The National Register. — London, England, 1809-04-02 00:00:00

THE NATIONAL REGISTER. "" ice " Our 11ling, elonOtitutiont anti Law. No. 66. SUNDAY, APRIL 2, 1809. PRICE 9d. POLITICAL DISQUISITION. NUMBER SIXTY-FOUR. ....gasimip... THE SPT!UT OF TILE TIME; AND SOME HINTS TO PRINCES AND THEIR ADVISERS. ---allow-- The ivorst and the most obvious evil of the French revolution is, that it has considerably undermined the confidence anti vene ration of mankind for their institutions and princes. The stabi lity of governments rests exclusively on the :respectful attach ments they inspire : as soon as that foundation is removed, the artificial props of standing armies, a vigilant police, and the geverest legal restrictions, will not be able to protect them a moment against the first violent passion which ruffles the com munity. They are torn away by the storm, and the edifice crumbles to pieces. This great political convulsion has left another fatal conse quence behind it. It wound up the feelings and passions of mankind to too high a tone ; and the ardour of enthusiasm has been followed by the frigid indifference of scepticism ;—the ravings of the fever, as soon as the paroxism was over; were followed by langour acd stppefaction. In political, as in phy sical, maladies this is, unquestionably, the most desperate stage, the most dangerous symptom of the disorder; and all the art of the statesman is requisite to resuscitate, by gentle stimula tive, the community to a sense of life and feeling. These phenomena are accompanied by signs equally alarming. The individuals, whose virtue and talents should aftbrd a remedy to these complicated evils, display a degree of levity and' weak ness even superior to the danger which menaces them in parti cular. In this tremendous crisis, the higher classes are the mast insensible and vitiated part of the social body. We shrink back with horror and disgust from fife contemplation of their low and groveling vices ; and, though the very ground they stand on trembles under their feet, they pursue, with insatiable avidity, the same despicable gratifications which plunged the nobility and princes of the continent into an abyss of misery and ruin. All the signs which preceded revolutions in any age or country, accumulate in ours; they terrify from abroad; they multiply at home; and whilst the closest confederacy of the good and in telligent can scarce prevent the explosion, those who pOSSebS qualities of that description, remain isolated and inactive, or encourage, through mistaken heal, and misunderstood patriotism„ the very evils it is so much their duty and interest to repress. Men, who love their country, look *out them with despon dency; they find nothing to encourage; every thing to depress. On the one side, an inexorable, bold, and inveterate enemy, wielding the immense resources of twenty kingdoms, and sue ported by great genius, greater villainy, and more intense hatred, is preparing, with unremitting perseverance, to accom plish our destruction. On the other, our own vices and folly are labouring incessantly t to accelerate au event, the most dis astrous that ever occurred in the annals of the world;—if England, that last mid favourite sojourn of liberty and laws. stoop to a ruthless tyrant, freedom and humanity tly from our distracted hemisphere f►►r ever. Our primitive manners are gone, and with them our energy and love of country. To re-establish them in a soil, where they formerly shot out with so much luxuriance, they must be re planted, and nurtured by the domestic virtues. As soon as the parental and conjugal duties are revered and exercised by the higher classes, the lower v ill imitate the example. The fo t riner Lt.-3 . 0. LAI.I. 'have displayed, since a short time, such an abominable relax ation in their private conduct, that we have rather reason to he surprised that their public is not more infamous. It is a truism almost too trite to repeat, that a bad private man can never be a good public one, and the wretch who is callous enough to abundoa a wife and eight children, in order to live in illicit intercourse with the wife of his friend, will likewise be base enough, if au adequate price be offered, to betray the interests of his country. These are the Jacobins, these arc the conspirators against tip House of Brunswick; for they debauch the state, and undermine its security. The mass of the people, who form their judgment; more from feeling, than elaborate reflection, naturally cease to venerate, and confide in men, who do not even affect to lay any claim to their respect. The same conduct and sentiments pro duced the misfortunes of the continent ; and we shudder least, when the crisis arrives, they may occasion similar disasters in this country. ' Our voice and exertions shall never he wanting to scare, or drag back our countrymen from the precipice on which they are standing. We will touch every string, to hear if a generous toile, will vibrate. We will remind them of the glory and virtue of their ancestors; we will contrast England, powerful, opulent, free, and respected, with her situation as an abject, plundered, and enslaved province. How ! are these reflections too gloomy ! are our apprehensions exaggerated ? The same fatal security, the same indifference to exhortation, were equally prevalent three years ago at Madrid, Berlin, and Stockholm. Awl what • has been the consequence? a foreigu usurper is lording it over one. whilst the legitimate Monarch and his family are pining in French captivity. The nobility, whose vices, intrigues, and pretensions hastened the catastrophe, are now converted into i the suspec ed slaves of an Upstart they must hate and despis e , or paying with their blood the forfeit of their former remissness. The cowariliee and treachery of the Prussian Nobles occasioned the overthrow of that celebrated monarchy ; and the Swedish capital has lately witnessed the atrocity of seeing its young So vereign dragged from his throne to a prison by the very same order. If a generous sacrifice has been made in apy of these countries, it was almost solely performed by the people. Their affection and loyalty:for their sovereigns increased is proportion to their misfortunes ; and calumniated and oegleeted as they were, they adhered to their establishments, when they mere betrayed apd abandoned by the rich. The views of modern statesmen are limited and formal ; they administer by mere rote, according to ordinary forms, without diverging into eccentric suggestions, or hitting on uncommon expedients. They form some vulgar plan, and they vulgarly pursue it. The finesse which distinguished the ancient school is unknown to ours. Force or money, (persuasion Meyer), arc the two great springs which move at present the whe.ls of govern ment; and this clumsy, grating operation, is the primary cause that the people begin to display so frigid an indifference far national concerns. There is something in it of the brutality with which a haughty individual confers a favour; it alienates, instead of conciliating gratitude or. applause. Tit?. harshness of the manner precludes the possibility of affeetionon the part of the people, who judge actions tuore from appearance than their utility. In free states, the secret of government is atrec-. tion; in despotic ones, terror. The latter has been frequently the former, for the last fifteen years, never applied ; and from that time may be dated the apathy of the multilutle. They must likewise have a material object of their affections, and vpt an abstract one. The ancients, who, excelled us as much in the.