The National Register. — London, England, 1815-05-14 00:00:00

_TIM NATIONAL REGISTER. the common interest of all to maintain it. She is resolved mot to be reduced to place it under the perpetual safeguard oearmies ; she cannot do this, being demoralized. " But can this France represented by addresses, this France governed by a man whom peijury and the infraction of all treaties have conducted to the throne; can this France, as long as this man shall speak in her name, pretend to inspire. that confidence which is the first basis of political transaction ? " It is with States as with individuals, their credit results only from their actions. " Europe has declared war against Buonaparte. France can and ought to prove to Europe that she sufficiently feels her own dtgrity, not to chuse the sovereignty of this man. " The I tench nation is powerful and free; her liberty and her greatness repose in herself, and are necessary to the ba lance of Europe. The Peace of Paris and the Congress of Vicuna have proved it. " It is in thi. intention, and in this hope, that the Declara tion of the 13th of March, has been made. If this act is founded on a supposition, it is solely from that which is de rived from the esteem which Europe has justly given to the French Nation. It has judged her. It knows that she is too enlightened in respect to her true interests, too full of the principles of honour to think her subjected to the will of an individual whose power is composed of the elements which bring on the ruin of States. We repeat it; France has but to free herself from her oppressor, has hut to return to the principles on which social order is founded ) in order to be at peace with Europe." MAY 14. guarantee for the mutual protection and security of' different powers, and for re-establishing a general system of Public Law in Europe. Tile first and second objects are 'stated generally and in their broadest extent; but neither of them can be ploperly considered ib detail, without refereoce to the nature and extent of the means by which they may be accomplished.. The first i• certainly that to which, without any modification or exception, his Majesty'• wishes, as Nell as those of the Emperor, would be preferably directed', and nothing short of it can completely satisty the views .% hit h both Se vereigns form for the deliverance and security of Lie- ape.— Shquld it be possible to unite in a concert with (;r at an d Russia, the two other great Military Powers of the Coffin's- t, there weans little doubt that such an uniein of force would enable them to accomplish all that is proposed ; but if (as 'her , is too much ren own to imagine may be the case) it should he found impos-iole to en •l vice Prussia in the Confederacy, it may be doubted whether such operations could be caviled on in all the gnat ters of Europe, as would be necessary for the socces's of the whole of this project. • The second poiet of itself ievolves in it many impel ladit conside rations. The views and sentiments by which his Majesty wid the Emperor of Russia are equally animated in endeavedning to establish this concert, are pure and distinterested. -• Their first view, therefore, with respect to any of the con -tries which may be recovered from France, must be to restore, as far as possible, their ancient rights, and to . provide for the internal happi ness of their inhabitants ; but in looking at this object, tiny must not lose sight of the general security of Europe, on which even that separate object must principally depend. Pursuant to this principle, there can be no question that, wl.en. ever any of these countries are capable of beim; restored to their former independelice, and of being placed iu a situation in which they can protect it, such an arrangement must be most congenial to the policy and the feelings on which Oda system is founded ; but there will be found to be no other countries among those now under the dominion of France, to which these considerations cannot apply-, where either the ancient relations of the comitry are so completely destroyed that they cannot he restored, Cr where mdependenee would be merely nominal, and .alike inc. - insistent with security for 'the country itself, or for Europe ; happily the larger number is of the first description. Should the arms of the Allies be successful to the full extent of expelling Prance from all the domiisions site has acquired since the Revolution, it would certainly be theist object, es has already been stated, to re-establish the Repdh!ies of the United Provinces and Switzerland, the territories of the kill of Morainic Tuseany, Modena (under the protection of Austria), and ' Naples: but the territories of Genoa, of the Italian Republic, in chiding the three Legations, Parma, and Placentia; and on the other Bide of Europe, the Austrian Netherlands and the States which have been detached from the German Empire on the Lett Bank of , the Rhine, ewidently belong to the second class.- With respect to the territories enumerated in Italy, experience has shewn how littis disposition existed-in some, and how little 'mearii in any, to resi,f the. afzeression or inflUenee of France. The King of Spain wits certainly too much a party to the kystetti of which 'so large a prt of Europe has been a victim, to entitle the former interests of his family in Italy to any consideration ; nor does the past conduct of Gentili, or any of the other States give them any claim, either of justice or liberality. I' ' obvious that these separate petty Sovereignties would never again have any soli d existence in them ' selves an d 'woukl only serve to weaken and impair the three nal( It (ight to be, as much as possible, concentrated in the bands of the `Chief Powers of Italy. It is needless to dwell particularly on the state of .the Nether lands.—Events have put out of the qnestion the restoration of them to the-House of Austria.—they are therefore necessarily open to new arrangements, and evidently can never exist separate and indeper dent. Nearly the same consideration! apply to the Ecelesiasttul Electorates, alai de• other territories on the left bank of the Mine, after their being once detached from the Empire, and the forme r possessors of them indemnified. There apnesis, therefore, to be no possible objection, on the strictest principles of justice and public ' Morality, to making such a disposition with retro( to any of lase territories as may be most conducive to the general - interests ; aftJ there is evidently no other mode of 'accomplishing the great and beneficent object of re-establishing (after so much misery and Woodshed), the safety and repose of Europe on a solid and perma nent Imsis. It is fortunate, too, that such a plan of arrangement as in itself essential to the end proposed, is also likely to ,contr?hu'e , iu tie greatest degree, to secure the means by which that grd at end can best be promoted. It is evidently of the utmost importance, if not absolutely indis pensible for this-purpose, to secure the- vigorous and effectual eo- ' A , 4" r ~,,, 7 . ...a. rtes are canaille oi end of being placed iu a situation in which It an arrangement must be most congenial to ngs on which this system is founded ; but )o no other countries among those now under , to which these considerations cannot apply, it relations of the comitry are so completely annot he restored, er where mdependenee al, and .alike inemisistent with security for `or Europe ; happily the laruer is of Mould the arms of the Allies be successful to ling France from all the dominions she has ()lotion, it would certainly be the tit st object, toted, to re-establish the Repitb!ies of the iwitzerlacd, the territories of the kill of Jena (under the protection of Austria), and ones of Genoa, of the Italian Republic, in- "lions, Parma, and Placentia; an on the to Austrian Netherlands and the States width m the German Empire on the Left Bank of clong to the second class.- With respect to ted in Italy, experience has slieviit how littia ome, and how little means in any, to resist 'more of France. The King of Spain was arty to the kysteto of which 'so large a pr rt victim, to entitle the former interests of his consideration ; nor does the past conduct of other States give them any claini, either of ' also obvious that these separate petty .ver again have any solid existence in then , - ;erve to weaken and impair the force Ishii It s possible, concentrated in the hands of the di particularly on the state of .the Nether- it ont of the qnestion the restoratioo of dim a.—they are therefore necessarily open to new idently can never exist separate and indeper- -lie consideration! apply to the Ecelesiasttul ther territories on the left bank of the IZlntie, detached front the Empire, and the forme r ?mnified. There appesis, therefore, to be no the strictest principles of justice aml public melt a disposition with retiree( to any of dose roost conducive to the general interests ; aJtd other mode of "aceontplishing the great and re-establishing (after so much misery and and repose of Europe on a solid and pei ma- nate, too, that such a plan of arrangement as the end proposed, is also likely to contribute , to secure the mans by which that gri at end e utmost importance, if not absolutely indts- ose, to secure the- vigorous and effectual ee- STATE PAPER. OFFICIAL COMMUNICATION MADE TO THE RUSSIAN ASIIIASSADOR AT LONDON, ON THE 19TH JANUARY, 1803, LEPLANATORY OF TITE VIEWS WHICH HIS MAJESTY AND THE ENIFItROIt OF RUSSIA FORMED FOR THE DELIVERANCE AND SECURITY 07 EIJIIOPE, Presented to both Hou.ses - of Parliament on Tuesday. by command of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent. The rtsnit of the communications which have been made by mince Czatoriski to his Majesty's Ambassador at St. Petersberg. nod of the-cotdidential esplanatiOns which have been received from Near Excellency, has been laid before the King; and 'his Majesty has stet► with inexpressible satisfaction, the wise, dignified, arid ge• inertias policy, which the Emperor of Russia ia-dispo*ed to adopt, ruder the pt•esent calamitous situation of Europe. His Majesty is also happy to peter ive that the views arid sentiments of the Empe. ror respecting the deliverance of Europe, and providing for its futtire itranquillity and safety, correspond so entirely With his own. He * therefore dtsirotis of entering into the Most explicit and tn►re- erved explanation on every point connected with this great object, aid of forming the closest union of councils, and concert of inco mes, with his Imperial Majesty, in *order, by their joint influence tid exertions, to insure the co-operation and sasislonce of other P octets of the Continent, on a scale adequate to the magnitude and ciportaixe of all undertaking, on the bucett4s of which the future s aiety of Europe ninst depend. For this poi pose, the first step must be, to fix as precisely as possible the distinct objects to which such a concern is to be' di rected. These. according to the explanation given of the sentiments of the Emperor, in which his Majesty. entirely concurs, appear to be three To rescue from the dominion of France those countries which it has sidijoeated since the beginning of the revolt' t ion, and to reduce Frahce within its former limits, as they stood before that tone, To nuke such an arrangement with respect to the territories recovered fount France, as may provide ter their security and lippp tie , -s, and may at the wipe time constitute a more effectual barrier in' int we against encroarlimente on the part of France. 3. To corm, at the reatoration of peace, a general .agreement and M*o4l6oil_W"." I