The National Register. — London, England, 1817-04-21 00:00:00

TIVI 4 1010111111111 - 'br Aft, No. 480.—VoL. X. POLITICAL DISQUISITION. 1101111ETT'S SUCCRSCORS; AND CANDID sTRIc. TURES ON LOIZD SIDMOUTti's TER. IT is laughable to notice the bustle which Mr. Cobbett's flight has ocnetioned amongst the Register- People—the Two-Penny Politicians—who are seramb .ling for his quondam customers, and offering their respective wares, as eaali contenting the ouly " /egili nate" claims to " universal suffrage," and the weekly contributions of the " pour, pennylem, starved, famish ed) dying journeymen and mechanics of Great Britain." It is nut for us to decide upon the merits of the re spective commodities of these enterprising venders of " little nostrums and big blunders.' If, however, we might venture an opinion, we think the Old Bailey Register-man has the best claim to the succession; and we feel sontewhet justified in this opinion on ac count of the " coincidences of Mr. Co6lett's last ild dr.ss, and my last Numberl ' Besides, in the comp= of about as much of the 011 Bailey-man's large print as would make half a score of our lines, the " rerhtm lsts" of Saturday week, hits contrived to introduce the personal pronoun I, about a score of times; reckoning nothing upon the " my's" and "mysey's." Now, this notable knack at egetisin perf ec tly st-la-C;b6cti. Again, there is the same blustering, bung-ling sophistry, the sauce vulgar personalities, the saute pretligality abusive epithets, the some wane aLtempts at low cation, and the saute wholesale dealing in extraneous extract which the late Mr. Cobbett, in kis wane, so ana2ly favoured us with. "Be sure (therefore) to ask for 'a Register, the only genuine Cobbett, price 211" Not a line, however, appears in re/4 to the "calumnies" about Colbert's debts which have been an widely circulated. Ilis printers must send their accounts to America, and they will be "justly paid;" but why not pay them first! Something, how ever, is hinted about " Mr. Cobbetea ertors;" and they are " wretches and fouls" who will not believe that "he was sn great a man, that they cannot remember his faults." What "wretches and foolir must not his ere elitors, his printers, and his landlord be. Bat here is another " Weekly Political Register, t.).!" This, lion ever, has bet few ciente+, compare titely, to the Cobbettian dynasty. Mr. Sherwin dues net merely talk, unfortunately, he appears to hive been more in the habit of writing, and has evidently been at a better r.elneii than the " only-genuine" man. Besides, he does net deal so nmeli in " full cans" and ex our devil calls the "big print" and the " running -hand," with which his rivals are an plenti fully larded ; and when he attempts to be vulgar, he is evidently climbing up hill ; in short, we would ad vise Mr. S. to give up his external imitations of Cob bett, we mean as to the appreranes of his Register; for, with the exception of the following very handsome tribute to the character of the "Wilted Fenn - tend" of of Spain, he appears to have but little of the Cubbett about him, we mean as a writer on politics: "In Spain," says this modest and amiable reformer, " we have restored, or rather the Government under which we live, has restored a wretch, for whom leirgtiwge has net a name. Every thing which we have been taught to believe, or conceive of hen, may be found in the etharacter and actions of the "irY'ernal Firdinand!" This is in the true style of Reform--. Lord George Gordon was persecuted, in this country, for a libel upon the Queen of France ; as also was Peltier for another on Buonaparte, whilst that gentleman was First Consul ; but, we suppose, the cause of the King of Spain is so hopeless that he may be libelled with impunity. Well, we must own, Ferdinand Is no great favourite with us, though we certainly do prefer hint to brimstone and fire, to eternal damnation, furies sad fiends, anti to all the inconceivable miseries of that place "where hope ne'cr comes that comes to all," and surely it man who could spend a large portion of his time in embroidering garments for the Virgin Mary nould hardly merit the character of " inf . ernal," what. ever other epithet he might deserve. ilk conduct to she members of the late Cortes merits severe censure; sow do we think he ol'oght to be praised for his resto ration of the Inquisition and the order of the Jesuits. Much eutzferation and misrepresentation, however, have been indulged in by his enemies in this country on these points. Notwithstandin,; these are our opinions or the spirit and tendency of sue!, writers as Mr. Coblsett and those wise ape his vulgarity and his egotis•n, we oertetuly alionat I iOttr+ Out latita, ConOtitulion anb i atuii. MONDAY, APR: 11, 1817. cannot altogether approve of theNteans indirectly re co.mneneeil by the Secretary State for the Home Department, for their suppression. Every attempt to approach the sacred threshold of the Temple of Liberty, except by he: avowed and sincett devotees, should be regarded with an eye of sitspicion and extreme caution. We fear Lord Sidtnouth's letter to the Lords Lieuten ant of the counties, inserted in our last number, hus at least " the appearance 'of evil," and we are taught to shun all such appearances. The Liberty of the Press is a privilege which no low can rightfully abridge—no authority safely curtail—lt is a right which cannot he eventually hurtful to the interests of truth; though the most remote ettael upon its pri vileges may do most essential mischief to the best of causes. The laws are sufficient to punish licentious ness of every kind; but there is no licentiousness ne cessarily attached to an open avowal of a titan's own opi nions, whether religious er political. It is only by collisions of this nature, that important truths arc elicited, and as one wan lias a moral right to dissent from another in opinion, so every man has an equally moral right to the public expression of his opinion. * It is Conezt's doctrine that might constitutes right; it is ours that right is, in its strictest Renee, abstracted from might, and, consequently, thong no law can com pel us to be of this or that mode .1 thinking, so no law should compel us from the free , expression of our opi nions. We of course, except, in these concessions, all open, gross, false, and obvious libels, which come with " the marks of the beast in their foreheads;" and by . levelling all distinctions of right and wrung, manifest' that their authors have no regard for any opinion but what is base and wicked. But these sort of writings appear not once in a century; and though we abomi nate the disgusting ribaldry which is now. digr.ified with the name of politics in most of' your two-penny publications, though we shrii:k with horror from the blasphemous parodies of the Holy Scriptures we do net think either one or the other required any means to put them down beyond their own absurdltv, incon sistency, and natural disposition to the bathos—at all events, if the friends of order, religion, and good govern ment cannot write down the attacks of their oponeuts, they can never heat them down by legal statutes and unconstitutional Acts of Parliament. I-tow trite is the observation, that " truth is great, and will prevail." Let, therefore, the loyal and serious part of the community exert their own mental energies in support of truth ; and the disorderly, though multi tudinous, friends of anarchy cannot long stand against them. Let us not strive to " brink the %lotion." Let us not pronounce that to be blasphemy which may, for aught we know, turn out to be truth ; met mouse, with indiscriminate rancour, every man ease twilling, a rebel s and jaeohin, who may deem it right b write in-sup. port of' principles and practices whoali isogent will 'Oen• ture to pronounce infallible and perfect. •We trust, by this free and candid expression of * opinion, we are otkning the best support to government ; end are persuaded, that whatever tends to create an idea that Ministers have any wish to silence the public voice by the strong arm of the law, wall be found, in the end, to be productive of the most Aiming conse quences. If such publications as thoe which we have alluded to, in a former part of this Disquisition, may be justly suppressed, and their authors be subjected to lose their freedom at the bare suggestion, of a magistrate or a common informer others more philomphical (if we may he permitted the term), inure refined, more ra tional, and more sober attacks on the proem larder of things may also be put down by the tame authority;. and, in that case, where would be our boasted liberty of the press ? Where that free exercise of the right of private judgment which constituted the basis of the Reformation, and is the glory and prided the English laws both in church and state? We for Lord Sid- , mouth's Letter savours of being righteonseverituch." It partakes, in too great a demi, oftee puke Raper gatorius—teo strongly of the !‘ dansmebry clauses,' which a late learned prelate so heartily prayed that we were well rid of. At least, it is Liable to this construc tion ; tad such is the use which his Lonlship'a enemi.ss make of it. We wish, therefore. be bid not put this sword into the hands of our rots ; aer affordei them this CIMPE to accuse us of persecution rand cowardice. • We rijoice in any proper MC:0111 Arlie% tend to silence the voice of error ; and it was in this vie* of it, that we first expressed our approbation d leis doomment ; but upon more serious and mewl timmidatation, and • eseoriaUy since the mains s( Lad Iffallaad is tie PRICE 91d. House of Lords on this subject, we should not act tt!e part of impartial and honest journalists if we aid not Low express our fears that, however well-meant, that letter will he found calculated rather to serve than to hinder the progress of erroneous doctrines respecting religion and government. One false step, or ill-judged trea sure, is sure to be noticed, with no very favourable con struction, by our vigilant antagonists. bUHbCtI inwicnientst. PM TINS NATIONAL 81101ST N. RESIGNATION TO PROVIDENCE. HAVING lately conversed with a man who seri ously murmured because he had fallen from very pros perous circumstances, by his own intemperate use of riches, I was led to reason, from his ingratitude, into the necessity of counteracting such mistaken objections against the goodness of Providence by the many evils and miseries that are in the world, most of which ate owing to ourselves, and therefore the sting of them is the keener. It is not always in our power to avoid many sufferings, because we are knit and bound ton- Sher as members of one family, but it is our own fault if we sink under them. National courage and steength of mind, the powers of reason, and a wise consideration. of the nature of things, the bc:ief of a srood Providence which takes care of 113 and orders all things for ofir good s and the certain hopes of immortality, will support good men under their sufferings, and render them compa ratively light and easy. No man is miserable whose mind is cheerful and unappalled, full of hope, and feels the support of PrJvidenm. It is our pride that consti tutes worldly poverty to be a di grace ; and the frown or fortune, that casts us down frvm our elevation, to be a sting %A easily eradicated. Had we .boon played upon a fair level with the rest of mankind; this severity would not have been fi-lt, and thus the envy of riches is futile; for we not only suffer by the reverse, the loss of some of our personal luxuries, but also the homage of depend ants ; and that suffering is less in proportion as we have made them essential to our existence, whereas they were only so to our transient career ; and if we add guilt to the privation, either in the acquisition or in the enjoyment, the murmur at l'rovidence then be comes the result of remorse, and the sting is of our own seeking and cherishing, and the justice of Providence is not to be blamed, for Providence is often very good to us while we suffer ; and the Bay will arrive when we shall know that all we suffer was a blessings.* correc tion for a short time to work for us a far more " ea. ceedir.g and eternal weight of glory." . Besides, an inequality of fortune is consistent with divine goodnma ; there is not env thing more necessary to the happiness of the world, than good government, and yet there could be no government in an equa lity; and there is nothing makes such an inequality , as an unequal fortune. Were all men equally rich and great, there would be neither subjects nor servants ; and if this plan be necessary to society, and is the cause of the drawing out many of the most amiable virtues of the human heart, it is s sufficient justification of Provi dence, for human society cannot subsirt without it. It is a great mistake to think that their happiness differs is much as their fortunes; that a great man is happier than a°rte. Elevation may have its advantages; but poor, accompanied with muds more alloy than priverty, inasmuch as the claims are en creased, the difficulties and perplexities are augmented.; and we may estimate the case by the outward skew— the greater it is, the less is the scope of real happiness. Idle the indulgence of eeting and drinking, appetite furnishes a far preferable taste; so the hard labour of a poor man is far more enviable than the highest luxury, with the disorders incident to it. Again, Its to self-love and self-flattery, in which all mien are tolerably equal, for many who would change fortunes with others, would not alter themselves: the difference of firtune must be eery inconsiderable, when no rash ss ill change better self to obtain it, and while he is so well si:tistie 1 with himself. This mentality of fortune liltewise renders the less p rosperous more active to tnaintaill themselves and their families. it inspirer a virtuoos emuhttion ; it gives as activity which would he useless if all were constit‘tted tube ora l ; or were iiusited, us they are in the costars govesnments, to their own cuts. It affur‘is enenurages ag e nt and reward to virtuous exertions. estol lishes :as dittiartialta of reward and posidusent, places inja.o.iy •