The Statesman. — London, England, 1815-06-14 00:00:00

THE STATtSMAN. the moral and religious instruction of the' Negroes; ordd thus to endeavour to make them some amends for their sufferings in this world, by opening to them brighter prospects of a future existence. Above all other circumstances, he had looked to the encou. rgement of marriage among the Slaves, as a neces. , an y and most beneficial consequence of th e t ra d e . In Africa, it appeared from Parke's account that mi rri..ges were very prevalent, and very rarely yin. Io St. Domingo, after the slaves had vindi. ra nd their rights, marriages became universally p r e. ' ,d e nt. and were much elicitor tged by rendering tin mardiod men incap Ode of admission to high offices is the time. ti!tg to the Atiolition of the Slave I'rade in Fridley.. ho observed that the character of Bonaparte justified the suspicion that he would en deavour to tamper with our Islands, and thus the ex pediency was conlirmeirof attaching to ourselves 2 , much as possible the Negroes as well as the free c oloured race; the recent admission of the last of which to the right of giving evidence on criminal trials, he had been very happy to learn. Another stimulus to a due attention to the interests of the Negro population, arose front the contemplation of the numbers of our brave soldiers who had fallen victims to their efforts. How desirable would it be to convert the slaves into a free and happy peasantry capable of defending the Islands which they iitlia. bited, instead of endangering them by their presence. The Legislature of Antigua had done themselves im mortal honour by their resolution, expressive of their willingness to accede to any plan of rational and practicable reform ; and he trusted, that, on cool consideration, all the rest of our Colonies would see the advantage of imitating so liberal an example. Ile should be most happy to have them for his co-adju tors in this great %ork. In conclusion, he moved for leave to bring in a Bill for the better prevention of the illicit importation of slaves into the British Colonies. _ _ _ Mr. A. BROWNE felt the difficulty of making any impression on the House, after the elogeent speech which they had just beard. Ile appealed to them, however, whether, considering the advanced period of the Session, and considering that the question affected the Constitutional rights of the Colonies, as well as the private interests of individuals, it would not be wise to postpone the discussion of it until those who were materially interested in the decision should have the means of knowing the character and extent of the proposed measure. When the Honour able Gentleman had give', notice of his motion, he (Mr. Browne) was by no means aware that his ob jeer was to strike at the very existence of colonial au thority He assured the House there was no person a _venter friend to the abolition than he, though he could not hope to eseap' suspicion ; but if the Noble Lord who had used such great efforts for the great object could not escape, be must he content to bear his part. Ile had not disagreed to the Bill which passed this year to render it penal to lend money to carry on the Slave Trade, stud therefore be thought he had a right to claim that he should be considered as friendly as any person to the object of abolition. The object of the Honourable Gentlenete's measure, however, was not to resider more penal that against which the law had already sufficiently provided, but In destroy colonial authority, and to risk the tenure by which all West lndi property was held. The Honourable Gentleman had been very eloquent and pathetic on the abuses existing in the colonies. These abuses were not the question before the House; which was simply whether a sufficient Parliamentary ground had been laid for a further Legislative enactment to prevent the clandestine importation of slaves. He disbelieved the statement, that a clandestine im portation had taken place. The Honourable Gentle man had admitted that no such importation had taken place in Jamaica, hut to Jamaica he had confined that admission. The honourable Gentleman might kiss. taoled it to iota hieh island he (Mr. Browne) betiestai in his cotisM-11,.e that not a single negro had been clatidestinmy imported. In the absence of all proof that such a clandestine im portation had taken place in any other island, would the House consent to provide further against a supposed crime %%bids was already fe ttle): by law ? He could assure the Honourable Gentleman that if it should turn out tout the existence of clandestine importation rendered further measures necessary, no mail o °old support such measures more heartily One himself. But in the t1 , ..0r0 of all knowledge of the fact, be entreated the house to pause before they legislated, when the only ground of their legislation must be the supposi tion dint the importation was connived at by those who, he was sore, felt it their duty (whatever might be their interest) to give effect to the nwasore of aho- Minn. The establishment of a registry, in order to carry that measure into effect, would be a direct attack on the ronatitutional rights and privileges of the Assemblies of the different Islands. He would not contend that Pal 'lament bad not a right to do this. But a right, and the exercise of a right, were two distinct things. While they maintained the right I:self, the exercise of that right right justly become a gip stion of discretion; not to he adopted without a strong rise of necessity, and then with a due regard to the feelings of the parties interested, and to the preservation of that property over which the laws bad thrown the impenetrable shield of their protec tion. If on the representation to them by the Secretary of State, the Assemblies of the differ ent Islands shonld evince a reluctance to carry into execution the well digested plan that had been formed for giving effect to the abolition of the trade, then, and then only, would a case be made nut demanding legislative interference. He was aware of the extreme unpopularity which at tended any uppearance of a disposition to check an effort in behalf of duos , whom the views of our poli tical system had placed in a state of servitude. But he could not forget the moral duly which imposed upon him the necessity of caution, lest while he en deavoured to bcoefit oho class he should materially injure another. He could not overtook the rights of distant and unrepresented communities—rights es tablished for two centuries by Parliamentary provi sion. Bot the question of right was not before the House. All he now wished was to impress upon them the justice and necessity of suspeedieg their jt , dgment on the Bill proposed by the Honourable Gentleman, until it should be ascertained by evidence tlmt the evil complained of existed in a degree to call fur Pas liamentary interference. As that evidence could be obtained only in a Committee, he would move as an amendment, to leave out till the words in the original motion after the word " that," for the purpose of inserting the following : " a Committee be appointed to inquire, whether any clandestine im portation of Negroes in the British Colonies had taken place since the passing of the Act for the Abo lition of the Slave Trade." Mr. PROTHEROE was not only desirous of pro. tooting by every means the great object of the entire; abolition of the Slave Trade, but he was even de sirous of lending his support to the plan which his Hole' Friend had now brought forward. But while he said this, he owned he WAS also R good deal struck ith what had fallen from an Hon. Gentleman be hind him (Mr. A. Browne). It became the House in a business of this consequence not to proceed with any undue haste. Did his Hon. Friend think that it • would he possible to proceed through the Bill in the present Session, and that an affair of so great interest to the Colonies should be decided on without afford. ing them an opportunity of expressing their senti ments ? He was not very sanguine, howe'ver, in his expectations that the Colonial Legislations would adopt this measure, and it was the less likely that the measure was brought forward here, as they would 1 1 consider it as an infraction of thei r ri g hts. H e was , willing to allow that the Legislature of the parent country had a permanent right to legislate for the Colonies, but the exercise of this right ought to be determined by the combined consideration of the importance of the object, and the possibility of its being effected. He hoped his Honourable Friend would follow the example of an lion. Baronet (Sir George Clerk), and move for the appointment of a Committee, that the result of their labours might be laid before the House in the next Session. Sir JOHN NEWPORT said, if the lateness of the Session was prejudicial to the consideration of the Bill, it was equally unfavourable to the forma. lion of a Committee. What would the Committee do? They would prepare a Bill, which would lie over from next Session to the following. Ile depre cated the proposed delay, and thought that this bless ing ought to be conferred on these unfortunate indi viduals at as early a period of time as possible. Lit all the Colonial Legislations the Members must be guided by the feelings of the people whom they re present, and the Imperial Legislation ought to inter pose its authority in a case of this consequence. Mr. PROTH EROE explained. Mr. MARRYAT thought in justice to themselves and the colonies, the House ought to have a legisla tive foundation to act on. Ile considered the Com mittee from which this measure proceeded, as by no means the safest guides for the House. By their construction of the Abolition Act and our Treaties with Spain and Portugal, which had been sent to all commanders of vessels, numerous captures had been made of vessels belonging to those countries ; and our Government had been obliged to pay Portugal 300,0001. for vessels unjustly captured, and Spain was claiming two millions of dollars on the same ac count, which he had no doubt we should be obliged to pay. This was brought on the country by the Abolitionists taking on themselves official authority without being in official situations. It was not only a loss of money, but a loss of national honour, and we owed it to the African Institution. He thought the African Institution had not dealt with candour by the public—they bad published -only the docu ments iu their own favour, but withheld other documents which were of a contrary description. lie would instance the unfairness of suppressing a letter from the Governor of Sierra Leone, for eight years, which had lately come out. In the publication of the late mission of the late unfortunate Mungo Parke, they had given statements with a view of establishing the increase of the domestic industry of the natives of the country round Sierra Leone, which when pro perly explained would bear no such construction. They had obtained reports from all the Governors on the coast of Africa iu answer to questions respect ing the progress of agriculture and domestic industry among the natives since the abolition, stating that there had been none whatever. But all these reports were suppressed. This was hardly fair. He did not impute any unfair motives to the body of the African Institution ; but lie contended that they had not sufficient time themselves for the consideration of ill the subjects before them, and that they had entrusted these matters to individuals who had not dealt with crito:our towards the public. The arguments in fa- Tout of clandestine importation, derived from the comparison of returns in the island of Trinadad, were by no means conclusive, as the old returns were ex tremely defective. Ile could say that no less than lifty-one estates had been abandoned in Trinadad for want of negroes to cultivate them. Time negroes had decreased in number in that country. In Grenada the same thing had taken place. A poll tax was laid on the Negroes of that island ; and from that tax it appeared that the number in 1808 amount. ed to 26,109, and in 1813 only to, 22565. It had been contended that no amelioration had taken place in the condition of the slaves since the aboli tion ; but he could say, that a great amelioration had taken place in the island of Grenada, the Colony with which he was best acquainted, when before the abolition the slaves worked day and night, and were divided into gangs, as on board of ships, but this practice had been abolished. The expence of the re turns in Trinidad had been enormous, and the pro prietors of slaves had been put to a deal of unnecessary trouble. It had been said, that without such a registry as that proposed, no man could prove his freedom ; but every man who resided in the West Indies could have no difficulty in proving his free dom. It was no uncommon thing for slaves to run from one Island to another, where they gave them. selves out as free men: this description of peo ple would be protected by the proposed mea sure. A man who was really free, took out a passport when he left a place, and it was im possible then to molest him. Registers of the sort proposed would be of use to criminals and runaway slaves, but of no use to innocent people. A good deal had been said shout colonial rights—he was not now disposed to deliver an opinion on the subject, but he knew what opinions had been delivered on the subject during the American war. The Act of 18th Geo. ill. renounced the right of raising money in any of his Majesty's Colonies, without the consent of the Assemblies of these Colonies. This Bill was in effect a Money Bill; for • it would operate as a tax on the people. We ought to recollect, that by persisting in the question of right we lost America. We ought to recollect, also, that the same object might be attained another way. If we did as the Honourable Gentleman wished us, we should only be raising ap a stone wall to !steak our own heads on. IVe had only to prohibit the lending any money to any Colony which did not agree to such a register as that now wanted. If we acted as the Honourable Gentleman recommended, we might, psrhepe, light op a flame between the Mother Country and the Co lonies, which would one day be deeply deplored.— Ile hoped the Hon. Member would withdraw his mo tion for the present. Mr. DOUGLAS argued, that after what we had billed upon all Europe to sacrifice, it was folly to ' talk of delicacy to the colonies. Nothing on this subject could he more impolitic than half measures. Sir S. ROM LILY thought that the measure ought speedily to be passed without the delay of enquiries before a Committee. The object of the Committee could only be to prove that no illicit traffic in slaves was carried on ; if that were the fact, the Bill could at le,:st do injury, not producing any effect. The great benefit of this measure would be to improve the situation of the neiroes, which the Bill for the Abolition of the Stave 'I rade had little accomplished. Ile lamented that in most of the West India Islands the burden of proof still laid upon the negro to esta blish that he was free, and that was done by the do ' cement of his manumission, which might be stolen ' from him, and e►en then his evidence was only al ' lowed in one fif the colonies. With regard to what had beds said by the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Browne), that Oil measure attacked most harshly the right of West lldia planters, he would only observe that it I only aimed at illicit traffic, and if the rights of the planter's depended upon that, it was most fit that it should be attacked. No man could deny, not even the opponents of this measure, the right of Parlia ment to interpose; Dud if any notion prevailed in the West Indies that the Legislature here could not itt terfere with the management of the slaves by the planters, it was high time that such an opinion were refuted. Without meaning to speak wits► disrespect of the Colonial Assemblies, he was not disposed to trust too much to their measures after the experience had of their disposition. He referred to the cases of Mr. Huggins and Mr. Hodge to prove what might be in future expected. Mr. BARHAM was strongly in favour of the: measure, but he thought that the more effects*, mode would be to put the Bill into such a shape as to render it capable of the consent of the Colonial Legielatures. Without that the object would not be effected, and by fraud and deception the provisions would-be avoided. He was in favour of treating the Assemblies with respect, and to suppose that they were disposed to assist the House in that object. He was in favour of the Committee. . Lord CASTLEREAGH would have supported the .motion for a Committee as a separate proposi tion, but not when it was brought forward in direct opposition to the Bill of Mr. Wilberforce. He was not prepared to state any decided opinion upon the particular measure, or its policy, but he nas in cliiied to allow it to be brought in that it might be known and circulated. Every thing ought to he dole to reconcile the Colonies to the law, in order to'aveid even prisitive danger; or at least the defeat otttbsholtject.. He believed that the Bill would he .• mach more effect the feelings of the Colonies were consulted ; and he should not be disposed to support this Bill in its future stages, if the Honoura ble Member intended to press it through during the present Session. if the feeling in the West Indies were strongly against such a law, he thought it would be impolitic by absolute compulsion, in the first instance, to inflict it upon the Colonies. Mr. W. SMITH supported the original motion, and thought there was not much to be expected from the voluntary efforts of the West Indian Legislatures, and that the recommendation of the Government would have no effort. If the Registry Bill were passed, he did not donht but that it would be submitted to, and executed, as the Abolitiou Law had been. ' Mr. WILBERFORCE shortly replied. He ac knowledged that the Session was so far advanced that it might net he advisable to press forward a measure which might meet with opposition In all its stages. He should therefore yield to the general wish of the House. • Mr. A. BROWNE withdrew his Amendment, af ter which leave was given to bring in the Bill. Mr. MARTI N postponed his motion respecting the Pension to Col. Bloomfield, to Tuesday: On the the Report of Supply, Mr. PONSONBI" wished to remind the House, . that among his objections to the Swedish Treaty was this, that when any peace was made with France we Should be obliged to restore Guadeloupe, and indem say Sweden for the tom Lord CASTLEREAGH said, that he had sup ported the Treaty at the time alluded to, on the cor►- sideration of the whole of the question, especially the favourable torn given to the campaign by the aid of Sweden. It was then desirable to give Sweden a t French possession, arid thus an interest in opposition to that Power. Mr. W. SNIITH asked wily this country should be called on to pay for that which was advantageous I to the whole Confederacy? 'As to the cession of Norway, which teas connected with the present sub ject, he vi as happy to be able to state, from informs. ! t ion he had received, that the people of that country were not so dissatisfied as there had been reason to' expect. After a few words from Mr. BANK ES, the Re- Tort was agreed to. The Report of the Committee on the Subsidiary , Treaties waQ brought up, Mr. PONONRY cbserved, that in Om Treaties in question there was no object either of British or Itt:oropean interest stated in which the money now repaid to Russia was expended, neither did it appear ; that id August, 18111, when the Treaties were signed, there was any object to induce us to sign the Treaty. This money, too, Was to be paid at i time when economy was so desirable; for he bvtleved it would be found that the addition to be mad , • to the princi pal of the debt this year would he 100,000,0001., equal to half the debt contracted from the Revolu tion to the breaking out of the French war. He disapproyecrof the eipenditnie of bums on the for-1 ‘_ ~ 'rel l WV . " l o#o - , .9.: • • TUESDAY. JUN 6 13. !HAMBURG!!, JUNE 2. tecir tresses of Flanders, and the Cape of Good Hope, which was valuable, and Demerara, and to the other Colonies, which were. useless or dorimental to us, we had a good right, having woo titm., in arms. Lord CASTLE'REAGII said, the heat way Great Britain could act on lieillefev.ire alliance would be to fortify tire Netherlands' f:ontier. The Treaty with Russia was concludcd in May 1815, and the payment to he made under it was nialeria ly counter balanced by the possession of the Dutch Coloniea. Mr. PONSONBY and Lord CASTLEREAGH explained. After a few wards from Mr. W. SMITH, tha Report was agreed to, and Bills ordered to ba brcuint in accordingly. The Stamp Duty Report was agreed to, and a Bill brought in accordingly, which was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Friday ► and to be printed. The Post. Office Bill Report was brought up. Mr. GORDON propcsed that it be taken into farther con4cieraticn this day three months. This amendment was negatived, and the Report egreed to. Lord PA LM IMSION brought in a Bill to grant allowances .to Fotr-ign °Ricci-, equal to the half: pay to British Officers of the same rank ► which was read a first time. Adjourned at half-past one. SUPPLEMENT to the LONDON GAZETTE of Foreign-Office, June 13. A Dispatch, of which the following is a copy, has bren received by Viscount Castlereagh, his Majturtyli Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.houi Lord Borgliersh, his Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Tescany dated NapleF. htny 23, I$lS, • M Y LORD,—Prince Leopold,• of Sicily, greeted by the general applause of the people, male his entry into this city, at the head• DE the Austrian troops on the '22a. • The pas,sage of that Prince through his father's states to the capital has been most gratifying. The inhabitantk*om considerable distances flecked to meet him, and, having reassume) the national cock ade, brought him proofs of their attachment to his family, and their detestation of tt.e rile they were escaping from, implied epos them by conquest, and maintained.byferce. By the Convention transmitted to your tordship in my last dispatch, the allied arms were to havelieen placed in possession of Naples on this.day. The po pular f:Tling had, however, so strongly manifested itself against the then *misting Gaveropaenl, on the - ROth and 21st, that Marshal Marat left the town in disguise, and his wife sought the security which had been assured her on board a British matt of war. General Carrascosa sent to General Bianchi, re. lquesting he would prevent the misfortunes with which the town was menaced, by entering it imme diately; and Madame Murat, by the same request to Admiral Lord Estneufh, prevailed upon him to land a body of 500 marines, to maintain tranquillity. Marshal Murat appears to have been fully aware of the little support his usurped dominion, when me. naced, would receive either from the army or the in habitants of this kingdom: his children were already placed at Gaeta. GeAellal Bianchi sent forward his cavalry, under . Count Neipperg, on the evening of the 21st. It oc cupied this city during the night, and preserved it from disorder. Prince Leopold has regnestegi all the authorities of the kingdom, the Ministers of State, and the Officers of the army, to remain at their post to await the orders of the King. Admiral Penrose sailed from hence to Melazzo, to bring his Majesty to his capital. In a few days his Majesty's a r rivalmay be ejrpecred. Admiral Lord. Extn , o4h arrived in the Bay of Naples on the ‘261V. 4 - I Pft expedition from Sicily is arrived this moming. _ _ Madame Murat will sail to-morrow on board of his Aljesty's ship Tremendous towardc Gaeta, to receive her children on board, and will then pro ceed to Trieste. No disturbances of any serious nature have taken place. The enmity against such as are supposed from their employments to have bean attached to the late Government is great, but the activity with Which General Bianchi has carried assistance to the points where it might be required has retained the country quiet.-1 have the honour to be, &c. (Si4ued) BC; RGII ERNI. The number of Hamhurgh troops reviewed here on the 31st of May amounted to 10,000 men, su perbly equipped. We have reason to believe that Swedish Pomerania will be ceded to Prussia, that the Duchy of Linen burg will remain in the possession of Hanover, and East Friesland in that of Prussia, in consequence of arrangements concerted at Vienna. W; hear that the Prussian Geucral D'Yorck has retired from service. _ _ _ The Treaty of Peace between Saxony and Prussia has just been published in Germany. It was con cluded at Vienna on the 18th, and ratified on the 21st ult. It consists of 2b Articles, of which the follow. ing is the substance : Art. S. The cessions of Saxony prescribed by the Congress are confirmed and settled anew, so that from the Elbe to the Bishoprick of Nierseburg, the Bailiwicks of Torgau, Eilerrorg, and Prussian De• litsch, are cut off, with the exception of Some reel procally encloscd districts. The enclaris in the prin. cipality of RensF., which, with the circle of Neustadt, become Prussian, are Getall, Blibtendot f, Sparenberg, and iliatikenberg. 4. 'rite King of Prairie assumes, on account of his new provinces, the title of Duke of Saxony, Landgrave of Thuringia, :Hargrave of both lansatiac, and Count of Henneberg. 5. Within a fortnight after the ratification, Prussia' evacuates those parts of Saxony which she does Not continue to hold. 6. Both airisi, Iy renounce all feudal . ions ..Iproca► . connections or dependence. 7. The deeds ) &c. in the Archives with regal.] to r'fr •*-•« I ~i