The National Register. — London, England, 1809-10-22 00:00:00

thorities. It must be observed that this act of arbitrary in terfirrencelook place after the Emperor ALEXANDER bad procured at Erfurth the evacuation of the Prussian pro vinces Let us then proclaim to the world that we deserve the freedom we possess ; that we know to estimate the public and private N irtues of our good and venerable So vereign.; that we are no ungrateful and no inconstant peo ple; and that our character is as remote from sordid, as from disloyal sentiments. Every principle of policy, and of national self-love, recommends the utmost_ festivity and magnificence, the most, unfeigned effusions of loyalty, at the approaching Jubilee. On that memorable day, every Corporation in the United Kingdom should approach the Throne, and express their veneration and loyalty for our worthy Monarch. A deputation from every county, from the Universities, the courts of justice, and every great body in the kingdom, should renew their pledge of sacrificing, in case of emergency, their lives and fortunes in defence of his crown and person. A general illumination, the usual mode of celebrating every great and auspicious occurrence, has been objected to, upon the plea of the confusioa it may ex cite. This is 1 futile one; for upon the same plea every demonstration of joy might be objected to. The good sense and spirit of the public will net, we trust, be imposed upon by selfishness and faction, under the mask of order and economy. From time immemorial it has been the custom of this country to express its joy by - illuminations ; and this is not a fit season or opportunity for deviating from our national habits. But an invitation from the M agistrate is certainly unnecessary to warm our patriotism, or stimulate our loyalty. We shall conclude, by expressing, in common with the great body of our country men, that the day may not pass over without some lasting memorial of its existence. It should reflect a ray of comfort into the cell of the captive, and spring the bolts of his prison. It should be an act of grace for small offences, too often the effects of improvi dence, ignorance, or severe necessity. It should restore the deserter to his colours, and, the exile to his family and country. A public foundation for fifty seamen and fifty. soldiers, who, by their bravery, wounds, and length of service, might particularly, claim th'' distinction, and for a similar number of male and female orphans, whose fathers transmitted to them uo other inheritance: but hoaour, no °thee protectiOn but that of their country, in whose cause they fell.—A foundation of this kind might immortalize the event, and transmit to the latest posterity the vir tues of the Sovereign, and the gratitude and veneration of the people. Serving as a monument to commemorate the 'Teat events of the present rein., it might teach future minces ,the important and salutary lesson, that to "merit much honours and marks of affection and confidence; they lust imitate the virtues and follow the example of the L atriot King, whose memory the monument was intended ' 1 3 perpetuate. May we long preserve the influence of his xample, and the presence of his virtues, and when by the atural course of events we shall be deprived of both, iaav iev descend in regular suceession, with the title to the rown, to his remotest tiescendauis. OCT. 29, ANALYSIS OF THE . NEW FRENCH MARITIME PRINCIPLES, IN THE LETTER FROM CUAMPAGNY TO TUE AMERICAN MINISTER. Much ingenuity has of late been displayed by the good folks on the Continent, particularly in the French State Papers, and also by some of their good friends in this country, to stigmatize England as the Tyrant of the Sr as, for resisting the claims of free traffic; which resistance has always been justified by us, and indeed allowed by foreign ers, until they found that it must militate against their own interests; then they attempted to enforce a doctrine directly contrary, and which, it acquiesced in by us, must have proved our certain ruin. It was not, indeed, until the reign of George the Second, that the question became of vital importance to us; in his reign, however, the " right of search," and of " seizure of contraband," was so strictly adhered to, that the practice of that period is generally called, both by English and foreign civilians, the " rule of the war of 1756," and the then universally ac knowledged principal of itsfestablishment was, 4• that neu trals have no right to deliver a belligerent power from the pressure of his enemy's hostilities, by trading with his co lonies in time of war, in a way that was prohibited in time of peace." This principle, however, as to its practical application is but of recent date, as the powers of Europe had no foreign colonies, when the laws of Olcron, and other laws, which have formed the texts for civilians through many centuries, were first promulgated. The fact is also historically correct, that this rule was first adopted by France, and also most certainly first relaxed by that power, when her maritime force was almost destroyed curly in the last century, and when its relaxation was necessary to her existence; it was also soon actor relaxed by England, not through necessity, but from motives of humanity, which induced her to pity and relieve even those who sought her destruction. • By all ancient maritime laws, the right of search was always admitted as a general principle: in later times, it is expressly stated by Bynkerstmet and Heineccius ; and it is also supported by Vattel, a French writer, who has been considered not only as the text book for the modern French civilians, but has even been quoted by their friends and co- adjutors in this country; and he says, " we cannot prevent the conveyance of contraband goods without searching neutral vessels that we meet at sea ;_ we have, thereft .: c a right to search them. A neutral ship refusing to Le searched, would, for that proceeding- atone, be condemned as a lawful prize. Such were the laws and practice of nations long before American indepenaence was ever thought of. Oa what plea then can the United States claim any exemption from them, unless they suppose that american independence means the being nneontrouled by those laws, by which all the European nations mere bound forso many ages ? parti cularly when they, in their short warfare with France, ac tually exercised this right of search on English shipq! Well has it been observed by a fete energetic writer, that both hemispheres resound with reiterated and aggravated charges agatast England, for being the tyrant of the seas, and the oppressor of neutral commerce, whilst half the world credits the accusation ; they little think, however, that England, at present formidable every where, does yet passively, or .at least has long passively, suffeied the principal pillars . of .her maritime right to be unflermined, and her arm rendered nerveless, from the want of a vigor ous exertion of her naval preponderance, in curbing the unlawful traffic of neutrals. We have been led into these considerations by that most extraordinary state document from Chainpagny to General Armstrong, which he calls an exposition of the unalterable principles which have and will regulate the conduct of his master toward.; neutrals; and we have generallv shewn the state of the law. of na ti ons b e f ore th e usur p a ti on o f LW THE NATIONAL REGISTER.