The Statesman. — London, England, 1823-04-29 00:00:00

THE STATESMAN. 'pc( cli ? No ; but he resorted to the old practice of giv • ng it a new construction, and a new sense was found for that speech, tot by those who framed it, but by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. IVithout intending to excite any angry feeling, or in with- the out alluding to what happened oMr.n a former night, tone of British feeling , he ( • APDonald) w ould say that he thought that was nothing more nor less titan truckling.—(Hear, hear.) In his despatch of the 23th, the Right lion. Gentleman put his own construction on that speech. Why did lie truckle to the Cabinet of the 'lnillersts with a constructed meaniumr in one baud, and the speech itself in the other.—The Honourable Member then came to that which was the last, but not the least is 1 1 the ehapt-r of blunders committed during those togncia lle meant the attemp ts made by the Right Hon. 6:nth:nun and his colleagues, to procure the submission of the weaker power to the stronger, when they failed to: bring the stronger power to reason. IVben Prce not re plied to their offer of interference, saying—"el W to Spain." e an will bare rum: mediation ; no , carry your counss " Well," said the Right Honourable Gentleman, " we will; we wid try what we can do will Spain." It was one thing to arbitrate fairly between the disputing par ties, with a view to do impartial justice to both ; but it was another thing to bear all good offices to one side, and endeavouring to obtain from the other every concession. • Ilis Majesty's Ministers did all they could for France. In the twenty-three papers of the Correspondence, the Right ]lon. Oent'eman writes that " he was only suggesting ad vice in the way of friendly communication," Arc. From the whole tenor of the communications through the Ministers at Madrid, he was perfectly justified in asserting that every attempt was made on Spain in favour of France. Notwith ste titling the speech of the French King, and the despatch from ii. Chateaubriand respecting the offensive part of that speech. Stiil we pressed the demands of some concession through the medium of Sir William A'Court. From the very commencement of those negotiations at Madrid, every One said that there was not the most remote chance of suc cess. No people could be more embarrassed than his Ma jesty's Ministers, having, in their view, received repeated end distinct assurances from France that no question would tMA raised shout an interference by rerun in the affairs of Spain, if she granted an amnesty and guaranteed the se curity of the Royal Fatoily, when they received Chateau- Wanes despatch with the King's Speech. Every liberal mind could not help admiring the policy of Spain under those trying circumstances. Spain never acknowledged any other security for her institutions except that which pro ;retied from the people. The lustre of the Spanish cause Was not tarnished by one single stain; nor was their de votedness to the constitution of their choice to be surpassed by any struggle for liberty is former ages. On the 20th of December the Right Hon. Secretary stated in one of his de spatches that France wished to separate this country from Spain. Nothing wee heard of t h at in the correspondence with Sir William A'Court. In those despatches, something like a melodrame was in contem p lation ; that melodrame was to consist of certain characters, with aporopriate parts assigned to them, and Ferdinand was to be exhibited as eh leg away the liberties of Spain into the arias of his cou sin the Duke d'Angouleme. Sir Charles Stuart, In the in tereiew with Chateaubriand, by the desire of the Right II onourahle Secretary, though he could get no satisfaction for the principles declared in the King's Speech, yet on that occasion he obtained something which Might be construed into a proposition to be transmitted to Spain. That pro road ion was reported by Sir Charles Stuart to Sir William ATcurt, who immediately set off with it to M. San Miguel. What did that Minister d.t? Ile said, "lie proceeded to read to M. Sari Miguel those parts which he thought most calcu lated to produce a htvourable effect." Was that the con elect of one friend suggesting advice to another, " prop os ing s :cli parts" of the despatch of Sir Charles Stuart (con taining the French Minister's proposition ) "as would pro duce a favourable effect, and accompanying them with such rents rks as the nature of the communication required ?" Was that British' conduct, keeping Spain in the dark by readine some parts, while others were kept back and ells- A•Cenrt expressed himself delighted with the report made him by Sir Charles Stuart, as con taining concessions on the part of the Court of France, tibich he hoped would please Spain. It was, however, curious that Sir Charles Stuart, in his despatch of the 10th of February, stated, that lie Cl does not hesitate to aderit that, " in order to give stability to any modification of the present system in Spain, and to afford sufficient assurance to France to justify her dis continuing her warlike preparations; the King of Spain must be a party, and must consent to such modifications." Upon this principle, a change, which must result from a nhorough und:rstandiog between his Catholic Majesty and the Cortes, will be cdnsidered to afford some pro spect of the modifications, which are indispensable to the security of neighbouring States. The French Go vernment will not only be satisfied with the opening' which any act (such as the establishment of a second Chamber) may offer to complete, through the interven tion of Greet Britain, the system which is n ecess ary for the constitutional Gover nment of Spain ; but without waitiox for any further proof of the sincerity of the Spanish Government, they will consider any such act as affording reasonable grounds for suspending the ments, and replacing the relations between the two coun h - tries upon the footing usu al in time of peace ; thaug since he cannot suppose that we consider mere fair assur ances to be sufficient, we must not be surprised if prepa rations for war are in the meantime carried on without intermission. —We must not be surprised that prepara tions for war are in the meantime carried on without intermission hear, hear.)--Kir William A'Conrt, ex pecting taut concessions would be made by Spain, in order that France might suspend her armament, as reported in Sir Chailes Stuart's despatch, stated that "M. 5.411 Miguel listened with the greatest attention; but as soon as I had conc!uded, observed that the British Government was la-1 housing under a delusion in supporting nny sort of modl- Sea lion possible. It would be a much easierto timing to over ture the whole constitutional system, and re-establish slemelute despotism, than to concede even the most insig nificant of the points which had been pointed oat as the most likely to conciliate. lie was fully aware that Eng land asked no modifications on her own account. He knew that we wished to preserve to Spain her constitu tional system; that our only object in trying to eugage her' to yield upon certin oints, was aonviction that if a war did hr4ak out, we e mu s t be sooner o r liter involved in it ouree'ves. Ile knew very well that we should not declare in favour of Spain et first ; but nobody s hould be.so d, and other Powers took part in it, Etigland alone could not remain a passive spectator of whit might he its results." The Meuse might, from those observations of ,M. San Miguel, es reported by Sir William A.Court, infer what impression sa made on him by the perusal of those documents trans mitted by the French Ministers, throwitim our Ambassadors et ance and Madrid. Was it possible the House thin ß k that one spark of freedom had been kindled in could the trrimids of those Who conducted the negotiations which ter minated in such proposals to the Spanish nation ? What ceeld be the feelitig of Chatesubriand, when this country undertook to obtain sonte concession from Spain ? The &light of Sir W. A`Court, on the probabitity of his suc cess •in tiers:lading that nation to so humiliating a state, slid not lest long, fur M. San Miguel soon dissipmted all die hopes. It appeared by the Correspondence that M. Chateanbriand early in bebruary said, that " he had turned over time subject in his own mind with to a view the to decide vpon w hat terms it might be possihle meet p E o posels they ;Melt receive, and though lie could not state the'result of his reflections to he the expression of time sentiments of the Fret: :is Government, yet he thought tip. subject might be taken into consideration, if the Spa nish negociators should engage at a future period to mo st fir their Constitution, and in the meanwhile prove their guitd Trill , , by restoring the Kitte to his phystcal liberty, and allow him to frequent the Sitio: and o to t m wateringof places; by a gene ral amnest y ; by the establisent is ws to regulate the rest, anal. by a change of ministry; tint that the.erilitary preparations of the. French Govern ment mamsms- continue without intermission." Yet after all; Sit Wm. A'Court wrote, in Ilia despatch ofthe 9th of -.. dorri,gak tr , March—. 1 saw M. San Miguel this morning, and to my great astonishment he asked," Cc., concluding with a declaration, that he would not be fooled—" he would not be the person to negotiate. ". The Right Hon. Secretary asked for a general amnesty. The Spanish Ministers offer an amnesty—not to all, to be sure, for who in that House could say, that the amnesty ought to extend to all those who were prepared to deliver up their country to an ene my? He had done with observing on the papers; and would to Goo he never should find such specimen* in the archives of modern diplomacy. Suppose Lis Majesty's Ministers were in their hearts friendly to the cause and assumed right of France, how could the ingenuity of man devise more certain means by %%hid' they could best serve her? However, he disliked the French Ministers, he did not think they acted with duplicity. They spoke out in respect of Spaiu. There might, indeed, be some quizzing about their desizns in Portugal. Assurances were given that Portugal would remain ontonclied, and that the ambitions projecte of the continental despots did not extend to her. They also assured us that Spain would be administered by Ferdinand when freed from the re straint under which he was kept. The House coati not forget that when Joseph Bonaparte was King of Spain, Napoleon ruled the country. Whet security had we that France would net use the shipping of Spain to ex alt her own dominion's? Was the possession of the coast from Holland to Gibraltar nothing to this country ? o.i a late occasion the lion. Member for the county of Fer. managh (General Arciiall) said that there were in Ire land 5,00000 of persons really to organise themselves and to sever that country from England. That state ment was not contradicted. Was then there no danger in France possessing herself of the whole line of coast on the west of Europe: What was to prevent those despots marching a crusade against the liberties of our own country ? What security had we if they put down the States of the Continent? These tyrants bore an iinpla cable hatred to the free institutions of this country. lanuae of state paers was entirely in the Mo- nar g chica g l spiri h t. D Tley implied strongly, that if we wait till Austria gets possession of all Italy ; wait till France possesses herself of them ; wait till the Russian Bag waves over the Dardanelles and the Mores; then will be the time to attack the liberties of England. Whatever be the issue of the contest,which was to decide whether Europe were to be reduced via vast military despotism—whether the crime, which the mighty mind of a Bonaparte, with all his power failed in, was to be consummated by a fee ble Bourbon.—(Hear, hear.)- 11/..11: •• ----- Committunt ectdem diverse crZnanu fain. llle crueens pretinan seelcrie befit, hie diadema." Whatever might be the issue of that contest, he called on the House to do their duty, in stating to his Majesty In the address which he would read to them, that his Ministers did not do theirs. The Ilonourable Member concluded, by moving— " That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, to inform his Majesty, that this House has taken into its most serious consideration the papers relating to the late negocia lion, which has been laid before them by his Majesty's gra cious command. " To represent to his Majesty, that the disappointment of his Majesty's benevolent solicitude to preserve geueral peace, appears to this Hauge to illiNP, in a great measure. arisen from the failure of his Ministers to make the most earnest, vigorous, and solemn protest against the pretend ed right of the Sovereigns, assembled at Verona, to make war on Spain on account of her political institutions ; as well as against the subsequent pretension of the French Govern ment to deny that Nations can lawfully enjoy any civil pri vileg p es but from the sp ontaneous grant of their kings ; rin ciples destructive of the rights of all independent States. which strike at the root of the British Constitution, and are subversive of his Majesty's legitimate title upon the Throne. Farther, to declare to his Majesty, the surprise and sor row with which this House has observed that his Majesty's Ministers should have advised the Spanish Goveinment, while hope warrantably menaced, to alter their Constitution in the hope of averting invasion ; a concession which alone would have involved the total sacrifice of national independ ence ; and which was not even palliated by an assur ance, from France, that, on receiving so dishonourable a submission, she would desist front her unprovoked ag gression. " Finally, to represent to his Majesty, that, in the judg ment of this House, a tone of more dignified remonstrinee would have been better calculated to preserve the peace of the Continent, and thereby to secure the nation more effec tually from the hazard of being involved in the calamities of War." The motion being put from the Chair. Mr. S. WORTLEY said it was his intention to pro pose an amendment. He was s upported, lie was sate, by the general feeling of the House and of the country, to put a negative on the question to which the House was called to assent. With respect to the conduct of the Fo reign Powers. and of France particularly, there was no difference between himself and the Honourable Member. Ile felt that the conduct of the Sovereigns of Europe, for the last two or three years, was no less than an at tack on our own Constitution—(hear, bear )—and an at tempt to shut the door against all l iberal o p inions in every country. He hoped the projects of France, con ceived in folly, would fail—(Cheers) --and that so all the apprehensions of the lion. Gentleman for an union of Spain with France were groundless. lie approved of the conduct of the Duke of Wellington at Verona, and he was quite sure, that if our Government were not pre pared to follow up a remonstrance by a vigorous war, they would (in the words of the Noble Doke) have placed their Sovereign and their nation in a false position. — Were they prepared, in case of that r emonstrance fail ing, to declare war ? and if not, would the House or the country acquit Government for such precipitate conduct ? Not being in that situation, they ought not to have used irritating language, but were perfectly right in referring to p rincip l es as the rules of their own conduct. Their first duty was to show to France that .tt was not her in terest to take violent meas ures. n his opinion, the ke of Wellington ably acted his part at the Congress of Verona—his measures were well taken, and his language well suited to his purpose. In justification of the offer of oar mediation, with which the lion. Gentleman (Mr. Macdonald) found fault, he would read an extract of a despatch from M. San Miguel, awl lie confessed there wa something of a spirit of liberty in those despatches,: and an evident superiority over the French. In page 11 1 , of the paper, M. San Miguel asked England to inter fere. The lion. Member then read an extract of the despatch. It could not be said that the ftcommendatioos offered on the part of ear Government to the Spanish Minister were proposed in a menacing manner. If Spain can resist successfully the invasion of the French, she has done wisely; but be confessed, that when lie consi dered the nature of the modifications proposed for bey adoption, he did not think it would have been at all de rogatory to her honour to have accented them. But she had chosen to decline diem, and the qnestion now was, should they proclaim—for that was the word made use of by the lion. tientleman—shonli we proclaim to the I world oar determintition to give assistance to Spain ? It was his deliberate opinion that neutrality was the po licy of this country. He saw nu danger in that course, even should France succeed in getting military posses sion tit Spain. He would ask those Gentlemen who ha bitually pressed for a reduction of our establishment's, and a diminution of taxation. what would be the situa tion of this country if their policy were acted upon?— Instead of reducing our burdens, which we were enabled to do, we *oils have hobo s soda .the necessity of Voting large sited **prima* giants. atitei, all, bow could' We give to Spain thatseffectual support which, upon a 1 former occasion, it • was in our power to grant , her? — There was nothing in the state of Europe which should induce us to e mbark in a war. 'With respeit to Spain, if she wastletermined to be free and Independent, eyes s) should France get possession of tied Country, the occu pation must be but temporary. In that case, Moro wa s the invasion of Spain dangerous to this country, case we had decided upon neutrality? They knew from ex perience that the military occupation of Spain did not iml its subjugation. But on the other hand, If S the French not in a situation to resist the approach of the French arms, of what assistance could England be to her? He felt persuaded that the observance of nee trality was that course which would meet with the sanc tion of a majority of the people. These were the res.. ions upon which he intended to o pp ose the motion of the Hon. Gentleinan opposite. For his part he had been hi therto silent upon this question, though he had fre quently been an observer when the Ministers were goaded into a 'discussion of its merit, by the remarks and gas tionr of the Gentlemen opposite. On the first day of the Session, language bail been used—he had not from acci dent been able to attend his place that day—but lan guage had been used which made him fear that the coun try would be compelled to enter into the war, contrary, as be well knew it to be, to the sentiments of the people. The Hon. Gentleman conclnded by moving an amend .ment to the following effect —" 'that the House give their entire concurrence to the principles repeatedly de clared by his Majesty to govern the policy of this coun try with respect to the internal affairs of other States, mid that they entirely agree with his Majesty in the just application of them during the late negociations with France to the case of Spain. They acknowledge with gratitude the earnest and persevering endeavours of his Majesty, for the conti.tuance of the peace of Eu rope, and express their regret that their efforts bad proved unavailing ; that whilst they rejoice that his Majesty was no party to the war, which neither the honour nor interests of the nation required hint to en gage in, they beg to assure him that touch as they es timate the blessings, they were really to give their zeal ous support to any measure which might be found ne cessary to fulfil the obligatitori to which the national faith was pledged to vindicate the dignity of the Crown, and maintain the rights and interests of the people." Sir T. WILSON seconded the amendment. He approved of the sentiments expressed by his lion. Friend who just sat down, Ile had carefully peru sed ell the papers laid on the table, and felt that the Ministers had done every thing that honour, consistency, an d firmness of character required. Ile could not agree with tho Hon. Gent. who had brought forward the motion, in his views of the policy of this coun try. The lion. Gent. was driven to this, that as we had done so much by remonstrance, we might have done be und ue , more by threatening. lie (Mr. W.) was not to stood as s tying any thing in approbation of the conduct of the French. Ills feelings were directly the reverse. He viewed their Invasion of Spain with almost execration. — (Cheers.) Their sending an army of observation to the frontier, and organising bands, no Engli"sliman could look on with approbation. in stating this, he did not wish to be understood as saying that we were justified in acting as the arbiters between contending nations, and in uttering re proaches and angry. expressions against the persons and conduct of the members of other Governments. Such a line of observation as this was not pont::: at any time, nor petit- Ong the dignity of that Ilouse. They should recollect that the Governments who were thus exposed to censure were once our Allies. Their conduct was open to inquiry, but it ought to be carried on with temper and discretion. No good result could he expected from that mode of examination, which degenerated into abuse and asperity. Of that cha racter were such observations as that of the lion. Gentleman, when he talked of the hatred of the tyrants, and their being irreconcileable to this conatry. Ile was of opinion that the true line of policy fur this country to adopt was that of neu trality. The great proportion of the people were in favour 'of that policy. Ile should consider any deviation from it un wise,*as tang as it was consisteal with our honour and true interests.—(hear.) The original Address and the Amendment being then read Wm! • - .~~;. `.~~_ from the Chair, Mr. HOBHOUSE rose and said, lie hoped that at an occasion of ruck critical i m portance, as almost to excuse any Englishman, however deficient he might be in capa city, from cowing forward, the House would allow him to express his sentiments, and state what he felt to be a gross failure, and a dewradation of this coun tr, , b y the me asures of the Right r ifonourable Gentleman and his colleagues. At the same time lie must congratulate the House, that neither in the Amendment, nor in the speech es of the two Honourable Gentlemen by whom it was re commended, bad their British ears been insulted by the language of debasement and slavish subserviency, which was heard in another place to which he must not more particularly allude. They bad heard every principle by which they were wont to be guided, every feeling which they delighted to cherish, openly attacked. They had heard Il laXilll p 3 subversive of at.l liberty and happiness avoed, and ushed Ls an extent that surpassed even the hope w s of the despots th e whose every act was di rected towards the sealing of tt.e slavery of Europe. — (Hear.) It was, indeed. a great comfort to find that nei ther of the lion. Gentle:nen, the Member for London, nor the Member for Yorkshire, had said that at the Con gress of Verona England s hould not have used the lan guage of remonstrance. England, it was said, should so have demeaned herself at this Congress, as not to be supposed to uphold by her countenance the detestable revolutionary principles now flourishing in Spain. The lion. Gentleinen bad only dune justice to themselves, as the Representatives of the people, by abstaining from such a discreditable line of observation. On the con trary, they were agreed with his lion. Friend iu princi ple, and used language quite as strong—language such as became all Englishmen to use on an occasion of such unexampled interest. At the same time that they ob jected to the powerful and burning language of his Ho nourable Friend,they.thernselves bad fallen into the same error. He should wish to know what expression could be more strong—more emphatic, or more designating the feeling of an indignant mind, than the simple word " execration," used by the Honourable Member for . London? The Honourable Member told them that he execrated the invasion of Spain by the French. " We," said Mr. Hobhouse, "wedo no more—we look only w ith execration upon this outrage; we want no more severe—no more painted expressions of feeling; and if the Honourable Member would only follow up the spirit of this language by his vete to-night, I should say that the City . of London was never more worthy represented than in his person."--(Hear, and a laugh.) The Honourable Member had said that he was actuated by the same sentiments as those which ani mated the minds of Iris constituents, and that a greatma jority of them were satisfied with the conduct of Go vernment. It was difficult to tell what the feelings of a large population were, unless by the expression of their sentiments at a public Meeting. (Mr. Wilson said that he bad stated a large proportion of his constituents.) — He (Mr. H.) bad the honour of representing a larger share of the population, and he must say that, after hay- i i p n e ir ii e u n s c e e d l e e o t r i e li i m n e t a a n a s d t o o pt a ascert a in r c t , a ) i n ii ci t ti li s eL t feelings, he rete .h r i s s e e o x i that put forward by the lion. Gentleman. That portion of the empire which he had the honour to represent, would have been happy to continue to make the same sacrifices, to hear the same (Murmurs urdens, Whionch the 'Minis had been terial their kit during the late wa r . %aches.) He was unable to, comprehend the meaning of this interruptio n, he should repeat, that his constito eats Would he happy to undergo t;ie same course of pri vition and pressure again, if the honour of England and the cause of liberty tetrired it. At far as he had been able to collect their opinions, be believed he had been ac curate Stills representations. He wished not to be rule aridtritocri. They would not, support a purely minis'' , 'vial war, waged upon some . hypothetical principler-sach tat a war to open the navigation of die Selso.lt, orvegar• 'Obi of the Swiss' States. But should the Vtarrement iindertake i iMpular war, to put (1044 tyriiikwy. 40 0: unjust pretences of the despots, they would find them selves suppor'ed hand and heart by a great majority of the people. If he, for his part, found that Ins consti tuents were of an opposite opinion. much as he valued the distinction of their choice for the honour of their re presentative,he would instantly resign his trust into their hands, to give them an opportunity of choosing a person more in unison with their Wishes. gut the Dap. lieu tleman who moved the amendment, mpch as Ise bed praised the elo q uence which liberty inspired, bad quite misapprehended the spirit of the Spanish Mialititeseoree munieation ; for M. San Mie eel, so far from approvingof the conduct of England, Issal pointed out a different course, and told her Minister that had she followed that line of conduct, it would have been snore suitable to her position in Eerape. It seemed that the British Minister was satisfied, after cominunicating notes to the other Poe. ers, to make a verbal comminication to Spain of the is tentions of England nut to interfere in the domestic con cerns of Spain " The Government of his Majesty," said M. San Miguel, " his received with grotitu.de, bee without surprise, the verbal cominuoication purporting that the Cabinet of hie Britannic Majesty, respecting the independence and putitieal isistittstiotts adopted by rt.. Spanish nation, is determined not to interfere in our do , •mestie affairs. " Nothiee," he cotitinued, " nothing else could be expected from the Boverustrent of a nation which, like the 0,160, knows its rights and the pri mordial eirinciples of public Isw—and it is only to be wondered at that it should not think it expedient to give a declaration of such obvious justice the solemnity which it deserves." and yet, after this, the Honourable . Sietue , her for Yorkshire talked of our doing that which a ai ap proved by M. Sao Miguel. "The ties," ens&lesed ellat Minister, "of intimate resard, the principle of mutual convenience, sod the analogy of the resp •ctive in-titu tions which exist in Spain and Engleotl,--d0 they not po sitively entitle the fernier, overwhelused with difficulties," —here the Minister hail the manliness to avow that Spain was pressed by difficulties —that she could not go ue be herself—and pointing plainly to the interference which every honourable mind must come to—" Do they not,' continued M. San Miguel, " entitle the furuier to expect from the latter, whose political itifluence is of the great est weight, something more titan simple and abstractjut tice—sonsething more titan a passive tespect for universal laws, than a cold and insensible neutrality ?" What did the Hun. Nlember for Yorkshire meats, then, by imputing to M. Son Miguel that he approved of the conduct of hug land ? The Minister is etst on to ask if th e interest wl'ede befitted two nat:ons in sitol'ar c:rcusustances existed is. the Court of Condon, why did it nut manifest itself ily visible acts of friendly interposition? He hardly t sought that be and the Hon.. Member could be alluding to tee same despatch. His llotaFriend had scarcely (lose more in his motion than eularge upon the simple and pathetne language of the Spanish 31inister—laugmee that was unequalled for : eresty and force, and which cams home to the business and bosom our'ry man. fi a ta 3 Miguel, however went on to say. " is itif these be nevolent acts exist ?" What! he doubted thin that such acts had been performed, and yet he talked of as approving the conduct of England; "or how is it," continued he, " the: if these benevolent acts exist, they are not communicated to the l ablnet of his Catholic Majesty ?" lie (Mr. II.) knew no other answer to this than the old one, that, as th, y (lid tii,t ee pear, they should be held not to exist—dc UOIL apparcatibus rt dr no n existentibus carton est ratio. " Well, sac goes on," said Mr. H e nhouse; (a laugh) —" I mt Smith" •The de spatch goes on thus:—" England mielit act in this manner. Being able, ought she so to act ! And if she ought, has she acted so T. 'Why, then, does she not notify to Spain what bas been done, and what it is proposed to do in that mediatoryetense ? Are their weighty inconve.iiences which enjoin discretion —which show the necessity of seeresy ? They do not appose to an ordinary penetration. After this be wouldqut it to the lion. Member for I( orkAire—he would put to his understanding—to his power of reading, if it now appeared that Al. San Miguel approved of the con duct of Great Britain? The very next paragraph contained matter on which, if not the Member fur Yorkshire, at least the Right ?lon. Secretary would at once se, the whole point turned. "Nevertheless," added the M e inister, " the Government of his Catholic Majesty thinks itself bound to I manifest, in the face of the world, that whilst it respects the rights of others, it will never admit the least interven tion In Its internal concerns, nor execute an a.ft which may compromise in the least the free exercise of National So vereignity." After this declaration on the part of Spain, after stating her resolution not to concede one jot, what did we do to convince her that we intended to mediate in the sense which she was justified in aserihin; to our interposi tion? We sent over Lord Fitzroy Soxerset eith a memo randum from the Duke of Wellington. One would intro hoped that for the sake of his oats reputation, and that from a recollection of what he had dune himself for this freedom of Spain, the Noble writer wiiuld have couched his sentiments in different language. It was such as every friend of liberty, and every lover of hereivrn must lamest to see proceeding from such a quarter. With reference to the merits of its style, he could not apply the same observa tion to the Noble Duke, as was made upon another great warrior—" miens anano quo seripsit debellarat." Ilia Grace appeared to he of opinion that England had a right to offer friendly counsel; but did he give it io a manner such as allowed the recognition of the national sove reignty? No; but it proceeded to such a length, and was wound up with so much sophistry, that it was impos sible to divine what it really was, that the Noble writer himself wished to have done. It hall been said that the Duke was that person whose counsel was entitled to the respect of Spain, on account of his services to that roan. try. But did he do nothin g for France . Were not his services to that country at least as important as those he had rendered to Spain ? Was he not as meritorious its the eyes of that—he must say, ungrateful family of the Bourbons, as be was in those of Spain, and yet it was never expected from him that be should hav e made any appeal to the gratitude of France, or used one word of remonstrance against a course avowedly disapproved of b this country. When the Right Honourable Secretary, iny placing these papers on the table, in the course of his statement had mentioned the word remonstance, he (Mr. H.) heard the expression with lively satisfaction; hut when he came to examine the papers, he looked is vain, page after page, for something like reutoestranee. No ;—not in vain ; he should not say so; there was re monstrance used, not to France, indeed, but to Spain, and very strong remonstrance it was. What, for se stance, did the English Minister say to Spain? "If Spain," said he, " be disposed to solicit our mediation , she scill entitle herself to it—first, by redressing our grievances, and, secondly, by a confidential and sponta neous assurance that his Catholic Majesty and his tensity are safe from violence." He would ask if at the moment when Spain, casting an anxious eye to England, had called out " help us, or we sink," that was a moment for the British Minister to say, " when you have done what we ask of you, we will tell you what we mean to do: They did nut say that when Seale hod yielded obedience to her they Would then assist her, but they would tell bee whether they would assist her or not. Ihe safety of tie .King! What was the King to us? We never inquired about the people. No, no ; the King was every thing — the safety of the King was foremost—ever busy about that accursed monarchical principle. — ( • on tion t Ministerial tide, foll owed b y cheers from the Opposi Benches.) -- " I know (continued Mr. 11.) that 1 address an' English House of Commons, autl I have a right in their presence to say the accursed monarchical priuciple, gadaenseEniteltub ettlori. of no avail the prodigal sacrifice of o ur blood and tre V e sure for the preserv rtion of liberty."—(Cheers.) T 1 herasuasd renasoidttee a -- 1 l t ° a n i o I r ! . :e t' nd e e ir red rti n — all and Bon. Member who p ro p osed the entendaueut, had net disdained to say. that Mi e isters deserved the Batiks of th . e f c ounfry for preserving , " at, all erects," the . p eace • Europe. At ill twigs, come what.suight. No; tbe lio. 11Iemb man part t Tutu pau, tie r that 1 affair sity. in Sp 'Hum' vier' to rt knto Spai 11"• m the 31130 Lev( prol any that the Can Lein ~rcr t 7 trois. • ... 4 •