The National Register. — London, England, 1813-02-07 00:00:00

t~~ r.'. A 3 I. FEB. '7 hired to poll for you ( some more Man once) who had no' qualification to entitle them to rote at all—that they were I, raid for so doing—paid l—,by wlioni?)—from the purse that defrayed the other expences ? There was no subscription at tl;at time—the money then came from the pocket of the candidate, and with it men were procured to perjure them selves in order to obtain a majority which would deprive the freeholders of their real choice. Ignorant and unthink ing men, to whom seven shillings was an object, were pre sailed on to commit an offence against the Almighty, that night endanger the peace of their souls, to gratify the vanity of an individual, and at the same time an offence against the laws of their country, which (as they were subsequently t! ansported for it) brought suffering. disgrace on themselves and unmerited miery on their families. Was not this cor ruption? Was it not undue influence ? Was it not any thing rather than public virtue ? In what haunts of iniquity can you find greater offence ? In what hot bed of political infamy can you discover a crime more foul ? " Oh, shame, where is thy blush ?" ivies • were made widows in losing a husband's protection—children became orphans by the loss of a father's support,—was this the work of humanity? Can the poor man's friend reflect on the agony of those poor creatures without a keen and tender feeling? Does not their distress create a pang more bitter than the soft influ ence of pity ? You are said to be humane—you feel for the woes of mankind—there is much wretchedness far your consideration—there are many children of sorrow for your adoption—hungry mouths and aching limbs claim charitable kindred with the rich—the victims of misfortune find some relief from affluent compassion—sympathy is a generous in fluence ; it proceeds from God like the attt ibute mercy, but, like every other virtue, presenting a fair and beautiful image, it tnay obtain more favour than in some cases it merits. When pity springs from remorse it can no longer be con sidered that sweet influence of the mind, that spontaneously partakes of another's woe ; it is no longer that 4. milk of human kindness" which philanthropy engenders. That money may be misapplied by agents without the ptivity of the principal, is certain ; but however ignorant you may have been of the circumstance at the time (which I do not pretend to deny) even of that pretext, i' is not certain you can avail yourself, for it is within the recollec tion of the public, that bills of indictment were prefetred against your agents for that work of iniquity, at-the time the validity of the Sheriff's return was under the considerati:m of a Committee of Members of the House of Commons, and it is asserted you gage up your claim to the seat on condi tion that the prosecutions should be dropt ; or in other words, that you withdrew your opposition to Mr. GEO. B. AINIVARING, expressly to prevent the rigour of the law from visiting offences which every honest man must hold in abhorrence, and which considered either as of a po /4, litical or moral nature, should excite disgust and indigna tion. It is believed you compromised the interests of the Electors of Middlesex, to screen offenders who had invaded the liberty of the people ; that to secure such miscreants from punishment, you bartered the inderendence of the country by relinquishing your claim to be its rep eentative, in favour of a man whom you had puhlicly and insultingly declared to be the tool of a corrupt Ministry. By such conduct you have sacrificed every political re spectability. destroyed the effect of all your professions, and "7 4 specLaointy, uustroyeu Luc cuccc of iur your proiessious, JUCISJI ca6asis ...... made them offensive to the people. Consistency in a public of the people—ere you presume to the country with man is of first rate importance to his reputation; witnout it, repeated declarations *f your devotion to the cause of pub- lie becomes contemptible, and is regarded as a hypocrite. k . • You wo pro f ess b e t h e peop le s ah o to peopldt the champion . advocate, ‘. • Vide Sir F. BUR DITT'S speet i pt the Crowu and Anchor, on ths , • t their rlgilt.s," have nut cleared yourself a the charge of kut aeitiversary of his 111111(11 ter estaliaster. • • THE NATIONAL REGISTER. having committed hostile acts against their liberties, and waged war against those vital privileges which you declare yourself "ready to defend for the benefit of your country." Can a flagrant violation of the law benefit a country whose interest is so clear to you ? Can the purity of election be secured by obtaining men to vote illegally ? Can the distresses of-the poor be relieved by causing them to com mit offences that bring ruin on their families ? Can public virtue be promoted by a disregard of every poli• tical obligation ? It remains for you, Sir, to explain the benefit which the people derive from such acts ; but do not insult the country with repeated professions of honesty, till you spew yourself unconnected with vice : do not endeavour to build your fame on the tradoction of other men's cha racters, till your own conduct will bear investigation ; cease to become the decider of other men's intentions, till public virtuous actions have proved your mind qualified to judge fairly. Public liberty is so intimately connected with order and regularity, that • it cannot exist without them. Can either be supported by profligate inconsistencies ; by encroaLhinents upon the constitutional privileges of the subject ? Can there be an epithet of contempt too degrading, or a term of reproach too severe, for men who appropriate to themselves the distinction of patriots, only to blind the people, and to allure them into disorder for the furtherance of private ob jects ? When such abuses are practised, and so much misery results from their operation, it is well for you to express' ‘. regret that . your short of your wishev in pro moting SL.e purity of election." Under such circumstances it is consistent with Sir FRANCIS BURDETT'S conception of propriety--it accords with . his expression of modesty, to inform a public company " that he deserved applause for his endeavours to recover the lost rights of the people ;" such won derful condescension can only Ise, equalled by the accuracy of his opinion concerning your deserts. If, as you state, all the political evils of which you com 4 plain proceed from a system of corrupt election, how dues your conduct admit of approbation ? Has not every im proper practice which art could devise and money effect been re,orted to in the course of your election contests ? Has not the very cause of those evils been increased by lour agents ? and have you not for such exertions in your favour seemed them from punidnnent ? With such facts on record, it is an object of much CID iosity to learn on what you found your claim to public applause. To the former you make a display of too much virtue—in the latter we find alas too little ; by a lamentable falling off—Sir F. BURDETT in word, and in deed, are in open hostility—directly opposite in character. You have so forcibly pointed out the high insult and mis chievous tendency of such measures, that it is impossible not to feel incensed against the promoters of them. .‘ Respect for the country and the people's rights" will cause a viituous mind to abhor such flagrant violations of social order : every honest man must be in personal hostility with those busy politicians whose ill disguised ambition rejects a!ike the chastening influence of caution, modera , ion, and delicacy. The inflammatory symptoms occasioned by exasperating ir ritants, seldom proceed from the treatment of a skilful phy. sician. Before you again tnanifest contempt for the cu.nmon sews