The National Register. — London, England, 1813-09-05 00:00:00

• Our Mug, (Constitution, attivtatvs: PUBLISHED AT NO. 11, NEWCASTLB-STBEET, STRAND. No. 9.97. SUNDAY, SEPTEMIEIt 5, 1813. PR ME 9 , 1 -4, Nry, those (.emplete- ~. b.i ~ .! POLITICAL DlS:2ursmoN. and, towards the latter end of the Directory, those two great springs of the Revolutionary Government were so complete ly worn out, that the Rulers were objects of ridicule to the people, and their power gave way at the first attack. ON THE PRESENT STATE OF EUROPE. [Concluded from our last Number.] Buonaparte had planned that last shifting of scenes with some of the leaders of the revolutionary philosophers, who had duly stipulated for their share of the spoil, and he was put at the head of the new government as First Consul for ten years. The conclusion of a peace, of which France stood so much in tweed, gave the Consul no inconsiderable degree of popularity, which soon became general, from an opinion propagated with the most anxious care, that he meant to re-establish the Bourbons; a delusion which has imposed even on that illustrious family. But when cau tiously advancing towards the supreme power, he got him' self declared Consul for life, all his popularity vanished, " The little Corporal," as the French called him, was the subject of the most bitter sarcasms ; the Republicans held again their nightly meetings, and one of those clubs in Bor deaux, known by the name of " La guille," even sent one of his own countrymen, a Corsican, to Paris, to murder him ; .of this he had timely notice, and the man was stopped at the barricres. But he saw the absolute necessity of occu pying far from home, the attention of ::t•ended subjects, as the former governments had done. The intercouic with England, which must necessarily take place in h eace- time, was another obstacle toiii, ultimate views. The _liberty of the English Press, and the t't cedom of speech la which _En glishmen indulged in Paris, could not fisjl , 4i opening the eyes of the Ft ench to his usurpat'NT. and of reviving art their t breasts those sentimel tt.'t fiii3erty .shich had been encouraged to the most extrav*aut pitch anti:4 the last ten years ; for as an jj-Lions French wriu!r observes, " Calais cannot he long in darkness when light shines in Dover." Preparations of war were maIL in consequence against Great Britain, and nit& r the pretence of invading her shores, troops were col -I,,cted to attack successively the different Powers of the Continent. In the mean time he assumed the supreme power ; but a pledge was required from those who by the murder of , their Sovereign had paved the way to his usurpa tion, that he never would compromise with the Bourbons, and the Ducd'ENGAIEN was murdered at midnight. Without following BUONAPARTE in his unprincipled aggressions on the different States of die Continent, let us cast a view on his situation in France. Ile had attained the summit of his wishes; but those from vihom be inherited his power could give him no other securities than those by which they had themselves held it—terror and delusion. To the alle. , iance of the people he had no more title than his prederess::rs ROBESPIERRE and BABRAS . ; nor had he any superior re nown, except that whic and which he shated In our last we stated, that one of the motives which impelled the Revolutionary EMPEROR of FRANCE to wage perpetual war with the rest of Europe, - was the impossibi lity to support in France the armies necessary to maintain Lis power ; and, we briefly observed, that this power, the blood-stained inheritance of Jacobinism, could be upheld only by the same means by which it had been created. Since his nsttipation he has evidently acted upon that con ♦•iction; let it be our task to spew that the nature of his rowel left him no alternative, had he not even been urged by his uncontrolable passions. It has been supposed by some superficial observers, that the Revolution of France was produced by the abuses exist ing in the old government, and by a wish on the part of the people to sec them reformed. That abuses existed, we will not pretend to deny, and we are ready to admit also, that many wished only for a temperate reform, consonant with the principles of the ancient constitution of the realm. l But difffirent, far different were the views of the party which early took the lead in that - work of destruction. France, at that time, independent of the influence which her geogra phical situation, her power, and her state of civilization, naturally insure her in Europe, had acquired a dreadful ascendency on public opinion, by perverting it, and, as the eraddle and the focus of modern philosophy, was considered as a common country by all its sectaries. Proud of superfi cial acquirements, impatient of any restraint, and harbour ing an inveterate hatred against all civil and religious institu tions, the philosopher set himself above,kitigs, and ackuow , • ledged no God. Thus, sole judge of his actions. con. sidered as lawful whatever was - conducive to his ends, and hoped for no reward, nor j irentted any punishmeiit be) ond the ttrnits of his guiltylife. Such were the men who repre sented themselves as called upon to regenerate mankind, and their first measures were hailed by their disciples in the dif ferent parts of Europe as the harbingers of the reign of rea son, and of philosophy. I The power of men professing such doctrines could be es• tablished only by the subversion of all received opinions, and the destruction' of all former institutions ; and terror and delusion were the only weapons which could be effective, either to create or to maintain it. But terror cannot act long on the mind unless it varies its shape, and it vanishes at the first appearance of successful resistance; delusion, on the other hand, especially when of too gross a nature, mint be universal, or the charm is soon dispelled. The first ad venturers of the French Revolution eatly etperienred .this; Vol. V/. No. CCXCVLT. i resulted from his military: expkiN, with several Republican Generals.