they carne forward to second the Declaration of the United States. He regretted that the Hon. Gentleman who se conded the Address said any thing in relation to the un successful efforts of the unfortunate people of Spain. Errors no doubt had been committed by their leaders ; a different policy might have led to very different results. Mere forms were perhaps too much Mended to when sub stance only should have been regarded. But with respect to the illustrious individuals who forsook their country when they saw that their presence could no longer be of use, their highest praise was, that they retired from the contest unsul lied by blood and untainted by the breath of sospieion. They subjected themselves to no charge, except perhaps that of net having acted with that degree' of vigour the peculiar nature of the struggle required. He trusted they would meet with the sympathy, the fellowship, and the assistance their sufferings and their cause so well merited ; and that they who bad squandered vast sums Upon objects far less worthy, would do justice to their merits, and not suffer them to sink under the pressure of adveisity. He asked pardon for having delayed the 'muse so long. It was no t n th into g his intention whim be arose to enter at such le TI . 41 0 1 4 h, • • • i go 1 ..• i i 1 . 1 , i leg : 1 , . $ • - r • 6 , - . a . i I " • r ti 4 )' 'ii 1 *, i N 1 4 ; 14 'r i 1 , I 1 A i i 111. 1 • 4