The Statesman. — London, England, 1823-05-01 00:00:00

King of Spain which - should induce the Cortes to with draw their confidence from him ; but whatever tnizlit hate been his conduct, which lie certainly could not ap prove of—at least front 1M:I to IS:211. yet that was not a ifficient reason for depriving him of the power of exe cuting the functions of his office. There was an allusion unite, as a matter of coniplaiot against Ministers, to their calling upon the Spanish Government for a redress of u•tr own injuries before we declared the course we were determined tJ adopt. If we kid been so chivalrous and generous as nut to insist upon our just demands being satisfied, how :ould oc have justified our conduct to those injured sobjects, who lead been complaining without effect for six years. After repeated remonstrances which were lot attended to, he maintained that unless our I-dn.:niers were redresrcd, we should not hare heen jus tified in offering war good offices to Spain. blin'sters were charged with ofTering their gaol officei tb France; but it should be remembered that they offered them at the repress recommendation of Spain. [having acted thus, there was no cause of complaint afforded to Spain, because the course adopted was adopted at her desire. 'l'ie Right flonoorable Gentleman concluded by saying, that when the necessity for war arose, the country pea prosed resources itlfcli would enable us to meet it with the same success and facility with which it met the last war. Mr. LEN TESTER said that he rose to repel the suppo sition that the question before the House was war or peace. The question wee as to the nature and character of the late Degocivtiens, and looking at the suhject in that view, he did rotthink it toensiteet with the impartial policy of . this coun try, while it kept Spain in doubt as to tee course which it intended to pursue, to let trance into its confidence, and at once declare to her how she was determined to act in the event of a war. At least, while Spain was kept In doubt, the tone of remonstrance should be held to France, which was admitted even by Ministers themselves, though he saw no language of that character in the documents on that table. They contained merely an expression of dislike. I f mere forcible language had been used. he believed that the evils of war would have beenaverted. Had not the House proclaimed the infamy and atrocity of Frguce its attacking Spain? Had not a Noble Lord, closely connected with Ad ministration. compared the conduct of the Bourbons to the seine descrined in Scripture, which rushed on to their own destruction ? In fact, all were united In condemning their conduct. except one loan, who was found to advocate de spotic priuciples— Who wtmld not smile if such a man there be Who would not weep if the great Duke were Ise? If the advice of the Duke of Buckingham were followed, it would have the (elect of making Ferdinand hang up San Mi guel, Areuelles, and all the patriots of Spain. The lan tone to France in th..se negotiations was too cool by half. There was a superfluity of compleisance to be seen through en the correspondence, which he verily believed was used from the lendable motive of averting war, but which he s iu cerely believed had a contrary effect. Mr. W. WILLIAMS said, that In judging of the conduct or Ministers, it was fair to consider the situation in which teey were placed up to the meeting of Congress nt Verona, owl up to that time he must admit that he saw nothing blame able in their. conduct. But when he looked to the papers on the table, and esasoined their conduct slice that time, he thotight it deserved censure. Every body must reprobate t 46 attempt of the A lied. Sovereigns to put down freedom in Europe, by forcing nations to alter their free institutions ac carding to their will, but he hoped as lone as a free and re presentative Government existed in England, every nation would fellow its example. Thought he rid not entirely ap prove of the conduct of our Minister at Verona, yet it was, at the same time, such as he could not condemn. Govern ment ought not to indulge in the language of menace, but Ise I thought, at the same time, that they ought to have expressed their opinion of the meditated outrage in stronger terms. — Allied, however, as they were with the despots of Europe, they could not have used any decisiv e Innguage unless they were prepared to follow it up with decisive measures. There war. to his (relines. something so abhorrent in war, that he cever wished to see us engaged in it unless to defend theiso recr and interests of the country. 'lining said thus much, should now observe that he could neither agree to the origital sir tion nor to the amendment. He could not agree to the original motion, for it would imply that we ought to :dive used at Verona langmee which we were not called upon to use; and Ise cuuld not agree to the amen iment because it went the length of approving the conduct of M!niqers to the fullest extent. In his opinion Ministers were strongly oppoA!.d to the diabolical princi ples which the despots of Europe were resolved to main tain. Tliis was not a time in which any thing like party frelin; ought to prevail; all parties ought to be tutted in sending forth to the world the opinion of that House as the representatives of the people of England, with respect to the detestable outrage on the freedom of Spain. The principles contained in the King of France's speech might perhaps under certain circum stances, justify this country in going to war, but situated as we were, lie did not think we ought to have recourse to arms, though it was due to the English nation that that Hogre should disclaim and reprobate such princi ciples avowed by France, and lie thought it would be right for both sides to agree to in Address without pro tean( jug any opinion on what had pa , sed ; but confin ing themselves entirely to the principles now espoused by the despots of Europe. The sentiments he now deli itered, he believed to be those of nine hundred and nine ty-nine nut of every thousand of the whole people of Eng land. Ile implored the (louse not to sanction, either the original motion or the amendment, and thus avoid ti.e imputation of party feeling at the present important crisis. Mr. W. PEEL thought that his Majesty's Ministers were entitled to the gratitude of the country for their judicious Conduct in the affuirs in question. They kel.t the country at peace, without in the slightest decree compromising either its honour or interests. This he firmly believed to be the. opinion of tne people at large. It was alleged by some, that ne were unable to go to war. Tb it he positively de nied ; for we were nosy as well prepared as ever to coot - Mance hostilities if necessarily called upon to do so. What ! ;(mould it be Said that En4land was the only country in Eu rope not in a state to go to war? The idea was quite pre pt sterous. nut he would ask whether those who were now the first to cry out for war, would not be the last to allow the means for carrying it on after it had conuneueed ? (Ilaar, hear.) it was as absurd to say, that we ought now to engage in war,lis it was to say, that we hail. not the means to go on with it. if war were necessary. Ile main tained that our best policy was to beware of entering into time quarrel. No man felt more strongly than he the folly, the absurdity, and the madness of the conduct of France towards Spain. In fact, from the feeling; evinced by the p.mple in Franco at the time he was there, he never thou,rlit that the war would have been undertaken, but now that it had been undertaken, he thought that we ought to have no thing to do with it. Lori P II.MERSTON said there were two' points to be considered in reference to the present question, the first was tae injustice of the principle; ou which there was no op either side of the House, in forming an opinion, for both, were prepared to admit it. and the next point was the result of the war, which in Loy way must be prejudiced to Frailee berserf. England had two courses open to her—un rltir the eircunistancet.theone was to endeavour, if possible, to avert the war, or. if her interference, as a mediator. proved ineffectual, she mien:, it was true, haie embarked her La tune. iu the same cause %vita Spain; but in either rase site ought to he consisten'. To resort to a middle course. and ' nee threats. would he disgraceful to the character of the country. It indeed, be truly disgraceful for us so 'brandish the sword unleas we were prepared to use it. If. *tea, oar policy was to remain neutral, it was also our po liev to dissuade France Irons her enterprise. and pereuade -bPain to measures winch were likely to avert war. ltu .vernanent had. matte use of floe! arguments which were most likely to he etrectpal with France, though tney had not, It ,vgstree, resorted to such liegnage as would he made use .of by lion. Gentlemen oil the other side, Who described the ;Spvcreisns bf etirop! as arbitrary despots, and their Ali ,nietere as the itistraniente of their tyranny. To persuad. `the iSoveretins not to attack Spain, it was net+ss , try to ' ineiole, het of interest; and difficulties under whirls the the improbability of sue: Int cess in the end. On the one hand they urged the impro priety of forcing a Constitution on Spain, and on the other hand they showed the,danger attending the - under takiag; as likely to create a revoldtion in France. While on themne.band, they had endeavoured to persuade France not to attack Spain, tVy, on the other hand, had- endea soured to induce Spain to make certain reasonable con cessions. But was It of their' own free will that they had asked for those concessions? No, it was in consequence of our good offices having been called for by Spain her self. But it might be said that we called upon Spain to change a Constitution which was endeared to the people by the recollection of the many invaluable blessings they enjoyed under it ; for his own part, though hating des potism quite as much as those who made more noise about liberty, he still hated the Government of Spain quite as much. It was a Government that canted with it the seeds of its own destruction; it was full of nothing but , the elements of discord. Was it, then, lie would ask, 1 wrAnr, in the Bridal' Government, to counsel Spain to make changes which would secure to her external pease and internal tranquillity ? It had often been said that the strongest affection proceeded from the consciousness of benefits conferred ; if ever there was a man who had conferred on Spain benefits that ought to be recollected from lisping infancy to old age, it was the Duke of Wel lington. It was in the provinces of the Peninsula that he fir-t showed those talents which afterwards distinguished the renowed General and consummate statesman. Was it possible that such a man—the man who had washed out the foul stain of the invader, should counsel any thing to the dishonour of Spain ? Spain was now a divided country, though their indignation against France might perhaps fora moment unite all classes. But if our inter ference was questionable on principle, it was not so in policy. We were recovei ing from a struggle unequall..d in the annals of warfare, and was it at a moment when our national prosperity was beginning to revive, that we were again to be piant s's! into a war which was not call ed for, either in the defence of the honour or interests of Great Britain, and which was urged by no other claims than mere abstract principles. It was said that we might give assistance to the Spaniards by means of our Iraq; —yes, we might, if we bad ships enough, cover the ocean with them, but unless they were employed in transport ing troops and arms, our expeditions would he nothing more than mere ostentatious parade. It had also been argued that we might cripple the resources of France by seizing her Colonies. But what would our Allies say to such conduct? Would they not exclaim—" Oh, you consummate hypocrite! you have made the world ring with your vauntings about honour and justice, yet you take advantage of the quarrel between France and Spain to enrich youna•lves! As to the Spaniards you have abandoned them ; the . French legions are now pouring down on Spain, but you don't send a single soldier to their aid. lint you well know the difference between Napoleon and the Bourbons. Such was not your con duct whin the arch-enemy was to be opposed. When your own interests, when all that was dear to yen, were at stalv." For his own part be did not see what fair answer could be given to these reproaches. 1t was likewise said that we might, by money, raise a large army in Spain. That seas very true; but the army so raised might be completely discomfit ed ; and, in his opinion, the Spaniards were not to depend on pitched battles, but on irregular warfare.— Spain, if united, would succeed without our interfer ence. If we were to embark at all in the cause, it must he by sending an army ; and, from the first moment that a British soldier set his foot in Spain, we should become principah: in the contest. if Spain were milted, nothing would be lost by our neutrality, and much might be gained. We might preserve our means for any emer gency worthy of calling them into request, in which case we might co to war with means augmented by the prolongation of repose. - • • • • Colonel DAVIES supported the original motion, and contended that strong language might have been used at Veranl, without having the effect of comMitting the country in war. Mr. H. TWIGS sail, that notwithstanding the variety and weight of the observations of the Gallant Colonel— (exclamations of " Oh, oh !" from several parts of the House here, as well as in other parts of his speech, drown ed the Hon. Gentleman's words, so as to make them in aadihle in the Gallery)—notwithstanding the Gallant Co lonel's observations, he could not concur in the censure attempted to be cast ou his Majesty's Ministers in the late negoetations. In the course of his observations with a view to their vindication, he remarks that a reasonstrance instead of doing any good, might lead to the necessity of declaring war, and on the other hand the conduct of Mi nisters was likely to explain away the differences existing between France and Spain. A nation was not always justified in giving up the least chance of attaining the least possible good. A remonstrance with France, in stead of inducing her to retract, was likely to be attended with the consequence of embroiling that country with France. There was little doubt but a war with this country would be popular in France, and whatever the merits of that Government were, whatever faults they had, humility, or a crouching disposition was not among them. The course which the supporters of the Address should have advised Government to pursue, was to snake strong remonstrance with France. From what had hap pened since the ne,gociations there could be no doubt but such a course would, on the calculation of chances, have involved that country in the war. Since then the hive ' sion of Spain, to prevent which this country was, accord ing to the doctrines on the other side, justified in declar ing war, had actually occurred, he would ask why did not the Address go to the effect of such a declaration P— (Heir, hear.) With all the facts before the Hon. Gentle men they did not propose war.—(llear, hear) Tory well knew the great majority of the people of England was against war. They had not one substantial justifica tion fur involving the country in war, and he had nu doubt that France was in a predisposed state to make it necessary to follow up a remonstrance with a declaration of war. Ile could nut state on what grounds they could at present he against war, but he knew that at the time of the n-gociations, and before the invasion of Spain there could be no grounds. But Han. Gents. carried their argu ments too far, when they stated that we ought, at all risks, to vindicate right and justice. On these grounds there never could be an act of injustice among nations witlioat engaging us in a war. But it was worthy of observation, that those who now called out fur war with France fur the sake of the liberties of Spain, were those very persons who before opposed such a war for the li berties of Europe.—(Hear, hear) But the tsar which pleased those Gentlemen was that which was brought by subjects against their King, and not that which was waged by kingdoms against the oppressors of mankind. lie undervalued as mach as the Noble Lord (Folkstone, the member for Salisbury) any apprehensions from France; there was only one line of policy which could give him any such apprehensions. Yet the half of the speech of the Hon Bart. and of tine other Hon. Member for Westminster, went entirely on the grounds of self defence against that country. Ile disliked the conduct and the principles of the Continental Monatcbs, but the More culpable their conduct was, the more incumhent was it on this country to pursue a correct line of constant. For these *reasons he could not vote for the Addrasse Sir FRANCIS BLAKE.—When liberty Was at stake, neutrality was too cold for the genn4ons feeling of the Bridal; nation.--(Hear, hear!) If he 'were hbrn a Spa . Oiard, lighting in the glcitious calk*: iSf Ilierty, he would scout the tuke-warth decla r ation of neutrality, and say it ,5143 oat that whist was just towards w;.--(fiedr, hear.) He distinguished between tlie`Governi6iit nt the'codntry Ind ihe'pehple, nine-161dB of whim were for Spain; but their isarinth 'was reitraliaid sod dined by the icy '.' ••••••!• - •n -- ---- Ilihihnimi 'tit*. net merely ntotlvis or pelt Governtneat Showed them the sit must be comMeneel, sad STATESMAN particles of Ministers, who under the spurious principles 'of neutrality, were nploilding the most odious and abo minable system, so impiously called the Holy Alliance. —(Hear, hear.) Those would he his sentiments it he were a Spaniard, and such were his feelings as . an . Eii glishm +n.—(Cheers.) He nould, for the sake of argu ment, reverse the state of France and Spain. lie nimbi suppose Spain to be invading France, on the grounds of the Constitutional Charter of France being infringed— which was as good ground as that of invading Spain at present. What would he in that ease the conduct of our Government ? Would they tamely atid passivelv look on as they did now—and would they allow Spain to invade France ? No ; but they would use language worthy of the dignity of Great Britain.—(Hear, hear.) As the night Hon. Chancellor of the Exeltepier did not linoie what that languafe ought to he, he would telt him— (Cheers and laughing.) what language the Bight Hon. Secretary would use on such an occasion, and it would be this—" As soon as the Spanish standard is planted on the French territory, England that moment makes common cattse with France; dot then proceed at your peril."—([And cheers.) Such would be the line:nage and the conduct of the Government. What nould he the effect of such language ? Spain would not invade France with impunity. Why was not such language used on the late occasion: Notwithstanding our pro fessions of neutrality, there s-as a disposition towards France which contracted that neutrality. It appeared as if our Government was lulled into a false security by the conduct of those negociatinns. With the permission of the House be would put another case. Suppose Spain could defeat the French army in the present struggle, and in retaliation should march her valoroas troops and invade France, what would he the conduct of our Go. verument then ? They would remonstrate with Spain, and advise her to withdraw her troops, and remain con tent pith expelling her enemies. Spain would reply, " We have done by invading France, no more than France did in attacking us." Government would say, " Yes, but France invaded Spain in support of a legiti mate King, and Strain invades France to oppose a legi timate King." His definition of this boasted neutrality, so extolled to the skies was this—it was neither one thing nor the other (held laughing), for it would ulti mately resolve itself into a war. If war was inevitable, he would say that the sooner, and the more vigorously it was entered on, the greater prospect there would be of putting a speedy termination to it. He was no ft bind to tear, and lie would tell the Hon. Member fur Corfi—Castle so. He WAS never for war, if it tvald he avoided without compromising the honour of the country. The conduct of Ministers was not such as to prevent war, but the rearing of the British lion through the late negotia tions !melt have prevented it.—Cheers awl laughing.) He supposed the only toast drank-fit the alinis:erial din ners was " Neutrality, strict neutrality, and nothing but neutrality.."—(Laughing.) Perhaps in a few days they might see in the newspapers an advertisement, noticing, among other modern fashions, " neutrality bonnets."— (Much laughing.) To the advertisement, perhapn, also would be added, Grit the new manufacture was patron ized by the Richt Hun Goad Irian the Secretary far Fo• reign Affairs (more laughine) ; but he was sure it would not take, for neutrality was no favourite with the ladies— (Loud and long continued laughing.) [la would beg leave to ask the Right lion. Gentleman what his darling system of neutrality had ever effected ? In the words of the Poet, he would tell nit— " It did just nothinr 311 the day." Lord FOLKSTONE said th it perhaps saute apology was expected fioni bini fur addressing the House on that question, bavitg on a former oecasio n his obser vations on it. iie knew not whether an apology was ne• ressary, because it enabled the Right Hon. Gentleman to indulge in that fondneas fia• quizzing and joke which so much characterized him, but if necesarv, he was quite willing to make any apology to the II !use. Ile could not but be roused into an angry feeling, and ex press his indignation at the conduct Obis Maje ;ty's Mi. masters (Hear, hear.) in the late negociations. That he was dissatisfied with those negociations, and that he did express his disapprobation in warm terms, he was free to confess ; and if he did not express his feel ings in very measured language, he hoped the House was not so degraded as to cewure him for that. In twenty four hours after that, time Right lion. Gentleman himself showed that he could feel indignation and anger at what could fall from an lion. Member within the walls of that Home. But there was this distinction: his (Lord Folltstone's) in lii•enation kindled fur the character of his country—the. Right lion. Gentleman kindled for his own—(hear, hear). lie sat on that bench three emcees , sive evenings, expecting that the Right lion. Gentleman would fulfil the promise he had given (hear, hear) on the former night, when he told the Hon. Members being then present, who did not hear hint (Lord Fulkstone) that he had p , t a restraint on himself. He then used his sar casms and jokes instead of argument, and said that he, (Lord Folkstone) had aim advantage of him in going to the subject for which the Right Hon. Gentleman could not be prep tred, as he had no notice. 'There was no thing unfair in that, because the Right Hon. Gentleman was as much prepared as he was. The Right lion. lieu- Reiman had been prepared before, and had introduced the papers relative to the negociations to the House with a speech on which the House could not then observe.— Yet it was astonishing that time Right lion. Gentleman.' could, on this and the former night, curb his zeal, which he was not ab!c to do on the former occasion. lie asked if the (louse was not, for those three nights, prepared to hear the (tight Hun. Gentleman? He heard a ru mour that time Right lion. Gentleman meant not to ad dress the house on this subject until his Honourable and Learned Prieoil (Mr. Brougham) had spoken. lie should hope, for the credit of his Majesty's Ministers, that time rumour was not true, and that it would meet something like an official contradiction. He should be glad also to know from the Right lion. Secretary for Foreign Affairs, what actually was to he the policy of the country; for since the duruments bail been laid on time table, the Right lion. Gentleman had abstained from giving any rapine ration to the House. An observation, which lie bad made on a former occasion, seemed to have raised an angry feeling against him. He had spoken of a Right Hon. Gentleman truckling to power, and was answered that he would never truckle to him. Wits - , if there was any lion. Member in that (louse who was ca pable of truckling to any person or to any—.(Cries of order, order.) Mr. MAR ['IN, (of Galway) rose to call the Noble Lord to order, as it was quite irregular to occupy the time of the House for half an hour, as WAS then done, by allusions to a former d.rb rte.—(hear, hear.) Lord FOLK.,ITONE resnmetl.—He believed that the Hon. Member was perfectly right in the strict letter of or der, but he believed that the strict point of order had been frequently departed from in former times, and was then. if ever jesiil able, when time subject of debate was so mixed up w ith the former. Llowever, as the order of the House was enforced in that instance, he hoped it would be iu all otneN, and he would abstain from any further allusion. and comply with the Hon. Gentleman's wish. Ile (Lord Folk me) had stated before, and lie then would do so, that the perusal of the documents excited in him feelings of saame and indignation, and he would further say that lie felt con tempt for those *lw subscribed to documents which created sentiments of shame and indignation. tits attention had beau given to the dentate and to time various remarks upon the papers, and the acme feelings which their first perusal raised had only been confirmed by all he heard or saw. Amid he confessed that lie could not participate in time expression of gratilicetion Which had been observed even at '. a side of the House,—particularly in the speech of the Hon. linronet for Westminster, that the language used by his Majesty's Governinent never sanaiioned the aggression of France. For We own part it appeared rather mean and unworthy of the ... 4.•.• • - .14 -- Q.. character of a British House of Commons, that its feelings should be expressed in worts alone, and that there was no record in the documents of the strong' and determined reprobation of the country. Whet better was the meta ca p e„ s i a n of the s enti me nt, lii in a rex ct prcterea when no trace was to lie foamd of it either in the papei a on the table or in the Address then under cunsideratioe. —(hear.) He would not again enter into an examination of the papers, left there was one point on which he begged leave to observe, and it hiels was alluded to freqnrutiv in the debate, hut without its proper character being Ostia to it. Ile meant the nwolor intim which the Duke of Wellington put into the hands of Lord Fitzroy Somerset on going into Spain. That document had been variously spokati of es worthy of the connecion subsisting between the Duke of Wellington and Spain. It appeared to him to be totally the reverse, and well worthy of the character given it by an Honourable Member helose, and draervime °leveey epithet of reprehension. He was far from in - ;ruing unworthy motives to the Noble Duke. But the at - vice giSell in that document was, us it appeared to him, no thing less than be•ra3 - ing• the Government of Spain tutu the hands of Ferdinand.—(dear, lien.). Thu pardes to whom that representation was made were bound by solemn oaths t make no alt?ration iu tte Constitution. It was therefore extraordinary conduct to call upon those who were thusei:- ctonstenced, to violate weir most soleme obligations. T. him this appeared to be as attempt to thorny the Govern ment of Spain to the King. Throughout these negociations the interests of England au I the Allies of England were wee ver mentioned, and this country acted in every instance as if she were quite an indifferent spectator. It was by no means his ohject to advise that this ()wintry should rush into war.— lie complained of the course taken in the late negoclations, because it appeared to Itint to be more likels ultimately to engage this country in a new contest, than n firmer anti more dignified course of proceeding would have been. Ito thought these negocietions were likely in future times to subject the country to great difficulties, if they did not now lead to war. He however did nut know I:14t this country could ever go to war again tilt something had been done to re lieve thecountry from that burthen under %Clic t it now groan ed. Ile entertaiued the most mei ine:kuly forebodings from tile humiliation to which he soy the country subjected. Ile had been accused of having more than any other Mem ber been the cause of the accumulation of that debt, which he now contended pressed down the nation. This he denied. Ile denied that lie had done any thing that ought to bring on him such an accusation. He, es ho had already stated. had the most eloo ny forebodings. When the Right lion. Gentleman first c one into °filer, be had hoped for better things. Ile hid hoped to find him more alive kr the hon stir of the conatry. Fro:u talents, assiduity, and intelligence, which had lifed that Itight Hon. Gentleman alutoe to the highest object to %Lich his ata'-ition could aspire, he Tsai hoped fur a very iliiireent result battik, the late neeoeiations were pendirv. Ile would hope better things yet; but if the Right Hon. Gentleman wished to he It ',tiled (bent to posterity as ono of the worthies who had contributed t I advance the clo ry of Great Britain, he innst a !oat a conrse very dl.fe,s ent from that which he had lately poi sued ; or, instead of being so described, he would only he lot mu to fa ture generations, as the wan in whose hula the country had slink to degradation, misery, and shame. questiou was loudly called for at toe close of this perch.) Mr. J. LITTLETON supported the course of the ne, goriations pursued by his alajesty's Ministers, and aa witted at the same time his disapprobation of the princi. pies of the Holy Mr. Canning was loudly called for—a few voices call-t 1 for Mr. Brotignsm. Mr. Ginning and another Hon. Alember, whose name we did not learn, rose at the same time; the latter gave way. Mr. CANNING rase, and said that lie was extremely sorry to elan:as Oa Haase, but considering the lengto of time which the debate had occupied, and the late hour to which it Was protracted on that night, he feared that his own strength would be exhausted, as well as the attention of the House, if he any longer delayed to explain his own particular duty, and the course which his Majesty's Government, in that part of it where it was his duty to preside, had pursued in the late negociations. If gratitude was the proper designation for that senti ment which was due to the unconscious and unintended bustower of a benefit, he felt it in no slight degree to the Honourable Gentleman who hail brought forward the present question. Though lie was willing to receive the general opinion of the House, and thought certain that lie was not mistaken in the general sense of the country on the question, yet tinder the peculiar circumstances of the case, and though be laid the papers on the table, it was not his intention, nor was it the custom of vernment, to call for any proceedings up in theta. He was grateful, therefore, to the Honourable Gen tleman (Me. Macdonald) who he hoped would, how ever unconscious he might be of intending such a result,. find that his motion would have the effect of only adding to the iatisfaciion of the country the renewed approbation of the Horse. It cannot be said the Go vernment had trifled with the peace of the country, or rashly provoked a war; vet every Hon. Member who had spoken, except two lien letnen, whom he mentioned is itta honour, had coinmeneed their speeches by declaring that the question was not a question of peace or war. Now that was a singular line to take, as all the issues of these negociations —as the issue of all negotiations most be— a decision for peace or for war. These avowals came front a quarter from whence they had hitherto received intimation of a warlike tune. Cries have been raised for war, and caps flung up for contest ; hut when they came to the consi deration of the actual necessity and mama. stances of the case, the cries were imacknowledged,•apd the caps were left unclaitned.—(Hear, and a laugh.) It was a question of peace or war, that his Majesty's Go vernment had taken up the subject; and as the interests of the country were alone affected, lie begged that Mi nisters might be judged in the late negociations by re ference to the war which they have steel led, and the peace they have secured.—(Cheers.) Whether the lieu: a would or would not discuss tile question as one of pears or war, his Majesty's Government did not stir one st-p until they deliberately investigated the advantages atirl disadvantages of both. Having once male np their minds ' fur peace, they directed all their atteutioii to preserve thtt peace, if possible, to all the world —peace, if possible, to the States of Europe—peace at all events to this country, consistent with its safety and honour.—(Cheers.) Two questions here naturally presented themselves—hret, was Government right in that object, and next, were the mea sures it pursued thereon best suited to attain it. He post poned for the present the consideration of the first point, and would proceed to discuss only the propriety of the ne gociatiuns nits reference to that object. The papers tri the table miist be gone into, therefore, only to inquire i' they were directed to that point. The documents would show bow far the negociationa were directed to the preservation of peace to the li - oil !, and the tuaintenauca of peace between France and Spain. Them were three divisions into which the documents should be classed; in the first should be included those relative to Verona — the next those to France, and the third to Spain. I u this place it might be observe I, that one fallacy pervaded all the statements which he heard in disapprobation of the negociation. The papers relafave to tine period were ap plied most unfairly to another. An *Hon. Baronet Int a p plied to them an observativa which had been rep eated elsewhere, and the selection of the passage Was the only o b f u t t h i e f o statement. neitiat j l u l d e ge l: l b e n v a „ t r o . ..:l i i r ecuofnpai uninteresting the e s N tl o n b ‘gr l o e pr p da : s i t ; p r tat r —qua tligma tottiraie promraix• rue first intilwatiou of the intentions of trance was met by a declaration '" that to any such intentions 'hit Mr' jesty will nut he a party." If it be atteisipted to that declaration apply to the wh.;le of the negociat , eni. or to the more advitiwel state of Ilieroceedings,na,hitse. a tic sit tel of GM me the Go Au