The Statesman. — London, England, 1815-04-21 00:00:00

. Lord ROSSLYN adverted to► the situation of the young Fus.ign alluded :to, but praised the general conduct of the Duke of York.—Adjourned. HOC*: OF COMMONS. Kir n. CLARK E gave notice of a mottoa relative to the Game Law. al Scud:mil _ _ _ . • ..... I he report of the Resolutions of the Committer on the com pensation Orme hi the Offerer. • f the C'nonntio..ry find other Courts to lidiuteirth was ornogtsi tip, and read n drat time. FEES OF COURTS OF JUsll CE IN !REES N D. Sir J. NEWPORT rose to move forleave to bring its a Bill for the purpose of regulating the Fees end luisseists of certain Offices in Ireland, on their determination in the present possessors. He ob. served that the principle, that the duties of Law Offices ought not to be divcharged by deputy, but by principals who should be adequately remunerated for their services, had been frequently recognised.and declared by the House. At present, however, many of these Offices in Ireland were held. by persons of high rank its the community, who performed no duty ohatever, and who, nevertheless. derived im moose envoi moots from those offices. The Prothouo tary of the liieg's Bench and Common Pleas enjoyed an income of 10,0001. per ann. from his. situation ;. and the office of Clerk of the Pleas, held by a Noble Lord and a Cabinet Minister, produced upwards of 11,0001. per ann.secuted, too, in ease of deficiencies, vim the Consolidated Fund. The Officers of the Exchequer likewise drew 'you the Consolidated Fund ; and the Serjeant at Arms, whose fees amount ed only for one year to 31. 15s. had drawn upon the saassFund for 15501. All his present statements were founded upon the report of the Commissioners appointed in consequence of an Address to that Rouse. In 1810 a Bill was twice read for regulat ing three great offices of this description, and was then postponed for three months, on what ground it was difficult to conceive. In the Bill brought in by the Hon. Member for Corfe Castle, and unfortu nately unsuccessful io another place, the same offices were made the subject of regulation. The principle that such places should no longer continue to be sinecures, bat should be held by those who die. charged their duties and received aproportionate con sideration, had beets repeatedly acknowledged by that House. He had therefore only to add, that it was his intention to include in the. Bill for which he should move, the offices of first and second Itemem brancer of the Court of Eschequer, and of Clerk of the Crown in the Haneper Office. The Right lion. Baronet concluded by moving for leave to bring in a Bill. Mr. FITZGERALD and Mr. BANK ES said a few words, after which leave was given ' • and Sir J. Newport and Mr. Nukes were ordered to prepare and bring in the same. BANK OF ENGLAND. Mr. GRENFKLI, expressed a wish to pot off the motion of which he had given notice the preceding evening, relative to the deposits of public money in the Bank till Wednesday next, in the hope' that the ICi,ht lion. Gentleman, and the lion. Governor of the Bank, would previously furnish such information to the House as would anticipate the necessity of any further discussion. COURT OF SESSIONS. Sir J. NEWPORT, after some introductory re marks, moved an Address to his Royal Highness the Piince Regent. praying, as we understood, that he would give directions to the Lords of Sessions in Scotland, to present GO •Ccongt of the Fees actually Laid to the Clerks employed ouder them, and speci fying under what Statutes or legal authority they were payable.—Ordered. PROPERTY TAX. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved that the Report of the Resolution of the Corn. trittee of Way and Means should be read a first time. General GASCOIGNE did not wish to oppose the motion, because. although he considered the pe. titioners against the Property Tax to have objected to it as a peace measure, the present critical situation of the country required, in his opinion, an eztraor. Binary effort. lie regretted, however, that the Right Hon Gentleman had professed his intention of not submitting any modifications, as he conceived there ought to be a marked difference made between permanent property, and property in which there was only a life-interest. A similar distinction ought to be made with respect to income attended with a risk of capital—lie meant with respect to property employed in commercial pursuits. If no alteration should be introduced by the Right lion. Gentleman he should himself submit some modification of the measure to the House. Sir J. NEWPORT objected to the whole prin ciple of the measure, as inquisitorial, subversive of the privileges of Englishmen, indiscriminate in its operation, and as arming Government with . powers which, hi a free country, it ought not to be entrusted with. In every stage of its progress l►e was deter. mined to take the sense of the House, as he could scarcely imagine any emergency that could justify the renewal of such a tax. He was sorry that any lion. Members should delude themselves by sup posing that any modifications they might propose would prove successful, after the declaration of the lt;ght Hon. Gentleman that he saw no reason for at., tempting any improvement either in the principle, or in its application. With respect to what had fallen the night before from an Hon. Gentleman (Mr. I3ankes) on the subject of extending this measure to Ireland, he must observe that that Hon. Member knew but little of the country for which he proposed to legislate, if he imagined that such a tax could he imposed on Leland without endangering the connec lion between the two countries. Even in this part Of the empire, where public opinion in some degree controulled the Officers of Government, the collec tion of the tax was the source of endless vexation ; hut in the actual ;tate of Ireland, the assessor would he every thing, end the assessed as nothing. In that country, too, the eeeiiiigs which would be thus excited, already embittered by religious differences and other causes, might be productive of the most mischievous consequences to the general security of the empire. He moved as an amendment that the Resolution be lend this day fortniitht. Mr. lINNKE.4, in consequence of what had fallen ft um the Right Hon. Bart., wished to observe, that o hat lie had already stated, .he had stated advisedly, and it was his intention to act in conformity to the opinions he had expressed. Me should threfore take TilE STATESMAN. . this opportunity of giving notice, that when the agreed with neither of those opinions. Bonaparte Bill should he introduced, it was his intention to might not have been quite reduced, but yet the Allies move, that the words " and Ireland" he added to might have been able to enforce securities; and it the words " Great Britain." Ile was satisfied, from I would have been wiser to do so, than to expose himself all the enquiries he had made, that there was no tax, to a recurrence of calamities. We understood that when duly modified, so applicable to the condition , his capital was lost, that opinions were against him, and revenue of Ireland, either financially or politi. i that his authority was gone, that disaffection pre cally considered, as the tax in question. The poor trailed notonly in civil o ffi cers, but in his army, which and labouring classes of the community, who form- !even if joined by Marmont and Mortier, was much ed so large a majority of the Irish population, would inferior to that of the Allies. Soult and Augers*, belternpted, whilst several taxes on articles of con. i were opposed by at least equal numbers. We then sumption, which pressed heavily upon them, might supposed his force nearly annihilated: and were told then be removed. Ile trusted that Parliament would that the Allied Sovereigns were received in Paris with not suffer any individuals so far to legislate for them. enthusiasm. Then came this Treaty of Fontainbleau, selves as to say, because they disliked a tax, this which puzzled many, and convinced others that he Les is contrary to our genius and habits, and it had yet considerable strength. The Noble Lord would he dangerous for you to impose it upon us. seemed to ascribe the terms of this Treaty to the [Cries of Ilcat !] The gentry of Ireland were zeal of the army for their Commander. Some said, not• the only class of the community who took no that without such a Treaty the army would rally delight in paying taxes. [A laugh.] Taxes, how. around the family of Bonaparte: but then it was ever, were paid, because sacrificer. were necessary to stated that the great evil to be avoided was a civil the welfare and security of the State • and he could war in France. None could doubt that, under cer. not bring himself to believe, that the Irish gentry • tale circumstances, Bonaparte would prefer the con would prove more averse than any other description I tingent chance of being in France to his situation in 'of his Majesty's subjects to contribute to the exigen- l Elba. It was folly to suppose he would not return, cies of the country. lif he could do so; and then, what security had we Mr. GRATTAN said, the Hon. Gentleman's for the Treaty? Where could be the security if he speech consisted of a string of assertions, with one had entire freedom at Elba ? The true construction only of which he could concur, namely, that the of the Treaty certainly gave to the Allies the right gentry of Ireland were as willing as any body of l of watching his measures and movements. The prin. •men in the country to assist in pr o moti ng th e we lf are I ciple of it was his abdication, and his renunciation, ' and glory of the country. That welfare and glory lof course, of any design to disturb the peace of Cu they were ready to defend at all times, both with rope. None could suppose that in Elba he could their property and their blood ; but the Income Tax pretend to make regular war against France.— ' was a measure which, in the present situation of ' His only resource was in the army or the dis- Ireland, must prove most improvident and most in- . position of the people, and that could only be jurious. He thought the Honourable Gentleman found by his presence in France. This circumstance bad done well to give notice of his intentions; and it was a main point to watch over. It was soother whenever he should bring forward his motion, be , consideration how far the Treaty with Bonaparte pledged himself to oppose it, and to debate the clues. ' had been faithfully observed. There was an attor tion fully end candidly. He should then endeavour ney-like sort of argument as to the dates on which to prove that the Tax was altogether foreign to the be was to receive his allowance. According to his habiti, conditions, and financial situation of that own statement he was involved in considerable difil country, which would prefer more productive taxes ; catty, and got money by advances from bankers at to the particular tax in question. At present be Genoa, &c. Another point was, the case of his ' should say no more upon that subject. and merely rwife and child withheld from him. If the Treaty add, that the measure now before the House had his recognized him as the independent Sovereign of Elba, most cordial disapprobation. whir was this done ? So far as respected the princi- Mr. FITZGERALD said, he had no intention, palities of Parma and Placentia, the Treaty of Fon. as the Tax was to be proposed only for one year, of tainbleao was unquestionably most material. It af recommending the extension of it to Ireland at pre- , fected the interests, and the most important In sent. He did not think it necessary, therefore, to terests, of his wife and child, and must, of course, I express any opinion on the question of how far, tot- be nearest to his heart; and it was, besides, signed der ditietent circumstances, such an extension of the by several of the most celebrated Marshals of France, measure might be just or expedient. It was to be who could not do otherwise than consider their ho recollected, however, that a considerable time had nour and character bound to the fulfilment of it.— elapsed before this great measure of finance could be j Their honour was pledged to this, and the honour of practically accommodated to this country. if it had a soldier renowned in arms was not to be trilled with. ' cost bath time and labour to render its machinery It bad also been rumoured, and was pretty generally fit for use in this part of the Empire, the same {task ! believed, that there had been an intention in Congress would be probably attended with similar difficulty in to remove Bonaparte from Elba to some other place Ireland. He considered it, however, undeniable, of confinement; and this he thought was clearly that great exertions, when compared with her finan- shown io a Proclamation (from which he read a short ciel resources, had already been made for the general extract) issued by General Vessoult two days after it, interests of the empire by that country. I was known that Bonaparte had landed in France.—, After a few words from Mr. ELLIOTT, the There was also another document, he meant the de llouse divided on Sir J. Newport's amendment: fence of Sir Neale Campbell, who was entrusted by !II nes . • • • —69 his Majesty's Ministers to watch the motions of Na. atsjeri Ayte . • • Poleon, in Eltie ; and that It 'appeared that Botta. On the Gallery being re-opened, 'ty . • preterbad shown by his conduct that he meditated an Mr. Alderman ATKINS was speaking on the sub. escape. Sir N. Camp bell had given intelligence oI this to the Government of this country, Uit re• ject of the Income Tax, which he thou groper EM maimed farth er to their whether they had taken the modifications, might be rendered cOmfortihlo to the country at large. A necessary precautions to prevent with escape. If Mr. WM. SMITH did not so much object to the they ' .had not, they were certainly amenable to the Tax as to the system by which it was enforced. It country for those mischiefs which might result to the brought revenue to the Exchteoper, certainly, at the interests of this country and of Europe, from least expence; but he must gay; 'that lie hardly ever such escape !tering been allowed to take place. met with a Commissioner under the Act who did not , —Under all these circumstances, he thought he consider his duty as extremely disagreeable. The had established a cast sufficiently strong to worst part of this inquisitorial tax resulted from the call upon Ministers to show if doe and effectual agents and inspectors, , cautions had been adopted to prevent the escape of a Gen. GASCOIGNE was in favour of modifica. I man they had always declared to be so dangerous to • I the peace and security, not only of Europe, but of The CHANCELLOR of the EXCIIEQPER. ob- the world at large. It might be said, that it was im jected to any proposition fora Committee to enquire possible the Island of Elba could be hermetically into the subject (alluding, we suppose, to something sealed; but that was no answer to repel his call for that passed while strangers were excluded), as it such papers as should evince whether the necessary could only lead to delay, and would tend to derange itistruct; as had been issued to our Naval COM the whole machinery. menders in the Mediterranean, to watch the motions Mr. Alderman ATKINS explained. I of Bonaparte, and to take care that he did not•effect Mr. BARING.— his This Tax came rather ungra. s escape from Elba ; and if they could not show they had taken such necessary precautions, it was, in ciously, after a refusal of enquiry into the expences his opinion, impossible that the House should refuse of the civil List ; particularly when it is considered how the majority on that question was composed.— to grant his motion, which was— The Message of the Prince Regent was not of itself a sulTicient foundation for such a Tnx. Ile did not desire a Committee, but was willing to take it as temporary tax fur one year, and not, by means of modifications, as a comfortable thing for life. The Tax was, however, oppressive on the middling classes, and its consequences were dangerous to Go. vernmeut and to the character of Parliament. He should oppose its renewal as a permanent measure, but would not have objected to its continuance for one year, which might be for the public advan. tage. Leave was given to the Chancellor of the niche= quer to bring in the Bill. A Petition was received from Dundee for the re peal of the Corn Bill. TREATY OF FONTAINIMEAtI. Mr. ABERCROMBIE rose, pursuant to his no tice. He felt that the return of Bonaparte to France was a matter of the highest importance to England and to Europe. It would be a desertion of the du ties of the Members of that House, to their Consti. tuents, and to their posterity, if they did not enquire whether foresight and wisdom on the part of Govern. ment might not have prevented this occurrence. It appeared necessary that Ministers should be put on their defence on this question. It could not be fairly maintained, that it was now too late to call for ex planations. Arlin earlier period many reasons might have been urged against enquiries ns to the securities which had bear taken oil this subject. it' would have been said ton, that this pnint might be Pert to the wise and sound discretion of Goverument. Now, he wished to know whether that discretion had been exercised with wisdom And prudence. The point could not be argued, without reference to the Treaty of Fontainbleau, and to the accompanying circum stances • of which it was said by some, that it was the result of a mistaken magnanimity : but according to a Noble Lord ; It was a .case of necessity. He I An Address to the Prince Regent, requesting that he would give directions that there be laid before the /loose Copies'or • Estrada of the Instructions given to our Naval Commanders in the Mediterranean, respecting Bonapute in Elba. ! Lord CASTLE REAGH said, that the Ilonourable Gentleman, and those with whom he acted, seemed always to proceed on a system which uniformly proved them to be ton early or too late. When the Treaty of lontainbleau was taken into consideration, they approved it, and saw none of those defects : which now appeared in such gigantic forms of dis approbation. It was their mode to take up the pro ! clamations of the French and other foreign Generals; and to argue on them without knowing on what au thority they had been issued, as if they were pro. duced from the most authentic sources, and were the emanations of the heat and highest authorities. It was material, when Gentlemen took upon them to descant so broadly on the nature and faith of treaties, that it should be known how far the Treaty of Fon: ! taiiibleau was obligatory on this Government ; and he could assure the House that the British Govern. ment was only pledged to their own acts, and not ti those of any other Government; and he thought it was most clear, that from the morheet of Bonaparte's departure from FAba, the Treaty of Fontainblean ceased and determined, and was as mere a nullity, as if it had never been made : end if any agreement made by Congress during his stay there had been I broken, Great Britain was bound by nothing but i what she had actually stipulated speCifically to per 7 t i roan. He did not deny that the re were questions agitated in the Congress as to the situation of the Empress ; and no One who had read the Treaty' , of Ftmtainbleau would deny, that there was any ar rangement respecting Parma awl Placentia ate did not admit of a. change. He was certain, however, i that no change had been proposed that Bonapaite had any right to interfere in those Principalities hav ing been settled on the Empress and her so:1 1 as provisions for themselves alone, and not subj ect to the coatroul of Bonaparte. This country h a d no right to exercise a power of coercion over th e Island of Elba, and it was therefore unttecesssty to issue any instructions to our Commit,lets reipect. ing Elba, or the ships and vessels that entered or sailed out of its harbours. Under these chum. stances, he trusted that the House would negat ive the proposition submitted to it by rejecting th e motion. M r . ELLIOTT bad listened attentively to th e speech of the Noble Lord, and conceived, that the explanations he had given did not in the smallest de. gree extenuate the censure which attached to th e counsels of Government for the want of concert wi t h the Allies, and their perfect negligence with resp ect to the execution of the Treaty of • Foutainbleaa.—. After the negotiations at Chatilloa,* a Dec!natio% had been published by the Allied Powers, stating that it was impossible to maintain peace and - with the individual who was then at the head French Government. The object of that Derl tion was, his seclusion from the throne; Noble Lord ought to have contemplated the bility of his surrendering to the Allies. time, however, the Noble Lord was at the A. head-quarters; but as Lord Cathcart was vvi Emperor of Russia, he (Mr. Elliott) wished to whether he did or did not assent to the concluded at Fontainbleau ? If he protested it, then that Treaty was made in utter defiance Government of this country.—[Hear, hearl Lord CASTLEREAGH said, Lord Cathcar nothing of that Treaty. Mr. ELLIOTT.—So, then, ve had at that 1, diplomatic agent present ; there was not any . , vested with instructions or discretion how to act. so, a clearer case of neglect could not be made 1, against the Government. With respect grounds of that Treaty, it had been said, that parte was then extremely formidable, het he believe one word of it. The Allies had upwards 100,000 men, while Bonaparte had not more 40,000. His forces were dispersed in Germ,- in the South of France, where the Doke of W( ton, with a victorious army, had defeated' some his best Generals. If Bonaparte had been ' situation which the Noble Lord had represented, would never have gone to the isle of Elba. ithe influence which lie was stated to possess army, what were the consequences ? Why, Noble Lord consented to place him near to and Italy, and after having placed him there, no precaution to prevent hi• return.—[Hear, —Yes, the Noble Lord had declared at once, no precautions were adopted ; but bow di statement agree with his former accounts thought he had heard something of an moderate! to prevent his escape.—[Bear, hear!]—lf an officer of great merit in the island, in what ation was he to he considered ? Was he there , diplomatic character, or was he in a confidential situation ? If Colonel Campbell was placed . for the purpose of corresponding with Government, he should like to know what communication been made to Ministers. We had heard that parte raised troops in the.island: was Govern' informed of that fact ; and if *so, did they cone , cat* to the Allies ? The Noble Lnrd had 1 that he might have escaped notwithstaadiag *sr most precaution ; but it ought to be shown to House that he esrapesilla manner Tai *Wed _ _ nary vigilance. He felt himself called upon . for the motion, and he should do so with a vie conveying a positive censure on the neglect ' nisters. . Mr. DOUGLAS said, that nothing was as difficult as to give good advice before events happened, • nothing so easy as to make wise reflections wards. He contended that the 'Treaty of tainbleatt was the best and most prudent that have been concluded, under the particular einem. stances of the case. Bonaparte, at the period , signing that Treaty, had at least 30,000 of guards with him, and the army of Italy was mended by a General no less eminent for intetrit) than valour. Was it worth while, then, to meanie the war any longer, in order to encounter an refreshed by despair? What would the House said, if Ministers had called upon the count., lavish more blood and treasure in a personal suimosity If the Treaty of Fontainbleau had not been rondo& at the moment, the soldiery might have obliged t' Commanders to retract their engagements; Ar would have been a. most extraordinary thing, i had chosen to dissolve the union of the Allies. to the Empress and her son not being allowed t 4 Bonaparte in the island of Elba, he begged to renal the Rouse, that there was a clause in Oh Treat. granting passports to those who wished to scum him ; but the fact was, that she refused to go him. To say that he was deprived of domestit 4 forts, was perfectly ridiculous, when we considered his character and circumstances, and that he had the! wife living when he married thq Archdochess Austria. With respect to the stipulations for cent sum, to be paid' to Bonaparte and his famil Ilouse should remember that a payment had made to the Duchess of St. Leu, and the Om (ions would have been paid when they became di he had not Violated his engagements. In regard tt propositions said to have been made al Congre9 9 l removing him to St. Helena, if he understood Noble Lord, vto mention was made at Congress. that bland, and be believed that the whole of 1300 parte's suspicions on that head arose from a graph in an English Newspaper, which suggested be ought to be removed thither. Ills flagrant viola of. :the Treaty of Fontainbleau must Ninon doubt', if we ever entertained any doubts as t, sincerity of his fine proclamrtiotts, and tend. French' people how little confidence could he repo9ed in hit splendid promises, which, to use the word , great historian, were " speciosa verbis, re jai ant subdolal quantoque in(dure libertutis tegebentur, Mato eruptura ad infensius serritam , Mr. ROBINSON said, that the absence of Noble Lord at the time of concluding the Tr& Fontainbleau was not a matter of choice, but 3 ' from -*he singular operations of the campaign. iris separated from.. the Emperor Alexander moeement la the army, and as he could not (WW I any aothoritv to any other agent, no possible h: e'oukt attach to him. With regard to tin !IM" question, he (Mr. It.) could not egtee 'l:4t y hts ... i . t subject tit ry be t i over th e necessary respect. !tem.!! o r citcu m• tl negoth e ti ling the Y to the that the sliest de. ti to th e rr cert ail` di h respect tl claratioe , stating ad amit y bc d of the se Declare. ha and the ad e probe. as At that op Austri a' be with th e tha [a know, CO e Treaty of against of ice of the Nr of art keen the t time no t one in. bul act. If ed node oat Mi to the Gc et Bone. the did not the wards of bac me thee del iny, cud we irs some of pos in that rated, he stip As to To over his him that the ble D Prance said re, took the r, heart] rat ace, that sent did that sent s? Ht oulJ standing sent we had grey hat site.' to n ere in a torn fidential If al A them rnment, befo guts had duty t Bona. lion !re' mem that nimuni. sums d said, Rini thee ot. part' to at. this ed or& 'wish to vote be la view of whet of tl ed that difficult mail td, and to N after- the c f Fon. by hi t could befor Omar- ter in sled oil Italy his old that i 11 COO. to WI amity comp ominue n error Gent us hare' the se ntry to to pa noßity? opinit icluded cult w ad their Ile si and it time $ , if we his cc As of the to join Gent! remind in the am for which motif the e l Nith Cove! t cost- bleau skived be rec id alio- when teas of be alt certain of c ily the • poll d been blau, !r pot- not se due, if eadi ns to the .ested sg, for them, rd the sary resi of ight gone- her pars- that i d that Bo ut dada at a p se all the Is to the with t, ;It the the Ti posed well a fi of g edit i wide, :Ist. 'gine Phine on." thtrer ( rf the int Hu etc' Of 4 4, tl aroce Wettest Ile by s often !pole 617 blame rig _6 n ietal J t la Ith 6, t ,; 1 .