The Statesman. — London, England, 1821-07-07 00:00:00

i r • C I plaining it, yet be milibt rely upon a decision in his fa vour; the legal presumption would be, that if knew ell the circumstances he should have succeeded in the expla nation, and the general rule would be unaffected. That this was the ground of the practice in all the Courts, he need not stop to affirm. They all proceeded on it, aedJudges sod Juries thereby abided. Bat supposing the east of uni formity made by this case—supposing the explanation which be had to give the most unsatisfactory and mead& .quate to the purpose, still he would have a right to rely on what be had proved ; every thing ought to be as in his favour to prevent that one exception from being of any avail against the general role, to bring it 'within the general rule, and to make it agree with the uniform current of cases. This was the principle by which all proceedings in Courts of Justice were regu lated. Suppose a question as to the right of way or common—the two cases would be joined in issue as the most proper method of determining it. Suppose the evi dence to extend as far back as living memory—suppose that, with the exception of one month or one year, the right was proved by exercise or enjoyment during the whole period, the want of proof as to that particular pe riod could not be supposed to invade the right. The party might not be able to prove the exercise of the right for a particular mouth, as be might not be able to explain the causes why Henrietta Maria was not crown ed. But the Court would hold, if be proved ancient and continued right and present possession, the excep tion to be perfectly explained. But even the abstinence from enjoyment was no proof of non-existence in the right. Their Lordships well keew that, in proving right from immemorial usage, there were three sorts of cases which the parties might produce :—First, That of simple usage or enjoyment, which was evidence of so slight a character, that only a number of cases, bearing all one way, were of any avail. The second order was of rights which had been contested and yet were enjoyed; and any oue instance of this sort was worth a whole crowd of the 'first. The third class was, that of rights claim ed being confiscated or adjudicated, or cases of refusal without adjudication: and he was ready to admit that according to law one successful refusal of a right claimed would be inore fatal to that claim than a number of the first mentioned cases would benefit it. These bore on the present question thus:—Agreeably to the first, he bad 'hewn the uniform and uninterrupted enjoyment of the richt : —second, the absence of an instance under the third head ; — and third, there being an instance under the second head of refusal of the right which was after wards granted in the case of the wife of Henry 11. which Fps had quoted yesterday. and where occurred the first in terruption—wasthere an acquiescence in that cue ? No; hut on the contrary, Louis of France, the father of the Queen, had claimed for his daughter the observance of the nuiform ceremony, which according to Margaret of Burgundy, every Queen in England had enjoyed since the Conquest, and Henry was compelled to acquiesce, and the Queen was then crowned with great pomp at Winchester. There was, in fact, no other possible way of spewing the existence of the right, but the manner in which he was assuming. proving, and, as, he thought, es t a blishing it. How else, before the Court of Claims were rights of service at the ceremony of th e Coronation established ? How else did the Barons of the Cinque Ports show their right to carry the canopy OM the King, and to have a part of that canopy for their service ? Suppose any instance in which the Barons should for the want of specific proof in the lapse of ages fail to shew that they had exercised that privilege—would that countervail the validity of their claim, founded on repeated usage? Certainly not. lie would venture to say that there were at least half a dozen instances in which the Barons could not chew they had exercised their asserted right ; and would any of these instances, where that proof failed, shake the fit su hold of their long and undeniable usage? There the other day, before the Court of Claims, a right admitted, which for a long course of years had Fain dormant, and not been in any way exercised—he al lotted to the allowed claim of John Moyn, who, as Lord four Manors in Essex, claimed to be caterer to the king's kitchen, and larderer to the King's and Queen's. 'lfni was a claim recognised by the Court—and it could hit apply to Queen regnants, for it was to be found in the close roll at the Tower so far hack as the time of Henry the Fifth, and before there had been a Queen regnant, so it clearly referred to Queens Consort. Yet that claim of Moyn's now admitted had not been our s ised from the time of Edward V. until after several subsequent reigns. There was a distinction between the larderer for the King and Queen, and the caterer for the King's Kitchen. That distinction, and, in fact, the whole formula of the ceremony, as laid down in the Re cords, shewed that the solemnity of crowning the Queen, si As not an auxiliary or mere appendage upon that of the. Kin', but a substantive, independent and principal ii glut. So essential was it, in point of fact, that the so lemnity of crowning the Queen should take place, that several rights of service and tenure were attached to, and dependent upon it. lie had to remind their Lord ships of the cases which he hail yesterday adduced, of the Coronation of Queens by themselves singly. There were nine crowned with the King, or where the King had been crowned a second time with his Queen when be married after his own original Coronatiou. In addi tion to these were the cases of six Queens, those of Ed ward 111, Richard 11, Henries 111, V, and VI, who were crowned alone, and unattended by their Kings in the solemnisation of the ceremonies. In all cases the Coronation of the Queen Consort had been held so necessary a ceremony as touching the Crown and the Royal rights as well as those of the country, that whenever it had been per formed in respect to the King alone, it was after wards performed again in respect to the Queen, he hearing no part therein. These circumstances sbewed that there was something—what it was he should pre sently attempt to *hew, and if he did not sncceed, still the facts would be in his favour—these circumstances showed that there was something which required that the Queen should be crowned apart from the King, having not been crowned with him, and he bearing no part in the second ceremony. Now, if he were called upon to chew that the Coronation of a Queen Consort was not merely accessary to the same solemnity in re spect to the King—if he were called upon to chew the tests to prove the existence of a right—if he was so called upon—he should answer upon these two grounds. Firs!, that there was, besides this separate enjoyment, an appointed ceremonial for that solemnity independent of any other, which proved a real and substantial right. —ln the second place there had .risen in the course of time various rights inseparable from it, and that was proved by the necessity of having the solemnity per formed for the Queen alone. These together, shewed clear and uninterrupted usage, and upon no other grounds had they a ngbt to say that the King's coro nation was founded. The Queen's right rested upon the same basis. There was a ceremonial for her, and necessary rights connected with it. With re spect to that ceremonial, be hail already cited pas sages from the Saxon history which clearly bore upon it. It was also described in the Liber Regalia about which so much bad been said. And here be must in justice remark to their Lordships, that there was a statute of Elizabeth, of whose existence be had been ignorant, imposing a necessity upon the Dean and Chapter not to give that book out of their hands without sufficient authority. There was likewise the Mi. of the reign of Richard the Second, written in the year 1739, in seltich an account of three different cere • monies was ascertained. First, there was the ceremonial of the solealtuly far the King. i s which the Queen was kept apart. Tim there was another for both—" & ~." ' Regis* ewe Rego ate oordooodesst „ down that the - Bishop should give Tben ewe the cerenodigalfor tie Qi ad coreoanduss; evidently going ui that the Queen should be crowned its the red book of the Exchequer, th, if Henry the Third's Queen, one t. claimed, by ancient right of his progenitor, to be Chain , borlain to the Quern, and to keep the door of her cham ber upon the day of her Coronation, and afterwards to hare her bed, and all it% appurtenances, as the fees be longing to his office. This right was mentioned in another place, where speaking of the same Gilbert de Sandford. it was stated, that by virtue of his holding certain manors—" lie be Chimherlain to the Lady the Queen on that day ;" meaning the day of the Corona tion. It further appeared, in the red book of the Ex chequer, folio 232, that Robert Very, Earl of Oxford, son of Alice de Vere, at the Coronation of the Queen of Richard the Second, held this office from his ancestor, Gilbert de Sandford. Similar rights were recognized by the summonses and proelainatioes, which commanded all those to attend who claimed services or appointments at the Coronation of the Queens. This would be found in the summons for the Coronation of Catherine, the Queen of Edward the First, and of Phillippa, the Qesen of Henry , the Third, who had been previously crown♦ alone. At the Coronation of Richard'i Queen, there was also an order to the Sheriffs to make the same pro- clamation. Another claim was also noticed here, namely. *bat of Reginald Grey de Rao, to be Cuturer to the Queen. The proclamation of the C%ronatio4 9i Elisabeth, the Queen of Henry the Seventh, also rommiaded the at tendance of those who bad to perform.aeevices to the Queen. The LORD CHANCILI.OII.- I Vhere do vou find that? We have not a copy of it before us. 1 think. Mr. Bnotatusn observed, that it was in Ruiner. It was not the proclamation for the Coronation, but for the attendance of all persons who had servitms to perform, or otherwise bore parts in the solemnity. And their Lordships would hear in mind, that in the case of the last Queen, a second proclamation was issued for her Coronation owing to the intervention of the Royal Nup tials. This Presiamation commanded the attendance of all persons claiming the right of services, at such Coronation, namely, the Coronation of the Queen Consort. The Earl of LivrarooL.—" Mr. Brougham, what is the date of the earliest document you have regarding the Coronation of a Queen Consort, and does it refer to a separate one, or where the King and Queen were crowned together ? Mr. Baouoliast said lie could inform their Lordships in a few moments, hut he was not prepared to frfive an answer on the instant. At any rate it was as far back as the coronation of Phillippa, Queen of Edward •the Third. Whim it would be seen, that there were the rights of others interwoven with the right of the Queen — rights which they could only enjoy when the Queen ex ercised her right. There were the 'services, there were the claims, and the separate and distinct proclamations ; and could the whole mean nothing, absolutely nothing? Was all unsubstantial form ? Was all hat might, or might not, be performed ? Was that which had always been an integral part of the Coronation, when the King WAS married, unimportant and insignificant ? When the Queen's right was connected with the legal rights of other persons, could any one pronounce it to be possible that a right so used and connected was absolutely no thing ? Of all suppositions, that be thought would be the most violent one. He might not be able to divine how the right bail originated—he might not be able to show what was the intendment of a coronation—he might not be able to pole,' it out as .a principle of the Constitution, as far as deettnients •were concerned; bet if be could demonstrate what had been the facts, the presumption would be in favour of the principle. This inability to adduce evidence on sonic points, ought to be no argument against him here. He would therefore again ask, could such a solemnity, which had been per formed with so little interruption, be a inatt.r to indif ferent as to render it of no conseipience whether it was enjoyed or not ? They who denied the existence of such a right, were hound to show how it had existed at all. if it were optional with the King, whether the right should be enjoyed or not, it meant nothing. This he would lay down with the greatest confidence, as a principle of Constitutional law. There was, he main tained, no usage of any magnitude that existed at the Sovereign's pleasure. To assert the contrary would be to say that the King reigned not fur the realm's benefit; but fur his own private ends. The law held that such important ceremonies were for the realm's benefit ; and every solemnity, the origin of which was lost in an tiquity, and the observance of which occupied a great share in the annals of the country must on that account be considered a light of the realm and not an appendage of the King. Ile held that a coronation was of this na ture. Long before the Art of William and Mary, re seeding the Coronation Oath, fire. it was taken to be a high and ancient ceremony, with which the King could not dispense. It was a right not of the person but of the Sovereign, to be exercised fur the benefit of the realm, and as a Sovereign only he was only known in that solemnity. The Sovereign was the mere creature of the law, as those solemnities were the creatures of the creatures of the law; and the Sovereig , had only to execute those solemnities of the realm for the benefit of the realm. Those who said that the Queen's Coro nation depended upon the King's pleasure, must be pre pared to go another step, and say of the King's Coro nation that it also depended upon his will. and that it was a mere vain and empty ceremony,—an insignificant, an unmeaning pageant ; for it must be so, if it depended upon his will whether it should be or not. He was at a loss to know how this ceremony could he considered as the mere personal right ; as bilongiim nthe man and not to the Sovereign. How could It beklil that lie was not there in his political capacity, wheirperhaps of all other occasions, it was then that his political capacity stood most forward, and that his personal existence was most deeply merged. The Coronation of the Queen rested precisely upon the same feeling . ; it was a right as ancient, and as constantly exercised as that of the King. With respect to the principle itself, though not bound to show it, still he would deal a little with that part of the question, becomes he thought that the reasoning would throw much light upon the subject. It was, he said, likely that, in ancient times, the Coronation was much more than a ceremony,—it was an acknowledgement, or probably the election of the Monarch—at which the King and Queen were sitewn to the people for their approbation : when the King was held up for the approbation of the people. every one would discover a good reason for hold ing up the Queen also, on account of her place, her na tural connection with the King. The necessary connec tion with the rest of the Royal Family made her an im portant and necessary figure in the Royal ceremony. He then referred to a Charter of the fifth year of the reign of John, in which there was a grantor dower to his daugh ter Isabella, referring to the Coronation of his Queen. It stated that she had been crowned with the common comet of the Barons. Clergy and the People. He pro ceeded to show the importance of acknowledging in every public manner the rights of the Queen of England —tits necessity of holding her up not only as pure. but with conduct above suspicion. It was from her that the rightful successors of the Crown were to issue; and it was above all things necessary that the legitimacy of that issue should be without taint or suspicion, in order to prevent the greatest domestic calamity- 1 -' adis rued Succession epos an undisputed Succession, the peace and prosperity of the Crowudepeaded. It was with • as related to the .4 made no disti nc Queen advanced in nd of eighty Tsars anxiety the Royal existence. The . proceeded to combat .he argument that the Coronation of the Queen depended en tirely upon the Proclamation of the King—the right of the subject depended upon the Crown, issuing a writ of right in some cases, a Royal Proclantationt in others.— Here he referred to the usual gammons issued to an' Barl's el.lest son, to the issuing ofa Proclamation in the case of prizes, and lastly, to the issuing of a Proclama tion for the calling of Parliaments.- These different rights depended upon the Crown issuing its Proclama tion ; they could not be excused or enjoyed without that Proclamation or summons ; but then the question was, was the Crown bound to issue Proclamations in the one case, or its writ, or its summons in the other ? He con tended that it would be monstrous to say that the Crown was not bound, strictly bound, to issue such writ, sum mons, or Proclamation. In case the Crown delayed, or refused to do so, he was not bound to say what mode was to be taken by the aggrieved subjects. Possibly impeachment would bh the remedy. It was enough for him to say that the Crown was bound—that it could not refuse to issue its Writ or its Proclamation ; and that with respect to the Coronation of bey Majesty, the right was equally clear,and the necessity equally obvious and imperative. Put the Queen's Claims upon the same grounds as the rights of the people, and he was satisfied. He had heard it said that the Queen was no corporation, and had no right of prescription. Sbe was as much a corporation as the King. And be would say that she could prescribe as a functionary, and by virtue of the dignity and authority of her office. Lord Chief Baron Comyn laid it down that officers could prescribe, and instanced the right ofa Chancellor so to do. In the Second Roll, 264, it was also laid down that a Sergeant, Attorney, and Under Sheriff, might prescribe as for themsels es, and all persons holding such offices. He should not now detain their Lordships further. These were the legal arguments which he had to submit to the Council as to the rights of the Queen. With all the questions connected with the facts, he had now no concern. All the circumstances of the times he had carefully avoided. Ile had confined himself strictly to the legal question, and he had been happy to know that he was addressing himself to lawyers. The circumstances under which their Lordships decision would he given, and the various contentions by which the country had been distracted, would hereafter cease to operate upon men's minds; unless, indeed, they should be resorted to, to explain an otherwise inexplicable judgment.— In distant ages men might be occupied, as they had been, in searching into all the monuments of Saxon jus tice, and in endeavouring to penetrate the feudal obscu rities of Norinlin tyranny; and then they would also sit in judgment tipon the great Lawyers of the 19th cen tury. And it was his earnest hope, that finding no difficulty, they would not have to seek as we had done, but to took to the first decision that will have Seen given, with all that confidence which the great names that must descend with it were calculated to inspire; and most anxiously did he hope that there would be no thing in that judgment which would tend to derogate from their confidence, or to lessen its authority. Mr. !UNMAN said, if it had fallen to his lot to have first addressed their Lordships in support of the claim of his Royal Mistress, be should have feared to have left any thing untouched; hut coining as he did after his Learned Friend, the fear he then entertained was of a quite opposite nature, as he now feared to attempt to throw light on what was already sufficiently clear. Bat in a rase of so momentous, so great, so important a na ture, so interwoven in the venerable institutions of the land, so intcrestiug as affecting kingly government and privileges, and so sure to guide the decisions of all iuture questions of the same description, it would be inexcusable in him if he did not make those observations which suggested themselves to him even under the disad vantages with which he had to contend. To their Lord ships, lie had only to premi,e that he was afraid he should eisher compromise the cke.r right of his illustrious client if Ise urged . her claim as if it were favour, and resorted to the language of deprecation ; or that if he stated her claim with the boldness which an undoubted right inspired, he should seem wanting in respect to their Lordships, when he anticipated too confidently the judgment they must give. lie prefaced, therefore, his argument by protesting, that neither would he be understood to com promise the:right of the Queen of England if be spoki too humbly, nor that he should be considered disre spectful toward their Lordships, if be confidently urged them to vindicate that clear right by their judgment.— The ceremonial of the Coronation of the Kings and Queens of England might be considered in various lights, as an ancient custom, as a solemn compact with the people, as a religions ceseinony, or as an august ex hibition ; and in all that fell from him in considering its more solemn character, lie considered no reflection on what was mere ceremonial or nothing more than ex hibition. Those who supported the claim of her Mr jests hail neither there nor elsewhere spoken of disre spect of the ceremony of the Coronation. Much de pended in a free state on the long train of recollections which connected the people with the origin of their insti tutions ; there was something, too, in such a ceremonial which gave every individual pride in the sense of the security of Isis own rights, and of the stability of the social state, by seine the rights of others, his fellow subjects and Lis Sovereign, upheld in the integrity , their rights from the time of the darkest antiquity. To be without the feelings derived from such recollec tions of antiquity, was no small disadvantage. It was observed by an knglish traveller in America, who spoke with rapture of the state of comfort and abundance in which the people lived, that there was one defect Which time only could supply,—the recollections of ;antiquity. That disadvantage was not overlooked by that illus trious individual whose death had been recently an nounced, who crowned with the splendour of great& exploits than ever surrounded any man in the occupa tion of a soldier, was yet unable to create without burrowing from the recollection of the past, that no bility which he conceived to be essential to the exist ence of monarchy in France. He (Mr. D.)spoke there fore with the reverence due to long established cere mony and to custom, but it would strip the ceremon y of its highest value if it was disconnected with its po- litical uses, the ends fur which it was instituted, and with reference to which, it must be solemnised. He would venture to apply to it lines well known to all their Lordships— " This is the English not the Turkish Court, Not Amuratlu to Ainurath succeeds, But Harry, Harry." They had therefore, to consider the situation in which the Monarch of this State Was placed, and to trace what might now appear a mere theatrical exhibition to the principles of the Constitution of the nation, and thence to the principles which were found in the Constitution and nature of men. The Coronatioas of the Kings and Queens of Knitted rested on custom and melon; alone. here was no positive law which authorised the King - call the people to witness the placing of the Crown his head. It was a ceremonial which derived the fol e of law from its great antiquity, and from the same . liquify the Crowning of the Queen was derived as well as that of the King, and wherever a Queen Consort isted at the time of . the King's Csaroaation, never froia that high antiquity was the King crowned without bar being crowned also, except from ctrammtaaoss of resistible necessity. 1" STATE,SIMA: and s here it was laid that view that the Law Of Treason. %%far the gospel to each. conduct of the Qualm depended. The law lueen,—ii Si Refine ►ion between a yeiag Quesa awl a Qut upon the supposition life—between a Queen of eighteen and alone. It appeared of age—the law-goarded with equal aw tint at the Coronat►on bed to the last hoar of the Queen's e Gallire de Sandford Learned Gentleman then next proceeds • I • IMPERIAL PARLIAMANT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—Fereae, Jute 6. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented a Petitim from Chidwell, in the Comity of Essex, in favour et the Bill for preventing Cruelty to Horses.—Laid the table. The Assessed Taxes Composition Bill wet read a third time, and passed. The Duke of Clarence Provision Bill, the App priation Bill, the Bankruptcy Court Bill, the Coleman Officers' Relief Bill, the Exchequer Kills for Pa* Works Bill, the Metropolis Police Bill, the Lotted Bill, the Irish Stamp Duties and the Tobacco Duda Bills, went respectively through Committees, and me n reported.—Adjourned to Monday. FINANCE. (From * Ministerial Piper ) The following is the Oficial Account of the Ornate hy the Quarter ended on Thursday. Upon comparing it wig the corresponding Quarter last Year, there is an *ppm% deficiency of about 407,000/. ; but it v. ill be seen, that toy ' sums, amountiag to above 214,0001.. are to be deducted free 1 it, leasing the real deficiency not quite 191,00 W. 1 bth July, sth July, Increase! Dse. 1890 1821 1 Customs EICi . Stamps , Post Office se e s 362.000, 310,00 I Assessed Taxes 2,343,380 2,325, I 13, t Land Taxes Miscellaneous 60,249 64, 6,7211 13,9110,973 11,672, 96, NMI 431.0 • • Deduct Increase Decrease on the Quarter .... £40711 P Deduct March Stock in band, paid in e the July Quarter, 1920 £140,469 a Deduct also a payment to the Trea- t surer of the Navy, for the expense of • the Revenue Cruisers under the or- • ders of the Admiralty, incurred in the year 1819 73,765 3 21 193171 I ABSTRACT OP TEE INCOME AND sxrummtratt or TEA /1 EAST INDIA COMPO.T roe •1111 E LAST THESE INCOME. ; 1816 to 1817 1817 to 1814 1818 to 1819 X 18,077,577 .C 18,375,820 .£19,439,011 EXPENDITURE. 1- 1416 to 1817 1817 to 1918 ' 1818 to 1419 I t .115,3114,948 .C 16,037,601 .017,738,149 Interest on Debts paid by the East India Company: ° 1816 to 1817 1817 to 1818 1818 to 1819 £1,719,470 .01,753,411 4 1'1,644,0 , " Expense of St. Helena for which the East India ' ' 6 pany have a demand on the British Uuverninent for ; part of these charges:- 1816 to 1817 1817 to ISIS 1818 to 1819 e £279,744 1255.569 £294,092 Excess of Income in India beyond the total Ex t qt lure : A 1816 to 1817 1817 to 1818 ft £773,415 .0329,626 is Excess of Expenditure in India more than the 1 • a of India :- O 1418 to 1419-257,4951. it N.B. The above account shows, that a rradieg s- puny in the Southern Hemisphere, manage matters. e far as regard Income and Expenditure, much better tiM d a certain Nation in the North of Europe. II It is rather singular that the Eopeseliture of the lid to India Company about equals the Expenditure of is Government of Great Britain. PRICE OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'C Bank Stock 2311 India Stook 1 " 3 per Cent. Red 77/4 Ditto Beads —s.--e 111 It per Cent. Co ns South-Sea Stock to Si per Cent. Smith Sea Old Ann. DI 4 per Cents. 9541 B.E BWsld. os. 4s. is. me. d, 5 perCt.Navy 11tFi34 Dumdum for Money s 'per Cent. 1751 Bank for Account ty L ongnn 19 5-16 i India for ditto Imp. A per Cent. Coo. for Acct 7511 • Irish S per Cent. Lott. Tickets 661. 19s. te - • P' eb g *gat efitnalt• • 4* TUE 01111TISII STATESMAN" IS INCORPORATED WITI STATESMAN?' ad • us LONDON: ill SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 7, 1821. mg on Paris paws have arrived to the sth lost. As • X. tick from Vienna, dated the 23d ult., says The la- tries Observer, has published to day the latest le- from Walachia. The corps of 2,000 Heterists '"s some time ago, by Ypsilanti on the side of F isand ()alai:, under the orders of Cantacusena, has he. beaten and dispersed not far from Buchso, by atehe troops of Jussuf, Pasha of !broil. Cantacuse ns troops • to flight, in the direction of Moldavia. The ty. mains of the corps have retired, with two hit ec• wounded, on the environs of Tergowitz, where, IRS , ke cording to the reports of persons worthy of credit. in have arrived from that country, there is much di eh ty and dismay. Ypsilanti, in case the Turks shouli us- seed to attack him with superior forces, thisb Derreaching reaching Kimpelongo, by traversiwz the moue er P "- the difficult roads of which would retard the T ant who might pursue him. Notwithstanding this, noof his Lieutenants, Captain Jordac ki, ha v i ng oak is re- sortie from Pitescht, with 500 Arnauts, bad s • ' re- at Platina on the river Ols, 70 Turks, killing saw tny po. putting the rest to flight; and after having rei awl the unfortunate town to ashes, he had returned He of former post at Pitescht. That place, as well as • Rhooich and Tirgosehill, are depopulated t the bitants having abandoned all they possessed, p ing rather to take flight than to expose themselro Deb the brutality of the Animas who are entirely usdis hat the plined. The Turkish troops , but not in g reat numb bad advanced on the right bank of the Aluta , al" nee ion to Renmire. They have since made a retrograde PO' lad meat upon Crajowa, where the principal corps a r. o of the Pasha of Widdin, who already occupies, •• OR borders of the Schyll, the convent of Metro.. sane an . ated three leagues from that city. Since the 3 1 well June all communication has been interrupted ox- dis provinces adjacent to Austria: ;usurp.. "et permitting any longer any person to pass the f root IN The funeral of the Duchess Dowager of took place on the 2d inst. Four Colonel I •