The Statesman. — London, England, 1821-03-03 00:00:00

.. . . *sod assigned RON that the Constitution was Wen the tintr ; that. against his will. he was co.. Istilsd, to give his :sanction to a hweign and a Spanish Csm.titation. With regard to its being a Spanish .) slid not now, She a Noble _llaati). *a a former occasion, dpoW.tta Sitilasd that Constitution. ether K tirits...llNt was not. the most wdald only say, that 'extraitiodisary in' ;be Neapolitans from a people who were of the governed by a Monarch of the themselves. Tile British Cottsti- ATP, for the King had, two in the case of Sicily. Betides, the sanction of the British for Spanish Constitution. Did not in INK address to them this called upon the Italians to de ftitti their liberties, and put themselves in the same 'pOsitiOn that Spain then was? Ilia words were, t. Warriors of Italy, assert your rights and your l'iltetty; call upon us, and we will hasten to your •assittance, and when onr forces are joined to yours, •We will make such an effort as will again place Italy in trhat she was in her best days, and *list Spain is tom." And in an earlier passage— " Punned, Spain. Sicily, and Holland attest the liberal principles of Brent Britain ; Spain, by the ig:eat undertaking which with her Allies she accom alished,” he. What t was that undertaking, but the recovery of her liberty ? or what did the Noble Lord oaN upon the Italians to do, but to imitate the example Spain ? And wag it forgotten. that the Austrians, *ln new protested against the existence of that liberty 411.13 foe an hour, were then parties to, and sanctioned 'rite circulation of that Proclamation. The power . itlitich the Austrians now had, was owing to the N oah, of those.excitements to liberty which they had hitherto sanctioned. When war was made upon Bunaaparte, his attacks upon the independence, and interference in the internal affairs of nations. was made a prominent cause. Yet Austria went to war now, because some changes bad been nude in the internal government of Naples, and by the Circular which was publisLed, it declared that whenever any sect or party effected any revolution or change ; whenever any revolution or change was bought about by private and secret means, in a coun try where no public meetings were allowed ; and the trhaquillity and ease with which it might be ac complished was to be taken as etidence of such secret means, then it was that Austria bad a right to interfere and put down the efforts of a nation. The Allied Powers seemed to have a sort of abstract idea of revo lutions unconnected with any corporeal existence, which put him in mind of a passage in Swift, where Martinets Scribkrus and his fellow-pupil fall to logical reasoning, and a dispute arose as to the most abstract idea of a Lord ?dam Scrib. I think so many things necessary to Alined Mayor, that I can have no idea of one, with out' gold ring and chain."—" l Popil. I ro farther, for I cannot conceive a Lord Mayor if he has hands, eyes, nose, or legs."—(A Ii wel.)—So it was with the Aus trians. They would admit of changes. but they should not be brought about by a sect, an army, by private meetings, or in fact by any of those mesas which were indispensibly necessary to such an undertaking. When revolutions were accomplished in this way, their abstract ideas of them were gone. and they thought themselves called npon to interfere and crush them. Rut were tl.ey equally vigilant when liberty was invaded—did tFey interfere when Ferdinand of Spain overturned the Spanish Constitution ? Were no changes to be per mitted, but such as took place at the n ill of an absolute Wonarch ? He was now come to the second part, name ly, what would be the probable consequences of the Allies continuing to act upon the principles avowed bo them in their declaration. If Austria failed in its attempt upon Naples, then would the principles of liberty on which the Neapolitans acted, extend them selves, perhaps, into the very States of the Allies. If oa the other hand', Austria snceeetleil, he would ask Jr what way could their power he maintained, but by ' mllitary occupation. and would not that in effect make Naples a province of Austria ? Tire sneers' of despotism could he but transitory; anti the revolutionary feeling in Spain, and in France, had been already much excited by the progress which had been made. In the former country, the revolution which was accomplished Without blood, was not likely to terminate so peaceably. At Paris, it had thriven that party trhiell were ecca &tonally called the Libereanx, or the Jacobins, almost • into an extremity of excitement. It Was not yet too late for England to ink Jere. In former times it used to be is:counted the fosterer of eyery spark of political liberty op the Continent. The greatest euloginnt which Lord Macon passed on Queen Elizabeth was, that she assisted the struggles of the Hollanders for their Minty. The steps taken in the Low Countries that time were similar to those lately taken in Naples ; the Revolution was brought about by a Sect, assisted by a military ftrce. We should not thew be too severe critic'—let us only 6 consider that the Neapolitans are engaged in defence of ' the tunft glorious cause under Heaven—the preservation uf title liberties. Let us apply to them nhat Lord Chatham said ofthe Americane--- " Ile to their faults a little blind; Plato their virtues ever kind ; • NoT clap a padlock on their wintt.' • ; might.be saiti it was now too late for our interference. hot that he denied. Although every foot of the Nee• jsolltan territoty;shauld be in tile possession of the Ans , trians; yet SitginisOught not to lose . any time in clearlt . much con delay to lemn pro , Laybach. is motion, ire (Lore CO • 914.0 lies (Mffil Hotta . 4.! Ikljitoitlf salted dpon. say whether illtittsktAtiattoir for Naples ir'notlifilit 'entree itg 1!_ . " 1 Oimtlintion fro' :00 10_, kiwi, and 'over Titse'fatlly Midi thews ittion - thrly soeld not hal before, refused it in Pm Neapolitans had the , \heir adoption of the Spo 7.??fd William Bentiock, I primlaration, alre he cal •.' luirtngl . tentestiinellits aeon a question of so much eon- .: •:neirenee,priatfliteolle. We .ought without delay to -. pdt otkinerafnotets of eteord, arid enter emir solemn pro- ' feat 101110,1huteatniadions of Trappan and Laybach. • • it 011e . float rulose he now proposed his motion, . Aiii:ll,7frOwit s. • • ' "r:ic '. :11 huusble i. AaJreis be presented to the - • . * * l " lelf_Nesty for haring laid upon the t - 4. . . .. stir livX °prof the Despatch from the , :-0* ' 't,, ' .. •Psteliti . 4yairs to the Uritisli Ministers ~,; .itt . ri 11 Puttthil ea.ffii itibject of all cominnnicationr li.. ..‘riadf .F' • b the Coarti of Aisitria.• Prussia, and - ihrt . ••. ie i. t h e iffv, n sif IlgePles--tdespreas f .*.- WO ;' . Pi ,tial graitturirr lo iiiii.'Majesty. - diat he " 1. 1. 4 . - . • ' ' -il is alififisi IrPlikik;f/09490409 .which Nis 0,. . ,i. ' • Idatimpetg laws pf this realm; 'bail to ex- press a hope that," in his wisdom, his Majesty will use bed, decisive interference with the Courts of Austria, e>t_ BATHURST contended that tions of Ministers bad already been explicit If Ministers took a more decisive step, they wield tb, part from that nentra!ity which they professed. The Noble Marquis would do well to point out any step by which this country eon1:1 check the advance of the Austrian armies. If Austria thought herselfin danger from the commotions at Naples, he could not see why this country was called upon to interfere. The Si cilians were unfriendly to the Spanish Constitution, which was forced upon them. The object of the Car bonari was not simply to effect the Revolution of Naples, but to procure and encourage general insur reetiooary movements throughout the country, and this had been distinctly proved by Murat's invasion. They stated the resistance made to the Neapolitan Constitution in Sicily as an argument to prove the na tion was not favourable to the Constitution, and there fore, that this Constitution being opposed by the King and a great proportion of the population. they bad no right to recognise it. He thought this country ought not to depart from its neutrality ; but if it did, Is as ed what were the measures that should .be ads pt ? It was well known that in point of faqt, the Austrians had already entered the Neapolitan ter ritorityt int whether as friends or enemies remained to he proved. Supposing the former, if their Lord ships voted the Address moved by the Noble Martinis, it would have the effect of prolonging the contest 31aay of those men who would otheraise disband themselves mould place themselves on the hills watch ing for succour from this eintery; and this encou ragement to credulity ; this half•weasnre would only have the effect of exciting false hopes ‘‘ithoutgiving effective succour. Lord ELLENBOROIIiII said, the objection of the Noble Lord, who had just sat down, applied to the latter part of the Address. To the first part there was no objection, for it merely went to express the approbation of this House of the conduct of NliPi!l - in condemning the principles of the Congress. If it was right fur Ministers to eaves% that dis approbation, he contended it was !warmly right for the Houre to express its satisf teflon at the part they acted. If the Noble Lord had applied Dore closely to the words of the latter p r , be would not give them the interpretation he had done, for they only sated we might to interfere, to' Induce the Austrians to withdraw their troops. Ile was convinced that his Noble Friend, looking at the affair with the eves of a statesman, would be fully impressed with the danger to Enrol.e—to onrselves, perhaps more than to Anstria herself. If the sitna lion of Austria were looked at, her necessity for rely ing on her military force—that force drawn only from her own ropulation, and if the consequence of the movement of their force to the %moth of Italy, so distant as to find it difficult to act far the general in ' tereats of the Empire were conaidered, no movement could appear Si' pregnant with danger to herself; a nd. looking at it merely in that point of view, it would be the imperious duty of his 31ajeooty's -Ministers to en deavour to arrest them.—(llear, hear.) Hut were the difference between the present situation of Italy, and what it was previott to the French Revolution taken into account, that the Italian soldiers participated in the victories of France and was anima/pal by military glory—that the Preach have imparted knowledge of political matters to the people. and that by annulling the old law of primogeniture, now re-established, every 'young man in the country waft arrayed against the existing laws.—(Hear. hear, hear.) Were al; these matters considered and viewed wl h the eyes of statesmen, it would be universally agreed that no nseasnre could ha franght with so danger as tha: of the A woo ion movement. Ile did not think that the Anstrian% would meet with any material opposition in the first instance; but when he ' recolleettd what had been achieved by Spain.—(llear, hear.)-11e could not calculate on the effect which the Lecupation of the Neapolitan territory by the Aus trians would produce. particularly on France. What movement could be Si) daogerous to the Government of France as that of taking part against the people, thereby placing the passions and feeling of France I against the French Government.—(Hear.) —lt would he impossible. (looking as he did ta the movement of the Austria-.s) not to foresee that it might interfere ith the liberties and happiness of Europe. In former contests the hearts of the people of Englaool and of the Continent were with Government; what 'was the case at present ? The feelings of every nation in Ea rope were against us. Looking, as he did, at the' situation of the country. he could foresee few occa sions on which war would he popular ; but on none could Ministers he so certain of the sentiments of the country being in unison with them, as if war sl Id I unfortunately groa• toot of our interference to prfvent the subjugation of Naples by foreign lhoyots. To the ;notion of his N old,. Friend, he would propose to add, "'That his Majesty would be graciously pleased to direct his Ministers to use all possible endeavoors to avert from this country the dangers likely to be the consequences of the rr,:sent movement% on the C.on tineut, and thereby se..ure the tranquillity of the British Einpire.." Ala would wok, were _there n measures promising a successful result short of war? His Hononeable and Learned Friend had asked, " Do you think your remonatrance would drive the Austrians back ?" Undoubtedly not—hut circum stances might arise which would render the friendship of this country an object to Austria. In the Revolution of Sicily we pledged the tumour of the nation not to allow that country to he placed in a worse sitution than that in which it was then—vet the King, had, in WI; or 1817, annulled that Constitation. Ity a pledgeof our own Government we were called upon to declare that the Sicilians should have no other Constitution imposed upon them than their ancient one, and which faun been since violated by the I(ing and Government of Naples. lie knew the attachment and d'orotion of the people of Sicily to this country. We might he therefore certain of the support of the Sicilian people in any neeesciation with Au‘tria; thus at once sultditing the any of whom so snitch had been. said, and all other parties Our interference was called for by all former pledges. He did not understand the Addres s in the same sense . as the Noble Lord opposi:e old —tor we would beouly giving l our CellearTraWe to principles by whieh it was linposai , ble, his Majesty's Ministers should not be artnated. The Honig Would sh6w Abe agreein^ to the Address pro- Kiel I T the Noble Illirqueono) that iffra3 tletermitted to s upport Ministers in tlwir efforts to tranquillise Ecope; this country tad no uttered. Whether we malt. -- 'or peace the opposition was sane to be the same. If we interfered now we should &erre to be charged eves with insanity itself--tbr the Noble Lord contended we ought to array ourselves against all the power: of Europe. Whatever our accidental distress, he trusted that the country would always have strength enough to vindicate its honour and interests, and this strength would be best preserved by observing -in the present instance the strictest neutrality. .Looking at the Neapolitan Revolution, brought about as it was by se cret associations and military, he saw nothing that claimed our sympathy, for military Revolutions were not remarkable for being favourable to freedom. Our interference would be, in fact, dictating to Naples a form of government, and therefore a departure from the neutrality professed in our declaration. The Earl of DARNLEY contended, that standing as this country does, it was hound to interfere, to protect front military occupation and despotism a country whose only offence was a love of liberty. In an animated tone. the Noble Lord called upon Noble Lords whose ancestors had defended those principles which the !My Alliance was about to subvert, to interpose between the people of Naples and the Allied Alo- Hit Noble Friend had taken a fair view of the consequences of this march of the Austrian armies. Ile would ask, by what means was Austria enabled to do this?—by the money of this country—(hear, hear,) —for Austria owes to Great Britain no less a sum. than eightren millions—(hear, hear,)—the principal and in terest of a debt due for twenty years. The Austrian ildvernment was therefore bound to pay respect to the interference of this conittry.—(Louil cheers.)—lle un derstood his Noble Friend only recommended moral in terference, anil in that point of view would support the motion of his Noble Friend. Lord CAL'I . IIOItPS thought this country owed to Europe to manifest its deep and lasting concern at the hostile measures about to be carried into effect against N..plei—that ic e mould with some claim to attention, as stated by the Noble Earl who had just sat down (Lord Darnley), call neon Austria to desist, and thus save her from a dishonoured 'tame, anti this in frien.iship to Austria herself—he therefore cordially concurred in his Noble Friend's motion. The Earl of ABERDEEN said, that the Noble Lord, without any further information as to the grounds of the invasion of Naples, called upon the House to depart from that hue of neutrality, of which it had, by its vow. so re ly approved. Ile begged to be understood to express no approbation of the principles of the Holy Alliance, or its assumed right to interfere in the internal reettlations of other nations. Whether Austria can or cannot be justified in interference with Naples, or any other coun try, was nut in the present instance the question.-- Although there was something captivating it: the mane of liberty, still that would not be a sufficiew ground for oar interference, merely on that account, although there was ahvays sometbing magnanitnons in supporting the weaker party, ioill it was not a necessary consequence that the weaker party was always in the right; be should therefore oppose the motion. Lord HOLLAND said, many reasons concurred to induce him to support the motion of his Noble Friend. The Noble Earl (Aberdeen) had stated to their Lord ships, that his Noble Friend had mistaken or misre presented the Manifesto, and had argued throughout on that fallacy. that the Allies (at least the Austrians) had ant understood our views. His Noble Friend (Lord Lnnsitowne) had called upon the House to peas the re solutions, not on the account of the actions of the Austrians, but of their langnage. If the Noble Earl (Aberdeen) said he believed all the principles stowed by Austria in the Manifesto, would his Majesty's Mi ttisters say that this monstrous—this disgusting paper —is in unison with the views of his Majesty's Govern ment ?—(lfear.) The Noble Lord said, the only ob ject of the motion of his Noble Friend was to induce 514 to talestoloot our neutrality. Ile (Lord fl.) contend• ed the contrary was the necessary consequence. A Noble Peer had said, our interference would he an en couragement to people to resist ; and yet, at the fist moment Ministers had not hesitated to express their displeasure at the de.by which the Neapolitan Re volution had been effected. iVas that, or was it not, he would ask, friendship to Austria ? Austria hail either misunderstood the views of this country, or had mite epresented them to Europe, and he shelled the Noble Earl to get out of that dilemma.—(flear.) —The Noble Lord said, he believed Austria sincere, and there was no quarrelling with a man for his Ito.. lief.—(A laugh.) The Noble liaron then read the concluding paragraph of the manifesto of the Allied Sovereigns, and characterised it as the more atrocious, because under the mask of hypocrisy, it veiled the most tyrannical design. It was said in this manifesto, that they, the Allied Sovereigns, were desirous ut Peace. Peace indeed Why, if they were so, had they kept up such large establishments c He denied that this motion rertontuentled war. On the contrary, it was de-tioetl, in his opinion, to avoid war. There was no man more anxious to avoid war than himself. They %vele not railed upon to go to war, but they were ealle,l upon t siatlieate the sentiments of this country, which were misrepresented by Austria, and whatever might be the eousequences of such a proceeding es that he, for one, was prepared to meet 'lieut.—(lleat, hear.) For these reasons he would vote in favour of his Noble Friend's motion. The Earl of LIVERPOOL was glad in one sense to have heard the warm ebullition of his Noble Friend, because it gave him .! hope that they were returning to the better principles of former days. flow often had he sat in this House and heard a very different doctrine from the Noble Lords on the other side. Then, when the independence of Switzerland, of Holland. and of Spain ire:e overturued, what was, the langnage of those Wile Link ? Peace ! Peace too with a reyo- Ititionary SoverciAn, so great was the charm which re volutious 11.14 in the eyes of those Noble Peers. — (Hoar, hear.) -11e contended that if this motion were „,... 0 4„1, and it, iii consequence of it, a declaration were isstietl, then the c 'nifty should be prepare.l for war. Could any man tlettlit that such would be the elfeet of :1:e motion. after the speech of the Noble Itaron ?—(lfear, hear.)—:le agreed entirely With the Noble B a r o n in his dislike of war, and though he was coteitott that if there was a personal and domestic necessity for such a policy now, the sinews of war would ut this moment be found in this country;— (Hear, hear.)—yet at this hour he was convinced that the,hese and wisest policy of England was a ark; nett tiality.—(llear. hear )—lle trim ready to allow. and 4 ;t * itozlealy e u.uvinced of this, Rat the must us. thoseie lamented, revolutions because which . " n toj e apesw l i :ate. Helirit:lrse.::esohrueidi and impolitic thing thatA u ti f stria, the ii ih m k ‘iiiitsieami \ ever did, was the issuing the Noble Lord alluded. Th en um,e ft could not plainly see that there "Illsa were two ph ati , abroad in the wurlol, both of which _ were or* . He was sorry to see so gre at , sition in some Noble Lords in thi s if -- 4 1 1 ° tgOtase. roil. finance one of those principles. Th e pies to which he alludes , , wero fodricsee esa.oso drioninia. , : ie laa wie7 : 6 upholding all revolutions because they h e x c iiknb w e tody n e te th r eti e :me w i l eA g na t e eilly iii a tetessm : 4 :l lll 447l : 4l.. l ke i l la - Vole Iw o; it *ions ; and on the other, that of patti ng h es from a similar motive t downomin exigencies , and a l ad lear t could not but think the existence of the Carho u tg . I which was spread far beyond. the territory of Ire a t r e b n i o s c !Il i a : !lan e o i b f u e b li s t t o i l i a e w n l i s t i n i c t l n e ; o l w t • Hon which the Noble Baron applied to it. • lset it contained, could be taken only to esprem tie r ia , 1 timents of the parties who agreed to it st at c ow gress of Troppau. Now this country had a , v i re tentative at that Congress, with powers to • . in its deliberation, and cootseqnetorly &Iliad CSII net be supposed, in any respect, included is t i e pia of i:. There had been, moreover, a declared.* g centrality made on the part of this country to th e A l . lied Sovereign?, anal they had expressed thes e mi l. hellos with it.—(Hear, hear.)—lle had also deb t , pines, to add, that that declaration had been sti r with sentiments of approbation is th e ashet states of /tarots?. With respect to the mole. tions of Spain and Naples, he thought it k g foie to state his opinion, that Ferdinand of *hi b provoked the revolotion in that country. Rs hut ma equally strong evidence before hint that &Missed tr Naples had provoked the revolution in his hi and he was not friendly to the sudden adoption XI: reign Constitntion by any country. The great merit Si any Constitution eta its adaptation to the pendia fir. ruonstances and tyants of the country which adopted it. Any thing else was a 1111C6 . 0 paper i'oncitutioa, EA would not starol.--Ile remembered to have heard 16. Fox say, and it ov , s one of the wisest things he had*, beard that great man utter, that " if you selected IN fi e (*mi wisest men in the trivia , atoll placed them in aims i f themselves, for the pnrpose of forming a ' , for any particular state, they would produrta lion which would be abeAutely uttenduralle. Noble Earl then pointed out the proper poke y el country. If their ohj ct w;.s to maintain their A* of respect in Revise, they ;wind obtain it in as sopa effectual as that of preserving a fair neutrality Wigs all the powers concerned.—(Near, hear.) The Maniocs, of LANSDOWNE replied. Ile denied that he, for one, had ever approved sf the interference of France with the coutrits which the Noble Earl had mem . ° tril, a the the object of his motion was to limier this country in war. 'f he true object of Lis motion es, to induce this country to act up to a real nrutrality.— Having ones declared that neutrality, it was oratory that this country should proclaim its disavowal of thew prieciples, a participation in which themanifesteim puled to it. lie Jellied that be had uttered use es pressioo which conlol justify the Noble Earl in (berg* him with being one of those who upheld all rends• tions, merely because they were revolutions. He ad , witted it might be an evil, that Naples was ander the necessity of adopting a foreign Constitution; iota thesanse time be conceived, that if that Coostionle was allowed to work, it would, in the course of its *re dun, be improved by the wisdom of the Parliamentssi the necessity of the circumstances, as they mightwie. The Noble * Earl apprehended that the exiateucataa Csrhonari beyond the territory of Naples, washettos manifest, and that it would be productive of evil. If that were the fact, was it to he expected that theft(' scut proceedings of the Sovereigns would tend to pst down that sect ? On the Contrary, would they snit have the effect of producing a noire general anti a 21.. rt vigorous combination, for the purpose of resistis: the principles upon which those Soverei ms acted. (lien) The Noble Marquess then referred to the ins;rattioso which hail been given at a former period to Lord N. I3entinek. by %thief% he was authorise/I to hold oat Lop.. oT independence and liberty to the States of Italy. I!: referred also to the prorlamation dated 20th Febroo. I3l4,whiclo was issued by the Prince Regent beforeret• ling out with the army before Palermo, to take pe- Session of Naples, in which a distinct promise rashtid out to the people of the Two Sicilies, that by achierisg their independence they would acquire fur therethes civil liberty. After the.4eprotnises, originally IA rit by England anal confirmed by the Prime Itegent.las i' not inconsistent in this country to see with the stow: indifference the liberty of the Sicilies menaced with sun destruction ? 'lle cuutended that at least it trotthibi* come this country to declare to Austria and to the vol'i its positive disapprobation of the new international ler id t i re a c l is ni a ti r : necessarily involve a r t.tle Itillit t i: lo dl i s a c S : ti nt ic ti a r e y rijg: il :l lv ls a lB r l e . 3".trhdis filh'een:isdel; Lord HOLLAND, before the question was put. ableigygiendotiotigaesek,cenasoettlooertthhee p N r u n b ec l: ,i l;; : a , : r l s isio,oid Sitreee ,b_11.:!: A'Cuttrt upon the instructions o bid' he had - rficFr 4 . o : from home, whether he had delivered the &doom; to the Prince Vicar, any objection to lay a copy of the i:, . erection% on :la table of the noose. floe i,. The Earl of 1.1 VER POOl, o i,jerted to lay strotctions on the table, and As tt/ iLe CA11111 144 et ". and %%nether the N..ble Earl lis ter l l: i i .e . i c n A l l ' a l . 'll t' k e u l t i r r o t days,.line. expecte d an i': e Il i r his t' p . h rU s r etta t.Nan t n g. I s is w i t "'" l '`` i"' .. The question was then put. and the nee:: diem, For the Motion .................. 3 . Against it .... , ............... - •••_" -q Majority against the Nlution ...... There writ: no Pro%ies. The House aoljostrne.l ut Twelve o'clock. 'IOUs,: OF COMNIONS.--tatn‘s. nattcn. 2. The 110n. , e met at about f.:or ; and, as ntua org c engaged a runsitletuble time upon Poivate Mr. Alslenuan sJIITII ob; a:me leuve to bring i n 1 Bill ft!t. repairing Illackfriars' 131.0. T. Mr. HOIiHOUSE presented a Pelitiam C . "' tile babitants.of the Parishes of Si. Jame!, Wei/winde I r • Uessege, liamorer-aquare: atOI S:. Nary-le -bon°. complaining of *the conduct of a II per II ol" ; * lo 'fly. The lion. Member olisersel, that be I"' • • Set 'i., be wri ype-•-f. , ... • . irr N. rt -..--- ' • ionissii, se I Reggie/ and take sack steps, as lb 'fet ; ditctiltillt reet am. fa our tPinli- casstrY• efttlit Ii ori•e and those proceedings, on their AAA am - oeneivraAlia enktribliting I , Mend liberty and Pea.' Prussia es Isted'As dlatisrb tbe t wf allf.r, anal- sal loPPinall. - • - ' • which the the progress of a 111`Mil 1 / 4 %V Ch tle K in. The Earl of WESTMORLAND salt, - the Noble who could will runtish esomploi injuOoss to otowitpla 111- lard bad, ea a late measles, atiribitted all the die ependence of MO MOP ," _ , ples abroa d Earl BATHURST eettteaged that the seasee. tresses of she crweetry so coatis/Mal wen in which impolitic. this country had no interest. Whether we snake war union In tines of Ministers bad already been explicit neigh. or peace the opposition was sine to be the use. If generice o if11A!...t.....-... .....t... mane. ,i•eigive sten. they wield de - ... int•efered now %re should diner,. to be charged eves nles to w 1 e"l"lll"llllll"lllll.itsilasutingAulfaithitlie 11111.1414aaitealsalli7; pe r°;;lirittnYlde l e :aitedt p tio cs llll;eolisees e fit se r:Th { :ll4l F il l wi'll : 4 l: 74lll:lllLlll°ll : 6 e 7 9 111111 I' th s at er. of pettisg llll" theme 4lll4 ,6 ri ?fib illrl'ileotuo. He t l i t r a e vl e . oihgr e xi s t ence e • d i ol c it d iah ri h i s t ic e s etnewrtdotrn: the tot r e : ir territory fa eota l i a l e .:l ll : U k ell 14:1 Cam, ll ! e a yis r.) t — en eld in th at vie, h e s of the C at h ei4 s issued by the Alliet a g o o , non applied to it. A t ken only to express d e low r this country had es v i re ms, with powers to pirthi gq i; caresseqnently Englatod *IQ %. •'4 respect, included is art p in moreover, a declare.s sl part of this country to the ey had expressed thei r i n g s , hear.)-11e had also drelip declaration had been • • approbation is the inke t respect to the r e f *. Naples, he thought it bet that Ferdinand of Spier hied in that country. he isg vat before him that &Mimed 0 e revolution in his kiftgs m; to the sudden adoption of 111. ly country. The great merit s( adaptation to the pendia: sir. If the country which adoptei 11Cill paper i'oncitutioa, 1611 emembered to have heard lb. of the wisest thing* he had ewe • that "if you selected all do , aril placed them in a mom one of forming a Caostireders , they would product.* Comeirsi. abs.:lutely uttenduraMs." I oat the proper policy el Ih :st wr.s to maintain then Mile aey wild obtain it in se myss , rving a fair neutrality tones t.—(Near, hear.) IrANSDOWN II replied. He e, had ever approved of the • ince with the meanies an had went . ° tell, er tbtt motion was to involve *I true object of I.is motios **, SO act up to a r: al neutrality,- that neutrality, it wits owner! proclaim its disavowal of** lion in which tinmanifesto in. • d that be had uttered use es- isti fy the Noble Earl in (barest 1 those who upheld all rends• they were revolutions. He ad. evil, that Naples was andet the a foreign Constitution; beta aired, thst if that Constitstim ivould, in the course of its sera- ;he wisdom of the Paella:aeon! Tuinstances, as they usightsrie. hended that the existeuceefaz territory of Naples, walla:tee • would be productive of evil. If s it to be expected that the Fe- e Sovereigns would tend tops% the contrary, would they o aciag a more general an a a 1..% for the 'tarpon of resirois: the I those Sovereigns acted. (hear) • ten referred to the ins;ructions at a former period to Lord was authorised to hold oat 'actrot iberty to the S!ates of Italy. ke 4 orlantation elated 20th Mew, by the Prince Regent before set. ,y before Palermo, to take pe- rhich a distinct promise %mink e Two Sicilics, that by achietisg ; ,y would acquire fur therelses 10-seproutises, originally IA est vied by the Priers , It .t ent,trss it country to see with the eine of the Sicilies menaced srith sun tended that at least it would le. ,eclare to Austria and to the veil , : ttion of the new international lo l Soveteigns shoved the-welter a declaration as this avoid wt is country in war. , before the question was rt. her the Noble Earl had reeeitA io the proeee,ii:!os of SW Wte. aructiona %%Hell he had - ritcrlvel lie had delivered the Jed-twice. and n !seller the Side Earl had A copy of the iastractiuns on aye It POOl, o bjected to lay the *ta- le. and as to tue remind et So meted rirstaehes (rose thatNito- lid then his proceedings Is'A ljk vi:1tpanl!cile1eili..tflia.11::::11.111t7:1.11::11:c..1.1‘1131.112.---441.11:1• do nests ;4 4 . about I,lu . ; and, as lhale tittle upon Po ivate I ITII ob:ame :wave to bring In lackfriars' It. irl2,,r. • f . . n ee the I' prese nted a retina e rishcs of St. James, 11 44 .• , IF lI