Star. — London, England, 1803-05-24 00:00:00

which viblated the treaty, and juaifies this Country in demanding fecurity againft the gigantic (irides of its infatiable ambition ? It is impoffible. from the purview of this Treaty, and of the eircunfilances at tending it,that it can continue any longer. Let me call y o ur attention, my Lords, to the loth Article of the T r eaty ofAmiens,and confider i t in every point of view. w has the French Government aided in conformity o the fpirit and meaning of it? Why, my Lords, on e i ith of September thou, Piedmont was annexed Vth e to France. Is this, my Lords, a bagatelle? Piedmont is a country of ;rater importance than it is gene rally fuppofed ; its refources are great for its extent, and its produltions abundant. We know that its Prince!, fupported by the ardour of the people. ferved as a counterpoife uphill Auntie in former Wars; and (hall we admit as a mere bagatelle, that the re fources of a country capable of being dangerous, in the hands of France, agaidt Germany, and confequently againfl Europe, at prefent (hall be fo employed—fhall see con fi der this as a bagatelle ?—" ces font les baga telles." Is not this a reafon why this country (hould demand explanation and additional fecurity in conk quence of the annexation of this valuable territory ?' —The Helvetic Republic was to have been indepen. dent, it was to have the power of legillating for itfelf —but fee it reduced to the vaffalage of France, trod. den upon by her armies, and obliged to accept a con filtution. What is the mate of Holland ? Compelled to feed and pay the armies of its great ally and pro teCtor, it groans under the weight of its flavery.— What are we to underfand by tlavery ? If a coun try cannot eel in conformity to its own willies, if it cannot legiflate for itfelf, if it be obliged to give up, when called upon, every thing it poffefes. under the pretence of friendfliip, to an ambitious and powerful neighbour—what is this but flavery ? 'And fuch is the condition of Holland, or, as it is nick-named, the Batavian Republic. Can (he be dillinguifind in any refped from 'France ? Is (he not completely profirat ed ? I do therefore call upon you, my. Lords, to fay, whether the aggregate, at lealk of the ambitious and domineering alts of the French Government, in Eu rope, and its views refpetting Afla and India, lhould not be well weighed ; and before I would commence on this occafion, I (hould weigh the conclufion very deliberately. But, my Lords, the conclufion is molt clear and decifive, and his Majefty's Minifiers have declared, that notwithitanding . the many incitements to irritation and hoftility they had received, mill that they preferred the bleffings of peace, confillent with the dignity c the Crown, and the honour and wel. fare of the country, to every other confederation, and did ingenuoufly profefs an intention to execute the Treaty of Amiens. But in the purview of this Treaty the independence of Malta was to be gua ranteed ; a Grind Mailer was to be appointed—by whom t---by the Langues, and to be confirmed by the Pope. View this fubjett in its proper point of view, my Lords—the Grand Mailer was to be confirmed in his fituation by the Pope. The guarantee of the Pope, my Lords, in pall ages, might have been fut . - ficient fecurity, when he could fay to one power— you (hall fubmit to my mandate ' or I will excommu cate you, and abfolve all your fubjeits from their al' legiance.—But without dwelling on the power of Popes in former ages, what is his power at prefent ? Is be not the vaffal of the French Republic ? Is be not the inflrument of its ambition ? Is he not all things unto all men, when the Conful commands ? But, my Lords, there is fomewhat extraordinary in the hillory of the Leagues of Malta. I (hall inftance one, in order to (hew the infecurity of any treaty that might be fubjett to its ratification, as far as the articles re (pelting it may be extended. i , A Grand Mailer had offended the League , : in confeqbence,as they thought, they had a right to do. they fufpended him ; he ap pealed to the Pope, who remonfirated, but in vain ; the Grand Mailer, appointed by the Langues, con tinued in his office until death." This, my Lords; is an hillorical and unequivocal proof of the holiiiity of the Knights of Malta to the Papal Power. It is evi dent, under the circumftances of the prefent cafe, that the Pope cannot be a fufficient guarantee for the in dependence of Malta ; without power, without terri tory, without even fpiritual influence, what fecurity can be afforded by him to the Britifli Empire ? I (hall now, my Lords, tall your attention to Colonel Se bafliani's report—a report which was given officially, but was it given in the fpirit of commercial rivalry ? No, my Lords, difregarding the ties by which both countries ought to be united, he proceeds on his ex pedition. He panes from Africa to Aha ; he vifits Ghezar Paeha, as he acknowledges, at the ri(k of his life—fo anxious was he to perform his employer's m if fion. Having made his arrangements and impreffions in that quarter. he proceeded to the lonian Wands, in which, having detrained his influence, he in forms the Firll Conful that the inhabitants will be ready at any favourable opportunity to (hake off the Boke ; in this view of the fubjed can it be Paid, that naparte has executed the Treaty of Amiens ? No, my Lords. conformably to it, the independence of the lonian blends was fecured. Conformably to its Ripulations, the integrity of the Turkifh Empire was ,to be confirmed, but how does it accord with the mill Pion of Sebaßiani ? Surely not, my Lords, but allow sue to obferve on the converfation of the FUR Conful with Lord Whitworth—[Here the Noble Lord re cited the converfation from the printed papers]-... Under thefe circumßances allow me to ant, Whether we are declaring war againft Prance, or France a gainft us ? Are there not grounds at leak my Lords, of apprehenfion ? And why &mild Great Britain. for an inaant, hefitate to bring the point to an iffue ? But confider this fubjea a little farther. In turning over the pages of the negbriation, I find a note from M. Otto, requefting Co fend away from this country the princes, bifhops, and other emigrants, who had facrificed thcir comforts, their property. their con-1 nations, and in fine, all that was dear to them. to their honour and principles. The Government of this country was called upon to bani(h them, to re title them the rights of hofpitality, and ejea them from its as outcails of fociety, doomed to encounter the horrors of degradation, poverty. and perhaps perfecution. But, my Lords, what language is this? Is it not (peaking to the Government of this coun try, as to the King of Naples ? Is it not commanding us in a manner to fuccumb to the yoke, and bear the iron rod. Then we may expert to be under the pro.confulate of Arthur O'Connor—" (born, and to the quick indeed." But he goes farther; be calls upon you to &limy the palladium of our liberties ; he demands that we (ball regulate it in a manner un known in this country. Talleyrand, the regulator of the affairs of Europe, tells us we fhall do fo ; and Bonaparte, the regttlator-geoeral of the univoifis. demands Malta fi - ir bin:deli. What fort of conduit is this from one independent country to another? I have now to - apologize to the Houle for trefpalfing In long on its patience; but I hope I thall be enured, on an occafion of Ibis kind, for indulging a little in Englifh feeling and Englith fentiments, arcing from a will to preferve our con ft itution,our liberty, and rights. Lord Matviut 11 role to give his heart, concur rence to the Addrefs, which had been moved by the Noble Lord, and in pledging himfelf to fupport his Majeily in the maintenance of the juft rights and in teretts of the country, he begged leave to explain, in a few words, the fentimeats - he entertained upon his important fubjed In alluding to what had been laid relpeCting Malta, he obferved, -that this queltion was now freed from much of the difficulty and perplexity in which it had been involved. He rejoiced molt heartily that' nobody could (land up to deny that the loth article of the treaty of Amiens was totally in capable of being carried into execution. He congra tulated‘the Houle—he congratulated the country that it was ra incapable of being executed—nay, he thought it matter of congratulation that the French, by their obftinacy, had prevented any new and ade quate arrangement for the independence of Malta from being fubftituted in the room of that which cir cumltances had fo completely rendered impraltica ble. What indeed would have been the fituation of Malta with all its guarantees? Was the guarantee I of Spain, of Pruffia,"bf France, to be relied upon ? It would not be pretended that fuch fecurities were of any avail. The only guarantee of importance, and which could have any efficacy, was that of Ruffia, in conjunetion with Great Britain. He (poke of the importance of Ruffia in fuch an arrangement with the greateft fatisfaftion, for he confidered it mutually for the intereft of the two countries to cherith the ftrieteft union and alliance. Neverthelefs he was happy that the guarantee of Ruffia was not to be at. tacked to an arrangement in every way fo inadequate to the object it had in view. It was in faCt molt ad vadtagedus for Ruffia that Malta lhould be under the proteCtion of Great Britain. It was Great Britain alone which, by its naval fuperiority, by its capacity to avail itfelf of the harbours and naval Ration of Malta, was calculated to be the cuftodier of Malta. Every other plan for its protection and for its inde pendence was futile and inadequate. Now indeed he was at liberty to contemplate the pollibility of realiz ing an objeft of Co much importance as the Settle ment of Malta under Britith protection. Well did he remember the melancholy moments he had pallid when, after reading the Definitive Treaty, he found Malta expofed tst fo much danger of falling into the hands of a power that would employ it for our de-. ftruition The importance of that ifland had long appeared to him to be very great, and Europe had in the molt decifive inftances witneffed it. By means of Malta it was that the French had attacked and made themfelves mallets of Egypt. By Malta it was that we had been enabled to recover that poffeffion. If Malta remained in our bands, it was impoffible that all the effotts of France, that allihe armaments the could fend forth could obtain poffeffion of Egypt, While we, with a fuperior navy, had the opportunity of availing ourfelves of the harbours of Malta. Malta, therefore, was to be confidered as of infinite impor tance to the ftrengthening and fecurity of our Empire in India. He contidered it as a great tower ereaed in the Mediterranean; on which the flag of Great Bri tain, difplayed and floating, would hold forth an in vitation to the people of the Mediterranean, of the Ad. iatie, and of the Levant Seas, to rally round it, and to avail themfelves of the protetlion of this Coun try. It therefore was a fubjea of congratulation that, with nit any charge upon our good faith, an oppor tunity had occurred in which the loth article of the treaty of Amiens could not be executed. As we were now going to war, and as Malta formed one of the main objeas of the war,he willed that its value fhould be fully underftood, and that we fhould likewife keep in view the neceffity of availing ourfelves of its advantages to the utmoft. He hoped to hear no more of the Order being reflored ; or of the independence of the ifland being in any manner gua ranteed. While Great Britain was able to keep a fuperior fleet in the harbours of Malta, in the protec tion of Great Britain it would be fecure. It was evident how great intereas depended upon the retell tion of Malta ; were we then to give up that pottier lion which was fo effen ial to thofe interefls ? If, then, we were going to war for Malta, it was an objea to animate the courage and reward the achievements of our fleets and armies. We fhould go to war, there fore upon this ground as a broad queftion both of right and of general policy. In this view it was mat. ter of congratulation that Malta was to be confidered as a Britifh objea. We had now got rid of any con. fideration of the Knights of St. John. What was the fituation of thole Knights when we obtained poffeffion of the Mind ? They had degraded and overthrown their Order by an alt of perfidy; nor could they be I reftored without the feverell injury to the people of the ifland. The Order had become odious to the Mal tefe by the aft of treachery by which they had put them under the Government of France, and it was doubtful whether the Mahe& would not have deemed themfelves lee unfortunate in being transferred to ' France, than in being Again placed under the com mand of an Order which they had lb much reafon to hate and to diftrttft. Betides, it was to be confidered that we went to the aid of the Maltefe, previoufly engaged in the reduaion of the French ; and it was greatly again It the withes of-the people that the Order was to be reinftated upon any terms. We ought therefore to fecure to the Maltefe a wife and fuitable form of Civil Government, to be enjoyed by them under the protedlion of the Britifh power. This oh jell ought to be profecuted and fettled without any delay, fo that whenever any new negotiation &mild be fet on foot, we might be enabled to fay that the people of Malta, under the form of Government agreeable to their withes, were now eftabliftied under the proteaion of Great Britain. He willed it to be underftood that he confidered the retention of Malta for ever tabe a molt cicada' objea, and one to which, in the relative circumftances of Prance and this coun try, we were fully entitled to profecute by war. In voting for the Addrefs we therefore voted our con currence in the war, of which that was the principal objea. The attainment of it would be of the utmoft benefit to all the Oates of the Levant, and under our protein= Wu Malta could be rendered independent and happy. The Duke of RICHMOND confidered t' a demands 0 made by Minifters in the Mittaium which doled the . negociation as not adequate motives for going to war ; and that he did nct confider the polfeffiou of Malta for ten years, or the ifland of Lampcdofa, as fufficient grounds for war. The Marquisof Lawsoowxs laid that he was to con fider thegroundsof war dated in the Declaration which had been publithed as the real grounds of war,and was not to draw in any rumours to twellout the cafe. With refped to Holland, it was known when the Treaty of Amiens was concluded, that Holland was entirely in the power of France. Switzerland, though an in. terefting part of Europe, lay too remote to be greatly affilted by the friendfhip of Great Britain. It was an objet which more properly belonged to the Houle of Auftria. Parma and Placentia were likewife objeas remote from us, and not fully within the fphere of our political influence. Ruffia, it was laid, had elponfed the caufe of the King of Sardinia. Was not Ruffia a Power able to fupport his rights with effen ? The maintenance of his interefts, therefore, did not immediately call for our interpofition. The Report of Seballiani was Rated among the castles of the war. It certainly was true that this publication contained much that was offenfive in the manner, but furely there was nothing new ir. the nature of fuch a Report. Had it not been ufual for every country to fend per lons to inquire into the fituatiGn of other countries with which they were conneded ? Had not France fent perfons of that defcription to this country, and we, on the other hand, fimilar perfons to France ? As to views of ambition, it might be true that the Firß Conful was ambitious. 'But who in fuch a litua tion would not be aauated by views of ambition ? Was it to be expeded that, in the fituation of France and of Europe, all views of ambition Ihould be ex tinguifhed in the breaft of the FiritConful? He wasfar from condemning the whole of that r.rfon's charader —No honelt man, he believed, could approve of his conduct. Yet it was not becaufe the Firfl Conful had developed views of ambition that we ought to conclude that he intended to go to war with us. Our bufinefs however was, not to allow ourfelves to be hurried away by difapprobation of the Firft Confes meafures, or by an exaggerated alarm at his ambi * tion, but to follow a Ready courfe of national policy. Malta certainly was an objed of importance ; but he doubted whether it was of that immenfe importance attached to it by Lord Melville. About five years ago, he underftood that an offer was made by the Grand Mailer of the Order, to this Country, on certain conditions; but it was not thought advifable by the Cablhet to accept the offer. But granting it to be of value, was it neceffary to go to war for it,• when, perhaps, by flcilful negociation we might have obtained it? The Duke of NORFOLK remarked, that it had been (fated as fubjel of congratulation, that we had made a treaty which could not, and ought not, to be ful filled. This, however, was to expofe the national faith, which bound us to fulfil contratfts, though it might be difcovercd that we might have made a bet ter bargain. In his Grace's opinion, if the loth ar ticle of the Treaty of Amiens could have been put under the guarantee of the Powers mentioned in it, particularly Ruffle, we thould have had as much fe entity for the peace as the eireumftances of Europe would permit. He (till hoped that tome means might be difeovered for ,maintaining peace, and he thought that if any opportunity thould offer, it ought to be embraced. At the fame time, if we are to go to war, he was confident that every Englithman would. join heart and hand in repelling the attack of a fo reign enemy attempting to invade the country. The Addrefs did not entirely meet his ideas; he wifhed that it thould fate that the Houfe would fee with fatisfaelion his Majefty arairhinsfelf of any opening, either by negotiation or mediation, calculated to avoid the neeeffity of war. Lord MetviLia was anxious to explain that be did not fate that it would have been proper not to execute the loth Article of the Treaty of Amiens; it could have been executed, but he thought that fence eir cumftances in which this country had no concern had rendered its execution impaible, a new negotiation, fuitable to the change of circumfances, was to be en tered upon, and therefore be confidered the country juftified in retaining Malta. Lord Kiwo raid, that though the titration of Eu rope, and the power of France, were fuch as to be alarming to this country, he did not fee that the pre fent moment was favourable for attempting to redrers what was wrong. Single-handed we never could make any great irnpreffon on France; nor could the capture of her colonies ferioolly reduce her power.— France was not made up of various, feparate, and detached fettlemects. Nor did her refources d epend fo much on diftant colonies, or foreign commerce. France was a great territorial and military power, and therefore not to be greatly repreffed by a power of a different dereription, like that of England. His Lordfhip, therefore, doubted greatly the prudence of !going to war at this junaure without an immediate and preEng n.ceffity. He confidered the war now entered upon as a war for aerating the errors of the Treaty of Amiens. Malta was an important objea, but he did not think it worth being purehared at the expence of war. He therefore waited that all means . for effe/ting peace might not be abandoned. Fur this purpofe he propofed an amendment, the objea of which was to leave out the greateft part of the Ad drefs, and to fubftitute rouse new paragraphs, the purport of which was, that the Houfe would fee with fatisfatftioo, that his Majefty mould liften to any far. ther offer of amicable Cettkment, confident with the honour and interefts of the country. Lord Essaasoaouoie f-id, it had been afked, where were the caufea that jullified our going to war? He would anfwer, that if we had not at prefent ade quate juttification of war, he knew not what intuits, provocations, or dangers could juftify Cluiftian men in appealing to the laws of Celt defence. What was the objea of the war ? He would fay broadly that it was a war to redrefs all our wrongs, and to repel all our dangers. It was not a war merely for Lampedafa, as a Noble Duke (Richmond) had raid, though as the Noble Duke might have looked at that °Nett as a fruitful 'Utica of - future fortification, he ought not to have held it fo dcfpicabk. We were going to war not for inch inferior confederations. but the greaten lake of civil foeiety—for every thing which an independent nation could prize—for the right of legidating for ourfelves, which the enemy had pro- pored to submit to the Rendud of their arbitrary principles. He trailed, Insister, that inch Taloa& privileges we would never abltrinn to the dieateilf any sovereign, whether lawful or ufurping. or N any mars of men huwever formidable in power. ' Hie Lordihip alluded with the higheft praise to the no* of Lord Hawkefbnry, in anfwer to M. Otto's note: and fait/, that it entitled Miniders to the thanks and gratitude of the country. It was necelfary to con fider, whether the War was juft for owvilefs that was found, all the reti was hollow. 'if ut he con- tended, that for Malta alnne, independent of wher circunillances, we had a jult giound of wat. The loth article of the Treaty could not be carried into neeution. The Order seas degraded by the confif cation of their revenues; the guarantees were with held, fo that it could not be executed. By every principle both of the law of nations and of common law, it was necetfary to execute the contra& as near ly in the fpirit and fenfe, if not iwthe form•intended. Ant it was necelfary too that time and conference (hould be employed to that end. Upon taking Up the Treaty on the ground of its being imprafticable. France could not with jußice demand the evacua tion of Malta, fince nothing has continued in the fame Rate as when the former arrangement was eon chided. It had been laid, wish fume ridicule, that ate nomination of the new Grand Matter of Malta was left to the Pope. But was not the nomination of the Pope, from a lift prefented by the Cabinet of Ruffia, as likely to be fati.faCtory as the choice of the Priories, fuch as they are now constituted ; and betides, that arrangement was agreed to before the hoftile and ambitious views of the 19rft Conful wets developed. But fince it had been (hewn that Malta was of the utmoft importance to the prefervation of the interefts of this country, could it be expelled that Malta thould be given up after Sebaftiani's Repott furnifhed us with fuch decisive information of his inten tions ? In his converfation with Lord Whitworth, on the gth of February, the Firft Conful informed us that he had 25,000 men which might have been fent to Egypt, and the hint gave fufficient warning that tome other of the 500,000 men he boated to have in arms might be converted to that purport. Befides, the aggrandifement of France fince the peace emit. led us to new fecurities and compenfation. By the Law of Nature and Nations even an aggrandizement 'by fucceffion or otherwife might have been ground of jeoloufy and fufpicion ; but when that aggrandise. ment had been obtained by violence and injoltice, it could no longer be doubted that we were entitled to make new demands. His Lordfhip then alluded to the feizure of Britilh veffels on the molt frivolous pretences. He likewife dwelt upon the conduit of France to Switzerland. He denied that the pro. pofal of accepting Lampedofa in fovereignty. and. Malta for ten years, was one that was to be rated by the mere value of thefe objeas. The objea gained would have been fecurity that the danger which the ambition of France threatened would be guarded againft for ten years—that Europe would have ob tained a breathing time ;—that means might have been deviled for frefh fecurities. It was for• great objeas like thefe, and nut merely poffefflon of a Ra tion for ten years, that was required. He was aware of the burdens which the conceit would involve, and no man regretted them more than he did --but be knew alto the refources of the country to be equal to any neceCGty. If we had not the chivalry and gal lantry of Creffy, Poiitiers, and Agincourt, we had to oppofe to the enemy the heroes of Aboukir, of the Ni of St. Jean D'Acre, of St. Vincent, of Cain perlown. Similar heroifm and limner achievements. he trolled, would fignalize the prefent conteß ; and with fuch refources ought we to (dnk to , in. Cults? To the energies of the people, Parliament, he tru Red, would fupply wifdom, counlel,and unanimous refolution, to withftand the common enemy, without being influenced by any low tonfiderations of party. Earl Motes acknowledged the jußice of the pie; lure which tome Noble Lords had drawn of all the calamities attendant on a Rate of war. It was jibe the peßilential blall of the •clefert, which withered every thing before it. He alto agreed with the fen timents of the Noble Lord who psopofed the amend ment, that their Lordfhips had not merely to decide upon their own kelingi and interefts, but how far the feelings of the people of the country were congenial. and how far their interefts were to be affedted. How ever, though be coincided in this pofition, and fin cerely approved the motives which generally a&uated the conduEt of that Noble Lord, yet he could not help regretting that any amendment fhould hive been pen. pofed which could tend to produce the kali divetfity of fentiment, upon an occalion when unanimity Vris fo very clearable, and might be produaiye of, he lift eonfequence to the fate of the country. Palfing frem this amendment, which the Noble Earl erpreffed lies hope would not be prelied, he took notice of the manner in which a Noble and Learned Judge hid treated the complaints of the French Government with refpedt to the publications in this country. re. (erring to its administration; and upon this point he was ready to admit the candour of the Ncble Secre tary of State as to the offenfive tendency of the ge neral tenor of thofe publications—for offenfive many of them certainly were. Among thole, however, be did no: mean fo much to dwell upon the fen tirnents of the Englifh newfpapers, as upon thee, which appeared in French newfpapers.publithed London, particularly the Courier Jr Lave. a piper anderftood to be is a great degree under the pecu liar patronage of his Idajefty'slilinifters. If fo, the French Government had very jolt rearm to com plain. It was reviled in the groffea terms of abufe m this publication, and why, he would alit. &mid a paper, which could not be employed for any put.- pals of atnu_fing or informing the peoplc.of this cowl aichbe —ffat4 to purfue that fyfiem of conduit muff operate to difturb the amity fubfiking between the two Governments, more particularly when Government bad power, under the Alien Adt, to (end the Editor out of the country. if it chofe to dif countenance fuch proceedings t Their declining to do fo was not Ids a juftification of the remonerances of the French Government upon this fubjedt than a ground of fufpicion to this country as to the' difpofi mu of his Majefty's ldinilten.Thofe obfervations he thought a fufficient reply to the argonsents ad vanced by the learned Judge on the Mini tterialßench. With refputt to the very animated obfervations of au illudrious pevfonage who (poke early in the debate. they had his heartfelt approbation ; be perfatay agreed with his Royal Highnek, that we were not in that Sate in which we were to confider merely Ithe jollies or expediency of the war, bat whether this eenntry braid golden* Ojoy that lids•