The Statesman. — London, England, 1824-02-04 00:00:00

the late Chancellor of the Exchequer still adhered to, and which were only taken off by his successor so late as last year, were now the subject of numerous petitions by the parties who once thought that they sheltered them, but who now regarded them as prejudicial to their best in terests. The partial relaxations had given so great an itn petus to tradeand indnstry in the North of Ireland, within a s ingle year, that the most determined opponents of the measure now implored the legislature to place the trade of both countries on the same footing. It would be well if his Majesty's Ministers had adverted to that cause as greatly tending to the improvement that had taken place in the resources and 'finances of the country. It would also have been well if they had adverted to the other cause, namely, the remission of taxation ; for he believed that when taxes were repealed. there was not only considerable relief experienced. but also an indirect operation towards increasing the consumption and demand of all the articles of trade and commerce. This proposition was too evident to be disputed, and he now wished to put an end to the absurd paradox which had found abettors in that House, as well as out of doors ; namely, that a large expenditure gave the same impulse to trade and commerce as freedom from taxation.—(Hear, hear.) He wished to notice these two leading features,in reference to the subject matter of the Speech, because he thought that the state of prices was greatly influenced by the causes in question. He flattered himself that their Lordships would readily agree with him in opinion, that increased consumption must be attended with increased production ; and that being the case, freedom of trade and remission of taxation must be regarded as advantages of the very first importance. In fact, they were among the grand sonrces of national prosperity. Having adverted to that part of the Speech which gave the most satisfactory view of public affairs, with respect to the progress we were making towards re covering from our embarrassments, he came now to notice certain passages which might be looked upon as , incident ally introduced; be meant those passages in the Speech which adverted to the public interest, and connected with and liable to be influenced by the political state of foreign nations, and the measnres which foreign pout era adopted. It certainly appeared to him, that Ministers ought to have been more explicit in this respect in the Speech which had been read. They bad omitted to afford Information, which they very fairly might have given without violating the secretly of the Cabinet, or the obligations of office. (Hear, hear, hear.) In their communications with Foreign Powers, they were not so reserved, and he saw no reason why their Lordships should not expect from them a clearer and more compre hensive outline of the state of our foreign relation'. It would have become his Majesty's Ministers, who deprecat ed the late war on the independence of Spain, to have now, in the Speech which they put into his Majesty's mouth, expressed their regret at the unfortunate termination of that war. They ought to have done so, as the ostensible Representatives of a free country. He said this, not in reference to the particular Constitution of Spain, but in reference to the indisputable right which every free nation had to improve her own Constitution by whatever means she thought most expedient—a right which could be sub •erted only on the basest and most detestable principles. (Hear, hear.) When lie found such an interference with this right, as led to the occupation of a whole country by the troops of a state that was the jealous rival of England, be thought it would be impossibie for Ministers to have observed that species of courtly silence which the Royal Speech displayed. lie would have thought that, without betraying the Councils of their Sovereign, they would have considered it incumbent upon them to put into his Majesty's month expressions becoming the Monarch of a great and free nation upon the violation of all the rights of freedom in another. They ought to have expressed his Majesty's regret that the grand principle which authorised a nation to perfect its own institutions, was attacked and subverted in Spain, in a manner that plunged that unfortu nate country into horrors which could not be described, and sent some of the most valuable of the inhabitants to wander as exiled outcasts all over the world.—(llear, hear!)—When the Noble Earl (Somers) said he dia• liked Chemist!' of every kind, he (the Marquess of L.) would ask him, whether there was not now in Spain an Vermin' the most cruel, fierce, and fanatical that ever dis graced any nation calling itself civilized? lie would say, that the present deplorable state of Europe arose out of the prevalence of principles which it was the bounden duty of his Majesty's Ministers to oppose. IVlten the law of Europe and of nations was grossly violated, let us not flatter ourselves that t h ings could remain as they were, and that we should not have further difficulties to contend with. Was it not natural to expect, (lid Ministers not believe that when the recognized principle which fur ages had been admitted among civilized nations, was now outraged, the day might come, and that at no di:giant period, when Great Britain in her own defence might be called upon to take a more decisive part? Let their Lordships look to the State of Europe, and they would find that after the conquest and subjugation of II innparte, those countries, the independence of which was declared by the No ble Earl to be placed on a soli t foundation in consequence of that event, were still in the most abject thraldom. Should he be contradicted for a moment when he said that the whole of the smaller States of the Continent were under the controul of S or 4 great Powers,who exercised a vexatious, a tormenting. nay a tyrannical influence in all that related to their internal •conce►ns.—(Cheers.)--Could he be contradicted when he should say, that in no country under their dominion, did there remain a portion of independence? Was there a State in Europe which had not felt the influence of those Monarchs and of the principles upon which they acted, and which might not be called upon to alter or abandon its Constitution, to waive its rights, and suffer itself to be controlled by those despotic Powers, even at the dictates of their caprice? He did not feel himself called upon by the statements in the Speech which had that day been delivered, to declare that the situation of Europe was satisfactory. In many parts of the Continent there existed grounds of complaint against those great Powers ; even the once independent and pacific It-public of Switzer land had been subjected to their interference—and inter ference of a nature, which. if directed against this country we should deem outrageous and insulting. Was it not ao attack virtually upon this conetry—was tt not an attetnpt to establish a g reens of coercion, to take away the Wa pendence of another State? and in doing so, did it not destroy that principle upon which this country had always acted, that of maintaining the balance of power by sup -porting the weak against the atrong?—lf the state of Europe were such as be bad described—and if the many minor States were to be subjected to the orders of the few greater Powers which he had described, how could be be called upon to express his satisfaction at such a position? But, he turned with pleasure and real satisfaction to the liberal principles upon which, with respect to the South American States, we bad begun to act. He saw with no common degree of satisfaction, the principle of free trade at length acknowledged and acted upon; because upon the cultivation of commerce, upon that great principle with the inhabitants of any quarter of the glebe whatever, must de pend the power of this country to maintain that rank and that iniuence amongst nations which she bad hitherto held. But although he felt satisfied at the first step that bad been taken in that path, he was not prepared to say that Minis. ten ought not to lave gone further; indeed be hoped they bad gone farther than they themselves were prepared to avow; but be could not help regretting that that step had not been takes at a much earlier period, by which this country would have manifested that which it was equally its duty and Its interest to do—the right and the disposi tion to act independently. He felt great satisfaction at the free and fearless conduct of the United• States of Ame rica upon that subject, which was at once becoming its character and its power.' There was in it no dissimula tion no ambiguity, no hesitation—the sentiments of its go vernment were avowed with a candour and a firmness be coming its situation and its strength; and, believing that id every point of view it was important that the interests gke 1 • • • • • • .1 r • r.: ; t e , • THE STATESMAN and the independence of thoie rising States should be pro tected, he was yet to learn, why, in their Infant state, we had not interposed between them and the blows of their enemy theshield which it wasour duty to interpase between a weaker and a stronger power. Connected with the sv-tema tic interference with the liberties of every Frtate in Europe. by the great Continental Power s, appeared to he a most iniquitoussystem of exclusion with respect to trade, and with a determination to exclude the manufactures and the produce of this country from the whole continent of Et rope, as far as lay within their power. From 'that circum stance an additional motive for our cultivation of a con nection with the South American States might be deduced. When it should be known that forty years ago the 'popula tion of North America was only three millions; that it is at present ten millions: that according to the latest arums the population of South America amounts to 16 millions, independently of the Brazils, which contain four millions; taking then those 16 millions, and calculating their increase of population upon the same ratio as that of the United States, it might he expected that in forty years the popu lation of South America would exceed 50 millions; and when it should be further known that that population was a population of a peculiarly consuming character with re ference to European manufactures, of which it was calcu lated that each individual consumed to the amount of two pounds sterling per annum; when all things should be known, would the importance of our friendly connection with, and our protection of those infant but rising States be denied ? Yet, in order to obtain all the ad vantages that might thence result, he would not con sent to abandon that high and honourable course which this country ought to follow; at the same time he declared that he had yet to learn what were the reasons that pre vented us from having embraced an earlier, and conse quently more favourable moment for taking that step so necessary to the credit and honour of the country. But Great Britain was not only interested in the establishment of the independence of the South American Governments, but it was equally her interest, indeed it became her duty, to see that it should be established as early as possible, and that it be firmly and immovably fixed. On that part of the Speech he had felt it his duty thus to speak his sentiments. There remained many other topics, but which did not so imperatively call for notice. One of these was a subject al luded to by a Noble Lord who had preceded him, with whom he agreed that it was a topic of peculiar delicacy; and he further fully concurred with that Noble Lord, that with reference to that subject much ought to be done, yet that as little as possible should be said. On the other sub jects touched upon in the speech, many other opportunities and occasions for discussing them would occur. He should not therefore now dilate upon them. But there was a sub ject of peculiar interest and importance, on which lie could not be silent—be meant Ireland. He fully agreed with the Noble Lord who had seconded the address, that a good deal had been done towards effecting her tranquillity ; but he wished that the Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment of that country, could have held out a prospect of a remedy for evils, the root of which lay much deeper than was generally believed. On two points connected with that country, namely, tithes and the police, lie was free to admit that much benefit had been conferred upon Ireland by the Acts of the last Session. With respect to tithes, he agreed with the Noble Lord that a great opening had been made, and an approximation between the parties previously opposed had been effected—lie trusted those desirable ef forts would be found to result more generally; yet he hoped that other and additional measures would be taken to en sure the happiness and tranquillity of that important por tion of the empire. He had now nothing further to say; it was not his intention to move any amendment to the Ad dress; however, he could not but lament that Ministers had not more broadly and candidly avowed the sentiments by which lie was sure they were actuated. The Earl of LIVERPOOL.—After the able manner in which the different topics referred to in the 'loyal Speech bad been treated by the Noble Lord who bail moved the Address, and the no less able speech of the Noble Seconder, he should not have felt himself called upon to follow them on those various points; but as the Noble Marquess who hail just sat down had thought proper to advert to those topics, he (Lord Liverpool) could not suffer the Douse to come to a vote upon the subject without replying to the arguments of the Noble Marquess. On the first point lie could satisfy their Lordships that there existed no Mlle rence of opinion betaeen hint and the Noble Marquess He would say, not for the purpose of declamation however, that there was no period of this country's history could be fixed on in which it had enjoyed a greater state of prospe rity than it did at present.—(Bear. hear.) He fully con curred with the Noble Marquess, in rejoicing that the dis tress which had existed iw agriculture li td been removed by the operation of natural causes alone. Noble Lords would recollect how his Majesty's Ministers had been pressed for legal enactments to secure that very desirable object ; it was therefore a most material and important circumstance, that the recovery from distress of the agri cultural interest had been effoisted, not by Acts of Varna tnent, but that it had grown out of natural CallgeS only. I t was well known to the country, and had been most ably stated by the Noble Mover of the Address, that during the arthotts struggle in u bids we had been engaged we could not have made the extraordinary exertions we did, and which were so imperatively called for, but at an immense expense, nor without incurring a great aright of debt, the pressure of which had been afterwards severely felt. But similar effects had always been experienced, even after the moat successful wars. But even the expenditure from which those effects proceeded had brought compensa tion to the country, for some of its amount, as hail been proved by the Account laid upon the table at different times, by which it was proved that during the last war agricultural and other interests of the country had in creased in a most extraordinary degree. When the great expenditure was stopped—when a great number of our Army and Navy had been thrown beak upon the popula tion—when the demand for various articles of produce and manufacture bad suddenly ceased, it was natural to expect that great and extensive distress and poverty should be felt. But independently of the distresses usually attendant upon a transition from a state of war to one of peace, there was another difficulty which this country had to encounter —the return to metallic currency. Although he felt con- vinced that the great and successful struggle in which we had engaged could not have been made without a sus pension of cash payments, yet he felt also that it was our duty to return to a metallic currency as soon as possible, and that this should be effected by preserving also the national faith. We had recovered from those great and dis tressing offsets. We had returned to a metallic currency without a breach of faith with the public creditor. He thanked God that we had so returned to it, and that we bad not only survived our distresses, but that we bad attained to a height of prosperity never before equalled. Our con. duct throughout the whole of those affairs showed that the integrity we bad maintained—the justice of the principles on which we had acted—the good faith we had maintained with the public creditor, had enabled us to overcome .all our difficulties, and trade and agriculture had completely recovered. (Hear, hear !) He had felt himself called upon to allude to this point, because he thought too much could sot be said upon it. Although he did net consider it neces sary to follow the Address through all its branches, yet to that part of it which apeaksof our internal state being more satisfactory than that of oar foreign relations, and particu larly with reference to a subject so much discussed during the last Session of Parliament (the invasion of Spain might be necessary for him to advert; it•srould patin ), e' be . it sufficient for Wail° say, that every Wool abich bad been then stated by himself and the Noble Friends who sat near bins, bad been more than proved by the events that bad since occurred. (Hear, hear !) He bad deprecated the in vasion of Spain, not merely on the abstract principle that .no country had a right to interfere in the internal affairs of another, bat that be thought France had made out no case fur her particular interference. He bad stated also that Spain ought to be left to herself; but in stating so be h a d added, that when the danger of interference did arise, it was the duty of those at the Bead of the Spanish Governnient to make concessions—not to France—but to Spain herself, by consenting to such a modification of the Constitution as would remove the objections raised against it. We gave our advice to that effect ; and he would ask those who had then been of the popular party in Spain.whethee they were not now sorry that they had not taken that advice? Was there any man who. viewing the manner la which the French army had been received in Spain, would now say that lie was sorry we had not interfered I for it was now evident that the great loess of the Spanish people were opposed to the Constitution, for they hailed the French soldiers as deliverers. There were no people so jealous of foreign interference as the Spaniards. In his (Lord Liverpool's) speech last April he said, that hew' ever much the Spaniards hated foreigners, they hated the Con stitution much more ; and it had since been proved, that the Constitutional party in Spain was very small when coal• pared with the population of that country. Ile consi dered the conduct of the French Generals. the French Rulers, and above all of that Illustrious Prince who was placed at the head of the invading army, to have been mild, moderate, and just ; for he (Lord Liverpool) would say, however lie migat have condemned the invasion of Spain on principle, yet would he say of that Prince, that the ability, moderation, and discre tion which marked his career in thatceuntry. gave great hopes of his governing with equal talents and dispositions that coun try over which it was not too much to say he was destined probably, and of right, to reign. The efforts of France had been directed to check the spirit of Ultraism, and to assist that party which in Spain was opposed to that spirit ; and with re• sped to our noim-interference to prevent such results, he would declare that he had no more notion of sending British bayonets to make people free against their will. than he had to assist in continuing them in slavery.—(Cheers.) He came next to a sub ject of coesiderable importance. The Noble Marquess had said, that he did not disappprove of what had been said in the Speech, hut wished that more had been said ; but in a general expose of that nature, he (Lord Liverpool) could not see what more could be said. During the last war, their Lord* ships would recollect a considerable difference of opinion had existed whether we should embark fully in the cause of Spain, by assisting her to expel the French, or whether we should limit our assistance to her South American par sessions, and leave the cause of Spain to herself.—The latter was not the course followed by this country. — We entered heart and hand into the war in Spain, and by the efforts, the talents, and the brilliant achievements of his Noble Friend near him (the Doke of Wellington), the contest was ultimately brought to a fortunate condo lion. Before that war had finished, the Spanish SouthAmc rican Colonies had declared their own independence; then also, we offered to Spain our mediation; but which she, unfortunately for herself, declined; bad she done other wise—had she availed herself of our proffered mediation— she might have saved half her Colonies:—by following a different course she hail lost the whole. This point na turally led him to that part of the Speech which referred to the South American Governments ; we have taken the first rep towards establishing a lasting connection with them, by sending out Consuls thither. The object of the Speech which their Lordships had heard that day was to do away the impression that we were under obligations to Spain or to any other country or power not to take any step towards recognising the independence of time South American States; we are totally free and unfettered, and we postpone the recognition of those States only until we shall be assured that the Governments of them arc fixed and settled; and the principal objects of the Commissioners whom we have sent out are to ascertain and report to Government every thing connected with the state or those countries; for however independent those States may be de facto, still there must and will be felt ambiguity and uncertainty .respecting them until the Governments shall he settled. On another subject (our West India Colonies) he hoped we should do all that we owed to all the great Interests involved—that which we owe to the Negro population—that which we owe to those whom we had encouraged to become settlers in the Colonies, that which we owe to this country—in short, to all the great interests concerned, that we should not enter upon the discussion of that subject with heat or intemperance. —(hear, hear.) —With respect to Ireland, every thing said by the Noble Marquess was entitled peculiarly to con sideration. For the evils complained of in Ireland it was very difficult to say what remedy ought to he applied ; and it was to be lamented that those evils were not of a tangible nature, but of a description that could be rendered sus ceptible of cure by the operation of time. One of the measures referred to by the Noble :Marquess (the Tithe Composition Bill) had been considered as calculated to produce an effectual cure for the disorders of that country, and had iu its partial operation met the approbation of the Noble Mai-pies.. The other, respecting the Police, was equally approved of. To correct the evils of the tithe system was doubtless a work of importance ; and in consi dering. that subject it was necessary to recollect that the tithe system of Ireland differed materially from that of this country. In correctingthe evils of that system it was neces sary that the interests of all the parties concerned should be kept in view, and amongst these the rights of the Church must ' not be overlooked ; for all rights, of what nature soever, must be respected. With these feelings he was fully impressed when he introduced to their Lordships the measure to which he had just referred ; he had candidly admitted that it might not be efficient at once, but that like all other great measures it might require amendment. He could then say with pleasure, that the success of the measure. notwithstanding all the dila collies that were opposed to it, had very far exceeded the most sanguine expectations that had been formed of it. It would be found that out of 9133 instsuces in which it had been attempted to ha tarried into effect, the measure was inforeed in 216 in• stances.—(clear, hear.) Many of these too in districts which had been previously much disturbed, and in which the disturb• slices hail been ascribed to the Tithe system. What other measures ought to be adopted on the subject it was not for him to say, hut he would add, that every measure adopted for Ire' land should be in the genuine spirit of the Constitution, in order that it should produce great and lasting benefits to the coun try.—(Cheers.) • f Lord HOLLAND—Although be did not feel himsel called upon to offer for their Lordships' adoption any othe r resolution than that which was before their Lordships, ye before lie should sit down he felt it his duty to state to their Lordships, that the general tone and spirit of the Ad dress was not that which in time present state of the coon try, with respect to the other parts of Europe, ought to be adopted. He felt happy in acknowledging that the inter nal prosperity of the country was much more flourishing.at •the present than at any period that could be recollected. He was willing to go further, and to say that that state was owing to the firmness of Parliament, and particularly in passing the Act for the resumption of Cash Payments; but he was not prepared to say with the Noble Lord who moved the Address, that the merit of all those desirable effects ought to be given to Ministers. When the country at former periods was in a state of distress. and when it had been so by the Noble. Earl's (Liverpool) own acknow ledgment, what bad beer that Noble Lord's language ? Why, that at one period he threw the blame upon the failure of the harvest, at another time too large a number of people had been produced—(A langl)—andat another, that the harvest had been too abundant: Was he (Lord Holland) therefore, to be obliged to join in compliment ing the Noble Emil for having attempted to root out of the breasts of the young men of this country the passion of -love—and for implignintthe beneficence of Providence? the thought it was not fair to compliment Ministers upon these heads. With respect to the repayment of the Aus-1 trian Loan, Ministers were not entitled to all the credit they•claimed; for he was convinced that not a shilling of that debt would hare been paid but for the uoise made about it by Noble Lords at his (Lord H.'s) side of the - House ; and it was thus proved, that he and his Noble Friends might be sometimes in the right. Extraordinary e i r mt h be t "u" tt a he h and. e s tablishment. ofi ts,a laeesas it might appear , he fully concurred in the propriety o r i it ncreasing oaraage placed pat had arisen which demanded that i ncr . ase __The Noble low here, in reference Si) th e s t a t e o f one u i l l il 1 try West India Colonies. repeated his u illingneas to en a t i l t . Government to secure those au ttlementa by an increase o f the military establishments in them. Ile doubted. that in the event of an extensive revolt of the Negroes in the Island of Jamaica, the troops would h e found to be in a sufficient state of preparation_ that instead of keeping them in the forts —on the sea shore, he would recommend their being sent into the interior—to the Blue Mountains, for example, where they cmda have the benefit of the springs, and recommended for imitation. in such 'disastrous uccurence, the conduct of Major Gen. W.;• pole in the Maroon war, to which gallant officer he paid a h; ah compliment. The situation in which this country stood in la tion to foreign powers seemed to him not to warrant the m ry flattering picture drawn in the Speech ; a situation which, if not pregnant with the most dangerous consequences to this country, was at least new and awful in the lii,thest degree._ Without at all talking of the merits of the Constitution of Spai n without takinginto considerstionwhether it was a democratic.% monarchical, or despotic, there was one fact whizh could not be denied, namely, that at that moment France had military possession of Spain. It might !Hive been prudent, nay. it might have been meritorious in Ministers to hare observed a strict neutrality, to have done nothing to prevent that minter • occupation ; but he confessed that he did not think th e Sthi , of the political horison was so satisfactory, nar that the ark of Ministers were so wise, as to warrant the Noble 1,., r j coming down to the Gouge. and stating that there was natter for congratulation. Ile maintained that the whole situation of Europe mutt give anxious apprehension to every CniM:h Putting aside for the moment the feeling of sympathy (a forl. fug which he trusted lie should always have.) for the friends of freedom all over the wort), and taking up the quest:on merely as it affected British interest, by that alone he should be able to show that the present situation of Europe was highly dangerous to British interests No Mats could deny, that for the last seven or right years the ancient policy of the country was departed from, and that that departure led to as event which it haul always been the policy of the country to prevent—namely, tilt possession of Spain by France—a possession which had al. ways been, previously to 1815, considered tube inconsistent with the security and happiness of Great Britain. That event had taken place; and it was therefore the duty of those who guided the Counsels of Great Britain to patio., consider, deliberate, and determine, what ought to be done. He would ask what had been the ancient policy of thin country? It had been always thought to be the true vo licy of this country to prevent a preponderating power on the Continent of Europe, and more especially in that put of Europe whose shores were nearly opposite to our own, and from which, with more effect, an attempt might be made either to humiliate the character, to threaten the security, or to paralise the efforts of (heat Britain ; but that preponderating power was now created by the union of France and Spain under a Bourbon. He cared not who ther it was designated the union of the Holy Apostolic Church—the union of the King of France and Spain— the great nation—the empire of Napoleon Bonaparte— or the Hoiy Alliance. He objected to the exist ence of such a Power. It was that universal em pire which this country had always put forth its strength to counteract, and which it was now the duty of Mi nisters to do all in their power to put an end to. The Noble Lord who had moved the Address haul alluded to the French Repablican Decree of the 19th of November. That decree held out a promise of assistance to all perso is who would wish to overturn the respective Governments nnder which they live; and such a decree was acknow ledged on all hands to be a just and legitimate ground of war. Why was it so ? WAS it because it was a denunciation of certain principles ? No, because it avowed a right of interference with the subjects of another country. if the people of France say we can recommend one form of Go vernment or the other—if they attempted to introduce the most beautiful Government in your country, it was an, aggression on the part of the people of France, on the independence of the country, and a justifiable cause of war, no matter whether it possessed monarchical or densocrdti cal principles. What was the case at present? not that there is a decreee of the 19th of November, lint the King of France and the Holy Alliance are acting on the same principle, in interfering with the indernd:nre od a powerful people, and in bring now in possession of their country. To him there was no difference between the effects of a league, and the ambition of an individual. It had ever been the object of Great Britain to prevent such aat ate of things. The facts themselves held out a le , coo to England, and the Sovereigns of Europe admonished it by their conduct. There were formerly in this country two great political parties of Whig and Tory, differin: on most subjects, but uniting on those principles to which he was then drawing their Lordships attention. The Whigs thought that the people of England should form a part of a confederacy to preserve an equality of power in Europe;—such was the principle on which they acted in the time of Lord Somerset, in the days of King Wiliam; in latter times, under Lord Chatham and in Lord Chat liaus's son's wars. It was now time, it seemed, to have some other sprem, for the policy was to hold aloof from all consideration of the state of Europe. The albite of Europe held the scale of nations; one party thought ibis country should maintain the balance of that power, and the other, that it should have influence to turn it; since ISIS, the balance was totally disregarded, and alio' the Groat Powers of Europe set them s el ves u p in a rhitr, • tion, it was shown that England could not be a party to any war. The late Secretary of State, wh en he was negol f sting a peace with Napoleon, found it necessar y to orinta, confederacy, with the view of preventing France being. s . Europe, or at least to England, a formidable object. IS I when in consequence of events which he should ever gret, France received the position of being the notni t . that confederacy, it was this country against whom i n : , counterpoise was raised. The King of France, whet he r fe,, cidentall yor by design, became a meinher of that co , n t. : racy. What was the meaning of that ? Again . at n_e ! ,,fri was it directed ? The meaning sily was , that those sons invested with power over ma nkind, shoal them as creatures of their will. One of that hloaar , c v i i h steps was a treaty—an oligarchical treatyf State 13i' Holy Alliance. The then Noble Secretary o that all that was harmless ; but that the trraty was e ll o. such a shape, that according to the Constitutions ft: country, his Britannic Majesty could not become nt in p ii This, though an objection of power. Constitutione°a real principle of the question ; because .theßutthem, this country recognizes no act of the descriptemn. in sir principles of the confederacy came soon to b explaine d doetrine of th culars. They were, in sooth, the m onarc hi ca l t I timacy, hered , right of one man to govern many. It was leg the will of Olt tary legitimacy, to be maintained in de fi ance people, or under the gross miscondu ct of t h e Sovereign. I ithre they took Naples for example, Lord Castlereag h said, w ad s ignedintained cot gard to that country, if the treaties whic ma Mined principles which the other parties h toth em he, as a Minister of this country , could not .. g Naples._ o along them. It was true that the situatio n of the King of f colda the remoteness of the place, did render some degree o ßr ta.o. between the relations of that country and of Great as „, The revolution was so rapidly put down that . thedrew that t. time for remonstrance ; but it must be adm itte d ' to of Naples being in custody of Austria was no t __ nwever. the honour or the interest of Great Britain. II and fern ,principles on which it was done led to greater evils, aggressions on other Statesit led to an inter f er ence to observe, the n & Portugal.TheNobleLord proceeded not to what the interferenceof Russsia was owing. r w hether nem' healer was to uphold the principles of legitimacy, .n_er,.. was the same principle by which it contriv ed , _ t b . 1 ) , ! s 1 30 n ", *ace in Poland, to appropriate the best part d ot lat their snail Ito itself. The Sovereigns of Europe issue rs as' ,alis against Sain, and called on al owe race, e' latent. The Pri n ce of the Bourboni—loltpkat a COlllelleraCy to pi - earl - Tv -••• - •ope ; —such was the principle on which they acted time of Lard Somerset, in the days of King Widiane er times, under Lord Chatham and in Lord Chat- son's wars. It was now time, it eremeLL re some other sys'em, for the policy was to hold aloof II consideration of the state of Europe. The atbite' ope held the scale of nations; one party thought inntry should maintain the balance of that power, le other, that it should have influence to turn it; but ISIS. the balance was totally disregarded, and „Lea sat Powers of Europe set themselves up in 4rld:rl- - was shown that England could not be a party to any The late Secretary of State, when he was reoti• a peace with Napoleon, found it necessary to form I deracy, with the view of preventing France being to or at least to England, a formidable object. lint in consequence of events which he shout , ' ever re France received the position of being the nominee onfederacy, it was this country against whom al erpoise was raised. The Ki ng of France, whether a' tally or by design, became a memher of that conic.l , What was the meaning of that? Against eh° t directed ? The meaning simply was, that those ;ter- invested with power over mankind, should hold thaw was a treaty—an oligarchical treaty—with mums of their will. One of that Moaarch's not Alliance. Tbe then Noble Secretary of State sail ill that was harmless ; but that the trraty was Is a shape, that according to the Constitution of th.• ry, his Britannic Majesty could not become a parlF though an objection of power. contained lb" ainciple of the question ; because the Constitution ountry recognizes no act of the description. But theta' iples of the confederacy came soon to be explained in cir t. They were, in sooth, the monarchical doctrine of tl of one man to govern many. It was legitimacy, hered• egitimacy, to be maintained in defiance of the will of tbf the e, or under the gross misconduct of the Sovereign. I ook Naples for example, Lord Castlereagh said, with re to that country, if the treaties which he had signed coo 1 principles which tee other parties to them mainbaineJ a Minister of this country , co u l d not go along lag It was true that the situation of the King of Neples.ac Imoteness of the place, did render some degree of coldne en the relations of that country and of Great Britain. evolution was so rapidly put down that there was scarce ) for remonstrance : but it must be admitted that the f iples being in custody of Austria was not likely to air onour or the interest of Great Britain. However. i pies on which it was done led to greater evils, and ford .ssions on other Statesit led to an interference with Spa` rtugal.TheNobleLor.l proceeded to observe, that he kne what the interferenceof Russia was owing. Whether to uphold the principles of legitimacy, or whetherinter the same principle by which i t contrived, by in Poland, to appropriate the b e st p art of that 000_1 ielf. The Sovereigns of Europ e issued their analb again Sain, and called on all powers to ss The Prince of the Bourbons —of dltat race, art