The National Register. — London, England, 1808-02-15 00:00:00

• IN 0 I li`;? HE NATIONAL REGISTER. i Conaitution, anb )Lai4.l. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 15, 1808. PRICE Bda ).0 4 fill 11 8. NO. 7. 04 1 0 PO L: 4 LORD HUTCH too 104 t_x) So much of the PO porta n t statement Lords on Monday i Br v had the advanta,l Rta Russia, shortly e's &red an object press upon us for t The circumstan singular, moment sera in tne histtT struggle against since the downfal tinted on the Cont: had been the last I of that only oche. Is: conflict, met to mentous occasion ation more remati 11 was one of the in if not to superint great drama whicl nearly twenty yea be the organ of Governments, and on eye-witness opt which he was sen with which wean diplomacy, can, rt in all its circums , which Lord Hutc realm on last Mon st•nt disquisition, memorable confer( et present agitate t t• should have tit imperious catFe, to place a subject I , n:ted, In record Norniag Chronie4 tae eyact statenu Lortl , ::!ip came to of the conferences " On the 2:3(1 With the Emperor Majesty asked it Strobonotl, three c neee:sary for him to, that 1 waF, of Lad confirmed ; tl and to mvself, pu do ai lung as I livt both agreed on t swered in the :lair' " his Imperin' ofrered his medial nity (glariote rejection of his nt LITICAL DISQUISITION. NI:31BIER SEVEN lIINSON'S CONFLUENCES WITII IiMI'7S.ROR. OF RUSSIA. :he public attention has been am:tete:l to the im .ments made by Lord Ilr':•hinson in the House of lay last, respecting certain conferences which he age personally to hold with the Emperor of after the Treaty of Tilsit, that they are ren of paramount interest among the topics which 1r discussion. inces in which these conferences were held were mentous, and pregnant with consequences. An -ry• of Europe had just then beet fixed. The the French Revolution, the most remarkable tal of the Roman empire, had just been termi ontinent. The great Continental 'Monarch, who it to resign the contest, and the delegated organ ter Government who remained as.ociated in the explain their mutual sentiments on the mo ►n. Hardly can the ilanOtlation picture a situ trkable. The mission itself of Lord Hutchinson, most extroonlinary on record. lie was sent, intend, at least to witness the final act of the ich had been acting- on the stage of Europe for 'ears. He was sent to aid with hi; counsels; to f communication between the two performing. tnd to give to his own Government the advice of pun the inconceivably important transactions in sent to bear so unusual a part. No document are acquainted, in all the voluminous records of , in point of importance, hear to be compared umstances with the narrative of the conferences tchinson delivered in his place as a Peer of the onday night. As it is our object, iu the pre 1, to point out carefully the bearings of these Yrences s upon the great political questions which the British public, it is absolutely necessary that the narrative before us ; but, independent of this we should deem it injustice to our readers not t of such high importance, as far as to us be d before them. We copy the report from the isle; we have every reason to believe it. is !meat of the Noble Lord himself. When his .o that part of his speech in which his narrative vs was introduced, he thus ex pret-ed himself: td of A ugu-t, my Lords, 1 had a conversation .or of Rus',ia at hantiocostroff. His Imperial me whether I :tad not admitted to Count days :titer the battle of Friedland, that it was In to make Peace ? I told him that I had done of that opinion then, which subsequent events that I thous ht myself bound in justice to him, publicly to avow it, which I should continue to ve His Imperial Majesty :aid, we arc then the necessity there is to make Peace. I an .ffirmative. ial Majesty proceeded to state, that be bad iation to England; that he attached no fake va -as the French Ns ur..l) to the acceptance or tnediatioo: Lot that it was Lis most 3 interc sad I. • anxious wish that England should make Peace, as he was sure that it was his interest, and also that of Europe, and ours, that we should restore tranquillity to the world. " I said to his Imperial Majesty, that he had nit given surs ficient time for England to accept or reject his mediation, be' came a much longer period than a mantis must elapse before any answer could be received ; and though the disposition of my mind inclined towards Peace, I, nor no other mao in England would ;:ecept it, but on conditions the most reasonable and lions towable; that as far as we were CoUcerned, the events of the War hull heen y favourable. " Ta which his Imperial 'Majesty replied, that the time al 'awed was of oe impartruce, bemuse we might take three or four months, if we pleased, to accept or reject his mediation but his anxious wish and desire was, that we should make Peace. That he had a perfect knowledge of the feelings and character of the peopl.. of Etriaarl that he had been ma'e neA quainted hyßora pa rte with tbe condiliOns of Peace proposed to be offered, and that he had no doubt shat even I Mystlf would consider them to be highly reasonable and honourable. " Some confidential conversation followed, NV hich I do not, think mrelf at liherty to sitscloses" • Such is the account which Lord Butchinsou rendered of the first conference held between the Emperor Of Russia aud him elf, after the Treaty of Tilsit, and before the. intelligence of the attack on Copenhagen had yet reached them. Let us en deavour, with as much precision as possible, to ascertain its circumstances. It is a point to be received as demonstratively certain, that in this conference there ss:o no artifice on the part of the young Emperor. It bears the most striking internal evi dence of profound sincerity. The external proofs too of this sin cerity are irresistible. No conceivable object Was to la gained by deceit. But above all, never would a ouug and inex' perienced Monarch, have been selected as the iustrument of a train of deceit. Had Bonaparte been the instigator, he would never have trusted the direct, and impetuous passions of a youthful Emperor in so delicate a business; and Alexander himself would surely have had some servants faithful enough to have prevented this direct prostitution of the royal dignity. Had a scene of artifice been planned, some hackneyed courtier would have sustained the ignominious task ; his Imperial Majesty would have been withdrawn from the disgrace, and from the difficulty. Depras its, not only the most deep, but the most experienced would be implied in every imputation of insincerity on the part of the young Monarch. It is, therefore, to be rejected with confidence and certainty. To have accepted, and to have pert petrated the office of deception on this occasion would prove . him not only a but a practiced villain. But We know that the character of Alexander is directly the reverse of all this. lie is simple and artless to a fault, Tills is well known to be one of the defects of his character. Though he is far from weak in unlerstanding, from the privacy of his educa tion, he is little acquainted with the PhlifiCes of other men, and not always sufficiently nmster even of disguise. Such being the irresistible proofs of the sincerity or the Em peror of Russia in this conference, it is eompletely decisive of the question, whether any secret articles ins lie Treaty of Tilsit were printed ag'ainst thil tountsy. We may confidently pro , nominee that in the opinion of the Emperor of Russia no tittle of that Treaty was injurious to us. If an article respecting Corfu wal admitted, surely it will not be contended that his opinion was far wront, ; surely it will not be rontetobst! that our interests were deer!) , erected by the dispasal of Corfu either ono way or !n another. If a st.zr‘t article was aituitted for ~~:_ - -0 ~: . SKMI