The National Register. — London, England, 1817-02-03 00:00:00

4 'Or 0 No. 469.—V0t. X. Utual 33tographp: HemoirBofthepresentJtedges. THE RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR WILLIAM GRANT, MASTER OF THE ROLLS. ( Concluded from our lost.) —lo. ON the occasion of the impeachment of Mr. Hastings, it became a question, whether that proceeding abated by the dissolution of the House. The most popular lawyer, Mr. Erskine, with many others, argued that it did abate. Mr. GRA NT, Mr. A nstruther, and Mr.. Dundas, all supported the contrary opinion, as absolutely ne cessary to preserve to the people the power of bringing great state criminals to justice. On the first suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act during the war with the Republic of France, Mr. GRAN? made a very able speech in defence of that measure. He was complimented publicly, and with great candour, by Mr. Fox, who treated it as the ablest as well as the most manly, fair, and open defence of that measure, in the deprecation of which the Opposition knew no bounds. It was shortly after this that Mr. GRANT was made a King's Counsel, and began to attain celebrity as a barrister. On the Union with Ireland, Mr. GRANT spoke (April • 1800) with great ability, and supported it as a mea sure of wise policy, chiefly upon the principle of its re semblance to the happy Union between Scotland and England. At the Peace of Amiens, Sir Wst. GRANT (he was then Master of the Rolls,) supported the minister, Mr. Addington ; and it is curious to observe with what com placency the ministerial orator then viewed the charac ter of Buonaparle, whom all the Powers of Europe have since united to proscribe. He agreed with the Opposition as to the importance and the power of France : he eonsilered the peace as imposed by necessity, and, ad mitting that the state of Europe was not to be entirely approved, considered it impossible to change it. He did not ask for a probability, but a chance of success in op posing France. " Let him show any rational chance," said he, " on which a sober.headed man would act in common life, and I immedi ately close with him. Bost, Sir, he is surely bound to point out means which, if skilfully employed, would be in some mea sure adequate to the purpose he recommends. " While we had allies, it was always possible that their anecesses might have pot things in a more favourable situa tion. At the opening of every campaign there was a chance and a hope that the balance of Europe would be restored. We might still entertain this flattering prospect at the time of the rejection of Buonaparte's first overture. More favour able terms of' peace might have been obtained then, but per haps we would not have been justified in aband g the chance of obtainieg all that we wished. In such a mite of things it was better to prekx war to such a peace as this, or perhaps even to enter on a negotiation. " It was possible that we might have obtained much more than any treaty could have given us. Be that as it may, there is no principle of any kind on which we can carry on war for the Continent without a continental ally. We can assist in the deliverance of Europe, but we cannot achieve it. " Mr. Burke said it was impossible for us to make any im pression upon France, except in conjunction with the coin muuity of Christendom. This position is too broad. All in terests that arc British we can assert, and assert with effect. With regard to others, it is unquestionably true. We can calculate our efforts ; me know that there can be no 'progres sion in them : after years of war we should not have advanced one step towards the emancipation of the subjugated states. What can we do unassisted tior the t.odependence (lithe Cited pine Republic, or to prevent Spain from ceding Louisi ana to France? It is not that these objects are not great, but that they are unattainable. " 'the Noble Lord (Lord Hawkesbury), after whose manly, eloquent, and nnanswerable defence of the treaty, I ought to make an apology for at all offering my sentiments, urged the absurdity of continuing the war, to determine whether Buo naparte should have a direct or indirect influence over the Italiuni Republic, when we had consented to discontinue it for the purpose olvvresting from France the Netherlands and Hoolland. A Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. T. Greu villej replied, that it was unfair to take articles thus in detail, and that thoagh not for any (Mc, yet for all together, we might be well justified in coot tinting the contest. I admit the jus tice of this reasoning, as receding step by step we might at last be obliged to give op some of our own cult . ' He had severely censured the coonduct of gentlemen on the other side of the House, who, aooetutiog that the point on which the ne gotiation broke off was the only thing in dispute, asserted, that we were lavishing our blood and treasure for a spice " A nation must draw a line in the spirit of moderation, raitittr+ Our iting, ConOtttution anb 3aiv4. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1817. and then firmly adhere to it. If the negotiation should after wards break off, it will not be for any particular fort or island, but because no reasonable terms can be procured, and you tight to avoid dishonour. Thus has our Government acted. Would it not sound odd if a man, who had a nuisance at his door, and refused to bear a shar e in the expence of a litiga tion to remove it, should take upon himself the whole expencc of removing a nuisance at a greater distance from him, when all those in that neighbourhood remained indifferent spec tators? " It has been said, that though on account of late events it might have been scarcely justifiable at once to break oft . the negotiation, yet that we ought to have insisted on a com pensation for the new acquisitions of the enemy. Sir, I would ask, whether the. retention of all the islands we have agreed to restore would form any balance to the continental power of France? They are not things at all of the same sort, and the danger would not have been in any degree di minished. France from her conquests gains direct strength —not through the medium of stealth. The West India is lands produce weakness instead of strength. They do not increase our means of attacking the enemy, and they en feeble, by dividing our means of defence. " It was felt at Lisle that the West India islands could not be converted to this important purpose. In that case, even upon my prieciples, Government would be blameable. If they were a counterbalance hi our hands, it would be most criminal to resign them. lint the absurdity is so apparent, that it has never occurred to any one to reason in this strange manner. Sir, it was not material to retain a greater number of our con quests. If you had the power, you ought not to chose to pre vent France from having a large commerce to distant coun tries. This is the only hold we have npon her. Thus alone peace is her interest, and we are a terror to her. " I am really anxious to know, Sir, what plan of opera tions, had these gentlemen been in power, they meant to have pursued. As yet we have heard nothing of thin kind even hinted at. We have been told of nothing more definitive than Chance of ovals.' Without any prospect of success, we should continue the war merely for the purpose of not being at peace. If this unknown event should not happen soon, we may be so much exhausted, as not to he able to take advantage of it. Suppose, Sir, that it should never hap pen. We are reduced to make pence at last on worse terms than the present, as with worse means we could not negotiate but with impaired effect. " There arc sonic gentlemen opposite, who would say you have made peace wisely, because you have abandoned the object of the sear. The object of the war hey too often, Sir, been purposely confounded with the means of attaining that object. We wished to provide for our own safety from the immediate danger of French principles and French power, and to preserve, if possible, the balance of power on the Continent, a matter in which our safety was materially though indirectly concerned. Can it be said that we have failed in the firs? Sir, we are assembled here to-day, after a revolu tion which threatened our existence, and which has effected the destruction of almost all the surrounding nations, debat ing according to ancient !brans, not concerning the losses we have sustained, not concerning ruined commerce, or curtailed dominions, but whether the additions to our territory are so great as from our splendid victories we were entitled to ex pect! " In the other object, of saving Europe, we have certainly failed t but no di.grace can attach to the failure, as it is what, without the assistance of Europe, it would have been mad• ness to have attempted. We cannot see these things with out regret, but happily this regret is nut embittered by the thought that we have left any thing undone to prevent them. " However, the prospect is noton all sides equally gloomy ; at one time our fears of French power were absorbed in ter ror of the desolating effects af French principles. Mr. Burke observed, that it would be better to be conquered by any other nation, than to have the French as neighbours. (The Right Honourable and Learned Gentleman here quoted the well-known passage, where Mr. Burke represents the French as having made a breach with the community of Europe, on purpose to make all mankind submit to their dominion, &c.) " It is some consolation, Sir, that France spews a disposi tion to re-enter the pale f civilized society. She is return ing to order, to religion, and right principles, as fast as can he reasonably expected; much has been done during the last two years and a halt; and a greater progress still would probably have been made, had the career of war closed at an earlier period. I have heard it stated, that though Bnona parte was the foe ofJaeobinism in France, he was its friend in England. If he shall extirpate Jaeobinisni in France, what tier his deserts in other things may he, here he will prore himself a henefaetor of the human race. IVhen the fatal source from which it originally flawed is dried up, it may be hoped that it will for ever disappear, and that the world will I-et:user from its ravages. •' Sir, I cannot believe that Buonaparte is animated with that implacable spirit towards this country. To pursue a rival with unceasing hatred and blind rage, often etrls uI self= destruction. It is clearly his interest, that jaeohinisin should be every where crushed. If it flourishes in Lugland, neither France nor any 'ether country in Europe will be tranquil. The pride of Jacobinism (not the least distinguished feature in its character) would be interested above all to re establish its throne in its original dominion. Ittionaparte ought to wish with eagerness that it may he obliterated from the eat th, Intl that its principles and modes of action may be forgotten forever. % bile a vestige of It remains, his present govern ment mast be insecure, and any other gavermuent he may desire to establish." From the universal topic of the character of Btiona parte—at once the child, thechampion, and thedestroyer of Jacobinistn—Sir WM.GRA NT proceeded to the cession of Lomixiana, the non-renewal of treaties, and the effect which the Pence would have upon our possessions in India concluded by approving of the peace PRICE 94d. Upon the breaking out of the war with Spain, he very ably supported that popular measure; and upon the impeachment of Lord Melvilk, ranged himself on the side of his old friend and patron, whom he defended with a zeal which does honour to his feelings as a steady friend. We need pass no eulogium upon the merit of these speeches, anis:tiering the place in which they were de livered, and the objects and situation of the speaker.— We have already observed that we believe it was by the display of his talents in Parliament, that Mr. GRANT paved his way for advancement in his own pro. fessional career. In saying this, we mean to imply no censure on the subject of our Memoir; and, far from thinking those blameable who raised him to his present elevation, we are grateful for the discernment which enabled them to select so able, so useful, and so dignified a character for the situation which he now fills. We began our Memoir by noticing one paradoxical circum stance in the advancement of Scotchmen at the English bar, in preference to Irishmen ; and we must here re• mark, that notwithstanding all that may be justly said against Parliamentary influence conducing to profes sional advancement, we have here an eminent example of its operating to the greatest advantage for the publics benefit. Mr. GRANT, without much business, became through Parliamentary influence King's Counsel and Solicitor General, and is now Master of the Rolls. Upon theoreti cal views, we should pronounce this unconstitutional ; but, practically, we can only rejoice that by any means whatever the talents of such . a man have become known, and being known have fixed him in the very station for which nature seems to have designed him. Sir Wm. GRANT has now filled the place of Master of the Rolls thr many years, and it is too little praise to say that it never was better filled—we arc convinced that it never was so well filled by any of his predecessors. His manner on the Bench is peculiarly excellent—. His habitual reserve is such, that he appears never to speak but when it is absolutely necessary ; and as he is remarkable for little speaking, he is not the less so for much hearing. No man is really quicker of apprehension, yet he never stops a Counsel to tell him that lie can an ticipate all that he would say. He hears all that is said, and reserves his judgment to the last ; when it is de livered with precision, clearness, and temper: with know ledge which is equally profound and various, and with a firmness, self-possession, and readiness, which satisfy the audience that he must be right. In dispatch of busi ness he is almost unexampled. At his first appointment, see recollect that many of the old practisers, amongst the attorneys, were greatly deceived by expecting business to be delayed, as on former occasions. In one night, we believe, no less than GO petitions were dispatched simply by the habit of silent attention and patient internal de liberation, for which he is so remarkable. We have heard him justly desetibed as a very statue on the Bench, turned into marble as it were by deep meditation ; when suddenly, the arguments being ended, the Statue of Jus tice becomes animatedtbr a few seconds, the eves twinkle, the lips move, the hand is gently reistal, and a decree is pronounced in a few words, apt, pithy, and decisive.— Soon again the statue is fixed in monumental stilness, to be roused by the touch of some secret Prometheus into occasional animation, if animation it can be called when no more energy is exerted than is absolutely necessary to convey the meaning of the calmest judgment, and the most unruffled temper, that can be possessed by mortal judge. In Parliament his manner was equally dignified and equally cautious. Ile never spoke but upon important occasions, and then always with a logical acuteness, and manly firmness, which justly tom mantled the greatest attention. His thoughts were all matured, his words well weighed, his conclusions sound from the premises; and ifhe erred, it must have been by the misapplication of faets, never by the inconsistency of judgment. Though nut a frequent, he was an effective, a useful, and an impressive speaker. He had the rare talent of speaking always to the purpose. As an an tagonist, - .;,- he is strong, watchful, and subtle; as a friend, . he is discreet and wary. Ins caution in debate was ex- ets treme. On subjects of national law, his reading must have been considerable, and his information was always ,f ready ; but yet, to prove his scrupulous caution, we rt.- ~ 77i , collect a debate, in which the late Dr. Lawrence having made a long speech, Sir WM. GRANT stud to a friend, he thought seine of his positions were wrong, and he •' had a mind to answer him. Seeing, however, that the • debate would not terminate that night, the wary lawyer ...aro - : c 1 1 • 1 i i 1 . 1, I 1 1 ' 1 0 R . Y I, r . 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