The National Register. — London, England, 1809-05-07 00:00:00

THE NATIONAL REGISTER. MAY 7. insport:►.ncew could possibly be subeiitted 10 the consideration of Parliament. There could he no denying but that it was the opinion throughout the country, that men obtained seats in that Iloa,e by improper war's. It therefore became the duty of the Mouse to prove that this opinion was a mistaken one, if such were the case; but if the opinion was a true one, as he believed it was, then he thought it was their paramount duty to remove the abuse of hick the country so justly complained. The Right Hun. Gentleman (Mr. Perceval), had ctrtainly not found in the expression of the public opinion any thing particularly hostile to hint, or very complimentary to the lion. Gentlemen who sat be low hint. (liere the lion. Gentlemakalluded to the Members of the Old Opposition), He therefore thought it would be a very mistaken fortitede for that Right lion. Gentleman to stick to what he could not justify or defend. lie might agree with some persons that it might he dangerous at the present time to take out a stone from the fabric of the Constitution, but he thought it presumptuous to say, we would not strengthen its foundation, There was a great fund ofgood sense in thc people of this country, and the) would not long be made the dupes of ar tifice or clamour; and the Right Hon. Gentleman might be con vinced, that if a proper attention was paid to their reasonable complaints, they would be satisfied. As the Right Hun. (len lletnatt (Mr. Perceval) had promised to support a clause which was similar to the present motion, he would be very glad indeed that he would take this motion into his own hands. It could not come with more propriety from any other quarter; and if such 4 measure proceeded from his Majesty's Ministers, it would go a great way to conciliate the affections of the people, and their respect for that House, it had appeared that one mercan tile house was possessed of four seats, and nobody could suppose a commercial house would give 2Q,000t. for those seats unless for their own private advantage. Indeed he believed he might take it as a thing, gonerallv granted, that such abuses did in fact exist; and therefore the .House was bound to vote for a motion that they should he removed. lie had the authority 0F one who had the most know ledge with respect to the Cons stitution of Parliaments (we believe ho alluded to Sir William Blackstone), to say, " It would be much better that the oath was taken by the elected than by the electors." if this were done, he believed it would go near to cutting up this species of bri bery by Ole routs; for he never could bring himself to believe that any gentleman of that fortune, rank in life, and cultiyated wducation, necessary to qualify him fur a seat in that fliuse, would deliberately take a false oath, for any advantage he could hope from obtaining a seat in Parliament, He also wished' to extend the bribery laws to offences committed after the election as well- as before it; for he knew that corruption had gone to such extent among many of the electors, that they never consi dered their right of voting as a trust for the public good l but as a private property, that they had a right tq dispose of - for their own advantage. Many of them who would be sheeted at the idea of receiving a direct bribe to induce theta to vote, still ex pected some compensation after the election was over t It kad been voted by at former House, that the influence of the Crown " had increased, was increasing, and ought to be di minished." This induence had, however, continued to increa,e in an alarming degree since that time, by the immense increase of the army, navy, and revenue officers, which added so far to the influence of the Crown and the pa tronage of Ministers, that if they required being jealously watched in former times, they required much stronger guards now, or else they might completely overbear the inde pendence of the legislative body. Besides the increasing pre ponderance of the Ministers, there was another preponderating influence now exerted in the House of Commons. lie neither wished to depreciate commerce or commercial men, but still he thought the landed interest should preponderate over the monied intere:t in the House of Commons. The lauded Gentlemen were attached to the country by a common interest ; girt it often hap pened that the speculations of commercial men might be in oa position to the interest of the country. Landed Gentlemen probably would not, though many individual merchants might, recommend the most expensive and burdensome wars, for the sake of securing 40 unjust monopoly, There were many abuses which the Country might justly complain of, and if Ministers would redress them they would he doing an incalculable service to the country, by bringing back the confidence and affections of the people to its public men. W hen they saw pensions of 9001. per annum granted to persons of the highest 'rank, it was enough to make people indignant, %%Filen every cottager in the country was obliged to maintain his own children, it was too much that they should he :axed to the maintenance of the children of the rich and great. They did believe that these things were only dose to support 293 an infamous borough-monger ”stem. FLeere were taxes also which ought to be taken away; such as the dog-tax, and the taxing as grooms the servants of farmers. The salt tax ought also to he much lightened ; and this v 4 as a relief which Mr. Pitt had given notice of the last Session that he sat in that House. Any thing which could be done to win theaffections-of the people, would multiply in a great degree the, resources of the country, aad thew to Bonaparte that it was not merely 011 r army and navy that he had to contend with, but the whole col• lected force of an united people, After npologiaiag for digressing somewhat from the object ;tithe Motion of which he had given notice, he concluded by moving " for !rave to bring in a Bill for securing the independence and purity of Parliattent, by preventing the obtainink seats by improper means, and also to extend the laws respecting bribery." Mr. ilibbert seconded the Alotiou. Mr. ‘Vindham said, he had no doubt hut the house Wllll in; and desirous to receive and discuss every question in a cause which ought to he heard; but here'might he instances in which a party ought not to be heard at all—instances in which, as in the Courts of Law, the Plaintiff should be nonsuited. This was peculiarly the case with respect to Parliamentary Reform, in which 19 in twenty, or perhaps 900 in a thousand, held such different, wild, nod extravagant eci; ions, that it was impossible any man could form a just or fair !•viaion of what they would be at. It seemed to him that the particular object which his lion. Friend meant to correct by his proposed Bill, was to lessen the influence of the monied interest, and to increase that of the landed inte.rest. Before he adverted to the first or last object, he thought this Motion ought to be rejected in the very first instance. They Isere then at issue, hat on point of theory, but of fact—would that measure satisfy the people ? Among the various plans which had heretofore appeared of Parliamentary Reform, that of universal suffrage was the most predominant. The monied interest might then ,orty, is very well for you who have lauded property, hut it wont do for us ; other objections would be raised by thoe who had neither mo ney nor lands, and it would eventually turn ont just as the French Revolution had done. The Bill, it appeared, went to do away boroughsmonsering and corruption ; would it do away the influence of property? When men lay down prin ciples they ought to be able to explain them. If his Hon. Friend had a greater fortune, he would of course have more in terest than a forty shilling freehobler. Ile had inadvert ently acted contrary to the provision of an Act of Par liament on the subject, and he had thereby lost his seat. Was not this guarding iigainst even the shadow of corruption? One set of reformers say, We will go so far; another set says You shall go farther: so that, once permitted to begin, there was ro knowiox where, or at what they would stop. hits Hon. Friend had doubtless proper sympathies, but he could not expect others to have the saute. If oleo took bribes, it was not a corruption of that House, but co-extensive w ith the people itself, so-eval with the Constitution; such corruptions existed in times when the country was the inost prosperous and the best governed, and therefore, unless his Hon. Friend could shew that the country was now worse than it had ever been, he would nut consent to a change, If once we began, we could never stop, and if we once made a change to please the people, they w uuld go on; they would never know when they had enough ; and therefore he would oppose the general principle of Reform. There were two periods which the House ought to keep in remembrance; the American war and the French Revolution. The former might in some degree be forgotten, but we had still the benefit of the French revolution fresh in our memory, and could not but recollect the manner in which the Revolutionists had effected their purposes. Parliamentary Reform was of this same east and character; and it was blindness, infatuation and madness in the people, to think of relieving themselves by pulling the Go vernment to pieces. Lord Folkstone said, the Right Honourable the Chan cellor of the Exchequer had lately introduced a Bill to pre vent trafficking in places. He ( Lord Folkestope) had stated that at the Treasury there es isted a market, where a traffic was carried on for seats in that House, ;And that in consequence tiereof persons came into that I louze he'i n d to vole as they were ordered. There was at that zomeat an appearance on the other side of the House, as if they meant to deny the fact; but on its hein mare roundly asterten by an Hon. Friend of his not then in the House (Mr. C reeve y ) Ministers reverted to recrimination. He (Lord Folkestone) then declared !Fiat he would move a clause on this sul!i , •et, to he •I'flocl to the Bill; but upon Mr. Curwen's givivg notice of this n*otieu, he gave up the idea of introducing tbut clause. His Right Hon. Friend who spilt MAY 7. THE NATIONAL Lnporiancew Weil could possibly be suboiitted to the consideration an of Parliament. There could he no denying but that it was the all opinion throughout the country, that men obtained seats in that an Ifoase by improper watts. It therefore became the duty of the ou mouse to prove that this opinion was a mistaken one, if such MI were tote case; but if the opinion was a true one, as he believed Hi it was, then he thought it was their paramount duty to remove the the abuse .f w hick the country so justly complained. The Right ihi Mu. Gentleman (Mr. Perceval), had certainly not found in the ail 1 e xpression of the public opini.on any thing particularly hostile to 1 , _ec him, or very complimentary to the Hon. Gentlemen who sat be- di; low him. Otero the Finn_ Cfmfintirsnia n1i..A....1 •... •k... k1_...1.__. is..