The National Register. — London, England, 1808-02-15 00:00:00

) FEB. 15. the Crown Prince, thnt nothing was so difficult as to shake his determivation, or to induce him to chan i :e any line of conduct w hi c h b e hat once adopted ; and that he was sure no connection existed between the French and Danish Governments previous to our attack an Copenhagen. " I then said, that I believed Lord (i. L. Gower had delivered to his Imperial Majesty's Minister a note on the subject; to v. hich his Imperial l!tajesty answet el that he had, but that the contents of it were nugatory, as it contained no sufficient expla nation or offer of satisfaction. His Imperial Majesty then pro ceeded to state the :;:eat concern which our unjustifiable aggres sion had given hint ; that the French Government neve a had done any thing• so strong—that it jastified every thing they had dove or might do hereafter. If such proceedings were admissible, there was au end of ati those relations which had usually influ enced the conduct of nations towards each other; that every body was at liberty to do just what they pleased, and that be might attack Sweden to-morrow. Il is Imperial Majesty then tald me in the racist peremptory language, tone, and manner, that he would have satisfaction, covnplete satisfaction, for this unprovoked aggression. That it was his duty ss Emperor of Russia to demand it, and that he would have it ; and he asked me, whether even 1 myself cupid venture to differ with him on that subject ? Ile then said that he was bound to Denmark by the most solemn treaties and engagements, which treaties and en gagements he was determined to adhere to and fulfil. His Im perial Majesty then added, that he supposed we meant to make an attack on Cronstadt ; he did not know what the event of that :meek might be, but this he knew, that he was determined to resist to the last man, and to prove himself not entirely unwor thy of filling that high statien to which it had pleased Provi dence to call hint. " I told his Imperial 3lajesty that T had strong reason to hope and believe, that no attack would he made on Cronstadt. His Imperial "Alajesty said he was prepared for such an event, and had taken his determination upon it, which was that which he had before stated to one. He then closed the conversation, by repeating with much emphasis, that " he would Gave satisfac '• Lion for Denmark." The estranged and hostile tone which now appeared is not a subject of wonder. There was not a thinking man in England by whom it was not anticipated as a natural consequence of the evpedition to Copenhagen. This, it was said, must of necessity p►ocure us the enmity of Russia, who regards herself as the arbi tress of the Baltic, and will nut, without ex treine jealousy and indignation, behold so violent an inroad upon her pretensions. The evidence of the case st%..ms to he altogether uncommon. It ia ascertained that the Treaty of Tilsit did not annihilate the friendly sentiments of H.ns,in towards England; they were an nihilated at the moment of the attack on Copenhagen; thk cause is sufficient to account for the effect, and no other cause can be bee alnes n to exi:,!. Full of the idea of the uojustitiable nature of the measure, the Emperor asked Lord Ilutchimou what he thought of it, whether be, even he, had any thing to say in behalf of his countrymen Difficult was the situation in which his . Lrerdship was here placed ! It appears that his heart recoiled from the transaction as it pre sented itself in its outward feature:: and he was obliged to as sume that the hostile desizus of tar Datiish Government bad been so matured, and so manifest, as to justify it. This the Empecr.r immediately and continently denied from his peacral knowledge of the eircutnstnuce; he appealed to Lord II utchinson's own knowledge of these circumstances, if his a , sumptioo was Lot un reasonable, and his Lordship was obliged by his silence to ac knowledge the force o f the app ea l. I t now appears, after the defence of our Ministers is beff:re Lampe, that the Emperor was right ; that no evidence existed of anv hostile de'igusun the part 4,f the Danes ; and that the attack was made on the sole pre- Ih•tr,ion of ho>tile (IC's on I.lm . y:in of lic.naparte, w kich it was conchuied, was unable to resist. T here is something, even in the eumpLints of the Emperor, uhich prove' how well foundel, and strong acre his prejudices against the trench, and how far lie was, previnas to this unfor tlttlate tran.actino. front an.: :vatting ut atVection t , ) Ole cause cf )1, " Out '.oul " evet• THE NATIONAL REGISTER. 99 thing the French (tor ernment had done;" a clear expression of his opinion how lawless and abominable the conduct of the French towards other countries had been. The expression which follows, too, is still more remarkable. " This aggression of ours," he said, "justified : very thing tvitielt the French might hereafter do ;" a decisive proof of his fears, that the French would not yet cease in their h leas and aggressive career, and were still dangerous neighbours. Arc such opinions as these com patible w ith the idea ola voluntary association, antecedent to all pro7ocation, for the aggrandisement of Bonaparte, and the subjugation of Britain ? Certainly not ; nor can a doubt remain that to the attack on Denmark, and to that attack alone, we owe the great and important change from friendly to hostile in the Councils of Russia. This fact, which was highly probable, from general evidence before, is, by the conferences which Lord Hutchinson has related, placed beyond a doubt. Whether we have by that attack averted any other evil equally great with the enmity of Russia; whether we have attained any ad vantage of sufficient magnitude to compensate it ; rr Nether any evil which it could avert, or any advantage it could procure, could, in the eye of reason and justice vindicate it, are questions of a diderent sort, the discussion of which we Inuit reserve till another opportunity. REVIEW OF POLITICAL DECLAIMERS. No. VII. MR. COBBETT'S SPITEFUL ATTACKS UPON TIM AMERI( ANS. If it has been violently objected to Mr. Cobbett, that his opinions are mutable, and short-lived, he may defy his bitterest enemy to bring this accusation against his resentments. These would appear to he as deep and durable, as the others are hasty and transient. Whether this peculiarity of character is a proof of great wisdom, and great virtue, or the contrary, is not the present question. The tact is undeniable, and is of no little consequence toward enabling its to form a judgment of the Nv tat h of his sentiments relating to the momentous questions on the snliject of our relations with America. Almost all the opinions which Mr. Cobbett held on the other side of the _Atlantic are now changed. Mr. Pitt he then regarded as an angel for talents, and a saint for purity ; he now designates him a s th e ,hrillow• hearted Pitt, and descrilws him as having been a cor rupting, jobbing, squandering oppressor. Sir Francis Burdett was then a fiend let loose front the sulphurous pit ; he is now only man who has a chance to be tat:' saviour of his country. At that time lie d.seribed the British Constitution as e qua ti,, perfect in practice and in theory ; he now represents it as prat - tically teeming wit abuses and corruption. Sue% is a ghost specimen of the changes in Mr. Cobhett's opinions ; but his re sentments against the Americans appear to be as keen as ever. He seems incapable of forgetting the violent quarrel he had with them, and the loiscs and hardships which it cost hint. There is something in this. however, extremely nereasonahle. It wzri in preaching with violence and fury those very opinions which Mr. Colibett has now renovated that he created those ene mies w hose ill offices have trades° tkep air impression on his mind. Is it not extraordinary therefore that Air. Cobbett does hat reflect that as his violence and fury in favour of opinions which he now condemns, was highly nur:asonable, he may have given consi derable cause for that enmity which he excited, and against which is resentment is yet so intense ? if so many of his opinions were entirely wrong when he was in America, why may it not happen that the very bad opinion which he formed of the Annoicons themselves was st rang likewise Without adverting to any other evidence of this allegation, may we not wonder why Mr. Cubbett tides not reflect that this opinion which he footed of the Americans. was little better than a corollary from .. • the erroneous notions utiler which he then laboured. If Mr. Cob-. t bett. when in America cannier:A all Kings, with their sods, ne2. talcs, and clergy as deini-ois, her tr.-t ant 8T: els ; and by coheir eau, 1;4 .e linted vvloi had violent prejudices against thralls al: ; and if Mr. Cobbett nos th:s . ;k treatl . , alte:.:d his opini • - .• fu m y. sops. wat clergy, lo It r• • ^•:' r• ' I• le c.