The National Register. — London, England, 1812-05-10 00:00:00

• 6 111 A THE NATIONAL REGISTER. 86 h e particulars of the subject which the Noble Baron had introduced, would repeat what, he had lately asserted on the same occasion, that Captain Henry, so far from acting under the sanction and authority of his elajesty's Government, was unknown, even by name to them s tele many months after the period at which it was stated that he had b. en sent on a mission from Canada. True it was, that in the year eeos, a person, so named, did , of his own accord, propose to be em ployed, as one capable of procuring useful and fair information ; and that, about the close of that year, he returned to Canada, when a general clamour prevailed against the embargo. Upon the 25th of November, intelligence was received that the Congress had secretly ordered 10,000 men, to be kept in readiness to march on the Canadian frontiers to menace the British possessions. This armament, so mar shalled, and with its aspect turned towards the British settlements, could not for a moment be regarded as designed for the accomplish ment of pacific operations. Sir James Craig had at that time, in co eperation wide his Officers, planned an expedition to an another quarter, which he was obliged to recall, and relinquish his designs, because he dreaded the menacing attitude of the people of the United States ; and he was well aware that the salvation of the British settlements de pended upon the presence of his troops. On the 80th of December Congress voted .50,006 volunteers, which could be designed for noth ing else than an attack• on the British possessions. In a conference between Mr. Erskine and Mr. Madison, the latter represented that the conduct of the Belligerent Powers, bad been of such a nature that he would have felt himself justified in commencing hostilities upon the British, without giving any notification whatever. It was soon after wards discussed in the Congress, whether or not letters of marque and reprisals should be issued, and they hesitated OR the matter till the middle of February, when they determined, to preserve their pacific aspect. At that time the Americans had captured several of the British trading vessels upon the lakes, all of which was passed over in silence by the people of Britain. Now at that period the discussions of Congress were no secret, for long before that peace was finally decided upon, the Americans had balanced peace or war as a kind of speculative which measure upon they might calculate their ultimate advantages. At that warlike appearance Sir James Craig might have been justified had he displayed himself against them in a warlike posture, but he, desirous to di.cover the reach of the American aims, and also to inform himself of the inclinations of the people towards pacific measures with Britain, believed that to procure information on those beads was highly lawful and meritorious, and accordingly dispatched Captain Henry, not for the purpose of exciting the people, as had been represented, to revolt against their rulers, but upon a mission highly -warrantable by the appearance of the American people. The instructions to that person were given in consequence of a contemplated war between the two nations. But upon the representation that my Lord Erskine had successfully concluded the negotiations with the Congress, Sir James Craig immediately recalled Mr. Henry, and so the affair closed. During the Month of April 1809, a dispatch was sent by the person who held the office, of which he (Lord Liverpool) was now in posession , desiring the !.ommander in Canada to use extreme caution in the employment of individuals throughout. the United States, lest a circumsta ice should happen that would lead to a misunderstanding between the two countries. r. Henry had been represented as a person who had furnished Govern ment with most, valuable information, and for which he had never re ceived any renumeration whatever. Wherever promises had been held out by Sir James Craig to him, either of a situation under the Go vernment of Canada, or Grants of Money, were prevented by the death of that able Officer from taking effect, and he should believe that his successor would contemplate it as his duty to fulfil those promises. He did contend, that Henry was a person placed to procure and avail himself of whatever intelligence or circumstance might occur in the bosom of a country which menaced war. Some parts of the proceed . ing, he believed, stood plainly forth and explained themselves ; and others, he was aware, would require explanation, which he stood ready to bi stow. He would have entertained a much more exalted opinion of the American Rulers if they had inSde communications with the British Government and desired explanation, which lie had no doubt would have been given in a manner highly satisfactory, -and would have saved the Americans the pains they have taken to colour the transac tion in their own favour in the eyes of the world. Under all these cir cumstances, therefore, he dissented from the motion. Earl GREY conceived the question to be of great importance; and was 4 not sewer - rd to find, that it was impossible for the Noble Lord to de tend the transaction itself. As the transaction had been made known to Government, without being formally disapproved of by them, he thought it was necessary for Parliament now to interiere ; and upon this ground lie should support the motion. Lord Sidmouth, Lord Mulgrave, and the Earl of Westmoreland op pesed the production of the papers. The Marquis of Lansdowne, the Earl of Lauderdale, and Earl Darn ley, supported the motion ; after which Lord Holland replied, and the House divided. For the motion, 27; against it, 73—Majority O.—Ad journed. weriNesnAv, MAT 6. At half past two o'clock the House resolved itself into a Committee, to examine witnesses respecting the state of our manufactures. Mr. Spo(intr, nailer And bankcr, or —.llll. i 140 am , and Mr. Pots, merchant, MAY 10 in the same place, were examined.—Further proceedings on Friday, at two o'clock, and to which day the House adjourned. FRIDAY, MAT 8. Earl GROSTRWOR, after a brief prefatory allusion to the prevalent abuses in the public offices, and to the enormous salaries annexed to those offices, moved for a copy of the appointment of the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, and of his emoluments during the last ten years. After a long conversation, in which the Earls Grosvenor, Fitawil liam, Harrowby, Buckinghamshire, Grey, and Lord Holland, too► part, the motion of the Noble Earl was agreed to.—Adjourned. SATURDAY, MAY 9. At half past two o'clock their Lordships sat in a Committee of Privi leges, on the Bothwick Peerage. Some evidence being adduced, &c. etc. Vile further proceedings were postponed to Thursday next. The Birmingham Police, and Paving Bill, was read a third time and passed. The several Public and Private Bills on the Table were forwarded in their respective stages, after which the House adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. MONDAY) MAY 4. SINECURES. Mr.BANIZS moved, that the report of the Sinecure Office Bill be taken into consideration. Mr. W. Denims argued the against principles of the Bill. in, chief ground of objection was, however, that it violated the articles of Union with Scotland. The LORD AnvocaTz ow SCOTLAND followed on the same side. He was quite aware that gentlemen by no means conceived to what evil results this Bill might lead. Scotland was united to England in their public seal, but in matters of private right it reserved that Scotland should have a keeper of the Great Seal. This office was therefore a memorial of the antient Scotish Monarchy,—it was a lasting symbol of that independent kingdom : and, he conceived, that without the gene , ' outrage to the feelings of a great portion of the British empire, it cotiltt not be destroyed. The House had lately heard of Ireland coming in person to their bar—of Ireland appearing there with her imperial crow ri, demanding the concession of what were called rights, but what he might conceive as privileges, which, it granted, would endanger the safety of the State. The House had lately been threatened with this pompous appearance ; but he did not appear in his place as the advocates for Ireland did. He asked no privileges—he prayed for no favour ; hill he demanded the fulfilment of a contract, the preservation of rights 1 which were never considered injurious to any mortal, which were the legacy given to her children by an antient kingdom, and which were now sanctioned by an union of one hundred years. Mr. LYTTLETON supported the Bill. Mr. COURTENAY spoke at great length against the Bill. It went, he said, to entail a charge on the people in perpetuity, by giving large pen sions to those Who held the first offices in State for a number of yeart, which would, in the end, prove far more burthensorne to the people than those offices and sinecures which it intended to abolish. Colonel BASTARD said, the House had bee n lon g told by Minister that no office in reversion should be granted till the opinion of the Hoa.o. was known ; and now, when, on the recommendation of do many Committees, a Bill has been brought in, and the expectations of :Lc people raised to the highest pitch, they were told the Bill was not prop:: by those very men, who, instead of rejecting, ought to do every thing in their power to amend it. An Honou rable Gentleman opposite (M... 1 Courtenay) had said, the House must not look at things as they are, ' as they were.—Good God! could they shut their eyes to what was p.:,;• ing at the present moment?—Could they . be blind to the starving situ., non of the people, and say, it was impossible those wifortun .3 wretches could bear to see the iota torn from the famished lips of Oa.: wives and children, to pamper in luxury a set of men who are walk "•. ing in wealth produced by places and pensions wrung from their gar' and incessant labour. . . The CHANCELLOR of the FXCHEQUER rose. As to the principle of the Bill, his opinion was that it was perfectly wrong and mistaken. 4 went to say, that the Crown should not. have the power of securing a, fore its service men whom it might judge to be the most capable, if th men happened not to be in a situation to resign all other profession; OT pursuits In order to enter into the publ ic service. It was only by sw. , places as these, that the Crown had now the p ower of prevaiig tx' men to accept of offices who were not completely independert in th , : : , fortunes, and who were obliged.to look to their own ex ertions fo i l . maintenance and provision of their families. It mi g ht be Luppese,.t.h.,t those observations proceeded from a personal biaL ; but he should r.,,: pretend to say that his public servic es were of such i m portan ce to tl; country as to make such a measure necessary. He Lliuuld, licn ivev,l suppose a case of the Crown hdlg at any future time surroum.ed ily, ar i stoc ratic combinations, and that to preser v e its proper place , Constitution, it should deem it necess ar y to call to its service some (~ . ~,,-, tleman from the other side of the H ouse. It would be very posq,-',l, that the Gentleman whom it mig ht so select, and who milt ht be n t I d i worthy of such selection, wouldwould be fount] in such a sltuastivn I M - - 4-7 -7 -