The Statesman. — London, England, 1823-05-01 00:00:00

`TR% STA TESAAN • c ould he more unjust. The question was, not what should be done in case of a separate contest between Friieee and Spain, but, if, at the Congress at Verona, there was addressed to the Sovereigns a proposition to interfere collectively in the affairs of Spain, and the con sent of England asked, the answer *as, that his Britannic Majesty would not be a party, come then what may. After all that hail been levelled at the proceedings of the British Cabinet the end of this brief, but plain declaration of their's, sum the diaso lution of Cingress—(Hear.)—l f the Hononrable Baronet applied !hat document to the proper period, he must see that it was no unimportant declaration ; sad if he follows its streets to the end, he would see that no joint declara tion from the Sovereign was issued. It was true, in poli tics as well as in mechanics, that if you execute a great object with the least power, an important point was et timed. It was by that short note that the combination was prevented. and the result was a proof that, though brief, the measure was adequate to its object. 'l'o have -laboured the same point with a great display of language —to have flourished in tine terms, would have been an idle display of words, and have risked the final object by passages of intemperance. Who were the witnesses to the fact of the result attained by that brief paper The first was Viscount Nlontmorency, the alhaister of France ',lumen, who declared that, if England would have con sented to he a party, the iuterference with Spain was decided. The next witness was the declaration among tie papers conveyed by Sir William A'Cot rt from Snit Miguel. The Minister of Spain admitted, that the Con g-ess was broken ntr by the decision—the bruesinfalmen of Great Britain. The next testimony he had to produce, was that of the Hun. Member for Westminster, a quarter from whence neich assistance could not have been enact psted.—(A laugh.) That Gentleman stated on tho autho rity of private couintunications—certainly more true films elite-chamber reports generally were—that the 'Pint declarations of t h e Sovereigns was prevented by the note of the radical English filiuiater.—(ilear, and a laugh.) Here then, if he was accused of any thing, it was not of failure, hut success. He did not hesitate to sae, that the great ohject which be hail in view, was to p:event a joint declaration against Spain. No matter what private quarrel might remain between France and Spain, it was a great matter to attain,tbat the Sovereigns should divide without issuing any combined declaration —to divide the disputes fioni a joint to a separate con test, and to reduce it from a general to a asthma( ques tion—to bring it within the range of orihnary events, acrd within the scope of the usual arraageinents. The charge sow made against his Majesty's dlinisters was treat of not having negotiated in al different tone from that which they bad used. Nom, lie would implore the House if it 'came to a vote on the Address that hen moved, to make such an alteration in it, es to ex cept from it altogether the transactions which had taken place at Verona; for in these transaotions a high ton. on the part of our Minister could not baie been justified: It was 'tat only uncalled fur by dr cumettoces, but would have failed of effecting any object. With rem:eft to the objections that had been made by an Honourahle Friend of Ms (Mr. Wil lisrforee) on a former night, to the coarse of proceeding on the part of our Aili.ister at Verona, they should be considered rather in the light of a moral animadversion on a matter of public profligacy, that that species of rea wining which ought to be foiinJed on a political princi ple. 'f hose proceedings must nut he judged of by any moral standard, nor could any moral principle have been applied in the course of the negociations. Ills Hon. Friend hail, in the course of his valnahle life, enlighten ed the public by his wisdom, and rendered many 'impor tant services to his country, but be must be aware whet hide effect the topics which he urged would have had in producing any result, so far as the object of a politicol negociation was concerned. Those moral topics were of a higher cast, not at all seised to the business which had been discussed at Verona, arid to have employed them on such an occasion would not only have at forded an instance of bad taste, but would out have an swered the wished-for purpose. It would be like attempt ing to tear a leaf out of the book of the Holy Alliance to cover deeds that ought not to see the light. The gees- Con hail long ago been settled, that the parties on each side were to maintain their own opinions, without at tempts on the part of any of them to shake the opinions of another. Therefore our business merely was, allow ing others to maintain their opinions merely to put in our disclaimer; and to do so with as little blame as pos sible to the parties whose conduct we disclaimed. What would any Gentleman say—what would that House think if our negociator had addressed the Allied Sovereigns as a set of tyrants and despots. What a singular proposi tion it would be to make a demand in language of that sort—to say,—like Shylock in the play— " Fair Sir, you spit on me on Wednesday last ; You spursed me on such a day ; anothertime You called me—dog; and for these courtesies I yield you what you ask." Hs would put it then to his lion. Friend and to the House, whether it was consistent with human nature that any bene ficial or practical effect could have resulted if we had mixed up 01,11" remonstrances with the flowers of. Billiugsgate? By doing so we should only have sown the seeds of long and deadly hatred. That, however, was not the case, and we took another course, more consistent with those principles of policy on which nations were bound to act towards each other. Here then ended the Congress of Verona; end it had been asked why our Plenipotentiary had gone to Verona at all? It had been remarked, that on the first day when these papers were laid Oil the table, he had stated to the House, that it was not understood that the affairs of Spain should occupy a prominent part of the discussion of Congress ; why, therefore, send a plenipotentiary I Let the House recollect, that the Congress of Verona had assembled to consider the affairs of Maly, with which England had declared two years ago that she should have no participation; but he had nu hesitation to say, that when lie had accepted the seals of office, the great question to which the eyes of the Govern meat were directed, was the differences between Russia and the Porte; and so lutiwately concerned was the English Government in that important qeestion, that the British Ambassador at Constantinople was summoned to Verona, to state how he had left the negociatlons. It was undoubt edly supposed that some notice might be taken of the affairs of Spain ; but the chief business related to the differ owes between Russia and the Porte. A Batish plenipotentia ry. therefore, was sent to Verona, on account of the Turkish nagociation ; and into whose hands could such an affair be so well entrusted, es far at least as we could judge of future emits by pest success, as the illustrious individual who repre sented the British nation upon that occasion ! Another ques on bad been asked, namely, n by, when we saw that the Wairs of Spain mould undergo a discussion, was not a Npanish Ambassador sent to Verona? One sun ient answer could be given, as far as England was concerned, wbich was, that we had nut the power to prescribe such a measure; and besides it was morally certain, that if Spain bail urged such a step, it would have led to no lienelicial result ; for the King of Spain was then at variance with the Cortes, and would probably send a Minister, who would not speak tl:e sentiments of the na tien. Tbe Tuiltish nego. iation terminated by placing the sfraira of Russia in the bands of the British Atei4ter, with 4114tionalpowers, from the two prettiest nations in the world. This was no small degree of confidence; ibis furnished no proof that there was any thing iu the go vernment of England to Inner its character in the eyes of Hestia or the Sublime Porte (bear, hear). he British ambissadot cease to Verona avid retailed from it with as bleb authority as any man in a similar station ever poi served. Was this an evidence of the decayed itlfillebee, the prostut character, and helpless station of England ? (cheers.) 'I bus ended the Congress of Verona wan re pert to Turkey ; how thee was it with regard to Italy Itsliassffairs we had nothing to do ; the British Mi. Mater., although not instructed, but almost forbidden to in termer, could not forbear from protesting against the eve euatiois of l'aples. Therefore , in this respect, all had bees deuelhit Was neccissafy to Our eliarec:er. lie pow came to the treaties widch were entered into at Paris : they merely , provided for certain hypothetical cases which had not oc curred, and which have not—of which it was enough to say that France was not at variance with her Allies. The whole mfference, then, was between France and Spain. The con ditions were, •• that io case of any violation offered to the King of Spain or his family, or a n y forcible change of the reigning dynasty," then only should they interfere. These cases, howeter, have not occurred—but he would ask whether, if they had occurred, would-they not justify en in terference/ However, to this conclusion they mast come —that France was nut at war on a Verona case (hear, bear). The question then became a matter of difference between France and Spain, and not as when we had first dealt with it between France and the Allies. It was now a quarrel be tween kingdom and kingdom (hear). Ile was not now arguing whether the injustice was more or less flagrant, or against the policy of the war; the question was, whether the Go vernment had pursued a proper course in their mediation with Spain. Ile should not trouble the House by reading over the documents; but the House would find that when the Duke of Wellineton had applied for instructions, in case the question of mediation should be proposed, he received a discouraging answer, and was instructed on no account to undertake a mediation, if the Aides should move, by any corporate act, towards Spain. At Paris the negociation was first andertaken; and it was not necessary for nim to point oat the difference of negociating between a State end its Al Ilea, and between kingdom sad kingdom, who had to settle their differeazes accordidg to the old rule of European di plomacy. It has been asserted by suine gentlemen, in cola mentine apon these negotiations, that the conduct of the English Government amounted to humiliation, because they did not resent the blow received from Franca in refusing our mediation ; but he begged to state, that according to the law of nations—and he was sorry not to see the learned Ci vilian (Dr. Lashington) In his place—the refusal of media tion was no affront, and the proposal of good offices, after a mediation- had been refused, was no humiliation.—(Haar, Tne Right HO6. Gentleuan tiieu quoted a passage is support of this position from NOM, wniclt stated, that •• Mediation differed from good offices in this ; that tee latter might be applied after the failure of the first." The obser vations that some lion. Members had wade upon that pert of the question induced him to refer the 'louse to so unques tionable an authority—(fear, hear); and the reason why Ilia Majesty's 'Ministers had acted in that manner was this—that there existed between France and Spain (if he might use the ezpressiou), no corporeal difference which could be made a distinct subject for mediation. The dkaareement was ra ther to be removed by an appeal to the good sense of both, as these could be no arrangerneut about objects which were not tangible. If there had been a substantial cause of quar rel, then the case would have been different. If. for in stance, in the time of peace France had, by a coup de main, seized Minorca, then there would have been some corporeal / cause; but the matter was of a different construction, arising out of beg and reciprocal irritation, each feeling that the I best course would be to direct the attention of the mediator to promote woderationlo the other (lieac,twar.)Soutoobeerva- Itionshedbeen made by a gentleman opposite, tem Vie English government had remonstrated withSpaimbut not with France. Now west was the ease ? Our mediation was refased, hut our good offices were acoepted by France, whilst at the same time they were received by Spain ; and whitst he was on this part of the subject, he begged to call the attention of the House to a paper, which had been a good deal ornament ed on ; he meant the letter of the Spanish Mioister San Mi guel. In all that had been said on the eloquence. sincerity, shaplicity, and manliness of that document, he fully concur rod ; but its pur t rort, he believed, had been a great deal mis understood. The Spanish Minister had complained that he had not been made acquainted with the progress of the tie relations, but the reason he was not informed of them was this—we were then negoeiatlae with other Powers, in the hope of arriving at a result favourable to Spain. He appeal ed to any honourable man who heard him, whether, as long as there was a hope of an issue unanimous and favourable, would it not have been mash, blth to Spain and her Allies, to make known the eisputes which were then going forward, and which might never be brought to issue t Would it here , been right to tell France that we were fighting her battles, ' as long as there was a hope of a favourable termination ; which wean: have pretewfed her from feeling that these bat tles bid ever been fought• and it was not until he found that he had been cLaappoluted, that he communicated the sub ject? Ile thought he had taow put the house lu posses sion of facts which would explain the following passage of San Miguel's speech, and he wished that the conduct or the EnglisliGovernment might be tried bythis and no other stand ard- The Minister San Miguel writes thus:—•• The acts to which I allude would in powise compromise the most strictly conceived system of neutrality. Good of f ices, counsels, the reflections of one friend in favour of another do not place a nation in concert of attack or defence with another—do not expose it to the enmity of the oppo site party, even though they do not deserve its gratitude. England aright act in this manner; being able, ought she so to act? and if she ought, has she acted so? In the wise, the just, and the generous views of the Govern ment of St. James, no other answer can exist in the affirmative. Why, then, does she not notify to Spain what she has done?" It is tree, and no less lamentable than true, that the representations of this country to France did not prove streressful. The Honourable Mem ber fur Westminster (Mr. Hobhonse) haul attributed the failure to the intrigues of the liussiae Minister, who had gone so far as to state that that distinguished individual had made a bet in a French coffee-house, that lie would engage the French nation in a war (a laugh). [Mr. Hobliouse (across the house) —I only said it was so sup posed.] Indeed the whole erguinent of the Honourable Gentleman and those about him seemed to proceed upon the same system of supposition, and it might perhaps be as well to amend their address to the Crown by adding, that his Majesty's moat faith ful Commons most humbly pray that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to take measures to avert the dreadful calamity of a war, supposed to have originated in a French coffee-house.--(.k laugh.) The Hon. Mem ber for Bridgenorth hid stated that France could not avoid the war. If that assertion was correct, it removed much odium from the French Government. His Ma jesty's Ministers had been described as dupes; because the French Government, from the beginning, had one se:- tied determined object in view. The English Ministers, at least, were not the only dupes. M. Montmorency was aria to Verbna ; lie negotiated with the Allies, and on his return was made a Duke. Three days he was turned out of office, and his despatches assigned toothier ;Minis ters. So far lie (Mr. Canning) believed that lie had been duped. Ile really believed the change of the Ministers in France was a chauge from war to peace. It was not, however, so. It was changing the question respecting Europe to the French question. M. Montinoreucy rame from Verona with the case of the Allies. The Ministers who succeeded bad a case to meet the French view. The question was no longer whether peace or war hest applied to the interests of France. M. Montmorency must ho nourable resigned on the ground thyt he could not carry into (diet the principles agreed upon at Verona. On the change of the French Ministers some disnppointment en sued; but surely that change was ITJ groond for calling the British Ministers dupes. In such a variation of purpose, it was no longer a question relating to a corporate quarrel, but an individuat question. Time Duke de Montmoren , cy, •t i his note to the Duke of Wellington, changed his tone, and M. de Chateauhriand at once sand, the q tiestiou was tout Francais el Francais. Ile believed 31. de Ulm teatibriand to he a man of honour, and capable of dis charging the duties of his high situation. Whatever he might say of France, he owed it to the character of that Minister to say, there was nothing to I itl to !relieve he was any other than au npright honourable man. He owed him that statement, hemline he had enintentionally done hires some wrong. A letter from M. do a:bateau ' brand to M. Lagarde, had been translated as stating that Lord Fitzroy Somerset's negotiation had not reached Paris. Ile had since received another text, ' in which it appeared M. de Chateaubriaed had not spoken in the present, hitt in the future tense. Haring corrected I the inaccuracy, he should not do co.npleic Javier to that rtipentleman if lie omitted to state another fact: he nod just received t !e•tu.r on a serrject some time since brogglit under the obse►vation of tee House. They had beard an aecount of the capture of a Spanish corvette by s, French ship of war, which if she acted under orders, must have received these orders at the very time 11,1 e I French Government were most warm in their professions 'of peace. If that had been the fact, he il:d not feet that this country was entitled to throw the first stone to pu nish sneh an offence. By reference to the wars of 1796 and 1806, it would he found this country had not been the most regular in making captures, but it was satisfac tory to know it was not so. The moment lie heard of the transaction he sent a messawe to Sir C. Stuart, our Ambassador at Paris, to make inquiry into the matter, and ask the French Government fir explanat'on. It wa4 stated f .etto with, and a telegraphic communication hail been received. The letter was front M. de Chateau briond, dated Paris. April 28, I‘23:—tire have not rc cei►ed any thing official with regard to the capture by the Jean Barr. That vessel had no instruction to snake an attack. If wrong has been done, there must have been POlllO peculiar circumstances in the affair. In any case the Government will see justice done." The Right lion. Secretary thought it right to mike the above known, because it sbeived a readiness to give explanation when it was reit'si red. Among other topics in the debate of last hifilt, it bid been stated by an lion. Baronet, that the Spaniards had showed a solicitude to provide for the sa'ety of the Royal Fondly. lie could not ad mire the introduction of that topic aa connected with the conduct of Arguelles. Sir J. MACKINTOSH—The words I used were "for sparing the delicacy of Ferdinand." Mr. Secretary CANNING nme sure his Hon. Fsiend would agree with him, there could lo nothing more fa tal than to familiarize the mind of England or Spain to • disaster which the Hon. Baronet must naturally de precate. With reepect to the Memorandum of the Noble Duke which had been the subject of so molt criticism, it was dia hearing of this manly wind, nut intended to meet the eye as the subjr.ct of debate in that House. It was the Noble Duke's own thoughts, and he was assured what the Noble Duke said about Spain might be believ ed. in such a ease a person must have great hardihood to accuse the Noble Duke of incapacity. Ile trusted him self in the Noble Duke's hands, and whatever might be the view taken of the Memorandum in that House there was not an individual iu Spain who considered it as an offence. I wish to Goo, said Mr. Canning., part of the advice bad been taken. Ile admitted the point of honour. He did not fed that Spain was boaud to make any sa crifice, yet he was sure , if t h ey were justified in e uint of honour in wit consenting to modify their Constitution, .vt would have been romantic honour in England te ab stain from making the offer to Spain which she thought might lead to conciliation. There were but two questlians to consider ; one was whether the country ought to have gone to war, or whether it was not right to maintaio peace. ife should not say fastidiously to the Spa niards. wnilst you have ideas of honour, we cannot advise you for yonr good." They took a wiser course, they said ; a reconcilietion may take place by some cuneession to France. It was obvious that France had as mach tight to say we will have our troops on the Frontier, as Spain had to sly, we will have our Constitution.—(hear) It was distinctly stated to Spain, that if they would modify their Constitution, France would remove her troops. ft was usenlionel in Lord Wellington's Despatch, page 33, in a note to M. Sall Miguel, page 3S, and in a note from himself, in page 42. Ho had no wish to distort the VA!, 'hut to state facts as they really were. They knew they retold net go beyond the law of nations in their itegoci ations, and it would appear that they haul not exceeded the bounds described by the great writers on that subject. Vete!. describing what the duties of a mediator were, said His duty is to bear well and second the claim to restitution made by the party injured, but he ought not strictly to insist en rizitl terms. He, conciliator not judge, ought to induce the injured party to relax something for the preservation of peace." Such were the duties of n me diator, and he might ask whether the British Government had been unjust in recommending the weaker party to de part from something. of their rights for the end and pur pose of conciliation ? They bad discharged their duty fairly. Was it possible to look at Spain in its present' state, and say England was wrong in it:commending con cession ? They could not forget the power and com manding figure of France; a war in the heart of Europe produced a convulsion which all Europe must feel. He was sure the House would give him credit for saying it was with great reluctance to proceed out of what he consi dered his true course. He was anxious that the policy of his Majesty's Government should not be misunderstood, and therefore it was material no misrepresentation should go unnoticed. It was said there had been au endeavour to make the Spaniards violate their oaths. It was the opi nion of a Noble Spaniard who took part in the Revolu tion, that a modification might take place without a vio lation of the oaths of the parties. Upon a persuasion that the change would he advantageous to Spain, his Ma jesty's Ministers made the proposal to modify the Spanish , Constitution. That proposition did not succeed. They I had, however, one consolation—recent accounts from I Spain, stated some surprise that those to whom the proposal had been made had been so tenacious. He be lieved he might go further, and say, he had reason to be lieve Spain might yet be saved by reconsidering the pro position which in the fervour of national independence she had rejected. The first communication we made to Spain was, that she was not to rely upon any armed as sistance from this country. From first to last there had never been even a momentary variation in our language, never a single pause during which Spain might suppose that we had any doubt. Some lion. Gentlemen had complained that they had done wrong, and only set France at her ease by our declaration of neutrality. Bat se far from that being the case in reality, France had from the publication of the King's Speech been kept in doubt es to that determination, while Spain had been constantly assured that it was still man- Weed. Was that truckling to France.—(Cheers.) — He had now, be thought, established beyond question that the course they pursued was the best calculated to preserve peace. He was aware that the greater position still remained to be established, that peace was the pro per policy. He had said before, that true duty of Govern ment was to weigh the question well. Thy did weigh the question well, ani they decided upon that policy in reference to these five considerations : In reference to the state of Spain ; in reference to the sti:te of Portugal ; in reference to the state of the Alliance ; and in reference to the general state of the world. With reference to Spain, there was one contingency which had since arisen, and ivitich they could not possibly foresee. This was to be found In the speech of the Hon. Member for West minster, who promised a subsidy to assist Spain in the war.—(A laugh). He represented his constituents as willing to subscribe to a mall, and to court every sacri tier, if the Government would engage to make it a war of people against iiings.—(A laugh.) But perhaps the Lion. illen.het would not find merry to join him in his chivalrons desire of making such saminces. Then the Honourable Member might lie sitmitad like King , Janos. between his two Bishops. The King asked one of them whether he might not take the motley out of the people's pockets without their consent : " Goo forbid that your Majesty should not," said Bishop Williams. His Majesty repeated the question to the other Bishop, and the answer was, "Goo forbid ilia your Ma jesty should not take brother Williams's utou-y."—(A feu: Is ) He confessed that it did surprise him, and tie was sure it would gratify . the spirit of a great man rime no mere, to see his prophecy reversed, in which he said Ilse spirit of chivalry was no more, and the reign of eCOl4OllliO4l and speculators had In,refereuee te Splits the ?resat:Woe of pease would be a blessing. And in reference to France, be could not be an d-blooded as to look with iudiaerenee at what might be the fearful consequence of a retaliation on the pert of Spain by invading her territories. Ira war should be carried on between them, in which the one party attempted to poison t a well-springs of liberty, and the other aimed the poisoned darts of revolution, the true policy was to steer a middle course, and if he could not, as he had somewhere heard the idea started, join in warfare against them—(hear, hear. hear.)—he could not, on the ”:her hand, engage with her under such circumstances. The Right Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to skew that all the other interests, those of Portugal, of the Alliance, of this country, and the general interests of the world, demanded peace. With regard to Portugal, he statcd that all had been don e which tt'e treaties required, In obtaking the assurance from France that no attack upon her was meditated. If she were attach ed, this country would be, as it always had been, ready to support her. Bet it was a misconception of the ties between the two countries, to suppose that we must be drawn into the war because Portugal chose to assist Spain. Aft. e a most eloquent description of the stateof parties in Europe. the Hight Hon. Gentleman said that this eountry ought to. regard the struggle from its own suited station; not step ping into the field a.s partisans, but holding high the balance of juoire to all ; grasping, bet not drawing the sword. By maintaining such a position, they might still hope to be use ful In restoring that prat, which tnry could not preserve.— lie then proc,e•ed to cell the attention of the House to the motion before them ; on which having aniusadver.ed at a lengtn which our limits forbid us to lonise, he concluded by declaring that he rested with perfect security upon Vie jus tice of the country, and he was sure that trek conduct, di rected as it bad been with a view to the interests not only of this country but of the world, would he stamped with the approbation of the House.—(Loud and continued cheers.) Mr. BROUGHAM said he hoped the House would not forget the real merits of the qnestion, in the brilliance and eloquence of the defence. He denied the truth of the charge of the Right Hon. Secretary (Mr. Canning) against him, that it uas noise, and noise only that he wanted. That was an error that imbued every sentence of his harangue, and every speerh from his side of the Howe upon this subject. As though words were no: things, and solemn vigorous remonstrance, contained in plain and undisguised languaige, did not sienify soma thing more than the noise of utterance. It was a re monstrance of this nature that ought to hare teen made— a remonstrance that was due to Spain, to the Mlle', to Europe, and above all, to England. The Right Hoe. Gentleman insetted, howeVer, that his engine worked well at Verona. But teas thia the case? did the threat that, come whet might, we would not IN a party to the aggressius on Spoas succeed 2es.(Hea-, bear.)—lt slit not ! The great otlject of the operations of this noise. less engine, as stated by the owner and contriver of is, was to prevent the Allies front acting in concert. Now the Right Hououreble Gentleman asserted that it had succeeded, because the Allies did nothing. Without meaning to refer as largely as the Right lionoureb:e Gentleman on the papers, Le could not help doing en, for an elucidation of this point of the Right lion. Gent By the answer of the Allied Moran:hrs, it appeared that " they said they would act as France did with regard to their Minister at the Court of Spain, and that they would give France any countenance and assistance she should require—the eau e for such being reserved to he spe cified in a treaty." Was this nothing?—(Hear, hear') —Mast not that be the moat unreasonable man Goo eve • matie,who was not satisfied with being assured he should have all lie should ask; or was it possible for a man to ask, or another to grant more than a sort of eerie bletncAc for the fulfilment of all the wishes of the other? Did the Right Hon. Gentleman want facts to bark this ?—he would point to the Duke Matthew Montmorency, wee, on his return to France from Veroaa, the theatre of his exploits, and of the successful, though silent operation: of the Right Honourable Gentleman's ermine, was created a Duke, On the specific ground of his haring obtaine t all that France wished. He was crooned with honour . distinctions, cad reward., fur achieving our discontfittnie at that very Verona, where ire were now told by the au thor and eulogist of the noiseless instrument, that we•ar complished all that we wished with the Allies, as we I as Doke Matthew Montmorency, whose views and in tercets were directly opposed to oars. The troth was, that the real case at Verona was not the safety of Ferdi nand ; but that France, when she wanted it, might have as many Tartars marched to ber frontiers by Mafia as might be requisite to put matters straight, should the French projects in Spain shew symptoms of failure, and with failure bring on insurrectionary reaction in the heart of the French territory itself. That was the real case, and it would be found that the first movement o i. the scene of the nature to which he had alluded, the swarms of soldiers already encamped on the Vist alo woald present a similar agitated appearance, and crossing that stream would be found on the full march throng's Germany to the assistance of their defeated brethrea ia arms, the Bourbons. It remained for that crisis to shew the world whether France would allow to be drawn down upon it by the wickedness of its Malays the greatest of all national calamities—a foreign invasion by a horde of barbarous slaves, driven forward to the slaughter by the nod of an imperial Despot !—(Cheers i The necessity which existed for plain speaking on the part of the Ministers of this cou n t r y to Foreign Mini 3- ters might be elucidated by pointing out the blunder, sometimes ludicrous, but sometimes lamentable, inks which foreign nations fell with regard to this coetery.— This ignorance was particularly heightened by the ps licy of the late Lord Castlereagh, whose name, did !Le not own a higher duty than that of drawing the veil of oblivion betwixt the liviug and the dead, he should he most loth to disturb. He stated it on the authority of facts, within his own cognizance, obtained by cwnterse with the parties with whom that Noble Lord had bars in the habits of political business, that foreign Al lids:ere actually conceived he was one of themselves in every re spect, as to feelings and political prejudices—that they really believed lie h ited, as much as themselves, • the name of liberty and the appearance of a Constitution.— The consequence of this fatal delusion, as be before Kari, was, to require front us language so plain as to admit or. nu doubt, and so strong as to shake their faith—so plaift,, that those who ran might read, to convince them Viet the policy of Lord Castlereagh was not our policy. B:t the ignorant errors of foreign people would appear more strongly and more ludicrously, he flattered himself i.t the words of a foreign writer of great eminence and nate in his own country and elsewhere, and moreover who pat forth bit claims to credit and attention for having re sided sonic years among the people of this country ii:' whom he professed to treat, fbis man stated, '• ths: so fond are these sombre islanders of occasions for indulgiv ' their favorite passion grief, that printed notices mill/ inform the natives that in different p seers of the town fa ' sterols are performed for their gratification."—(aLeti laughter.)—He then went on to describe that there were three parties in the House of Commons—one was the Ministers, another the Opposition, and the thin, " Anglicans ;" of this party which he a hid was Wit i 3 number, h-, declared that his flononnilile arid revered Friend the kiember for Humber (Mr. Wilberforce) was the head—that they were leen who had strong feelings of:retie gion, but that they had a religion of their own ; that their wives dressed Tike Quakers, and that they and their huslititints gave all their revenues to the poor ; that Mr. Pitt was oaeitel these Anglicans, with strong feeling of a religion of his oohs. his Wife deeming like a Quaker.—(Laughter )—The Oppoai lion, he said, were a party who had lost ail weight, intiufaue, ,orhsportisnoe lathe State; the chiefof whom, Mr. For., Pri.t .10$ All his eloquence in his old age.—Nontinued laughter.) —This %gawks the opinion which was ,entertained by gbs en fi glitepid And , enligh teeing nations of fereisnc9initelfs ; M cageand i t cage front a sourewof no,little coneadetatien Would psimitied. wlaep It wee haaostrwthOt It stilki front the pea Of' a fiery lriclialrhaidodp,lifid rceeiv.d so WA tkhisie litc 1 a rtc 'troth di iititi th of f4te Alibi Upo. 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